A declaration of the Frontispiece.  
BEfore you travel to the Holy land,  
Behold a Page that in the front doth stand  
To give you ●ym and guidance in the way.  
First Europe bids your observation stay  
Upon a Purse of gold (war's surest nerve)  
Whose every cross is interested to serve  
I'●b' Holy war. The gain (alas!) no more  
Then Crosses Gules in ●●●ad of Cross●● Or.  
But see the troops see bow they march along▪  
Where several ranks and orders make a throng  
Promiscuously blended; sex and age,  
Nation and language jointly do engage  
Their devout forces to redress thy woes,  
jerusalem, ravished by barbarous foes.  
Pet●r the Monk leaving his sullen cell,  
His beads and Offices, and every spell  
Of his mysterious zeal breaks forth at last  
To kindle 〈◊〉 the world with fatal blast.  
First Kings proceed; and Captains follow them:  
The 〈…〉 upon the diadem.  
The next are Prelates; who stray far from home  
To win the glorious name of Martyrdom.  
Since all their mild persuasions could not work  
Upon th● obdurate Antichristian Turk,  
They will at length (if nought prevent their plot)  
Confute his Alcoran with sword and shot.  
After those reverend men, whose cloven mitres  
Speak them not warriors so much as writers.  
A baldpate regiment of Friars comes;  
Whose crowns might serve the Army for their drums,  
And give as full a sound, if you'll confess  
The greatest noise 〈◊〉 arise from emptiness.  
Then moves the main Battalia, straight knit  
Into a steady 〈◊〉 halanx▪ square, but fit  
To spread or lengthen, or with art to pair  
The corners till the band grow circular  
T' environ th' enemy; briefly, to reduce  
Their various postures unto every use.  
These are the only Forces; all the rest  
Impediments but specious at the best.  
But oh amazement! what is that we see?  
A troup of Ladies in the next degree.  
Each one appears a Pallas in the field  
Dropped newly from Jove's brain with spear and shield:  
Or Mars so long 〈◊〉 Venus hath possessed,  
Courage is 〈◊〉 into her tender ●●cast.  
March on, brave Amazons; conquest and praise  
〈…〉 of immortal bays;  
Which you, when Autumn age shall pluck your hair,  
In stead of costly periwigs may wear.  
March on: For the shrill trumpet and the fife  
Your tongues may serve; then to secure your life  
You need no weapons, every face and eye  
Carrieth sufficient artillery.  
A slender company doth next succeed:  
Call it the In●antrie; 'tis so indeed.  
As if the driving of the Turks away  
From Christian Cities were but children's play.  
The last in this Religious army crawls  
A band collected out of Hospitals  
And Spitals. One would think this piteous fight  
Did rather come from war then go to fight.  
Their commondation's this, Howe'er the day  
Shall chance to prove, they'll hardly run away.  
This is the total muster. Let the book  
Tell their archie▪ ements; Mean time as you look  
Upon this Frontispiece, you●● plainly see  
Their dismal end and sad Catastrophe.  
Th' incensed Angel with his flaming blade  
Great slaughter of perfidious souls hath made.  
To teach us truth and justice, see how God  
Scourges their falsehood with a fiery rod.  
Then the grand Signior his proud falchion stretches  
With domineering hand over the wretches.  
Low prostrate as his foot. Can Christian eyes  
Endure this figure? Let the captives rise,  
Surly black Saracen; their bended knee  
Has higher objects then to reverence thee:  
They serve a Lord greater than Mahomet,  
Though now their sun be darkened and beset  
With ●louds of disadvantage, time will be  
When such poor things shall triumph over thee;  
And their old prophecy shall be made good,  
Thy Moon shall then be turned into blood.  
The last of their destroyers that you see,  
Is that same ghastly thing th' Anatomy  
Doth represent; a naked cage of bone,  
From whence the winged soul long since is flown▪  
They call it Death. He with his double band,  
Sickness and casualty on either hand,  
Met many stragglers, forcing them to yield:  
And where the Turk before him got the field,  
He took the glean. Thus our so●ldiers fell  
By th' Angel, Turk, and Death; heaven, earth, and hell.  
Those that escaped c●me home as full of grief  
As the poor Purse is empty of relief.  
They're turned, and so is 〈◊〉; but nothing in't,  
Till n●w devotion shall repair the Mint.  
Mean while read ●'re the History: your brain  
There you may fill, though not the Purse again.  
J. C.   


THE HISTORY of the HOLY WAR.  
By Tho: Fuller. B. D. Prebendary of Sarum late of Sidney▪ Coll. in Cambridge  john. 4. 21. The hour cometh when ye shall neither in this mountain nor yet at jerusalem worship the Father Acts. 538. If this counsel be of men it will come to nought. 
●●nted by Tho: Busk one of the Printers to the University of Cambridge & are sold by Io: Williams at the Crane in S. P. Church-yard▪    

THE HISTORY of the HOLY WAR;  
By THOMAS FULLER, B. D. prebendary of Sarum, late of Sidney College in CAMBRIDGE.  
The third edition.  
CAMBRIDGE, Printed by ROGER DANIEL, and are to be sold by JOHN WILLIAMS' at the sign of the Crown in PAUL'S CHURCHYARD. 1647.   

To the Honourable EDWARD MONTAGU St. JOHN POWLET, Sons and Heirs to the Right Honourable EDWARD Lord MONTAGU of Boughton. JOHN LORD POWLET of Hinton▪ St George.  
WHen I observe the several alterations in Nobility, I find four principal actors on the theaters of great Families; the Beginner, Advancer, Continuer, and Ruiner. The Beginner is he who by his virtues refineth himself from the dross of the vulgar, and layeth the foundation of his house: An excellent workman indeed, as who not only bringeth his tools, but maketh his materials. The Advancer, who improveth the patrimony of Honour he receiveth; and what his Father found glass and made crystal, he findeth crystal and maketh it pearl. The Continuer, who keepeth his Nobility alive, and passeth it along neither marring nor mending it; but sendeth it to his Son as he received it from his Father. The Ruiner, who basely degenerateth from his Ancestors; so that in him Nobility hath run so far from its first starting, that it is tired: and whilst he liveth he is no better than his Grandfather's tomb; without, carved over with honourable titles; within, full of emptiness, or what is worse, corruption.  
Now to apply. You cannot be Beginners of your Families; that care was cared for before your nurses were chosen, or your cradles provided. Your Fathers, though of late years fixed in a higher Sphere, were bright Stars long before. None can go on in our English Chronicles, but they must meet with a Montagn and a Powlet, either in peace in their gowns, or in war in their armour. Yea, when I go backward by the streams of your Paternal Nobility, (not to speak of the tributary brooks of their matches) I can never find the first fountain; and hope none shall ever find the last fall. For as for the ruiners of houses, I should rend that thought out with my heart, if it should conceive that of you. Nay, let me tell you; if you be but bare continuers of your Honour, you deceive both the desires and hopes of your friends. Good is not good when proceeding from them from whom far better is expected. Your youthful virtues are so promising, that you cannot come off in your riper age with credit without performing what may redound to the advancing of the honour of your family, and without building your houses one story higher in the English History.  
Now know, next Religion, there is nothing accomplisheth a man more than Learning. Learning in a Lord is as a diamond in gold. And if you fear to hurt your tender hands with thorny School-questions, there is no danger in meddling with History, which is a velvet-study, & recreation-work. What a pity is it to see a proper Gentleman to have such a crick in his neck that he cannot look backward! yet no better is he who cannot see behind him the actions which long since were performed. History maketh a young man to be old, without either wrinkles or grey hairs; privileging him with the experience of age, without either the infirmities or inconveniences thereof. Yea, it not only maketh things past, present; but enableth one to make a rational conjecture of things to come. For this world affordeth no new accidents, but in the same sense wherein we call it a new Moon, which is the old one in another shape, and yet no other than what had been formerly. Old actions return again, furbished over with some new and different circumstances.  
Now amongst all particular histories (I may say) none is more general than this of the Holy war, which now I present to your Honours. Some will condemn me for an ill husband, in lavishing two Noble Patroness in one book, whereas one of them might have served to have patronised many volumes. But first, I did it in the weak expression of my thankfulness unto you, being deeply indebted to you both; and I thought it dishonesty to pay all to one creditor and none to another: and therefore conceived it best, to share my estate jointly betwixt you, as far forth as it would extend. Secondly, considering the weakness of this Work, now being to walk abroad in the world, I thought it must be led by both arms, and needed a double supporter. And now I am sure this Holy war, which was unhappy heretofore, when acted; will be happy hereafter, now written and related, because dedicated to your Honours. So resteth  
Broad-windsor, March 6. 1639. Your Honours in all service THO. FULLER.   

To the Reader.  
IN this work I can challenge nothing to myself, but the composing of it. The materials were found to my hand: which if any Historian will make, let him not be commended forwit, but shamed for falsehood. If every where I have not charged the margin with the Authors names, it is either because the story is author for itself (I mean, generally received) or to avoid the often citing of the same place. Where I could not go abroad myself, there I have taken air at the window, and have cited Authors on others citations; yet so that the stream may direct to the fountain.  
If the Reader may reap in few hours what cost me more months, just cause have I to rejoice, and he (I hope) none to complain. Thus may the faults of this book redound to myself, the profit to others, the glory to God.   

To his worthily dear friend, THOMAS FULLER, B. D. upon his excellent work, the HOLY WAR.  

PEace is thy Calling, friend; thy Title, War:  
What, doth thy Title with thy Calling jar?  
The Holy war! this makes the wonder cease:  
An holy war becomes a man of peace.   

Tasso, be silent; my friend speaks: his Story  
Hath robbed thy poem of its long lived glory.  
So rich his vein, his lines of so high state,  
Thou canst not feign so well as he relate.   

Godfrey first entered on this war, to free  
His Saviour's Tomb from Turk's captivity:  
And too too meanly of himself he deems,  
If thus he his Redeemer not redeems.  
A glorious end ●sppan● did he fear to 〈◊〉,  
In losing life, to gain Christ's Sepulchre,  
But I dare say, were Godfrey now alive,  
(Godfrey, who by thy pen must needs survive)  
He would again act o'er his noble toil,  
Doing such deeds as should the former foil;  
If for no other reason, yet to be  
Delivered unto time and fame by thee:  
Nor would he fear in such exploits to bleed;  
Then to regain a Tomb, now not to need.   
ROBERT GOMERSALL, Vicar of Thorncombe in Devon.   

OF this our Authors book I'll say but this,  
(For that is praise ample enough) 'Tis his:  
Nor all the Muses Nor Apollo's lays  
Can sing his worth: be his own lines his bays.  
ROBERT TYRLING.   

On Mr FULLER'S History of the HOLY WAR.  
THen, Christians, rest secure: ye need not band  
Henceforth in Holy leagues for th' Holy land,  
To conquer and recover't from the Turk:  
'Tis done already: FULLERS learned work  
And pen more honour to the cause doth bring,  
Then did great Godfrey or our Lion-King.  
jerusalem with darkness long beset,  
Captived to time more than to Mahomet,  
Enthralled to silence and oblivion  
(A bondage worse than that of Babylon)  
Is now redeemed. Lo, by this sacred Story  
How she revives into her ancient glory!  
Look, how her buried pinnacles begin to peep  
Out of their venerable dust and sleep!  
See, how the Temple and the Sepulchre,  
Waked with the trumpet of this Holy war  
From their own grave and ruins, do resent  
A resurrection by this monument!  
Stay, Pilgrims, stay; wander not hence so far▪  
Set up your rest here in this Holy war,  
Here you may visit and adore the Shrine  
For which so many Saints in arms combine.  
Behold the Zealous squadrons how they stand  
Armed with devotion for the Holy land.  
They'll take you, if not it: while ye admire  
Their zeal, your love will kindle at this fire.  
Thus learned FULLER a full conquest makes,  
Triumphs o'er time and men's affections, takes  
Captive both it and them; his history  
Me thinks is not a War but victory:  
Where every line does crown (such strength it bears)  
The Author Laureate, and a trophy rears.  
JAMES DUPORT, B. D. T. C.   

To his worthy and learned friend, Mr THO. FULLER upon his excellently composed History of the HOLY WAR.  

CAptain of Arts, in this thy Holy war  
My Muse desires to be thy trumpeter,  
In thy just praise to spend a blast or two:  
For this is all that she (poor thing) can do.   

Peter the Hermit, like an angry owl,  
Would need● go fight all armed in his cowl.  
What, had the Holy man nought else to do,  
But thus to lose his blood and credit too?  
Seeking to win Christ's Sepulchre, God w●t,  
He found his own: This was the ground he got.  
Except he got more ground, when he one day  
Besieging Antioch fiercely ran away.  
Much wiser was the Pope: At home he stayed,  
And made the world believe he wept and prayed.  
Mean while (behold the fruit of feigned tears)  
He sets the world together by the ears.  
His head serves him, whilst others use their hands:  
Whilst Princes lose their lives, he gets their lands.  
To win the Holy land what need Kings roam?  
The Pope can make an Holy land at home  
By making it his own: Then for a fashion,  
'Tis said to come by Constantine's donation.  
For all this Fox-craft, I have leave (I hope)  
To think my friend far wiser than the Pope,  
And Hermit both: He deals in Holy wars  
Not as a stickler in those fruitless jars,  
But a composer rather. Hence this book;  
Whereon whilst I with greedy eyes do look,  
Me thinks I travel through the Holy land,  
Viewing the sacred objects on each hand.  
Here mounts (me thinks) like Olivet, brave sense;  
There flows a jordan of pure eloquence:  
A temple rich in ornament I find  
Presented here to my admiring mind.  
Strange force of Art! The ruin'd Holy city  
Breeds admiration in me now, not pity.  
To testify her liking, here my Muse  
Makes solemn Vows, as Holy Pilgrims use.  
I vow, dear Friend, the Holy war is here  
far better writ then ever fought elsewhere,  
Thousands have fought and died: But all this while,  
I vow there nothing triumphs but thy style.  
Thy wit hath vanquished Barbarism more  
Than ever Godfrey's valour did before.  
Might I but choose, I rather would by far  
Be author of thy Book then of that War.  
Let others fight; I vow to read thy works,  
Prising thy ink before the blood of Turks.   
J. BOOTH, B. D. C. C. C.   

On the Title of this book.  
HOw comes stern War to be accounted holy,  
By nature fierce, complexion melancholy?  
I'll tell you how: She has been at Rome of late,  
And gained an indulgence to expiate  
Her massacres; and by the Pope's command  
Sh● has been a Pilgrim to the Holy land,  
Where freeing Christians by a sacred plot,  
She for her pains this Epithet hath got.  
H. ATKINS.   

NOr need jerusalem that holy mother  
Envy old Tr●y; since she has found another  
To write her battles, and her wars rehearse  
In prose as elegant as Homer's verse.  
Let Sueton's name august as Caesar's be;  
Curtius more worlds than Alexander see;  
Let Joseph in his country's siege survive,  
And Phenix-like in his own ashes thrive:  
Thy work, great FULLER, will outlive their glory,  
And make thy memory sacred as thy Story.  
Thy stile is clear and white: thy very name  
Speaks pureness, and adds lustre to the frame.  
All men could wish, nay long, the world would jar,  
So thou'dst be pleased to write, compose the War.  
H. HUTTON, M. A. C. Jes.   

To my friend Mr THOMAS FULLER, on his book The Holy war.  

While of thy book I speak, Friend, I'll think on  
Thy jordan for my purest Helicon;  
And for biforked Parnassus, I will set  
My fancy on the sacred Olivet.   

'Tis holy ground which now my measured feet  
Must tread on; then (as in due right 't is meet)  
Let them be bare and plain: for quainter art  
May sacrifice to thee without a heart;  
And while it praiseth this thy work, may preach  
His glory, rather than thy merits reach,  
Here, Reader, thou may'st judge and well compare  
Who most in madness, jew or Roman, share:  
This not so blind, yet in the clearest day  
Does stumble still on stocks, on stones, on clay;  
The other will in bright and highest noon  
Choose still to walk by glimmering light o●th' Moon.  
Here thou may'st represented see the fight  
Between our earthly Flesh and heavenly Spirit.  
Lo, how the Turk doth drive with flaming sword,  
Salvation from him and Gods holy word,  
As once the angel did rebellious vice  
With Adam force from blessed paradise.  
And this in style diamond-like doth shine,  
Which firmest parts and clearest do combine,  
And o'er the sad ground of the jewish story  
As light embroidery explaies its glory.  
The temple raised and ruined seems more high  
In his strong phrase, then when it kissed the sky.  
And as the Viper, by those precious tears  
Which Phaethon bemoaned, of Amber wears  
A rich (though fatal) coat; so here enclosed  
With words so rare, so splendent, so composed  
Even Mahomet has found a tomb, which shall  
Last when the fainting Loadstone lets him fall.   
HENRY VINTNER.   

To his old friend Mr FULLER.  

I Love no wars,  
I love no jars,  
Nor strifes fire:  
May discords cease;  
Let's live in peace;  
This I desire.   

If it must be  
Wars we must see  
(So Fates conspire)  
May we not feel  
The force of st●el;  
This I desire;   

But in thy book  
When I do look  
And it admire;  
Let War be there,  
But Peace elsewhere;  
This I desire.   
THO. JACKSON.   

To his worthy Friend Mr THOMAS FULLER on his book, The Holy war.  
THere's not a story, Friend, in thy book told,  
But's a jewel; each line a thread of gold.  
Though War sound harsh, and doth our minds affright,  
Yet clothed in well-wrought language 't doth delight.  
Such is thy gilded phrase, I joy to read  
In thee massacres, and to see men bleed.  
Oft have I seen in hangings on a wall  
The ruins of great Troy, and Priam's fall;  
A story in itself so full of woe,  
'T would make the Grecian weep that was the foe:  
But being wrought in arras, and made gay  
With rich embroidery, 't makes th' beholder say,  
I like it well; This flame, that scar is good;  
And then commend, this wound, that stream of blood.  
Things in themselves distasteful are by art  
Made pleasant, and do much delight the heart.  
Such is thy book: Though it of blood relate  
And horrid War, whose very name we hate,  
Yet clad in arras-language and thy phrase,  
Doth not affright, but with delight amaze,  
And with such power upon our senses seize,  
That't makes War, dreadful in itself, to please.  
WILLIAM JOHNSON, Q. Coll.   

To his dear friend Mr. FULLER.  
WE need not now those zealous Votaries meet,  
Or pilgrims turn; but on our verses feet.  
Thy quill hath winged the earth; the Holy land  
Doth visit us, commanded by thy hand.  
If envy make thy labours prove thy loss,  
No marvel, if a Crusade wear the Crosse.  
CLEMENT BRETTON, Sidn. Coll.   

The History of the HOLY WAR.  

Book I.  

Chap. 1.  
The destruction of the city and temple of jerusalem by the Romans under the conduct of Titus.  
WHen the Jews had made the full measure of 
Anno Dom.  their sins run over by putting to death the Lord of life, 
34.  God's judgements (as they deserved, and our Saviour foretold) quickly overtook them: for a mighty army of the Romans besieged and 〈◊〉 the city of Jerusalem, wherein by fire, famine, sword, civil discord, 
72.  and foreign force 
* josephus, lib. 7. belli jud. Gr. c. 45. Lat. c. 17.  eleven hundred thousand were put to death. An incredible number it seemeth: yet it cometh within the compass of our belief, if we consider that the siege began at the time of the Passeover, when in a manner all Judea was enclosed in Jerusalem, all private synagogues doing then their duties to the mother-temple; so that the city than had more guests than inhabitants. Thus the Passeover first 
* Exod. 12. 13.  instituted by God in mercy to save the Israelites from death, was now used by him in justice to hasten their destruction, and to gather the nation into a bundle to be cast into the fire of his anger. Besides those who were slain, ninety seven thousand were taken captives; and they who had bought our Saviour for thirty pence, 
* Adricom. in Acts Apost. fol. 28 2. credo, ex Hegesippo.  were themselves sold thirty for a penny. The General of the Romans in this action was Titus, son to Vespasian the Emperor. A Prince so good, that he was styled the 
* Suctonius, in Tito.  Darling of mankind for his sweet and loving nature, (and pity it was so good a stock had not been better grafted!) so virtuously disposed, that he may justly be counted the glory of all Pagans, and shame of most Christians. He laboured what lay in his power to have saved the temple, and many therein; but the Jews by their obstinacy and desperateness made themselves uncapable of any mercy. Then was the temple itself made a sacrifice, and burnt to ashes; and of that stately structure which drew the Apostles admiration, not a stone left upon a stone. The walls of the city (more shaken with the sins of the Jews defending them, then with the battering rams of the Romans assaulting them) were leveled to the ground; only three towers left standing to witness the great strength of the place, 
Euseb. E●cl. hist. l. 3. c. 5.  and greater valour of the Romans who conquered it. But whilst this storm fell on the unbelieving Jews, it was calm amongst the Christians; who warned by Christ's predictions, and many other prodigies, fled betimes out of the city to Pella (a private place beyond Jordan) which served them in stead of a little Zoar to save them from the imminent destruction.   

Chap. 2.  
How judea was dispeopled of jews by Adrian the Emperor.  
THreescore years after, 
132.  Adrian the Emperor rebuilt the city of Jerusalem, changing the situation somewhat westward, and the name thereof to Aelia. To despite the Christians, he built a 
* Hieron. ●om. 1. pag. 104.  temple over our Saviour's grave, with the images of Jupiter and Venus, another at Bedlam, to Adonis her minion: and to enrage the Jews, did engrave swine over the gates of the city: Who storming at the profanation of their land, broke into open rebellion, but were subdued by Julius Severus the Emperor's lieutenant, an experienced captain, and many thousands slain, with Bencochab their counterfeit Messias (for so he termed himself) that is, the son of a star, usurping that prophecy, 
* Num. 24. 17.  Out of jacob shall a star arise; though he proved but a fading comet, whose blazing portended the ruin of that nation. The captives, by order from Adrian, were transported into Spain; the country laid waste, which parted with her people and fruitfulness both together. Indeed pilgrims to this day here and there light on parcels of rich ground in Palestine: which God may seem to have left, that men may taste the former sweetness of the land, before it was soured for the people's sins; and that they may guess the goodness of the cloth by the fineness of the shreds. But it is barren for the generality: the streams of milk and honey wherewith once it flowed, are now drained dry; and the 
* Sand. Trau. fol. 145.  whole face of the land looketh sad, not so much for want of dressing, as because God hath frowned on it. Yet great was the oversight of Adrian, thus totally to unpeople a province, and to bequeath it to foxes and leopards. Though his memory was excellent, yet here he forgot the old Romans rule, who to prevent desolations, where they rooted out the natives, planted in colonies of their own people. And surely the country recovered not a competency of inhabitants for some hundred years after. For though many pilgrims came thither in after-ages, yet they came rather to visit then to dwell: and such as remained there, most embracing single lives, were no breeders for posterity. If any say that Adrian did wilfully neglect this land, and prostitute it to ruin for the rebellion of the people; yet all account it small policy in him, in punishing the Jews to hurt his own Empire, and by this vastation to leave fair and clear footing for foreign enemies to fasten on this country, and from thence to invade the neighbouring dominions: as after the Persians and Saracens easily overran and dispeopled Palestine; and no wonder if a thin meadow were quickly mown. But to return to the Jews; Such stragglers of them, not considerable in number, as escaped this banishment into Spain (for few hands reap so clean as to leave no glean) were forbidden to enter into Jerusalem, or so much as to behold it from any rise or advantage of ground. 
* Hieron. tom. 6. pag. 256.  Yet they obtained of the after-Emperours, once a year (namely on the tenth of August, whereon their city was taken) to go in and bewail the destruction of their temple and people, bargaining with the soldiers who waited on them, to give so much for so long abiding there; and if they exceeded the time they conditioned for, they must stretch their purses to a higher rate: So that (as S. Hierome noteth) they who bought Christ's blood, were then glad to buy their own tears.   

Chap. 3.  
Of the present woeful condition of the jews; and of the small hope, and great hindrances of their conversion.  
THus the main body of the Jews was brought into Spain, and yet they stretched their out-limbs into every country: so that it was as hard to find a populous city without a common sink, as without a company of Jews. They grew fat on the barest pasture, by usury and brokage; though often squeezed by those Christians amongst whom they lived, counting them dogs, and therefore easily finding a stick to beat them. And always in any tumult, when the fence of order was broken, the Jews lay next harms: as at the coronation of Richard the first, when the English made great feasts, but the pillaged Jews paid the shot. 
Munster Cosmogr. p. 457.  At last, for their many villainies (as falsifying of coin, poisoning of springs, crucifying of Christian children) they were slain in some places, 
Polyd. Virg. p. 327.  and finally banished out of others: Out of England anno 1291, by Edward the first; France 1307, by Philip the fair; Spain 1492, by Ferdinand; Portugal 1497, by Emmanuel. But had these two latter Kings banished all Jewish blood out of their countries, they must have emptied the veins of their best subjects, as descended from them. Still they are found in great numbers in Turkey; 
Sandys Trau. pag. 146.  chiefly in Salonichi, where they enjoy the freest slavery: and they who in our Saviour's time so scorned Publicans, are now most employed in that office, to be the Turks toll-gatherers: Likewise in the Popish parts of Germany; in Poland; the Pantheon of all religions: and Amsterdam may be forfeited to the King of Spain, when she cannot show a pattern of this as of all other sects. Lastly, they are thick in the Pope's▪ dominions, where they are kept as a testimony of the truth of the Scriptures, and foil to Christianity, but chiefly in pretence to convert them. But his Holiness his converting faculty worketh the strongest at the greatest distance: for the Indians he turneth to his religion, and these Jews he converteth to his profit. Some are of opinion of the general calling of the Jews: and no doubt those who descent from them in their judgements, concur in their wishes and desires. Yet are there three grand hindrances of their conversion: First, the offence taken and given by the Papists among whom they live, by their worshipping of images, the Jews being zealots in the second commandment: Secondly, because on their conversion they must 
* P. Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine, pag. 570.  renounce all their goods as ill gotten; and they will scarce enter in at the door of our Church, when first they must climb over so high a threshold: Lastly, they are debarred from the use of the new Testament, 
* Sir E. Sandys Survey of the West.  the means of their salvation. And thus we leave them in a state most pitiful, and little pitied.   

Chap. 4.  
Of the flourishing Church in judea under Constantine: julian his success in building the temple.  
ADrian his profanation of Jerusalem lasted 
* Epist. ad Paulinum; tom. 1. p. 104.  180 years, as S. Hierome counteth it: during which time, the Christians under the ten persecutions had scarce a leap-year of peace and quiet, and yet bare all with invincible patience; yea, some were too ambitious of martyrdom, and rather wooed then waited for their own deaths. At last, Constantine (a Britain by birth, as 
* Camden, Brit. pag. 51.  all authors agree, save one or two late wrangling Grecians, who deserve to be arraigned for felony, for robbing our land of that due honour) staunched the issue of blood wherewith the Church had long been troubled, and brought her into acquaintance with peace and prosperity. 
326.  Then Helen his mother (no less famous amongst the Christians for her piety, than the ancient Helen amongst Pagans for her beauty) traveled to Jerusalem; zeal made her scarce sensible of her age, being 80 years old: and there she purged mount Calvary & Bethlehem of idolatry; then built in the places of Christ's birth, and burial, and elsewhere in Palestine, many most stately and sumptuous churches. And because she visited the stable and manger of our Saviour's nativity, Jews and Pagans slander her to have been 
* Ambros. cont. in Theodosium.  stabularia, an Ostleresse or a she-stable-groom: The same nickname which since impudent Papists (not for the same reason, but with as little truth) put on reverend 
* Fox, Martyrol. p. 1860.  Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. But these dead flies were not able to corrupt the sweet ointment of her name, fragrant to posterity; and as a 
* Ambros. ibid.  Father writeth of her, Bona stabularia, quae maluit aestimari stercoraria ut Christum lucrifaceret. To her is ascribed the finding out of the Cross, the memory whereof is celebrated the third of May. And from that time the Church flourished in Palestine, being as well provided of able Bishops, as they of liberal maintenance.  
Afterwards Julian going about to confute God, 
363.  befooled himself, and many Jews. This Apostate studied to invent engines to beat down Christianity: yet all the vapours of his brain could not cloud so bright a sun. He gave the Jews liberty (not so much out of love to them, as hatred to Christians) with money and materials to build again their temple, hoping by raising it to ruin the truth of Christ's prophecy. 
* Ammianus Ma●cel. lib. 23. sub initio.  Hither flocked the Jews with spades and mattocks of silver to clear the foundation; the women carried away the rubbish in their laps, and contributed all their jewels and ornaments to advance the work. But a sudden 
* Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3. cap. 20. Theodoret, lib. 3. cap. 20.  tempest made them desist, which carried away their tools and materials, with balls of fire which scorched the most adventurous of the builders. Thus they who sought to put out the truth of Christ's words, 
Sozom. lib. 5. cap. 22.  by snuffing it made it burn the brighter. But the wonder of this wonder was, that the hearts of the Jews, and of him who set them on work, were hardened by obstinacy, to be so miracle proof that all this made no impression in them. Yet 
* Adricom. Descript. t●rrae sanctae▪ pag. 158.  afterwards, the Christians in the place where Solomon's temple was, built a stately church: but not in opposition to God, or with intent to re-establish Jewish rites, but in humility, and for the exercise of Christian religion: which Church was long after the seat of the Patriarch. But for fear to exceed the commission of an Historian, (who with the outward senses may only bring in the species, and barely relate facts, not with the common sense pass verdict or censure on them) I would say, they had better have built in some other place, (especially having room enough besides) and left this floor where the temple stood, alone to her desolations. Yea, God seemeth not so well contented with this their act, the Christians being often beaten out of that church; and at this day 
* Sand. Trau. p. 192.  whosoever (though casually) entereth therein, must either forfeit his life, or renounce his religion.   

Chap. 5.  
Syria conquered by Chosroes; Chosroes, by Heraclius the Grecian Emperor.  
THe next remarkable alteration happened under Phocas the Emperor, who (saith 
* Belli sacri l. b. 23. cap. 21  Tyrius) had a nature answering his name, which signifieth a Seil, or Sea-calf: for as that fish (little better than a monster) useth lazily to lie sleeping and sunning itself on the shore; so this careless usurper minded nothing but his own ease and pleasure, 
610.  till at last he was slain by Heraclius his successor: as seldom tyrant's corpses have any other balm at their burial, than their own blood. Phoeas his negligence betrayed the Empire to foreign foes, and invited Chosroes the Persian to invade it, 
615.  who with a great army subdued Syria and Jerusalem. A conquest little honourable, as made against small resistance, 
Theophanes in Annal.  and used with less moderation: for besides many other cruelties, he sold many thousands of Christians to the Jews their old enemies, who in revenge of their former grudge, put them not only to drudgery, but to torture. Chosroes to grace his triumph carried the Cross away with him, forced all the Christians in Persia to turn 
* Paulus D●aconus, Miscel. lib. 18.  Nestorians, and demanded of Heraclius the Grecian Emperor, that he should renounce his religion, and worship the 
* Cedrenus.  Sun. Thus we see how lightheaded this Pagan did talk, being stark drunk with pride. But the Christian Emperor entering Persia with great forces, quelled at last this vaunting Sennacherib: for to him might he well be compared, 
628.  for pride, cruelty, blasphemous demands, and the manner of his death, being also slain by Siroes one of his sons. Heraclius returning took Jerusalem in his way, and there restored 
* Tyrius, bell. sac. lib. 23. cap. 20.  the Cross (counted a precious jewel) to the temple of the Sepulchre, the cabinet whence it had been violently taken away; and in memorial thereof instituted on the 14. of Sept. the feast of the Exaltation of the Crosse. Yet 
* Baronius, in Martyrolog. 14. Sep.  some make the celebration thereof of greater antiquity: and the Grecians write, that chrysostom (an hundred years before) died on the day called the Exaltation of the Crosse. This if it be true, and not antedated by a Prolepsis, than Heraclius gave the lustre (not first original) to this festival, and scoured bright an old holiday with a new solemnity.   

Chap. 6.  
Of the deluge of the Saracens in Syria, the causes of the far spreading of Mahometanisme.  
BUt the sins of the Eastern countries, and chiefly their damnable heresies, hastened Gods judgements upon them. In these Western parts, heresies like an angle caught single persons; which in Asia, like a drag-net, took whole provinces. The stayed and settled wits of Europe were not easily removed out of the old road and tract of religion, whiles the active and nimble heads of the East were more desirous of novelties, more cunning to invent distinctions to cozen themselves with, more fluent in language to express their conceits, as always errors grow the fastest in hot brains. Hence it came to pass, that Melchites, Maronites, Nestorians, Eutycheans, Jacobites, overspread these parts, maintaining their pestilent tenants with all obstinacy, which is that dead flesh which maketh the green wound of an error fester by degrees into the old sore of an heresy. Then was it just with God to suffer them who would not be convinced with Christian Counsels, to be subdued by the Pagans sword: For though Chosroes had not long a settled government in Palestine, but as a land-floud came and went away quickly; yet the Saracens who shortly followed, as standing water drowned all for a long continuance. 
* Tyrius. bell. sacr. l. 1. pag. 2.  These under Haumer Prince of Arabia, 
636.  took Jerusalem, conquered Syria, and propagated the doctrine of Mahomet round about.  
It may justly seem admirable how that senseless religion should gain so much ground on Christianity; especially having neither real substance in her doctrine, nor winning behaviour in her ceremonies to allure professors. For what is it but the scum of Judaisme and Paganism sod together, and here and there strewed over with a spice of Christianity? As Mahomet's tomb, so many sentences in his Alcoran seem to hang by some secret loadstone, which draweth together their gaping independences with a mystical coherence, or otherwise they are flat nonsense. Yet this wonder of the spreading of this leprosy is lessened, if we consider that besides the general causes of the growing of all errors (namely the gangrene-like nature of evil, and the justice of God to deliver them over to believe lies who will not obey the truth) Mahometanisme hath raised itself to this height by some peculiar advantages: First, by permitting much carnal liberty to the professors (as having many wives) and no wonder if they get fish enough, that use that bait: Secondly, by promising a paradise of sensual pleasure hereafter, wherewith flesh and blood is more affected (as falling under her experience) then with hope of any spiritual delights: Thirdly, by prohibiting of disputes, and suppressing of all learning; and thus Mahomet made his shop dark on purpose, that he might vent any wares: Lastly, this religion had never made her own passage so fast and so far, if the sword had not cut the way before her, as commonly the conquered follow for the most part the religion of the conquerors. By this means that cursed doctrine hath so improved itself, that it may outvie with professors the Church of Rome, which boasteth so much of her latitude and extent, though from thence to infer that her faith is the best, is falsely to conclude the fineness of the cloth from the largeness of the measure.  
Now the condition of the Christians under these Saracens was as uncertain as April-weather. Sometimes they enjoyed the liberty and public exercise of their religion: and to give the Mahometans their due, they are generally good fellows in this point, and Christians among them may keep their consciences free, if their tongues be fettered not to oppose the doctrine of Mahomet. Sometimes they were under fierce and cruel affliction, their Bishops and Ministers forced to fly from their places were kept very poor, as always the Clergy under persecution count that God gives them living enough, when he gives them their lives. 
* Lib. cap. 5.  Tyrius mentioneth one memorable massacre, which they narrowly escaped. For a spiteful and malicious Saracen had secretly defiled one of their Mosques in Jerusalem; which deed being imputed to the poor Christians, they were all presently dragged to the place of execution to be put to death, when behold a young man, a zealous Christian, by an officious lie (the most lawful of all unlawful things) confessed himself alone to be guilty of the fact, and so being killed by exquisite torments, saved the lives of many innocents'. In memory of which act, the Christians in Jerusalem kept a constant solemnity, and once a year triumphantly marched with palms in their hands into the city, to perpetuate the remembrance of this deliverance. The longest vacation from persecution they enjoyed, was when 
* Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 3.  Charles was Emperor of the West, 
800.  surnamed the Great: a surname which he did not steal, but justly win and deserve; not like Pompey, who got the title of the Great, 
Suetonius, in Caesare.  though as Cesar observed he gained his chief fame for martial feats, by conquering the weak and cowardly Bithynians. But this Charles, loved of his friends, feared of his foes, subdued the strong and lusty Lombard's: yet did he not Christianity more good by his war, then by his peace concluded with Aaron Emperor of the Saracens, under whom the Christians in Palestine obtained many privileges and much prosperity; though this weather was too fair to last long.   

Chap. 7.  
The original and increase of the Turks; their conquering the Saracens, and taking of jerusalem.  
BUt the Christians in Palestine afterward changed their masters, though not their condition, being subdued by the Turks. It will be worth our and the Readers pains to inquire into the original of this nation, especially because (as the river Nitus) they are famous and well known for their overflowing stream, though hidden and obscure for their fountain. Whence they first came authors only do agree in disagreeing: but most probable it is out of Scythia, 
* Lib. 1. cap. ult.  Pomponius Mela reckoning them among the inhabitants of that country nigh the river Tanais. This Scythia (since called Tartary) was a virgin-countrey, never forced by foreign arms: for the Monarches who counted themselves conquerors of the world (by a large Synecdoche taking a sixth part for the whole) never subdued it. Alexander sent some troops to assault Naura and Gabaza, two out-counties thereof, as an earnest that the rest of his army should follow: but hearing how these were welcomed, willingly lost his earnest, and disposed of his army otherwise. The Roman Eagles flew not thus far, and though heard of, were never seen here. The reasons that made the Turks leave their native soil, was the barrenness thereof; and therefore the 
* Ovid. 8. Metam.  Poet maketh famine (which sometimes traveleth abroad into other countries) here to have her constant habitation. And yet no doubt so vast a country would maintain her people, if the wildness thereof were tamed with husbandry: But the people (scorning that their ground should be better civilised then themselves) never manure it; and had rather provide their bread with the sword then with the plough. Other partial causes might share in these Turks removal, but the cause of causes was the justice of God, to suffer this unregarded people to grow into the terror of the world for the punishment of Christians: and we may justly hope, that when the correction is done, the rod shall be burnt; especially finding already their force to abate, being at this day stopped with the half-kingdome of Hungary, who formerly could not be stayed by the whole Empire of Greece.  
The first step these Turks took out of their own country was into Turcomania, 
Sabell. Aen. 9 lib. 2.  a northern part of Armenia, 
844.  conquered and so called by them: where they lived like the Scythian Nomads, always wand'ring yet always in their way, none claiming a propriety in the land as his, all defending the common interest therein as theirs.  
The next step was into Persia, whither they were called to assist Mahomet the Saracen Sultan against his enemies; where taking notice of their own strength, the Saracens cowardice, and the pleasure of Persia, 
1030  they under Tangrolipix their first King overcame that large dominion. 
Knolles, Tur. hist. pag. 4.  Then did the Turks take upon them the Mahometan religion, and having conquered the Saracens by their valour, were themselves subdued by the Saracen superstition. An accident more memorable because not easily to be paralleled (excepting King 
† 2 Chron. 25. 14.  Amaziah, who having taken Edom was took with the idolatry thereof) because conquerors commonly bring their religion into the places they subdue, and not take it thence.  
Their third large stride was into Babylon, the Caliph whereof they overcame. And shortly after under Cutlu-muses their second King, they won Mesopotamia, the greatest part of Syria, and the city of 
† Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 7.  Jerusalem. 
1060  Mean time whilst these vultures (Turks and Saracens) pecked out each others eyes, the Christians (if they had husbanded this occasion) might have advantaged themselves, and might have recovered their health by these contrary poisons expelling each other. But the Grecian Emperors given over to pleasure and covetousness, regarded not their own good, till at last the Turks devoured them; as (God willing) shall be showed hereafter. As for those Christians who lived in Palestine under the Turks, they had no lease of their safety, but were tenants at will for their lives & goods to these tyrants: though it reigned not downright, yet the storm of persecution hung over their heads; their minds were ever in torture, being on the rack of continual fear and suspense; and Simon himself was no better than an honourable slave, though Patriarch of Jerusalem, as appeareth by his 
† Knoll●s Tur. hist. pag. 13.  letters of complaint.   

Chap. 8.  
The character of Peter the Hermit; his soliciting the Holy war; the Council at Clermont, and the success thereof.  
IT happened there came a pilgrim to Jerusalem called Peter, an Hermit, born at Amiens in France; one of a contemptible person: His silly looks carried in them a despair of any worth; and yet (as commonly the richest mines lie under the basest and barrenest surface of ground) he had a quick apprehension, eloquent tongue, and what got him the greatest repute, was accounted very religious. With him Simon the Patriarch of Jerusalem often treated, concerning the present miseries of the Christians under the Turks; what hope of amendment; and how the matter might secretly be contrived, that the Princes of Europe might assist and relieve them. Peter moved with the Patriarches persuasions, the equity and honourableness of the cause, and chiefly with a vision (as they say) from 
† Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 12.  heaven (wherein our Saviour himself appointed him his Legate, with a commission to negotiate the Christian cause) took the whole business upon him, 
1094  and traveled to Rome to consult with Pope Urbane the second about the advancing of so pious a design.  
Now, though many cry up this Hermit to have been so precious a piece of holiness, yet 
† Ursperg. Chron. pag. 227. Quem tamen postea multi hypocritam ●uisse dicebant.  some suspect him to be little better than a counterfeit, and a cloke-father for a plot of the Pope's begetting: because the Pope alone was the gainer by this great adventure, and all other Princes of Europe, if they cast up their audite, shall find themselves losers: This with some is a presumption, that this cunning merchant first secretly employed this Hermit to be his factor, and to go to Jerusalem to set on foot so beneficial a trade for the Romish Church. As for the apparition of our Saviour, one may wonder that the world should see most visions when it was most blind and that that age most barren in learning, should be most fruitful in revelations. And surely had Peter been truly inspired by God, and moved by his Spirit to begin this war, he would not have apostared from his purpose: so mortified a man would not have feared death in a good cause, as he did afterwards, and basely ran away at 
† Sabell. Enn. 9 lib. 3. col. 357.  Antioch. For when the siege grew hot, his devotion grew cold; he found a difference betwixt a voluntary fast in his cell, and a necessary and undispensable famine in a camp: 
Et. Aemilius, Digest. Franc. pag. 123. in Philippo 1●.  so that being well hunger-pincht, this cunning companion who was the trumpet to sound a march to others, secretly sounded a retreat to himself, ran away from the rest of the Christians, and was shamefully brought back again for a 
† Ut desertor signorum, fratrum commiliton úmque proditor.  fugitive.  
But to return to Pope Urbane, who was zealous in the cause to further it, and called a Council at Clermont in France, 
1095  where met many Princes and Prelates to whom he made a long oration; 
† Sabell.▪ En. 9 lib. 3.  Authors differ in the mould, but they agree in the metal, 
Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 15.  that it was to this effect: First, he bemoaned the miseries of the Christians in Asia, and the vastation of those holy places. Jerusalem, 
Baron. anno 1095.  which was once the joy of the whole earth, was now become the grief of all good men: 
W. Mal●sb. lib. 4. cap. 1. All have several set orations.  the Chapel of Christ's conception, at Nazareth; birth, at Bethlehem; burial, on mount Calvarie; ascension, on mount Olivet, once the fountains of piety, were now become the sinks of all profaneness. Next, he encouraged the Princes in the Council, to take arms against those infidels, and 
† Baronius, in Anno 1095. col. 688.  to break their bonds in sunder, and to cast their cords far from them, and (as it is written) to cast out the handmaid and her children. Otherwise, if they would not help to quench their neighbour's houses, they must expect the speedy burning of their own, and that these barbarous nations would quickly overrun all Europe. Now to set an edge on their courage, he promised to all that went this voyage, a full remission of their sins and penance here, and the enjoying heaven hereafter. Lastly, thus concluded, 
† Baronius, in Anno 1096. col. 691.  Gird your swords to your thighs, O ye men of might. It is our parts to pray, yours to fight; ours with Moses to hold up unwearied hands to God, yours to stretch forth the sword against these children of Amalek. Amen.  
It is above belief with what cheerfulness this motion, meeting with an active and religious world, was generally entertained; so that the whole assembly cried out, 
† Sabell. En. 9 lib. 3. pag. 354.  God willeth it: A speech which was afterwards used as a fortunate watchword in their most dangerous designs. Then took many of them a cross of red cloth on their right shoulder, as a badge of their devotion: And to gain the favourable assistance of the Virgin Mary to make this war the more happy, her 
† Baronius, ●om. 11. pag. 692.  Office was instituted, containing certain prayers, which at Canonical hours were to be made unto her. If fame which hath told many a lie of others, be not herein belied herself, the things concluded in this Council, were the same night reported at impossible distance in the utmost parts of Christendom. What spiritual intelligencers there should be; or what echoes in the hollow arch of this world should so quickly resound news from the one side thereof to the other, belongeth not to us to dispute. Yet we find the 
† Livius, lib. 45.  overthrow of Perseus brought out of Macedon to Rome in four days; & fame (mounted no doubt on some Pegasus) in Domitian's time, brought a report 2500 miles in one day.   

Chap. 9  
Arguments for the lawfulness of the Holy war.  
IT is stiffly canvased betwixt learned men, whether this war was lawful, or not. The reasons for the affirmative are fetched either from piety or policy: And of the former sort are these.  
1. All the earth is God's land let out to tenants; but Judea was properly his demesnes, which he kept long in his own hands for himself and his children. Now though the infidels had since violently usurped it, yet no prescription of time could prejudice the title of the King of Heaven, but that now the Christians might be God's champions to recover his interest.  
2. Religion bindeth men to relieve their brethren in distress, especially when they implore their help, as now the 
† Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 11.  Christians in Syria did; whose entreaties in this case, sounded commands in the ears of such as were piously disposed.  
3. The Turks by their blasphemies and reproaches against God and our Saviour, had disinherited and devested themselves of all their right to their lands; and the Christians as the next undoubted heirs, might seize on the forfeiture.  
4. This war would advance and increase the patrimony of Religion, by propagating the Gospel, and converting of infidels. If any object that Religion is not to be beaten into men with the dint of sword; yet it may be lawful to open the way by force, for instruction, catechising, and such other gentle means to follow after.  
5. The beholding of those sacred places in Palestine would much heighten the adventurers devotion, and make the most frozen heart to melt into pious meditations.  
6. 
† Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 17.  This enterprise was furthered by the persuasions of sundry godly men, S. Bernard and others. Now though a lying spirit may delude the prophets of Achab, yet none will be so uncharitable as to think God would suffer his own Michaiah to be deceived.  
7. 
† Ibidem.  God set his hand to this war, and approved it by many miracles which he wrought in this expedition, and which are so confidently and generally reported by credit-worthy writers, that he himself is a miracle that will not believe them.  
Neither want there arguments derived from policy.  
1. Palestine was a parcel of the Roman Empire, though since won by the Saracens: and though the Emperor of Constantinople could not recover his right, yet did he always continue his claim, and now (as 
† Baronius, tom. 11. pag. 687.  appeared by his letters read in the Placentine Council) Alexius requested these Princes of the West to assist him in the recovery thereof.  
2. A preventive war grounded on a just fear of an invasion is lawful: But such was this holy war. And because most stress is laid on this argument, as the main supporter of the cause, we will examine and prove the parts thereof.  
Though umbrages and light jealousies created by cowardly fancies be too narrow to build a fair quarrel on; yet the lawfulness of a preventive war founded on just fear, is warranted by reason and the practice of all wise nations. In such a case it is folly to do as countrey-fellows in a fence-school, never ward a blow till it be passed: but it is best to be beforehand with the enemy, lest the medicine come too late for the malady. In such dangers to play an aftergame, is rather a shift then a policy; especially seeing war is a tragedy which always destroyeth the stage whereon it is acted; it is the most advised way, not to wait for the enemy, but to seek him out in his own country.  
Now that the Mahometans (under whom the Turks and Saracens are comprehended, differing in nation, agreeing in religion and spite against Christians) were now justly to be feared, cannot be denied. So vast was the appetite of their sword, that it had already devoured Asia, and now reserved Grecia for the second course. The Bosphorus was too narrow a ditch, and the Empire of Grecia too low an hedge to fence the Pagans out of West-Christendome: yea, the Saracens had lately wasted 
† Sabell. Eun. 9 lib. 3. pag. 354.  Italy, pillaged and burned many Churches near Rome itself, conquered Spain, inroded Aquitain, and possessed some islands in the mid-land-sea. The case therefore standing thus, this Holy war was both lawful and necessary: which like unto a sharp pike in the boss of a buckler, though it had a mixture of offending, yet it was chiefly of a defensive nature, to which all preventive wars are justly reduced.  
Lastly, this war would be the sewer of Christendom, and drain all discords out of it. For active men like millstones in motion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire one on another. Europe at this time surfeited with people, and many of them were of stirring natures, who counted themselves undone, when they were out of doing; and therefore they employed themselves in mutual jars and contentions: But now this holy war will make up all breaches, and unite all their forces against the common foe of Christianity.   

Chap. 10.  
Reasons against the Holy war.  
YEt all these reasons prevail not so forcibly, but that 
* job. Cammanus, De jure Majest. Thes. 22. Et Albert. Aqu. Chro. Hieros. lib. 4. cap. 28. Et Reine●cius in Praef. Hist. Orient.  many are of the contrary opinion, and count this war both needless and unlawful, induced thereunto with these or the like arguments.  
1. When the Jews were no longer God's people, Judea was no longer Gods land by any peculiar appropiation; but on the other side, God stamped on that country an indelible character of desolation, and so scorched it with his anger, that it will never change colour, though Christians should wash it with their blood. It is labour in vain therefore for any to endeavour to re-establish a flourishing Kingdom in a blasted country: and let none ever look to reap any harvest, who sow that land which God will have to lie fallow.  
2. Grant the Turks were no better than dogs, yet were they to be let alone in their own kennel. They and the Saracens their predecessors, had now enjoyed Palestine four hundred and sixty years: prescription long enough to solder the most cracked title, and not only to corroborate but to create a right. Yea, God himself may seem herein to allow their title, by suffering them so long peaceably to enjoy it.  
3. To Visit those places in Jerusalem (the theatre of so many mysteries and miracles) was as useless as difficult; and might be superstitious if any went (as it is to be feared too many did) with placing transcendent holiness in that place, and with a wooden devotion to the material Crosse. The 
† Mat. 28. 6.  Angel sent the women away from looking into the sepulchre, with He is risen, he is not here; and thereby did dehort them and us, from burying our affections in Christ's grave, but rather to seek him where he was to be found. At this day a gracious heart maketh every place a Jerusalem, where God may as well and as acceptably be worshipped. S. Hilarion 
† Hie●on. ●om. 1. p. 103. in Epist. ad Paulinum.  though he lived in Palestine saw Jerusalem but once, and then only because he might not seem to neglect the holy places for their nearness and vicinity. And S. Hierome (though himself lived at Bethlehem) dissuaded Paulinus from coming thither; for the pains would be above the profit.  
4. Lastly, This war was a quicksand to swallow treasure, and of a hot digestion to devour valiant men: no good, much evil came thereby; and the Christians that went out to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence, to the danger of all Europe, and the loss of a part thereof. For though▪ 
— Careat successibus opto,  
Quisquis ab eventu factan●tanda  
put at:  
— may ●e never speed,  
Who from the issue censures of  
the deed:  and though an argument fetched from the success is but a cipher in itself, yet it increaseth a number when joined with others.  
These reasons have moved the most 
† Vide Besoldum, De regibus Hieros. p. 99 & sequentibus.  moderate and refined Papists, and all Protestants generally in their judgements to fight against this Holy war. But as for the opinion of Bibliander (who therein stands without company) if 
† Lib. 3. De Rom. Pon. cap. 17.  Bellarmine hath truly reported it, it is as far from reason, as charity; namely, that these Christians that went to fight against the Saracens, were the very army of Gog and Magog spoken of by the Prophet 
† Ezek. 38. 3.  Ezekiel. Yet must we not here forget, that such as at this time went to Jerusalem (whether ridiculously or blasphemously, or both, let others judge) did carry a 
† Aventinus, lib. 5. Annal.  goose before them, pretending it to be the holy Ghost.   

Chap. 11.  
The private ends and profits of the Pope, which he is charged by authors to have had in this Holy War.  
IT is enough with some to make it suspicious that there were some sinister ends in this war, because Gregory the seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand (and by Luther, 
† In his Chronology.  Larva diaboli) the worst of all that sat in that chair, first began it: but death preventing him, Urbane the second (whom Cardinal Benno called 
† Bal●us, in Rom. Pont. in Vrban. 2.  Turbane for troubling the whole world) effected it. And though the pretences were pious and plausible, yet no doubt the thoughts of his Holiness began where other men's ended, and he had a privy project beyond the public design;  
First, to reduce the 
† Mat. Dress. De bello sac. cited by Lampadius Mellisic. 〈◊〉. part. 3. p. 266.  Grecians into subjection to himself with their three Patriarches of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Constantinople, and to make the Eastern Church a Chapel of ease to the Mother Church of Rome.  
Secondly, this war was the Pope's house of Correction, whither he sent his sturdy and stubborn enemies to be tamed. Such high-spirited men whom he either feared or suspected, he condemned to this employment, as to an honourable banishment: and as Saul being afraid of David sent him to fight against the Philistines, that so he might fall by their sword; so the Pope had this cleanly and unsuspected conveyance to 
† See Daniel, in Henry the third, p. 14.  rid away those he hated, by sending them against infidels. This appeared most plainly in the matter of the Emperor himself, whom he sent from home that so he might rob his house in his absence. At the beginning of this war, the Pope's temporal power in Italy was very slender, because the Emperor's dominions did gird him close & hard on all sides: but soon after he grew within short time without all measure, and did lurch a castle here, gain a city there from the Emperor, whiles he was employed in Palestine: So that by the time that the Christians had lost all in Syria, the Emperor had lost all in Italy; his dominions there being either swallowed up by Peter's patrimony, or by private Princes and upstart free-states, which as so many splinters flew out of the broken Empire.  
Thirdly, hereby the Pope determined on his side the gainfullest controversy that ever was in Christendom. This was about the investiture of Bishops, whether the right lay in the Pope or in secular Princes. Now his Holiness diverted this question out of Prince's heads, by opening an issue another way; and gave vent to the activity of their spirits in this martial employment, and in the mean time quietly went away without any corrival, concluding the controversy for his own profit.  
Lastly, he got a mass of money by it. He had the office to bear the bag, and what was put into it, as contributed to this action from pious people, and expended but some few drops of the showers he received. Guess the rest of his griping tricks from this one which 
† Hist. Angl. pag. 702, & 703. Diversis muscipulis simplicem Dei populum substantiâ suâ moliebatur Romana curia private, nihil petens nisi aurum & argentum.  Matth. Paris reporteth. First, he prompted many people in England unfit for arms, to take upon them to vow to go to the holy war, and this was done by the exhortation and preaching of the Friars. This done, he compelled and forced those Votaries (whose purses were more useful for this service then their persons) to commute their journey into money, the payment whereof should be as meritorious as their pilgrimage. And thus scraped he a mass of coin from such silly people as thought themselves cleansed of their sins when they were wiped of their money, and who having made themselves slaves to the Pope by their rash vow, were glad to buy their liberty at his price.  
As the Pope, so most of the Clergy improved their estates by this war: for the secular Princes who went this voyage, sold or mortgaged most of their means, (selling for gold to purchase with steel and iron) and the Clergy were generally their chapmen. For they advised these undertakers, seeing this action was for Christ and his Church, rather to make over their estates to spiritual men, of whom they might again redeem the same, and from whom they should be sure to find the fairest dealing, then to lay-men. 
† Aemilius, De gest. Fran. pag. 109.  Godfrey Duke of Bovillon sold that Dukedom to the Bishop of Liege; and the castle of Sartensy and Monsa, to the Bishop of Verdune. Baldwin his brother sold him the city of Verdune. Yea, by these sales the 
† Daniel in Henry first, pag. 49.  third part of the best feoffs in France came to be possessed by the Clergy; who made good bargains for themselves, and had the conscience to buy earth cheap, and to sell heaven dear. Yea, this voyage laid the foundation of their temporal greatness, till at last the daughter devoured the mother, and wealth impaired religion.   

Chap. 12.  
The quality and condition of those people who undertook the war.  
IT is not to be expected that all should be fish which is caught in a drag-net, neither that all should be good and religious people who were adventurers in an action of so large a capacity as this war was. We must in charity allow, that many of them were truly zealous and went with pious intents. These were like to those of whom Bellarmine speaketh, who had no fault praeter nimiam sanctitatem, too much sanctity, which 
† Whitaker, De eccls contro. 2. cap. 11.  a learned man interpreteth too much superstition. But besides these well-meaning people, there went also a rabble-rout, rather for company then conscience. 
† Albert. Aqui●. Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1. cap. 2.  Debtors took this voyage on them as an acquittance from their debts, to the defrauding of their creditors: Servants counted the conditions of their service canceled by it, going away against their masters will: Thiefs and murderers took upon them the cross, to escape the gallows: Adulterers did penance in their armour. A lamentable case that the devils black guard should be God's soldiers. And no wonder if the success was as bad as some of the adventurers, especially seeing they retained their old conditions under a new climate. 
Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 16.  And (as if this voyage had been like to repentance, never too soon nor too late for any to begin) not only green striplings unripe for war, but also decayed men to whom age had given a writ of ease, became soldiers; and those who at home should have waited on their own graves, went far to visit Christ's sepulchre. And which was more, women (as if they would make the tale of the Amazons truth) went with weapons in men's clothes; a behaviour at the best immodest: and modesty being the case of chastity, it is to be feared that where the case is broken, the jewel is lost. This enterprise was also the mother of much nonresidence, many Prelates and Friars (fitter to handle a penknife then a sword) left their covents and pastoral charges to follow this business. The total sum of those pilgrim-souldiers amounted to three hundred thousand, and 
† Malmesb. lib. 4. p. 133.  some writers do double that number. No doubt the Christians army had been greater, if it had been less; for the belly was too big for the head; and the medley of nations did rather burden then strengthen it. Besides, the army was like a cloth of many colours, and more seams; which seams though they were curiously drawn up for the present, yet after long wearing began to be seen, and at last broke out into open rents.   

Chap. 13.  
The adventurers sorted according to their several nations.  
THe French, Dutch, Italian, and English were the four elemental nations whereof this army was compounded: of these the French were predominant; they were the capemerchants in this adventure. That nimble nation first apprehended the project, and eagerly prosecuted it. As their language wanteth one proper word to express Stand; so their natures mislike a settled, fixed posture, and delight in motion and agitation of business: Yea, France (as being then best at leisure) contributed more soldiers to this war then all Christendom besides. The signal men were, Hugh surnamed le Grand, brother to the King of France, Godfrey Duke of Bovillon, Baldwine and Eustace his younger brother, Stephen Earl of Bloys father to Stephen afterwards King of England, Reimund Earl of Tholo use, Robert Earl of Flanders, Hugh Earl of Saint-Paul, Baldwine de Burge, with many more; besides of the Clergy, Aimar Bishop of Puy and Legate to the Pope, and William Bishop of Orange.  
Germany is slandered to have sent none to this war at this first voyage; and that other pilgrims passing through that country, were mocked by the Dutch and called 
† Centurist. ex Ursperg. cent. 11. col. 416.  fools for their pains. It is true, the German adventurers in number answered not the largeness and populousness of their country: for Henry the Emperor (a Prince whom the Pope long hacked at, and hewed him off at last) 
† Pantaleon, De viris Ger. part. 2. p. 139.  being desirous to go this voyage, was tied up at home with civil discords. Yet we find a competency of soldiers of that nation, besides those under Godescalcus a Priest, Emmicho the Rhene-grave, and Count Herman their leaders. But though Germany was backward at the first, yet afterwards it proved the main Atlas of the war: that nation like a heavy bell was long a raising, but being got up made a loud sound.  
Italy sent few out of her heart and middle provinces nigh Rome. The Pope was loath to adventure his darlings into danger: those white boys were to stay at home with his Holiness their tender father: Wherefore he 
† Daniel, in Will. the second, pag. 49.  dispensed with them for going, as knowing how to use their help nearer, and to greater profit. Peter's patrimony must as well be looked to, as Christ's sepulchre. But though the Pope would spend none of his own fuel, he burned the best stakes of the Emperor's hedge, and furthered the Imperial party to consume itself in this tedious war. Out of the furthermost parts of Italy, Boemund Prince of Tarentum, and Tancred his nephew (both of the Normane seed, though growing on the Apulian soil) led an army of twelve thousand men. And Lombardy was also very liberal of her soldiers towards this expedition.  
England (the Pope's packhorse in that age, 
Daniel, ut priús.  which seldom rested in the stable, when there was any work to be done) sent many brave men under Robert Duke of Normandy, brother to William Rufus; as Beauchamp, and others, whose names are lost. Neither surely did the Irishmen feet stick in their bogs, though we find no particular mention of their achievements.  
Spain had other use for her swords against the Saracens at home, and therefore sent none of her men abroad. As 
† Amilius, De gest. Fran. pag. 109.  one saith, The Spaniards did follow their own Holy war; a work more necessary, and no less honourable. Thus they acted the same part, though not on the same stage, with our Pilgrims, as being also employed in fight against the infidels.  
Poland had the same excuse for not much appearing clean through this war; because she lieth bordering on the Tartars in her appendent country of Lituania, and therefore was busied in making good her frontiers. Besides, no wonder if Prussia, Lituania, and Livonia were not up in this service; for it was searee break of day with them, and the sun of the Gospel was newly (if at all) risen in those parts. Yea, Poland was so far from sending men hither, that she fetched them from hence, 
† Munster, Cosmog.  and afterwards implored the aid of the Teutonick order, who came out of Palestine to assist her against her enemies.  
Hungary might bring filling-stones to this building, but few foundation or corner-stones, and at this time had no commander of note in this action.  
Scotland also presenteth us not with any remarkable piece of service which her men performed in all this war. It was not want of devotion, which was hot enough in that coid country: rather we may impute it to want of shipping, that country being little powerful at sea: or (which is most probable) the actions of this nation are hidden, as wrapped up in the bundle with some others; I should guess under the French, but the intimacy of those two people is of a far later date.  
Denmark and Norway near-acquainted with the Arctic pole, though they lagged the last, (and may therein be excused because of the length of the way) were sharers in the honour of this employment, and performed good sea-service.  
Sweden either acted not at all, or else had a very short part in this business. That country being a separatist because of her remote situation, had little communion with other parts of Europe. And indeed histories are mute of Sweden, but that of late Gustavus his victory hath put a tongue into them, and hath made that country famous to all posterity.   

Chap. 14.  
The sad beginning of the war.  
THeir first setting forth was checked with bad success. 
1096 Mar. 8.  For Walter Sensaver a nobleman (but what countryman it is unknown) 
† Malmesb. l. 4. p. 133.  who had more of the sail of valour than ballast of judgement; led forth an ill-grown and unproportioned army, with many thousand foot, and 
† Calvisius, po 893. in Ann 1096.  eight horsemen only. But we must not think that this fowl should fly far, whose wings were so short, and train so long. His men were routed and slain by the Bulgarians, and he himself through many miseries scarce recovered Constantinople. 
Aemilius, De gest. Fran. p. 111.  Peter the Hermit with his army went further to meet his own destruction. For after many difficulties having crossed the Bosphorus, they came into Asia, and there found some cities forsaken by the Turks their inhabitants. This they imputed to their enemy's fear, which proceeded from their policy: and therefore being more greedy to pillage, then careful to fortify the places they took, hunted after preys so long till they became one themselves. Hugh brother to the King of France, 
july.  with his surname of the Great, had as little success as the former; his army being quickly abridged by the furious Bulgarians in their passage, and 
† Malmesb. l. 4. p. 133.  he brought prisoner to Constantinople. Besides these, one Gorescalcus a Priest, a wolf in sheep's clothing, and Emmicho a tyrant-Prince near the Rhine, led forth a rout of wicked people, who carried the badge of the Cross, and served the devil under Christ's livery, killing and pillaging the poor Jews and other people in Germany as they went. 
Vrspergens. p. 227, & 228  This made Coloman King of Hungary, not only deny them passage through his country, (and no wonder if he was loath to lodge those guests who were likely to rob their host) but also put most of them to the sword. Some suspected these beginnings to be but the bad breakfast to a worse dinner; and therefore abandoning their resolutions, returned home: others little moved herear, conceived these first defeats to be but the clarifying of the Christian army from the dregs of base and ruder people.   

Chap. 15.  
The Pilgrims arrival at Constantinople, entertainment, and departure.  
BUt now (to speak in my 
* Urspergens. pag. 233.  authors phrase) the chaff being winnowed with this fan out of God's floor, the good grain began to appear. Godfrey Duke of Bovillon set forth, 
Aug. 15.  and marched through Hungary with an army of civil and well-conditioned soldiers; so also did Boemund, Reimund, and Robert the Normane, whose setting forth bare divers dates: and they embraced several courses through several countries; 
Dec. 23.  but the first Rendezvous where all met was at Constantinople.  
This was no pleasant prospect to Alexius the Grecian Emperor, to see the sea full of ships, the shore of soldiers. He had gotten the Empire by bad practices (by deposing and, cloistering Nicephorus his predecessor) and an ill conscience needeth no enemy but itself: for now he affrighteth himself with the fancy, that these Pilgrims were so many pioneers come to undermine him. Yea, he seemeth to have entailed his jealousies on all his successors; who never cordially affected this war, but suspected that these Western Christians made but a false blow at Jerusalem, and meant to hit Constantinople. But though he had a storm in his heart, yet he made all fair weather in his face; and finding these his guests so strong that they could command their own welcome, he entertained them rather for fear then love. At last it was 
* M. Paris, pag. 38.  covenanted betwixt them, that what countries or cities soever (Jerusalem alone excepted) once belonging to this Grecian Empire, should be recovered by these Latins, should all be restored to Alexius; in lieu whereof he was to furnish them with armour, 
Aemilius, De gest. Fran. p. 112.  shipping, and all other warlike necessaries. Thus might that Emperor have much improved his estate by these adventures; but he (like those who cannot see their own good for too steadfast looking on it) by his over-carefulnesse and causeless suspicion, deprived himself of this benefit, and implunged himself in much just hatred for his unjust just dealing and treachery. 
Lib. 6. Vide Erasmum in Adagio. Graeca fides.  Polybius (though a Grecian himself) yet thus painteth out his countrymen amongst the Greeks; If one should lend a talon, though he should have for it ten bonds, ten seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet the borrower will not keep his credit. It seems Alexius was one of this same faith, who though so solemnly engaged on his honour to perform this agreement so advantageous to himself, most un-Princelike broke his word, and molested these pilgrims afterwards.  

† M. Paris, pag. 38.  Some question the discretion of these Princes in this agreement, to bargain to purchase Alexius his profit with their blood, and conceive that they much undervalved themselves in swearing homage unto him; which only 
† Malmesb. 137.  Robert Earl of Flanders (remembering that he was freeborn and bred) refused to do: Yet they may herein be partly excused; for they apprehended it of absolute necessity to gain this Emperor's favour, on what price soever, because his country was the highway through which they must pass. Besides, their zeal to be at their journeys end made them insensible of any future disadvantages, so be it they might have but present expedition to the place they were bound for. And we may also think that Alexius his liberal gifts had great efficacy in this matter, to win these Princes to his own desires.   

Chap. 16.  
The estate of Asia; siege, and taking of Nice: Turk's overthrown in battle.  
AT our last mentioning of the Turks and their victories, we left them possessed of Jerusalem, and the greater part of Syria: but since they have thrived better, and won the lesser Asia from the Grecian Emperor. Indeed those Emperors with their own hands lifted up the Turks into their throne, and caused them thus speedily to conquer. For giving themselves over to pleasure, they gave little countenance, and less maintenance to men of service and action: whereby the martial sparks in noble spirits were quenched; and no wonder if virtue did wither where it was not watered with reward. Secondly, out of covetousness the Emperor's unfurnished their frontiers of garrisons, and laid them open to invasions; a notorious solecism in policy: for if doors in private houses are to be locked, much more frontiers in Kingdoms. Neither did it a little advantage the Turks proceedings, that the Grecian Empire fell to Eudoxia a woman, and her children in minority, too weak pilots to steer so great a State in the tempest of war. And although after other changes it fell to Alexius, one whose personal abilities were not to be excepted against; yet he being totally busied at home, to maintain his title against homebred foes, had no leisure to make any effectual resistance against foreign enemies. Nor did the death of Cutlu-Muses their King any whit prejudicethe Turkish proceedings: for Solyman his son succeeded him, a Prince no less famous for his clemency then his conquests; as victory to generous minds is only an inducement to moderation. In this case under the tyranny of the Turks stood Asia the less; and though there were many Christians in every city, yet these being disarmed, had no other weapons than those of the Primitive Church, tears and prayers.  
But now these Western Pilgrims arriving there, besiege the city of Nice with an army as glorious as ever the sun beheld. 
1097 May 14.  This city was equally beholden to nature and art for her strength; and was formerly famous for the first general Council, called there by Constantine against Arius, wherein were assembled 318. Bishops. The Pilgrims had a Lombard for their engineer; the neighbouring wood afforded them materials, whereof they made many warlike instruments, and hoped speedily to conquer the city. But breathed deer are not so quickly caught. The Turks within being experienced soldiers, defeated their enterprises. And here one might have seen art promising herself the victory, and suddenly meeting with counter-art which mastered her. The lake Ascanius whereon the city stood, having an outlet into the sea, much advantaged the besieged, whereby they fetch● victuals from the country, till at last that passage was locked up by the Grecian fleet. Soon after the city was surrendered, on composition that the inhabitants lives and goods should be untouched; 
june 20.  whereat the soldiers who hitherto hoped for the spoil, now seeing themselves spoiled of their hope, showed no small discontentment. Soliman's wife and young children were taken prisoners, and the city (according to the agreement) was delivered to Tatinus the Grecian Admiral in behalf of Alexius his master.  
From hence the Christians set forward to the vale of Dogorgan, when behold Solyman with all his might fell upon them; and there followed a cruel battle, fought with much courage and variety of success. A cloud of arrows darkened the sky, which was quickly dissolved into a shower of blood. The Christians had many disadvantages: For their enemies were three to one; & valour itself may be pressed to death under the weight of multitude. The season was unseasonable; the scorching of the sun much annoying these northern people, whilst the Turks had bodies of proof against the heat. Besides, the Christians horses affrighted with the barbarous sounds of the Turkish drums, were altogether unserviceable. However, they bravely maintained their fight by the special valour and wisdom of their leaders, (amongst whom Boemund, and Hugh brother to the King of France, deserved high commendations) till at last finding themselves overmatched, they began to guard their heads with their heels, and fairly ran away. When in came 
* M. Paris, pag. 42. & H. Hunting. lib. 7. p. 3●4.  Robert the Normane in the very opportunity of opportunity. Much he encouraged them with his words, more with his valour, slaying three principal Turks with his own hands. This sight so inspired the Christians, that coming in on fresh, they obtained a most glorious victory. Two thousand on their side were slain, whereof William the brother of Tancred, Godfrey de Mont, and Robert of Paris were of special note. But far greater was the slaughter of their enemies, especially after that Godfrey of Bovillon, who had been absent all the battle, came in with his army: yet they wanted a hammer to drive the victory home to the head, having 
* W. Malmsb. pag. 138.  no horses to make the pursuit. Solyman flying away burned all as he went; and to prop up his credit, gave it out that he had gotten the day, pleasing himself to be a conqueror in report. This great battle was fought July the first; 
july 1.  though some make it many days after: Yea, so great is the variety of Historians in their dates, that every one may seem to have a several clock of time, which they set faster or slower at their own pleasure: but as long as they agree in the main, we need not be much moved with their petty dissensions.   

Chap. 17.  
The siege and taking of Antiochia; Corboran overcome in fight; of Christ's spear, and of holy fraud.  
FRom hence with invincible industry and patience, they bored a passage through valleys, up mountains, over rivers, taking as they went the famous cities, Iconium, Heraclea, Tarsus, and conquering all the country of Cilicia. This good success much 
* v●spergens. pag. 233.  puffed them up; God therefore to cure them of the pleurisy of pride, did let them blood with the long and costly siege of Antiochia. This city watered by the river Orontes, and called Reblath of the Hebrews, was built by Seleucus Nicanor, and enlarged by Antiochus. Compassed it was with a double wall, one of square stone, the other of brick; strengthened with 460 towers, and had a castle on the East rather to be admired then assaulted. Here the professors of our faith were first named 
† Acts 11. 26.  Christians: and here S. Peter first sat Bishop, whose fair Church was a patriarchal seat for many hundred years after. Before this city the Pilgrims army encamped, 
Octo. 21.  and strongly besieged it: but the Turks within manfully defending themselves under Auxianus their captain, frustrated their hopes of taking it by force. The siege grew long, and victuals short in the Christians camp: and now 
† Sabell. Enn. 9 lib. 5. pag. 357. Et Aemilius, in Philip the first, pag. 123.  Peter the Hermit being brought to the touchstone, discovered what base metal he was of: ran away with some other of good note, and were fetched back again, and bound with a new oath to prosecute the war. At last, one within the city (though Authors agree neither of his name nor religion, some making him a Turk, others a Christian; 
1098 june 3.  Some calling him Pyrrhus, some Hemirpherrus, others Emipher) in the dead of the night betrayed the city to Boemund. The Christians issuing in, and exasperated with the length of the siege, so remembered what they had suffered, that they forgot what they had to do, 
† P. Aemil. pag. 127.  killing promiscuously Christian citizens with Turks. Thus passions like heavy bodies down steep hills, once in motion move themselves, and know no ground but the bottom.  
Antiochia thus taken, was offered to Alexius the Emperor; but he refused it, suspecting some deceit in the tender; as bad men measure other men's minds by the crooked rule of their own. Hereupon it was bestowed on Boemund; though this place dearly purchased was not long quietly possessed: For Corboran the Turkish General came with a vast army of Persian forces, and besieged the Christians in the City, so that they were brought into a great strait betwixt death and death, hunger within and their foes without. Many secretly stole away, whereat the rest were no whit discomfited, counting the loss of cowards to be gain to an army. At last, they generally resolved rather to lose their lives by wholesale on the point of the sword, then to retail them out by famine, which is the worst of tyrants, and murdereth men in state, whilst they die in not dying. It did not a little encourage them, that they found in the church of S. Peter that 
† Tyrius, lib. 6. cap. 14.  lance wherewith our Saviour's body was pierced: They highly prized this military relic of Christ, as if by wounding of him it had got virtue to wound his enemies, and counted it a pawn of certain victory. Whether this spear was truly found, or whether it was but invented to cozen men with, we will not dispute: However, it wrought much with these Pilgrims; for conceit oftentimes doth things above conceit, especially when the imagination apprehendeth something founded in religion. Marching forth in several armies they manfully fell upon their enemies, and being armed with despair to escape, 
june. 28  they sought to fallen their lives at the dearest rate. Valour doth swell when it is crushed betwixt extremities; and then oftentimes goeth beyond herself in her achievements. This day by God's blessing on their courage they got a noble conquest. Some saw 
† M. Paris, in Gulielmo secundo pag. 57  S. George in the air with an army of white horses fight for them; but these no doubt did look through the spectacles of fancy. And yet though we should reject this apparition, we need not play the origen's with the story of S. George, and change all the literal sense into an allegory of Christ and his Church: for it is improbable that our English nation, amongst so many Saints that were, would choose one that was not, to be their patron; especially seeing the world in that age had rather a glut then famine of Saints.  
And here let me advertise the Reader once for all, not to expect that I should set down those many 
† Mundus senescens patitur phantasias as falsorum miraculorum; propterea sunt nunc habenda miracula valde suspecta, Gerson.  miracles where with Authors who write this war so lard their stories, that it will choke the belief of any discreet man to swallow them. As the intent of these writers was pious, to gain credit and converts to the Christian faith, so the prosecuting of their project must be condemned, in thinking to grace the Gospel in reporting such absurd falsities. But let us know that heaven hath a pillory, whereon Fraus pia herself shall be punished: and rather let us leave religion to her native plainness, then hang her ears with counterfeit pearls.  
The pride of the Turks being abated in this battle, and an 100000 of them being slain, the Christians grew mightily insolent, and forgot to return to God the honour of the victory. Whereupon followed a great mortality, and 50000 died in few days; whether this proceeded from the climate (the bodies of Europe not being friends with the air of Asia, till use by degrees reconcileth them) or whether it was caused by their intemperance: for after long fasting they would not measure their stomaches by the standard of physic, and dieting themselves till nature by degrees could digest the meat; but by surfeiting digged their graves with their own teeth.  
And now we are come to the skirts and borders of Palestine. Wherefore as Heralds use to blazon the field before they meddle with the charge, so let us describe the land before we relate the actions done therein. If in bowling they must needs throw wide which know not the green or alley whereon they play; much more must they miss the truth in story, who are unacquainted with that country whereon the discourse proceedeth. Briefly therefore of the Holy land; as not intending to make a large and wide description of so short and narrow a country.   

Chap. 18.  
A Pisgah-sight, or short survey of Palestine in general; and how it might maintain 1300000 men.  
PAlestine is bounded on the North with mount Libanus; West with the mid-land-sea; South, with the wilderness of Paran, parting it from Egypt; and East, with the mountains of Gilead, and the river of Arnon. To give it the most favourable dimensions; From the foot of Libanus to Beersheba, North and South, may be allowed 210 miles: and from Ramoth-gilead to Endor, East and West, seventy; which is the constant breadth of the country. In which compass in David's time were maintained 
† 2 Sam. 24. 9  thirteen hundred thousand men, besides women, children, and impotent persons: and yet the tribes of 
† 1 Chron., 21. 6.  Benjamin and Levi were not reckoned. True this must needs be, for truth hath said it: Yet is it wonderful. For though the united Provinces in the Low-countrieses maintain as many people in as little a plot of ground, yet they feed not on homebred food; but have Poland for their granary, the British ocean for their fishpond, High-Germany for their wine-cellar; and by the benefit of their harbours unlock the storehouses of all other country's. It fared not thus with the Jews, whose own country fed them all. And yet the seeming impossibility of so many kept in so small a land will be abated, if we consider these particulars:  
1. People in those hot countries had not so hot appetites for the quantity of the meat eaten, nor gluttonous palates for the variety of it.  
2. The country rising and falling into hills and vales, gained many acres of ground: whereof no notice is taken in a map; for therein all things presented are conceived to be in plano: And so the land was far roomthier than the scale of miles doth make it.  
3. They had pasturage to feed their cattle in, in out-countreys' beyond Palestine. Thus the tribe of 
† 1 Chron. 5. 9, 10.  Reuben graed their cattle eastward, even to the river Euphrates.  
4. Lastly, the soil was transcendently fruitful, as appeareth by that great 
† Num. 13. 23.  bunch of grapes carried by two men: For though many a man hath not been able to bear wine, it is much that one should be loaden with one cluster of grapes.  
If any object against the fruitfulness of this country; That there were many wildernesses therein, as those of Maon, Ziph, Carmel, Gibeon, Judah, and these must needs cut large thongs out of so narrow a hide: it is answered, That these wildernesses took up no great space, as probably being no bigger than our least forests in England. As for the greater deserts, we must not conceive them to lie wholly waste, but that they were but thinly inhabited: for we find 
* josh. 15. 61.  fix cities with their villages in the wilderness of Judah.  
Principal commodities of this country were, 1. Balm, which 
* Munster, in Terra sancta pag. 1017. & in Egypt. pag. 1135.  wholly failed not long after our Saviour's passion; whether because the type was to cease when the truth was come, or because that land was unworthy to have so sovereign bodily physic grow in her, where the Physician of the soul was put to death.  
2. Honey, and that either distilled by bees those little chemists (and the pasture they fed on was never a whit the barer for their biting) or else reigned down from heaven, as that which 
* 1 Sam. 14. 27.  Jonathan tasted, when his sweet meat had like to have had sour sauce, and to have cost him his life.  
Besides these, milk, oil, nuts, almonds, dates, figs, olives: So that we may boldly say, no country had better sauce and better meat, having fowl, fish in sea, lakes, and rivers; flesh of sheep, goats, bucks, and kine.  
Mines of gold and silver with pearls and precious stones, Judea rather had not then wanted; either because God would not have his people proud or covetous; or because these are not essential to man's life; or because nature bestoweth these commodities in recompense on barren countries.  
Horses they had none but what they bought out of Egypt for service, using asses for burden, oxen for drawing, and mules for travel. And for many hundred years they used no horses in battle, till David took some from 
* 2 Sam. 8. 4.  Hadadezer. The greatest inconvenience of the land was that it had wild beasts; and their sheep were not securely folded like ours in England, which stand more in danger of men than wolves.  
The chief river of the country was Jordan: over which the Israelites passed on foot; afterwards Elijah made a bridge over it with his cloak: and our Saviour washed the water hereof, by being baptised in it. This ariseth from the springs of Jor and Dan; whence running south he enlargeth himself first into the waters of Merom, then into the lake of Genesareth or Tiberias; and hence recovering his stream, as if sensible of his sad fate, and desirous to defer what he cannot avoid, he fetcheth many turnings and windings, but all will not excuse him from falling into the Dead sea. Authors are very fruitful on the barrenness of this sea, (where Sodom once stood) writing how on the banks thereof grow those hypocrite apples and well-complexioned dust (the true emblems of the false pleasures of this world) which touched fall to ashes.   

Chap. 19  
Galilee described.  
PAlestine contained four provinces: Galilee on the north, Trachonitis beyond Jordan on the east, Judea on the south, and Samaria in the middle. Galilee was divided into the upper and lower. The upper (called also Galilee of the Gentiles, because it bordered on them) comprehended the tribes of Asher and Nepthali.  
Asher entertaineth us with these observables: 1. 
† josh. 11. 8.  Misrephothmajim, the Nantwich of Palestine, where salt was boiled. 2. Sarepta, where Elijah multiplied the widow's oil. 3. Tyre, anciently the royal-exchange of the world; but of this (as of Sidon and Ptolemais) largely hereafter. 4. Ephek, whose walls falling down gave both the death and grave-stones to 27000 of Benhadad's soldiers. 5. Cana the great, whereof was that woman whose daughter Christ dispossessed of a devil. 6. Belus, a rivulet famous for his glassy sand. 7. Mount Libanus, whether so called (as our Albion) from his snowy top, or from frankincense growing thereon.  
Nepthali with these: 1. Abel-beth-maacha: In this borough Sheba that vermin earthed himself, till a woman's wisdom threw his head over the walls: And pity it was those walls should have stood, if they had been too high to throw a traitors head over them. 2. Harosheth, the city of Sisera, who for all his commanding of 900 iron-chariots, was slain with one iron-nail. 3. Capernaum, where Christ healed the Centurion's servant, and not far off fed an army of guests with five loaves and two fishes: so that if we consider what they ate, we may wonder that they left any thing; if what they left, that they are any thing. 4. Kedesh, a city of refuge, whither they were to fly that killed men unawares. As for those who formerly privileged Sanctuaries in England, where the worst traitors and wilfullest murderers were secure from punishment, they rather propounded Romulus then Moses for their precedent. 5. Riblah, where King Zedekiah (more unhappy that he saw so long, then that he was blind so soon) had his eyes put out, after he had beheld the slaughter of his sons. 6. Cesarea-Philippi, the chief city of Decapolis, which was a small territory on both sides of Jordan, so called of ten cities it contained; though Authors wonderfully differ in reckoning them up. 7. Christ's mount, so named because it was his pulpit, as the whole Law was his text, when he made that famous sermon in the mount. This Sun of righteousness, which had all Palestine for his zodiac, the twelve tribes for his signs, stayed longest here and in Zabulon; and as S. Hierome 
* In 4. Mat.  observeth, as these two tribes were first carried into captivity, so redemption was first preached in these country's.  
Lower Galilee consisted of Zabulon and Issachar. Zabulon presenteth us with Naim, where our Saviour raised the widow's son, so that she was twice a mother, yet had but one child. 2. Cana the less, where he showed the virginity of his miracles at a marriage, turning water into wine. 3. Bethulia, where Judith struck off Holofernes his head, though some since have struck off that story, not only from canonical Scripture, but from truth. 4. Bethsaida, upbraided by Christ, famous for her great means, great ingratitude, great punishment. 5. Nazareth, where our Saviour had his conception and education. 6. Tiberias, so called by Herod the Tetrarch in the honour of Tiberius. 7. Mount Carmel, the Jewish Parnassus, where the Prophets were so conversant. 8. Tabor, where our Saviour was transfigured, the earnest of his future glory. 9 The river Kishon, God's bosom to sweep away Sisera's great army.  
In Issachar we find Tarichea, taken with great difficulty by Vespasian. 2. Shunem, where Elisha was so often entertained by an honourable woman. And as if this land had been thirsty of blood, here in this tribe were fought the battles of Gideon against the Midianites, Jehu against Jehoram, Saul against the Philistines upon mount Gilboa. David therefore cursed that mountain, that neither dew nor rain should fall on it. But of late some English travellers climbing this mountain were well wetted; David not cursing it by a prophetical spirit, but in a poetical rapture.   

Chap. 20.  
The description of Samaria.  
SAmaria contained half Manasses on this side Jordan, and the tribe of Ephraim. In the former we meet with Bethshean, on the walls whereof the Philistines hanged Saul's body. 2. Tirzah, where Zimri (whose only goodness was, that he reigned but seven days) burned himself and the King's palace. 3. Thebez, where Abimelech, prodigal of his life, but niggardly of his reputation, not so pained with his death, as angry with his killer, (because a woman) would needs be killed again by his armour-bearer. 4. Megiddo, where Josiah that bright sun set in a cloud, engageing himself in a needless quarrel, wherein he was slain. 5. Cesarea-Stratonis, where Herod was eaten up with worms. 6. Jezreel, a royal city of the Kings of Israel, nigh which lay the vineyard or rather bloud-yard of Naboth.  
Ephraim was adorned with Samaria the chief city of Israel, which at this day showeth more ruins than Jerusalem. 2. Shiloh, where the Ark was long leiger; and where Eli heartbroken with bad news, broke his neck with a fall. 3. Sichem, where Dinah bought the satisfying of her curiosity with the loss of her chastity. And as if the ground here were stained with perfidiousnes, here Simeon and Levi killed the Sichemites, Joseph was sold by his brethren, Abimelech usurped the government, the ten tribes revolted from Rehoboam. 4. Mount Ephraim, a ridge of hills crossing this country. 5. Gerizzim and Ebal, two mountains: the blessings were pronounced on the one, and the curses on the other.   

Chap. 21.  
judea surveyed.  
JUdea comprised the tribes of Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, and Judah. Benjamin flourished with Gilgal, where Joshua circumcised the Israelites. They hitherto had been fellow-commoners with the Angels, feeding on manna, which here ceased; God withdrawing miracles where he afforded means. 2. Gibeon, whose inhabitants cozened Joshua with a pass of false-dated antiquity: Who would have thought that clouted shoes could have covered so much subtlety? Here Joshua sent his mandate to the sun to stand still, and to wait on him whilst he conquered his enemies. 3. Nob, where Doeg, more cruel than the King's cattle he kept, slew eighty five Priests as innocent as their ephods were white. 4. Jericho, whose walls were battered down with the found of rams horns. 5. Bethel, where God appeared to Jacob. 6. Ai, where the Israelites were slain for the sacrilege of Achan.  
Dan had these memorables. 1. Joppa a safe harbour, where Jonah fled from God's service. 2. Ashdod or Azotus, where D●gon did twice homage to the Ark, not only falling bare, but thing off his head and hands. 3. Gath, a seminary of giants, where Goliath was born. 4. Ekron, where Beelzebub the God of flies had a nest or temple. 5. Timnath, where Judah committed incest with Tamar, but betrayed himself by his own tokens, and beat himself with his own staff. Hence Samson fetched his wife, whose epithalamium proved the dirge to so many Philistines. 6. Modin, where the Maccabees were buried. 7. Sorek, the chief if not only rivulet of this tribe.  
Entering on the south-coasts of Simeon, we light on Askelon, where Herod was born. 2. Gaza, chief of the five Satrapies of the Philistines, the gates whereof Samson carried away; and hither being sent for to make sport in the house of Dagon, acted such a tragedy that plucked down the stage, slew himself, and all the spectators. 3. More inland; Ziklag, assigned by Achish to David. 4. Beersheba and Gerar, where Abraham and Isaac lived most constantly, near unto the brook of Besor.  
The tribe of Judah was the greatest of all, so that Simeon and Dan did feed on the reversion thereof, and received those cities which originally belonged to this royal tribe. Memorable herein were 1. Hebron, the land whereof was given to Caleb, because he and Joshua consented not to the false verdict which the jury of spies brought in against the land of Canaan. 2. Nigh, in the cave of Machpelah, the Patriarches were buried; whose bodies took livery and season in behalf of their posterity, which were to possess the whole land. 3. Kiriath-sepher or Debir, an ancient University of the Canaanites: for though Parnassus was only in Greece, yet the Muses were not confined to that country. 4. Tekoa, where Amos was born, fetched from the herdsmen to feed God's sheep; and to dress his vine, from gathering wild-figs. 5. Zoar, Lot's refuge; near to which his wife for one farewell glance at Sodom, was turned into a pillar of salt, to season us to measure a sin by the infiniteness of God who forbiddeth it. Adjoining is Lots cave; where he affecting solitariness, had too much company of his own daughters. 6. Carmel, where Nabal lived as rich as foolish; but those grains of wisdom which were wanting in him, were found over-weight in his wife. Here Uzziah pastured his cattle: a King, yet delighted in husbandry; as thrift is the fuel of magnificence. 7. Bethlehem, where our Saviour was born. 8. Jerusalem, whereof afterwards.   

Chap. 22.  
Of Trachonitis.  
WE want one adequate word of a country to express the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasses beyond Jordan. Trachonitis cometh the nearest, so called because it riseth up in sharp hills, which are known to Ptolemy by the name of Hippus; to Strabo, of Trachones; but in Scripture, of mount Hermon, or Gilead.  
Reuben, though disinherited of the birthright, had this honour of an elder brother, that he was first provided for. His chief places, Heshbon and Medeba, and Macherus, the strongest inland city in that part of the world. Mount Abarim, a chain of hills, the highest whereof was Nebo; the top-cliff of Nebo, Pisgah; whence Moses viewed the land: hereabouts the Angel buried him, and also buried his grave, lest it should occasion idolatry. The river Arnon parteth this tribe from Moab.  
In Gad, we find Peniel where Jacob wrestled with God; lost a sinew, but got a blessing: Jabesh-gilead, where Saul was buried: Ramoth-gilead, where Ahab was slain: Rogelim, the manor of Barzillai, superannuated to be a courtier: Mahanaim, where the Angels appeared to Jacob: The forest of Ephraim, where that execution was done by Jephthah on the Ephraimites, for not pronouncing that heavy aspiration in Shibboleth: the river Jabbok.  
In Manasses, Edrei the city of Og, on whose giantlike proportion the Rabbins have more giantlike lies: Gadara, whose inhabitants loved their swine better than their Saviour. They that desire to be further informed of Canaan, let them spare pains to strike fire, and light their candle at Sir Walter Ralegh's torch.   

Chap. 23.  
The description of the city of jerusalem; the observables within and about her.  
JErusalem by the often change of her fortunes, hath somewhat altered her situation, having hitched herself more north-west-ward. For the mountain of calvary, which formerly she shut out of her gates, as the infamous place of execution, she now embraceth within her walls as her most venerable monument.  
On the south of Jerusalem (once part of her, now excluded) lieth mount Zion, famous anciently for the palace of David: On the east, mount Olivet, parted with the vale of Jehoshaphat; which (some will have) shall be the hall for the great Assizes of the world at the day of judgement, whilst others more modestly conceive that the place as well as the time is concealed. On the west, the hill of Gihen: And on the north it is indifferent plain.  
The monuments which are still extant to be seen without or within the city, are reduceable to one of these three ranks, 1. Certainly true; as the mountains compassing it, which are standards too great and too heavy for either time or war to remove: and such also are some eminent particulars of some places, which constant tradition without rupture hath entailed on posterity. 2. Of a mixed nature; where the text is true, but superstition and fancy have commented on it. 3. Stark lies, without a rag of probability to hide their shame; where the believer is as foolish as the inventor impudent. We will bundle them together, and let the Reader sort them at his discretion: for it is hard to fit the throats, as to please the palates of men; and that will choke one man's belief which another will swallow as easily credible. Neither let any censure this discourse as a parenthesis to this history, seeing that to see these relics was one principal motive with many to undertake this pilgrimage.  
To begin without the city: on the south there remain the ruins of David's palace, too near to which was Uriahs' house; and the 
* Morisons Trau. part. 1. pag. 226.  fountain is still showed where Bathsheba's washing of her body occasioned the fouling of her soul. Next, David's tomb is to be seen wherein he was buried: his monument was enriched with a mass of treasure, saith Josephus: out of which Hircanus 850 years after took three thousand talents. But surely David who despised riches in his life, was not covetous after his death: And I am sure they are his own words, that 
* Psal. 49. 17.  Man shall carry nothing away with him, neither shall his great pomp follow him. Thirdly, Aceldama that burying-place for strangers: and the grave that every where hath a good stomach, hath here a boulimia or greedy worm; for it will devour the flesh of a corpse in 48 hours. Fourthly, Absaloms' pillar, which he built to continue his memory, though he might have saved that cost, having eternised his infamy by his unnatural rebellion. Fifthly, the houses of Annas and Caiaphas, to pass by others of inferior note.  
On the east; First, mount Olivet, from whence our Saviour took his rise into heaven. The chapel of Ascension, of an eight-square round mounted on three degrees, still challengeth great reverence; and there the footsteps of our Saviour are still to be seen, which cannot be covered over. Secondly, the figtree which Christ cursed: for he who spoke many, here wrought a parable; this whole tree being but the bark, and Christ under it cursing the fruitless profession of the Jews. Thirdly, the place where S. Stephen was stoned; and the stones thereabouts are overgrown with a red rust, which is (forsooth) the very blood of that holy martyr. Fourthly, the place where Judas surprised our Saviour, and he fell down on a stone, in which the print of his elbows and feet are still to be seen. Fifthly, the sepulchre of the blessed Virgin: whose body after it had been three days buried, was carried up by the Angels into heaven; and she let fall her 
* Sandys, pag. 190.  girdle to S. Thomas, that his weak faith might be swaddled therewith: otherwise he who in the point of Christ's resurrection would have no creed, except he made his own articles, and put his finger into his side, would no doubt hardly have believed the Virgin's assumption. With this legend we may couple another, which though distant in place will be believed both together: They show at 
* Bidulphs' Trau. pag. 130 & Morisons, part. 1. pag. 227.  Bethlehem a little hole over the place where our Saviour was born, through which the star which conducted the wise men fell down to the ground. But who will not conclude but there was a vertigo in his head, who first made a star subject to the falling-sickness? Sixthly, the vale of Hinnom or Tophet, in which wise Solomon befooled by his wives, built a temple to Moloch. Seventhly, Cedron, a brook so often mentioned in Scripture.  
The west and north-sides of Jerusalem were not so happily planted with sacred monuments; and we find none thereon which grew to any eminency.  
We will now lead the Reader into Jerusalem: Where first on mount Moriah (the place where Isaac was offered, though not sacrificed) stood Solomon's temple, destroyed by the Chaldeans, rebuilt by Zorobabel: Afterward Herod re-edified it so stately (saith Josephus) that it exceeded Solomon's temple; if his words exceed not the truth. But no wonder if he that never saw the sun, dare say that the moon is the most glorious light in the heavens. Secondly, Solomon's palace, which was 
* 1 King. 7. 1.  thirteen years in building, whereas the temple was finished in 
* 1 King. 9 38.  seven: Not that he bestowed more cost and pains (because more time) on his own then on God's house: 
* Vide Tremel. in locum.  but rather he plied Gods work more throughly, and entertained then more builders; so that contrary to the proverb, Church-work went on the most speedily. Thirdly, the house of the forest of Lebanon, which was (as appeareth by comparing the text) forty cubits longer, and thirty cubits broader than the temple itself. But no doubt the holy Spirit speaking of holy buildings, meaneth the great cubit of the sanctuary; but in other houses, the ordinary or Common cubit. It was called the house Lebanon, because hard by it Solomon planted a 
† Adricom. ex Hieron. p. 153.  grove, the abridgement of the great forest; so that the pleasures of spacious Lebanon were here written in a less character. Fourthly, pilate's palace, and the common hall, where the Judge of the world was condemned to death. Fifthly, the pool of Bethesda, the waters whereof troubled by the Angel, were a Panpharmacon to him that first got into them. Here was a spittle built with five porches, the mercy of God being seconded by the charity of man; God gave the cure, men built the harbour for impotent persons. Sixthly, the house of Dives the rich glutton: and therefore (saith 
† Theatr. Terr. sanct. 153.  Adricomius) it was no parable: But may we not retort his words? It was a parable, and therefore this is none of Dives his house. Sure I am, Th●ophylact is against the literal sense thereof, and saith, They think 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Comment. in 16, Luc.  foolishly that think otherwise.  
But my discourse hasteth to mount Calvary, which at this day, hath almost engrossed all reverence to itself. It is called calvary, Golgotha, or the place of a skull, either because the hill is rolled and 
† Illyricus, in 27. Matth.  rounded up in the fashion of a man's head, (as 
† Camden's Brit. in Butking hamshire.  Pen in the British tongue signifieth both an head, and a copped hill) or because here the bodies of such as were executed were cast. As for that conceit, that Adam's skull should here be found, it is confuted by S. Hierom, who will have him buried at Hebron. Neither is it likely, if the Jews had a tradition that the father of mankind had here been interred, that they would have made his sepulchre their Tyburn where malefactors were put to death, and the charnel-house where their bones were scattered. Over our Saviour's grave stood a stately Church, built say some by Helen, say others by Constantine: but we will not set mother and son at variance; it might be she built it at his cost. In this Church are many monuments: As the pillar whereunto Christ was bound when scourged, wherein red spots of dusky-veined marble 
† Bridenb. De Domin. sepulcro.  usurped the honour to be counted Christ's blood. Secondly, a great cleft in the rock, which was rend in sunder at the Passion, whereby the bad thief was divided from Christ, (the sign of his spiritual separation) and they say it reacheth to the centre of the earth: a thing hard to confute. Thirdly, certain pillars which being in a dark place under ground, are said miraculously to weep for our Saviour's suffering. But I refer those who desire the criticisms of those places without going thither, to read our English travellers: for in this case, as good wares and far cheaper pennyworths are bought at the second hand.  
To conclude our description of Palestine, let none conceive that God forgot the Levites in division of the land, because they had no entire country allotted unto them. Their portion was as large as any, though paid in several sums: They had 48 cities with their suburbs, tithes, first-fruits, free-offerings; being better provided for then many English ministers, who may preach of hospitality to their people, but cannot go to the cost to practise their own doctrine. 
A table showing the variety of places names in Palestine.  In the old Testament. At Christ's time. In S. Hieromes time. At this day. 1 Azzah. Gaza. Constantia. Gazra. 
a Sandys, pag. 149.  2 Japho. Joppa.  Jaffa. 
b Adricom. p. 23.  3 Ramah. Arimathea.  Ramma. 
c Merison, p. 216.  4 Shechem. Sychar. Neapolis. Pelosa. 
d Ralegh, p. 311.  5 Lydda. Diospolis.  6 Capharsalama Antipatris.  Assur. 
e Adricom. p. 70.  7 Zarephath. Sarepta.  Saphet. 
f Ralegh, pag. 283.  8 Emmaus. Nicopolis.  9 Bethsan.  Scythopolis.  10 Tzor. Tyrus.  Sur. 
g Sandys, p. 216.  11 Laish. Dan. Leshem. Cesarea-Philippi Paneas. Belina. 
h Ralegh, p. 291.  12 Jerusalem. Hierosolyma. Aelia. Cuds. 
i Sandys, p. 155.  13 Samaria. Samaria. Sebaste.  14 Cinnereth. 
k Adricom. p. 143.  Tiberias.  Saffet. 
l Sandys, p. 212.  15 Accho. Ptolemais.  Acre. 16 Gath.  Dio-Cesarea. Ybilin. 
m Adricom. p. 22.  17 Dammesek. Damascus.  Sham. 
n Bidulp●, p. 94.  18 Arnon.  Areopolis. Petra. 
o Adricom. p. 32.  19 Rabbah. Philadelphia.   20 Waters of Merom. Semochonite lake.  Howl. 
p Sandys, p. 212.    

Chap. 24.  
The siege and taking of jerusalem.  
BY this time cold weather (the best bosom to sweep the chambers of the air) had well cleared the Christians camp from infection; and now their devotion moved the swifter, being come near to the centre thereof, the city of Jerusalem. Forward they set, and take the city of Marrha, and employ themselves in securing the country about them, 
1098  that so they might clear the way as they went. 
Dec. 11.  Neither did the discords betwixt Reimund and Boemund much delay their proceedings, being in some measure seasonably compounded; 
1099  as was also the sea-battel betwixt the Pisans and Venetians. For the Venetians seeing on the Pisans the 
† Sabelli●us, Enn. 9 lib. 3. pag. 357.  cognizance of the Cross, the uncounterfeited passport that they wear for the Holy War, suffered them safely to go on, though otherwise they were their deadly enemies, yea, and set five thousand of them at liberty, whom they had taken captive.  
The Pilgrims kept their Easter at Tripoli, Whitsuntide by Cesarea-Stratonis, 
April 10.  taking many places in their passage; and at last came to Jerusalem. Discovering the city afar off, it was a pretty sight to behold the harmony in the difference of expressing their joy; 
May 29.  how they clothed the same passion with divers gestures; some prostrate, some kneeling, some weeping; all had much ado to manage so great a gladness. Then began they the siege of the city on the north, 
june 6.  (being scarce assaultable on any other side by reason of steep and broken rocks) and continued it with great valour. On the fourth day after, they had taken it but for want of scaling-ladders. 
june 10.  But a far greater want was the defect of water, the springs being either stopped up or poisoned by the Turks; so that they fetched water 
† Aemilius, pag. 135.  five miles off. As for the brook Cedron, it was dried up, as having no subsistence of itself, but merely depending on the benevolence of winter-waters, which mount Olivet bestoweth upon it. Admiral Coligni was wont to say, He that will well paint the beast War, must first begin to shape the belly; meaning that a good General must first provide victuals for an army: Yea, let him remember the bladder in the beasts belly as well as the guts, and take order for moisture more especially then for meat itself; thirst in northern bodies being more unsupportable than famine: Quickly will their courage be cooled, who have no moisture to cool their hearts. As for the Christians want of ladders, that was quickly supplied: for the Genoans arriving with a fleet in Palestine, brought most curious engineers, who framed a wooden tower, and all other artificial instruments. For we must not think, that the world was at a loss for warre-tools before the brood of guns was hatched: It had the 
† Plin. Nat. hist. lib. 7. cap. 56.  battering ram, first found out by Epeus at the taking of Troy; the balista to discharge great stones, invented by the Phoenicians; the catapulta, being a sling of mighty strength, whereof the Syrians were authors: and perchance King 
† 2 Chron. 26. 15.  Uzziah first made it; for we find him very dextrous and happy in devising such things. And although these Bear-whelps were but rude and unshaped at the first, yet art did lick them afterwards, and they got more teeth and sharper nails by degrees; so that every age set them forth in a new edition, corrected and amended. But these and many more voluminous engines (for the ram alone had an hundred men to manage it) are now virtually epitomised in the cannon. And though some may say, that the finding of guns hath been the losing of many men's lives, yet it will appear that battles now are fought with more expedition, and victory standeth not so long a neuter, before she express herself on one side or other.  
But these guns have shot my discourse from the siege of Jerusalem: To return thither again. By this time, 
july 11.  in the space of a 
† M. Paris, pag. 63.  month, the Genoans had finished their engines which they built 
† P. Aemilius, pag. 135. & Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 6.  seven miles off: for nearer there grew no stick of bigness. I will not say, that since our Saviour was hanged on a tree, the land about that city hath been cursed with a barrenness of wood. And now for a preparative, that their courage might work the better, they began with a fast, 
july 12.  and a solemn procession about mount Olivet.  
Next day they gave a fierce assault; 
july 13.  yea, 
† Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 13.  women played the men, and fought most valiantly in armour. But they within being forty thousand strong, well victualled and appointed, made stout resistance till the night (accounted but a foe for her friendship) umpired betwixt them, and abruptly put an end to their fight in the midst of their courage.  
When the first light brought news of a morning, they on afresh; the rather, because they had 
† P. Aemilius, pag. 136.  intercepted a letter tied to the legs of a dove (it being the fashion of that country both to write and send their letters with the wings of a 
† The manner set down at large, Bidulphs' Trau. pag. 43.  fowl) wherein the Persian Emperor promised present succours to the besieged. The Turks cased the outside of their walls with bags of chaff, straw, and such like pliable matter, which conquered the engines of the Christians by yielding unto them. As for one sturdy engine whose force would not be tamed, they brought 
† Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 15.  two old witches on the walls to inchant it: but the spirit thereof was too strong for their spells, so that both of them were miserably slain in the place.  
The day following, 
july 15.  Duke 
† Idem lib. 8. cap. 18.  Godfrey fired much combustible matter, the smoke whereof (the light cause of an heavy effect) driven with the wind, blinded the Turks eyes; and under the protection thereof, the Christians entered the city: Godfrey himself first footing the walls, and then his brother Eustace. The Turks retired to Solomon's temple (so called because built in the same place) there to take the farewell of their lives. In a desperate conflict there, the foremost of the Christians were miserably slain, thrust upon the weapons of their enemies by their fellows that followed them. The pavement so swum, that none could go but either through a rivulet of blood, or over a bridge of dead bodies. Valour was not wanting in the Turks, but superlatively abundant in the Christians, till night made them leave off. Next morning mercy was proclaimed to all those that would lay down their weapons: For though blood be the best sauce for victory, yet must it not be more than the meat. Thus was Jerusalem won by the Christians, and 
* M. Paris, pag. 65.  twenty thousand Turks therein slain, on the fifteenth of July being Friday, about three of the clock in the afternoon. 
* lib. 8. c. 18.  Tyrius findeth a great mystery in the time; because Adam was created on a Friday, and on the same day and hour our Saviour suffered. But these Synchronismes, as when they are natural they are pretty and pleasing; so when violently wrested, nothing more poor and ridiculous.  
Then many Christians, 
july 18.  who all this while had lived in Jerusalem in most lamentable slavery, being glad to lurk in secret (as truth oftentimes seeketh corners, as fearing her judge, though never as suspecting her cause) came forth joyfully, welcomed and embraced these the procurers of their liberty.  
Three days after it was concluded, as necessary piece of 
* Besoldus, De regibus Hierosol. ex variis autoribus, pag. 119.  severity for their defence, to put all the Turks in Jerusalem to death; which was accordingly performed without favour to age or sex. The pretence was for fear of treason in them, if the Emperor of Persia should besiege the city. And some slew them with the same zeal wherewith Saul slew the Gibeonites; and thought it unfit that these goats should live in the sheep's pasture. But noble Tancred was highly displeased hereat, because done in cold blood, it being no slip of an extemporary passion, but a studied and premeditated act; and that against pardon proclaimed, many of them having compounded and paid for their lives and liberty. Besides, the execution was merciless, upon sucking children, whose not-speaking spoke for them; and on women, whose weakness is a shield to defend them against a valiant man. To conclude, Severity hot in the fourth degree, is little better than poison, and becometh cruelty itself: and this act seemeth to be of the same nature.   
The end of the first Book.    

The History of the HOLY WAR.  

Book II.  

Chap. 1.  
Robert the Normane refuseth the Kingdom of jerusalem; Godfrey of Bovillon chosen King; his parentage, education, and virtues.  
EIght days after Jerusalem was won, 
Anno Dom.  they proceeded to the election of a King: 
1099 july 23.  but they had so much choice that they had no choice at all; so many Princes there were, and so equally eminent, that Justice herself must suspend her verdict, not knowing which of them best deserved the Crown. Yet it was their pleasure to pitch on Robert the Normane as on the man of highest descent, being son to a King: for great Hugh of France was already returned home, pretending the colic; though some impute it to cowardliness, and make the disease not in his bowels, but his heart.  
Robert refused this honourable proffer; 
P. Aemylius, pag. 137.  whether because he had an eye to the Kingdom of England now void by the death of William Rufus, or because he accounted Jerusalem would be encumbered with continual war. 
Henry Hunting. lib. 7. pag. 37●.  But he who would not take the Crown with the Cross, was fain to take the Cross without the Crown, and never thrived afterwards in any thing he undertook. Thus they who refuse what God fairly carveth for them, do never after cut well for themselves. He lived to see much misery, and felt more, having his eyes put out by King Henry his brother; and at last found rest (when buried) in the new Cathedral Church of Gloucester under a 
† Cambden Brit. pag. 255.  wooden monument, bearing better proportion to his low fortunes then high birth. And since, in the same choir he hath got the company of another Prince as unfortunate as himself, King Edward the second.  
They go on to a second choice; and that they may know the natures of the Princes the better, their servants were examined on oath to confess their master's faults. The 
* Tyrius, lib. 9 cap, 2.  servants of Godfrey of Bovillon protested their masters only fault was this, That when Matins were done he would stay so long in the church, to know of the Priest the meaning of every image and picture, that dinner at home was spoiled by his long tarrying. All admired hereat, that this man's worst vice should be so great a virtue, and unanimously chose him their King. He accepted the place, but refused the solemnity thereof; and would not wear a crown of gold there, where the Saviour of mankind had worn a crown of thorns.  
He was son to Eustace Duke of Bovillon, and Ida his wife, daughter and heir to Godfrey Duke of Lorrein; born, saith 
† Lib. 9 cap. 5.  Tyrius, at Bologne a town in Champagne on the English sea, which he mistaketh for Bovillon up higher in the continent near the country of Lutzenburg. Such slips are incident to the penns of the best authors: yea, we may see Canterbury mistaken for Cambridge, not only in 
† Lib. 2. Cosmog. p. 50.  Munster, but even in all our own printed Statute-books in the 12. of Richard the 
† As Caius proveth it plainly out of Walfingham.  second. He was brought up in that school of valour, the court of Henry the 4. the Emperor. Whilst he lived there, there happened an intricate suit betwixt him and another Prince about title of land; and because Judges could not untie the knot, it was concluded the two Princes should cut it asunder with their sword in a combat. Godfrey was very 
† Quantum potuit renitebatur, ●Tyrius, lib. 9 cap. 7.  unwilling to fight, not that he was the worse soldier, but the better Christian: he made the demur not in his courage, but in his conscience; as conceiving any private title for land not ground enough for a duel: Yea, we may observe generally, that they who long most to fight duels, are the first that surfeit of them. Notwithstanding, he yielded to the tyranny of custom, and after the fashion of the country entered the lists: when at the first encounter his sword broke, but he struck his adversary down with the hilt, yet so that he saved his life, and gained his own inheritance. Another parallel act of his valour was when, being standard-bearer to the Emperor, he with the imperial ensign killed Rodulphus the Duke of Saxony in single fight, and fed the Eagle on the bowels of that arch-rebel. His soul was enriched with many virtues, but the most orient of all was his humility, which took all men's affections without resistance: And though one saith, Take away ambition, and you take away the spurs of a soldier; yet, Godfrey without those spurs road on most triumphantly.   

Chap. 2.  
The establishing of Ecclesiastical affairs, and Patriarches in Antioch and jerusalem; the numerosity of Palestine-Bishops.  
BUt now let us leave the Helmets, and look on the Mitres, and consider the ordering of Ecclesiastical affairs. For the Commonwealth is a Ring, the Church the Diamond; both well set together receive, and return lustre each to other. As soon as Antioch was taken, one Bernard (a reverend Prelate) was made Patriarch there with general consent. But more stir was there about that place in Jerusalem: For first Arnulphus, a worthless and vicious man, was by 
† Fatuo populo suffragia inconsulta ministrante, Tyrius, lib. 9 cap. 4.  popular faction lifted up into the Patriarches chair; but with much ado was avoided, and Dabert, Archbishop of Pisa, substituted in his room: one very wise and politic, an excellent bookman in reading of men, and otherwise well studied, especially as that age went, wherein a mediocrity was an eminency in learning. But he was infected with the humour of the clergy of that age, who counted themselves to want room, except they justled with Princes. As for Arnulphus, he never ceased to trouble and molest this Dabert; and as a firebrand smoketh most when out of the chimney, so he after his displacing was most turbulent and unquiet, ever sitting on his skirts that sat in the Patriarches chair, till after many changes he struggled himself again into the place.  
Under these Patriarches many Archbishops and Bishops were appointed, in the very places (as near as might be) where they were before the Saracens overrunning the country, and good maintenance assigned to most of them.  
But at this time Bishops were set too thick for all to grow great; and Palestine fed too many Cathedral Churches to have them generally fat. 
† Vide tabulas Adricomii.  Lydda, Jamnia, and Joppa, three Episcopal towns, were within four miles one of another. Yea, 
† Lib. 14. c. 12  Tyrius makes 14 Bishops under the Archbishop of Tyre, 20 under the Archbishop of Caesarea, under the Archbishop of Scythopolis 9, 12 under the Archbishop of Rabbah, besides 25 suffragan churches, which it seems were immediately depending on the Patriarch of Jerusalem, without subordination to any Archbishop. Surely, many of these Bishops (to use Bishop 
† In the Archbishops of Cant. p. 143.  Langhams' expression) had high racks, but poor mangers. Neither let it stagger the reader, if in that catalogue of Tyrius he light on many Bishop's seats which are not to be found in Mercator, Ortelius, or any other Geographer; for some of them were such poor places, that they were ashamed to appear in a map, and fall so much under a Geographers notice, that they fall not under it. For in that age Bishops had their Sees at poor and contemptible villages; (as here in England before the Conquest, who would suspect Sunning in Berkshire, or Dorchester near Oxford to have had Cathedral churches?) till in the days of 
* Fox Martyrolog. p. 173.  William the first, Bishops removed their seats to the principal towns in the shire.   

Chap. 3.  
The Saracens conquered at Askelon.  
Mahomets' tomb hung not so strong but now it began to shake, and was likely to ●all. These victories of the Christians gave a deadly wound to that religion. Wherefore the Saracens combined themselves with the Turks to assist them, there being betwixt these two nations, I will not say an unity, but a conspiracy in the same superstition, so that therein they were like a nest of hornets, stir one and anger all. Wherefore coming out of Egypt under Ammiravissus their General, at Askelon they gave the Christians battle. 
Aug. 12.  But God sent such a qualm of cowardliness over the hearts of these Infidels, that an hundred thousand of them were quickly slain; so that it was rather an execution than a fight; and their rich tents which seemed to be the 
* Tyrius, lib. 9 cap. 12.  exchequer of the East-country, spoiled; so that the Pilgrims knew not how to value the wealth they found in them.  
This victory obtained, such Pilgrims as were disposed to return, add ressed themselves for their country; and these merchants for honour went home, having made a gainful adventure. Those that remained were advanced to Signories in the land; as Tancred was made governor of Galilee. Nor will it be amiss to insert this story: Peter Bishop of Anagnia in Italy, was purposed here to lead his life without taking care for his charge, when behold S. Magnus' 
* Baronius out of Brunus in anno 1099.  patron of that church appeared to him in a vision, pretending himself to be a young man who had left his wife at home, and was come to live in Jerusalem. Fie, said Peter to him, go home again to your wife: Whom God hath joined together, let no man put asunder. Why then, replied S. Magnus, have you left your church a widow in Italy, and live here so far from her company? This vision, though calculated for this one Bishop, did generally serve for all the non-resident which posted hither, and who paid not the lawful debt to their conscience, whilst by needless bonds they engaged themselves to their own will-worship. For though souls of men be light, because immaterial, yet they may prove an heavy burden to these careless Pastors who were to answer for them.  
After the return of these Pilgrims, the heat of the Christians victories in Syria was somewhat allayed: for 
† Tyrius. lib. 9 cap. 20. Idem, l●b. 9 cap. 19  Boemund Prince of Antioch marching into Mesopotamia, was taken prisoner, and Godfrey besieging the city of Antipatris, then called Assur, though hitherto he had been always a conqueror, was fain to depart with disgrace. So small a remora may stay that ship which saileth with the fairest gale of success.   

Chap. 4.  
The original and increase of the Hospitallers; their degenerating through wealth into luxury.  

† Hospinian. De orig. Mon. fol. 165.  ABout this time under Gerard their first master, began the order of Knights-hospitallers. Indeed more anciently there were Hospitallers in Jerusalem; but these were no Knights: they had a kind of order, but no honour annexed to it; but were pure Alms-men, whose house was founded, and they maintained by the charity of the merchants of Amalphia a city in Italy.  
But now they had more stately buildings assigned unto them, their house dedicated to S. John of Jerusalem; Knights-hospitallers and those of S. John of Jerusalem being both the same; although learned 
† In his View of civil law, pag. 159.  Dr Ridley maketh them two distinct orders, for which our 
† Mr. Selden▪ in his preface Of tithes, pag. 6.  great Antiquary doth justly reprove him. But such an error is venial; and it is a greater fault rigidly to censure, then to commit a small oversight. The one showeth himself man, in mistaking; the other no man, in not pardoning a light mistake.  
To make one capable of the highest order of this Knighthood (for their 
† Hospinian. D●●ig. Mon. fol. 165.  servitors and priests might be of an inferior rank) the party must thus be qualified: Eighteen years old at the least; of an able Body; not descended of Jewish or Turkish parents; no bastard, except bastard to a Prince, there being honour in that dishonour, as there is light in the very spots of the moon. Descended he must be of worshipful parentage. They wore a red belt with a white cross; and on a black cloak the white cross of Jerusalem, which is a cross crossed, or five crosses together, in memory of our Saviour's five wounds. Yet was there some difference betwixt their habit in peace and in war. Their profession was to fight against Infidels, and to secure Pilgrims coming to the Sepulchre; and they vowed Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience. Reimundus de Podio their second master made some additionals to their profession: as, They must receive the sacrament thrice a year; hear Mass once a day if possible: They were to be no merchants, no usurers; to fight no private duels; 
Hospinian. ut priús.  to stand neuters, and to take no side, if the Princes in Christendom should fall out.  
But it is given to most religious orders, to be clear in the spring, and miry in the stream. These Hospitallers afterwards getting wealth, unlaced themselves from the strictness of their first Institution, and grew loose into all licentiousness. What was their obedience to their master, but rebellion against the Patriarch their first patron? as shall be showed hereafter. What was their poverty but a cozenage of the world; whilst their order sued in form a pauperis, and yet had 
† Camb. Brit. pag. 311.  nineteen thousand manors in Christendom belonging unto them? Neither will it be scandalum magnatum to their lordships, to say what Saint 
† Cited by Volateran.  Bernard speaketh of their chastity, how they lived inter scorta & epulas, betwixt bawds and banquets. And no wonder if their forced virginity was the mother of much uncleanness: For commonly those who vow not to go the highway of God's ordinance, do haunt base and unwarrantable by-paths.  
I will not forestall the history, to show how these Hospitallers were afterwards Knights of Rhodes, and at this day of Malta; but will conclude with the ceremonies used at their creation, because much material stuff no doubt may be picked out of their formalities.  
There is delivered them, 1. a 
† Sand. Trau. pag. 229.  sword, in token that they must be valiant, 2. with a crosse-hilt; their valour must defend religion: 3. With this sword they are struck three times over the shoulders, to teach them patiently to suffer for Christ: 4. They must wipe the sword; their life must be undefiled. 5. Gilt spurs are put on them, because they are to scorn wealth at their heels: 6. And then they take a taper in their hands, for they are to lighten others by their exemplary lives; 7. and so go to hear Mass: where we leave them.  

† Sand. Trau. pag. 159.  At the same time Knights of the Sepulchre were also ordained, which for their original and profession are like to these Knights-hospitallers. The order continueth to this day. The Padre Guardian of Jerusalem maketh them of such as have seen the Sepulchre: They should be Gentlemen by birth; but the Padre carrieth a Chancery in his bosom, to mitigate the rigour of this Common law, and will admit of him that bringeth fat enough, though no blood: as of late he made an Apothecary of Aleppo of that honour: So that there the sword of Knighthood is denied to none who bring a good sheath with them, and have a purse to pay sound for it.   

Chap. 5.  
The scuffling betwixt the King and Patriarch about the city of jerusalem; the issue thereof.  
NOt long after, there was started a controversiè of great consequence betwixt the King and Patriarch: the Patriarch claiming the cities of Jerusalem and Joppa, with the apperteinances; the King refusing to surrender them.  
The Patriarch pleaded, That these places anciently belonged to his predecessors: He set before the King the heinousness of sacrilege; how great a sin it was when Princes, who should be nursing-fathers' and suckle the Church, shall suck from it: and showed how the Commonwealth may grow fat, but never healthful, by feeding on the Church's goods.  
On the other side the King alleged, That the Christian Princes had now purchased Jerusalem with their blood, and bestowed it on him: that the Patriarches overgrown title was drowned in this last conquest; from which, as from a new foundation, all must build their claims who challenge any right to any part in that city. Secondly, he pleaded, it was unreasonable that the King of Jerusalem should have nothing in Jerusalem (as at this day the Roman Emperor is a very ciphre, without power or profit in Rome) and should live rather as a sojourner then a Prince in his royal city, confined to an airy title, whilst the Patriarch should have all the command.  
To this the Patriarch answered, That the Christians new conquest could not cancel his ancient right, which was enjoyed even under the Saracens; That this voyage was principally undertaken for advancing the Church, and not to restore her only to her liberty, and withhold from her her lands, so that in this respect she should find better usage from her foes then from her children. If we mistake not, the chief pinch of the cause lieth on the Patriarches proof, that the lands he demanded formerly belonged to his predecessors: and we find him to fail in the main issue of the matter. True it was, that for the last thirty years the Patriarches, on condition they should repair and fortify the walls of Jerusalem, were possessed of a fourth part of the city, even by grant from Bomensor the Emperor of the Saracens, in the year of our Lord 1063. But that ever he had the whole city, either by this or by any previous grant, it appeareth not in Tyrius; who saith moreover, 
* Lib. 9 cap. 6  We wonder for what reason the lord Patriarch should raise this controversy against Duke Godfrey.  
Let me add, that this our Author is above exception: for being both a politic statesman and pious prelate, no doubt his pen striketh the true and even stroke betwixt King and Patriarch. Besides, he might well see the truth of this matter, writing in a well-proportioned distance of time from it. Those who live too near the stories they write, oftentimes willingly mistake through partiality; and those who live too far off, are mistaken by uncertainties, the footsteps of truth being almost worn out with time.  
But to return to Godfrey, who though unwilling at first, yet afterwards not only on Candlemasse-day restored to the Patriarch the fourth part of the city, but also on the Easter following, gave him all Jerusalem, Joppa, and whatsoever he demanded: conditionally that the King should hold it of the Patriarch till such time as he could conquer Babylon, or some other royal city fit for him to keep his Court in. If in the mean time Godfrey died without issue, the Patriarch was to have it presently delivered unto him.  
We will be more charitable than those, that say that the Patriarch herein did 
* Centuriatores, centur. 12. col. 490. De schism.  bewitch and bemad Godfrey to make this large donation to him, by torturing his conscience at the confession of his sins. Only we may question the discretion of this Prince in giving a gift of so large a size: for Charity's eyes must be open as well as her hands; though she giveth away her branches, not to part with the root.  
And let the reader observe, that Godfrey at the time of this his bountiful grant lay on his deathbed, sick of that irrecoverable disease which ended him. How easily may importunity stamp any impression on those whom desperate sickness hath softened! And if the sturdiest man nigh death may be affrighted into good works for fear of Purgatory, no wonder if devout Godfrey were pliable to any demand. 
* In his Pass. 11.  Pierce Ploughman maketh a witty wonder, why Friars should cover rather to confess and bury, then to christian children; intimating it proceeded from covetousness, there being gain to be gotten by the one, none by the other. And this was the age wherein the Covents got their best living by the dying: which made them (contrary to all other people) most to worship the sun setting.   

Chap. 6.  
Godfrey's death and burial.  
Authors differ on the death of this noble King: some making him to die of that long-wasting sickness; others, of the 
† P. Aemilius, lib. 5.  plague: It may be the plague took him out of the hands of that lingering disease, and quickly cut off what that had been long in fretting. He died July 18. having reigned one year wanting five days. A Prince valiant, pious, bountiful to the Church: for besides what he gave to the Patriarch, he founded Canons in the temple of the Sepulchre, and a monastery in the vale of Jehoshaphat.  
We would say his death was very unseasonable (leaving the orphan State not only in its minority, but its infancy) but that that fruit which to man's apprehension is blown down green and untimely, is gathered full-ripe in God's providence. He was buried in the temple of the Sepulchre, where his tomb is inviolated at this day; whether out of a religion the Turks bear to the place, or out of honour to his memory, or out of a valiant scorn to fight against dead bones; or perchance the Turks are minded as John King of England was, who being wished by a Courtier to untombe the bones of one who whilst he was living had been his great enemy, Oh no, said King John, would all mine enemies were as honourably buried.   

Chap. 7.  
Baldwine chosen King. He keepeth jerusalem in despite of the Patriarch.  
GOdfrey being dead, 
1100  the Christians with a joint consent dispatched an embassy to Baldwine his Brother, Count of Edessa (a city in 
† Plin. lib. 5. cap. 24.  Arabia, the lord whereof had adopted this Baldwine to be his heir) entreated him to accept of the Kingdom: which honourable offer he courteously embraced.  
A Prince whose body Nature cut of the largest size, being like 
† Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 2.  Saul, higher by the head then his subjects. And though the Goths had a law always to choose a 
† Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3. pag. 264.  short thick man for their King; yet surely a goodly stature is most majestical. His hair and beard brown, face fair, with an eagle's nose; which in the 
† Pantal. in vita Carol. 5.  Persian Kings was anciently observed as a mark of magnanimity. Bred he was a scholar, entered into Orders, and was Prebendary in the 
† Tyri●s, lib. 10. cap. 1.  churches of Rheims, Liege, and Cambray; but afterwards turned secular Prince, as our 
† Fox, Martyrol. pag. 136.  Athelwulphus, who exchanged the mitre of Winchester for the crown of England. Yet Bald wine put not off his scholarship with his habit, but made good use thereof in his reign. For though bookishness may unactive, yet learning doth accomplish a Prince, and maketh him sway his sceptre the steadier.  
He was properly the first King of Jerusalem (his brother 
Dec. 25.  Godfrey never accounted more than a Duke) and was crowned on Christmas-day. The reason that made him assume the name of a King, was thereby to strike the greater 
† Munst. Cosmog. p. 1008.  terror into the Pagans. Thus our Kings of England from the days of King John were styled but Lords of Ireland, till Henry the 8. first entitled himself King, because 
† Cambden, Brit. pag. 732  Lord was slighted by the seditious rebels. As for that religious scruple which Godfrey made, to wear a crown of gold where Christ wore one of thorns, Baldwine easily dispensed therewith. And surely in these things the mind is all: A crown might be refused with pride, and worn with humility.  
But before his Coronation there was a tough bickering about the city of Jerusalem. Dabert the Patriarch, on the death of Godfrey, devoured Jerusalem and the tower of David in his hope, but coming to take possession, found the place too hot for him. For Garnier Earl of Gretz, in the behalf of King Baldwine (who was not yet returned from Edessa) manned it against him. But so it happened, that this valiant Earl died three days after, which by 
† Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 4.  Dabert was counted a just judgement of God upon him for his sacrilege. Now though it be piety to impute all events to God's hand, yet to say that this man's death was for such a sin, showeth too much presumption towards God, and too little charity towards our neighbour. Indeed if sudden death had singled out this Earl alone, it had somewhat favoured their censure; but there was then a general mortality in the city which swept away ● 
* Vrsperg. pag. 236.  thousands: and which is most material, what this Patriarch interpreted sacrilege, others accounted loyalty to his Sovereign. As for that donation of the city of Jerusalem and tower of David which Godfrey gave to the Patriarch, some thought that this gift overthrew itself with its own greatness, being so immoderately large: others supposed it was but a personal act of Godfrey, and therefore died with the giver; as conceiving his successors not obliged to perform it, because it was unreasonable that a Prince should in such sort fetter and restrain those which should come after him. Sure it is, that Baldwine having both the stronger sword, and possession of the city, kept it perforce, whilst the Patriarch took that leave which is allowed to loser's, to talk, chafe, and complain; sending his bemoaning letters to 
† Tyrius, lib. 10.  Boemund Prince of Antioch, inviting him to take arms, and by violence to recover the Churches right; but from him received the useless assistance of his pity, and that was all.   

Chap. 8.  
The Church-story during this King's reign. A chain of successive Patriarches; Dabert, Ebremare, Gibelline, and Arnulphus: Their several characters.  
AFterwards, 
1102  this breach betwixt the King and Patriarch was made up by the mediation of some friends: but the skin only was drawn over, not dead flesh drawn out of the wound; and Arnulphus (whom we mentioned before) discontented for his loss of the Patriarches place, still kept the sore raw betwixt them. At last Dabertus the Patriarch was fain to flee to Antioch, where he had plentiful maintenance allowed him by Bernard Patriarch of that See. 
1103  But he was too high in the instep to wear another man's shoes, and conceived himself to be but in a charitable prison whilst he lived on another's benevolence. Wherefore hence he hasted to 
† Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 4.  Rome, complained to the Pope, and received from his Holiness a command to King Baldwine to be reestablished in the Patriarches place, but returning home died by the way at Messana in Sicily, being accounted seven years' Patriarch, four at home, and three in banishment.  
Whilst Dabert was thrust out, 
1107  one Ebremarus was made Patriarch against his will by King Baldwine. An holy and devout man; but he had more of the dove then the serpent, and was none of the deepest reach. He hearing that he was complained of to the Pope for his irregular election, posted to Rome to excuse himself, showing he was chosen against his will: and though preferment may not be snatched, it needs not be thrust away. But all would not do; It was enough to put him out, because the King put him in. Wherefore he was commanded to return home, and to wait the definitive sentence, which Gibellinus Archbishop of Arles and the Pope's Legate should pronounce in the matter.  
Gibellinus coming to Jerusalem, concluded the election of Ebremarus to be illegal and void, and was himself chosen Patriarch in his place; and the other in reverence of his piety made Archbishop of Caesarea. 
1108  And though Arnulphus (the firebrand of this Church) desired the Patriarches place for himself, yet was he better content with Gibellinus his election, because he was a through-old man, and hoped that candle would quickly go out that was in the socket.  

* Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 28.  To this Gibellinus King Baldwine granted, that all places which he or his successors should win, should be subject to his jurisdiction; and this also was confirmed by Pope Paschall the 2. 
Baronius in arm 1108.  But Bernard Patriarch of Antioch found himself much aggrieved hereat; because many of these cities by the ancient canon of the Council of Nice, were subject to his Church. At last the Pope took the matter into his hand, and stroked the angry Patriarch of Antioch into gentleness with good language. He showed, how since the Council of Nice the country had got a new face; ancient mountains were buried, rivers drowned in oblivion, and they new christened with other names: Yea, the deluge of the Saracens tyranny had washed away the bounds of the Church's jurisdictions, that now they knew not their own severals, where Mahometanisme so long had made all common and waste. He desired him therefore to be contented with this new division of their jurisdictions: especially because it was reasonable, that the King of Jerusalem and his successors should dispose of those places, which they should win with their own swords. Bernard perceiving hereby how his Holiness stood affected in the business, contented his conscience that he had set his title on foot, and then quietly let it fall to the ground, as counting it no policy to show his teeth where he durst not bite.  
Gibellinus never laid claim to the city of Jerusalem, whether it was in thankfulness for this large ecclesiastical power which King Baldwine had bestowed upon him, or that his old age was too weak to strive with so strong an adversary. He sat four years in his chair, and Arnulphus thinking he went too slow to the grave, is suspected to have given him something to have mended his pace, and was himself substituted in his room by the especial favour of K. Baldwine.  
This Arnulphus was called mala corona, 
1112  as if all vices met in him to dance a round. And no wonder if the King being himself wantonly disposed, advanced such a man: for generally, loose Patrons cannot abide to be pinched and penned with over-strict Chaplains. Besides, it was policy in him to choose such a Patriarch as was liable to exceptions for his vicious life; that so if he began to bark against the King, his mouth might be quickly stopped. Arnulphus was as quiet as a lamb, and durst never challenge his interest in Jerusalem from Godfrey's donation; as fearing to wrestle with the King, who had him on the hip, and could out him at pleasure for his bad manners. Amongst other vices he was a great church-robber, who to make Emmelor his niece a Princess, and to marry Eustace Prince of Sidon, gave her the city of Jericho for her dowry, and lands belonging to his See worth five thousand crowns yearly. And though Papists may pretend that marriage causeth covetousness in the Clergy, yet we shall find when the Prelacy were constrained to a single life, that their nephews are more church-bread than now the children of married Ministers. Yea, some Pope's not only fed their bastards with church-milk, but even cut off the church's breasts for their pompous and magnificent maintenance. And thus having dispatched the story of the Church in this King's reign, we come now to handle the business of the Commonwealth entirely by itself.   

Chap. 9  
A mountain-like army of new adventurers after long and hard travail delivered of a mouse. Alexius his treachery.  
THe fame of the good success in Palestine summoned a new 
1101  supply of other Pilgrims out of Christendom. Germany, and other places which were sparing at the first voyage, made now amends with double liberality. The chief adventurers were, Guelpho Duke of Bavaria, (who formerly had been a great champion of the Popes against Henry the Emperor; and from him 
* Pantal. De hist. Germ. part. 2. pag. 151.  they of the Papal faction were denominated Guelphs, in distinction from the Imperial party which were called Gibellines:) Hugh brother to the King of France, and Stephen Earl of Blois, (both which had much suffered in their reputation for deserting their fellows in the former expedition, and therefore they sought to unstain their credits by going again) Stephen Earl of Burgundy, William Duke of Aquitain, Frederick Count of Bogen, Hugh brother to the Earl of Tholose: besides many great Prelates; Diemo Archbishop of Saltzburg, the 
* Ursperg. pag. 237.  Bishops of Milan and Pavia, which led 50000 out of Lombardy; the total sum amounting to 250000. All stood on the tiptoes of expectation to see what so great an army would achieve; men commonly measuring victories by the multitudes of the soldiers. But they did nothing memorable, save only that so many went so far to do nothing. Their sufferings are more famous than their deeds; being so consumed with plague, famine, and the sword, that 
† In Chronnico, pag. 239.  Conrade Abbot of Urspurg, who went and wrote this voyage, believeth that not a thousand of all these came into Palestine, and those so poor that their bones would scarce hold together: so that they were fitter to be sent into an hospital then to march into the field; having nothing about them wherewith to affright their enemies, except it were the ghost-like ghastliness of their famished faces. The army that came out of Lombardy were so eaten up by the swords of the Turks, that no fragments of them were left, nor news to be heard what was become of them: And no wonder, being led by Prelates unexperienced in martial affairs; which though perchance great Clerks, were now to turn over a new leaf, which they had no skill to read. 
† Cited by Lampad. Melli●. histor. part. 3. pag. 268.  Luther was wont to say, that he would be unwilling to be a soldier in that army where Priests were Captains; because the Church, and not the Camp, was their proper place; whereas going to war, they willingly outed themselves of God's protection, being out of their vocation.  
But the main matter which made this whole voyage miscarry in her travail, was the treachery of the midwife through whose hands it was to pass. For Alexius the Grecian Emperor feared, lest betwixt the Latins in the East in Palestine, and West in Europe, as betwixt two millstones, his Empire lying in the midst should be ground to powder. Whereupon, as these Pilgrims went through his country, he did them all possible mischief, still under pretence of kindness, (What hinderer to a false helper?) calling the chief Captains of the army his sons; but they found it true, The more courtesy, the more craft. Yea, this deep dissembler would put off his vizard in private, and profess to his friends that he delighted as much to see the Turks and these Christians in battle, as to see 
† Besoldus.  mastiffdogs fight together; and that 
† P. Aemil. pag. 140.  which side soever lost, yet he himself would be a gainer.  
But when they had passed Grecia, and had crossed the Bosporus (otherwise called The arm of S. George) entering into the dominion of the Turks, they were for thirty days exposed a mark to their arrows. And though this great multitude was never stabbed with any mortal defeat in a set battle, yet they consumed away by degrees, the cowardly Turks striking them when their hands were pinioned up in the straits of unknown passages. The Generals bestrewed the country about with their corpses. Great Hugh of France was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia; Duke Guelpho, at Paphos in Cyprus; 
† Munst. Cos. mog. pag. 640.  Diemo the Archbishop of Sal●zburg saw his own heart cut out, and was 
† Ursperg. pag. 238.  martyred by the Turks at Chorazin: And God (saith my Author) manifested by the event, that the war was not pleasing unto him.   

Chap. 10.  
Antipatris and Caesarea won by the Christians. The variety of King Baldwines' success.  
MEan time King Baldwine was employed with better success in Palestine: for hitherto Joppa was the only port the Christians had; but now by the assistance of the Genoan fleet (who for their pains were to have 
† Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 14.  a third part of the spoil, and a whole street to themselves of every city they took) Baldwine won most considerable havens along the mid-land-sea. He began with Antipatris, to ransom the Christian honour which was mortgaged here, because Godfrey was driven away from hence: And no wonder, having no 
† Tyrius, lib. 9 cap. 18.  shipping; whereas that Army which takes a strong harbour, otter-like must swim at sea as well as go on ground.  
Next he took Cesarea-Stratonis, built and so named in the honour of Cesar Augustus, by Herod the great; who so 
† josephus.  politicly poised himself, that he sat upright whilst the wheel of Fortune turned round under him. Let Antony win, let Augustus win, all one to him; by contrary winds he sailed to his own ends. Caesarea taken, Baldwine at Rhamula put the Turks to a great overthrow.  
But see the chance of war; Few days after at the same place he received a great defeat by the Infidels, wherein besides many others, the two Stephens, Earls of Burgundy and Blois, were slain. This was the first great overthrow the Christians suffered in Palestine: and needs must blows be grievous to them who were not used to be beaten. The King was reported slain, but fame deserved to be pardoned for so good a lie; which for the present much disheartened the Christians, a great part of the soldier's courage being wrapped up in the life of the General.  
Baronius (as bold as any 
† 1 Sam. 5.  Bethshemite to pry into the ark of God's secrets) 
† In Annal. Eccles. anno 1100. & rursu●, anno 1104.  saith, This was a just punishment on Baldwine for detaining the Church's goods. But to leave hidden things to God, the apparent cause of his overthrow was his own 
† Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 20.  rashness, being desirous to engross all the credit alone, without sending for succours and supplies from his neighbours. He assaluted his numerous enemies with an handful of men; and so broke himself, with covetousness to purchase more honour than he could pay for. And herein he discovered his want of judgement, being indeed like an arrow well-feathered, but with a blunt pile; he flew swift, but did not sink deep. Thus his credit lay bleeding, but he quickly staunched it. The Pagans little suspecting to be reincountred, gave themselves over to mirth and jollity (as security oftentimes maketh the sword to fall out of their hands from whom no force could wrest it) when Baldwine coming on them with fresh soldiers, struck them with the backblows of an unexpected enemy, which always pierce the deepest, routed them and put them to the flight. This his victory followed so suddenly after his overthrow, that some mention not the overthrow at all, but the victory only; as that good horseman is scarce perceived to be thrown, that quickly recovereth the saddle.   

Chap. 11.  
The conquest of sundry fair havens by the Christians; Ptolemais, etc.  
Whilst the King was thus busied in battle, 
1102  Tancred Prince of Galilee was not idle, but enlarged the Christian dominions with the taking of Apamea and Laodicea. These cities in Coelosyria were built by 
* Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 23. Idem, cap. 28.  Antiochus: and they agreed so well together, that they were called sisters; and as in concord, so in condition they went hand in hand, being now both conquered together.  
Ptolemais next stooped to the Christian yoke; 
1104  so named from Ptolemeus Philometor King of Egypt; a city on the Mediterranean, of a triangular form, having two sides washed with the sea, the third regarding the champion. The Genoan galleys being 70 in number, did the main service in conquering, and had granted them for their reward large profits from the harbour, a church to themselves, and jurisdiction over a fourth part of the city. This Ptolemais was afterwards the very seat of the Holy war. Let me mind the Reader of a Latin proverb, 
* Vide Erasm. Ad●g.  Lis Ptolemaica; that is, A long and constant strife; so called from Ptolemais, a froward old woman who was never out of wrangling. But may not the proverb as well be verified of this city, in which there was ninescore years fight against the Turks?  
With 
* Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 30.  worse success did Baldwine Count of Edessa, and Earl Joceline besiege Charran in Mesopotamia: for when it was ready to be surrendered, the Christian Captains fell out amongst themselves, were defeated by the Pagans, and the two forenamed Earls taken prisoners. This Charran is famous for 
† Gen. 11. 31.  Abraham's living, and his father Terahs' dying there: And in the same place rich 
† josephus.  Crassus the Roman vomited up the sacrilegious goods he had devoured of the temple of Jerusalem, and had his army overthrown. Nor here may we overpasse, how Boemund Prince of Antioch with a great navy spoiled the harbours of Grecia, 
1107  to be revenged of treacherous Alexius the Emperor. Voluntaries for this service he had enough, all desiring to have a lash at the dog in the manger, 
Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 6.  and every man's hand itching to throw a cudgel at him; who like a nut-tree must be manured by beating, or else would never bear fruit: 
Idem.  yet on some conditions an agreement at last was made betwixt them.  
To return to Palestine. The next city that felt the victorious arms of the Christians, was Byblus; a good haven, and built by Heveus the sixth son of Canaan. Here Adonis was anciently worshipped, whose untimely death by a bore Venus so much bemoaned: And the fable is moralised, when Lust lamenteth the loss of Beauty consumed by age. Nor did Tripoli hold out long after; 
1109  so called, because jointly built by the Tyrians, Sidonians, and Aradites. And Berytus (since Barutus) accompanied her neighbour, and both of them were yielded unto the Christians. The King created one Bertram, a well-deserving Nobleman, Earl of Tripoli; who did homage to the King for his place, which was accounted a title of great honour, as being one of the four Tetrarchies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.   

Chap. 12.  
The description of Sidon and Tyre; the one taken, the other besieged in vain by Baldwine.  
SIdon is the most ancient city of Phenicia. And though the proud Grecians counted all Barbarians besides themselves, 
1110  yet Phenicia was the schoolmistress of Grecia, and first taught her her alphabet. For Cadmus a Phenician born, first invented and brought letters to Thebes. Sidon had her name from the eldest son of 
* Gen. 10. 15.  Canaan, and was famous for the finest crystall-glasses, which here were made. The glassy sand was fetched 40 miles off, from the river Belus: but it could not be made 
* Sand. Trau. pag. 210.  fusile till it was brought hither; whether for want of tools, or from some secret sullen humour therein, we will not dispute. This city anciently was of great renown: but her fortune being as brittle as her glasses, she was fain to find neck for every one of the Monarch's yokes; and now at last (by the assistance of the 
* Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 14.  Danish and Norvegian fleet) was subdued by the Christians.  
Fleshed with this conquest, 
Dec. 19 1112  they next besieged Tyre. Sea and land, nature and art consented together to make this city strong: for it was seated in an island, save that it was tacked to the continent with a small neck of land, which was fortified with many walls and towers. It is questionable whether the strength or wealth of this city was greater; but out of question that the pride was greater than either. Here the best purples were died, a colour even from the beginning destined to Courts and Magistracy; and here the richest clothes were embroidered and curiously wrought. And though generally those who are best with their fingers are worst with their arms, yet the Tyrians were also stout men, able mariners, and the planters of the noblest colonies in the world. As their city was the daughter of Sidon, so was it mother to Rome's rival Carthage, Leptis, Utica, Cadiz, and Nola. The most plentiful proof they gave of their valour was, when for three years they defended themselves against Nabuchadnezzar; and afterwards stopped the full career of Alexander's conquests; so that his victorious army which did fly into other countries, was glad to creep into this city. Yet after seven month's siege (such is the omnipotency of industry) he forced it, and stripped this lady of the sea naked beyond modesty and mercy, putting all therein to the sword that resisted, and hanged up 2000 of the prime citizens in a rank along the seashore.  
Yet afterwards Tyre out-grew these her miseries, and attained, though not to her first giantlike, yet to a competent proportion of greatness. At this time wherein King Baldwine besieged it, it was of great strength and importance, insomuch that finding it a weight too heavy for his shoulders, he was fain to break off his siege and depart.  
With worse success he afterwards did rashly give battle to 
Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 19  the vast army of the Persian General, 
1113  wherein he lost many men, all his baggage, and escaped himself with great difficulty.   

Chap. 13.  
The pleasurable voyages of King Baldwine, and his death.  
AFter the tempest of a long war a calm came at last, and King Baldwine had a five years' vacation of peace in his old age: In which time he disported himself with many voyages for pleasure: 
1116  as, one to the Red-sea, not so called from the redness of the water, or sand, as some without any colour have conceited; but from the neighbouring Edomites whom the Grecians called Erytheans, or re● men, truly translating the Hebrew name of Edomites: they had their name of redness from their father 
† Scalig. on Festus, in Aegyptius: & Fuller, Miscell. lib. 4. cap. 20.  Edom. And here Baldwine surveyed the country, 
1117  with the nature and strength thereof. Another journey he took afterwards into 
† Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 31.  Egypt, as conceiving himself engaged in honour to make one inroad into that country, in part of payment of those many excursions the Egyptians had made into his Kingdom. He took the city of 
† Calvisius makes it to be won at the former voyage.  Pharamia, anciently called Ramese, and gave the spoil thereof to his soldiers. This work being done, he began his play, and entertained the time with viewing that riddle of Nature, the river of Nilus, whose stream is the confluence of so many wonders: first, for its indiscoverable fountain; though some late Geographers, because they would be held more intelligent than others, have found the head of Nilus in their own brains, and make it to flow from a fountain they fancy in the mountains of the moon, in the south of Africa: then, for the strange creatures bred therein; as river-bulls, horses, and crocodiles: But the chiefest wonder is the yearly increasing thereof from the 
† Sand. Trau. pag. 94.  17. of June to the midst of September, overflowing all Egypt, and the banks of all humane judgement to give the true reason thereof.  
Much time Baldwine spent in beholding this river, wherein he took many fishes, and his death in eating them: for a new surfeit revived the grief of an old wound, which he many years before received at the siege of Ptolemais. His sickness put him in mind of his sins, conscience speaking loudest when men begin to grow speechless: And especially he grieved, that having another wife alive, he had married the Countess of Sicily, the relict of Earl Roger: But now heartily sorrowful for his fault, he sent away this his last wife; yet we read not that he received his former again. Other faults he would have amended, but was prevented by death. And no doubt where the deed could not be present, the desire was a sufficient proxy. He died at Laris, a city in the road from Egypt, and was brought to Jerusalem, and buried on Palm-sunday in the temple of the Sepulchre, 
1118 Mar. 26.  in the 18 year of his reign.  
A Prince superior to his brother Godfrey in learning, equal in valour, inferior in judgement; rash, precipitate, greedy of honour, but swallowing more than he could digest, and undertaking what he was not able to perform; little affected to the Clergy, or rather to their temporal greatness, especially when it came in competition with his own; much given to women, (besides the three wives he had, first marrying Gutrera an Englishwoman; after her death, Tafror an Armenian Lady; and whilst she yet survived, the Countess of Sicily) yet he had no child, God commonly punishing wantonness with barrenness. For the rest, we refer the reader to the dull Epitaph written on his tomb, which (like the verses of that age) runneth in a kind of rythme, though it can scarce stand on true feet: 

Rex Baldwinus, judas alter Maccabaus,  
Spes patriae, vigour Ecolesiae, virtus utriusque;  
Quem formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant,  

* Aliter Caesar.  Cedar, Aegypti Dan, ac homicida Damascus;  
Proh dolour! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo.   

Baldwine another Maccabee for might;  
Hope, help of State, of Church, and boths delight;  
Cedar, with Egypt's Dan of him afraid,  
Bloody Damascus to him tribute paid:  
Alas! here in this tomb is laid.   Let him whô pleaseth play the critic on the divers readings; and whether by Dan be meant the Sultan, or whether it relateth to the conceit that Antichrist shall come of the tribe of Dan. But perchance the text is not worth a comment.   

Chap. 14.  
Baldwine the second chosen King; Prince Eustace peaceably renounceth his right.  
IT happened the same day King Baldwine was buried, that Baldwine de Burgo his kinsman and Count of Edessa came casually into the city, intending only there to keep his Easter: when behold the Christian Princes met together for the election of a new King. The greater part did centre their suffrages on Prince Eustace, brother to the two former Kings, but then absent in France. They alleged, That it was not safe to break the chain of succession, where the inversion of order bringeth all to confusion; and, That it was high ingratitude to the memories of Godfrey and Baldwine, to exclude their brother from the crown; especially he being fit in all points to be a King, wanting nothing but that he wanted to be there; That in the mean time some might be deputed to lock up all things safe, and to keep the keys of the State till he should arrive.  
On the other side, some objected the dangers of an interregnum, how when a State is headless, every malcontent would make head; inconveniences in another country would be mischiefs here, where they lived in the mouth of their enemies: and therefore to stay for a King, was the way to lose the Kingdom.  
Then Joceline Prince of Tiberias, a man of great authority, offered himself a moderator in this difference, and counselled both sides to this effect: To proceed to a present election, and therein to be directed, not confined by succession; though they miss the next, let them take one of Godfrey's kindred: As the case now stood▪ he must be counted next in blood that was next at hand; and this was Baldwine Count of Edessa, on whom he bestowed much superlative praises. All were much affected with these his commendations; for they knew that Joceline was his sworn adversary, and concluded that it must needs be a mighty weight of worth in Baldwine, which pressed out praise from the mouth of his enemy: though indeed private ends prompted him to speak this speech, who hoped himself to get the Earldom of Edessa when Baldwine should be translated to Jerusalem. However, his words took effect, and Baldwine hereupon was chosen King, 
* Tyrius, lib. 12. cap. 4.  and crowned on Easter-day by Arnulphus the Patriarch. 
1118 April 2.   
Mean time some secretly were sent to Prince Eustace to come and challenge the crown. But he hearing that another was already in possession, though he was on his journey coming, quietly went back again. A large alms, to give away a Kingdom out of his charity to the public cause.  
Baldwine was of a proper personage, and able body, both nigh Rheims in France, son to Hugh Count of Rorstet and Millicent his wife. He was exceedingly charitable to the poor, and pious towards God; witness the brawn on his hands and knees made with continual praying: valiant also, and excellently well seen in all martial affairs.  
We had almost forgotten what happened in this year, the death of Alexius the Grecian Emperor, that arch-hypocrite and grand enemy of this war. On whom we may bestow this Epitaph: 
If he of men the best doth know to live  
Who best knows to dissemble, justly then  
To thee, Alexius, we this praise must give,  
That thou to live didst know the best of men.  
And this was it at last did stop thy breath,  
Thou knewest not how to counterfeit with death.  His son Calo-Johannes succeeded him in his Empire, of whom we shall have much cause to speak hereafter.   

Chap. 15.  
The Ecclesiastical affairs of this King's reign.  
ACcording to our wont method, let us first rid out of the way Church-matters in this King's reign, that so we may have the more room to follow the affairs of the Commonwealth. We left Arnulphus the last Patriarch of Jerusalem; since which time the bad favour of his life came to the Pope's nose, who sent a Legate to depose him. But Arnulphus hasted to Rome with much 
† Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 26.  money, and there bought himself to be innocent, so that he enjoyed the place during his life.  
Guarimund succeeded in his place, a very religious man, 
1119  by whom God gave the Christians many victories. He called a Council at Neapolis or Sichem, wherein many wholesome things were concluded for reformation of manners. Betwixt him and William Archbishop of Tyre (an English man) there arose a difference, because this Archbishop would not receive his confirmation of him, (from whom by ancient right he should take it) but from the Pope, counting it the most honour to hold of the highest landlord: And indeed the Pope for gain confirmed him, though he should have sent him to the Patriarch. But the court of Rome careth not though men steal their corn, so be it they bring it to their mills to grind.  
After Guarimunds' death, 
1128  Stephen Abbot of S. John de Valia was chosen Patriarch; once a cavallier, but afterward laying down the sword, he took up the Word, and entered into Orders. He awaked the Patriarches title to Jerusalem, which had slept during his three predecessors, and challenged it very imperiously of the King; for he was a man of spirit and metal. And indeed he had too much life to live long. For the King fearing what flame this spark might kindle, and finding him to be an active man, gave him (as it is suspected) a little more active poison, which cut him off in the midst of his age, and beginning of his projects.  
The King coming to him when he lay on his deathbed, asked him how he did: To whom he answered, My 
† Tyrius, lib. 13. cap. 25.  Lord, for the present I am as you would have me. A cruel murder, if true: But it is strange, 
1130  that he whose hands (as we have said) were hardened with frequent prayer, should soften them again in innocent blood. Wherefore we will not condemn the memory of a King on doubtful evidence. The Patriarches place was filled with William Prior of the Sepulchre, a Fleming; a man better beloved then learned.   

Chap. 16.  
Knights-Templars, and teutonics instituted.  
ABout this time the two great orders of Templars and teutonics appeared in the world. 
1119  The former under Hugh de Paganis, and Ganfred of S. Omer their first founders. They agreed in profession with the Hospitallers, and performed it alike, vowing Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, and to defend Pilgrims coming to the Sepulchre. It is 
† Baronius, in anno 1127.  falsely fathered on S. Bernard, that he appointed them their rule; who prescribeth not what they should do, but only 
† Quarto & quinto cap. exhort.  describeth what they did: namely, How they were never idle, mending their old clothes when wanting other employment; never played at chess or dice, never hawked not hunted, beheld no stageplays; arming themselves with faith within, with steel without; aiming more at strength then state; to be feared, not admired; to strike terror with their valour, not stir covetousness with their wealth in the heart of their enemies. Other sweet praises of them let him who pleaseth fetch from the mouth of this mellifluous Doctor.  
Indeed at first they were very poor; in token whereof they gave for their 
† Weaver, Fun. mon. pag. 71.  Seal, Two men riding on one horse. And hence it was, that if the Turks took any of them prisoners, their constant ●ansome was a 
† Hospin. De orig. mon.  Sword and a Belt; it being conceived that their poor state could stretch to no higher price. But after their order was confirmed by Pope Honorius (by the entreaty of Stephen the Patriarch of Jerusalem) who appointed them to wear a White garment, to which Euge●ius the third added a Red cross on their breast, they grew wonderfully rich by the bounty of several Patrons: Yea, 
† Tyrius, lib. 12. cap. 7.  the King and Patriarch of Jerusalem 〈◊〉 this infant-order so long in their laps till it broke their knees, it grew so heavy at last; and these ungrateful Templars did pluck out the feathers of those wings which hatched and brooded them. From Alms-men they turned Lords; and though very valiant at first, (for they were sworn rather to die then to fly) afterwards laziness withered their arms, and swollen their bellies. They laughed at the rules of their first Institution, as at the swadling-clothes of their infancy; neglecting the Patriarch, and counting themselves too old to be whipped with the rod of his discipline; till partly their viciousness, and partly their wealth caused their final extirpation, as (God willing) shall be showed 
* Lib. 5. cap. 1, 2, 3.  hereafter.  
At the same time began the Teutonick order, consisting only of Dutchmen well descended, living at Jerusalem in an house which one of that nation bequeathed to his countrymen that came thither on pilgrimage. In the year 1190 their order was honoured with a great Master, whereof the first was Henry a-Walpot; and they had an habit assigned them to wear, Black Crosses on White robes: They were to fight in the defence of Christianity against Pagans. But we shall meet with them more largely in the following story.   

Chap. 17.  
The Christians variety of success; Tyre taken by the assistance of the Venetians.  
IT is worth the Readers marking, how this King's reign was chequered with variety of fortune: For first, Roger Prince of Antioch (or rather guardian in the minority of young Boemund) went forth with greater courage than discretion; 
Tyrius, lib. 12. cap. 10.  whereunto his success was answerable, being conquered and killed by the Turks. But Baldwine on the 14 of August following, forced the Turks to a restitution of their victory, and with a small army gave them a great overthrow, in spite of Gazi their boasting General.  
To qualify the Christians joy for this good success, 
1122  Joceline unadvisedly fight with Balak, a petty King of the Turks, was conquered and taken prisoner: and King Baldwine coming to deliver him, was also taken himself; for which he might thank his own rashness: For it had been his best work to have done nothing for a while, till the Venetian succours which were not far off, had come to him; and not presently to adventure all to the hazard of a battle.  
Yet the Christians hands were not bound in the King's captivity: For Eustace Grenier, chosen Viceroy whilst the King was in durance, stoutly defended the country: and Count Joceline, which had escaped out of prison, fight again with Balak at Hircapolis, routed his army, and killed him with his own hands. But the main piece of service was the taking of Tyre, which was done under the conduct of Guarimund the Patriarch of Jerusalem; but chiefly by the help of the Venetian navy, which Michael their Duke brought, who for their pains were to have a third part of the city to themselves. Tyre had in it store of men and munition; but famine increasing (against whose arrows there is no armour of proof) it was yielded on honourable terms. And though perhaps hunger shortly would have made the Turks digest courser conditions, yet the Christians were loath to anger their enemy's valour into desperateness.  
Next year the King returned home, 
june 29.  having been eighteen months a prisoner, being to pay for his ransom an hundred thousand Michaelets, and for security he left his daughter in pawn. 
1125  But he paid the Turks with their own money, or (which was as good coin) with the money of the Saracens, vanquishing Bors●quin their Captain at Antiochia: 
1126  and not long after, he conquered Dordequin another great Commander of them at Damascus.  
To correct the rankness of the Christians pride for this good success, 
1130  Damascus was afterward by them unfortunately besieged: Heaven discharged against them thunder-ordinance, arrows of lightning, small shot of hail, whereby they being miserably wasted were forced to depart. And this affliction was increased when Boemund the young Prince of Antioch, one of great hope and much lamented, was defeated and slain. Authors impute these mishaps to the Christians pride, 
1131  and relying on their own strength, which never is more untrusty than when most trusted. True it was, God often gave them great victories, when they defended themselves in great straits: Hereupon they turned their thankfulness into presumption, grew at last from defending themselves to dare their enemies on disadvantages to their often overthrow: for God will not unmake his miracles by making them common. And may not this also be counted some cause of their ill success, That they always imputed their victories to the material Cross which was carried before them? So that Christ his glory after his ascension suffered again on the Cross by their superstition.   

Chap. 18.  
The death of Baldwine the second.  
KIng Baldwine a little before his death renounced the world, and took on him a religious habit. This was the fashion of many Princes in that age, though they did it for divers ends. Some thought to make amends for their disordered lives by entering into some holy order at their deaths: Others having surfeited of the world's vanity, fasted from it when they could eat no more because of the impotency of their bodies: Others being crossed by the world by some misfortune, sought to cross the world again in renouncing of it. These like furious gamesters threw up their cards, not out of dislike of gaming but of their game; and they were rather discontented to live then contented to die. But we must believe that Baldwine did it out of true devotion, to ripen himself for heaven, because he was piously affected from his youth; so that all his life was religiously tuned, though it made the sweetest music in the close. He died not long after, on the 22 of August, in the 13 year of his reign; and was buried with his predecessors in the temple of the Sepulchre. By Morphe a Grecian Lady his wife, he had four daughters: whereof Millesent was the eldest; the second Alice, married to young Boemund Prince of Antioch; the third Hodiern, wife to Reimund Prince of Tripoli; and Meet the youngest, Abbess of Bethanie.   

Chap. 19  
Of Fulco, the fourth King of jerusalem.  
FUlco Earl of Tours, Main, and Anjou, coming some three years before on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 
1132  there took in marriage Millesent the King's daughter. He had assigned to him the city of Tyre, and some other princely accommodations for his present maintenance, and the Kingdom after the death of his father in law, which he received accordingly. He was well-nigh 60 years old: And by his first wife he had a son, Geffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou; to whom he left his lands in France, and from whom our Kings of England are descended. This Fulco was a very valiant man, able both of body and mind. His greatest defect was a weak memory, (though not so bad as that of 
† Tlin. lib. 7. cap. 24.  Messala Corvinus, who forgot his own name) insomuch that he knew not his own servants; and those whom he even now preferred, were presently after strangers unto him. Yet though he had a bad memory whilst he lived, he hath a good one now he is dead, and his virtues are famous to posterity.   

Chap. 20.  
The Church-story during this King's reign; The remarkable ruin of Rodolphus Patriarch of Antioch.  
THe Church of Jerusalem yielded no alterations in the reign of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much stir who should succeed Bernard that peaceable long-lived man, who fate 36 years, and survived eight Patriarches of Jerusalem. Now whilst the Clergy were tedious in their choice, the Laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking it equal to have an hand in making, who must have their arms in defending a Patriarch) clapped one 
† Tyrius, lib. 15.  Rodolphus of noble parentage into the chair. 
1136  He presently took his pall off from the altar of S. Peter, thereby sparing both his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no other superior than that Apostle for his patron. This man was the darling of the Gentry, (and no wonder if they loved him who was of their cloth and making) but hated of the Clergy. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himself into the favour of the Princess of Antioch, the widow of young Boemund, so that he commanded all her command, and beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised to make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund Earl of Poictou, (a Frenchman of great fame, who was coming into these parts) but he deceived her, and caused the Earl to marry Constantia the daughter of this Lady, by whom he had the principality of Antioch. Indeed this Constantia was but a child for age; but they never want years to marry, who have a Kingdom for their portion.  
The Patriarch to make sure work, bound Prince Reimund by an oath to be true to him: But friends unjustly gotten, are seldom comfortably enjoyed: Of his sworn friend, he proved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome, there to answer many accusations laid to his charge; wherein the groundwork perchance was true, though malice might set the varnish▪ on it. The main matter was, that he made odious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted himself equal to his Holiness.  
Rodolphus coming to Rome found the Pope's doors shut against him, but he opened them with a golden key. Money he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to be tried; for he found their hands very soft towards him whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned his old pall, and took a new one from the Pope. As for his other crimes, it was concluded that Albericus Bishop of Ostia should be sent into Syria the 〈…〉, to examine 〈◊〉, and to proceed accordingly with the ●atriarch as things there should be found alleged and proved: Whereat his adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should instantly have been deposed.  
Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus the Lega●e, and bowed him on their side. He coming to Antioch cited the Patriarch to appear; who b●ing thrice called, came not. On his absence all were present with their conjectures what should cause it. Some imputing it to his guiltiness▪ others to his contempt; others to his fear of his enemy's potency, or judges partiality: for indeed the Legate came not with a virgin judgement, but ravished with prejudice; being prepossessed with this intent to dispossess him of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace formerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election was rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming a new one from the Pope.  
Here was it worth the beholding in what several 
* Baronius, in anno 1136.  streams men's affections ran. All wished that the tree might be felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall; and especially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters against the Patriarch. Others pitied him, and though perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were loath he should be razed to the ground. Some reserved their affections till they were counselled by the event which side to favour; and would not be engaged by any manifest declaration, but so that they might fairly retreat if need required. Amongst other Prelates which were present, Serlo Archbishop of Apamea was one, who formerly had been a great enemy to the Patriarch, but had lately taken himself off from that course. The Legate demanded of him why he proceeded not to accuse the Patriarch as he was wont: To whom he answered, 
* Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. 16.  What formerly I did, was done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul, discovering the nakedness of my father, like to cursed Cham; and now God hath recalled me from mine error: so that I will neither accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am ready to die for his safety. Hereupon the Legate immediately (such was the martial law in a Churchman) deposed him from his Archbishopric. Little hope then had the Patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend: 
Idem, lib. 15●. cap. 17.  and he himself followed not long after, being thrust out by violence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains; till at last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traverse his cause again, 
1141  had not death (occasioned by poison, as is thought) prevented him.   

Chap. 21.  
Calo-Iohannes the Grecian Emperor demandeth Antiochia; Reimund the Prince thereof doth homage to him for it.  

1136  CAlo-Johannes the Grecian Emperor came up with a 
† Tyrius, lib. 14. cap. 14.  vast army of horse and foot, and demanded of Reimund Prince of Antioch, to resign unto him that whole Signory, according to the composition which the Christian Princes made with 
† Vide suprà, book 1. c. 15.  Alexius his father.  
Hereat Reimund and all the Latins stormed out of measure: Had they purchased the inheritance of the land with their own blood, now to turn tenants at will to another? Some pleaded, That the ill usage of Alexius 
† Vrsperg. pag. 233. tortis sacramentis.  extorted from Godfrey and the rest of the Pilgrims that agreement; and an oath made by force, is of no force, but may freely be broken, because not freely made. Others alleged, That when Antiochia was first won, it was offered to Alexius, and 
† Vide suprà, book 1. c. 15.  he refused it: so fair a tender was a payment. Others argued, That that generation which made this contract was wholly dead; and that the debt descended not on them to make it good. But most insisted on this, That Alexius kept not his covenants, and assisted them not according to the agreement. Indeed he called these Princes his sons; but he disinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was in promises never paid. No reason then, that the knot of the agreement should hold them fast, and let him lose.  
The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their swords had been as strong as the Grecian Emperors. But he coming with a numerous army, in few days overcame all Cilicia (which for forty years had belonged to the Prince of Antioch) and then besieged the city of Antioch itself. Force is the body, and resolution the soul of an action: both these were well tempered together in the Emperor's army; and the city brought to great distress. Whereupon Fulk King of Jerusalem with some other Princes, fearing what woeful conclusion would follow so violent premises, made a composition between them. So that Reimund did homage to the Emperor, and held his principality as a vassal from him. 
1146  And though four years after the Emperor came again into these parts, yet he did not much harm; pillaging was all his conquest. Some years after he died, being accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows which he intended for the wild boar. A Prince so much better to the Latins then his father Alexius, as an honourable foe is above a treacherous friend. His Empire he disposed to Emmanuel his son.   

Chap. 22  
The succession of the Turkish Kings, and the Saracen Caliphs': Of the unlimited power of a Sultan; Some resemblance thereof anciently in the Kingdom of France.  
NO great service of moment was performed in the reign of King Fulk; because he was molested with domestical discords, and intestine wars against Paulinus Count of Tripoli, and Hugh Earl of Joppa: Only Beersheba was fortified, and some forts built about Askelon, as an introduction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then fought with variety of success, against Sanguine one of the Turks great Princes.  
And here let the reader take notice, that though we have mentioned many Commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran, Ammiravissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin, Sanguine, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of these were absolute Kings, (though perchance in courtesy sometimes so styled by writers) but were only Generals and Lieutenants accountable to their superiors, the Caliphs' either of Babylon or Egypt: Who what they were, we refer the reader to our Chronology.  
Caliph was the Pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a mixture of Priest and Prince. But we need not now trouble ourselves with curiosity of their successions; these Caliphs' being but obscure men, who confined themselves to pleasures, making play their work, and having their constant diet on the sauce of recreation. We are rather to take notice of their Generals and Captains, which were the men of action. For a Sultan (which was but a Viceroy) with his borrowed light, shineth brighter in history then the Caliph himself. Yet may we justly wonder, that these slothful Calip●s should do nothing themselves, and commit such unlimited power to their Soulda●●, especially seeing too much ●●ust is a strong tentation to make ambitious flesh and blood disloyal. Yet something may be said for the Caliph of Egypt, 
Sir Walter Ralegh. part 1. book 2. chap. 26.  besides that the pleasures of that country were sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life: First, the awful regard which the Egyptians had of their Princes, gave them security to trust their officers with ample commission. Secondly, herein they followed an ancient custom practised by the Pharaohs anciently, who gave unto Joseph so large authority; as we may read in Genesis. 
Gen. 41. 40.  Some example also we have hereof in France about nine hundred years ago. Childerick, Theodorick, Clovis, Childebert, Dagobert, etc. a chain of idle Kings well linked together, gave themselves over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad; but only on May-day they showed themselves to the people, riding in a chariot adorned with flowers, and drawn with oxen, (●low cattle, but good enough for so lazy luggage) whilst Charles Martell and Pipin, Maiours of the palace, opened packets, gave audience to Ambassadors, made war or peace, enacted and repealed laws at pleasure, till afterwards from controllers of the King's household they became controllers of the Kings, and at last Kings themselves.  
To return to Egypt: Let none be troubled (pardon a charitable digression to satisfy some scrupulous in a point of Chronologie) if they find anciently more Kings of the Egyptians, and longer reigning then the consent of times will allow room for: for no doubt that which hath swelled the number, is the counting Deputies for Kings. Yea, we find the holy Spirit in the same breath, 
〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  1. Reg. 22. 47. speak a Viceroy to be a King and no King; There was no King in Edom; a Deputy was King.   

Chap. 23.  
The lamentable death of King Fulk.  
WHen Fulco had now eleven years with much industry 
1142  and care (though with little enlarging of his dominions) governed the land, he was slain in earnest as following his sport in hunting, 
Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. 〈◊〉.  to the great grief of his subjects. And we may hear him thus speaking his Epitaph: 
A ●are I hunted, and death hunted me;  
The more my speed was, was the worse my speed:  
For as well-mounted I away did flee,  
Death caught and killed me, falling from my steed.  
Yet this mishap an happy miss I count,  
That fell from horse that I to heaven might mount.  A Prince of a sweet nature; and though one would have read him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance, yet his face was a good hypocrite; and (contra leges istius coloris, saith 
† Lib. 14. cap. 1.  Tyrius) he was affable, courteous, and pitiful to all in distress. He was buried with his predecessors in the temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sons, Baldwine who was 13, and Almerick 7 years old.   

Chap. 24.  
The disposition of Baldwine the third; The care of Queen Millesent in her son's minority.  
BAldwine succeeded his father, who quickly grew up, as to age, 
1243  so in all royal accomplishments, and became a most complete Prince; well-learned, especially in history; liberal; very witty and very pleasant in discourse: He would often give a smart jest, which would make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted: Yet this was the better taken at his hands, because he cherished not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their backs, but played on them freely to their faces; yea, and never refused the coin he paid them in, but would be contented (though a King) to be the subject of a good jest: and 
† Tyrius, lib. 16. cap. 2.  sometimes he was well-favouredly met with; as the best fencer in wits school hath now and then an unhappy blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath himself in too much familiarity to his subjects; for he would commonly call and salute mean persons by their names: But the vulgar sort, in whose judgements the lowest stars are ever the greatest, conceived him to surpass all his predecessors, because he was so fellowlike with them.  
But whilst yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent made up his want of age with her abundant care, being governor of all: A woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit. She continued a widow: and as for children's sake she married once; so for her children's sake she married no more. 
† Epist. 206. col. 1569.  S. Be●●●ard and she spoke often together by letters: He extolled her single life, how it was more honour to live a widow, then to be a Queen: 
† Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex munere Dei; illud feliciter 〈◊〉 es, hoc viriliter nacta, Epist. 289. col. 1622  This she had by birth, that by God's bounty; This she was happily begotten, that she had manfully gotten of herself. Yet we find not that she made a vow never to marry again; wherein she did the wiser: For the chastest minds cannot conclude from the present calm, that there will never after arise any lustful storm in their souls. Besides, a Resolution is a free custody; but a Vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the more desire to break.   

Chap. 25.  
Of Fulcher Patriarch of jerusalem, and the insolency of the Hospitallers against him.  
WIlliam, who was last possessed of the Patriarches chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks. But whatsoever he was for edifying of the Church, he was excellent at building of Castles (one at Askelon, another at Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securig of Pilgrims) till at last having sat in his place fifteen years, 
1145  he was translated to heaven, and on earth Fulcher Archbishop of Tyre succeeded him. An honest old man, whose weak age was much molested with the pride and rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procured from the Pope a plenary exemption from the Patriarch. This his Holiness did the more willingly grant, because hereby he made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them on himself by an immediate dependence, and so bringing water to his mill by a straighter and nearer stream. But hereby the entireness of Episcopal jurisdiction was much maimed and mangled, and every Covent was a castle of rebels, armed with privileges to fight against their lawful Diocesan.  
Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the Bishops, so did they rob the profit of poor Priests, refusing to pay any tithes of their Manors, which contained many parishes, (so that the Pastors who fed the flocks, were starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the vineyard, were at night sent supperless to bed) the Hospitallers pleading that the Pope had freed them from these duties; as if an acquittance under the hand of his Holiness was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty of: as, outbraving the temple of the Sepulchre with their stately buildings; giving the Sacraments to, and receiving of excommunicate persons; ringing their bells when their Patriarch preached, that his voice might not be heard; shooting 
† Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3.  arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in Divine service; A bundle whereof were hung up as a monument of their impiety.  
Fulcher the Patriarch crawled to Rome, 
1156  being 100 years old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying with him the Archbishop of Tyre, and five other Bishops. But he had sped better, if in stead of every one of them he had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented him, and had formerly been effectually present with their large bribes; so that the Patriarches suit was very cold: And no wonder, seeing he did afford no fuel to heat it. The Cardinal's eyes in the court of Rome were old and dim; and therefore the glass wherein they see any thing must be well-silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of S. Martin, favoured Christ's cause and his Ministers; but 
† Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam filii Bosor. Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 8.  all the rest followed gifts, and the way of Balaam the son of Bosor. But here 
† Annal. eccles. in anno 1155.  Baronius, who hitherto had leaned on Tyrius his authority, now starteth from it: And no wonder, for his pen will seldom cast ink, when he meeteth with the corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the good Patriarch wearied with delays, returned back with his grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew more insolent; and under pretence of being free from fetters, would wear no girdle; denying not only subjection, but any filial obedience to a superior.   

Chap. 26.  
Of Almericus Patriarch of Antioch; His instituting of Carmelites; Their differing from the pattern of Elias.  
AFter the tragical life and death of Rodolphus Patriarch of Antioch, 
1142  who was twelve years' Patriarch, counting his banishment, Haymericus by the contrary faction and power of Prince Reimund succeeded him, with little quiet and comfort of his place.  
And here to our grief must we take our final farewell of the distinct succession of the Patriarches of Antioch, with the years that they sat; such is the obscurity and confusion of it. Yet no doubt this 
† Compare Baronius with himself in these years, 1143, 1154, 1181, and we shall find Haymericus and Almericus the same.  Haymericus was the same with Almericus, who about the year 1160 first instituted the order of Carmelites. Indeed formerly they lived dispersed about the mountain of Carmel: but he gathered them together into one house; because solitariness is a trespass against the nature of man, and God when he had made all things good, saw it was not good for man to be alone.  
Surely from great antiquity in the Primitive Church, 
Polyd. Virg. lib. 7. cap. 3. Sabel. Enn. 9 lib. 5.  many retired themselves to solitary places, (where they were always alone, and always in the company of good thoughts) chiefly to shade themselves from the heat of persecution. 
Hospin. De orig. mon.  Whose example was in after-ages imitated by others, when there was no such necessity: As here by these Carmelites; whose order was afterwards perfected in the year 1216, by Albert Patriarch of Jerusalem, with certain Canonical observations imposed upon them. And in the next age, these bees which first bred in the ground and hollow trees, got them hives in gardens; and leaving the deserts, gained them princely houses in pleasant places. They pretended indeed that they followed the pattern of Elias, though far enough from his example: First, for their habit; they wore 
† Antoninus, tit. 20. cap. 5.  white coats guarded with red streaks: but they have no colour in the Bible that Elias ever wore such a livery; it suits rather with Joseph then with him. Secondly, by their order they were to ride on he-asses; whereas we read that Elias went on foot, and road but once in a chariot of fire. Thirdly, they by the constitution of Pope Nicolas the 5. had 
† Balaeus in vita Nicol. 5.  sisters of their company living near unto them; we find Elias to have no such feminine consorts. Fourthly, they lived in all lust and laziness, as 
† Vide Baleum, centur. 4. cap. 4●. in append. 2.  Nicolas Gallus their own General did complain, that they were Sodomites, and compared them to the tail of the Dragon: so that their luxury differed from Elias his austerity, as much as velvet from sackcloth. Wherefore that the Carmelites came from mount Carmel cannot be denied: But on that mountain I find that both Elias and Baal's priests gathered together; and let the indifferent reader judge which of them their lives do most resemble.  
Afterwards Pope Honorius 3. counting the particoloured coats these Carmelites did wear to be too gaudy, caused them to wear only white, the colour which nature doth die; simple, and therefore fittest for religion. But Melexala King of Egypt, who formerly was very bountiful to the Carmelites, knew not his Alms-men in their new coats, but changed his love, as they their livery, and persecuted them out of all Egypt. It seemeth afterwards, by the complaint of 
† Eclo●. 2. immutarunt mutati vellera mores.  Mantuan, that they wore some black again over their white: For he playeth on them, as if their bad manners had blacked and altered their clothes.  
Now though Palestine was their mother, England was their best nurse. Ralph Fresburg, about the year 1240, first brought them hither; and they were first seated at Newenden in 
† Yet C●mden saith they were first seated in Northumberland.  Kent. An 
† Pitsaeus, in indice Carm.  hundred and forty English writers have been of this order. And here they flourished in great pomp, till at last King Henry the 8 as they came out of the wilderness, so turned their houses into a wilderness; not only breaking the necks of all Abbeys in England, but also scattering abroad their very bones, past possibility of recounting them.   

Chap. 27.  
Edessa lost; The hopeful voyage of Conrade the Emperor and Lewis King of France to the Holy land, blasted by the perfidiousness of Emmanuel the Grecian Emperor.  
Empires' have their set bounds, whither when they come, they stand still, go back, fall down: This we may see in the Kingdom of Jerusalem; which under Godfrey and the two first Baldwines was a gainer, under Fulk a saver, under the succeeding Kings a constant loser till all was gone. For now Sanguine Prince of the Turks (as bloody as his name) wrested from the Christians the country and city of Edessa, one of the four Tetrarchies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. And though Sanguine shortly after was stabbed at a feast, yet Noradine his son succeeded, and exceeded him in cruelty against the Christians.  
The loss of Edessa (wherein 
† Christiano nomini à temporibus Apostolorum devota. Tyrius, lib. 16. cap. 5.  our religion had flourished 
1147  ever since the Apostles time) moved Conrade Emperor of the West, and Lewis the 7. surnamed the Young, King of France, to undertake a voyage to the Holy-land. Pope Eugenius the 3. bestirred himself in the matter, and made S. Bernard his solicitor to advance the design. For never could so much steel have been drawn into the east, had not this good man's persuasion been the loadstone. The Emperor's army contained two hundred thousand foot, besides fifty thousand horse: Nor was the army of King Lewis much inferior in number. In France they sent a 
† P. Aemil. in Ludou. 7.  distaff and a spindle to all those able men that went not with them, as upbraiding their effeminateness: And no wonder, when women themselves went in armour, (having a brave lass like another Penthesilea for their leader, so befringed with gold, that they called her 
† Nicetas, in Emm. Comn. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Golden-foot) riding astride like men; which I should count more strange, but that I find all women in England in the same posture on their horses, till 
† Cambd. Britan. in Surry.  Anna, wife to King Richard the second, some 200 years since, taught them a more modest behaviour. The Turks did quake hearing of these preparations, which to them were reported far greater than they were, fame (contrary to all other painters) making those things the greatest which are presented the farthest off.  
Conrade with his army took his way through Grecia; where Emmanuel the Emperor, possessed with an hereditary fear of the Latins, fortified his cities in the way, as knowing there needed strong banks where such a stream of people was to pass. And suspecting that if these Pilgrims often made his Empire their highway into Palestine, little grass would grow in so trodden a path, and his country thereby be much endamaged; he used them most treacherously, giving them bad welcome that he might no more have such guests. To increase their miseries, as the Dutch encamped by the river 
* Nicetas, 〈◊〉 prius.  Melas, (if that may be called a river which is all mud in summer, all sea in winter) deserving his name from this black and dismal accident, it drowned many with its sudden overflowings, as if it had conspired with the Grecians, and learned treachery from them.  
They that survived this sudden mishap, were reserved for lingering misery. For the Grecian Emperor did them all possible mischief, by mingling lime with their meal, by killing of stragglers, by holding intelligence with the Turks their enemies, by corrupting his coin, making his silver as base as himself, (so that the Dutch sold good wares for bad money, and bought bad wares with good money) by giving them false Conductours which trained them into danger, so that there was more fear of the guides then of the way. All which his unfaithful dealings are recorded by that faithful historian † 
* In vit● Manuel. Com. lib. 1. Sect. 5.  Nicetas Choniates: who though a Grecian born, affirmeth these things; the truth of his love to his countrymen no whit prejudicing his love to the truth.   

Chap. 28.  
The Turks conquered at Meander; The Dutch and French arrive in Palestine.  
SCarce had the Dutch escaped the treachery of the Greeks, when they were encountered with the hostility of the Turks, who waited for them on the other side of Meander. The river was not fordable; ship or bridge the Christians had none: when behold Conrade the Emperor adventured on an action, which because it was successful, shall be accounted valiant; otherwise we should term it desperate. After an 
† Knoll●, Turk. hist. pag. 33.  exhortation to his army, he commanded them all at once to flownce into the river. Meander was plunged by their plunging into it: his water stood 
† Nicetas in Man. Comn. lib. 1. Sect. 6.  amazed, as unresolved whether to retreat to the fountain, or proceed to the sea, and in this ecstasy afforded them a dry passage over the stream. An act which, like that of Horatius Cocles his leaping into Tiber, 
† Liv. lib. 2.  plus famae ad posteros habiturum quam fidei, will find more admirers than believers with posterity. The affrighted Turks on the other side, thinking there was no contending with them that did teach nature itself obedience, offered their throats to the Christians swords, and were killed in such number, that whole piles of dead bones remain there for a monument▪ like those heaps of the Cimbrians slain by Marius near Marseils, where afterwards the inhabitants walled their vineyards with sculls, and guarded their 
† Munst. Cosmog. lib. 2. pag. 227.  grapes with dead men. Hence Conrade made forward to Iconium, now called Cogni, which he besieged in vain, to the great loss of his army.  
The King of France followed after with great multitudes, and drank of the same cup at the Grecians hands, though not so deeply: till at last, finding that those who marched through the continent met with an ocean of misery, he thought better to trust the wind and sea than the Greeks; and taking shipping safely arrived in Palestine, where he was highly welcomed by Reimund Prince of Antioch. Some weeks were spent in complying, entertainments, and visiting holy places; till at last, Elinor wife to the King of France, who accompanied her husband, made religion her pander, and played 
† Ser●es, (translated by Grims●on) in vita Ludov. 7. & P. Aemylius, in ejusdem vita.  bankrupt of her honour; under pretence of pilgrimage, keeping company with a base Saracen jester, whom she preferred before a King. Thus love may blindfold the eyes, but lust boreth them out. Yea, now she pleaded that she might be no longer wife to the King, because she was too near unto him, within the degrees forbidden. This new-started scruple never troubled her before: but some have sluices in their consciences, and can keep them open, or shut them as occasion requireth.   

Chap. 29.  
Damascus' besieged in vain; The return of the Emperor and King; with the censure on this voyage.  
THe late-come Pilgrims having sufficiently recreated themselves, the Emperor and the King of France concluded to besiege Damascus: for a small town was conceived too narrow an object of their valour, whilst so eminent an action was adequate to the undertakers. Damascus is so pleasant a city, that Mahomet durst never enter into it, lest this deceiver should be deceived himself, and be so ravished with the pleasures of the place, that he should forget to go on in that great work he had in hand. Some make Eliezer Abraham's steward builder of this city, because he is called Eliezer of Damascus; though that phrase speaketh him rather to have had his birth or dwelling there, than the city her building from him. To pass this by, because as the foundations are hidden in the ground, so the founders of most ancient places are forgotten; It was for many years after the Metropolis of Syria, 
1148  and was now straight besieged by the Christians with great hope of success, had they not afterwards fallen out amongst themselves who should eat the chickens before they were hatched. Conrade and King Lewis destined the city to Theodorick Earl of Flanders, lately arrived in those parts: whilst other Princes which had been long resident in Palestine, and born the heat of the war grudged hereat; and their stomaches could not digest the crudity of a raw upstart to be preferred before them. Yea, some of the Christians corrupted with Turkish money (though when they received it, it proved but 
† ●●eodor. à Niem, De privilegis Impe●ii, cap. de Conrado 4.  guilded brass; may all traitors be paid in such coin) persuaded the King of France to remove his camp to a stronger part of the walls: which they long besieged in vain, and returned home at last, leaving the city and their honours behind them.  
The French proverb was verified of this voyage, Much bruit and little fruit. They not only did no good in the Holy land, (
† Sabellicus.  save that some think their coming advantaged King Baldwine for the taking of the city of Askelon) but also did much harm. For now the Turks seeing one city both bear the brunt and batter the strength of both armies, began to conceive that their own fear was their greatest enemy; and those swords of these new Pilgrims which they dreaded in the sheath, they slighted when they saw them drawn; and shook off that awe which had formerly possessed them, of the strength of the Western Emperor. Many thousand Christians perished in this adventure, whose souls are pronounced by all the writers of this age to be carried up into heaven on the wings of the holy cause they died for: Whose blessed estate I will not disprove; nor will I listen to the unhappy Dutch proverb, 
* Cited by Luther, on Gen. 3.  He that bringeth himself into needless dangers, dieth the devil's martyr.  
We must not forget how the French King coming homeward was taken prisoner by the fleet of the Grecian Emperor, and rescued again by Gregory Admiral to Roger King of Sicily. When he was safely arrived in France, in open Parliament his wife was divorced from him. Her nearness in blood was the only cause specified; and the King took no notice of her inconstancy, accounting those but foolish husbands who needlessely proclaim their wife's dishonesty. He gave her back again all the lands in Franc● which he had received with her in portion; scorning her wealth which neglected his love. Herein he did nobly, but not politicly, to part with the Dukedoms of Poictou and Aquitain, which he enjoyed in her right: for he broke his own garland by giving her her flowers back again; mangled and dismembered his own Kingdom, and gave a 
* Serres, in Ludou. 7.  torch into Henry King of England his hands (who afterwards married her) to set France on fire.   

Chap. 30.  
An apology for S. Bernard, whom the vulgar sort condemned for the murderer of those that went this voyage.  
SLander (quicker than Martial law) arraigneth, condemneth, and executeth all in an instant. This we may see in poor S. Bernard, who was the mark for every man's tongue to shoot arrows against: and when this voyage had miscarried, many 
* Goffridus, in vita Bern. lib. 3. cap. 4.  condemned him, because his persuasion set this project not only on foot but on wings; as if he had thrust so many men, as one morsel, into the jaws of death.  
But much may be alleged truly to excuse this good man.  
First, he was but an instrument employed by Pope Eugenius and a 
* Baron. annal. Eccl. in anno 1140. Insistens operi sibi commisso ab Eugenio.  Provincial Council of French Bishops to forward the design. Rather than should they have blamed his Holiness who set him on work: But the saddle oftentimes is not set on the right horse, because his back is too high to be reached, and we see commonly that the instruments are made skreens to save the face of the principal from scorching.  
Secondly, the true cause of the ill success was the viciousness of the undertakers. For Germany at this time forfeited of lewd people; and those grew the fattest which lived on the highways. But this voyage robbed the whole country of her 
† Germania tun● latrociniis frequens, purgabatur ●o genere hominum, K●antz. 6. Sax. cap. 13.  thiefs; and then no wonder if they found their death in Asia, who deserved it in Europe. Hear what 
† In vita Fred. lib. 1. cap. 6. in fine.  Otho Frisingensis, who went this voyage, speaketh impartially in the matter: If we should say that Bernard that holy Abbot was inspired by God's Spirit to inci●e us to this war, but we through our pride and wantonness not observing his holy commands deservedly brought on ourselves the loss of our goods and lives, we should say nothing but what is agreeable to reason, and to ancient examples. However, it was an heavy affliction to S. Bernard's aged back to bear the reproach of many people: it being a great grief for one to be generally condemned as guilty, for want of proof of his innocency. And though God set his hand to S. Bernard's testimonial by the many 
† Goffrid. ut pri●●.  miracles which that Father wrought, yet still some challenged him for a counterfeit.  
And surely this humiliation was both wholesome and necessary for him. For the people, who cannot love without doting, nor approve without admiring, were too much transported with an high opinion of this man and his directions▪ as if that arrow could not miss the mark which came out of S. Bernard's bow. Wherefore this miscarriage came very seasonably to abate their over-towring conceits of him; and perchance his own of himself. And no doubt he made a good use of this bad accident. The less his fame blazed, the more his devotion burned; and the cutting off of his top, made him take deep root, and to be made more truly humble and sanctified. In his book of 
† Lib. 2. cap. ●.  Consideration he maketh a modest defence of himself; whether we refer the reader. To conclude; The devotion of this man was out of question so neglecting this world, that he even did spit out that preferment which was dropped into his mouth: But as for his judgement, it was not always the best: which gave occasion to the proverb, Bernardus non videt omnia.   

Chap. 31.  
Unseasonable discords betwixt King Baldwine and his mother; Her strength in yielding to her son.  
UPon the departure of Emperor Conrade and K. Lewis, 
1149  Noradine the Turk much prevailed in Palestine. Nor was he little advantaged by the discords betwixt Mille●ent Queen-mother and the Nobility; thus occasioned: There was a Nobleman called Manasses, whom the Queen (governing all in her son's minority) made Constable of the Kingdom. This man unable to manage his own happiness, grew so insolent that he could not go, but either spurning his equals, or trampling on his inferiors. No wonder then, if envy, the shadow of greatness, waited upon him. The 
* Tyrius, lib. 17. cap. 13.  Nobility highly distasted him: but in all oppositions the Queen's favour was his sanctuary; who to show her own absoluteness, and that her affection should not be controlled, nor that thrown down which she set up, still preserved the creature she had made.  
His enemies perceiving him so fast rooted in her favour, and seeing they could not remove him from his foundation, sought to remove him with his foundation; instigating young King Baldwine against his mother, and especially against her favourite. They complained how the State groaned under his insolency; He was the bridge by which all offices must pass, and there pay toll; He alone sifted all matters, and then no wonder if much bran passed; He under pretence of opening the Queen's eyes did lead her by the nose, captivating her judgement in stead of directing it; He like a by-gulf devoured her affection, which should flow to her children. They persuaded the King he was ripe for government, and needed none to hold his hand to hold the sceptre. Let him therefore either un tie or cut himself loose from this slavery, and not be in subjection to a subject.  
Liberty needeth no hard-pressing on youth, a touch on that stamp maketh an impression on that waxen age. Young Baldwine is apprehensive of this motion, and prosecuteth the matter so eagerly, that at length he coopeth up this Manasses in a castle, and forceth him to abjure the Kingdom. Much stir afterwards was betwixt him and his mother; till at last to end divisions, the Kingdom was divided betwixt them: She had the city of Jerusalem, and the land-locked part; he the maritime half of the land. But the widest throne is too narrow for two to sit on together. He not content with this partition, marcheth furiously to Jerusalem, there to besiege his mother, and to take all from her. Out of the city cometh 
† Tyrius, lib. 17. cap. 14.  Fulcher the good Patriarch, (his age was a patent for his boldness) and freely reproveth the King: Why should he go on in such an action wherein every step he stirred, his legs must needs grate and crash both against nature and religion? Did he thus requite his mother's care in stewarding the State, thus to affright her age, to take arms against her? Was it not her goodness to be content with a moiety, when the whole Kingdom in right belonged unto her?  
But ambition had so enchanted Baldwine, that he was penetrable with no reasons which crossed his designs: so that by the advice of her friends she was content to resign up all, lest the Christian cause should suffer in these dissensions. She retired herself to 
† Idem, ibidem.  Sebaste, and abridged her train from State to necessity. And now the less room she had to build upon, the higher she raised her soul with heavenly meditations; and lived as more private, so more pious till the day of her death.   

Chap. 32.  
Reimund Prince of Antioch overcome and killed; Askelon taken by the Christians; The death of King Baldwine.  
THese discords betwixt mother and son were harmony in the ears of Noradine the Turk: Who coming with a great army wasted all about Antioch; and Prince Reimund going out to bid him battle, was slain himself, and his army overthrown: nor long after Joceline Count of Edessa was intercepted by the Turks, and taken prisoner.  
As for Constantia the relict of Reimund Prince of Antioch, she lived a good while a widow, refusing the affections which many princely suitors proffered unto her, till at last she descended beneath herself to marry a plain man, 
1153  Reinold of Castille. Yet why should we say so, when as a Castilian Gentleman (if that be not a needless tautology) as he maketh the inventory of his own worth, prizeth himself any Prince's fellow: And the proverb is, Each layman of Castille may make a King, each clergyman a Pope? Yea, we had best take heed how we speak against this match: for Almericus Patriarch of Antioch for inveighing against it, was by this Prince Reinold set in the heat of the sun with his 
† Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 1.  bare head besmeared with honey (a sweet bitter torment) that so bees might sting him to death. But King Baldwine mediated for him, and obtained his liberty that he might come to Jerusalem, where he lived many years in good esteem. And God's judgements are said to have overtaken the Prince of Antioch: for besides the famine which followed in his country, he himself afterwards fight unfortunately with the Turks, was taken prisoner.  
But let us step over to Jerusalem; where we shall find King Baldwine making preparation for the siege of Askelon: Which city after it had been long locked up, had at last an assaultable breach made in the walls thereof. The Templars (to whom the King promised the spoil if they took it) entered through this breach into the city: and conceiving they had enough to wield the work and master the place, set a guard at the breach, that no more of their fellow-Christians should come in to be sharers with them in the booty. But their 
† Tyrius. lib. 17. cap. 27.  covetousness cost them their lives: for the Turks contemning their few number put them every one to the sword. Yet at last the city was taken, though with much difficulty. 
1154 Aug. 12.   
Other considerable victories Baldwine got of the Turks; especially one at the river Jordan, where he vanquished Noradine: And twice he relieved Cesarea-Philippi, which the Turks had straight besieged. But death at last put a period to his earthly happiness, being poisoned (as it was supposed) by a Jewish physician; for the rest of the potion killed a dog to whom it was given. This King's youth was stained with unnatural discords with his mother, and other vices, which in his settled age he reform. Let the witness of Noradine his enemy be believed; who honourably refused to invade the Kingdom whilst the funeral solemnities of Baldwine were performing; and professed the Christians had a just cause of sorrow, 
† Tyrius, lib. 19 cap. 34.  having lost such a King, 
1163  whose equal for justice and valour the world did not afford. He died without issue, having reigned one and twenty years. So that sure it is the Printers mistake in Tyrius, where he hath four and twenty years assigned him, more than the consent of time will allow.   

Chap. 33.  
King Almerick his disposition.  
ALmerick brother to King Baldwine, Earl of Joppa and Askelon, 
1163 Febr. 18.  succeeded to the Crown. But before his coronation he was enjoined by the Pope's Legate and by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, to dismiss Agnes his wife, daughter to Joceline the younger, Count of Edessa, because she was his cousin in the fourth degree; with this reservation, that the two children he had by her, Baldwine and Sibyl, should be accounted legitimate, and capable of their father's possessions. A Prince of excellent parts; of a most happy 
† Tyrius, lib. 19 cap. 2.  memory, (wherein also his brother Baldwine was eminent, though Fulk their father was wonderfully forgetful; so true is the maxim, Pure per sonalia non propagantur, Parents entail neither their personal defects nor perfections on their posterity) solid judgement, quick apprehension; but of a bad utterance, which made him use words only as a shield when he was urged and pressed to speak, otherwise he preferred to be silent, and declined popularity, more than his brother Baldwine affected it. Very thrifty he was; and though 
† In ●rat: pr● Deiotar●.  Tully saith, Dici hominem frugi non multum habet laudis in Rege, yet moderate frugality is both laudable and necessary in a King. But our Almerick went somewhat too far, and was a little poor in admiring of riches, laying great taxations on the holy places to their utter impoverishing: Yet was he not mastered by his purse, but made it his vassal, and spared no money on a just occasion. He never received accusation against any of his officers, and never reckoned with them (count it as you please, carelessness or noble confidence) because he would not teach them to be dishonest by suspecting them. Nor is it the last and least part of his praise, that William Archbishop of Tyre (so often mentioned) wrote the Holy war at his instance. Once he angered the good Archbishop with this question, 
† Tyrius, lib. 19 cap. 3.  How the resurrection of the body may be proved by reason? Hereat the good Prelate was much displeased, as counting it a dangerous question wherewith one removeth a foundation-stone in Divinity, though with intent to lay it in the place again. But the King presently protested, That he demanded it not out of any diffidence in himself about that article, but in case one should meet with a sturdy man, who (as too many nowadays) would not trust faith on her single bond, except he have reason joined for security with her. Hereupon the Archbishop alleged many strong arguments to prove it, and both rested well satisfied.   

Chap. 34.  
Ecclesiastical business; A Sultan of Iconium, and the master of the Assasines desired to be christened; The Commonwealth of the Assasines described.  
IN the Church of Jerusalem we find Almerick still Patriarch: A Frenchman born, but little fit for the place, to which he was preferred by the favour of Sibyl, Countess of Flanders, the King's sister. Mean time the Church needed a Salic law, to forbid distaffs to meddle with mitres; and neither to be, nor to make Patriarches.  
But the most remarkable Church-matter in this King's reign, was the clandestine christening of a Sultan of Iconium. And more of his courtiers might have followed him, 
Baron. in anno 1169.  but that his Ambassadors being at Rome, were offended there with the viciousness of Christians lives; which made them to exclaim, 
† M. Paris, in anno 1169.  How can fresh and salted water flow from the same fountain? 
1169  This hath made many Pagans to step back, which had one foot in our Church, when they have seen Christians believe so well, and live so ill; breaking the Commandments against the Creed.  
Not long after, the great master of the Assasines was really disposed to receive our religion; and to this end sent an Ambassador to King Almerick, which Ambassador was treacherously slain by one of the Templars. 
1173  The 
† Tyrius, lib. 20. cap. 32.  King demanded this murderer of the master of the Templars, that justice might pass upon him. But the master proudly answered, That he had already enjoined him penance, and had directed to send him to the Pope, but stoutly refused to surrender him to the King. This cruel murder embittered the Assasines more desperately against the Christians.  
These Assasines were a precise sect of Mahometans, and had in them the very spirits of that poisonous superstition. They had some six cities, and were about forty thousand in number, living near Antaradus in Syria. Over these was a chief master, (Hell itself cannot subsist without a Beelzebub; so much order there is in the place of confusion,) whom they called 
† M. Paris, anno 1147. P. Aemyl. in Ludou. jun.  The Old man of the mountains. At his command they would refuse no pain or peril, but stab any Prince whom he appointed out to death; scorning not to find hands for his tongue, to perform what he enjoined. At this day there are none of them exstant, (except revived by the Jesuits; for sure Ignatius Loyola, the lame father of blind obedience fetched his platform hence) being all, as it seems, slain by the 
* M. Paris, (aut ejus Continuator) in anno 1257.  Tartarians, Anno 1257. But no tears need be shed at their funerals: yea, pity it is that any pity should be lavished upon them, whose whole government was an engine built against humane society, worthy to be fired by all men; the body of their State being a very monstrosity, and a grievance of mankind.   

Chap. 35.  
Dargan and Sanar two Egyptian Lords contending about the Sultany, Sanar calleth in the Turks to help him. Of the danger of mercenary soldiers; yet how, well qualified, they may be serviceable.  
EGypt was a stage whereon the most remarkable passages in the reign of King Almerick were acted. It will be necessary therefore to premise somewhat concerning the estate of that Kingdom at this time. Whilst the Turks thus lorded it in Syria and the lesser Asia, the Saracen Caliph commanded in Egypt; under whom two great Lords, Dargan and Sanar, fell out about the Sultany or Vice-royship of that land. But Sanar fearing he should be worsted by Dargan, sued to Noradine King of the Turks at Damascus for aid: who sent him an army of Turks, under the command of Syracon an experienced Captain, against Sultan Dargan. 
1165  So Dargan and Sanar met and fought. The victory was Dargans; but he enjoyed it not long, being shortly after slain by treachery, whereby Sanar recovered the Sultan's place. Mean time how strange was the voluptuous lethargy of the Caliph Elhadach, to pursue his private pleasures, whilst his Viceroys thus fought under his nose, and employed foreign succours, yet he never regarded it; as if the tottering of his Kingdom had rocked him fast asleep!  
Nor was he moved with that which followed, and more nearly concerned him. For Syracon the Turkish Captain, whom Sanar had gotten to come into Egypt, would not be entreated to go home again; but seized on the city of Belbis, fortified it, and there attended the arrival of more Turks from Damascus, for the conquest of Egypt. Which afterwards they performed; the land being never completely cleared of them, till at last they conquered the whole Kingdom, partly under this Syracon, and wholly under Saladine his nephew.  
And here my discourse (by the leave of the reader) must a little sally forth to treat of the danger of entertaining mercenary soldiers. They may perchance be called in with a whistle, but scarce cast out with a whip. If they be slugs, they endanger a State by their slothfulness; if spirited men, by their activity. Cesar Borgia, Machiavils idol, whose practice he maketh the pattern of policy, saith, 
* Mach. Prince, cap. 9 Se malle vinci suis armis quam alienis victorem esse.  That he had rather be conquered with his own men, then be conqueror with an army of others; because he counted that conquest to be none at all.  
Yet good physic may be made of poison well corrected: They may sometimes be necessary evils; yea, good and serviceable to defend a land, if thus qualified: First, if they have no command of castles, or place near about the Prince's person; for than they have a compendious way to treason, if they intent it. Secondly, if they be not entertained in too great numbers, but in such refracted degrees, that the natives may still have the predominancy; for a surfeit of foreign supplies is a disease incurable. Thirdly, if the Prince who employeth them, hath their wives, children, and estates in his own hands; which will be both a caution and pawn for their fidelity, and will also interest their affections more cordially in the cause. Lastly, if they be of the same religion with them, and fight against the enemy of the religion of both; for than they are not purely hirelings, but parties in part, and the cause doth at least mediately concern them. I believe that it will scarcely be shown, that the Protestants have turned tails and betrayed them they came to assist.  
We may observe, the Low-countrieses have best thrived by setting this trade of journeymen soldiers on work. Let them thank God and the good English: for if Francies Duke of Anjou with his Frenchmen had well succeeded, no doubt he would have spread his bread with their butter. Next them the Venetians have sped best: for they have the trick, when they find it equally dangerous to cashier their mercenary General or to entertain him any longer, fairly to kill him; as they served 
* Mach. Prince, cap. 8.  Carmignola. England hath best thrived without them: under God's protection we stand on our own legs. The last I find are an handful of Almains used against 
* Speed, Edward 6.  Kett in Norfolk in the days of King Edward the sixth. And let it be our prayers, That as for those hirelings which are to be last tried and least trusted, we never have want of their help, and never have too much of it.   

Chap. 36.  
Sanar imploreth the aid of King Almerick; A solemn agreement made betwixt them, and ratified by the magnificent Caliph.  
SUltan Sanat perceiving himself pressed and overlayed by these Turks, 
1166  who with Syracon their Captain refused to return, and of assistants turned invaders, borrowed the help of Almerick King of Jerusalem to avoid them out of Egypt. Whilst Almerick marched thither, an unfortunate battle was fought betwixt Boemund the third of that name Prince of Antioch, 
Aug. 10.  Reimund Count of Tripoli, Calaman Grecian governor of Cilicia, and Joceline the third the titular Count of Edessa, on the one side; and Noradine King of the Turks, on the other. The Turks got the victory, and these four Christian Princes were taken prisoners; and their army lost so much good blood that day, that cast it into an irrecoverable consumption, and hastened the ruin of this Kingdom. Noradine following his blow, won Cesarea-Philippi.  
Nevertheless Almerick went on effectually in Egypt, and for a time expulsed the Turks out of this Land. 
Aug. 18.  But Syracon would not so quickly quit the country; but goeth to the Caliph of Babylon, (who was opposite to him of Egypt, each of them claiming as heir to Mahomet the false prophet, the sovereignty over all that were of the Saracen law) and offereth him his means for the exstirpation of this schismatical Caliph, and the reduction of all Egypt to the subjection of the Babylonian.  
The motion was joyfully entertained, and Syracon with a mighty power descendeth into Egypt.  
Sanar affrighted hereat maketh new and larger proffers to King Almerick to stop this deluge of his enemies, and proffereth him a pension of forty thousand ducats yearly for his behooveful assistance. But the King understanding that the Sultan (how much soever he took upon him) was subject to a higher Lord, would make no such bargain with him, but with the Caliph himself; and therefore sent his Ambassadors, 
* Tyrius, lib. 19 cap. 16.  Hugh Earl of Caesarea, and a Knight-Templar, along with the Sultan to Caliph Elhadach then resident at Cairo. Arriving at his palace, they passed through dark passages well guarded with armed Ethiopians. Hence they were conducted into goodly open 
* Idem, cap. 18.  courts of such beauty and riches, that they could not retain the gravity of Ambassadors, but were enforced to admire the rarities they beheld. The farther they went, the greater the state; till at last they were brought to the Caliphs' own lodging. Where entering the presence, the Sultan thrice prostrated himself to the ground before the curtain behind which the Caliph sat. Presently the traverse wrought with pearls was opened, and the Caliph himself discovered, sitting with great majesty on a throne of gold, having few of his most inward eunuches about him.  
The Sultan humbly kissed his master's feet; and briefly told him the cause of their coming, the danger wherein the land stood, the proffers he had made to King Almerick, desiring him now to ratify them, and in demonstration thereof to give his hand to the King's Ambassadors. The Caliph demurred hereat, as counting such a gesture a diminution to his State; and at no hand would give him his hand bare, but gave it in his glove. To whom the resolute Earl of 
* Idem, cap. 19  Caesarea; Sir, said he, Truth seeketh no holes to hide itself. Princes that will hold covenant, must deal openly and nakedly: give us therefore your bare hand; we will make no bargain with your glove. He was loath to do it; but necessity (a more imperious Caliph than himself at this time) commanded it: and he did it at last, dismissing the Christian Ambassadors with such gifts as testified his greatness.  
According to this agreement King Almerick cordially prosecuted his business, improving his utmost might to expel Syracon with his Turks out of Egypt; whom he bade battle, and got the day though he lost all his baggage: So that the conquest in a manner was divided; the Turks gaining the wealth, the Christians the honour of the victory. Following his blow, he pinned up the Turks afterward in the city of Alexandria, and forced them to receive of him conditions of peace, and then returned himself with honour to Askelon. 
1167 Sept. 21.    

Chap. 37.  
Almerick against his promise invadeth Egypt; His perjury punished with the future ruin of the Kingdom of jerusalem; His death.  
WHen a Crown is the prize of the game, 
1168  we must never expect fair play of the gamesters. King Almerick having looked on the beauty of the Kingdom of Egypt, he longed for it: and sought no longer to drive out the relics of the Turks, but to get Egypt to himself: And the next year, against the solemn league with the Caliph, invaded it with a great army. He falsely pretended that the Caliph would make a private peace with Noradine King of the Turks; and hence created his quarrel. For he hath a barren brain, who cannot fit himself with an occasion if he hath a desire to fall out. But Gilbert master of the Hospitallers chiefly stirred up the King to this war, upon promise that the city and country of Pelusium, if conquered, should be given to his order. The Templars were much against the design (one of their order was Ambassador at the ratifying of the peace) and with much zeal protested against it, as undertaken against oath and fidelity.  
An oath being the highest appeal, perjury must needs be an heinous sin, whereby God is solemnly invited to be witness of his own dishonour. And as bad is a God-mocking equivocation: For he that surpriseth truth with an ambush, is as bad an enemy as he that fighteth against her with a flat lie in open field. I know what is pleaded for King Almerick, namely, That Christians are not bound to keep faith with idolaters, the worshippers of a false god, as the Egyptian Caliph was on the matter. But open so wide a window, and it will be in vain to shut any doors. All contracts with Pagans may easily be avoided, if this evasion be allowed. But what saith S. Hierome? 
† Non considerandum cui, sed per quem juraveris, Comment. 17. Ezech.  It matters not to whom, but by whom we swear. And God to acquit himself, knowing the Christians prosperity could not stand with his justice after their perjury, frowned upon them. And from hence authors date the constant ill success of the Holy war. For though this expedition sped well at the first, and Almerick won the city of Belbis or Pelusium, yet see what a cloud of miseries ensued.  
First, Noradine in his absence wasted and won places near Antiochia at pleasure.  
Secondly, 
† Centurist. Centur. 12. in Almerico.  meler Prince of Armenia, a Christian, made a covenant with Noradine, and kept it most constantly, to the inestimable disadvantage of the King of Jerusalem. This act of meler must be condemned, but withal God's justice admired. Christians break their covenant with Saracens in Egypt, whilst other Christians, to punish them, make and keep covenant with Turks in Asia.  
Thirdly, the Saracens grew good soldiers on a sudden: who were naked at first, and only had bows; but now learned from the Christians to use all offensive and defensive weapons. Thus rude nations always better themselves in fight with a skilful enemy. How good mark-men are the Irish nowadays, which some seventy years ago, 
† Morison, in the description of Ireland, anno 1598.  at the beginning of their rebellions, had three men to discharge a hand-gun!  
Fourthly, Almericks' hopes of conquering Egypt were frustrated; for after some victories he was driven out, and that whole Kingdom conquered by Saladine (nephew to Syracon) who killed the Caliph with his horsemace as he came to do him reverence, and made himself the absolutest Turkish King of Egypt. 
1173 May.  And presently after the death of Noradine, the Kingdom of the Turks at Damascus was by their consent bestowed upon him. Indeed Noradine left a son, Mele●ala, who commanded in part of his father's dominions; but Saladine after his death got all for himself. Thus rising men shall still meet with more stairs to raise them; as those falling, with stumbling-blocks to ruin them.  
Mean time Jerusalem was a poor weather-beaten Kingdom, bleak and open to the storm of enemies on all sides, having no covert or shelter of any good friend near it, lying in the lion's mouth betwixt his upper and nether jaw; Damascus on the North, and Egypt on the South; two potent Turkish Kingdoms, united under a puissant Prince, Saladine. This made Almerick send for succours into Europe: for now few voluntaries came to this service; soldiers must be pressed with importunity. Our Western Princes were prodigal of their pity, but niggardly of their help: The heat of the war in Palestine had cooled their desires to go thither: which made these Ambassadors to return without supplies, having gone far to fetch home nothing but discomfort and despair.  
Lastly, King Almerick himself wearied with whole volleys of miseries, ended his life of a bloody flux, having reigned eleven full years, and was buried with his predecessors: Leaving two children, Baldwine and Sibyl, by Agnes his first wife; and by Mary his second wife (daughter to John Protosebastus, a Grecian Prince) one daughter, Isabella; married 
† Tyrius, lib. 22. cap. 4.  afterwards to Hemphred the third, Prince of Thorone.   

Chap. 38.  
Baldwine the fourth succeedeth; His education under William the reverend A●rchbishop of Tyre.  
BAldwine his son, the fourth of that name, succeeded his father: so like unto him, 
1174 july 15.  that we report the reader to the character of King Almerick, and will spare the repeating his description. Only he differed in the temper of his body, being inclined to the lepro●ie called Elephantiasis, noisome to the patient, but not infectious to the company: not like King Uzziahs, but Naaman's leprosy; which had it been contagious, no doubt the King of Assyria, when he went into the house of Rimmon, would have chosen another supporter. Mean time the Kingdom was as sick as the King; he of a leprosy, that of an incurable consumption.  
This Baldwine had the benefit of excellent education under William Archbishop of Tyre, a pious man and excellent scholar, skilled in all the learned Oriental tongues, besides the Dutch, and French his native language; a moderate and faithful writer: For in the latter part of his history of the Holy war, his eye guided his hand, till at last the taking of the city of Jerusalem so shook his hand, that his pen fell out, and he wrote no more. Treasurer he was of all the money contributed to the Holy war; Chancellor of this Kingdom; employed in several Embassies in the West; present at the Lateran Council, the acts whereof he did record: 
† Centurist. Centur. in Episcopis.  Cardinal he might have been, but refused it: In a word, unhappy only that he lived in that age, though that age was happy he lived in it.   

Chap. 39  
The viciousness of Heraclius the Patriarch of jerusalem; His Embassy to Henry the second, King of England, with the success; The Maronites reconciled to the Roman Church.  
AFter the death of Almerick Patriarch of Jerusalem, Heraclius was by the Queen-mother Mary, 
1181  second wife to King Almerick, for his handsomeness preferred to be Patriarch. 
† Besoldus, De Reg. Hieros. pag. 282.  William Archbishop of Tyre was violent against his election, because of a prophecy, That as Heraclius King of Persia won, so an Heraclius should lose the Crosse. But others excepted, that this exception was nothing worth: For let God give the man, and let the devil set the name. As for those blind prophecies, they miss the truth ofter than hit it; so that no wise man will lean his belief on so slender a prop. But Heraclius had a worse name than his name, the bad report of his vicious life; keeping a Vintner's wife, whom he maintained in all state like an Empress, and owned the children he had by her. Her name 
† Besoldus, pag. 284.  Pascha de Rivera, and she was generally saluted, The 
† Patriarchissa, Marinus San. lib. 3. par. 6. cap. 24.  Patriarchesse. His example infected the inferior clergy, whose corruption was a sad presage of the ruin of the realm: For when Prelates the Seers, when once those eyestrings begin to break, the heartstrings hold not long after.  
In his time the Maronites were reconciled to the Roman Church. Their main error was the heresy of the Monothelites, touching one only will and action in Christ. For after that the heresy of Nestorius about two persons in our Saviour was detested in the Eastern Churches, some thought not themselves safe enough from the heresy of two persons, till they were fallen with the opposite extremity of one nature in Christ: violence making men reel from one extreme to another. The error once broached, found many embracers: As no opinion so monstrous, but if it hath had a mother, it will get a nurse. But now these Maronites renouncing their ten ents, received the Catholic faith; 
1182  though soon after, when Saladine had conquered their country, they relapsed to their old errors: wherein they continued till the late times of Pope Gregory the thirteenth, and Clement the eighth, when they again renewed their communion with the Roman Church. They live at this day on mount Libanus, not exceeding twelve thousand household, and pay to the great Turk for every one above twelve years old, 
† Possevine, Appar. sacr. in Maron.  seventeen sultanines by the year; and for every space of ground sixteen span square, one sultanine yearly; to keep themselves free from the mixture of mahometans. A 
† Brierwood, Inquiries, cap. 25.  sultanine is about seven shillings six pence of our money.  
To return to Heraclius; 
1185  Soon after he was sent Ambassador to Henry the second, King of England, to crave his personal assistance in the Holy war, delivering unto him the Royal standard, with the keys of our Saviour's Sepulchre, the tower of David, and the city of Jerusalem, sent him by King Baldwine. King Henry was singled out for this service before other Princes, because the world justly reported him valiant, wise, rich, powerful, and fortunate: And (which was the main) hereby he might expiate his murder, and gather up again the innocent blood which he had shed of Thomas Becket. Besides, Heraclius entitled our Henry to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, because Geoffrey Plantagenet his father was son (some say, brother) to Fulk, the fourth King of Jerusalem. But King Henry was too wise to bite at such a bait, wherein was only the husk of title, without the kernel of profit. Yet he pretended he would go into Palestine; and got hereby a mass of money towards his voyage: making every one, as well Clerk as Lay (saving such as went) to pay that year the tenth of all their revenues, moveables, and chattels, as well in gold as in silver. Of every city in England he chose the richest men; as in London two hundred, in York an hundred, and so in proportion: and took the tenth of all their moveables, by the 
* Daniel, in Henry 2.  estimation of credible men who knew their estates: imprison●ing those which refused to pay, sub eleemosynae titulo vitium rapacitatis includens, saith Walsingham. But now when he had filled his purse, all expected he should fulfil his promise; when all his voyage into Palestine turned into a journey into France.  
Heraclius, whilst he stayed in England, consecrated the Temple-church in the suburbs of London, and the house adjoining belonging to the Templars; since turned to a better use, for the students of our municipal Law; these new Templars defending one Christian from another, as the old ones Christians from Pagans.   

Chap. 40.  
Saladine fitteth himself with foreign forces. The original and great power of the Mammalukes, with their first service.  
IN the minority of King Baldwine, who was but thirteen years old, Milo de Planci a Nobleman was Protector of the Realm: Whose pride and insolence could not be brooked, and therefore he was stabbed at Ptolemais, and Reimund Count of Tripoli chosen to succeed him.  
Now Saladine seriously intendeth to set on the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and seeketh to furnish himself with soldiers for that service. But he perceived that the ancient nation of the Egyptians had lasted so long, that now it ran dregs; their spirits being as low as the country they lived in, and they fitter to make merchants and mechanics then military men: For they were bred in such soft employments, that they were presently foundered with any hard labour. Wherefore he sent to the Circassians by the lake of Meotis, near Taurica Chersonesus, and thence bought many slaves of able and active bodies. For it was a people born in a hard country (no fuel for pleasure grew there nor was brought thither) and bred harder; so that war was almost their nature, with custom of continual skirmishing with the neighbouring Tartars.  
These slaves he trained up in military discipline, most of them being Christians, once baptised; but afterwards untaught Christ, they learned Mahomet, and so became the worse foes to religion for once being her friends. These proved excellent soldiers and special horsemen, and are called Mammalukes. And surely the greatness of Saladine and his successors stood not so much on the legs of their native Egyptians, as it leaned on the staff of these strangers. Saladine, and especially the Turkish Kings after him, gave great power, and placed much trust in these 
* Tyrius, lib. 21. cap. 23.  Mammalukes: who lived a long time in ignorance of their own strength; till at last they took notice of it, and scorning any longer to be factours for another, they would set up for themselves, and got the sovereignty from the Turkish Kings. Thus Princes who make their subjects overgreat, whet a knife for their own throats. And posterity may chance to see the insolent Janissaries give the grand Seignor such a trip on the heel as may tumble him on his back. But more largely of these Mammalukes usurping the Kingdom of Egypt (God willing) in its proper place.  
Thus Saladine having furnished himself with new soldiers, went to handsel their valour upon the Christians; invaded the Holy land, burning all the country before him, and raging in the blood of poor Christians, till he came and encamped about Askelon.  
Mean time whilst Reimund Count of Tripoli, Protector of the Kingdom, with Philip Earl of Flanders, & the chief strength of the Kingdom were absent in Celosyria, wasting the country about Emissa and Caesarea, young King Baldwine lay close in Askelon, not daring to adventure on so strong an enemy. With whose fear Saladine encouraged, dispersed his army, some one way, some another, to forage the country. 
1176 Nou. 25.  King Baldwine courted with this opportunity, marched out privately, not having past four hundred horse, with some few footmen, and assaulted his secure enemies, being six and twenty thousand. But victory standeth as little in the number of soldiers, as verity in the plurality of voices. The Christians got the conquest, and in great triumph returned to Jerusalem.  
This overthrow rather madded then daunted Saladine: Who therefore to recover his credit, some months after with his Mammalukes fell like a mighty tempest upon the Christians, as they were parting the spoil of a band of Turks, whom they had vanquished; put many to the sword, the rest to flight. Otto grand Master of the Templars, and Hugh son in law to the Count of Tripoli, were taken prisoners; and the King himself had much ado to escape. And thus both sides being well wearied with war, they were glad to refresh themselves with a short slumber of a truce solemnly concluded; and their troubled estates breathed almost for the space of two years. Which truce Saladine the more willingly embraced, 
1179  because of a famine in the Kingdom of Damascus, where it had scarce 
* Centurist. Cent. 12. in Baldvino 4.  reigned for five years together.   

Chap. 41.  
The fatal jealousies betwixt the King and Reimund Earl of Tripoli.  
BUt this so welcome a calm was troubled with domestical discords. 
1181  For the King's mother, (a woman of a turbulent spirit) and her brother his steward, accused Reimund Count of Tripoli, governor of the Realm in the King's minority, as if he affected the Crown for himself: which accusation this Earl could never wholly wipe off. For slender and lean slanders quickly consume themselves; but he that is branded with an heinous crime, (though false) when the wound is cured, his credit will be killed with the scar. Before we go further, let us view this Earl Reimunds' disposition, and we shall find him marked to do mischief, and to ruin this Realm. He was son to Reimund, grandchild to Pontius Earl of Tripoli, by Cecilie the daughter of 
* Tyrius, lib. 21. cap. 5.  Philip King of France, great-grandchild to Bertram first Earl of Tripoli, great-great-grandchild to Reimund Earl of Tholose, one of special note among the primitive adventurers in the Holy war. His mother was Hodiern, third daughter to Baldwine the second, King of Jerusalem. A man whose stomach was as high as his birth; and very serviceable to this State, whilst the sharpness of his parts were used against the Turks; which at last turned edge against the Christians: Proud, not able to digest the least wrong; and though long in captivity amongst the Turks, yet a very truant in the school of affliction, who never learned the lesson of patience: So revengeful, that he would strike his enemy, though it were through the sides of religion and the Christian cause. For this present accusation of treason, good authors seem to be his compurgatours for this at this time, though afterwards he discovered his treacherous intents. And because he could not rise by his service, he made his service fall by him; and undid what he had done for the public good, because thereby he could not attain his private ends. He commanded over the 〈◊〉 of Tripoli, which was a territory of large extent, wherein he was absolute Lord. And by the way we may take notice of this as one of the banes of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, That the principalities of Antioch, Tripoli, and Edessa (whilst it was Christian) were branches of this Kingdom, but too big for the body: For the Princes thereof on each petty distaste would stand on their guard, as if they had been subjects out of courtesy, not conscience: and though they confessed they owed the King allegiance, yet they would pay no more than they thought fitting themselves.  
To return to King Baldwine; This suspicion of Earl Reimund, though at first but a buzz, soon got a sting in the King's head, and he violently apprehended it. Whereupon Reimund coming to Jerusalem, was by the way commanded to stay, to his great disgrace. But some of the Nobility foreseeing what danger this discord might bring, reconciled them with much labour. However, Baldwine ever after looked on this Earl with a jealous eye. Jealousy, if it be fire in private persons, is wildfire in Princes, who seldom raze out their names whom once they have written in their black bills. And as the Italian proverb is, Suspicion giveth a passport to faith to set it on packing; so this Earl finding himself suspected, was never after cordially loyal, smothering his treachery in this King's life, which afterwards broke forth into an open flame.   

Chap. 42.  
Saladine is conquered by King Baldwine, and conquereth Mesopotamia; Discords about the Protectourship of jerusalem; The death and praise of Baldwine the fourth.  
THe Kingdom of Damascus being recovered of the famine, Saladine having gotten his ends by the truce, would now have the truce to end; and breaking it (as not standing with his haughty designs) marched with a great army out of Egypt through Palestine to Damascus, much spoiling the country. And now having joined the Egyptian with the Damascene forces, reentered the Holy land. But young King Baldwine meeting him, 
Centurist. Cent. 12. in Baldvino 4.  though but with seven hundred to twenty thousand, at the village Frobolt, overthrew him in a great battle; and Saladine himself was glad with speedy flight to escape the danger, and by long marches to get him again to Damascus. Afterward he besieged Berytus both by sea and land; but the vigilancy and valour of King Baldwine defeated his taking of it.  
Saladine finding such tough resistance in the Holy land, thought to make a better purchase by laying out his time in Mesopotamia. Wherefore passing Euphrates, he won Charran and divers other cities: and then returning, in Syria besieged Aleppo, the strongest place the Christians had in that country; so fortified by nature, that he had little hope to force it. But treason will run up the steepest ascent, where valour itself can scarce creep: and Saladine with the battery of bribes made such a breach in the loyalty of the governor, that he betrayed it unto him.  
Thus he cometh again into the Holy land more formidable than ever before, carrying an army of terror in the mentioning of his name, which drove the poor Christians all into their fenced cities. As for King Baldwine, the leprosy had arrested him prisoner, and kept him at home. Long had this King's spirit endured this infirmity, swallowing many a bitter pang with a smiling face, and going upright with patient shoulders under the weight of his disease. It made him put all his might to it, because when he yielded to his sickness, he must leave off the managing of the State; and he was loath to put off his royal robes before he went to bed, a Crown being too good a companion for one to part with willingly. 
1183  But at last he was made to stoop, and retired himself to a private life, appointing Baldwine his nephew (a child of five years old) his successor; and Guy Earl of Joppa and Askelon, this child's father in law, to be Protector of the Realm in his minority.  
But soon after he revoked this latter act, and designed Reimund Earl of Tripoli for the Protector. He displaced Guy, because he found him of no over-weight worth, scarce passable without favourable allowance, little feared of his foes, and as little loved of his friends. The more martial Christians slighted him as a slug, and neglected so lazy a leader that could not keep pace with those that were to follow him: Yea, they refused (whilst he was Protector) at his command to fight with Saladine; and out of distaste to their General, suffered their enemy freely to forage; which was never done before: For the Christians never met any Turks wand'ring in the Holy land, but on even terms they would examine their passport how sufficient it was, and bid them battle.  
Guy stormed at his displacing, and though little valiant, yet very sullen, left the Court in discontent, went home, and fortified his cities of Joppa and Askelon. What should King Baldwine do in this case? Whom should he make Protector? Guy had too little, Reimund too much spirit for the place. He feared Guy's cowardliness, lest he should lose the kingdom to the Turks; and Reimunds' treachery, lest he should get it for himself. Thus anguish of mind and weakness of body (a doughty conquest for their united strengths, which single might suffice) ended this King's days, dying young at five and twenty years of age. But if by the morning we may guess at the day, he would have been no whit inferior to any of his predecesssours; sours; especially if his body had been able: but (alas!) it spoilt the music of his soul, that the instrument was quite out of tune. He reigned twelve years, 
1185 May 16.  and was buried in the Temple of the Sepulchre: a King happy in this, that he died before the death of his Kingdom.   

Chap. 43.  
The short life, and woeful death of Baldwine the fifth an infant. Guy his father in law succeedeth him.  
IT is a rare happiness of the family of S. Laurence, 
1185  Barons of Hoath in Ireland, 
Camd. Brit. in the descript. of the county of Dublin.  that the heirs for 400 years together always have been of age before the death of their fathers: For Minors have not only baned families, but ruined realms. It is one of God's threatenings; I will give children to be their Princes, 
Isa. 3. 4.  and babes shall rule over them. With this rod God struck the Kingdom of Jerusalem thrice in forty years; Baldwine the third, fourth, and fifth, being all under age; and this last but five years old. He was the posthumus son of William marquis of Montferrat, by Sibyl his wife, sister to Baldwine the fourth, daughter to King Almerick: She afterwards was married to Guy Earl of Joppa and Askelon.  
Now Reimund Earl of Tripoli challenged to be Protector of this young King, by the virtue of an Act of the former King so assigning him. But Sibyl mother to this infant, to defeat Reimund, first murdered all natural affection in herself, and then by poison murdered her son; that so the Crown in her right might come to her husband Guy. This Baldwine reigned eight months, 
Cosmog. lib. 5. in terra sa●cta.  eight days, saith mistaken Munster: and some mistake more, who make him not to reign at all; cruel to wrong his memory of his honour, whom his mother had robbed both of his life and Kingdom.  
His death was concealed, till Guy his father in law had obtained by large bribes to the Templars and Heraclius the Patriarch, to be crowned King: One more ennobled with his descent from the ancient family of the Lusignans in Poictou, then for any 
* Tyrius, lib. 22. cap. 25. & 27. calleth him hom●●em indiscretum & p●n●tus inutilem.  eminency in himself: His gifts were better than his endowments. Yet had he been more fortunate, he would have been accounted more virtuous; men commonly censuring that the fault of the King, which is the fate of the Kingdom. And now the Christian affairs here posted to their woeful period, being spurred on by the discords of the Princes.   

Chap. 44.  
Church-affairs: Of Haymericus Patriarch of Antioch; Of the Grecian Anti-patriarches; and of the learned Theodorus Balsamon.  
Whilst Heraclius did Patriarch it in Jerusalem, one Haymericus had the same honour at Antioch. He wrote to Henry the second King of England, a bemoaning letter of the Christians in the East, and from him received another, fraught with never▪ performed fair promises. This man must needs be different from that Haymericus who began his Patriarchship in Antioch anno 1143, and sat but twelve years, say the 
* Centur. 12. in Episcop.  Centurioators: But 
* Annal. Eccl. in Haymeric●.  Baronius, as different from them sometimes in Chronologie as Divinity, maketh them the same. Then must he be a through-old man, enjoying his place above forty years; being probably before he wore the style of Patriarch, well worn in years himself. I must confess, it passeth my Chemistry to exact any agreement herein out of the contrariety of writers. We must also take notice, that besides the Latin Patriarches in Jerusalem and Antioch, there were also Grecian Anti-patriarches appointed by the Emperor of Constantinople: who having no temporal power nor profit by Church-lands, had only jurisdiction over those of the Greek Church. We find not the chain of their succession, but here and there light on a link; and at this time in Jerusalem on three successively: 1. Athanasius; whom though 
* Baronius, in anno 1180.  one out of his abundant charity is pleased to style a Schismatic, yet was he both pious and learned, as appeareth by his epistles. 2. Leontius, 
* Nicetas Choniates, in Isaacio Angelo, pag. 438.  commended likewise to posterity for a good Clerk and an honest man. 3. Dositheus, 
* Idem ibidem.  inferior to the former in both respects: Isaac the Grecian Emperor sent to make him Patriarch of Constantinople; and Dositheus catching at both, held neither, but betwixt two Patriarches chairs fell to the ground.  
Antioch also had her Greek Patriarches: As one Sotericus displaced for maintaining some unsound tenets about our Saviour: After him Theodorus Balsamon, the oracle of the learned Law in his age. He compiled and commented on the ancient Canons: and principally set forth the privileges of Constantinople; listening, say the Romanists, to the least noise that soundeth to the advancing of the Eastern Churches, and knocking down Rome wheresoever it peepeth above Constantinople. This maketh Bellarmine except against him as a partial writer; because a true Historian should be neither party, advocate, nor judge, but a bare witness.  
By 
* Nicetas Chron. in Isaacio, pag. 440.  Isaac the Grecian Emperor this Balsamon was also deceived: he pretended to remove him to Constantinople, on condition he would prove the translation of the Patriarch to be legal, which is forbidden by the Canons. Balsamon took upon him to prove it: and a Lawyer's brains will beat to purpose when his own preferment is the fee. But herein he did but crack the nut for another to eat the kernel: For the Emperor mutable in his mind, changing his favourites as well as his clo●hes before they were old, when the legality of the translation was avowed, bestowed the Patriarchship of Constantinople on another; and Theodorus was still staked down at Antioch in a true spiritual preferment, affording him little bodily maintenance.   

Chap. 45.  
The revolt of the Earl of Tripoli; The Christians irrecoverably overthrown, and their King taken prisoner.  
THere was at this time a truce betwixt the Christians and Saladine, 
1187  broken on this occasion: Saladines' mother went from Egypt to Damascus, with much treasure and a little train, as sufficiently guarded with the truce yet in force; when Reinold of Castille surprised and robbed her. Saladine glad of this occasion, gathereth all his strength together, and besiegeth Ptolemais.  
Now Reimund Earl of Tripoli appeareth in his colours, vexed at the loss of the government. His great stomach had no room for patience: and his passions boiled from a fever to a frenzy; so that blinded with anger at King Guy, he mistaketh his enemy, and will be revenged on God and religion; revolting with his Principality (a third part of the Kingdom of Jerusalem) to Saladine; and in his own person under a vizard, assisted him in this siege.  
Out of the city marched the Templars and Hospitallers, 
May. 1.  and falling on the Turks killed twenty thousand of them. Yet they gave well-nigh a valuable consideration for their victory, the Master of the Hospitallers being slain; and a brave General in battle never dieth unattended.  
Saladine hereupon raiseth his siege; and Reimund Earl of Tripoli, whether out of fear the Christians might prevail, or remorse of conscience, or discontent, not finding that respect he expected of Saladine, (who had learned that politic maxim To give some honour, no trust to a fugitive) reconciled himself to King Guy; and sorry for his former offence, returned to the Christians.  
King Guy hereupon gathering the whole strength of his weak Kingdom to do their last devoir, determined to bid Saladine battle; though having but fifteen hundred horse and fifteen thousand foot, against an hundred and twenty thousand horse and an hundred and sixty thousand foot. 
july 3.  Nigh Tiberias the battle was fought: They closed in the afternoon; but night moderating betwixt them, both sides drew their stakes till next morning: then on afresh. 
4.  The Christians valour poised the number of their enemies; till at last the distemper of the weather turned the scales to the Turks side. More Christians (thirsty within and scalded without) were killed with the beams the sun darted, then with the arrows the enemies shot. Reinold of Castille was slain, with most of the Templars and Hospitallers. 
* Besoldus, in Guidone; ex Crusi●.  Gerard Master of the Templars, and Boniface marquis of Montferrat were taken prisoners; and also Guy the King, who saw the rest of his servants slain before his eyes, only obtaining of Saladine the life of his schoolmaster. Yea, in this battle the flower of the Christian chivalry was cut down: and what was most lamented, the Cross (saith Matthew Paris) which freed men from the captivity of their sins, was for men's sins taken captive. Most impute this overthrow to the Earl of Tripoli, who that day commanded a great part of the Christian army, and is said of some treacherously to have fled away. But when a great action miscarrieth, the blame must be laid on some; and commonly it lighteth on them who formerly have been found false, be it right or wrong: So impossible is it for him who once hath broken his credit by treason, ever to have it perfectly jointed again. It increaseth the suspicion, because this Earl, afterwards found dead in his bed, (as some say) was circumcised.  
Victorious Saladine, as he had thrown a good cast, played it as well; in a month conquering Berytus, Biblus, Ptolemais, and all the havens (Tyre excepted) from Sidon to Askelon. He used his conquest with much moderation, giving lives and goods to all, and forcing no Christians to depart their cities, save only the Latins. This his gentleness proceeded from policy, well knowing that if the Christians could not buy their lives cheap, they would sell them dear, and fight it out to the uttermost. Askelon was stout, and would not surrender. Wherefore Saladine, loath with the hazard of so long a siege to check his fortune in the full speed, left it, and went to Jerusalem, as to a place of less difficulty and more honour to conquer.   

Chap. 46.  
jerusalem won by the Turks, with woeful remarkables thereat.  
BEfore the beginning of the siege, 
Sept. 4.  the * sun, as sympathising with the Christians woes, was eclipsed. A sad presage of the loss of Jerusalem. For though those within the city valiantly defended it for a fortnight, yet they saw it was but the playing out of a desperate game which must be lost: Their foes near, their friends far off; and those willing to pity, unable to help. Why then should they prolong languishing, where they could not preserve life? Concluding to lavish no more valour, they yielded up the city, 
Octo. 2.  on condition all their lives might be redeemed, a man for ten, a woman for five, a child for 
* M. Paris▪ in anno 1187.  one besant: and fourteen thousand poor people not able to pay their ransom, were kept in perpetual bondage. All Latins were cast out of the city; but those of the Greek religion were permitted to stay therein: Only Saladine to two Frenchmen gave liberty to abide there, 
Besoldus, in Guidone, pag. 285.  and maintenance to live on, in reverence to their age: the one Robert of Corbie, a soldier to Godfrey of Bovillon when he won this city; the other Fulk Fiole, the first child born in the city after the Christians had conquered it.  
Saladine possessed of Jerusalem, turned the churches into stables, sparing only that of the Sepulchre for a great sum of money. Solomon's Temple he converted to a Mosque, sprinkling it all over with rose-water, as if he would wash it from profaneness, whilst he profaned it with his washing.  
Thus Jerusalem, after it had fourscore and eight years been enjoyed by the Christians, by God's just judgement was taken again by the Turks. What else could be expected? Sin reigned in every corner; there was scarce 
* Besoldus, in Guidone, pag. 284.  one honest woman in the whole city of Jerusalem. Heraclius the Patriarch, with the Clergy, was desperately vicious: and no wonder if iron rust, when gold doth; and if the Laity followed their bad example.  
This doleful news brought into Europe, filled all with sighs and sorrows. Pope Urbane the third (as another Eli at the Arks captivity) died for grief: The Cardinals lamented out of measure, vowing such reformation of manners; Never more to take bribes, Never more to live so viciously, yea, Never to ride on an 
* Roger Hoveden, in Henric● 2. anno 1187.  horse so long as the Holy land was under the feet of the Turks. But this their passion spent itself with its own violence; and these mariners vows ended with the tempest.  
In this general grief of Christendom there was one woman found to rejoice, and she a Germane Prophetess called S. Christian, a virgin. Who as she had foretold the day of the defeat, so on the same she professed that she saw in a vision Christ and his Angels rejoicing. For the loss of the earthly Canaan was gain to the heavenly; peopling it with many inhabitants, who were conquerors in their overthrow; whilst they 
* Quandam Morti Salvatoris vicem cum multa devotione rependunt, Baronius in anno 1187.  requited Christ's passion, and died for him who suffered for them. But for the truth both of the doctrine and history hereof, none need burden their belief farther than they please. We will conclude all with Roger Hovedens witty descant on the time: 
* Loco prius citato.  When Jerusalem was won by the Christians, and afterwards when it was lost, an Urbane was Pope of Rome, a Frederick Emperor of Germany, an Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem. But by his leave, though the first of his observations be true, the second is a flat falsity, the third a foul mistake, and may thus be mended: (It is charity to lend a crutch to a lame conceit) When the Cross was taken from the Persians, Heraclius was Emperor: and when it was taken from the Turks, Heraclius was Patriarch. Thus these curious observations (like over-small watches) not one of a hundred goeth true. Though it cannot be denied, but the same name (as Henry of England, one the win-all, another the loose-all in France) hath often been happy and unhappy in founding and confounding of Kingdoms. But such nominal toys are rags not worth a wise man's stooping to take them up.   
The end of the second Book.    

The History of the HOLY WAR.  

Book III.  

Chap. 1.  
Conrade of Montferrat valiantly defendeth Tyre, and is chosen King.  
IN this woeful estate stood the Christian affairs in the Holy land, 
Anno Dom.  when Conrade marquis of Montferrat arrived there. 
1187  His worth commandeth my pen to wait on him from his own country till he came hither. Son he was to Boniface marquis of Montferrat, and had spent his youth in the service of Isaacius Angelus the Grecian Emperor. This Isaacius, fitter for a Priest then a Prince, was always bred in a private way; and the confining of his body seemeth to have brought him to a penned and narrow soul. For he suffered rebels to affront him to his face, never sending any army against them, but commending all his cause to a company of barefooted Friars whom he kept in his Court, desiring them to pray for him, and by their pious tears to quench the combustions in the Empire. But our Conrade plainly told him, he must use as well the weapons of the 
* Nicetas, in Isaacio Angelo▪ lib. 1. Sect. 7  left hand as of the right; meaning the sword as well as prayers: And by the advice of this his General, he quickly subdued all his enemies. Which his great service found small reward: 
* Nicera●, in Isaacio Angelo, lib. 2. Sect. 1 Mobvov 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  only he was graced to wear his shoes of the Imperial fashion; a low matter, but there (forsooth) accounted an high honour. But soon after Isaac was sick of this Physician who had cured his Empire. If private debtors care not for the company of their creditors, much less do Princes love to see them to whom they owe themselves and their Kingdom: so unwelcome are courtesies to them when above their requital. Now it is an ancient policy, to rid away high spirits by sending them on some plausible errand into remote parts, there to seek for themselves an honourable grave. To this end Isaacius by the persuasions of some spurred on Conrade (free enough of himself to any noble action) to go into Palestine, there to support the ruinous affairs of the Christians. Conrade was sensible of their plot, but suffered himself to be wrought on, being weary of the Grecians baseness; and came into the Holy land with a brave company of Gentlemen furnished on their own cost.  
For a while we set him aside, and return to Saladine: Who by this time had taken Askelon, on condition that King Guy, and Gerard Master of the Templars should be set at liberty. Not long after was the castle of Antioch betrayed unto him by the 
* Sabell. ●nn. 9 lib. 5. p. 377  Patriarch; and the city, scarce got with eleven month's siege, was lost in an instant, with five and twenty strong towns more which attended the fortune of Antioch: and many provinces thereto belonging came into the possession of the Turks. Must not the Christians needs be bankrupts if they continue this trade, buying dear and selling cheap, gaining by inches and losing by els?  
With better success those in Tripoli (which city the wife of 
Hoveden.  Earl Reimund after his death delivered to the Christians) defended themselves against Saladine. For shame they would not forgo their shirts, though they had parted with their clothes. Stark-naked from shelter had the Christians been left, if stripped out of Tripoli and Tyre. Manfully therefore they defended themselves; and Saladine having tasted of their valour in Tripoli, had no mind to mend his draught, but marched away to Tyre.  
But Conrade of Montferrat, who was in Tyre with his army, so used the matter, that Saladine was fain to fly, and leave his tents behind him, which were lined with much treasure: And the Christians had that happiness to squeeze that sponge which formerly was filled with their spoil. They in Tyre in token of gratitude chose this Conrade King of Jerusalem; swearing themselves his subjects who had kept them from being the Turks slaves. To strengthen his title, he 
* ●e●oldus, ex Ritio De Reg. p. 293.  married Elisa or Isabel (Authors christian her with either name) formerly espoused to Humfred of Thoron, sister to Baldwine the fourth, daughter to Almerick King of Jerusalem.  
By this time King Guy was delivered out of prison, 
1188  having sworn never more to bear arms against Saladine: which oath by the Clergy was adjudged void, because forced from him when he was detained in prison unjustly against promise. The worst was, now he had gained his liberty he could not get his Kingdom. Coming to Tyre, they shut the gates against him, owning no King but Conrade. Thus to have two Kings together, is the way to have neither King nor Kingdom.  
But Guy following the affront as well as he might, and piecing up a cloth of remnants, with his broken army besieged Ptolemais. The Pisanes, 
Aug.  Venetians, and Florentines, with their sea-succours came to assist him. But this siege was Churchwork, and therefore went on slowly; we may easier perceive it to have moved then to move, especially if we return hither a twelvemonth hence.   

Chap. 2.  
The Church-story in the Holy land to the end of the war; The use and abuse of titular Bishops.  
WE must now no longer look for a full face of a Church in the Holy land; it is well if we find one cheek and an eye. Though Jerusalem and Antioch were won by the Turks, the Pope ceased not to make Patriarches of both. We will content ourselves with the names of those of Jerusalem, finding little else of them remarkable.  
After Heraclius, Thomas Agni was Patriarch, 
† Centur. Cent. 13. cap. 9  present in the Lateran Council under Innocent the third.  
Geraldus succeeded him, who 
† Matth. Paris, in anno 1229.  sided with the Pope against Frederick the Emperor.  
Albertus, Patriarch in Jerusalem when the Christians lost their land in Syria. He prescribed some rules to the 
† Centur. ut prius.  Carmelites.  
After him, Antony Beak Bishop of Duresme, the most triumphant Prelate of the English militant Church except Cardinal Wolsey. He founded and endowed a College for prebend's at 
† Cambden, Brit. pag. 601. Godwin, in Episc. Dunelm. See this catalogue of Patriarches altered and perfected in the Chronologie.  Chester in the Bishopric of Duresme: Yet no doubt he had done a deed more acceptable to God, if in stead of sacrifice he had done justice, and not defrauded the Lord Vessie's heir, to whom he was guardian. Let those who are delighted with Sciographie, paint out (if they please) these shadow-patriarches, as also those of Antioch, and deduce their succession to this day: For this custom still continueth, and I find the Suffragans to several Archbishops and Bishops in Germany and France, 
Adri●omius, in Te●ra sancta.  style themselves Bishops of Palestine: for example; The Suffragans of 1 Tornay, 2 Munster, 3 Mentz, 4 Utrecht, 5 Sens, 6 Triers, write themselves Bishops of 1 Sarepta, 2 Ptolemais, 3 Sidon, 4 Hebron, 5 Caesarea, 6 Azotus. But well did one in the Council of Trent give these titular Bishops the title of figmenta humana, 
History of Trent, li●. 8. pag. 7.  man's devices; because they have as little ground in God's word and the ancient Canons for their making, as ground in Palestine for their maintenance: Yea, a titular Bishop soundeth a contradiction: for a Bishop and a Church or Diocese, are relatives, as a husband and his wife. Besides, these Bishops by ascending to so high an honour, were fain to descend to many indecencies and indignities to support themselves, with many corruptions in selling of Orders they conferred, the truest and basest Simony.  
However the Pope still continueth in making of them. First, because it is conceived to conduce to the state and amplitude of the Roman Church to have so many Bishops in it, as it is the credit of the Apothecary to have his shop full, though many outside-painted pots be empty within. Secondly, hereby his Holiness hath a facile and cheap way both to gratify and engage ambitious spirits, and such Chameleons as love to feed on air. Yea, 
●amd. Brit. in his descript. of Dublin.  the Pope is not only free of spiritual dignities, but also of temporal titular honours; as when in the days of Queen Elisabeth he made Thomas Stukely (a bankrupt in his loyalty as well as in his estate) marquis of Lemster, Earl of Weisford and Caterlogh, Viscount Murrough, Baron Rosse and Hydron in Ireland: The best is, these honours were not heavy nor long worn, he being slain soon after in Barbary, else the number of them would have broken his back. Lastly, there is a real use made of these nominal Bishops: for these cyphers joined with figures will swell to a number, and sway a side in a general Council, as his Holiness pleaseth; so that he shall truly cogere concilium, both gather and compel it. Of the four Archbishops which were at the first session in the Council of Trent two were merely titular, 
History of Trent, lib. 2. pag. 140.  who never had their feet in those Churches whence they took their honour. But enough hereof; Now to matters of the commonwealth.   

Chap. 3.  
Frederick Barbarossa his setting forth to the Holy land; Of the tyrannous Grecian Emperor.  
MAtters going thus woefully in Palestine, the Christians sighs there were alarms to stir up their brethren in Europe to go to help them, and chiefly Frederick Barbarossa the German Emperor. Impute it not to the weakness of his judgement, but the strength of his devotion, that at seventy years of age, having one foot in his grave, he would set the other on pilgrimage. We must know that this Emperor had been long tied to the stake, and baited with seven fresh successive Popes; till at last not conquered with the strength, but wearied with the continuance of their malice, he gave himself up to be ordered by them; and Pope Clement the third sent him on this voyage into the Holy land.  
Marching through Hungary with a great army of one hundred and fifty thousand valiant soldiers, 
Arnoldus Lub●censis.  he was welcomed by King Bela. 
june 29.  But changing his host, his entertainment was changed; being basely used when he entered into the Grecian Empire.  
Of the Emperors whereof we must speak somewhat. For though being to write the Holy war, I will climb no hedges, to trespass on any other story; yet will I take leave to go the highway, and touch on the succession of those Princes which lead to the present discourse.  
When Conrade Emperor of Germany last passed this way, Emmanuel was Emperor in Greece: Who having reigned thirty eight years, left his place to Alexius his son; a youth, the depth of whose capacity only reached to understand pleasure; governed by the factious nobility, till in his third year he was strangled by Andronicus his cousin.  
Andronicus succeeded him; a diligent reader and a great lover of 
† Nicetas Choniates, in fi●e vitae Andronicuses.  S. Paul's epistles, but a bad practi●er of them: Who rather observing the Devils rule, That it is the best way for those who have been bad, to be still worse, fencing his former villainies by committing new ones, held by tyranny what he had gotten by usurpation; till having lived in the blood of others, he died in his own, tortured to death by the headless multitude; from whom he received all the cruelties which might be expected from servile natures when they command.  
Then Isaacius Angelus, of the Imperial blood, was placed in his throne; of whom partly 
† In the first chapter of this book.  before. Nero-like, he began mildly, but soon fell to the trade of tyranny: no personal, but the hereditary sin of the Emperors. He succeeded also to their suspicions against the Latins, as if they came through his country for some sinister ends. This jealous Emperor reigned when Frederick with his army passed this way; and many bad offices were done betwixt these two Emperors by unfaithful 
† Nicetas Choniates, in Isaaci●, lib. 2. pag. 436.  Ambassadors, as such false mediums have often deceived the best eyes. But Frederick finding perfidious dealings in the Greeks, was drawn to draw his sword; taking as he went, 
† Baronius, Annal.  Philippople, Adrianople, and many other cities, 
Aug. 25.  not so much to get their spoil, as his own security. Isaac understanding hereof, and seeing these Pilgrims would either find or make their passage, left all terms of enmity, and fell to a fair complying, 
1190  accommodating them with all necessaries for their transportation over the Bosporus, pretending to hasten them away because the Christians exigencies in Palestine admitted of no delay: doing it indeed for fear, 
Mar. 28.  the Grecians loving the Latins best when they are furthest from them.   

Chap. 4.  
The great victories and woeful death of Frederick the worthy Emperor.  
FRederick entering into the territories of the Turkish Sultan of Iconium, found great resistance, but vanquished his enemies in four several set battles. Iconium he took by force, 
May 19  giving the spoil thereof to his soldiers, in revenge of the injuries done to his uncle Conrade the Emperor by the Sultan of that place. The city of Philomela he made to sing a doleful tune, ra●ing it to the ground, and executing all the people therein as rebels against the law of nations, for killing his Ambassadors: and so came with much difficulty and honour into Syria.  
Saladine shook for fear, hearing of his coming; and following the advice of 
† Amilius, in Phil. Augusto, pag. 178, & 179.  Charatux his counsellor (counted one of the wisest men in the world, though his person was most contemptible; so true it is none can guess the jewel by the casket) dismantled all his cities in the Holy land save some frontier-places, rasing their walls and forts, that they were not tenable with an army. For he feared if the Dutch won these places, they would not easily be driven out: whereas now being naked from shelter, he would weary them with set battles, having men numberless, and those near at hand; and so he would tame the Roman Eagle by watching him, giving him no rest nor respite from continual fight. It is therefore no Paradox to say, That in some case the strength of a Kingdom doth consist in the weakness of it. And hence it is, that our English Kings have suffered Time, without disturbing her meals, to feed her belly full on their inland castles and citie-walls; which whilst they were standing in their strength, were but the nurseries of rebellion. And now, as 
† Barklay, Bellum in Anglia non senescit.  one observeth, because we have no strong cities, war in England waxeth not old, (being quickly stabbed with set battles) which in the Low-countrieses hath already outlived the grand climacterical of threescore and ten years.  
But Frederick the Emperor, being now entering into the Holy land, was to the great grief of all Christians suddenly taken away, being drowned in the river of Saleph; a river (such is the envy of Barbarism obscuring all places) which cannot accurately be known at this day, because this new name is a stranger to all ancient maps. If he went in to wash himself, as some write, he neither consulted with his health nor honour: Some say, his horse foundered under him as he passed the water; others, that he fell from him. But these several relations, as variety of instruments, make a doleful con●ort in this, that there he lost his life: and no wonder, if the cold water quickly quenched those few sparks of natural heat left in him at seventy years of age. 
† Lib. 4. cap. 13.  Neubrigensis conceiveth that this his sudden death was therefore inflicted on him, because in his youth he fought against the Popes and Church of Rome: But I wonder that he seeing an Emperor drowned in a ditch, durst adventure into the bottomless depths of God's counsels. Let it content us to know that oftentimes heaven blasteth those hopes which bud first and fairest; and the feet of mighty Monarches do slip, when they want but one step to their enemy's throne.  
After his death Frederick Duke of Suevia, his second son, undertook the conduct of the army. Now the Turks conceiving grief had steeped and moistened these Pilgrims hearts, gave them a sudden charge, in hope to have overthrown them. But the valiant Dutch, who though they had scarce wiped their eyes had scoured their swords, quickly forced them to retire. Then Frederick took the city of Antioch, 
june 21.  which was easily delivered unto him, and his hungry soldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being as yet for the most part Christians. Marching from hence in set battle, he overthrew Dordequin General of Saladines' forces, slew four thousand, and took a thousand prisoners with little loss of his own men; and so came to the city of Tyre, where he buried the corpse of his worthy father in the Cathedral Church, next the tomb of the learned Origen; and Guilelmus Tyrius the worthy Archbishop preached his funeral sermon. We may hear his sorrowful army speaking this his Epitaph unto him; 
Earth scarce did yield ground enough for thy sword  
To conquer, how then could a brook afford  
Water to drown thee? brook, which since doth fear  
(O guilty conscience) in a map t'appear.  
Yet blame we not the brook, but rather think  
The weight of our own sins did make thee sink.  
Now sith 'tis so, we'll fetch a brackish main  
Out of our eyes, and drown thee once again.   
From hence by sea they were conveyed to the Christians army before Ptolemais, where young Frederick died of the plague: and his great army which at first consisted of an hundred and fifty thousand at their setting forth out of Germany, had now no more left then 
† Aemylius, in Phil. 2. pag. 175.  eighteen hundred armed men.   

Chap. 5.  
The continuation of the famous siege of Ptolemais; The Dutch Knights honoured with a Grand Master.  
WE have now at our leisure overtaken the snail-like siege of Ptolemais, still slowly creeping on. Before it the Christians had not only a national but an Ecumenical army; the abridgement of the Christian world: Scarce a state or populous city in Europe but had here some competent number to represent it.  
How many bloody blows were here lent on both sides, and repaid with interest? what sallies? what assaults? what encounters? whilst the Christians lay betwixt Saladine with his great army behind them and the city before them. One memorable battle we must not omit. It was agreed betwixt Saladine and the Christians to try their fortunes in a pitched field: 
1188  and now the Christians were in fair hope of a conquest, when an 
† Fuga imaginario metu o●ta, Sabell. Enn. 9 l●b. 5. pag. 377.  imaginary causeless fear put them to a real flight; so ticklish are the scales of victory, a very mote will turn them. Thus confusedly they ran away, and boot would have been given to change a strong arm for a swift leg. But behold, Geoffrey Lusignan King Guy's brother (left for the guarding of the camp) marching out with his men, confuted the Christians in this their groundless mistake and reinforced them to fight; whereby they won the day, though with the loss of two thousand men and Gerard Master of the Templars.  
It was vainly hoped, that after this victory the city would be surrendered: but the Turks still bravely defended it, though most of their houses were burnt and beaten down, and the city reduced to a bare sceleton of walls and towers. They fought as well with their wits as weapons, and both sides devised strange defensive and offensive engines: so that Mars himself, had he been here present, might have learned to fight, and have taken notes from their practice. Mean time famine raged amongst the Christians; and though some provision was now and then brought in from Italy, (for so far they fetched it) yet these small showers after good droughts parched the more, and rather raised then abated their hunger.  
Once more we will take our farewell of this siege for a twelvemonth: But we must not forget that at this time, before the walls of Ptolemais, the Teutonick order or 
† Munster, d● Germania, lib. 3. pag. 778.  Dutch Knights (which since the days of Baldwine the second lived like private pilgrims) had now their order honoured with Henry of Walpot their first grand Master, and they were enriched by the bounty of many German benefactors: These though slow, were sure, they did hoc agere, ply their work; more cordial to the Christian cause then the Templars, who sometimes to save their own stakes would play booty with the Turks. Much good service did the Dutch Knights in the Holy war; till at last (no wise Doctor will lavish physic on him in whom he seeth faciem cadaverosam, so that death hath taken possession in the sick man's countenance) finding this war to be desperate and dedecus fotitudinis, they even fairly left the Holy land, and came into Europe, meaning to lay out their valour on some thing that would quit cost. But hereof hereafter.   

Chap. 6.  
Richard of England and Philip of France set forward to the Holy land; The danger of the interviews of Princes.  
THe miseries of the Christians in Syria being reported in Europe, made Richard the first, King of England, and Philip the second surnamed Augustus, King of France, to make up all private dissensions betwixt them, and to unite their forces against the Turks.  
Richard was well stored with men, the bones, and quickly got money, the sinews of war; by a thousand Princely skills gathering so much coin as if he meant not to return, because looking back would unbow his resolution. To Hugh Bishop of Duresme, for his life, he sold the County of Northumberland; 
† Matthew Paris, Rich. 1. pag. 207.  jesting he had made a new Earl of an old Bishop: He sold Barwick and Roxburgh to the Scottish King for ten thousand pounds: Yea, he protested he would sell his city of 
† Martinus, in Richard● 1.  London (if any were able to buy it) rather than he would be burden some to his subjects for money. But take this as he spoke it, for a flourish: for pretending he had lost his old, he made a new seal, wherewith he squeezed his subjects, and left a deep impression in their purses; forcing them to have all their 
† Speed, in Richard the first,  instruments new-sealed, which any way concerned the Crown.  
Having now provided for himself, he forgot not his younger brother John Earl of Morton▪ who was to stay behind him; an active man, who if he misliked the maintenance was cut for him, would make bold to carve for himself: Lest therefore straitened for means he should swell into discontent, King Richard gave him many Earldoms and honours, to the yearly value of four thousand marks. Thus he received the golden saddle, but none of the bridle of the Commonwealth: honour and riches were heaped upon him, but no place of trust and command. For the King deputed William Bishop of Ely his Viceroy; choosing him for that place rather than any lay-Earl, because a Coronet perchance may swell into a Crown, but never a Mitre: For a Clergie-mans' calling made him uncapable of usurpation in his own person.  
Thus having settled matters at home, he set forth with many of our nation, which either ushered or followed him. Of these the prime were, Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury, Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, Robert Earl of Leicester, Ralph de Glanvile late chief Justice of England, Richard de Clare, Walter de Kime, etc. The Bishops of Dures●e and Norwich, though they had vowed this voyage, were dispensed with by the court of Rome (
† Matthew Paris, ●n ●ichardo 1, pag. 2●7.  quae nulli deest pecuniam largienti) to stay at home. His navy he sent about by Spain, and with a competent number took his own journey through France.  
At Tours he took his Pilgrims scrip and staff from the Archbishop. His staff at the same time 
† Roger Hoveden, in Richard● 1, pag. 666.  casually broke in pieces; which some (whose dexterity lay in sinister interpreting all accidents) construed a token of ill success. Likewise, when he and the French King with their trains passed over the bridge of Lions, 
† Idem, ibidem.  on the fall of the bridge this conceit was built, That there would be a falling out betwixt these two Kings; which accordingly came to pass, their intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discontent betwixt them.  
Yea, the interviews of equal Princes have ever been observed dangerous. Now Princes measure their equality not by the extent of their dominions, but by the absoluteness of their power; so that he that is supreme and independent in his own country, counteth himself equal to any other Prince how great soever. Perchance some youthful Kings may disport and solace themselves one in another's company, whilst as yet pleasure is all the elevation of their souls: But when once they grow sensible of their own greatness, (a lesson they will quickly learn, and shall never want teachers) than emulation will be betwixt them; because at their meeting they cannot so go in equipage, but one will still be the foremost: Either his person will be more proper, or carriage more courtlike, or attendance more accomplished, or attire more fashionable, or something will either be or conceived to be more majestical in one than the other: And corrivals in honour count themselves eclipsed by every beam of state which shineth from their competitour. Wherefore the best way to keep great Princes together, is to keep them asunder, accommodating their business by Ambassadors, lest the meeting of their own persons part their affections.   

Chap. 7.  
King Richard conquereth Sicily and Cyprus in his passage to the Holy land.  
AT Lions these two Kings parted their trains, and went several ways into Sicily. King Richard in his passage, though within fifteen miles of Rome, wanting (forsooth) either devotion or manners, vouchsafed not to give his Holiness a visit: yea, plainly told 
† H●vede●▪ i● Rich. 1. pag. 668. & Matth. Taris●n eodem, pag. 213.  Octavian Bishop of Ostia the Pope's Confessor, that having better objects to bestow his eyes on, he would not stir a step to see the Pope: Because lately without mercy he had simoniacally extorted a mass of money from the Prelates of England. At Messana in Sicily these two Kings met again: where to complete King Richard's joy, behold his Navy there safely arriving, which with much difficulty and danger had fetched a compass about Spain.  
And now King Richard by his own experience grew sensible of the miseries which merchants and mariners at sea underwent, being always within few inches, often within an hairs breadth of death. Wherefore now touched with remorse of their pitiful case, he resolved to revoke the law of Wracks, as a law so just that it was even unjust. For formerly both in England and Normandy, the 
† Bractonn, lib. 2. cap. 5.  Crown was entitled to shipwrackt goods, and the King jure gentium made heir unto them; which otherwise jure naturali were conceived to be in bonis nullius, pertaining to no owner. But now our Richard refused to make advantage of such pitiful accidents, and to strip poor mariners out of those rags of their estates which the mercy and modesty of the waves and winds had left them. And therefore on the month of October, at Messana, in the presence of many Archbishops and Bishops, he for ever 
† Quietum clamavit Wreck, etc. Roger Hoveden, in Rich. 1. pag. 678.  quitted the claim to Wracks: So that if any man out of the ship cometh alive to the shore, the property of the shipwrackt goods is still preserved to the owner. Yea, this grant was so enlarged by our succeeding Kings, that 
† Sir. Ed. Coke, v●l. 6. fol. 107  if a dog or a cat escaped alive to land, the goods still remained the owners, if he claimed them within a year and a day.  
Tancred at this time was King of Sicily; a bastard born: and no wonder if, climbing up the throne the wrong way, he shaked when he sat down. Besides, he was a Tyrant; both detaining the dowry and imprisoning the person of Joan wife to William late King of Sicily, and sister to King Richard. But in what a case was he now, having two such mighty Monarches come unto him! To keep them out, was above his power, to let them in, against his will. Well he knew it was woeful to lie in the road where great armies were to pass: For power knoweth no inferior friend; and the landlord commonly loseth his rent, sometimes his land, where the tenant is too potent for him.  
At last he resolved (how wisely or honestly let others judge) openly to poise himself indifferent betwixt these two Kings, secretly applying himself to the French: which King Richard quickly discovered, as dissembling goeth not long invisible before a judicious eye.  
Mean time the citizens of Messana did the English much wrong, if not by the command, with the consent of the King. For though it be unjust to father the base actions of unruly people on their Prince; yet Tancred not punishing his people for injuring the English, when he might and was required thereunto, did in effect justify their insolences, and adopt their deeds to be his. Wherefore King Richard to avenge himself, took Messana by assault, seized on most forts in the Island, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs done to him and his sister. Tancred though dull at first, now pricked with the sword, came off roundly with many thousand ounces of gold; and seeing, as the case stood, his best thrift was to be prodigal, gave to our King what rich conditions soever he demanded.  
Worse discords daily increased betwixt the King of France and England; King Richard slighting the King of France his sister whom he had promised to marry, and expressing more affection to Beringaria daughter to the King of Navarre. Some Princes interposing themselves in this breach, rather assuaged the pain than removed the malady: So dangerous are ruptures betwixt great ones, whose affections perchance by the mediation of friends may be brought again to meet, but never to unite and incorporate. King Philip thinking to forestall the market of honour, and take up all for himself, hasted presently to Ptolemais: Richard followed at his leisure, and took Cyprus in his way. Isaac (or Cursac) reigned then in Cyprus; who, under Andronicus the Grecian Emperor (when every factious Nobleman snatched a plank out of that shipwracked Empire) seized on this Island, and there tyrannised as a reputed King. Some falsely conceived him a Pagan: and his faith is suspected, because his charity was so bad; killing the English that landed there, not having so much man as to pity a woman, and to suffer the sea-sick Lady Beringaria to come on shore. But King Richard speedily overran the Island, honoured Isaac with the magnificent captivity of silver fetters; yet giving his daughter liberty and princely usage. The Island he pawned to the Templars for ready money. And because Cyprus by antiquity was celebrated as the seat of Venus, that so it might prove to him, in the joyous month of May he solemnly took to wife his beloved Lady Beringaria.   

Chap. 8.  
The taking of the city Ptolemais.  
Whilst King Richard stayed in Cyprus, 
1191  the siege of Ptolemais went on: and though the French King thought with a running pull to bear the city away, yet he found it staked down too fast for all his strength to stir.  
Mean time, the plague and famine raged in the Christians camp; which the last year swept away fifty Princes and Prelates of note: Who, no doubt, went hence to a happy place; though it was before Pope Clement the sixth 
† Chemnitius, ex Weselo, Exam. ●onc. Trid. tract. De Indulg.  commanded the angels (who durst not but obey him) presently to convey all their souls into Paradise which should die in their pilgrimage.  
This mortality notwithstanding, the siege still continued. And now the Christians and Turks, like two fencers long playing together, were so well acquainted with the blows and guards each of other, that what advantage was taken betwixt them was merely casual, never for want of skill, care, or valour on either side. It helped the Christians not a little, that a concealed Christian within the city, with letters unsubscribed with any name, gave them constant and faithful intelligence of the remarkable passages amongst the Turks.  
No Prince in this siege deserved more than Leopoldus' Duke of Austria; who fought so long in assaulting this city, till his armour was all over gore blood, save the place covered with his belt. 
† Pantal. De illustribus Germaniae, part. 2. pag. 201.  Whereupon he and his successors the Dukes of Austria, renouncing the six Golden larks, their ancient arms, had assigned them by the Emperor a fez Argent in a field Gules, as the paternal coat of their family.  
By this time King Richard was arrived, 
june 8.  (taking as he came a dromond, or Saracen ship, wherein were fifteen hundred soldiers, and two hundred and fifty 
† Matth. Paris. in anno 1191.  scorpions, which were to be employed in the poisoning of Christians) and now the siege of Ptolemais more fiercely prosecuted. But all their engines made not so wide a breach in that cities walls, as envy made betwixt the French and English Kings. Yet at last the Turks despairing of succour, 
july 13.  their victuals wholly spent, yielded up the city by Saladines' consent, on condition to be themselves safely guarded out of it: all Christian prisoners Saladine had were to be set free, and the Cross to be again restored.  
The houses which were left, with the spoil and prisoners, were equally divided betwixt Philip and Richard. Whereat many Noblemen, partners in the pains, no sharers in the gains, departed in 
† Roger Hoveden, in Rich. 1. p. 696.  discontent. Some Turks for fear embraced the Christian faith, but quickly returned to their 
† Fox, Martyrol. pag. 245  vomit: as religion died in fear, never long keepeth colour, but this days converts will be to morrows apostates. Hereupon it was commanded that none hereafter should be baptised against their wills.  
Here the English cast down the ensigns of Leopoldus Duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principal tower in Ptolemais; and as some say, threw them into the jakes. The Duke, though angry at heart, forgot this injury till he could remember it with advantage; and afterwards made King Richard pay sound for this affront. It is not good to exasperate any, though far inferior: for, as the fable telleth us, the beetle may annoy the eagle, and the mouse befriend the lion.  
When the city was taken, it grieved the Christians not a little that their faithful 
† Hoveden, in Rich. 1. pag. 694.  correspondent, who advised them by his letters, could no where be found: Pity it was that Rahabs red lace was not tied at his window. But indeed it was probable that he was dead before the surrendering of the city. Greater was the grief that the Cross did no where appear, either carelessly lost, or enviously concealed by the Turks. Whilst the Christians stormed hereat, Saladine required a longer respite for the performance of the conditions. But King Richard would not enlarge him from the strictness of what was concluded; conceiving that was in effect to forfeit the victory back again. Besides, he knew he did it only to gain time to fetch new breath: and if he yielded to him, his bounty had not been thanked, but his fear upbraided, as if he durst not deny him. Yea, in anger King Richard commanded all the Turkish captives which were in his hands, 
† P. Aemilius, in Philipp● August●, p. 174. But Matthew Paris saith but 26▪ ●.  seven thousand in number, to be put to death (except some choice persons) on that day whereon the articles should have been but were not performed. For which fact he suffered much in his repute, branded with rashness and cruelty, as the murderer of many Christians: For Saladine in revenge put as many of our captives to death. On the other side the moderation of the French King was much commended, who reserving his prisoners alive, exchanged them to ransom so many Christians.   

Chap. 9  
The unseasonable return of the King of France.  
MEan time the Christians were rend asunder with faction: Philip the French King, Odo Duke of Burgundy, Leopold Duke of Austria, most of the Dutch, all the Genoans and Templars siding with King Conrade; King Richard, Henry Count of Champagne, the Hospitallers, Venetians, and Pisans taking part with King Guy. But King Conrades side was much weakened with the sudden departure of the French King; who eighteen days after the taking of Ptolemais returned home, 
july 31.  pretending want of necessaries, indisposition of body, distemper of the climate, though the greatest distemper was in his own passions. The true cause of his departure was, partly envy, because the sound of King Richard's fame was of so deep a note that it drowned his; partly 
† Matthew Paris. p. 220.  covetousness, to seize on the dominions of the Earl of Flanders lately dead; Flanders lying fitly to make a stable for the fair palace of France. If it be true what 
† Speed, out of Hoveden, in Rich. 1.  some report, that Saladine bribed him to return, let him for ever forfeit the surname of Augustus, and the style of the most Christian Prince.  
His own soldiers dissuaded him from returning, beseeching him not to stop in so glorious a race, wherein he was newly started: Saladine was already on his knees, and would probably be brought on his face, if pursued. If he played the unthrift with this golden occasion, let him not hope for another to play the good husband with. If poverty forced his departure, King Richard 
† Matth. Paris. in Richard● 1. p. 219.  proffered him the half of all his provisions.  
All would not do, Philip persisted in his old plea, How the life of him absent would be more advantageous to the cause, than the death of him present; and by importunity got leave to depart, solemnly swearing not to molest the King of England's dominions.  
Thus the King of France returned in person, but remained still behind in his instructions, which he left (with his army) to the Duke of Burgundy; to whom he prescribed both his path and his pace, where and how he should go. And that Duke moved slowly, having no desire to advance the work where King Richard would carry all the honour. For in those actions wherein several undertakers are compounded together, commonly the first figure for matter of credit maketh ciphres of all the rest. As for King Philip, being returned home, such was the itch of his ambition, he must be fingering of the King of England's territories, though his hands were bound by oath to the contrary.   

Chap. 10.  
Conrade King of jerusalem slain: Guy exchangeth his Kingdom for the Island of Cyprus.  
ABout the time of the King of France his departure, 
Apr. 27.  Conrade King of Jerusalem was murdered in the 
* Roger Hoveden in Rich. 1. p. 716. saith, on the Calends of May; but Sabellicus putteth it sooner.  marketplace of Tyre; and his death is variously reported. Some charged our King Richard for procuring it: And though the beams of his innocency cleared his own heart, yet could they not dispel the clouds of suspicions from other men's eyes. Some say Humphred Prince of Thoron killed him, for taking Isabel his wife away from him. But the general voice giveth it out that two Assasines stabbed him; whose quarrel to him was only this, That he was a Christian. These murderers being instantly put to death, 
† Aemylius, in Phil. Augusto, p. 179.  gloried in the meritoriousness of their suffering: and surely were it the punishment not the cause made martyrdom, we should be best stored with Confessors from gaols, and Martyrs from the gallows.  
Conrade reigned five years, and left one daughter, Maria jole, on whom the Knight-Templars bestowed princely education. and this may serve for his Epitaph, 
The Crown I never did enjoy alone;  
Of half a Kingdom I was half a King.  
Scarce was I on, when I was off the throne;  
Slain by two slaves me basely murdering.  
And thus the best man's life at mercy lies  
Of vilest varlets, that their own despise.   
His faction survived after his death, affronting Guy the ancient King, and striving to depose him. They pleaded that the Crown was tied on Guy's head with a woman's fillet, which being broken by the death of his wife Queen Sibyl (who deceased of the plague with her 
† Roger Hoveden▪ in Rich. 1. p. 685.  children at the siege of Ptolemais) he had no longer right to the Kingdom; they objected he was a worthless man, and unfortunate. On the other side, it was alleged for him, that to measure a man's worth by his success, is a square often false, always uncertain. Besides, the courtesy of the world would allow him this favour, That a King should be semel & semper, once and ever.  
Whilst Guy stood on these ticklish terms, King Richard made a seasonable motion, which well relished to the palate of this hungry Prince; To exchange his Kingdom of Jerusalem for the Island of Cyprus, which he had redeemed from the Templars, to whom he had pawned it: And this was done accordingly to the content of both sides. 
1192 Sept. Calvisius.  And King Richard with some of his succeeding English Kings wore the title of 
† Sabell. Enn. 9 lib. 5. pag. 378.  Jerusalem in their style for many years after. We then dismiss King Guy, hearing him thus taking his farewell; 
I steered a state warre-tost against my will:  
Blame then the storm, not th' Pilots want of skill,  
That I the Kingdom lost, whose empty style  
I sold to England's King for Cyprus Isle.  
I passed away the land I could not hold;  
Good ground I bought, but only air I sold.  
Then as a happy Merchant may I sing,  
Though I must sigh as an unhappy King.   
Soon after, Guy made a second change of this world for another. But the family of the Lusignans have enjoyed Cyprus some hundred years: and since by some transactions it fell to the state of Venice; and lately by conquest, to the Turks.   

Chap. 11.  
Henry of Champagne chosen King; The noble achievements and victories of King Richard.  
COnrade being killed and Guy gone away, Henry Earl of Champagne was chosen King of Jerusalem by the especial procuring of King Richard his uncle. To corroborate his election by some right of succession, he married Isabel, the widow of King Conrade and daughter to Almerick King of Jerusalem. A Prince (as writers report) having a sufficient stock of valour in himself, but little happy in expressing it; whether for want of opportunity, or shortness of his reign, being most spent in a truce. He more pleased himself in the style of Prince of Tyre than King of Jerusalem; as counting it more honour to be Prince of what he had, than King of what he had not.  
And now the Christians began every where to build: The Templars fortified Gaza; King Richard repaired and walled Ptolemais, Porphyria, Joppa, and Askelon. But alas! this short prosperity, like an Autumne-spring, came too late and was gone too soon to bring any fruit to maturity.  
It was now determined they should march towards Jerusalem: for all this while they had but hit the but; that Holy City was the mark they shot at. Richard led the vanguard of English; Duke Odo commanded in the main battle over his French; James of Auvergne brought on the Flemings and Brabanters in the rear. Saladine, serpent-like, biting the heel, assaulted the rear, not far from Bethlehem; when the French and English wheeling about, charged the Turks most furiously. Emulation, formerly poison, was here a cordial, each Christian nation striving not only to conquer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in the honour of the conquest. King Richard seeking to put his courage out of doubt, brought his judgement into question, being more prodigal of his person then beseemed a General. One 
† P. Aemyl. in Phil. Augusto, p. 180.  wound he received, but by losing his blood he found his spirits, and laid about him like a madman. The Christians got the victory, without the loss of any of number or note, save James of Auvergne, who here died in the bed of honour: But more of the Turks were slain then in any battle for forty years before.  
Had the Christians presently gone to Jerusalem, probably they might have surprised it, whilst the Turks eyes were muffled and blindfolded in the amazement of this great overthrow. But this opportunity was lost by the backwardness and unwillingness of King Richard and the English, say the 
† P. Aemyl. ibidem.  French writers. To cry quits with them, our 
† Matth. Paris. in Rich. 1. p▪ 216.  English authors impute it to the envy of the French; who would have so glorious an action rather left undone, then done by the English. They complain likewise of the treachery of Odo Duke of Burgundy, who more careful of his credit then his conscience, was choked with the shame of the sin he had swallowed, and died for grief, when his intelligence with the Turks was made known. This cannot be denied, that Saladine sent (term them bribes or presents) both to our King and the French Duke, and they received them: no wonder then if neither of them herein had a good name, when they traded with such familiars. But most hold King Richard attempted not Jerusalem, because as a wise architect, he would build his victories so as they might stand, securing the country as he went; it being senseless to besiege Jerusalem a straggling city, whilst the Turks as yet were in possession of all the seaports and strong forts thereabout.  
About this time he intercepted many camels loaded with rich commodity, those Eastern wares containing much in a little. And yet of all this, and of all the treasures of England, Sicily, and Cyprus which he brought hither, King Richard carried home nothing but one 
† P. Aemyl. pag. 181. Excepto hoc annulo nudus in●psque.  gold-ring: all the rest of his wealth melted away in this hot service. He wintered in Askelon, intending next spring to have at Jerusalem,   

Chap. 12.  
The little-honourable peace King Richard made with Saladine; Of the value of Relics.  
BUt bad news out of Europe shaked his steadiest resolutions, hearing how William Bishop of Ely, his Viceroy in England, used unsufferable insolences over his subjects: So hard it is for one of base parentage to personate a King without overacting his part, Also he heard how the King of France and John Earl of Morton his own brother, invaded his dominions; ambition, the Pope in their belly, dispensing with their oath to the contrary. Besides, he saw this war was not a subject capable of valour to any purpose; the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans and Florentines being gone away with their fleets, wisely shrinking themselves out of the collar, when they found their necks wrung with the hard employment. Hereupon he was forced first to make the motion of (in plain terms, to beg) peace of Saladine.  
Let Saladine now alone to win, having all the game in his own hand. Well knew he how to shoot at his own ends, and to take aim by the exigencies wherein he knew King Richard was plunged. For he had those cunning gypsies about him, who could read in King Richard's face what grieved his heart; and by his intelligencers was certified of every noteworthy passage in the English army. Upon these terms therefore or none (beggars of peace shall never be choosers of their conditions) a truce for three (some say, five) year might be concluded, That the Christians should demolish all places they had walled since the taking of Ptolemais; which was in effect to undo what with much charge they had done. But such was the tyranny of King Richard's occasions, forcing him to return, that he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his heart.  
Thus the voyage of these two Kings, begun with as great confidence of the undertakers as expectation of the beholders, continued with as much courage as interchangeablenesse of success, baned with mutual discord and emulation, was ended with some honour to the undertakers, no 
* P. Aemyl. p. 181. Tanto duorum regum conatu nihil actum.  Profit either to them or the Christian cause. Some farre-fetched dear-bought honour they got; especially King Richard, who eternised his memory in Asia: whom if men forget, horses will remember; the Turks using to say to their horses when they started for fear, Dost thou think King Richard is here? Profit they got none, losing both of them the hair of their heads in an acute disease; which was more, saith 
† Daniel, p. 100  one, then both of them got by the voyage.  
They left the Christians in Syria in worse case than they found them: as he doth the benighted traveller a discourtesy rather than a kindness, who dareth a lantern to take it away, leaving him more masked than he was before.  
And now a little to solace myself and the reader with a merry digression, after much sorrow and sad stories; King Richard did one thing in Palestine which was worth all the cost and pains of his journey, namely, He redeemed from the Turks a chest full of holy Relics (which they had gotten at the taking of Jerusalem) so great, as 
† Matth. Paris. in Rich. 1. p. 222.  four men could scarce carry any way. And though some know no more than Esop's cock how to prise these pearls, let them learn the true value of them from the Roman jewellers. First, they must carefully distinguish between public and private Relics: In private ones some forgery may be suspected, lest quid be put for quo; which made S. 
† In lib. De oper. Mon. ●. 28.  Augustine put in that wary parenthesis, Si tamen Martyrum, If so be they be the Relics of Martyrs. But as for public ones approved by the Pope, and kept in Churches (such no doubt as these of King Richards were) oh let no Christian be such an infidel as to stagger at the truth thereof! If any object, That the head of the same Saint is showed at several places; the whole answer is by a 
† Bellarm. De Reliq. cap. 4.  Synecdoche, That a part is put for the whole. As for the common exception against the Cross, That so many several pieces thereof are shown, which put together would break the back of Simon of Cyrene to bear them; it is answered, Distrahitur, non diminuitur, and like the loaves in the Gospel, it is miraculously multiplied in the dividing. If all these fail, 
† Annal. Eccl. in anno 226.  Baronius hath a razor shaveth all scruple clear away: For, saith he, Quidquid sit, fides purgat facinus; So that he worshippeth the false Relics of a true Saint, God taketh his good intention in good worth, though he adore the hand of Esau for the hand of Jacob. But enough of thesefooleries.   

Chap. 13.  
King Richard taken prisoner in Austria; sold and sent to the Emperor; dearly ransomed, returneth home.  
KIng Richard setting sail from Syria, 
Octo. 8.  the sea and wind favoured him till he came into the Adriatic; and on the coasts of Istria he suffered shipwreck: Wherefore he intended to pierce through Germany by land, the next way home. But the nearness of the way is to be measured not by the shortness but the safeness of it.  
He disguised himself to be one Hugo a merchant, whose only commodity was himself, whereof he made but a bad bargain. For he was discovered in an Inn in Austria, because he disguised his person not his expenses; so that the very policy of an hostess, finding his purse so far above his clothes, did detect him: 
Dec. 20.  Yea, saith mine Author, Fancies orbiterrarum nota, ignorari non potuit. The rude people flocking together, used him with insolences unworthy him, worthy themselves: and they who would shake at the tail of this loose Lion, durst laugh at his face now they saw him in a grate. Yet all the weight of their cruelty did not bow him beneath a Princely carriage.  
Leopoldus' Duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being Lord of the soil, seized on this Royal stray; 
Dec. 20.  meaning now to get his pennyworths out of him, for the affront done unto him in Palestine.  
Not long after the Duke sold him to Henry the Emperor, for his harsh nature surnamed Asper, and it might have been Saevus, being but one degree from a tyrant. He kept King Richard in bands, charging him with a thousand faults committed by him in Sicily, Cyprus, and Palestine. The proofs were as slender as the crimes gross; and Richard having an eloquent tongue, innocent heart, and bold spirit, acquitted himself in the judgement of all the hearers. At last he was 
† Matth. Paris. in Rich. 1.  ransomed for an hundred and forty thousand marks, Colein weight. A sum so vast in that age, before the Indies had overflowed all Europe with their gold and silver, that to raise it in England they were forced to sell their Church-plate to their very chalices. Whereupon out of most deep Divinity it was concluded, That they should not celebrate the Sacrament in 
† Lindwood, lib. 1. De summ● Tri. fol. 6.  glass, for the brittleness of it; nor in wood, for the sponginesse of it, which would suck up the blood; nor in alchemy, because it was subject to rusting; nor in copper, because that would provoke vomiting; but in chalices of latin, which belike was a metal without exception. And such were used in England for some 
† Eulogium; ● Chronicle cited by Fox, Martyrol. in Rich. 1.  hundred years after: until at last John Stafford Archbishop of Canterbury, when the land was more replenished with silver, inknotteth that Priest in the greater excommunication that should consecrate Poculum stanneum. After this money 
† Epist. 57  Peter of Blois (who had drunk as deep of Helicon as any of that age) sendeth this good prayer, making an apostrophe to the Emperor, or to the Duke of Austria, or to both together: 

Bibe nunc, avaritia,  
Dum puteos argenteos  
Larga diffundit Anglia.  
Tua tecum pecunia  
Sit in perditionem.   

And now, thou basest avarice,  
Drink till thy belly burst,  
Whilst England pours large silver shower▪  
To satisfy thy thirst.  
And this we pray, Thy money may  
And thou be like accursed.    
The ransom partly paid, the rest secured by hostages, King Richard much befriended by the Dutch Prelacy, after eighteen month's imprisonment returned into England. The Archbishop of Colein in the presence of King Richard, as he passed by, brought in these words in saying mass, Now I know that God hath sent his angel, and hath delivered thee out of the hand of Herod, and from the expectation of the people, etc. But his soul was more healthful for this bitter physic, and he amended his manners; better loving his 
† Speed, in Rich▪ 1.  Queen Beringaria, whom he slighted before: As soldiers too often love women better than wives.  
Leave we him now in England, where his presence fixed the loyalty of many of his unsettled subjects; whilst in Austria the Duke with his money built the walls of Vienna: So that the best stones and mortar of that bulwark of Christendom are beholden to the English coin. We must not forget how Gods judgements overtook this Duke, punishing his dominions with fire and water, which two elements cannot be Kings but they must be tyrants; by famine, the ears of wheat turned into worms; by a gangrene, seizing on the Duke's body, who cut off his leg with his own hand, and died thereof: Who by his testament (if not by his will) caused some thousand crowns to be restored again to King Richard.   

Chap. 14.  
The death of Saladine; His commendation, even with truth, but almost above belief.  
SOn after, Saladine the terror of the East ended his life, 
1193 Febr. 16.  having reigned sixteen years. Consider him as a man, or a Prince, he was both ways admirable.  
Many Historians (like some painters, which rather show their skill in drawing a curious face then in making it like to him whom it should resemble) describe Princes rather what they should be then what they were; not showing so much their goodness as their own wits. But finding this Saladine so generally commended of all writers, we have no cause to distrust this his true character.  
His wisdom was great, in that he was able to advise; and greater, in that he was willing to be advised: Never so wedded to his own resolves, but on good ground he would be divorced from them. His valour was not overfree, but would well answer the spur when need required. In his victories he was much beholden to the advantage of season, place, and number; and seldom wrested the garland of honour from an arm as strong as his own. He ever marched in person into the field, remembering that his predecessors, the Caliphs' of Egypt, broke themselves by using Factours, and employing of Souldan's. His temperance was great, diet sparing, sleep moderate, not to pamper nature, but to keep it in repair. His greatest recreation was variety and exchange of work. Pleasures he rather sipped than drank off; sometimes, more to content others then please himself. Wives he might have kept sans number, but stinted himself to one or two; using them rather for posterity then wantonness. His justice to his own people was remarkable; his promise with his enemies generally well kept. Much he did triumph in mercy: Fierce in fight, mild in conquering; and having his enemies in his hand, pleased himself more in the power then act of revenge. His liberality would have drained his treasure, had it not had a great and quick spring, those Eastern parts being very rich. Serviceable men he would purchase on any rate; and sometimes his gifts bore better proportion to his own greatness then the receivers deserts. Vast bribes he would give to have places betrayed unto him, and often effected that with his gold which he could not do with his steel. Zealous he was in his own religion, yet not violent ●gainst Christians quà Christians. Scholarship cannot be expected in him who was a Turk by his birth (amongst whom it is a sin to be learned) and a soldier by breeding. His humility was admirable; as being neither ignorant of his greatness, nor over-knowing it. He provided to have no solemnities at his funerals; and ordered that before his corpse a black cloth should be carried on the top of a spear, and this proclaimed, 
† Sabell. Enn. 9 lib. 5. p. 378  Saladine Conqueror of the East had nothing left him but this black shirt to attend him to the grave.  
Some entitle him as descended from the Royal Turkish blood: Which flattering Heralds he will little thank for their pains; counting it most honour, that he being of mean parentage, was the first founder of his own Nobility. His stature (for one of that nation) was tall. His person rather cut out to strike fear then win love; yet could he put on amiableness when occasion required, and make it beseem him. To conclude; I will not be so bold, to do with him as an Eastern 
† joan▪ Euchait●nsis, jampridem E●oniae Graec● editus.  Bishop doth with Plato and Plutarch, whom he commendeth in a Greek hymn to Christ, as those that came nearest to holiness of all untaught Gentiles: (Belike he would be our Saviour's remembrancer, and put him in mind to take more especial notice of them at the day of judgement.) But I will take my farewell of Saladine with that commendation I find of him, 
† Sabell. Enn. 9 l. 5. p. 378▪  He wanted nothing to his eternal happiness, but the knowledge of Christ.   

Chap. 15.  
Discords amongst the Turks; The miserable death of Henry King of jerusalem.  
SAladine left nine (some say, twelve) sons, 
1194  making Saphradine his brother overseer of his will: Who of a tutor turned a traitor, and murdered them all excepting one, called also Saphradine, Sultan of Aleppo; who, not by his uncle's pity, but by the favour and support of his father's good friends was preserved. Hence arose much intestine discord amongst the Turks; all which time the Christians enjoyed their truce with much quiet and security.  
Not long after, 
1196  Henry King of Jerusalem, as he was 
† Continuator Ursp. in anno 1196. Et M. Paris. in codem.  walking in his palace to solace himself, fell down out of a window, and broke his neck. He reigned three years. But as for the particular time he died on, I find it not specified in any Author.   

Chap. 16.  
Almerick the second, King of jerusalem; The great army of the Dutch adventurers doth little in Syria.  
AFter his death, Almerick Lusignan, brother to King Guy, was in the right of his wife crowned King of Jerusalem: For he married Isabel the Relict of Henry the last King. This Lady was four times married: first, to Humphred Prince of Thorone; then to the three successive Kings of Jerusalem, Conrade, Henry, and this Almerick. He was also King of Cyprus; and the Christians in Syria promised themselves much aid from the vicinity of that Island. But though he was near to them, he was far from helping them, making pleasure all his work; being an idle, lazy, worthless Prince. But I trespass on that politic rule, Of Princes we must speak the best, or the least; if that be not intended, when the truth is so late that danger is entailed upon it.  
In his time, Henry Emperor of Germany, indicted by his conscience for his cruelty against King Richard, seeking to perfume his name in the nostrils of the world, which began to be unsavoury, set on foot another voyage to the Holy land. 
1197  Pope Celestine the third sent his Legates about to promote this service, showing how God himself had sounded the alarm by the dissension of the Turks: Jerusalem now might be won with the blows of her enemies; only an army must be sent, not so much to conquer as to receive it. General of the Pilgrims was Henry Duke of Saxony; next him, Frederick Duke of Austria, Herman Landtgrave of Thuringia, Henry Palatine of Rhine, Conrade Archbishop of Mentz, Conrade Archbishop of Wurtzburg, the Bishops of Breme, Halberstadt, and Regenspurg, with many more Prelates; so that here was an Episcopal army, which might have served for a national Synod: Insomuch that one truly might here have seen the Church Militant. We have no ambition, saith 
* ●rsp. Chron. in anno 1197. pag. 304.  one of their countrymen, to reckon them up; for they were plurimi & nulli, many in number, none in their actions.  
Some of these soldiers were employed by Henry the Emperor (who knew well to bake his cake with the Church's fuel) to subdue his rebels in Apulia. This done, they passed through Grecia, and found there better entertainment than some of their predecessors. Hence by shipping they were conveyed into Syria: Here they broke the 
* Vrsp. ut prius.  truce made by King Richard, (it seemeth by this, it was the last five years) the Pope dispensing therewith; who can make a peace nets to hold others, but a cobweb for himself to break through. The city Berytus they quickly won, and as quickly lost. For Henry the Emperor suddenly died, the root which nourished this voyage, and then the branches withered. Henry also Duke of Saxony, General of this army, was slain. And Conrade Archbishop of Mentz, one of the Electours, would needs return home to the choice of a new Emperor; knowing he could more profitably use his voice in Germany then his arms in Syria. Other Captains secretly stole home; and when the soldiers would have fought, their 
* Baron. Annal. Eccl. i● anno. 1197.  Captains ran away. And whereas in other Expeditions we find vestigia pauca retrorsum, making such clean work that they left little or no reversions; of this voyage many safely returned home with whole bodies and wounded credits.  
The rest that remained fortified themselves in Joppa. And now the feast of S. Martin was come, the Dutch their Arch-Saint. This man being a German by birth, and Bishop of Tours in France, was eminent for his 
* Pantal. De vi. illustr. Germ. in vit● S. Martini.  hospitality; and the Dutch badly imitating their countryman, turn his charity to the poor into riot on themselves, keeping the eleventh of November (I will not say holiday, but) feast-day. At this time the springtide of their mirth so drowned their souls, that the 
* Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 74.  Turks coming in upon them, cut every one of their throats, to the number of twenty thousand: and quickly they were stabbed with the sword that were cup-shot before. A day which the Dutch may well write in their Kalendars in red letters died with their own blood; when their camp was their shambles, the Turks their butchers, and themselves the Martinmasse-beeves: from which the beastly drunkards differ but a little.  
The city of Joppa the Turks razed to the ground; and of this victory they became so proud, that they had thought without stop to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria. But by the coming of 
* Magdeburgenses, Cent. 12. cap. 1●. sub finem.  Simon Count of Montford (a most valiant and expert Captain, 
1198  ●ent thither by Philip the French King with a regiment of tall soldiers, at the instance of Innocent the third, that succeeded Celestine in the Papacy) and by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks themselves for sovereignty, their ●ury was repressed, and a peace betwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of 
* Knolls, ut pri●s.  ten years: during which time the Turks promised not to molest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais. 
1199  Which peace so concluded, the worthy Count returned with his soldiers into France.   

Chap. 17.  
A Crusado for the Holy land diverted by the Pope 
1202  to Constantinople; They conquer the Grecian Empire.  
THis truce notwithstanding, another army of Pilgrims was presently provided for Syria: The Tetrarches whereof were Baldwine Earl of Flanders, Dandalo the Venetian Duke, Theobald Earl of Champagne, Boniface marquis of Montferrat, with many other Nobles.  
Leave we them a while taking the city of Jadera in Istria for the Venetians. Mean time if we look over into Greece, we shall find Isaac Angelus the Emperor deposed, thrust into prison, his eyes put out, (the punishment there in fashion) so that he ended his days before he ended his life, by the cruelty of Alexius Angelus his brother, who succeeded him.  
But young Alexius, Isaac Angelus his son, with some Grecian Noblemen, came to the courts of most Western Princes to beg assistance to free his father and expel the tyrant. He so deported himself, that each gesture was a net to catch men's good will; not seeking their favour by losing himself, but though he did bow, he would not kneel: so that in his face one might read a pretty combat betwixt the beams of majesty and cloud of adversity. To see a Prince in want, would move a miser's charity. Our Western Princes tendered his case, which they counted might be their own; their best right lying at the mercy of any stronger usurper. Young Alexius so dressed his meat, that he pleased every man's palate; promising for their succours to disengage the French from their debts to the Venetian; promising the Venetian satisfaction for the wrongs done them by the Grecians; and bearing the Pope in hand he would reduce the Eastern Churches into his subjection: things which he was little 
* Nicetas.  able to perform. But well may the statute of Bankrupt be sued out against him who cannot be rich in promises. These his fair proffers prevailed so far, that the Pope commanded, and other Princes consented, that this army of Pilgrims levied for the Holy land, should be employed against the usurping Grecian Emperor. Many taxed his Holiness for an unjust steward of the Christian forces, to expend them against the Grecians, which were to be laid out against the Infidels: Especially now when Palestine, through the dissension of the Turks, offered itself into the Christians arms to be regained. Others thought the Pope took the right method; because he which should win Jerusalem must begin at Constantinople: And by this war the Grecian Empire, which was the bridge to Syria, would be made good, and secured for the passage of Pilgrims. The soldiers generally rejoiced at the exchange of their service: for the barren wars in Syria starved the undertakers; and a cook himself cannot lick his fingers where no meat is dressed. There nothing but naked honour was to be gotten, here honour clothed with spoil; the usurpers treasure would make brave scrambling amongst them: And it was good ploughing up of that ground which had long lain fallow.  
Setting sail from Jadera (which city they had subdued to the Venetian, forcing them to pay three thousand 
* Blondus, l. 6. Decad. 2. p. 270.  coney-skins yearly for tribute to that State) like good fencers they struck at the head, and made for Constantinople: Which they quickly took, 
1203 july 17.  after some hot skirmishes. Alexius Angelus the usurper, with his wife, whores, and treasure, fled away. Blind Isaac Angelus was fetched out of prison; he and young Alexius his son saluted joint Emperors. Which brittle honour of theirs was quickly broken: For soon after the father died, being brought into an open place, kept before in a close penned dungeon; and having long fasted from good air, he now got his death by surfeiting on it. His son was villainously strangled by Alexius Ducas, called from his beetle brow Mur●iphlus: One of base parentage, who was tumultuously chosen Emperor by the people. This Ducas offered some affronts to the Latins which lay before Constantinople in their ships. 
1204 Apr. 21.  Wherefore, and also because they were not paid for their former service, they the second time assaulted the city, and took it by main force; killing none, but robbing all; ravishing women, and using a thousand insolences. Some fled for their succour to the shrines of Saints: But the Sanctuaries needed sanctuaries to protect themselves, the soldiers as little respecting place, as formerly age or sex: not standing on any reverence to the Saints, they stood upon them, making footstools of their images and statues.  
Nicetas Choniates, hitherto an historian, now a plaintiff, (writing so full of ohs and exclamations as if the while pinched by the arm) rather without measure then cause bemoaneth the outrages the Latins here committed. Poor man! all the miseries our Saviour speaketh off in a siege, met in him: His flight from Constantinople was in winter, on the 
* In libello cu●titulus, Status Constantinopolis Sect. 1. p, 637.  Sabbath-day, his wife being great with child. But when the object is too near the eye, it seemeth greater than it is: and perchance he amplifieth and aggravateth the cruelty of these Pilgrims, being nearly interessed therein himself; especially when the rhetoric of grief is always in the Hyperbole. Nor is it any news for soldiers to be so insolent when they take a city by assault: which time is their 
* Servorum hic di●s est. Lips. lib. 1. Satur. cap. 2.  Saturnalia, when servants themselves do command, acknowledging no other leader or captain than their own passions.  
Within a twelvemonth all Greece was subdued save only Adrianople: 
Apr. 24. crowned May 16.  Baldwine Earl of Flanders chosen Emperor; Thomas Maurocenus elected first Latin Patriarch in Constantinople; Boniface marquis of Montferrat made King of Thessaly; Geoffrey of Troy, a Frenchman, Prince of Achaia and Duke of Athens: the Venetians got many rich Islands in the Aegean and Ionian seas: So that one could not now see the Grecian Empire for Empires. It was now expected that they should have advanced hence into Palestine: But here having well feathered their nests, they were loath to fly any further. And now no wonder if the Christians affairs in Palestine were weak and lean, the Pope diverting the meat that should feed them another way.   

Chap. 18.  
The Pope sendeth an army of Croises against the Albingenses. Three several opinions concerning that sect.  
POpe Innocent the third having lately learned the trick of employing the army of Pilgrims in by-services, 
1206  began now to set up a trade thereof. For two years after he levied a great number of them, whom he sent against the Albingenses in France. These were reputed heretics, whom his Holiness intended to root out with all cruelty; that good shepherd knowing no other way to bring home a wand'ring sheep then by worrying him to death. He fully and freely promised the undertakers the selfsame Pardons and Indulgences as he did to those who went to conquer the Holy land; and very conscionably requested their aid only for forty days, hoping to chop up these Albingenses at a bit. Though herein he was deceived, and they stuck in his and his successor's teeth for fifty years together. The place being nearer, the service shorter, the work less, the wages the same with the voyage into Syria, many entered themselves in this employment, and neglected the other.  
We will trace this army by their footsteps, and our pen must wait on their swords. And I hope that his Holiness, who absolved many of their vows from Palestine, and commuted them into a journey into France, will also of his goodness dispense with my venial digression herein, in prosecuting their actions. Yea indeed, I need not his dispensation, being still resident on my own subject, this also being styled, The Holy War, The war for the Crucifix, The army of the Church; the soldiers also bearing the badge of the Cross on their coat-armour.  
But first let us throughly examine what these Albingenses were, and what they held: a question that will quit the cost in studying it.  
They were a younger house of the Waldenses, and branched from them; not different in doctrine, but later in time, and distant in place: so called from the country Albigeois in France, where they lived.  
I find three grand different opinions of Authors concerning them.  
First, 
* Io. Paul. Perin. De Albing. lib. 1. cap. 1.  Some make them to have been very monsters in life and doctrine; so that the heaviest punishment was too light for them. And this is the general voice of most writers in that age, and all Romanists in our days.  
Secondly, Others clean contrary hold, That these Waldenses (for I make them and the Albingenses Synonyma, as 
* Dr. Field of the Church. lib. 3. cap. 8. We acknowledge them (viz. Wickliff, Husse, Hierome of Prague, etc. to have been the wo●●y servants of God, and holy Martyrs & Confessors, suffering in the cause of Christ against Antichrist; yet do we not think that the Church of God was found only in them.  others have done) were only the true Church of God in that age, whilst all others being corrupted with abominable superstition, were no true Church at all. These alone were God's Virgins, his Witnesses in sackcloth, his Woman in the wilderness, his sealed ones, his seven thousand whose knees were not suppled with the Baalisme of that age. This is the express opinion of some strict Protestants; and of some who speak it not out, yet mutter it to themselves.  
Thirdly, A third sort 
* Dr. White, in his Reply to Fisher, pag. 104. 105. The Waldenses maintained the same doctrine in substance with the modern Protestants.  explode this opinion, as trespassing on Divine providence; that God who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth, should be in so long a lethargy as to suffer hell to eat up his heaven on earth for so many years together, leaving no true Church but so small a company of such simple people. They conceive that the maintainers hereof engage themselves in a labyrinth of difficulties, hanging too great a weight on so slender a string, in making such an handful of men the only Church for so long continuance. More moderately therefore they hold, That these Albingenses were a purer part of the Church; and though guilty of some errors, (as there must be a dawning before the day) and charged with more, yet they maintained the same * doctrine in ore, which since Luther's time was refined: So that the main body of the Church visible at this time was much in dilapidations, whilst the Albingenses, as an innermost chapel thereof, was best in repair.  
Let the Reader choose the probablest opinion when he hath perused the evidences of all sides; which we will now produce, deducing the history of these Albingenses from their first original.   

Chap. 19  
The beginning of the Albingenses; Their dispersion, persecution, increase, names, and nicknames.  
ABout the year 1160, Peter Waldo a merchant of Lions, rich in substance and learning (for a layman) was walking and talking with his friends, when one of them suddenly fell down dead. Which lively spectacle of man's mortality so impressed the soul of this Waldo, that instantly he resolved on a strict reformation of his life: Which to his power he performed; translating some books of the Bible; instructing such as resorted to him in godliness of life; teaching withal, That Purgatory, Masses, dedication of Temples, worshipping of Saints, prayers for the dead, were inventions of the devil, and snares of avarice, That Monkery was a stinking carrion, the Church of Rome the whore of Babylon, the Pope that Antichrist Paramount: He sharply lanced the vicious ulcers of clergymen's lives, reproving their pride and luxury. Soon got he many followers, both because novelty is a forcible loadstone, and because he plentifully relieved his poor disciples; and those that use that trade shall never want custom.  
The Archbishop of Lions hearing such doctrines broached as were high treason against the Triple crown, ferreted Waldo and his sectaries out of Lions and the country thereabouts. But persecution is the bellows of the Gospel, to blow every spark into a flame. This their division proved their multiplication. Some fled into the Alps, living there on so steep hills, and in so deep holes, that their enemies were afraid to climb or dive after them. Here they had the constant company of the snow: And as it by the height of the hills was protected from the sunbeams, so they from the scorching of persecution, even to Luther's time. Others fled into Picardy, Flanders, England, Alsatia, Bohemia, 
* Matth. Paris. in Hen. 3. in anno 12 13.  Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungaria, and whither not? the perfume of the Pope's presence not keeping this supposed vermin out of Italy itself. Many of them were cruelly massacred, five and thirty Burgesses of Mayence burned at Bingen in one fire, eighteen at Mayence, fourscore at Straesburg at the instance of the Bishop thereof. But Martyrs ashes are the best compost to manure the Church: for others were won to their opinion, by beholding their constancy and patience. Strange that any should fall in love with that profession, whose professors were so miserable! But truth hath always a good face, though often but bad clothes.  
They were called by sundry names: Sometimes from the places where they lived: As from Albigeois, Tholouse, Lions, Picardy, Bohemia; Albingenses, Tholousians, Lyonists, Picards, Bohemians. Sometimes from their principal pastor: As from Waldo, Joseph, Henry, Esperon, Arnold; Waldenses, Jofephists, Henricians, Esperonites, Arnoldists. In England they were termed Lolards, from 
* Io. Paul. Perin. Hist. Waldens. l. 1. c. 3.  Lolard their teacher; not as some Friar descanteth, quasi Lolium in area Domini. It appeareth not whether they were thus called of others, or called themselves. But grant the latter: and if any object, That they seemed ashamed of Christ theirfirst godfather, who gave them the name of Christians, thus to denominate themselves from their teachers; I answer, It is the same the Papists do, call themselves Benedictines, Dominicans, Franciscans, etc. from the founders of their Orders.  
They had also nick names; called, First, Poor men of Lions: not because they chose to be poor, but could not choose but be poor, being stripped out of all their goods: And why should the Friars glory be this people's shame? they mocking at poverty in others, which they count meritorious in themselves. Secondly, Patarenians; that is, Sufferers, whose backs were anvils for others to beat on. Thirdly, Turlupins; that is, Dwellers with wolves, (and yet might they be God's sheep) being forced to flee into woods. Fourthly, likewise they were called Sicars; that is, Cutpurses. Fifthly, Fraterculi; that is, Shifters. Sixthly, Insabbatae; that is, Observers of no Sabbath. Seventhly, Pasagenes; that is, Wanderers. As also Arians, Manicheans, Adamites (how justly will appear afterwards.) Yea, scarce was there an arrow in all the quiver of malice which was not shot at them.   

Chap. 20.  
The Albingenses their answer, confessing some, denying most crimes laid to their charge; Commendations their adversaries give them.  
COme we now to the full and foul indictment wherewith these Albingenses are charged: That they gave no reverence to 
* Reinerius, fol. 22. art. 32.  holy places; rejected the baptism of infants; held that temporal power was grounded in grace; that it was a meritorious work to persecute the Priests of Rome and their subjects: with the Adamites they went naked (an affront to nature;) with the Manicheans they made two first causes, God of good, the devil of evil; held community of all things, even of wives amongst them; were 
* Claudius' Rubis, History of Lions, pag. 269.  sorcerers and conjurers; (pretending to command the devil, when they most obeyed him) guilty of incest, buggery, and more unnatural sins, whereby men (as it were) run backward to hell.  
No whit affrighted with this terrible accusation, many late writers dare by their advocates to defend them, though confessing them guilty of some of these, but not in so high and heinous a manner as they are accused.  
True it is, because most of that age ran riot in adoring of Churches, (as if some inherent sanctity was seeled to their roof, or plastered to their walls; yea, such as might more ingratiate with God the persons and prayers of people there assembled) the Waldenfes (out of that old error not yet worn out, That the best way to straighten what is crooked, is to over-bow it) denied Churches that relative holiness and fit reverence due unto them. Baptism of infants they refused not (though 
* In his 66. roomily on the Canticles.  Saint Bernard, taking it rather from the rebound than first rise, chargeth them therewith) but only deferred it till it might be administered by one of their own Ministers; their tender consciences not digesting the Popish baptism, where clear water by God's ordinance, was by man's additions made a salve or plaster. That dominion was founded in grace, seemeth to be their very opinion: Yea, it hangeth as yet in the Schools on the file, and is not taken off, as a thing disputable, finding many favourers. But grant it a great error (for wicked men shall be arraigned before God, not as usurpers, but as tyrants; not for not having right, but not right using the creatures) yet herein they proceeded not so far as the Papists nowadays, to unthrone and depose excommunicated Princes: So that they who do most, have lest cause to accuse them. That they spoke too homely and coursely of the Romish Priests, inveighing too bitterly and uncharitably against them, condemning all for some, may per chance be proved: And no wonder if they speak ill of those from whom they felt ill. But take their speeches herein, as the words of men upon the rack, forced from them by the extremity of cruel usage.  
In these errors the Albingenses hope to find favour, if men consider, First, the ignorance of the age they lived in: It is no news to stumble in the dark. Secondly, the frailty (that squire of the body) attending on man's nature; yea, he shall be immortal who liveth till he be stoned by one without fault. Thirdly, the errors themselves, which are rather in the out-limbs than vitals of religion. And it may be conceived they might have been reclaimed, if used with gentle means, not catechised with fire and faggot; it being a true rule, That men's consciences are more moved with leading then dragging or drawing.  
But the sting of the indictment is still behind in the tail or end thereof; charging them with such heinous errors in doctrine, and vices in life: All which the patroness for the defendants 
* Bishop jewcl, Apol. part. 1. chap. 2. divis. 1 Waldo and the rest, for aught we know, and I believe (setting m●lice aside) for ought you know, were godly men. Their greatest error was that they complained of the dissolute and vi●●ous lives of the Clergy.  deny and defy, as coined out of the mint of their enemy's malice.  
It will be objected, If denying the fact might serve the turn, we should have no male factours: This therefore is but a poor plea, barely to deny, when that such clouds of witnesses are against them. And grant they have a few straggling writers, or some sleeping records which may seem to acquit them, what are one or two men (though suppose them giants) against a whole army?  
To this I find it answered for the Albingenses, That it hath been the constant practice of the Romish writers, always to defame those that differ from them, especially if they handle too roughly the Noli me tangere of the Pope's supremacy. In later times what aspersions, as false as foul, have 
* In vita Lutheri.  Cochleus and 
* In vita Calvini.  Bolsecus laid on Luther and Calvine? Now how fearless will they be ●osteal at midnight, who dare thus rob men of their good name at noonday? When such Authors as these lie with a witness, yea, with many 
* Solidly confuted by D. Whitaker, De notis Ecclisiae, cap. 15. Out of Melan●hthon, Sleidan, Gryneus, Beza, eye-witnesses  witnesses, who could disprove them; no wonder if they take liberty falsely to accuse the Albingenses, conceiving themselves out of the reach of confutation, writing in such an age when all the Counsel is on their own side, being plaintiffs, and none assigned for the defendants.  
Secondly, I find they produce the authentical copies (such as are above their enemy's calumnies) of the Catechisms, Apologies, Remonstrances of these Albingenses; wherein the distilled doctrine of the Protestants is delivered free from Manicheisme, or any other heresy fathered upon them.  
Thirdly, their enemy's slanders plainly appear in some particulars; which justly shaketh the credit of the whole accusation. For whereas they are charged with the Adamites willingly to have gone naked, we find them rather nudati then nudi, forced thereunto by the Pope's Legate: Who being about to take the city of Carcassone in France, where these people most swarmed, he would not grant them their lives but on this condition, That both males and females should go forth, and pass by his army 
† So witnesseth Peter De valle Sarnensi, being himself a Monk, and lately printed (anno 1615) in Paris. See Rivet On Genesis, pag. 138.  stark-naked. Argued it not a very foul stomach in him who could feed his eyes with contentment on such a sight, which otherwise would more deeply have wounded the modesty of the beholder then of the doers, who did it by compulsion? See now how justly these innocents' are charged! As well may the Israelites be blamed for cruelty to themselves, in putting out their own eyes, when they were commanded to do it by the merciless Ammonite.  
Lastly, they are cleared by the testimonies of their very enemies; and who knoweth not, but such a witness is equivalent to a general consent? For those, who, when bemadded with anger, most rave and rage against them, yet per lucida intervalla, in their cold blood, when their words are indicted from their judgements not passions, do most sufficiently acquit them from these accusations.  
Reinerius, a Jacobine Monk, and a cruel inquisitor of the Waldenses, testified, 
† Cited by Fox in his Martyr●l. p. 232.  That they lived justly before men, and believed all things well of God, and held all the articles contained in the Creed; only they blasphemed the Romish Church, and hated it.  
Claudius' de Seissell Archbishop of Turin confesseth, as touching their life and manners they were sound and unreprovable, without scandal amongst men, giving themselves (to their power) to the observation of the commandments of God.  
King Lewis the twelfth of France being throughly informed of the faith and life of the Waldenses in his time, bound it with an oath, That they were better men than he or his people. The same King having killed many of those poor people, and having called the place where they lived, Vallis meretricia, for their painted and dissembled piety, upon better instructions changed the name, call it from himself, 
† Thuanus. tom. 2. lib. 27. pag. 15.  The vale of Lewis.  
William de Belai Lieutenant of Piedmont gave this commendation of the Merindolites (a sprig which some hundred years after sprouted from the Waldenses) 
† Idem, tom. 10. lib. 6. pag. 188.  That they were a laborious people, averse from suits, bountiful to the poor, duly paying their Prince's tributes and Lords deuce, serving God with daily prayers, and showing forth much innocency in manners.  
Thuanus, one that writeth truth with a steady hand, jogged neither by Romanists nor Huguenots, thus charactereth the 
† Tom. 2. lib. 27. pag. 16.  Con-waldenses, a stem of that stock we speak of; They used raw pelts clapped about them for their clothes, the four feet whereof served instead of buttons; all equal in poverty, having no beggars amongst them; their diet on deer and milk: yet was there scarce any amongst them but could read and write handsomely, understand the Bible, and sing psalms; scarce a boy, but could presently or by heart give an account of his faith: Tribute they paid very religiously, etc.  
More might be added; but I end with gamaliel's words, 
† Acts 5. 38, 39  If this work be of men, it will come to nought; but if it be of God, yè cannot overthrow it. It argueth the goodness of their cause, in that all their enemy's cruelty (unwise to think to spoil the growth of camomile by trampling on it) could never suppress them; but they continued till the days of Luther, when this morningstar willingly surrendered his place to him a brighter sun. But enough of their life and manners. And if any condemn me for superfluity herein, I guard myself with 
† In his preface to his Retractat.  S. Austin's shield, Non est multiloquium, quando necessaria di●untur, quant alibet sermonum multitudine ac prolixitate dicantur.   

Chap. 21.  
The Holy army advance against the Albingenses; The cities of Besier and Carcassone taken.  
POpe Innocent the third having now gathered together an army of one hundred thousand Pilgrims, set forwards for the final exstirpation of the poor Albingenses. The best champions for his Holiness herein, were the Duke of Burgundy, the Earls of Nevers, St. Paul, Auxerre, Geneva, Poitiers, with Simon Earl of Montfort; O● the Clergy, Milo the Pope's Le●gate, The Archbishops of Sens, Rovan; the Bishops of Clermont, Nevers, Lisieux, Bayeux, Charters, with divers others; every Bishop with the Pilgrims of his jurisdiction: To whom the Pope promised Paradise in heaven, but not one penny on earth. Their work was to destroy the Albingenses, which were in great numbers in Dauphin, Province, Narbonne, Tholouse, and other parts of France. Their Commission also extended to the rooting out of all their friends and favourers, whether detected, or only suspected; such as were Reimund Earl of Tholose, Reimund Earl of Foyx, the Vicecount of Besiers, Gaston Lord of Berne, the Earl of Bigorre, the Lady of la Vaur, with divers others. See here a new gate to heaven never opened before, for men to cut their way thither through the throats of their innocent brethren! Behold the holy Ghost, who once came down in the form of a Dove, now counterfeited in the shape of a Vulture!  
But we must not forget how just before the war began, the Pope pretending to reclaim them by reasons to the Church of Rome: To which end he gave order for a disputation with them. The parties, place, and time were agreed on; who, where, when they should dispute: but in fine nothing was effected. Yea, who ever knew conferences in so great oppositions to ripen kindly, and bring any fruit to perfection? For many come rather for faction then satisfaction, resolving to carry home the same opinions they brought with them: An upright moderator will scarce be found, who bangeth not to one side: The place will be subject to suspicion, and hinder liberty: Boldness and readiness of speech with most (though not most judicious) auditors, will bear away the bell from solidity of arguments: The passages in the disputing will pe partially reported, and both sides will brag of the conquest; so that the rent will be made worse, and more spirits conjured up then allayed.  
But now words ended in blows; the Pope only entertaining them in 
* Io. Paul. Peri●. De Albing, lib. 1. cap. 2.  conferences, that in the mean time he might prepare his great armies more suddenly to suppress them.  
The first piece of service his soldiers performed, was in sacking the city of Besiers, and burrow of Carcassone: In which many Catholics, steadfast in the Romish faith, did dwell, and promiscuously were slain with the Albingenses; yea, Priests themselves were cut in pieces in their priestly ornaments, and under the banner of the Cross: So that the swallowing of their foes made their friends also go down glib through their throats, without danger of choking. As for the city of Carcassone which was not far from the burrow; to the inhabitants thereof those immodest conditions were propounded, whereof formerly: which they refused; and God better provided for them: For whilst the city was besieged, they escaped out by the benefit of a vault under ground, and so shifted abroad for themselves.   

Chap. 22.  
Simon Earl of Montfort chosen Captain of the Holy war; He conquereth the King of Arragon, prevaileth against the Albingenses, and at last is killed by a woman.  
HItherto this war was managed by the Pope's Legate: 
See the substance of this following story, in Io. Paul Perin. lib. 1. cap. 6. & dein●eps.  but now it was concluded that a secular captain should be adjoined to him, in whose person the chief command should reside over Martial affairs; and for his pains, by the Pope's donation, he was to enjoy all countries that should be conquered from the Albingenses or their favourers. The place was offered to the Duke of Burgundy, who refused it, saying, He had lands and Lordships enough of his own, without spoiling others of their goods. It was waved also by the Earls of St. Paul, and Nevers, whether out of conscience or policy; 
1210  because though the Pope gave them the bears skin, they must first kill and flay him themselves. At last Simon of Montfort, nigh Paris, accepted of it, swearing to vex the Lords enemies. And for a breakfast to begin with, he was seized of the Vicecounty of Besiers, proceeding from hence to take many castles and cities.  
One grand inconvenience attended on this army of Pilgrims: For when their quarantine, or forty day's service, was expited, (the term the Pope set them to merit Paradise in) they would not stay one whit longer: Like post-horses they would run to their set stage, but could not be spurred one foot further; contenting themselves they had already purchased heaven, and fearing they should be put in possession thereof too soon, by losing their lives in that service. And though the Bishops persuaded some few to stay, that so the surplusage of their merits might make up the arterages of their friends which wanted them, yet could they not prevail to any purpose. Nor could they so cast and contrive their matters, the tide of people's devotion being uncertain, but that betwixt the going out of the old and coming in of the new store of Pilgrims, there would be a low ebb, wherein their army was almost wasted to nothing: whereof the Albingenses made no small advantage.  
However, the Earls of Tholouse, Foix, and Coming, and Prince of Berne, the patroness of the Albingenses, finding they were too weak for this Holy army, sheltered themselves under Peter King of Arragon; whose homagers they were, receiving investiture from him, though their dominions lay on this side of the Pyrenean hills. This King had the greatness of the Earl of Montfort in suspicion; fearing lest these several Principalities, which now were single arrows, should be bound in one sheaf, conquered and united under Earl Simon. Wherefore he fomented a faction in them against the Holy army; publicly protesting against the proceedings of Earl Simon; charging him to have turned the bark of God's Church into a pirates ship, robbing others and enriching themselves under the pretence of Religion, seizing on the lands of good Catholics for supposed heretics, using God's cause as hunters do a stand, in it the more covertly to shoot at what game they please: Otherwise, why was the Vicecount of Beziers, who lived and died firm in the Romish faith, lately trained into the Legates hand, and against oaths and promises of his safe return, kept close prisoner till his death, and his lands seized on by Earl Simon?  
At last the King of Arragon taking the Earl of Montfort on the advantage (shooting him as it were betwixt wind and water, the ending of the old and beginning of new Pilgrims) forced him to a battle. The King had thirty thousand foot and seven thousand horse; but the Earl, of both foot and horse not above two thousand two hundred. They closed together near the castle of Moret: And the King, whether out of zeal of conquest and thirst of honour, or distrust of under officers, or desire to animate others, or a mixture of all, ran his curver so openly, and made his turns and returns in the head of the army, that so fair a mark invited his enemy's arrows to hit him; by whom he was wounded to death, and fell from his horse: to lesson all Generals to keep themselves, like the heart, in the body of the army, whence they may have a virtual omnipresence in every part thereof; and not to expose their persons (which, like crystal vials, contain the extracted spirits of their soldiers spilt with their breaking) to places of imminent danger. With his body fell the hearts of his men: 
1212  And though the Earls of Tholouse, Foix, and Coming, persuaded, entreated, threatened them to stay, they used their oratory so long till their audience ran all away, and they were fain to follow them, reserving themselves by flight to redeem their honour some other time.  
Simon improving this victory, pursued them to the gates of Tholouse, and killed many thousands. The Friars imputed this victory to the Bishop's benediction, and adoring a piece of the Cross, together with the fervency of the Clergies prayers, which remaining behind in the castle of Moret, battered heaven with their importunity. On the other side, the Albingenses acknowledged God's justice in punishing the proud King of Arragon; who, as if his arm had been strong and long enough to pluck down the victory our of heaven without Gods ●eaching it to him, conceived that Earl Simon came rather to cast himself down at his feet then to fight. But such reckonings without the host are ever subject to a rere-account.  
Yet within few years the face of this war began to alter: (With writers of shorthand we must set a prick for a letter, a letter for a word, marking only the most remarkables.) For young Reimund Earl of Tholouse, exceeding his father in valour and success, so bestirred himself, that in few months he regained what Earl Simon was many years in getting: And at last Earl Simon besieging Tholouse, 
1118  with a stone which a woman let fly out of an engine, had his head parted from his body.  
Men use not to be niggards of their censures on strange accidents: Some paralleled his life with Abimelech that tyrant-Judge; who with the bramble (fitter to make a fire then a King of) accepted of the wooden Monarchy, when the vine, olive, figtree declined it. They paired them also in their ends, death disdaining to send his summons by a masculine hand, but arresting them both by a woman. Some persuaded themselves they saw God's finger in the woman's hand; that because the greater part of his cruelty lighted on the weaker sex, (for he had buried the Lady of la Vaur alive, respecting neither her sex nos nobility) a woman was chosen out to be his executioner: though of himself he was not so prone to cruelty, but had those at his elbow which prompted him to it. The time of his death was a large field for the conceits of others to walk in; because even then when the Pope and three Councils, of Vaur, Montpelier, and Lateran, had pronounced him son, servant, favourite of the faith, the invincible defender thereof: And must he not needs break, being swollen with so many windy titles▪ Amongst other of his styles he was 
* See Cambd. in L●icester-shire.  Earl of Leicester in England, and father to Simon Montfort the 
* Also in Worcester-shire.  Catiline of this Kingdom, who under pretence of curing this land of some grievances, had killed it with his physic, had he not been killed himself in the battle of Eveshold in the reign of Henry the third.  
And here ended the storm of open war against the Albingenses, though some great drops fell afterwards. Yea, now the Pope grew sensible of many mischiefs in prosecuting this people with the Holy war: First, the incongruity betwixt the Word and the Sword; to confute heretics with armies in the field, opened clamorous mouths. Secondly, 
* Peri●, Of the Albingen ses, lib. 2. c. 4.  three hundred thousand of these Croised Pilgrims lost their lives in this expedition, within the space of fifteen years; so that there was neither city nor village in France, but by reason here of had widows and orphans cursing this expedition. And his Holiness, after he had made allowance for his loss of time, blood, and credit, found his gain declare very small. Besides, such was the chance of war, and good Catholics were so intermingled with heretics, that in sacking of cities they were slain together. Whereupon the Pope resolved of a privater way, which made less noise i● the world, attracted less envy, and was more effectual; To prosecute them by way of Inquisition. Hereby he might single them out by retail, rooting out the tares without hurting the corn, and overthrowing them by piece-meal whom he could never stagger in gross.  
Dominick a Spaniard was first author hereof. Well did his mother, being with child of him, dream that she had a dog 
* Martyrol. in vita Dominici.  vomiting fire in her womb. This ignivomous cur (sire of the litter of Mendicant Friars called Dominicanes) did bark at and deeply bite the poor Albingenses. After his death, Pope Honorius for his good service bestowed a Saintship on him: For he dreamt he saw the Church of Rome falling, and Dominick holding it up with his shoulders; wherefore he canonised this Atlas of their religion. The proceedings of this Inquisition were the abridgement of all cruelty, turning the sword of Justice into the butcher's axe. But no doubt God, when he maketh 
* Psal. 9 12.  inquisition for blood, will one day remember this bloody Inquisition. And who can but admire at the continuance of the doctrine of the Albingenses to this day, maugre all their enemies▪ Let those privy-counsellers of Nature, who can tell where swallows lie all winter, and how at the spring they have a resurrection from their seeming deadness, let those, I say, also inform us in what invisible sanctuaries this doctrine did lurk in spite of persecution, and how it revived out of its ashes at the coming of Luther. To conclude; it is observed, That in those parts of France where the Albingenses were most cruelly handled, now the Protestants (heirs to most of their tenets) flourish most: as in the countries of Gascongne, Dauphin, and Languedoc.   

Chap. 23.  
King Almerick for his laziness deposed by the Pope.  
WElcome the Holy land, welcome Ptolemais: How shallow and almost quite dry is the stream of Pilgrims grown here, since the Pope hath drained it with so large a by-chanel into France!  
As for Almerick the idle King of Jerusalem, we find him as we left him, drowning his cares constantly in wine: his hands being lazier then those that are printed in the margin of a book, which point what others should read; whilst he would neither do, nor order what should be done: So true was it of him, what is said 
* Of Chilperick King of France.  of another, Titularis non tutelaris Rex; defuit non praesuit Reipublicae.  
And now the war betwixt Noradine Saladines' son and Saphradine his uncle, about the sovereignty, lasting nine years, ended with Saphradines' death; and Noradine contented himself with the government of Aleppo, whilst Saphradines' two sons shared his dominions, Coradine commanding in Damascus and Syria, and Meledine in Egypt.  
The former of these without any resistance built a fort in mount Tabor, to the great annoyance of the Christians. To prevent farther mischief arising from Almericks' negligence, the Pope (who would have a finger in every Crown, and a hand in this) deposed him from the Kingdom. This Almerick, grieved to lose what he was never careful to keep, soon after died for sorrow. But how doth this agree with Marinus Sanutus, who maketh him to die of a surfeit of 
* A fish called Aurata, or Aurella.  giltheads five years sooner, and saith there was five years interregnum in Palestine, wherein the Christians had no King at all?   

Chap. 24.  
john Bren made King of jerusalem. A most promising voyage into Palestine of new Pilgrims; which remove the seat of the war into Egypt.  
IN the place of Almerick the Pope appointed John de Bren, 
1209  a private French Gentleman, to be King. Who, to twist his title with another string, married Maria jole the sole daughter of Conrade late King of Jerusalem. This John had behaved himself right valiantly amongst other Latin Princes in the voyage against the Greeks, and was a most martial man, as all do witness: Only one calleth him 
* Theod. à Niein, De privileg. imper. cap. De Expedit. Hicrosol.  imbellem hominem; why I know not, except he be of that humour to delight to be one of the Antipodes, 
1213  treading opposite to a world of writers besides. In the beginning of his reign this accident (whether monstrous or miraculous) fell out: in France, a boy (for his years) went about singing in his own tongue, 
jesus Lord, repair our loss;  
Restore to us thy holy Crosse.  Numberless children ran after him, and followed the same tune their captain and chanter did set them. No bolts, no bars, no fear of fathers or love of mothers could hold them back, but they would to the Holy land to work wonders there; till their merry music had a sad close, all either perishing on land, or drowned by sea. It was done (saith my ● 
* Matth. Paris. in anno 1213 pag. 324. Pr●i●igio diabolico penitus infatuati.  author) by the instinct of the devil, who, as it were, desired a cordial of children's blood to comfort his weak stomach long cloyed with murdering of men.  
Soon after began the Lateranè Council under Innocent the third: 
1215  Wherein many things were concluded for the recovery of the Holy land; as, That the Cross should every where be preached with zeal and earnestness to procure Pilgrims; That all 
* Centuri●t. Cent. 13. cap. 9  tiltings in Christendom for three years should be forbidden, that so the spears of Christians might only be broken against Infidels; That Clergymen that went this voyage might (if need were) mortgage their Church-livings for three years to provide themselves with present necessaries; That all debtors, during their Pilgrimage (though bound by oath in conscience, the strongest specialty) should be dispensed with to pay no use to their creditors; who if Christians, by excommunications; if Jews, were to be forced by the secular power to remit their interest; That all Priests should contribute the twentieth part of their revenues for three years, to advance this design. And lest (saith his Holiness) we should soem to lay heavy burdens on others which we will not touch with our least finger, we assign a ship at our own cost to carry our Pilgrims of the city of Rome; and disburse for the present what can be spared from our necessary expenses, to the sum of thirty thousand pounds, to further the project: and for three years to come, we and our brethren the Cardinals of Rome, will fully pay the tenth of our Church-profits.  
Hereupon next spring a numerous army set forward to Palestine, 
1216  conducted by Pelagius the Pope's Legate, Andrew King of Hungary (who having washed himself in the river of Jordan, would stay no longer, but instantly returned home) the three Electoral Archbishops, with those of Liege, Wurtzburg, Bamberg, Straesburg, Paris, etc. Lewis Duke of Bavaria, Leopold of Austria, a navy of our English, besides Florentines, Genoans, and many other nations. The Autumn they spent in the fruitless besieging of the fort of mount Tabor; whilst King John Bren won from the Turks the castle of Pilgrims, 
Nou.  a piece of great consequence on the seaside.  
Then was it debated on both sides of translating the war 
1217  into Egypt. Which many advised to be done: For that country afforded the Turks their vict●●● and munition; and the best way to draw them low, was to stop them in the fountain. It was also most honour to rouse the Lion in his own den. And Palestine was so foraged, that there was nothing to be gleaned in the stubble; whereas Egypt was so rich and fruitful, it cared not for the frowns of heaven, so it might have the favour of Nilus; and there was no fear to want bread in that the granary of the world. That, according to the rule, Plus animi est inferenti periculum, quam propulsanti; the Christians would be heartened, but the Egyptians discouraged in the invasion of Egypt. The sad spectacle of their country's vastation would disturb their minds, make them diffident of their own worth, and unsufficient to maintain their cause. Lastly, the Christians might leave when they list, reserving at all times Ptolemais to entertain them, in case fortune should cross their designs.  
But the reasons to the contrary wanted not weight but weighing. They considered not (what was objected) That to invade a strong entire country without having a party within it to side with them, was to endeavour to cleave a tree with a beetle without a wedge. Besides, Egypt was an exception from the rules of all other country's, and had certain local maxims of leading of an army appropriated to it alone. That Valour must needs have the fall, when it wrestleth with Nature itself, and fighteth against bogs, rivers, and inundations. That it was more agreeable to reason, first to recover and defend what once was their own, before they attempted other men's possessions. That these their forces afforded little hope of victory in another Kingdom, which were not able to clear their own country, and the forts in Syria, from so dangerous an enemy. Lastly, That the Egyptians fight for their fathers, wives, and children, would raise their valour to the highest point of resolution. These arguments notwithstanding, the watchword was given for Egypt; whither all addressed themselves.  
And here began the discords betwixt King John and the Pope's Legate, who challenged not only an influence but a predominancy in every thing, and would dictate to the General what he should do in martial affairs: He presumed on his book-learning to control the practice of experienced Captains by his military speculations. The King stormed hereat, showing there were some mysteries in the Captain-craft not communicable to any which had not served the trade, and which the heart of a Scholar was too narrow to contain; That though Scholarship was a stock fit to graft any profession on, yet some good time is requisite thereunto; and that they must not think to proceed military Masters at their first admission in a camp; That though the Legate might conceive himself to know the Latitude of warlike principles, yet he knew not the use of distinctions, exceptions, and cautions of application; and might easily be misled by disproportion and dissimilitude of examples, the variation of circumstances, the infiniteness of punctual occurrences: Wherefore he forbade him to meddle with martial matters, challenging them to belong to his own disposal. But Pelagius the Legate highly opinioned of his own sufficiency, as if his place made him infallible in every thing, and loath to confess himself besides the cushion whilst he sat in the chair, would have an oar in all actions. He held this conclusion, That the general rules of war were easily known; and as for the qualification of them pro exigentia hic & nunc, herein reason was the key of the work, which scholars having most perfected by learning, were thereby the most competent judges what should be done on all occasions. How dearly the Christians paid for this his error, and how this discord, smothered for a while, broke out, we shall see hereafter. Mean time, hoising up sails, the Pilgrims navy safely arrived at Damiata.   

Chap. 25.  
Damiata besieged and taken; The Christians unadvisedly refuse honourable conditions.  
DAmiata is a chief haven of Egypt, anciently Pelusium; 
1218  seated on the Eastern-most stream of Nilus. Here the East and West world met together to exchange their wares; she grudging for trade to give the upper hand to Alexandria itself. 
july 9  At their landing 
* Matth. Paris. in joan. pag. 401.  the moon was almost totally eclipsed: whence the Christians conceited (guess the frailness of the building by the unconstancy of the foundation) that the overthrow of the mahometans (whose ensign was the 
* Munster.  Halfmoon) was portended. But the calculations of after-chances seldom hit right. In the siege of this city they were to encounter with a fourfold difficulty, besides Damiata itself:  
First, with a great chain crossing the harbour: which with indefatigable pains, and art mingled with labour, they broke asunder; industry in action b●eing as importunity in speech, by continual inculcation forcing a yielding beyond the strength of reason.  
Secondly, the river Nilus did much annoy them. This river (the height of whose flowing is the Egyptian Almanac, whereby they prognosticate future plenty or penury) now out of time and beyond measure drowned the country. Bold fishes swam into the Christians tents, who took them with their hands, 
* Illis tamen deliciis carere malu●ssent Matth. Paris. pag. 405.  though willingly they could have wanted such dainties; for the sauce was more than the meat. Against this mischief they fenced themselves with prayer, and a public fast enjoined by the Legate; whereby the water soon abated. And lest God's mercy herein, when gotten, should be forgotten, a public thanksgiving was proclaimed, that this favour obtained by prayer might be kept by praises.  
Thirdly, they were to grapple with the fort of Pharia, a seeming-impregnable place, betwixt them and Damiata. To check this fort, the Christians built a tower on ships: which suddenly falling, brained many, bruised more of their own men; and all who felt not the blow, were stricken with the fright. King John comforted his soldiers discouraged hereat, desiring them to apprehend actions by their true causes; and as not to vaunt of blind victories, so not to be dismayed at casual mishaps, so purely accidental, that there was no guard against them in the schools of defence, 
Aug. 24.  either of wisdom or valour. By his advice a more substantial tower was built, the rarest piece in that kind the world ever saw; by the manning whereof, after many bloody assaults, they mastered the fort of Pharia.  
Fourthly, they had to do with Meladine King of Egypt, who lay besides them, constantly furnishing the city with men and victuals, and exercising the Christians with continual skirmishes. In one, 
1219 Febr.  with his wildfire he did them much harm, and King John was dangerously scorched. But seeing that the Christians hewed their way through the rocks of all difficulties, he propounded peace unto them by the mediation of Noradine his brother, King of Damascus; proffering them, if they would depart, to restore them the true Cross, the city of Jerusalem, and all the land of Palestine.  

* P. Aemyl. pag. 201.  The English, French, and Italians would have embraced the conditions, pleading. That honourable peace was the centre of war, where it should rest; That they could not satisfy their conscience to rob these Egyptians of their lands without a special command from God; That it was good wisdom to take so desperate a debt whensoever the payment was tendered; otherwise, if they would not be content with their arms full, they might perchance return with their hands empty.  
But the Legate would no ways consent, alleging this voyage was undertaken not only for the recovery of Palestine, but for the exstirpation of the Mahometan superstition. And herein no doubt he followed the instructions of his master, whose end in this war was, That this war should have no end, but be always in doing though never done. He knew it was dangerous to stop an issue which had been long open; and would in no case close up this vent of people by concluding a final peace. Besides an old prophecy, ● 
* Magdeburg. Cent 13. cap. 16. col. 692.  That a Spaniard should win Jerusalem, and work wonders in those parts, made Pelagius that countryman more zealous herein. Coradine angry his proffer was refused, beat down the walls of Jerusalem and all the beautiful buildings therein, save the tower of David and the temple of the Sepulchre. Not long after, Damiata having been besieged one year and seven months, was taken without resistance; 
Nou. 5.  a plague and famine had made such a vastation therein. The Christians entered with an intent to kill all; but their anger soon melted into pity, beholding the city all bestrawed with corpses. The sight was bad, and the scent was worse; for the dead killed the living. Yea, God's sword had left their sword no work: Of ● 
* P. Aemil. pag. 203.  threescore and ten thousand but three thousand remained; who had their lives pardoned on condition to cleanse the city: which employed them a quarter of a year. Hence the Christians marched and took the city of Tanis; and soon after the Pope substituted ● 
* Magdeburg. pag. 693.  John de Columna, a Cardinal, Legate in the place of Pelagius.   

Chap. 26.  
New discords betwixt the King and the Legate; They march up to besiege Cairo.  
GReat was the spoil they found in Damiata: wherein, 
1220  as in strong barred chests, the merchants of Egypt and India had locked up their treasure. A full year the Christians stayed here, contented to make this Inn their home. Here arose new discords betwixt the King and the new Legate, who by virtue of his Legation challenged Damiata for his Holiness, which by public agreement was formerly assigned to the King. Bren in anger returned to Ptolemais, both to puff out his discontents in private, and to teach the Christians his worth by wanting him: For presently they found themselves at a loss; neither could they stand still without disgrace, nor go on without danger. The Legate commanded them to march up; but they had too much spirit to be ruled by a Spiritual man, and swore not to stir●e a step except the King was with them. Messengers therefore were sent to Ptolemais to fetch him. They found him of a steely nature; once through hot, long in cooling: yet by promising him he should have his own desires, they over-persuaded him not to strave an army by feeding his own humours.  
Scarce after eight month's absence was he returned to Damiata, but new divisions were betwixt them: the Legate persuaded the army to march up and besiege Cairo; he promised, if they would obey him, they should quickly command all Egypt, by present invading it. Let defenders lie at a close game, and offer no play. Delays are a safe shield to save, but celerity the best I word to win a country. Thus Alexander conquered the world before it could bethink itself to make resistance. And thus God now opened them a door of victory, except they would bar it up with their own idleness.  
But the King advised to return into Syria; That Cairo was difficult to take, and impossible to keep; That the ground whereon they went, was as treacherous as the people against whom they fought; That better now to retire with honour, then hereafter fly with shame; That none but an empirick in war will deny, but that more true valour is in an orderly well grounded retreat, then in a furious rash invasion.  
But the Legate used an inartificial argument drawn from the authority of his place, thundering excommunication against those that would not march forward: And now needs must they go when he driveth them.  
The crafty Egyptians (of whom it is true, what is said of the Parthians, Their flight is more to be feared then their fight) ran away, counterfeiting cowardliness. The Christians triumphed hereat; as if the silly fish should rejoice that he had caught the fisherman, when he had swallowed his bait. The Legate hugged himself in his own happiness, that he had given so successful advice. And now see how the garland of their victory proved the halter to strangle them.   

Chap. 27.  
The miserable case of the drowned Christians in Egypt. Damiata surrendered in ransom of their lives.  
EGypt is a low level country, except some few advantages which the Egyptians had fortified for themselves. Through the midst of the land ran the river Nilus; whose stream they had so bridled with banks and sluices, that they could keep it to be their own servant, and make it their enemy's master at pleasure. The Christians confidently marched on; and the Turks perceiving the game was come within the toil, pierced their banks, and unmuzzling the river, let it run open mouth upon them; yet so, that at first they drowned them up but to the middle, reserving their lives for a further purpose, thereby in exchange to recover Damiata and their country's liberty.  
See here the land of Egypt turned in an instant into the Egyptian sea! See an army of sixty thousand, as the neck of one man, stretched on the block, and waiting the fatal stroke! Many cursed the Legate, and their own rashness, that they should follow the counsel of a gowned man (all whose experience was clasped in a book) rather then the advice of experienced captains. But too late repentance, because it soweth not in season, reapeth nothing but unavoidable misery.  
Meladine King of Egypt seeing the constancy and patience of the Christians, was moved with compassion towards them. He had of himself strong inclinations to Christianity, weary of Mahometanisme, and willing to break that prison, but for watchful jailers about him. He proffered the Christians their lives on condition they would quit the country and restore Damiata. They accepted the conditions, and sent messengers to Damiata to prepare them for the surrendering of it. But they within the city, being themselves safe on shore, tyrannised on their poor brethren in shipwreck; pretending, That this army of Pilgrims deserved no pity, who had invited this misfortune on themselves by their own rashness; That if they yielded up this city for nothing, which cost so many lives, they should betray themselves to the derision of the whole world; That if these perished, more men might be had, but no more Damiatas; being a place of such importance, it would always be a snaffle in the mouth of the Egyptian King. On the other side, the friends of the distressed Christians confessed, That indeed their voyage was unadvised and justly to be blamed; yet worse and more inconsiderate projects have armies oft undertaken, which, if crowned with success, have been above censure, yea, have passed not only without questioning but with commendations: But this is the misery of misery, that those who are most afflicted of God, shall be most condemned of men. Wherefore they requested them to pity their brethren, and not to leave them in this forlorn estate. How clamorous would their innocent blood be in the court of Heaven, to sue for revenge on those who forsook them in this distress! And grant Damiata a city of great consequence; yet cities in themselves were but dead things, and men were the souls to enliven them: so that those soldiers which won Damiata, if preserved alive, might haply recover as strong a city afterwards.  
But finding their arguments not to prevail, they betook themselves to arms, by force to compel the adverse party to resign the city. King John also threatened, in case they denied to surrender it, to give up to Meladine Ptolemais in Syria in exchange for Damiata. At last, according to the agreement, Damiata was restored to the Turks, and the Christian army let out of the trap wherein it was taken. Meladine out of his princely goodness furnished them with ● 
* P. Aemyl. pag. 205.  victuals, and with horses to carry their feeble persons upon. And thus the Christians had the greatest blow given them without a blow given them; the Egyptians obtaining their victory not by blood but by water.   

Chap. 28.  
john Bren resigneth the Kingdom of jerusalem to Frederick the second, German Emperor.  
THere was also concluded a peace with the Turks for eight years. And now matters being settled as well as they might be in Syria, King John took a journey to Rome; where he was bountifully feasted, and honourably entertained by the Pope. Here it was agreed (whether at the first by his voluntary offer, or working of others, it appeareth no●) that he should resign the Kingdom of Jerusalem to Frederick the second, German Emperor, who was to marry jole the sole daughter of King John by his first wife; though by a second he had another, Martha, married to Robert Emperor of Constantinople: so that he was father in law both to Emperor of East and West.  
Some condemned his resignation as an unadvised act; as if he had first parted from his wits, who would willingly part from a Kingdom; whilst others commend his discretion: For first, his wife was dead, in whose right he held his Kingdom, and thereby a door was opened for other litigious pretenders to the Crown. Secondly, it was policy, fugere ne fugaretur; yea, this was no flight, but an honourable departure. Well he knew the Turks power to invade, and his own weakness to defend what was left in Syria: So that finding the weight too heavy for himself, he did well to lay it on stronger shoulders. Thirdly, before his resignation he had little more than a title: and after it he had nothing less; men having so tuned their tongues to salute him King of Jerusalem, that he was so called to the day of his death. Lastly, what he wanted in the stateliness of his bed, he had in the soundness of his sleep; and though his commons perchance were shorter, yet he battled better on them.  
He got now more in a twelvemonth then in seven years before, going from country to country: And yet the farther this stone rolled, the more moss he gathered. In France, besides rich gifts left to himself, he had the managing of sixty thousand crowns; the legacy which Philip Augustus the King on his deathbed 
* P. Aemyl. in Phil. 2. pag. 205.  bequeathed to the Templars and the Holy war. In England he received from Henry the third many great presents; though afterwards he proved but 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 617.  unthankful for them. In Spain he got a rich wife, Beringaria, the daughter of the King of Castille. In Italy he tasted very largely of the Pope's liberality, and lived there in good esteem. But he went off the stage without an applause, because he lost himself in his last act; perfidiously raising rebellions against Frederick his son in law, at the instigation of his Holiness. Nor recovered he his credit, though after he went to his son Robert to Constantinople, and there did many good offices. He died anno 1237.   

Chap. 29.  
The true character of Frederick; How the history of his life is prejudiced by the partiality of Authors on both sides.  
THe nuptial solemnities of Frederick with the Lady jole were performed at Rome, in the presence of the Pope, with all ceremonies of majesty; and Frederick promised to prosecute in person his title in Palestine within two years. Little hope have I to content the reader in this King's life, who cannot satisfy myself; writers of that age are so possessed with 
* Blondus, Fazellus, etc. for the Pope. Ursperg. Petrus de Vineis (till corrupted with bribes) etc. for the Emperor. Matth. Paris, a moderate man, whom we follow most.  partiality. The faction of the Guelphs and Gibellines discovereth not itself more plainly in the Camp then in the Chronicles: Yea, Historians turn Schoolmen in matters of fact, arguing them pro & con. And as it is in the Fable of the man that had two wives; whilst his old wife plucked out his black hairs, the evidence of his youth, his young one ungray-haired him, that no standards of antiquity might remain, they made him bald betwixt them: So amongst our late writers; whilst Protestants cut off the authority from all Papized writers of that age, and Romanists cast away the witness of all Imperialized authors then living (such as Urspergensis is, and generally all Germans) counting them testes domesticos, and therefore of no validity, betwixt them they draw all history of that time very slender, 
1227  and make it almost quite nothing. We will not engage ourselves in their quarrels; but may safely believe, that Frederick was neither saint, nor devil, but man. Many virtues in him his foes must commend, and some vices his friends must confess. He was 
* Pantal. De viris illustr. Germ. part. ●. pag. 121.  very learned, according to the rate of that age, especially for a Prince, who only baiteth at learning, and maketh it not his profession to lodge in. Wise he was in projecting; nor were his thoughts ever so scattered with any sudden accident, but he could instantly recollect himself. Valiant he was, and very fortunate; though this tendeth more to Gods praise then his: Wondrous bountiful to scholars and soldiers; whose good will he enjoyed, for he paid for it.  
But this Gold had its allay of Cruelty; though this was not so much bred in him as he brought to it: Treasons against him were so frequent, he could not be safe but he must be severe, nor severe without incurring the aspersion of cruelty. His Pride was excessive; and so was his Wantonness: A Nun's vail was but a slender shield against his lust: This sin he was given to, 
* Praetet gentis morem, Egnatius.  which was besides the custom of the Dutch, saith one, who though great friends to Bacchus, are no favourites of Venus; which is strange, that they should heap up so much fuel, and have no more fire.  
In a word, he was a better Emperor than a man, his vices being personal, most hurting himself; his virtues of a public nature, and accomplishing him for government.   

Chap. 30.  
Mines and countermines betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, seeking to blow up, or at leastwise to stay the projects each of other.  
IT is verily conceived that the Pope provided this match for Frederick to employ him in Palestine, whilst he at home might play his game at pleasure. For as provident Nature in marshalling the elements, assigned fire a place in the verge and border of this lower world far from the rest, lest otherwise the activity thereof might set the others in combustion: so the Pope disposed this hot violent-spirited Emperor far off, and engaged him in a distant and dangerous war out of the borders of Europe.  
Frederick smelled the project of his Holiness, being also master in the art of dissembling, though he must acknowledge the Pope his signior i● that faculty: Wherefore he deferred the performance of his promise and his voyage into Palestine from month to month, and year to year, wisely gaining time by losing.  
The truth was, he was not yet ripe for such an expedition.  
The Pope was afraid of his valour, he of the Pope's treachery, and more feared him behind his back then the Turk before his face. He was loath to let go the Eagle he had in hand, to catch the little bird that was in the bush. Wherefore as yet he refused to go, pleading that the eight years' truce, which King Bren had made with the Turks, was not yet expired; before which time to fight against them, was to fight against God and conscience: and that it was no way to propagate the Faith by breach of faith.  
Pope Honorius continued still to put him in mind of his promise: Yea, he rubbed his memory so roughly, he fetched off the skin, with his threats and menaces. But before frederick's journey began, Honorius his life ended, 
Mar. 19  and Gregory the ninth succeeded him; who at the first dash excommunicated the Emperor for his delay.  
Know by the way, that his namesake Gregory the seventh (otherwise Hildebrand) first handselled his excommunication on Henry the fourth. Before his time the Imperial majesty (what is observed of the Seal, that it is never hit with thunder) was never fulminated against with excommunication: afterward nothing more usual; till the commonness of those thunderbolts caused their contempt, and the Emperor's natures were so used to this physic it would not work with them. Of late his Holiness is grown more advised, very sparingly using them, especially against Protestant Princes; counting it policy to hold that weapon within the scabbard, which hath no other edge but what is given it by the opinion of those against whom it is used.  
Frederick at last cometh forth of Germany with his army, marcheth through Italy, cometh to Brindisi, where the plague seizeth on his men, 
Sept. 13.  whereof died the Landtgrave of Thuringia, and others. Soon after he fell very desperately sick himself, which stayed his journey many months.  
It went near to the Pope, that the Emperor was so near to him: His case now was worse then formerly. For he had roused the Lion out of his den, but could not get him into the net. His sickness must either be more or less to do good. And the Pope having no variety of weapons, excommunicated him afresh, pretending frederick's disease was only the cramp of laziness, and that he was sick to do good, but sound to do mischief; as appeared by his unjust seizing on the goods of Lewis Landtgrave of Thuringia late deceased.  
The Emperor protested his innocency, accused the Pope's injustice, 
1228 Aug. 11.  putting himself on the trial of all Christian Princes● to whom he wrote letters. At last health came, and Frederick departed, bearing up with his navy for Palestine. The Pope hearing thereof, be-libelled him more foully than ever before, because like an undutiful son he departed without his Father's blessing, being not absolved and reconciled to his Mother the Church.   

Chap. 31.  
Frederick recovereth all Palestine and jerusalem without expense of time or blood.  
SEe how God's blessing goeth along with the Pope's curses! The fame of frederick's valour and maiden fortune, never as yet spotted with ill success, like an harbinger hastening before, had provided victory to entertain him at his arrival; yea, this Emperor, swifter than Cesar himself, overcame before he came over into Palestine.  
At this time the state of the Turks in Syria was very aguish, and frederick's coming put them into a shaking fit. 
* Centuriat.  Coradine was dead, his children in minority, the Turkish Souldan's factious, boiling in enmity one against another. Whereupon the Sultan of Babylon, who was of chiefest authority, and governed Syria, proffered Frederick so honourable conditions as he might desire, but could never hope for▪ namely, To restore unto him Jerusalem and all Palestine, in as full and ample a manner as it was possessed by Baldwine the fourth, before Saladine subdued it; To set all Christian captives at liberty; provided, that the Turks might have access to the Sepulchre, (though not lodging in the city but suburbs, and that in small numbers at a time) there to do their devotions, they also having a knowledge of, and giving an honour to Christ, though no better than ignorance and dishonour of him.  
Frederick before he ratified any thing by oath, sent to have the Pope's approbation: 
* Centuriat.  who ill entreated and imprisoned his messengers, denied them audience, and contemptuously tore the Emperor's letters. Wherefore Frederick without, yea, against his Holiness consent, concluded a ten years' truce with the Sultan; and on 
* Matth. Paris. in anno 1229. pag. 480.  Easter-day triumphantly entering Jerusalem, crowned himself King with his own hands. 
1229  For Gerard Patriarch of Jerusalem, and Oliver master of the Templars, with all the Clergy, absented themselves; neither was there any 
* Matth. Paris. in anno 1229. pag. 479.  mass sung in the city as long as the Emperor being excommunicated remained there.  
See that produced as it were in an instant which the succession of many years could not perform, all the Holy land recovered! Some gallants perchance (whose curious palates count all conquests dry meat which are not juiced with blood) will dispraise this Emperor's victory for the best praise thereof, because it was so easily gotten without drawing his sword for it. But they deserve to go naked who scorn to wear good clothes if they cost not dear.  
The Templars were vexed at heart that they had no partnership in the glory of this action; yea, this touched their copyhold: Had they lived lazy thus long in Palestine, sucking the 
* Idem, ibidem.  sweet of Christendom to no purpose? See, Frederick with few men, little money, less time, as master of his craft, had finished that which these bunglers had so long in vain been fumbling about!  
Wherefore they wanting true merit to raise themselves to the pitch of frederick's honour, sought by false detraction to depress him to the depth of their own baseness; defaming him, as if he conspired with the Sultan to the ruin of all Christianity. In the mean time the Christians every where built and repaired the cities of Palestine, being now resigned into their hands. Joppa and Nazareth they strongly fortified: the walls of Jerusalem were repaired, the Churches therein adorned, and all public edifices either wholly cast their skin with the snake, or at leastwise renewed their bill with the eagle, having their fronts either built or beautified. But new tackling to an old rotten keel will never make serviceable ship. Short were the smiles of this city, which groaning under God's old curse, little joyed herself in this her new bravery.   
The end of the third Book.    

The History of the HOLY WAR.  

Book IU.  

Chap. 1.  
Frederick battered with the Pope's force, and undermined with his fraud, leaveth Palestine, and returneth into Italy.  
THus the Christian affairs in Palestine were in good case and possibility of improvement. 
Anno Dom.  But the Pope knew he should catch no fish if the waters were thus clear: 
1229  Wherefore he stirred up John Bren, frederick's father in law (guess whether his plots ran not low when he used such dregs) to raise a rebellion in Italy against him.  
His Holiness spread a false report of purpose, that Frederick was dead. Who would think there were so much substance in a shadow! This vain rumour wrought real effects, strengthening frederick's foes with hopes, and staggering his friends with fear and uncertainties. Bren striking the iron whilst it was hot, won many places from the Emperor: And though Time soon after was delivered of her daughter Truth, yet the confutation came too late, to shut the door when the steed was stolen; the Pope having attained his ends, and served his turn already.  
A jubilee of liberty was proclaimed to all the Emperor's subjects, and they dispensed with from the Pope for their allegiance to him. Milan, and many other cities in Italy, formerly Imperial, danced at this music, made a foot-cloth of their Master's livery, and from this time dated themselves Free-States. Here was brave gleaning, where all ran away with whole sheaves; where robbery was privileged for lawful purchase. And the Pope, wise enough not so to give away the pie but to keep the best corner for himself, carved all Apulia for his own part.  
Whilst hostility in Italy, treason beset Frederick in Syria; the Templars intimated to the S●ltan his privy project to wash himself in Jordan, that so he might be surprised. But the Sultan (no doubt out of pity to see a Lion catched in a Fox-trap, there being a consangumity of all Princes, and the royal blood which runneth in their veins causing a sympathy of Majesty betwixt them) scorned to advantage himself by treachery, and sent their letters to Frederick: Who afterwards used the Templars, and generally all the Clergy in Palestine (counting them complices with the Pope) coursely, not to say cruelly.  
At last having confirmed his ten years' truce, and having appointed Reinoldus Duke of Bavaria his Lieutenant in Syria, without noise he cometh into Europe. For to return triumphantly in state, had been but an alarm to awaken envy, and a warning-piece for his enemies to prepare against him. He outsailed fame itself, landing in Italy in person before he arrived there in report. Then the love of his loyal subjects, hitherto rather coverted then quenched, appeared▪ and though formerly forced to a contrary motion, returned now quickly to their own Prince their proper centre.  
Within fifteen days, assisted with the Duke of Spoletum, Frederick recovered all which was won from him, and unravelled the fair web of John Brens victory, even to the very hem thereof.  
Then was all Italy (resembled by Geographers, for the fashion thereof, to a man's leg) troubled with the incurable gout of schism and faction: Not a city of note in it which was not dichotomized into the sect of the Guelphs, which favoured the Pope, and Gibellines, which adhered to the Emperor.  


Guelfes for the Pope.  


in Rome  
Ursini  
Sabellii    


in Florence  
Adimaerii  
Bondelmontii  
Amidei  
Cerchii  
Rircii  
Medicei  
Pactii  
Interminelli    
in Lucia  
in Milan  


in Genoa  
Fosci  
Grimaldi  
Fregosu    


in Bononia  
Caneduli  
Pepuli  
Marescotii    


in Ferrara  
Estenses    


in Milan  
Vicecomites    


in Mantua  
Gonzagae     

Gibellines for the Emperor  


in Rome  
Columnienses  
Frangepanes  
Caesarini    


in Florence  
Paxii  
Uberti  
Donati  
Albicii  
Strozi  
Salviati    


in Lucia  
Obicii    


in Milan  
Carraerii    


in Genoa  
Spinolae  
Adurnii  
Dorii    


in Bononia  
Bentivoli  
Malvecii    


in Ferrara  
Saligureri    


in Milan  
Turregiani    


in Mantua  
Bonacursii      
I will not quarrel with the tradition, 
* Sir john Harington.  That Elves and Goblins in our English tongue had their first original from the depravation of the names of Guelfes and Gibellines. If so, sure I am, what now we make terriculamenta infantum, scarecrows to affright children, were then true Harpies to devour men.  
I would farther prosecute these discords; and also show how Frederick was forced to ask pardon of him who had mostwronged him, and dearly to purchase his absolution from the Pope; (For though this Emperor's heart was as hard as stone, yet was it furrowed, dinted, and hallowed at last with the Pope's constant dropping and incessant raining of curses upon him) But I dare wander no farther in this subject, lest any should question my Pass; but return back to the Holy land.   

Chap. 2.  
The Tartars first appearing in the world affright both Christians and Turks; Of their name and nature; Whether Turks or Tartars be easier convertible to the true religion.  
Reinoldus' Duke of Bavaria being left frederick's Lieutenant in Syria, wisely discharged his office, and preserved the peace entire which was concluded with the Sultan of Babylon. But the Templars sought by all means to bring this ten years' truce to an untimely end; which was as bad as a Lent to them, wherein they must fast from fight, the meat and drink of turbulent spirits. These counting all lukewarm which were not scalding hot, condemned Reinoldus for want of zeal in the Holy war, and gave him many a lift to heave him from his place; 
1232  but still he sat sure, poised with his own gravity. Not did the enmity of Henry King of Cyprus much trouble him, who challenged the Principality of Antioch, as next of kin to the Prince deceased: For Reinold met and defeated him in battle, and bestowed Antioch on 
* Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16.  Frederick, base son to Frederick the Emperor.  
But that which kept both Christians and Turks in awe, and made them willing mutually to observe the truce, was the fear of the Tartars, a fierce nation, which now had their first flight out of their own nest into the neighbouring countries.  
These Tartarians, anciently called Scythians, inhabit the Northern part of Asia, a country never conquered by any of the Monarches, privileged from their victorious arms chiefly by its own barrenness: For except soldiers were ambitious of hunger and cold, here is nothing to countervail their pains of an invasion▪ yea, no meat to maintain them. It is true, rhubarb the best of drugs groweth in this the worst of countries: But soldiers seek rather for food than physic when they invade a country. A greater part of their land is undiscovered, though map-makers, rather than they will have their maps naked and bald, do periwig them with false hair, and fill up the vacuum (especially towards the North) with imaginary places of 
† See Mercators Maps.  Vng, and Gog, and the plains of Bargu: So true it is what one saith wittily in the Comedy, That Phantastes the servant of Geographus traveled further beyond the Arctic circle then ever his master durst.  
If it be surest to follow the most, the stream of writers make it called Tartary from the river Tartar: but Europe and Asia will by woeful experience justify the etymology, if deduced from Tartarus, Hell. For when the springtides of this nation overflowed the banks, hell might seem to have broken loose, and to have sent so many devils abroad.  
As for those that count them the offspring of the ten tribes of Israel, which Salmanaser led away captive, because Tatari or Totari signifieth in the Hebrew and Syriack tongue, a residue or remnant, 
* See Brierwoods' Inquiries, chap. 13.  learned men have sufficiently confuted it. And surely it seemeth a forced and overstrained deduction, to farrefetch the name of Tartars from an Hebrew word, a language so far distant from them. But no more hereof: because perchance herein the woman's reason hath a masculine truth; and the Tartarians are called so, because they are called so. It may be, curious Etymologists (let them lose their wages who work in difficult trifles) seek to reap what was never sown, whilst they study to make those words speak reason, which are only voc●s ad placitum, imposed at pleasure.  
Under their new name Tartarians, they keep their old nature of Scythians, fierce, cruel; yea, sometimes in stead of other meat, making a man their meat. 
* Sabill. Enn. 9 lib. 6. pag. 391,  One humour they have, much affecting the owl, a bird which other nations scorn and hate, as the usher of ill luck. The occasion was this: A King of Tartary sought for by his enemies, hid himself in a bush, whither his foes came to seek him; when presently an owl flew out of the place: Whereupon they desisted from further search, conceiving that that anchorite bird proclaimed nothing was there but solitude and desolation. Hence in gratitude they never count themselves more gay than when their helmets are hung with owls feathers. Whereat I should strange more, but that I find this fowl dedicated to 
† Vide Eras. Adag. in Noctua volat.  Minerva the Goddess of wit, and that Athens (schoolmistresse of the world) counted it a token of victory. The King of these Tartarians styleth himself, The great Cham, and is monarch of a great part of the world in possession, of the rest in imagination. He taketh and his subjects give him little less than divine honour; who in other things at this time were pure Pagans and Idolaters. Now their country, which is like a po●re man whose common is overstocked with children, swarming with more bees than hives, sent their superfluous numbers to seek their fortunes amongst the Christians. They needed no steel armour who had iron bodies. Only with bows, cruelty, and multitude they overranne Lituania, Podolia, Polonia, and those countries which are the East-boundaries of Europe. Others took their way Southward into Asia, committing outrages as they went; and sensible how incomparably their own country was surpassed for pleasure and profit by these new lands, (blame not their judgement if they preferred a palace before a prison) they little cared to return home.  
Their incursions into Europe were so far and frequent, that Pope Innocent the fourth, about the year 1245, began to fear them in Italy. Wherefore he sent Askelin, a Friar much admired in that age, with three other, into Tartary, to convert that nation to Christianity. Where Askelin, instead of teaching them the elements of our religion, laid this foundation, to amplify to them the power of the Pope, setting him out in his full dimensions, How he was above all men in the Christian world. A good nurse, to feed infants, in stead of milk, with such dry bones: enough almost to affright them from entering into our Church, seeing such a giant as they painted the Pope, to stand before the door.  
But Baiothnoi Chief Captain of the Tartarian army (for they were not admitted to speak with the great Cham himself) cried quits with this Friar, outvying him with the greatness and divinity of their Cham; and sent back by them a blunt letter:  

* Magd●burg. Cent. 13. cap. 2. Sed ex Vinc●nt lib. 31. cap. 51.  Pope, know this; Thy messengers came and b●ought letters to us: Thy mess●ngers spoke great words; we know not whether thou enjoynedst them, or whether they spoke of themselves: And in thy letters thou writest thus; Many men you k●ll, slay, and destroy— At last he thus concluded; If thou wilt set upon our land, water, and patrimony, it behoveth that thou, Pope, in thy proper person come unto us; and that thou come to him who containeth the face of the whole earth; meaning their great Cham.  
N●ver did his Holiness so meet with his ma●ch before. He durst not meet the great Cham of the East, his competitour in the imaginary monarchy of the world, to try whose title was truest. Let others tear their skins, he would sleep in a whole one. And indeed that Shepherd loved his flock of Christians better, then by his absence in a long journey into Tartary to expose them to the wolves. And so the conversion of Tartary at that me was disappointed.  
It is a pretty qu●re, Whether Turks or Tartars be easier converrible to Christian religion: I mean ex parte objecti; for otherwise all things are equally easy to an infinite agent. Now it seemeth the Tartars are reducible with most facility to our religion: For pure Paganism and native Infidelity, like white cloth, will take the tincture of Christianity; whereas the Turks are soiled and stained with the irreligious religion of Mahometanisme, which first with much pains must be scoured out of them. And though they may seem to be in some forwardness to conversion, because they have a kind of knowledge and reverence of Christ, yet the best joint of their belief must be broken before it can be well set, and every drop of their present religion pumped out before true faith be infused into th●m. And experience, the most competent witness herein, hath proved. That afterwards more Tartars, both private men and Princes, than Turks of either condition, have embraced Christianity. Enough at this time; we shall have occasion too soon to speak more of the Tartars.   

Chap. 3.  
The Greeks recover their Empire from the Latins; The Holy war thereby much endamaged.  
IT was conceived that it would be much beneficial to the Pilgrims in their voyages to Palestine, that the Latins were lately possessed of the Grecian Empire: For what is saved, is gained: And grant that the Latins in Greece should not actually assist in the Holy war, yet it was a considerable advantage what all justly expected, That Pilgrims should now have safe and secure passage through Grecia, the pitfall which formerly had devoured so many.  
But these fair hopes soon miscarried. For what through the celerity of Theod orus Lascaris, and the gravity of John Ducas his son in law, who reigned as Grecian Emperors in Nice, the Greeks recovered every foot of ground that the Latins had won from them: Only the Venetians being▪ good at holdfast, kept then portion when all others had spent theirs, and enjoy Candie to this day. This is imputed to their discretion in their choice, who in the sharing of this Empire amongst the Western Princes, refused the continent countries (though greater in extent, and ●cher in cities,) and chose rather the Islands, which being as little worlds in themselves, were most capable of 〈◊〉 fortifications, especially in their way, who were most powerful as sea.  
Sixty years almost did the Latins make a hard shift to hold Constantinople, under five succeeding Emperours● 
1203. 1205. 1216. 1221. 1238.  1. Baldwine the first, Earl of Flanders; 2. Henry his brother, 3. Peter, Count of 〈◊〉 in France, henry's son in law; 4. Robert; 5. Baldwine the second, and last. An example which the observers of the ominous circulation or return of names allege, That as a Baldwine was the first, so a Baldwine was the last Lative Emperor in Grecia.  
Of these, the first Baldwine had his hands and feet out off, and died in a ditch; Peter invited to a feast, paid the shot with his life; the other three died without any violence, but with much misery. And thus their conquest of Greci●, like a little sprig stuck into the ground, did 〈◊〉 at the first whilst it had any 〈◊〉, but than withered for want of a 〈◊〉.  
Indeed it was impossible long to continue: For when the generation of the primitive adventurers, in this action were dead, there wanted another to succeed them; and the countries whence they came were so far off that supplies of Latin people 
1237  came thither very slowly: Only Venice well peopled her parts from the vicinity of her dominions. And that number of soldiers which is sufficient by sudden conquest to overrun a country, is incompetent without a second edition of new supplies, to make good, manage, and maintain it: especially being to meddle with the Greeks, far exceeding them in number, subject only out of fear, longing daily for their liberty and opportunity to recover it.  
Let never any Pilgrims hereafter make Greece their Inn in their journey to Palestine. Yea, also at this time the furnace of the Grecian jealousy was made seven times hotter: For besides this Civil, an Ecclesiastical and Spiritual breach happened betwixt them and the Latins; which we come now to describe.   

Chap. 4.  
The uncurable breach betwixt the Eastern and Western Churches, with the occasion thereof.  
HItherto Grecians and Latins lived together in Palestine in some tolerable correspondence; differing in judgement, but complying in affections; as counting themselves two several sides, yet both making up the body of Christians. But now by an unhappy discord they were irreconcilably parted asunder, to the great advantage of the Turks and prejudice of the Holy war. We will fetch this flame from the first spark; and though we go far about, the length of the journey will be recompensed by the goodness of the way.  
Anciently in the primitive time the Church of Rome was esteemed the first and chiefest of all others, but without any jurisdiction above them. Because that was the Imperial city and Queen of the world, therefore the Church therein was highest in account; as the candle which is in the fairest candlestick is always set above the rest (though otherwise equal unto it in light) at the upper end of the table.  
It happened afterward that the Emperor removed his seat from Rome to Constantinople; Whereupon orphan Rome suddenly decayed (for the Emperor's court carried day with it, and left night behind it) was chief mourner at the funerals of her own greatness; and from a pleasant garden turned a wilderness overgrown with Goths, Vandals, and other barbarous weeds: whilst Constantinople tricked and tired herself, started up in an instant great, rich, and stately; insomuch that John her Patriarch claimed to be universal Bishop above all other. Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome, stoutly withstood him, protesting that he was the usher of Antichrist who assumed that swelling title; wherein he heated the brand to mark his successor with: For Boniface (save one, the next) Pope of Rome so dealt with Phocas the Emperor of Constantinople, that he got himself confirmed universal Bishop over the whole world. A Chaplain and a Patron well met, both usurpers, supporting one another (like stones in an arch) with their reciprocal aid; Phocas held Boniface in his chair, and Boniface kept Phocas in his throne. And thus was the Pope of Rome first possessed of his Primacy both of dignity and authority, both of precedency and of power and jurisdiction over all other Churches. As for his pretence, to challenge it by commission from Christ and succession from Peter, this string to his bow is so full of gauls, frets, and knots, it cannot hold, and is broken by many learned Divines.  
However, Constantinople rather overborne then overcome, for want rather of strength than stomach, ever rebelled, or rather resisted (for no rebellion against usurpation) Rome's supremacy (especially when she found herself befriended with any advantage) for many hundred years after.  
It happened (to come to the matter in hand) that a Grecian 
* Matth. Paris. in anno 1237. pag. 622.  Archbishop went to Rome, there to have his confirmation. Where the Court demanded of him such unreasonable fees (toll more than the grist) that the Prelate perceived it would weaken him to be confirmed, and shake his estate to settle him in his Bishopric. Home therefore he cometh with a loud alarm against the extortions of Rome, and mustereth together many of his countrymen; who hereupon for ever withdrew their obedience from Rome, and threw off that heavy yoke they could not bear, hereafter owning her for their sister not mother.  
It may seem strange that the Roman Court being here justly taxed for extortion, would not amend it. But how often soever she be told of her dirty face, she will never wash it: For reforming would argue a former fault; and they feared, if they yielded themselves guilty in one point, it would shake the whole fabric of their credit. Besides, if the Grecians had received satisfaction and redress in this grievance, it would have given them pretence to prepare more requests, aed to think that they also were due. Lastly, no strength of persuasion will draw men from those sins which are glued unto them by their profit. Thus the avarice of the Romish officers (as of late the shameful shameless covetousness of their Indulgence-mongers occasioned Luther's falling from them) caused the Grecians wholly to renounce their subjection to that See: and Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople now grew absolute of himself, without any dependency on the Pope.  
His Holiness despairing to reduce them by fair means, proclaimed war against them. And as formerly against the Albingenses, so now against the Grecians, resolved to send an army of 
* Matth. Paris. in anno 1●37. pag. 622.  Croised soldiers: It being his custom to make the secular power little better than an hangman to execute those he shall please to condemn; Yea, he hath turned the back of the sword rewards Infidels, and the edge against Christians dissenting from him in small matters. But few-voluntaries were found for this service, because of a pious horror and religious reluctancy against so odious an employment: Only in 
* Idem, pag. 614.  Cyprus (I believe in a private persecution rather than open war) some Grecians were put to death; the Pope using the same severity against wolves and wand'ring sheep, foes and prodigal children.   

Chap. 5.  
Wherein the Greeks descent from the Latins; What must charitably be conceived of them.  
BEsides their rejecting of the Popes both Ecclesiastical and Temporal tyranny, the Greeks differ from the Latins in other matters of moment: For they maintain the procession of the holy Spirit from the Father alone. As for their other tenants, they stand in some middle terms of opinion betwixt Papists and Protestants; yet so, that they approach near the Papists in more, to us in more weighty and dominative points. With Rome they concur in Transubstantiation, in the whole sacrifice of the Mass, 
Sir▪ Edw. S●nd. Relig. of the West. pag. 233. & 234.  in praying to Saints and for the dead, in Auricular Confession, in worshipping of Pictures (only of Christ and our Lady) but all Images they detest; a kind of Purgatory they hold, but not in hell or the skirts thereof, nor by any outward torment. With us they consent in the Sufficiency of the Scriptures to salvation, in denying the Infallibility of the Church, (much more of the Pope) the overplus of Merits, Service understood, Indulgences, Liberaties out of Purgatory, and the like.  
Hereupon the Romanists condemn them all for heretics and castaways, killing more than a third of all Christians (as Cain did a quarter of mankind with a blow) with this their uncharitable censure. But heaven-gate was not so easily shut against multitudes when S. Peter himself wore the keys at his girdle. And let us not with rash judging thrust all into the pit of hell whom we see walking near the brink thereof. We shall think better of them if we consider, That  
First, their tenets wherein they descent from the Romanists are sound enough, save that of the holy Ghost. Concerning which it is an useful quaere, Whether, granting the first authors and ringleaders of that error in a bad condition, there be not some favour to be allowed to those who in simplicity succeed to hereditary errors received from their ancestors, if they do not wilfully bar nor bolt their eyes against the beams of the truth, but be willing (as we charitably conceive of the Greeks) to receive and embrace better instruction.  
Secondly, the Master of the Sentences (waited on herein with other 
* Bonavent. 1. Sent. dist. 11. art. 1. quest. 1. Scotus, 1. Sent. dist. 1. quaest. 1. Th. Aquin. part. 1. quaest. 36. art. 2.  learned men) is of opinion, That in the sense of the Greek Church A Filio and Per Filium is no real difference, but a question in modo loquendi. Sure it would have grated the foundation, if they had so denied the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son, as thereby to make an inequality betwixt the two Persons: But since their form of speech is, That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father by the Son, and is the Spirit of the Son, without making any difference in the consubstantiality of the Persons, their doctrine may pass with a favourable interpretation.  
Thirdly, our quickest sight in the matters of the Trinity is but one degree above blindness. Wherefore, as concerning it, let our piety lodge there where in other disputes the deceit of sophisters used to nestle itself, namely, in universalibus, in large and general expressions, and not descend to curious particulars. To search into the manner of the ●Spirits procession, is neither manners nor religion: and rather falleth under an awful adoration and belief, than an exact and curious enquiry.  
Lastly, this their tenet doth not infect any other point in Divinity with its poisonous inferences. Some errors are worse in their train then in themselves, which (as the Dragon in the Revelation drew down a third part of the stars with his tail) by their bad consequences pervert other points of religion: But this Grecian opinion (as learned men propound it) concerning the holy Ghost, hath this happiness, that it is barren, and begetteth no other bad tenets from it, being entire in itself.  
More may be alleged for the lessening of this error: But grant it in its full extent, yet surely the moderate judgement of that learned 
* In his third book Of the Church. chap. 5  Divine whose memory smelleth like a Field the Lord hath blessed, will abide trial; who in effect thus concludeth, Their schisms are sinful, wicked, and inexcusable; their doctrine dangerous, but not so damnable as excluding from all possibility of salvation.  
As for the observation of a 
* Estius dist. 12. §. 2.  Schoolman, That afterwards the Turks won Constantinople on Whitsunday, the day dedicated to the memorial of the holy Spirit, as if God herein pointed at the sin of the Grecians in dishonouring the holy Ghost; we leave it to the reader's discretion, desiring rather to be sceptical then definitive in the causes of God's judgements.   

Chap. 6.  
A comparative estimate of the extent of the Greek and Latin Church; What hope of reconcilement betwixt them; The influence this breach had on the Holy war.  
IF that religion were surely the best which is of the greatest latitude and extent, Surveyors of land were fitter than Divines to judge of the best religion. Neither is it any matter of great moment to measure the greatness of either Church: But because Rome maketh her Universality such a masterpiece to boast of, let us see if the Greek Church may not outshoot her in her own bow.  
If we begin with the Grecian Church in Africa under the Patriarch of Alexandria, thence proceeding into Asia, and fetch a compass about Syria, Armenia, Asia the less, with Cyprus, Candie, and other Islands in the mid-land-sea, and so come into Grecia; if hence we go into Russia and Muscovia (who though differing in ceremonies, descent not in doctrine; as a sundry dialect maketh not a several language) to take only entire Kingdoms, and omit parcels: it is a larger quantity of ground than that the Romish religion doth stretch to, since Luther cut so large a collop out of it, and withdrew North-Europe from obedience to his Holiness.  
Perchance the Romanists may plead they have lately improved the patrimony of their religion by new purchases in both Indies: But who knoweth not that those people, rather watered then baptised, affrighted with cruelty into Christianity, deserve not to be accounted settled and well-grounded professors of their religion?  
As for reconciliation betwixt the Grecians and Latins, it is utterly improbable, except the Greeks submit to the Pope's Primacy, which they will never do. No hope then of their meeting together, when neither party will stir step towards other.  
True it is, some forty years since (anno 1594) the Bishops of little Russia (a country following the Eastern Church, but under the King of Poland) on condition they would accept the Pope's 
* Possevin. in Apparatu sacro, Rutheni. See Brierwoods' Inquiries, chap. 18.  supremacy, were dispensed with, and permitted in other matters to adhere to the Greek Church, and keep union with it; the Pope manifesting herein, that he aimeth not so much at the reduction of the Greeks to the truth, as to his own obedience.  
Besides the hatred they have against the Pope's pride, another great hindrance of the union is the small intercourse the Eastern Christians have or desire to have with the Western. They live amongst the Turks, and are grown to be contented slaves; and having long since parted with their hopes, now almost have lost their desire of liberty.  
We must not forget, how some fifty years ago solemn news was reported in Rome, that the 
* Sir Edw. Sand. West. Relig. pag. 100  Patriarch of Alexandria, with all the Greek Church in Africa, by their Ambassadors had submitted and reconciled themselves to the Pope, and from him received Absolution and Benediction: All which was a politic lie, perchance therefore reported, that it might make impression in the minds, and raise and confirm the spirits of the vulgar, who easily believe all that their betters tell them. And though afterwards this report was controlled to be false, yet men's spirits then being cold, were not so sensible of it as before: and the former news came to many men's ears who never heard afterwards of the check and confutation thereof. Nor is there any State in the world that maketh such use and advantage, as the Papal doth, of false news. To conclude; As it is a maxim in Philosophy, Ex quibus constamus, ex iisdem nutrimur: so a great part of their religion consisting of errors and falsehoods, it is suitable that accordingly it should be kept up and maintained with forgeries and deceits.  
To return to Palestine; This rent (not in the seam but whole cloth) betwixt these Churches was no mean hindrance to the Holy war. Formerly the Greeks in Syria were not so clearly cut asunder from the Latins, but that they hung together by one great sinew in the common cause, agreeing against the Turk the enemy to both: But since this last breach, the Greeks did in their desires propend and incline to the Turks, being better contented they should conquer, from whom they should have fair quarter, free exercise of their religion, and secure dwelling in any city, paying a set tribute; then the Latins, who they feared would force their consciences, and bring their souls in subjection to the Pope's supremacy. Expect we then never hereafter, that either their hearts or hands should afford any assistance to our Pilgrims in their designs.  

* Idem, pag. 242.  Some conceive, that at this day if the Western Christians should stoutly invade Turkey with any likelihood to prevail, the Greeks therein would run to aid them. But others are of a contrary judgement; considering, First, the inveterate and inlaid hatred (not to be washed off) they bear the Latins: Secondly, the jealousy they have that they will never keep promise with them, who have always a warrant dormant from the Pope to break all contracts prejudicial to the Romish Church: Thirdly, that custom and long continuance in slavery have so hardened and brawned their shoulders, the yoke doth not wring them so much: yea, they had rather suffer the Turks, being old full flies, to suck them, then to hazard their galled backs to new hungry ones; finding by experience, That they themselves live on better terms of servitude under the Turk, less grated and grinded with exactions, than some of their countrymen do under the Latins; for instance, in Zante and Candie under the Venetians.   

Chap. 7.  
Theobald King of Navarre maketh an unsuccessful voyage into Palestine.  
THe ten years' truce by this time was expired which Frederick made with the Turks; 
1238  and Reinold Viceroy of Palestine by instructions from him concluded another truce of the 
* Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. Decennales inducias nuper denu ò confirm ârat.  same term with them. He saw that this young Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem, like an infant, would thrive best with sleeping, with peace and quietness: Nor was it any policy for him to move at all, where there was more danger to hurt then hope to help their present estate.  
But though this peace was honourable and profitable, having no fault but that Frederick made it; yet the Templars who did not relish the father, must needs distaste the child: They complained that this peace was not used as a slumber to refresh the soldier's spirit, but as a lethargy to benumb their valour; and chiefly snarled at this indignity, That the Turks had access to the temple of the Sepulchre, and that Goats had free-commonage in the Sheep's pasture. Wherefore Pope Gregory, to 
* jidem, ibidem.  despite the Emperor Frederick, caused the Dominicans and Franciscans his trumpeters, to incite people to the Holy war. These were two twin-orders, but the Dominican the eldest; which now were no sooner hatched in the world, but presently chirped in the pulpits. In that age Sermons were news, and meat for Princes not common men: Yea, the Albingenses with their preaching had drowned the voices of secular Priests, if these two Orders had not helped to out-noise those supposed heretics. These amplified with their rhetoric the calamity of the Christians, tyranny of the Turks, merit of the cause, probability of success; performing their parts with such gravity, show of devotion, accents of passion, not glued on for the present purpose but so natural as from true affection, that many were wooed to undertake the voyage: 
1239  Principally, Theobald King of Navarre, Almerick Earl of Montfort, Henry of Champagne, Peter Earl of Bretaigne, with many others of inferior rank.  
Ships they had none; wherefore they were fain to shape their passage by land through Grecia: where they were entertained with treachery, famine, and all the miseries which wait on distressed armies. These came last that way, and (I may say) shut the door: For no Christian army ever after went that tedious journey by land.  
Having passed the Bosporus, they marched into Bythinia: thence through Galatia they came unto the mountain Taurus; where they were much damnified by the Turks, who fell on and off upon them, as they were advised by their own advantages. The Christians desired no other gift but that a set battle might be given them; which the Turks would not grant, but played at distance and would never close. But with much ado the Christians recovered to Antioch, having scarce a third part of them left, their horses all dead, and themselves scarce mounted on their legs, miserably weak; as what the mercy of sword, plague, and famine had pleased to spare.  
Hence the Templars conducted them to Gaza; where they fell on foraging the country of the Sultan, assaulting no places which were of strength, or honour to subdue, but only spoiled poor villages, which counted themselves walled with the truce as yet in force. Abundance of wealth they got, and were now late returning home, when after their plentiful supper a dear and ●harp reckoning was called for: Behold, the Turks in great numbers fell upon them near unto Gaza; and the Christians down with their bundles of spoil, and out with their swords, bravely defending themselves till such time as the night parted the fray. Here they committed a great error, and (as one may say) a neglect in over-diligence: for in stead of reposing themselves to rest, and appointing a set watch, they all lay in a manner Perdues, no one slumbering all night, but attending their enemies; contrary to the rules of an army, which with Argus should never have all its eyes wake or sleep together. Next morning when the Turks, whose numbers were much in creased, set upon them, alas! they being but few to many, faint to fresh, were not able to make any forcible resistance: Yet, what they could not pay in present, they pawned their lives for; that their arms being too weak for their hearts, they were rather killed then conquered. Earl Henry was slain, Almerick taken prisoner, the King of Navarre escaped by the swiftness of his Spanish jennet; which race, for their winged speed, the Poets feigned to be begot of the wind.  
Mean time the other Christians looked on, and saw their brethren slaughtered before their eyes; and yet though they were able to help them, were not able to help them, their hands being tied with the truce, and Reinoldus charging them no way to infringe the peace concluded with the Sultan. Hereupon many cursed him as the Christians cutthroat; he as fast condemned the King of Navarre and his army for breaking the truce. And though the Papal faction pleaded that the former peace concluded not these late adventurers, and that it was only made with Frederick the Emperor; yet he representing the whole body of Christianity, all the bundle of their shifts could not piece out a satisfactory answer, but that they were guilty of faith-breaking.  
Home hastened the King of Navarre with a small retinue, clouding himself in privateness; as that actor who cometh off with the dislike of the spectators, stealeth as invisibly as he may into the tiring-house. Expectation, that friendly foe, did him much wrong; and his performance fell the lower, because men heightened their looking for great matters from him.   

Chap. 8.  
Richard Earl of Cornwall saileth to the Holy land; His performance there, and the censure thereof.  

* Matth. Paris, pag. 670.  FIfteen days after the departure of Theobald, 
1240 Oct. 11.  Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to Henry the third than King of England, landed at Ptolemais. This Prince was our English Crassus, or Croesus; Cornwall was his Indies, where he turned tin into gold and silver. So well-moneyed he was, that for ten years together he might for every day expend an 
* Cambden, in Cornwall.  hundred marks: So that England never since had together a poorer King and a richer Subject.  
Before he began his voyage he craved a subsidy of prayers from the Monks of S. Albans: Yea, scarce was there any Covent appearing for piety, to whose devotions he recommended not himself; counting that ship to fail the surest which is driven with the breath of godly men's prayers. Theodoricus Lord Prior of the English Hospitallers, with many other Barons and brave soldiers attending him, passed through France, and was there honourably entertained by King Lewis.  
Being come to the Mediterranean sea, the Pope's Legate brought him a flat countermand, that he must go no further, but instantly return. Richard at first was astonished hereat: but quickly his anger got the mastery of his amazement, and he fell on fuming; 
* Matth. Paris. in He●. 3. pag. 719.  Was this Christ Vicar? Unlike was he to him, who was thus unlike to himself, who would say and unsay, solemnly summon, then suddenly cashier his Holy soldiers. This was deluding of people's devotions with false alarms, to make them put their armour on to put it off again. As for his own self, he had vowed this voyage, his honour and treasure was engaged therein, and the Pope should not blast his settled resolutions with a breath: his ships were manned, victualled, and sailing forward; and in such great actions the setting forth is more than half the journey.  
All know his Holiness to be too wary an archer to shoot away his arrows at nothing. He had a mark herein, a plot in this restraint, but that too deep for others to fathom. It could not be this, To make this rich Earl (a fish worth angling for) to commute his voyage into money, and to buy a dispensation of his Holiness to stay at home, as formerly he had served many meaner Pilgrims. Surely though the Pope's covetousness might have prompted, his wisdom would have dissuaded him from a project spun with so course a thread.  
On saileth Earl Richard, and safely arriveth at Ptolemais; where he is well welcomed, especially by the Clergy, solemnly singing, 
* Idem, pag. 729.  Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord. He proclaimed, No Christian should depart for want of pay; for he would entertain any, and give them good wages that would do work in this war. But he found the Christians there shivered into several factions, and the two great Orders, Hospitallers and Templars, two great confusions of the Holy cause. Of these the Hospitallers were the seniors in standing, their original being dated eighteen years before the Templars; and therefore challenged superiority. But that which made the younger brother so brisk, was, that he was his father's darling. The Templars in all their broils had support from the Pope, because the others were suspected to have a smack of the Imperial faction. This made them active, daring, offering of affronts: And what countrymen soever the Templars were, they were always Italians, that is, true to the Triple Crown. These being madded with ambition, were the more outrageous for their high fare (their great revenues) and deserved to be dieted with a poorer pittance, except they would have used their strength better. Our Earl knew, to please one side would certainly displease the other, and to please both would probably please neither.  
Wherefore he managed his matters entirely to himself, without relating to either of the parties, taking no ground of their giving, but bowling at the public good by the aim of his own eye.  
The Sultan's in Syria (for the Turkish power there was divided into several Sultanies, as those of Damascus, 
* Called anciently Arabia Petraea, Tyrius, lib. 21. cap. 5.  Cracci, Seisser, but Babylon the chiefest) hearing of Richard's preparations, proffered peace unto him. But whilst as yet the conditions were in suspense, Richard fortified Askelon (in all the bunch there was not a better key, or harbour of more importance) not only to strength but state, with marble pillars and statues; though the silent ruins thereof at this day confess not to the beholders that any such cost was ever bestowed there. He also caused the corpses of the Christians killed at the late battle at Gaza, and hitherto unburied, decently to be interred; and appointed an annual salary to a Priest to pray for their souls. Hereby he had the happiness with little cost to purchase much credit; and the living being much taken with kindness to the dead, this burying of those Christians, with pious persons won him as much repute as if he killed so many Turks.  
At last the truce for ten years was concluded with the Sultan; 
1241  all Christian captives were discharged and set free, many forts of them restored, and matters for the main reduced to the same estate they were at the first peace with Frederick the Emperor; and Richard returning through Sicily and by Rome, where he visited his Holiness, safely came home to England: Where he was welcomed with bad news, that a discontented Cornish-man, banished for his misdemeanours, had found out tinne-mines in 
* Matth. Paris, pag. 765.  Bohemia; which afterwards more assuaged the swelling of this Earls bags then all his voyage to Palestine: For till that time that metal was only fetched from England, which afforded meat to some foreign countries, and dishes to all.  
His voyage was variously censured: The Templars which consented not to the peace, flouted thereat, as if all this while he had laboured about a difficult nothing, and as good never a whit as never the better, for the agreement would never hold long. Others thought he had abundantly satisfied any rational expectation: For he 
* Cambden, in Cornwall.  compelled, saith one, the Saracens to truce, (a strange compulsion without, violence, except the showing of a scabbard) he restored many to the life of their life, their liberty; which alone was worth all his pains; the peace he concluded was honourable; and a cheap Olive-branch is better than dear Bays.  
Two of our English Richards were at Palestine; one famous for drawing his sword, the other his purse. He was also remarkable herein, that he brought all his men and ships safe home, (next of kin to a miracle) and none will deny, but that in such dangerous adventures a saver is a gainer. One good he got hereby, This journey brought him into play amongst foreign Princes; henceforward the beyond-sea-world took notice of him, and he of it. Never would he have had the face to have courted the Crown Imperiall, if these his travels had not put boldness and audacity into him, which made him afterwards a stiff rival to bid for the Empire of Germany.   

Chap. 9  
The Corasines cruelly sack the city of jerusalem, and kill the Christians therein.  
ABout this time (though we find not the punctual date thereof) happened the death of Reinoldus frederick's Lieutenant in Syria, who by his moderation had been a good been factor to the Holy war. But the Templars counted him to want metal, because he would not be mad and causelessly break the truce with the Sultan. In his grave was buried the happiness of the Christians in Palestine: for now the lawless Templars observe no other rule but their own will.  
And now the inundation of the Tartarians in spite of all dams and banks overranne the North of Asia, and many nations fled from their own countries for fear of them. Amongst other the Corasines (called by some Choermines, and Gro●ssoms) a fierce and warlike people, were notwithstanding by the Tartarians forced to forsake their land.  
Being thus unkennelled, they had their recourse to the Sultan of Babylon, and petitioned him to bestow some habitation upon them. Their suit he could neither safely grant nor deny: A denial would egg their discontents into desperateness; 
Matth. Paris▪ pag. 851.  and such sturdy dangerous vagabonds might do much harm: to admit them to be joint-tenants in the same country with the Turks, was a present inconvenience, and would be a future mischief. In stead therefore of giving them a house, he sent them to a workhouse; yet so, that they apprehended it a great courtesy done unto them: For he bestowed on them all the lands which the Christians held in Palestine; liberal to give away what was none of his, and what the others must purchase before they could enjoy. The Sultan encouraged them to invade that country; whose people he pretended were weak and few, the land wealthy and fruitful, so that the conquest would be easy, especially they having his assistance in the present service, and perpetual patronage hereafter.  
Animated herewith in come the Corasines with their wives and children (bringing their households with them to win houses and lands for them) into Syria, and march directly to Jerusalem; which being a weak and unfortified place, 
1244  was taken without resistance. Weak and unfortified! Strange! It is confessed on all sides, that Frederick the Emperor and Reinoldus his Lieutenant spared no expense in strengthening this city; since which time we find no solemn taking it by the Turks: Who then can expect less than an impregnable place, where so much cost was sown? Which driveth us to conceive one of these three things; Either that the weakness of this city was chiefly in the defenders hearts; Or else that formerly there happened some blind and silent dispoiling of this place not mentioned by Authors; Or lastly, that Jerusalem was a Jericho, I mean, a place cursed in building, like Pharaohs lean kine, never ● whit the fatter for devouring much meat; and which still went in rags, though her friends bestowed change of raiment upon her.  
Thus this city, after that it had been possessed fifteen years by the Christians, was won by this barbarous people, never since regained to our religion. Sleep, Jerusalem, sleep in thy ruins, at this day of little beauty and less strength, famous only for what thou hast been.  
The Christians flying out of Jerusalem with their families, took their course towards Joppa; but looking back, beheld their own ensigns advanced on the city-walls, so done in policy by their enemies. Whereupon their credulity thus commented, That their fellows had beaten the Corasines in Jerusalem, and by these 
* Matth. Paris, pag. 835.  banners invited them to return: But going back, they found but cold (or rather too hot) entertainment, being slain every mother's child of them. Dull nostrils! not to sent so stale and rank a stratagem of their foes, so often used, so easily defeated; not to send some spies to taste the bait before all swallowed it. But men marked out for destruction, will run their own heads into the halter.   

Chap. 10.  
Robert Patriarch of jerusalem, with the whole strength of the Christians, conquered by the Corasines.  
THe desperateness of the disease privilegeth the taking of any Physic. The Christians being now in deep distress, resolved on a dangerous course, but as (as their case stood) thought necessary: For they made peace with the Sultan of Dama●cus and Seisser, and with the Sultan of Cracci; (These were Dynastes in Syria of some good strength, and were at discord with the Sultan of Babylon) and swearing them to be faithful, borrowed an army of their forces, with them jointly to resist the Corasines; seeking, saith 
* In his letter to Richard of Cornwall.  Frederick the Emperor, to find fidem in perfidia, trust in treachery. Many suspected these auxiliary forces▪ thinking, though the forrest-wolves fell out with the mountain ones, they would both agree against the sheep.  
Robert Patriarch of Jerusalem was a most active commander over all. S. Luke's day was the time agreed upon for the fatal battle; near Tiberias was the place. As the Christians were ordering themselves in array, it was questioned in what part of their army their new Turkish assistants should be disposed, and concluded that they should be placed in the front, where if they did no other good, they would dull the appetite of their enemy's sword. This is thought to have been a notorious error, and cause of their overthrow. For though those soldiers who mean to be false, will never be made faithful in what place soever they be bestowed, yet may they be made less dangerous if cast into the body or main battle of the army, whence they have no such scope to fling out, and to take advantage of place to do mischief, as they have either in the front or wings thereof, Thus in Caesar's time, Crassus an experienced General under him being to bid the Gauls battle, 
* Caes. lib. 3. De bello Gallico.  auxiliares copias, quibus ad pugnam non multùm confidebat, in mediam aciem collocavit; that so being hemmend in before and behind, they might be engaged to fight manfully without starting away. And to instance in later times; our Richard the third (who though he usurped the Crown, had, as none will deny, a true title both to prowess and martial policy) marching to Bosworth, placed 
* Graft. in Ri●h. 3. fol. 102.  suspected persons (whose bodies were with him and hearts with Earl Henry) in the midst; and those whom he most trusted, before, behind, and on every side.  
The battle being joined, the 
† Matth. Paris, pag. 834.  Turks ran over to the other side; though some braved them only with cowardliness not treachery, and that they fled from the battle but not fell to the enemies. The Christians manfully stood to it, and though overpowered in number, made a great slaughter of their enemies, till at last they were quite overthrown. Of the Teutonick Order escaped but three; of three hundred Templars, but eighteen; of two hundred Hospitallers, but nineteen: The patriarch (to use his own words) whom God reputed unworthy of martyrdom, saved himself by flight, with a few others. And this great overthrow, to omit less partner-causes, is chiefly imputed to the Templars former so often breaking the truce with the Sultan of Babylon.  
Thus were the Christians conquered by the Corasines, and beaten by a beaten nation; Palestine being won by those who could not keep their own country. Improving this victory they left nothing to the Christians but Tyre, Ptolemais, and Antioch, with some few forts. Soon after, these Corasines elated herewith fell out with the Sultan himself; who in anger rooted out their nation, so that 
* Matth. Paris, pag. 475.  none of their name remained: Yea, 
* Except any make them to be Chorasmii a people placed by Ath●naeus in the East of Parthia.  all writers are silent of them both before this time and ever after: as if God at this very instant had created this people to punish Christians; which service performed, they were annihilated again.   

Chap. 11.  
Lewis the ninth setteth forward against the Turks; The occasion of his journey, and his attendants.  
SOme two years after, Lewis the ninth of that name, King of France, came to assist the Christians. The occasion of his voyage, this; He had been visited with a desperate sickness, insomuch that all art cried craven, as unable to help him; and the Physicians resigned him to Divines, to begin with him where they ended: They also gave him over; and for a while he lay in a trance, 
1245  not the least breath brought news of any life left in him. Then Blanche the Queen-mother (and Queen of mothers for her care of her son and his Kingdom) 
* Matth. Paris, pag. 880. Et P. Aemyl. in D. Ludou. pag. 214.  applied a piece of the Cross unto him. Thereat (whether thereby, let others dispute) he revived and recovered; and thereupon was Croised, and in thankfulness bound himself with a vow to sail to the Holy land. But his Nobility dissuaded him from that design: The dangers were certain, the success would be doubtful of so long a journey; his own Kingdom would be left desolate, and many mischiefs unseen as yet, would appear in his absence: Besides, his vow was made in his sickness, whilst reason was scarce as yet in the peaceable possession of his mind, because of the remnant-dregs of his disease: It might also be dispensed with by the Pope; yea, his deserts did challenge so much from his Holiness. King Lewis, as persuaded hereat, laid down the Cross to the great comfort and contentment of all the beholders: But then 
* Fox, Martyrolog. pag▪ 293.  altering his countenance, he required the Cross should be restored to him again, and vowed to eat no bread until he was recognized with the Pilgrims badge. And because his vow should suffer no diminution or abatement from his disease, now no longer Lewis the sick, but Lewis the sound undertook the holy War. His Nobles seeing him too stiff to be unbent, and counting it a kind of sacrilegious counsel to dissuade him from so pious a work, left him to his own resolutions. There went along with him his two brothers, Charles' Earl of Anjou, Robert Earl of Artois, his own Queen, and their Ladies, Odo the Pope's Legate, Hugh Duke of Burgundy, William Earl of Flanders, Hugh Earl of St. Paul, and William Longspath Earl of Sarisbury with a band of valiant English men, who went without licence from Henry King of England: For in those days this doctrine went currant, That their Prince's leave was rather of compliment then essential to their voyage; as if the band of this holy War was an acquittance from all others. Our Henry displeased at this Earls departure, for his disobedience deprived him of his Earldom and castle of Sarisbury, not suffering that sheep to graze in his pasture which would not own him for his shepherd. William also son to this 
* Camden, in Wiltshire.  Earl, smarting for his father's fault, never enjoyed that honour. And though King Henry himself being a Prince of more devotion than policy, did most affectionately tender this Holy cause, yet he used this necessary severity towards this Earl at this time; first, because it would weaken his land thus to be dispeopled of martial men; secondly, his subject's forwardness might be interpreted a secret check of his own backwardness in that war; thirdly, the sucking in of foreign air did wean people from their natural Prince, and did insensibly usher into their hearts an alienation from their own Sovereign, and a dependence on the King of France; lastly, he had some thoughts on that voyage himself, and reserved such prime Peers to attend on his own person thither.  
The Pope gave to this King Lewis his charges, 
1246  the tenth of the Clergies revenues through France for three years; and the King employed the Pope's collectors to gather it, knowing those leeches were the best suckers. Hereupon the states of the Clergy were shaved as bare as their crowns; and a poor Priest who had but twenty shillings annual pension, was forced to pay two yearly to the King: And this by my 
* Matth. Paris. in anno 1246. pag. 943.  Author is made the cause of his following ill success, there being much extortion used by his under-officers. No wonder then if the wings of that army did quickly flag, having so heavy a weight of curses hanging upon them. And though money be the sinews of war, yet ill-gotten money, like gouty sinews, rather paineth than strengtheneth. True it is, that this pious King was no way guilty thereof, but such as were under him; and oftentimes the head doth ache for the ill vapours of the stomach. He himself most princely caused to be proclaimed through his realm, If any merchant or other had been at any time injured by the King's exactours, 
Fox, Matyrolog. pag. 292.  either by oppression or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, showing how and wherein, and he should be recompensed. How this was performed we find not; but it was a good lenitive plaster to assuage the people's pain for the present.  
Having at Lions took his leave of the Pope, and a blessing from him, he marched towards Avignon: Where some of the city wronged his soldiers, especially with foul language. Wherefore his Nobles desired him that he would besiege the city, the rather because it was suspected that therein his father was poisoned. To whom Lewis most Christianly, I come not out of France to 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 995.  revenge my own quarrels, 
1248 Aug. 25.  or those of my father or mother, but injuries offered to Jesus Christ. Hence he went without delay to his navy, and committed himself to the sea.   

Chap. 12.  
Lewis arriveth in Cyprus; The conversion of the Tartarians hindered; The treachery of the Templars.  
SAiling forward with a prosperous wind, 
Sept. 20.  he safely arrived in Cyprus; where Alexius Lusignan King of the Island entertained him according to the stateliest hospitality. Here the pestilence (one of the ready attendants on great armies) began to rage: And though a French 
* P. Aemyl. in Lud●v. 9 pag. 2●5.  writer saith it was minax mag●s quam funesta, yet we find in others, that two hundred and forty Gentlemen of note died by force of the infection.  
Hither came the Ambassadors from a great Tartarian Prince (but surely not from Cham himself) invited by the fame of King Lewis his piety, professing to him, That he had renounced his Paganism, and embraced Christianity; and that he intended to send messengers to Pope Innocent to be further instructed in his religion. But some Christians which were in Tartary dissuaded him from so doing, lest the Tartarians coming to Rome should behold the dissoluteness of men's lives there, and so refuse to suck the milk of sweet doctrine from so sour and bitter nipples, besmeared about with bad and scandalous conversation. Yea, never could the Christian religion be showed to 
* P. Aemyl. ut priús.  Pagans at any time on more disadvantages: Grecians and Latins were at deadly feud; amongst the Latins, Guelphs and Gibellines sought to ruin each other: Humility was everywhere preached, and pride practised: They persuaded others to labour for heaven, and fell out about earth themselves: Their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doctrines one to another.  
But as for these Ambassadors, 
1249  King Lewis received them very courteously, dismissing them with bounteous gifts. And by them he sent to their master a Ten●, wherein the history of the Bible was as richly as curiously depicted in needlework; hoping thus to catch his soul in his eyes, and both in that glorious present: Pictures being then accounted laymen's books, though since of many condemned as full of erratas, and never set forth by authority from the King of heaven to be means or workers of faith.  
Whilst Lewis stayed in Cyprus, the Templars in the Holy land began to have his greatness in suspicion. This Order (as both the other, of Hospitallers and teutonics) though mown down to the bare roots at the last unfortunate battle, yet now in three years' space sprung up as populous as ever before; their other brethren which lived in their several Covents and Commandries over all Europe, having now refurnished the houses in Palestine.  
Now these Templars were loath King Lewis should come to Ptolemais, though they counterfeited he should be very welcome there. They formerly there had commanded in chief without control, and were unwilling, having long sat in the saddle, now to dismount and hold the stirrup to another. Besides, they would not have so neat and cleanly a guest see their slutrish houses, fearing Lewis his piety would shame their dissoluteness, (being one so godly in his conversation, that by the preaching in his life he had converted many 
* P. Aemyl. pag. 216.  Saracens) yea, perchance he being a strict Disciplinarian would punish their vicious manners. Wherefore they wrote to him out of Syria, to accept of a peace with the Sultan of Egypt now offered, and to proceed no further in war against him.  
The French King, whose heart was ever open to any fair agreement, and shut against any dishonourable suspicions, had entertained the motion, had not the King of Cyprus, being more studied in the Templars treacheries, better instructed him: For he told him, this was but a 
* Knolls, Turk hist. pag. 102.  trick of their great Master, who underhand had sent to the Sultan, and procured him to proffer this peace only for their own private ends, for to divert the King from coming amongst them. Lewis, though the mildest and most patient of Princes, yet not a drone which wanted the sting of anger, commanded the Master of the Templars upon the price of his head thenceforward to receive no Embassage, nor keep any intelligence with their enemy, and resolved with himself to invade Egypt.   

Chap. 13.  
The wise preparations of the Egyptians; The valour of the French at their landing; Damiata won.  
BUt he stood so long in aiming, that the bird saw him, and had leisure to fly away, and Meladine the Egyptian King to provide himself to make resistance. Last time (some thirty years before) when the Christians under John Bren invaded Egypt, they were not impeached in their arrival, but suffered to land without any opposition. But Meladine now was sensible of the discommodity in permitting his ●oes safely to come on shore: For first, they wasted and spoiled the country & the provision about them: Secondly, opportunity was given to male contents and ill-disposed persons to fly to the enemy: Lastly, he found it most policy to keep the enemy off at arms end, and to close at the last; and not to adventure his Kingdom on the single die of a battle, but rather to set it on a chance, that so he might have the more play for it. Wherefore he resolved to strengthen his maritime places, and not suffer them to land; though also herein he met with many difficulties. For as nothing was more certain than that Lewis would set on Egypt, so nothing more uncertain; and because it was unknown at what time or place he would come, all times and places were provided for. This exhausted a mass of treasure to keep in pay so many soldiers for many months together. But it is no time to dispute about unnecessary thirft, when a whole Kingdom is brought into question to be subdued.  
And because the landing-places in Egypt are of great disadvantage to the defendants, yielding them no shelter from the fury of their enemy's artillery, being all open places and plain (the shores there being not shod against the sea with huge high rocks, as they are in some other countries, because the land is low and level) Meladine was forced to fortify well-nigh an hundred and eighty miles along the seaside; and what Nature had left bare, Art put the more clothes on; and by using of great industry (such as by Tully is fitly termed horribilis industria) in short space all that part of Egypt was fenced which respecteth the sea.  
Winter being past, Robert Duke of Burgundy, and Alphonse King Lewis his brother arrived in Cyprus with a new army; and hereupon they concluded to set forward for Egypt, and attempted to land near Damiata. 
june 4.  But the governor thereof with a band of valiant soldiers stoutly resisted them. Here was a doubtful fight: The Egyptians standing on the firm ground, were thereby enabled to improve and 
* P. Aemyl. pag. 216.  enforce their darts to the utmost, whilst the French in their ticklish boats durst not make the best of their own strength. Besides, those on land threw their weapons downwards from the forts they had erected, so that the declivity and downfall did naturally second the violent impression of their darts. However, the Infidels at last were here beaten with what commonly was their own weapon, I mean, multitude; so that they fled into the town, 
5.  leaving behind them their governor and five hundred of their best soldiers dead on the shore.  
Damiata was a strong city, the taking whereof was accounted the good task of an army for a year. But now the Egyptians within were presented afresh with the memory of the miseries they endured in the last long siege by the Christians; and fearing lest that tragedy should be acted over again, set fire on their houses, and in the night saved themselves by flight. The French issuing in quenched the fire, 
9  and rescued much corn and other rich spoil from the teeth of the flame.  
Meladine much troubled with this loss, to purchase peace 
* Matth. Paris, pag. 1047.  offered the Christians all Jerusalem in as ample a manner as ever formerly they had enjoyed it; all prisoners to be restored, with a great sum of money to defray their charges, and many other good conditions: So that we may much wonder at his profuseness in these proffers, and more at the Christians indiscretion in their refusal. For though some advised to make much of so frank a chapman, and not through covetousness to outstand their market; yet the Pope's Legate and Robert Earl of Artois, 
Knolls, Turk. Hist.  heightened with pride that they could not see their profit, and measuring their future victories by the largeness of their first footing in Egypt, would make no bargain except Alexandria, the best port in Egypt were also cast in for vantage, to make the conditions down-weight: And King Lewis, whose nature was only bad because it was so good, would in no wise cross his brother in what he desired. Whereupon the Turks seeing themselves in so desperate condition, their swords being sharpened on extremity, provided to defend their country to the utmost.   

Chap. 14.  
Discords betwixt the French and English; The death and disposition of Meladine King of Egypt.  
ABout this time broke out the dissensions betwixt the French and English. The cause whereof (as some say) was, for that the Earl of Sarisbury in sacking a fort got more spoil than the French. But surely the foundation of their discontents lay much lower, being on old enmity betwixt the two nations, and Robert Earl of Artois used Earl William and his men with much discourtesy.  
The Robert stood much on the Royalty of his descent, being brother to King Lewis, though nothing of kin in conditions, being as bountiful to deal injuries and affronts as the other alms and charitable deeds. The English Earl, though he stood on the lower ground in point of birth, yet conceived himself to even him in valour and martial knowledge. And though godly King Lewis used all his holy-water to quench these heart-burnings, his success answered not this pains, much less his desires; only his cooling persuasions laid their enmities for the present fairly asleep.  
Amidst these broils died Meladine the Egyptian King. A worthy Prince he was; though some write very coursely of him: as he must rise early, yea, not at all go to bed, who will have every one's good word. Let Christians speak of him as they found: whose courtesies to them when they were half-drowned in Egypt, if they will not confess, they deserve to be wholly drowned for their ingratitude. In the latter end of his age he quite lost the good will of his subjects, and lived unloved, and died unlamented, though a deserving and fortunate man, which oftentimes covereth a multitude of faults. The chief reason whereof was, because they suspected him to be unsound in his religion, and offering to Christianity: Besides, having reigned above thirty years, his government became stale; and good things, if of long continuance, grow ●edious, they being rather affected for their variety then true worth: Lastly, the rising sun stole the adorers from the sun setting; and Melechsala his son being an active and promising Prince, reigned before in men's desires over the Kingdom. To him now they all applied themselves; and having more wisdom in their generation then the Christians, instantly ceased their private dissensions. And now the Sultan's of Damascus, Aleppo, and Babylon twisted themselves in a joint agreement with Melechsala to defend their Mahometan religion.   

Chap. 15.  
Robert Earl of Artois fight with the Egyptians contrary to the counsel of the Master of the Templars, is overthrown and drowned.  
FRom Damiata the French marched up towards Cairo; 
1250  the governor whereof offended with Melechsala, promised to deliver that Regal city to the French. With some danger and more difficulty they passed an arm of Nilus, being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a place where it was foordable. Hence Earl Robert marched forward with a third part of the army, and suddenly assaulting the Turks in their tents (whilst Melechsala was absent in solemnising a feast) put them to flight. Hereupon this Earl proclaimed himself in his hopes Monarch of the world: This blow made his enemies reel, the next would fallen them: Now speed was more needful than strength: This late victory, though gotten, was lost if not used: What though they were not many? the fewer the adventurers, the greater the gain: Let them therefore forwards, and set on the whole power of the Turks, which was encamped not far off.  
But the Master of the Templars, 
Matth. Paris. pag. 1049.  in whom the sap of youth was well dried up, advised the Earl to stay and digest the honour he had gotten, expecting the arrival of the rest of their army: for the work was weighty they undertook, and needed two shoulders, the united strength of the Christians, effectually to manage it: His soldiers were weary, and must be refreshed; and it was madness to starve them to day in hope of a feast to morrow: That they were to march through a strange country, and their best instructours were behind: let them stay for their lantern, and not go in the dark. He minded him that he overvalued his victory, not considering the enemy's strength, whose harvest was not spoiled by losing an handful of men.  
But the Earl, full of the emptiness of self-conceit, allowed no counsel for currant but that of his own stamp, He scorned to wait the leisure of another opportunity, and opprobriously objected to the 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 1060.  Templars the common fame, That the Holy land long since had been won, but for the collusion of the false Templars and Hospitallers with the Infidels.  
Here the Earl of Sarisbury interposed himself to make peace, and to persuade Robert to listen to the wholesome counsel that was given him. But his good will was rewarded with Coward, Dastard, English tail, and such like contumelious terms. Wherefore said our Earl, Well, General, on in God's name; 
* Erimus, (credo) hodie, ubi non audebis caudam equi mei attingere. Idem ibid.  I believe this day you will not dare to come nigh to my horse's tail. And now the touchstone must tell what is gold, what is brass.  
Marching on, they assaulted the castle of Mauzar, and were notably repulsed; and Melechsala coming in with his whole strength, hemmed them in on every side. The Christians were but the third part of the army; and at the present, they themselves were scarce the half of themselves, being faint for want of refreshing. Yet never shall one read more valour in so little a volume: They played their parts most stoutly. As for the French Earl who went on like thunder, he went out like smoke, crying to the Earl of Sarisbury, Flee, flee, for God fighteth against us. To whom our Earl, God forbid my father's son should flee from the face of a Saracen. The other seeking to save himself by the swiftness of his horse, and crossing the river, had there water enough to drown him, but too little to wash from him the stain of rashness and cowardice. Thus died the Earl of Artois: who had in him the parts of a good General, but inverted and in transposition, bold in counsel, fearful in execution. He was one of that princely quaternion of brothers which came hither at this voyage, and exceeded each other in some quality; Lewis the Holiest, Alphonse the Subtlest, Charles the Stoutest, and this Robert the Proudest.  
As for the Earl of Sarisbury, he resolved to sell his life at such a rate that the buyer should little boast of his pennyworth, slaying many a Turk; and though unhorsed and wounded in his legs, stood on his honour when he could not stand on his feet; and refusing all quarter, upon his knees laid about him like a desperate man. The longer he fought, the fewer wounds he had; and there at last he breathed forth his soul in the midst of his enemies. Of all the Christians there escaped no more than two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one common soldier, the messengers of this heavy news.  
The French writers, because they can say little good, say little of this battle, and lessen the overthrow as much as may be; which Authors of other nations have more fully reported. Thus sometimes unfortunate gamester's fl●tter themselves, belie their own purses, and dissemble their losses, whereof the standers by take more accurate notice. P. Aemylius (an Italian, born at Verona; but by long writing the French history his pen is made free denizen of France) though with his hand he doth hide the orifice of the wound, yet it is too narrow to cover the whole sore round about: So that it plainly appeareth, that a great and grievous and most mortal blow was here given to the Christians.   

Chap. 16.  
King Lewis almost in the same place hath the same woeful success, conquered and taken captive by Melechsala.  
IT is easier to be conceived then expressed, what general grief this doleful news brought to the French; who followed not far off, and who before had cause enough to sorrow for themselves: For the plague began to rage furiously amongst them, and daily swept away thousands. Mean time good King Lewis sent many of the weakest and impotentest people down the river to Damiata, there to enjoy the benefit of privacy, good attendance, and physic. Melechsala having intelligence hereof, met them by the way; and setting upon them (having neither arm to fight, nor legs to run away) either burned or drowned them all, save one English man, Alexander Giffard (whose ancient and famous family flourisheth to this day at Chellington in Staffordshire) who wounded in five places of his body, escaped to the French, and reported what had happened to the rest.  
And by this time Melechasala understood of the correspondency betwixt King Lewis and the governor of Cairo, for the betraying of the city: Whereupon he caused him suddenly to be apprehended; whereby the French King lost all hopes to obtain that place of importance. Yea, now full willingly would the Christians have accepted the terms formerly offered them; and now their hungry stomaches would make dainties of those conditions which before, when full of pride, they threw away as fragments. But the Turks now slighted them as not worth the treating with; and as knowing that these Frenchmen, who at their first landing were more than men, would at last be less than women.  
Then began the French Lords to persuade King Lewis to provide for the safety of his own person, and to return to Damiata. They told him, That if he stayed with them, there was no hope grounded on probability (and what was any other but a wilful self-delusion?) of his escaping: If he were killed, his death would be a living shame to their religion; if taken prisoner, how would Mahomet insult over Christ! The captivity of the most Christian of the most Christian Kings would be foundation ●nough for the Turks thereon to build trophies of eternal triumph. But Lewis would not leave them, that they might not leave him, but resolved to be a commoner with them in weal and woe; disdaining to be such a niggard of his life as not to spend it in a good cause in so good company.  
Forward they march, and come to the fatal place where the last battle was fought. There behold the mangled, headless, handless, feetlesse corpses of their fellow-countreymen. They knew in general they were all their friends; none knew his particular friend. The cause of this unwonted cruelty to the dead, was a proclamation which Melechsala made, assigning a great sum of money to every one who would bring the head, hand, or foot of a Christian: And this made many of his covetous cowards (who carried their valour in their purses) to be courageous. Whilst the French were here bemoaning their fellows, Melechsala came upon them with an infinite multitude, 
Apr. 5.  and put them all (being few and feeble) to the sword; taking King Lewis, with his two brethren, Alphonse and Charles, prisoners.  
Instantly the Turks went up with French ensigns to Damiata, hoping so suddenly to surprise it. Which project had it took effect, then farewell King Lewis for ever. He must be sent a present to the Caliph of Babylon, from whom never any returned alive; Melechsala being but Purgatory, whence there was redemption; but the Babylonian Caliph Hell itself, from whence no hope of release. But God defeated their design; for the Turks could not French it so handsomely, but that they were discovered. The very language of their hands made them suspected afar off, because they could not counterfeit the French idiotismes in managing their bucklers, that nation being most punctual and critical in their military postures: But being come near, it was plain for any to read Turk in their beards and complexions; so that they departed without having what they desired.   

Chap. 17.  
The woeful impression which the ill success of the French wrought on the Christians in Europe.  
SOme made more haste then good speed (bad news being the worst ware a ship can be fraught with) to sail into France with the sad tidings of this overthrow. These intelligencers Blanch, the Queen-mother and Regent of France, rewarded with the gallows: and my Author doubteth not to pronounce them all 
* Quos Martyres credimus esse manifestos.  Martyrs. But let them be contented with the corone● of their own innocence, though without the crown of Martyrdom; that honour alone belonging to such as suffer death for fundamental points of religion. 
Matth. Paris. pag. 1059.  But so great an eclipse could not long be kept from the eyes of the world; and this doleful and dismal news was sounded and seconded from every side. Then was there a general lamentation over all Christendom, chiefly in France, where all were so sorrowful, that any mirth was counted profaneness. Many bounded not themselves within the banks of grief, but broke out into blasphemy, both in France and elsewhere, taxing Justice itself of being unjust; and not content to admire what they could not conceive, condemned Gods proceedings herein to be against right, because above their reason. Fools, because they could not conquer on earth, did quarrel with heaven. This bad breath, though it came but from the teeth of some, yet proceeded from the corrupted lungs of others: some spoke but out of present passion, but others even out of inbred Atheism. Many who before were but luke warm in religion, now turned stark cold. In Venice and some others cities of Italy, the inhabitants whereof 
* Ut priús.  Matthew Paris calleth semichristian●s, but half-Christians (though this his harsh appellation wanteth three parts of charity) began wholly to tend to apostasy. And now for a crutch to stay their reeling faith, it was high time for the Clergy to ply the pulpits. They persuaded those Rachel's who in this voyage had lost any children and would not be comforted, that their children were in a most blessed condition: They emptied all their boxes of their colours of rhetotorick, there with to paint out the happiness of their estate which they enjoyed in heaven: They pieced out their Sermons with reporting of Miracles▪ How William Earl of Sarisbury appeared to his 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 1051.  mother, and assured her that he reigned most glorious in heaven. She presently forgot her grief for losing her son, for joy that she had found a Saint, yea, a Martyr. This was their constant custom; When any in Europe wept for the loss of their friends in this war, their tears were instantly dried up with some hot miracle that was reported them: Wherewith the silly people were well pleased; as babes of clouts are good enough to keep children from crying.  
About this time many thousands of the English were resolved for the Holy war, and would needs have been gone, had not the King strictly guarded his ports, and kept his Kingdom from running away out of doors. The King promised he would go with them, and hereupon got a mass of money from them for this journey. Some say, that he never intended it; and that this only was a trick to struck the skittish cow to get down her milk. His stubborn subjects said, that they would tarry for his company till midsummer, and no longer. Thus they weighed out their obedience with their own scales, and the King stood to their allowance. But hearing of this sorrowful accident, both Prince and people altered their resolution; who had come too late to help the French in their distress, and too soon to bring themselves into the same misery.   

Chap. 18.  
King Lewis exchanged for Damiata, stayeth some years at Ptolemais.  
BUt to return to Egypt; where King Lewis was kept prisoner by Melechsala, who often felt his disposition about the resigning of Damiata, but found that to hear of death was more welcome music unto him.  
But see here a sudden alteration: One Tarqueminus a sturdy Mammaluke, with another of that society, killed Melechsala in the very height of his victorious happiness, and succeeded him in the Egyptian Kingdom. This Tarquemine came in with an intent to send Lewis the same way: Which poor Prince was only armed with innocence and Majesty, and yet his bare person defended his person from that cruel attempt: such an awful impression did his very presence, saith my Author, strike into him who would have stricken him. But we may rather think that the city of Damiata was King Lewis his corslet, and that all the towers and walls of that place fenced him; Tarquemnius reserving his person as an equivalent ransom, thereby to redeem that royal city.  
Now Lewis had changed his Lord, but not his lamentable condition, continuing still a prisoner. At last he was restored to his liberty, on condition, that the Christians should surrender Damiata, and he also pay back to the Turks many thousand pounds, both for ransom of Christian captives, and in satisfaction of the vastations they had committed in Egypt. Lewis for security of this money, pawned to the Turk the Pyx and Host (that is, the body of Christ transsubstantiated in the Eucharist) as his chiefest jewel which he should be most careful to redeem. Hence, in perpetual memory of this conquest, we may see a 
* Du Serres, in the life of Lewis the 9  Wafer-cake and a box always wrought in the borders of that tapestry which is brought out of Egypt.  
Note by the way, That the Turks were most unreasonable in their rates of ransoming soldiers, and in all other their pecuniary demands. For their own country being near to the fountain of gold and silver, they made as if it flowed as plentifully in other places, measuring the wealth of other lands by their own, and ask as much for a private man's ransom as would drain a Prince's purse in these Western parts.  
Thus was Damiata restored again to the Turks, and the Christians punctually performed their promises; though the false Miscreant on the other side set not half the captives free, killed all the sick persons whom by promise he should relieve, and (contrary to the agreement) suffered not any Christian to transport any of his goods out of Egypt.  
Hence Lewis sailed to Ptolemais: where he lived in a miserable case, being forsaken of his brothers, subjects, friends, and the Pope himself. His brothers, Alphonse and Charles, though sent into France to solicit his suit, and to advance his ransom with speed, yet being arrived forgot the affliction of Joseph; and the King was as far from their mind as their sight: Wherefore God justly visited Alphonse with an incurable disease. His subjects, though furious at first in bemoaning him, yet the fit past, complained not so much for him as on him; charging him for ill managing the matters in Egypt by his cowardliness and indiscretion. His friends the Pisans and Genoans reviled him as the marrer of their mart, Damiata being formerly their most gainful port; but now their honey was spoiled by destroying their hive: for the Sultan seeing the city taken twice of the Christians in short time, to prevent further dispute about it, took away the subject of the question, and razed it to the ground. The Pope forsook him: And though many entreated his Holiness not to prosecute the Emperor Frederick any further, from whom Lewis expected all the beams of his comfort, yet he would hear of no submission from him, but sought finally to ruin him. Only Blanch, King Lewis his mother, was careful for her son, and laboured his cause day and night. But alas! her arms were too short to bring all ends together. And having gathered a considerable sum of money, and shipped it for Palestine, a tempest in a moment 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 1091.  cast that away which her care and thrift was many months in getting. All this he bore with a soul not benumbed with Stoical senselessness, but becalmed with Christian patience: 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 1091.  a second Job; so that what pleased God, pleased him. It somewhat mitigated his misery, that he had the company of his consort Margaret, a woman worthy so good a husband. Here she bore him a child, which because another Benoni, or son of sorrow, was called Tristram. But that 
* S ●. Tristram a Knight long before. See Carew, in Cornwall, fol. 61.  name is more ancient, nor had it its birth from the christening of this child.  
Four years' King Lewis lived (not to say, loitered) in Syria, daily expecting in vain that some Prince of Europe should fetch him off with honour, being loath to return till he could carry home his credit with him. And though he was out of his Kingdom, yet was he in his Kingdom, whilst surveying there the sacred monuments wherewith he was so highly affected.   

Chap. 19  
The Commonwealth of the Mammalukes described, presenting us with many unexampled remarkables.  
NOw more largely of Tarqueminus, and his kill Melechsala, and of the commonwealth of the Mammalukes begun by him. And because great is the merit of this story, as very memorable, we will fetch it from its first original.  
Saladine (as is touched 
* Book. 2. chap. 40.  before) was the first of the Turkish Kings who began the gainful trade of the Mammalukes. These were Christian captives, brought out of Taurica Cher●onesus, and instructed as in Mahometanisme so in all military discipline; Saladine disposing them in martial nurseries, and continuing a constant succession of them one under another. It is above belief how much and speedily they were improved in warlike exercises: Art doubled their strength by teaching them to use it. And though they came rough out of their own country, they were quickly hewn and polished by education: yea, their apprehensions prevented the precepts, and their practice surpassed the precedents of those that instructed them. As it is observed in fruits and flowers, that they are much bettered by change to a fitter soil; so were these people by altering their climate: the cold country wherein they were bred, gave them big and robustious bodies; and the hot climate whereinto they were transplanted, ripened their wits, and bestowed upon them craft and activity, the dowry of the Southern countries. They attained to be expert in any service; especially they were excellent horsemen: and at last they began to ride on the backs and necks of the Turkish Kings themselves.  
True it is, Saladine kept his distance over them, used them kindly, yet made them not wantoness; and so poised these Mammalukes with his native Egyptians, that in all actions he still reserved the casting voice for himself. But Meladine and Melechsala his successors, entertained them without number, and instructed them beyond reason, so that under them in a manner they monopolised all places of strength and command; till at last, the stem of these mercenary soldiers being too great for the stock of the natives, the Turkish Kingdom in Egypt, like a top-heavy tree, became a windfall. Indeed, the dastardness of the Egyptians made these Mammalukes more daring and insolent. For the Egyptians more loved profit then honour, and wealth than greatness; and though contented to abide labour, would in no wise undergo danger. Merchandise they where wholly employed in; and it seemed they used trading so long, till at last they made sale of their own spirits. Yea, one could not now know Egypt to be Egypt, but only by the overflowing of Nilus, not by any remaining ancient marks of valour in the people's disposition. Thus the genius of old Kingdoms in time groweth weaker, and doteth at the last.  
But to come to Tarqueminus; He being one of these Mammalukes, and perceiving how easy it was for those that did support, to supplant the Turkish Kings, with another of his associates slew Melechsala, as it was said. And because it was unfitting so great a Prince should go to the grave alone, he also sent his children and intimate friends thither to attend him. Tarqueminus afterwards procured of his society to be chosen King of Egypt. He was the Solon or Lycurgus of this slavish commonwealth, and by the consent of the rest of his company he enacted many laws: Whereof these were those of the Grand Charter, which admitted of no revocation:  
First, That the 
* Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 107.  Sultan, or chief of this servile Empire, should be chosen always out of the Mammalukes.  
Secondly, That none should be admitted to the Order of the Mammalukes which were either Jews or Turks by birth, but only such as being born Christians, were afterwards taken captives, and then from the time of their slavery had been instructed in the Mahometan religion.  
Thirdly, That though the sons of the Mammalukes might enjoy their father's lands and wealth, yet they might not take upon them the name or honour of a Mammaluke.  
Fourthly, That the native Egyptians should be permitted no use of weapons, but only such as with which they fought against weeds, to till and manure the land.  
In surveying this State, we can turn no way but must meet with wonders:  
First, one would think that there was such an indelible character of slavery in these captives, and such a laesum principium in them, that none of them ever should make a good Prince, as knowing no more how to sway a sceptre then a pure clown to manage a sword▪ or else that they should over-state it, turn tyrants, and only exchange their slavery, by becoming vassals to their own passions. Yet many of them in their kinds were worthy Princes for government, no whit inferior to those which are advantaged with royal birth and breeding.  
Secondly, it is a wonder they should be so neglective of their own children. How many make an idol of their posterity, and sacrifice themselves unto it, stripping themselves out of necessaries to provide their heirs a wardrobe! yea, it is a principle in most moderate minds, to advance their posterity; thinking hereby in a manner they overcome death, and immortalize their memories, in leaving their names and honours to their children: Whereas the contrary appeared in these Mammalukes.  
Thirdly, it is admirable that they fell not out in the election of their Prince, being in a manner all equal amongst themselves. We see elective States in Christendom, though bound with the straitest laws, often sagge aside into schisms and factions; whereas this strange Empire in their choice had no dangerous discords, but such as were quenched in the kindling.  
Lastly, who ever knew a wall that had no better cement, to stand so sure and so long? Two hundred sixty and seven years this State endured; and yet had it to do with strong and puissant enemies. Some Kingdoms owe their greatness not so much to their own valour and wisdom as to the weakness of their neighbours: but it fared not thus with the Mammalukes. To omit Prester John, who neighboured them on the south; on all other sides they were encompassed with potent opposers: From whom right valiantly they defended themselves, till in the year 1517 they were overcome by Selimus the great Turkish Emperor.  
To conclude; As for the Amazons and their brave achievements, with much valour and no manhood; they and their State had only being in the brains of fabulous writers: As for the Assasines, or regiment of rogues; it never spread to the breadth of any great country, nor grew to the height of a Kingdom; but being the jakes of the world, was cast out in a place betwixt barren hills: But this Empire of vassals was every way wonderful, stretching so far over all Egypt and most of Syria, and lasting so long. A strange State! wherein slavery was the first step to their throne, and apostasle the first article in their religion.   

Chap 20.  
The manner of the death of Frederick King of jerusalem; His Will, and posterity after him. An interregnum both in Germany and the Kingdom of jerusalem.  
IN this same year Frederick King of Jerusalem and Emperor of Germany ended his troublesome days. A Prince, who in the race of his life met with many rubs, some stumbles, no dangerous fall. Besides the Turk, he had to do with the Pope (the Pope immortal in his succession.) And though his Holiness was unfit for war (as being always old, and never ripe for that place till almost rotten) yet he used his own head, and commanded the hands of others; whereby he kept Frederick in a continual war. Yet never could he have beaten him with fair play, had he not used a weapon, if not against the law of Arms, against the law of God, and against which no guard, Arming his subjects against him, and Dispensing with the oath of allegiance.  
But he gave Frederick the mortal wound, in setting himself against himself; I mean, Henry his eldest son. And though Frederick easily conquered that rebellious youth, and made him fast enough, keeping him in prison in Apulia, where he died: yet he carried the grief hereof to his grave. For now he knew not where or in whom to place any confidence; as suspecting the single cord of Loyalty would not hold in others, which broke in his own son though twisted with Natural affection.  
The greatness of his spirit was a great hastening of his death; and being of a keen, eager, and active nature, the sharpness of the sword cut the scabbard the sooner asunder. Bow he could not, break he must. whatever is reported, he died of no other poison then sorrow, (which ushered him into a wasting ague) grief being a burden whereof the strongest shoulders can bear the least. As for the same, that 
* Bzovius, anno 1250. § 14.  Maufred his base son should stifle him with a pillow▪ though I must confess he might be taken on suspicion, as likely enough to play such a devilish prank; yet it is unreasonable, that he who is acquitted by the 
* Falsum ex ejus temporis hominum testimonio e●●e convinci●ur, Pantal. in Fred. 2●.  Authors of the same time, should be condemned on the evidence of the writers of after-ages.  
He died at Florence in an obscure castle on S. Lucy's day, having reigned King of Jerusalem three and twenty years. 
Dec. 13. As others▪ 26.  By his Will he bequeathed many ounces of gold to the Knight's Templars and Hospitallers, in recompense of the wrongs they had received by him. He left a great sum of money for the recovery of the Holy land, to be disposed at the discretion of the foresaid knights. He forbade any stately funeral for himself, though in his life immoderately excessive in pomp; as if he would do penance for his pride after death. A Prince, who had he not been hindered with domestical discords, would have equallized Caesar himself: For if thus bravely he ●aid about him, his hands being tied at home with continual dissensions, what would he have done if at liberty? A scandal is raised since his death, That he was but 
* Others say a falconers, or, a physicians. See Munster, De Italia, lib. 2. pag. 235.  a miller's son; but he would have ground them to powder who in his life-time durst have averred it. Indeed he was very happy in mechanical matters, such as we may term Liberal handicrafts; as casting, founding, carving in iron and brass: Nether did this argue a low soul, to dabble in such mean employments, but rather proved the amplitude and largeness thereof; of so general acquaintance, that no Art was a stranger to him. But the suspicion of his birth rose from the almost miraculous manner of it; Constantia his mother bearing him when well-nigh sixty years of age. But both in Scripture and other writers, we may see the sons of long barren-mothers' to have been fruitful in famous achievements.  
Pity it was that he had some faults: yea, pity it had been if he had not had some. But his vices indeed were notorious and unexcusable. Many wives and concubines he had, and by them many children. His wives. 
Gathered out of Lampad. Mellif. hist. part. 3. pag. 306.  His legitimate children. Their preferment. 1. Constantia, Queen of Arragon. Henry, who rebelled against him. King of the Roman●s. 2. jole, daughter to John Bren. Conrade. Duke of Suevia. 3. Agnes, daughter to the marquis of Moravia; childless divorced. 4. Rutina. 5. Isabel of Bavaria. Agnes. Married to Conrade Land●grave of Hessen. 6. Maud, daughter to John King of England. Constance. Wife to Lewis Land●grave of Hessen.  His base sons. His concubine Blanch. 1. Henzius. King of Sardin●a. 2. Maufred. Usurper of Sicily. 3. Frederick. Prince of Antioch.  
It is much, that succession adventured in so many several bottoms, should miscarry: Yet these four sons dying, left no lasting issue; and in the third generation frederick's stock, and that whole ra●e of Suevian Princes was extinct: Which in the judgement of some men was a judgement of God on him for his lasciviousness.  
We must not forget a memorable passage which happened more than twenty years after frederick's death: 
* Calvisius, anno 1285. ex Spang.  One Tylo Colupp, a notable juggler, sometime brought up at the Court, cunningly sowing together all the old shreds of his Courtship, 
Et Pantal. in Rodulpho Caesare.  and stretching them out with impudence, pretended to be Frederick the Emperor, long detained in captivity in Palestine. The difference betwixt their aspects was easily reconciled; for few Physiognomy marks are so deeply fixed in any face, but that age and misery will alter them. The credulity of the vulgar sort presently betrayed them to be cozened by him: yea, some Princes took this brass for gold without touching it. But the best engine which gave this puppet his motion, was a bruit constantly buzzed, That Frederick was not dead. For Princes, the manner of whole deaths hath been private and obscure, fame commonly conjureth again out of their graves, and they walk abroad in the tongues and brains of many, who affirm and believe them to be still alive. But the world soon suifeted of this cheater's forgery; and this glow-worm when brought into the light, shined no more, but at Nantes was burnt to ashes by Rodulphus the Emperor.  
After frederick's death there was an interregnum for three and twenty years in the Empire of Germany. True it is, that of some, William Earl of Holland (one without a beard, not valour) was nominated Emperor. The Spiritual electours chose Richard, brother to our King Henry the third. And as in Cornwall he got much coin, so Germany gave him a bottomless bag to put it in. A third party named Alphonse King of Castille, an admirable Mathematician: But the ointment of his name is marred with the dead fly of his Atheistical speech, That if he had been in God's stead, he could have framed the world better than now it is. Notwithstanding the best Dutch writers make an interregnum, as counting the Empire still a widow and all these rather her suitors then any her husband.  
In like manner also in Palestine there was not any King for fourteen years after frederick's death. The right indeed lay in Conrade Duke of Suevia, frederick's son by jole daughter to John Bren King of Jerusalem: But he was so employed in defending himself in Sicily against Mau●ted his base brother (who soon after dispatched him out of the way) that he had no leisure to prosecute his title to the fragments of his Kingdom of Jerusalem.   

Chap. 21.  
The Pastorells killed in France; King Lewis returned home.  
GO we back to King Lewis, who all this while stayed in Palestine, busying himself partly in building and fencing of Sidon and Caesarea, partly in composing discords betwixt the Pisans and Genoans, even proceeding to threaten them into agreement: But these armed men little cared for his naked menacing. He being also an excellent religious Antiquary and Critic on holy monuments, much employed himself in redeeming of old sacred places from the tyranny of time and oblivion.  
Mean time, 
1251  in his Kingdom of France happened this strange accident; An 
* Matth. Paris. pag. 1094.  Hungarian peasant, who is said to have been an apostate to Mahomet and well learned, gathered together many thousands of people, pretending they had intelligence from heaven to march to the Holy land. These took on them the name and habit of Pastorelli, poor shepherds; in imitation belike (as the Devil is God's ape) of those in the Gospel, who were warned by Angels in a vision to go to Bethlehem.  
Being to shape their course into Palestine, they went into France; showing they had a vertigo in their heads, mistaking the West for the East; or else, that like vagabonds they were never out of their way.  
The Holy Lamb was their ensign, but their actions neither holy nor lamblike. They pillaged and killed the poor Jews as they went (an unhappy nation, whose heads lie pat for every ones hands to hit, and their legs so stand in men's way that few can go by them without spurning at them:) Where they wanted Jews, they made Jews of Christians, especially if they were rich, using them with all cruelty. But at last near Bordeaux threescore thousand of them were slain, and the rest dispersed. A rhymer of that age (or in courtesy call him a Poet) made this Epitaph on them; 


* Magdeburg. Gem. 13. cap. 16. col. 698.  M semel, & bis C, LI conjungere disce;  
Duxit Pastorum saeva Megaera chorum.   

Learn to put together well,  
What M, C, C, L, I, do spell;  
When some devilish fiend in France  
Did teach the Shepherds how to dance.    

1253  By this time Lewis in Syria had stayed out the death and burial of all his hopes to receive succour from his own country. Long expecting in vain that France should come to him, he at last returned to it. The greatness of the burden he bore, made him to go the faster; 
Apr. 25.  and being loaden with debts to his Italian creditors, he secretly hasted home: Where safely arriving, besides loyalty to their Prince, love to a stranger was enough to make him welcome.   

Chap. 22.  
The conversion of the Tartarians. Haalon conquereth Persia, and extinguisheth the Caliphs' of Babylon.  
LEwis is gone, and left the Christians in Syria in a woeful condition, without hope of amendment. Now, can any good come out of Tartary? Can the Northern wind blow a comfortable warmth? Yea; see a strange vicissitude of things! 
Marinus Sanutus.  Haito the Christian King of Armenia had traveled to Mango the Cham of Tartary, 
Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 699.  to communicate to him the present danger of the Turks, and to consult of a remedy. He showed, how if order were not taken with them in time, they would over-runne all Asia: Let him not count that he lay out of their road, because of his remote situation: For what is the way wanderers will not trace? He might expect only this courtesy, to be last devoured. In conclusion, Haito prevailed so far with this Pagan, that he not only promised his assistance, but also was baptised, 
1254  and took the Christian religion on him: So also did his whole country by his example; and Christianity being the Court-fashion, none would be out of it. Never since the time of Constantine the Great, did the devil at once lose a greater morsel, or was there made a more hopeful accession to the Faith.  
Understand we this conversion of Tartary (though Authors predicate it universally of that whole country) only of Cathaia, the Eastern and most refined part of that Empire: For Cannibals were still in the North, who needed first to be converted to reason and to be made men, before they could become Christians. Also at this same time we find a swarm of Western Tartarian heathens foraging 
* Calvisius, ex Hist. Pol. in anno 1259.  Poland. So it seemeth, so vast was the Empire, that it was still night in the West, though it was day in the Eastern part thereof.  
Now, whether the conversion of these Tartarians was solemnly, deliberately, and methodically wrought by preaching, first those things wherein the light of Nature concurreth with Faith; then, those wherein humane reason is no foe but standeth neuter; such as are merely of Faith, leaving the issue of all to God, whose 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. thanasius.  oratory only can persuade souls: or whether (which is more probable) it was but tumultuously done, many on a sudden rather snatching then embracing religion, we will not dispute. Sure it is that Mango sent Haalon his brother (who is said to have married a wife an excellent Christian, 
1255  and 
* Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 2. pag. 5.  descended from the Wisemen who came to see our Saviour) with a great army to suppress the Turks and assist the Christians. It seemeth his army rid post; for falling into Persia, he conquered it sooner than one can well travel it, 
* So Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 112. The Magdeburgenses say less, Semestri spatio, Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 699.  in half a year. It facilitated his victory, because that country had much unfurnished herself to furnish her foreign colonies and garrisons in Syria: And generally active nations are strongest abroad, and weakest at home; where they are only strong with conceit of their strength believed in other country's. The city Samarchanda only resisted him. 
1256  Haalon seeing it would not come at the first, let it stay; counting it beneath a conqueror to tempt his fortune with a long siege, which perchance might alter the whole course of the cards, and make him rise a loser. Wherefore he himself only skimmed the cream of the conquest, and went away with what was easy and smooth, deputing an inferior captain to hew this knotty service; who after a long siege subdued it. For in respect of the age of this siege, that of Troy was but a child, it lasting 
* Magdeburg. & Knolls, ut prius.  seven and twenty years; and at last not taken but yielded up, the defendants then wanting clothes to cover their nakedness.  
From Persia Haalon marched to Babylon: 
1258  The Caliph whereof called Musteazem, was so superstitious an idolater to his wealth, that he would not provide necessaries for the defence of the city; and therefore it was quickly subdued. The covetous Caliph he 
* Calvisius, in anno 1158. ex Bizar●.  famished to death, and then filled his mouth with melted gold. Every where Mosques went down and Churches up.  
Hence into Mesopotamia: 
1260  which he instantly conquered, with the cities of Aleppo and Edessa. He won and restored many places to Conrade the Christian Prince of Antioch, which the Turks formerly detained from him. Yea, this Tartarian army so awed Melechem the Mammaluke Prince of Egypt, who succeeded Tarqueminus, that he durst not budge. And many other good offices this Haalon did to the Christians in Syria.   

Chap. 23.  
The discord betwixt the Genoans and Venetians, who burn the Genoans ships in Ptolemais.  
BUt they were unworthy of this happiness, who would not be at leisure to make use of it, but busied themselves in private dissensions, the Genoans against the Pisans and Venetians. These States (as many other in Italy) at this time were so proud in their Master's old clothes, they scarce knew themselves, grown brave with the feathers the Eagle had moulted, and set up by the breaking of the Emperor in Italy. The Venetians and Genoans were hardly matched: The Pisans were not so strong, but as stomachful as either of them, and then in this point of policy superior to both; That first siding with the Genoans, they whipped the Venetians: then when they were sufficiently humbled, taking part with the Venetians, they stripped and jashed the Genoans: and the scales being even before, Pisa made that weigh down by course wherein she cast her grains.  
Now not content to fall out at home within the doors of Italy, they must fight in Syria in the open street, where the Turks looked on and laughed at them; counting it in their apprehension as good sport as to see a spider poison a toad. Besides their old grudges transported hither out of Italy, this green wound was the cause of their dissension here: In Ptolemais these three States had their several streets, several markets for trading, and courts for causes both civil and criminal: but all three had one Church (that of S. Sabbas) common unto them, by the ordering of the Pope himself; who counted the same Church might serve the worshippers of the same God: But the 
* So saith Blondus. Decad. 2. lib. 8. pag. 308. But if we consult with Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 28. the Genoans and not the Venetians won Ptolemais.  Venetians by the virtue of an ancient agreement betwixt them and King Baldwine for their service in winning this city, challenged a peculiar interest therein. Hereabout was their old bustling; and in a tumult, the Genoans at that time surpassing for number, drove the Venetians out of the Church: Yea, Philip of Montfort, a French Governor of Ptolemais in the time of the interregnum, wanting not only policy for a Magistrate, but wit for a man (Blondus 
* L●co prius citato.  saith he was half-mad, and his actions speak him no less) compelled the Venetians generally to forsake the city.  
Implacably incensed hereat, the Venetians arm thirteen galleys which they had at Tyre, and coming to Ptolemais forced a sunder the chain which crossed the haven, and burned five and twenty ships of the Genoans which lay there. For alas! being straitened in the haven, they had no room (being entangled) to turn and free themselves one from another. And though united force be most forcible, yet not when so stifled and smothered that it cannot express and exercise itself. Many brave soldiers in these ships lost their lives in a bundle, without selling them, or ever opening their wares.  
To avenge this loss, the State of Genoa sent from home a navy of fifty ships of all sorts, which came to Tyre. There meet they with Reinetius Zenus Duke of Venice, with the united power of the Venetians and Pisans, counting no fewer than seventy four vessels well provided. They would have fought in the very haven of Tyre, but the Governor of the city forbade it: It would be more scandalous to Christianity; The roving fireballs might hurt the city, and sinking ships hinder the harbour; Besides, the conquered party would probably complain of the partiality of the place, that it more favoured one side; They should not fight under his nose; if they had a mind to it, let them out and try their fortunes in the open sea.   

Chap. 24.  
The Genoan navy beaten by the Venetian; Sea and land-service compared, both in danger and honour.  
ACcordingly it was performed; out they go and fall to their work. Their galleys, like Ostriches, used their legs more than their wings, more running with oars then flying with sails. At that time, before Ordinance was found out, ships were both guns and bullets themselves, and furiously ran one against another.  
They began with this arietation: Herein strength was much but not all; nimbleness was also very advantageous to break and slent the downright rushings of a stronger vessel. Then fell they to grappling: Here the steady ship had the better of it; and those soldiers who best kept their legs could best use their arms, the surest slander being always the foundest striker. Much valour was showed on both sides, and at last the victory fell to the Venetian. The Genoans losing five and twenty of their ships, fled, and saved the rest in the haven of Tyre, after a most cruel and desperate battle.  
And surely, generally sea-fights are more bloody than those on the land, especially since guns came up, whose shot betwixt wind and water (like those wounds so often mentioned in the Scripture under the fifth rib) is commonly observed mortal. Yea, full harder it is for a ship, when arrested and engaged in a battle, to clear itself, then for soldiers by land to save themselves by flight. Here neither his own two nor his horses four legs can bestead any; but like accidents they must perish with their subjects, and sink with their ship.  
And then why is the sea victory less honour, being more danger, than one achieved by land? Is it because sea-service is not so general, nor so full of varieties, and the mysteries thereof sooner learned? or because in sea-fights fortune may seem to be a deeper sharer, and valour not so much interested? Whatsoever it is, the laurel purchased on land hath a more lively verdure then that which is got at sea.  
We return to the Venetians: who using or rather abusing this conquest, enter Ptolemais, cast out all Genoans thence, throw down their buildings both public and private, demolish the fort which they had builded at S. Saba, rifle and spoil their shops, warehouses and storehouses: only the Pope prevailed so far with them, that they set at liberty the prisoners they had taken.  
Ten years did this war last betwixt these two States in Syria, composed at last (saith my Author) by the authority of Pope Clement the fourth, and by famine (the bad cause of a good effect) which in Palestine starved them into agreement. Longer these wars lasted betwixt them in Italy: their success, like the sea they fought on, ebbing and flowing. In this costly war Pisa was first beggared; and for all her politic partaking, Genoa at last trod so heavy upon her, that ever since she hath drooped and hung the wing, and at this day is maid to Florence, who formerly was mistress of a good part of Italy. But I have no calling and less comfort to prosecute these bloody dissensions: For wars of Christians against Infidels are like the heat of exercise, which serveth to keep the body of Christianity in health; but these civil wars amongst themselves, like the heat of a fever, dangerous, and destructive of religion.   

Chap. 25.  
Charles made King of Sicily and jerusalem by the Pope; Hugh King of Cyprus pretendeth also to go to jerusalem.  
WE have now gotten Pantaleon, a Frenchman, who succeeded Robert in the titular 
* Platina, in Urban. iv.  Patriarchship of Jerusalem, to be Pope, by the name of Urbane the fourth. To advance the Holy cause, after fourteen years interregnum in Syria, he appointed Charles Duke of Anjou, younger brother to King Lewis of France, King of Sicily and Jerusalem, and it was ratified by Clement the fourth his successor.  
This honour was first offered to Lewis himself; but piety had dried up in him all ambitious humours: then to our Henry of England; but his warre-wasted purse could not stretch to the Pope's price: At last, this Charles accepted it. 
1265  But it is not for any special favour to the bush, if a man run under it in a storm: it was no love to Charles, but to himself, to be sheltered from Maufred, that the Pope conferred this honour upon him. And the wife of Charles; that she might go in equipage with her three sisters, being Queens, sold all her 
* Besoldus, De reg. Sicil. pag. 645. & 649.  jewels to furnish her husband with money to purchase these Kingdoms: that sex loving bravery well, but greatness better.  
Now the Pope (whose well grounded and bounded bounty will never undo him; for where he giveth away the meat he selleth the sauce) 
* See these conditions at large (five and twenty in number) out of Io. Anton. Summ●nt. cited in Besoldus, pag. 647.  conditioned with Charles on these terms: First, that he should conquer Maufred then King of Sicily, who molested the Pope; and that he should finally subdue all the remaining race of Frederick the second, Emperor, who claimed that Kingdom. Secondly, in acknowledgement that he held these Kingdoms from the Pope, he should pay him an annual pension of four (some say forty) thousand pounds. Provided, if this Charles should chance to be chosen Emperor of Germany, that then he should either resign Sicily back again into the hands of his Holiness, 
* Platina, in Clem. iv.  or not accept the Empire. For he knew that all Emperors would be possessed with an anti-papall spirit; 
Neve Imperium Romanum, etiam ultrò oblatum, acciperet.  and that they would hold Sicily, not in homage from the Church, but as a member of the Empire: Besides, the Pope would not dispense that Princes should hold plurality of temporal Dominions in Italy; especially, he was so ticklish he could not endure the same Prince should embrace him on both sides.  
Ever since, the twinne-titles of Sicily and Jerusalem have gone together; and fit it is that the shadow should follow the substance. Charles subdued Maufred and Conradine his nephew (the last of the Suevian race, and grandchild to Emperor Frederick) and was possessed of Sicily, and lived there; but as for the gaining of Jerusalem, he little regarded it, nor came thither at all: A watchful King, who never slept in his Kingdom.  
His absence gave occasion to 
* Calvifius, in anno 1269. ex Marino Sanuto.  Hugh King of Cyprus to furbish up new his old title to the Kingdom, as lineally descended from Almerick the second. And coming to Ptolemais, he there was crowned King of Jerusalem: But the extremity of the famine (all things being excessive dear) much abated the solemnity and state of his Coronation. 
1269 Sept. 27.    

Chap. 26.  
The Tartarians alienated from the Christians; Bendocdar tyrannizeth over them, and Lewis King of France setteth forth again for to succour them.  
BUt betwixt two Kings the Kingdom went to the ground: 
1261  For 
* Calvisius, ex Marino Sanuto, in anno 1260.  Haalon the Tartarian Prince, and late Christian convert, was returned home to succeed his brother Mango in the Empire, leaving Abaga his son with competent forces in the city of Damascus, which he had won from the Turks. Soon after, Abaga followed his father, and substituted Guirboca his Lieutenant in Damascus.  
This Guirboca, upon the occasion of his nephew rashly slain by the Christians in a broil, 
1262  fell off wholly from Christianity, with all the Tartarians his countrymen. The occasion this; The Dutch Christian's return with great booty they had taken from the Turks; 
* Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 699.  Guirboca's nephew meeteth them, demandeth it for himself; the Christians deny him (as soldiers are very tender-conscienced in that point, counting it a great sin to part with the spoil they are possessed of:) hence brawls, than blows; Guirboca's nephew is slain: Hereat the Tartarians (who were very humorous in their friendship; if not observed to an inch, lost for ever) in discontent, all either reel aside to Mahomet, or fall back to Paganism.  
Herein the Christians cannot be excused: Infant-converts must be well tended. It had been discretion in them, even against discretion to have yielded a little to these Tartarians, and so to continue their amity, which was so advantageous to the Holy war. However, one may question the truth of their conversion, whether real at first: This spring was too forward to hold; and the speedy withering of their religion argueth it wanted root. And as tame foxes, if they break loose and return wild, do ten times more mischief than those which are wild from the beginning; so these renegadoes raged more furiously than any Pagans against religion. Guirboca sacrificed many Christians to the ghost of his nephew, destroyed Caesarea and burned it, using all cruelty against the inhabitants.  
Nor less were the Christians plagued at the same time with Bendocdar the Mammaluke Prince in Egypt; who succeeded Melechem, and every where raging against them, either killed or forced them to forswear their religion. The city of Joppa he took and burned; 
1268  and then won Antioch, slaying therein twenty thousand, and carrying away captive an hundred thousand Christians. But it may justly be suspected that these numbers were written first in figures, and therefore at too much length, when the adding of nothing may increase many thousands.  
These woeful tidings brought into Europe, so wrought on the good disposition of Lewis King of France, that he resolved to make a second voyage into Palestine to succour the Christians.  
He so fixed his mind on the journey's end, that he saw not the dangers in the way. His Counsel could not dissuade, though they did dissuade him. First, they urged, that he was old; let younger men take their turns: They recounted to him his former ill success; How lately had that hot country scorched the lilies of France, not only to the blasting of the leaves, but almost withering of the root? Besides, the sinews of the Christians in Syria were so shrunk, that though lifted up, they could not stand; That Nature decayed, but not thus wholly destroyed, was the subject of physic; That the Turks had got a habit of conquering, and riveted themselves into the possession of the country; so that this voyage would but fleet the cream of the Kingdom to cast it into the fire.  
But as a vehement flame maketh fevel of whatsoever it meeteth; so this Kings earnest resolution turned bridles into spurs, and hind rances into motives to his journey. Was he old? let him make the more speed, lest envious death should prevent him of this occasion of honour. Had he sped ill formerly? he would seek his credit where he lost it: Surely, Fortune's lottery had not all blanks, but that after long drawing he should light on a prize at last. Were the Christians in so low a case? the greater need they had of speedy help.  
Thus was this good King's judgement over-zealed. And surely though Devotion be the natural heat, Discretion (which wanted in him) is the radical moisture of an action, keeping it healthful, prosperous, and long-lived.  
Well, King Lewis will go, and to this end provideth his navy; and is accompanied with Philip and Tristram his Sons, Theobald King of Navarre his son in law, Alphonse his brother, and Guido Earl of Flanders. There went also Edward eldest son to Henry King of England. It was a wonder he would now adventure his head when he was to receive a Crown, his father being full-ripe to drop down without gathering, having reigned longer than most men live, fifty and five years. But thirsty was this Edward of honour: Longshanks was he called: and as his strides were large, so vast and wide was the extent of his desire. As for his good Father, he was content to let go the staff of his age for to be a prop to the Church. And though King Lewis was undiscreet in going this journey, he was wise in choosing this his companion, to have this active Prince along with him; it being good to eye a suspicious person, and not to leave him behind.  
With Edward went his brother Edmund Earl of Lancaster, surnamed Crouch-back; not that he was crook-shouldered, or camel-backed: (From which our English Poet most zealously doth vindicate him; 

* Harding, chap. 147.  Edmond like him the comeliest Prince alive,  
Not crook-baced, ne in no wise disfigured,  
As some men write, the right line to deprive,  
Though great falsehood made it to be scriptured.)  but from the Cross, anciently called a Crouch (whence Crouched Friars) which now he wore in his voyage to Jerusalem. And yet it maketh it somewhat suspicious, that in Latin 
* Vincents Discoveries of Brooks errors, Tit. Lancaster.  records he is never read with any other epithet then Gibbosus. But be he crooked or not, let us on strait with our story.   

Chap. 27.  
King Lewis besiegeth the city of Tunis; His death and commendation.  
LEwis now having hoist up sail, 
1270  it was concluded by the general consent of his Counsel, That to secure and clear the Christians passage to Palestine from pirates, they should first take the city of Carthage in Africa by the way.  
This Carthage long wrestled with Rome for the sovereignty, and gave as many foils as she took, till Scipio at last crushed out her bowels with one deadly fall. Yet long after the city stood before wholly demolished, to be a spur to put metal into the Romans, 
1270  and to be a foreign mark for their arrows, lest otherwise they should shoot against themselves. At last by the counsel of Cato it was quite destroyed: who alleged, That it was not safe to have a knife so near their throat; and though good use might be made of an enemy at arms end, yet it was dangerous to have him too close to one's side; as Carthage was within a day's sail from Rome.  
Out of the ruins of this famous city, Tunis arose; as often a stinking elder groweth out of the place where an oak hath been felled. Thieving was their trading: but then as yet they were Apprentices to piracy, whereof at this day they are grown Masters. Yea, not considerable was Tunis then in bigness, great only in mischief. But as a small scratch just upon the turning of a joint is more troublesome than a bigger sore in another place; so this paltry town (the refuge of rogues, and wanderers home) seated in the passage betwixt Europe, Asia, and Africa, was a worse annoyance to Christian traffic then a whole country of, Saracens elsewhere. Wherefore both to revenge the blood of many Christians, who passing this way to Palestine were either killed or taken captive, as also to secure the way for the time to come, Lewis with his whole fleet (augmented with the navy of Charles King of Sicily and Jerusalem, his brother) bent his course to besiege it.  
It was concluded both unnecessary and unfitting, first in a fair way to summon the city; because like pernicious vermin they were to be rooted out of the world by any means: nor was it meet to lavish the solemn ceremonies of war on a company of thiefs and murderers.  
The siege was no sooner begun but the plague seized on the Christian army: whereof thousands died; amongst others, Tristram King Lewis his son: And he himself of a flux followed after. This Lewis was the French Josia, both for the piety of his life and woefulness of his death, engaging himself in a needless war. Many good laws he made for his Kingdom: that not the worst, He first 
* Sr. Walter Ralegh, hist. part. 1. lib. 5. cap. 3.  retrenched his Baron's power to suffer parties to try their intricate titles to land by duels. He severely punished blasphemers, 
* Alf●nso Villeg. in the life of S. Lewis.  fearing their lips with an hot iron. And because by his command it was executed upon a great rich citizen of Paris, some said he was a tyrant: He hearing it, said before many, I would to God that with fearing my own lips I could banish out of my realm all abuse of oaths. He loved more to hear Sermons then to be present at Mass: whereas on the contrary our 
* Continuat. Matth. Paris. in anno 1273.  Henry the third said, he had rather see his God then hear another speak of him though never so well. His body was carried into France there to be buried, and was most miserably tossed; it being observed, that the sea cannot digest the crudity of a dead corpse, being a due debt to be interred where it dieth; and a ship cannot abide to be made a bier of. He was Sainted after his death by Boniface the eighth, and the five and twentieth day of August (on which day in his first voyage to Palestine he went on shipboard) is consecrated to his memory. Herein he had better luck then as good a man, I mean our Henry the sixth, who could not be canonised without a mighty sum of money; belike Angels making Saints at Rome.   

Chap. 28.  
Tunis taken; The French return home, whilst our Edward valiantly setteth forward for Palestine.  
BY this time Tunis was brought to great distress, 
1271  and at last on these conditions surrendered; That it should pay yearly to Charles King of Sicily and Jerusalem forty thousand crowns; That it should receive Christian Ministers freely to exercise their religion; If any Saracen would be baptised, he should be suffered; That all Christian captives should be set free; That they should pay back so much money as should defray the Christians charges in this voyage. Our Edward would needs have had the town beaten down, and all put to the sword; thinking the foulest quarter too fair for them. Their goods (because got by robbery) he would have sacrificed as an anathema to God, and burnt, to ashes: His own share he execrated, and caused it to be burnt, forbidding the English to save any thing of it; because that coals stolen out of that fire, would sooner burn their houses then warm their hands. It troubled not the consciences of other Princes to enrich themselves herewith, but they glutted themselves with the stolen honey which they found in this hive of drones: And which was worse, now their bellies were full they would go to bed, return home, and go no further. Yea, the young King of France, called Philip the Bold, was fearful to prosecute his journey to Palestine; whereas Prince Edward struck his breast, and swore, That though all his friends forsook him, yet he would enter Prolemais, though but only with Fow in his horsekeeper. By which speech he incensed the English to go on with him.  
The rest pleading the distemperature of the weather, 
1271  went to Sicily, in hope with change of air to recover their health: Where many of them found what they sought to avoid, death: amongst other, Theobald King of Navarre, and Isabella his wife, and William Earl of Flanders, who ended their days at Drepanum. Besides, their navy was pursuivanted after with a horrible tempest, and a curse (entailed either on their ill-gotten goods, or deserting God's cause, or both) arrested them in their return: so that of this great wealth little was landed in Europe, their ships being wracked, and the goods therein cast into the sea; with which the waves played a little, and then chopped them up at a morsel. Whilst the weather frowning on them, smiled on the English, Prince Edward no whit damnified either in his men or ships, with Elinor his tender consort then young with child, safely arrived at Ptolemais, to the great solace and comfort of the Christians there being in great distress.   

Chap. 29.  
Prince Edward's performance in Palestine: He is dangerously wounded; yet recovereth, and returneth home safe.  
AT his arrival the last stake of the Christians was on losing; For Bendocdar the Mammaluke Prince of Egypt and Syria, had brought Ptolemais to so low an ebb, that they therein resolved (if some unexpected succour reversed not their intentions) within three days to resign the city unto him. Edward landing stayed this precipitation, who arrived with his army there in the very interim, in opportunity itself, which is the very quintessence of time; so that all concluded his coming (thus hitting the mark) was guided by the hand of an especial providence.  
And now those who before in despair would have thrown up their cards, hope at least to make a saving game; and the Christians taking comfort and courage, both defy their enemies, and their own thoughts of surrendering the city. Prince Edward having sufficiently manned and victualled Ptolemais, taking six or seven thousand soldiers, marched to Nazareth; which he took, and slew those he found there. After this, about midsummer, understanding the Turks were gathered together at Cakhow forty miles off, very early in the morning he set upon them, slew a thousand, and put the rest to flight.  
In these skirmishes he gave evident testimonies of his personal valour: Yea, in cold blood he would boldly challenge any Infidel to a duel. To speak truth, this his conceived perfection was his greatest imperfection: For the world was abundantly satisfied in the point of his valour; yet such was his confidence of his strength, and eagerness of honour, that having merited the esteem of a most stout man, he would still supererogate: yea, he would proffer to fight with any mean person, if cried up by the volge for a tall man: this daring being a general fault in great spirits, and a great fault in a General, who staketh a pearl against a piece of glass. The best was, in that age a man fight with sword and buckler, had in a manner many lives to lose; and duels were not dangerous.  
Whilst he stayed at Ptolemais, Elinor his Lady was delivered of a fair daughter, called from her birthplace Joan of Acres: But fear of her husband's death abated her joy at her daughter's birth. The Turks not matching him in valour, thought to master him with treachery, which was thus contrived: The Admiral of Joppa, a Turk, pretended he would turn Christian, and employed one Anzazim an Assasine in the business betwixt him and Prince Edward; who carried himself so cunningly, that by often repairing to our Prince he got much credit and esteem with him.  

* Continuas. Matth. Paris. in anno 1272 pag. 1345.  Some write, this Anzazim was before always bred under ground, (as men keep hawks and warre-horses in the dark, to make them more fierce) that so coming abroad, he should fear to venture on no man. But sure, so cunning a companion had long conversed with light, and been acquainted with men, yea, Christians and Princes, as appeareth by his complying carriage; else, if he had not been well read in their company, he could not have been so perfect in his lesson. But let him be bred any where, or in hell itself: For this was his religion, To kill any he was commanded, or on the non-performance willingly to forfeit his life.  
The fifth time of his coming he brought Prince Edward letters from his Master, 
1272  which whilst he was reading alone and lying on his bed, he struck him into the arm with an envenomed knife. Being about to fetch another stroke, the Prince with his foot gave him such a blow that he felled him to the ground; and wresting the knife from him, ran the Turk into the belly, and slew him; yet so, that in struggling he hurt himself therewith in the forehead. At this noise in sprang his servants, and one of them with a stool beat the brains out of the dead Turk's head, showing little wit in his own; and the Prince was highly displeased, that the monument of his valour should be stained with another's cruelty.  
It is storied, how 
* Speed, in Edward the first.  Elinor his Lady sucked all the poison out of his wounds, without doing any harm to herself: So sovereign a medicine is a woman's tongue, anointed with the virtue of loving affection. Pity it is so pretty a story should not be true, (with all the miracles in Lovers Legends) and sure he shall get himself no credit, who undertaketh to confute a passage so sounding to the honour of the sex: Yet can it not stand with what 
* See Fox Martyrolog. pag. 337.  others have written; How the Physician who was to dress his wounds, spoke to the Lord Edmund and the Lord John Voysie to take away Lady Elinor out of the Prince's presence, lest her pity should be cruel towards him, in not suffering his sores to be searched to the quick. And though she cried out and wrung her hands, Madam, said they, be contented; it is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the Realm of England should lament a great season: And so they conducted her out of the place. And the Prince, by the benefit of physic, good attendance, and an antidote the Master of the Templars gave him, showed himself on horseback whole and well within fifteen days after.  
The Admiral of Joppa hearing of his recovery, utterly disavowed that he had any hand in the treachery: as none will willingly father unsucceeding villainy. True it is, he was truly sorrowful; whether because Edward was so bad, or no worse wounded, he knoweth that knoweth hearts. 
* P. Aemyl. in D. Ludovico, pag. 227.  Some wholly acquit him herein, and conceive this mischief proceeded from Simon Earl of Montforts' hatred to our Prince, who bearing him and all his kindred an old grudge for doing some conceived wrong to his father, (in very deed, nothing but justice to a rebel) hired, as they think, this Assasine to murder him; as a little before for the same quarrel he had served Henry son to Richard King of the Romans, and our Edward's cousin german, at Viterbo in Italy. It is much this Simon living in France should contrive this Prince's death in Palestine: but malice hath long arms, and can take men off at great distance. Yea, this addeth to the cunning of the engineer, to work unseen; and the further from him the blow is given, the less is he himself suspected.  
Whosoever plotted, God prevented it, and the Christians there would have revenged it, but Edward would not suffer them. In all haste they would have marched and fallen on the Turks, had not he 
* Continuat. Matth. Paris. in anno 1272. pag. 1347.  dissuaded them, because then many Christians unarmed, and in small companies, were gone to visit the Sepulchre, all whose throats had then probably been cut before their return.  
Eighteen months he stayed at Ptolemais, and then came back through Italy, without doing any extraordinary matter in Palestine. What music can one string make when all the rest are broken? what could Edward do alone, when those Princes fell back on whom the project most relied? Lewis and Charles were the main undertakers; Edward entertained but as an adventurer and sharer: and so he furnished himself accordingly, with competent forces to succour others, but not to subsist of themselves. But as too often, where the principal miscarrieth, the second and sureties must lie at the stake to make the debt good: so in their default he valiantly went forward, though having in all but thirteen ships and some thousands of men, (too many for a plain Prince to visit with, and too few for a great one to war with) and performed what lay within the compass of his power. In a word, his coming to Ptolemais and assisting them there, was like a cordial given to a dying man, which doth piece out his life (or death rather) a few groans and as many gasps the longers.  
By this time Henry his aged father being dead (his lamp not quenched but going out for want of oil) the English Nobility came as far as the Alps in Savoy to wait on Edward in his return. Leave we him then to be attended home by them to receive the Crown, to which no less his virtues then birth entitled him. Since the Conquest he was the first King of his name, and the first that settled the Law and State (deserving the style of 
* Sr. Robert Cotton, in his Henry iii  England's Justinian) and that freed this Kingdom from the wardship of the Peers; showing himself in all his actions after, capable to command not the realm only but the whole world.   

Chap. 30.  
Rodulphus the Emperors voyage to Palestine hindered. The Duke of Mechlenburg his captivity and enlargement.  
BEfore Edward's departure, Hugh King of Jerusalem and Cyprus concluded a peace (to our 
* Marinus Sanutus.  Princes small liking) with the Mammaluke Sultan of Egypt, to hold only in and near Ptolemais; whereby the Christians had some breathing-time. But that which now possessed all men's thoughts and talk in Syria, was the expectation of Rodulphus to come thither with a great army; who (after two and twenty years interregnum) was chosen Emperor of Germany.  
This Rodulphus was a mean Earl of Haspurg (Frederick the 
1273  last Emperor was his 
* Pantal. De illustr. Germ. part. 2. in vita Rodulphi.  godfather; who little thought, that having so many sons of his own, his godson should next succeed him) and lived in a private way. But now the Empire refusing her rich suitors, married this Earl without any portion, only for pure love. A preferment beyond his expectation, not above his deserts: For Germany had many bigger lights, none brighter. Pope Gregory the tenth would not ratify his election, but on this condition, That he should in person march with an army to Palestine. And though this was but an old policy, To send the Emperors far away, that so he might command in chief in their absence; yet his Holiness did so turn and dress this third-bare plot with specious pretences of piety, that it passed for new and fresh, especially to those that beheld it at distance. But Rodulphus could not be spared out of Germany, being there employed in civil discords: The knees of the Dutch Princes were too stiff to do him homage, till he softened them by degrees. And indeed he was not provided for the Holy war, and wanted a stock of his own to drive so costly a trade, having no paternal lands considerable, no bottom to begin on; though through his thrift and providence he first laid the foundation of the Austrian family.  
Yet somewhat to answer expectation, 
1275  he sent Henry Duke of Mechlenburg with competent forces into Palestine: Who coming to Ptolemais, made many notable incursions into the country about Damascus, with fire and sword destroying all as he went, and carrying thence many rich booties; till at last he was circumvented & taken prisoner by the Mammalukes. Twenty six years he lived in captivity, keeping his conscience free all the while: At last the Sultan of Egypt (a renegado German, who formerly had been engineer to this Duke's father) set him at liberty, together with Martin his servant; that he who so long had shared of his misery, might also partake of his happiness. No sooner had this Duke put to sea, but he was again taken by pirates; and the Sultan, out of pity to this distressed Prince, and out of scorn that fortune should frustrate and defeat his real courtesy, set him free again. At last he came safely home, and was there welcomed with as much wonder as joy; his subjects conceiving his return a resurrection, having buried him in their thoughts long before.  
Here he found 
* Pantal. De illustr. Germ. part. 2. pag. 245.  two counterfeits, who pretended themselves to be this Duke, and on that title challenged lodging with Anastasia his Lady. But the one of them had a softer bedfellow provided him, a pool of water, wherein he was drowned; the other was made a bonfire of, to solemnize the joy of the Duke's return.   

Chap. 31.  
Charles King of jerusalem; His intentions in Syria stopped by the Sicilian Vespers; His death, and son's succession.  
BY this time Charles King of Jerusalem and Sicily had made great preparations for the Holy war. And to make his claim to the Kingdom of Jerusalem the stronger, he bought also the title of Maria Domicella Princess of Antioch, which pretended aright to the same. He sent also Roger the Count of S. Severine as his Viceroy to Ptolemais: where he was honourably received in despite of Hugh King of Cyprus, by the especial favour of Albertine Morisine the Venetian Consul there. And now his navy was reported to be ready, and that by the way he had a project upon Michael Paleologus the Emperor of Greece: When all his intentions were suddenly blasted; it so happening, that on Easter day, as the bell tolled to Evensong, all the throats of the Frenchmen in Sicily were cut in a moment by the natives thereof, and that Island won by Peter King of Arragon. The grand contriver of this massacre was one Jacobus Prochyta a Physician; and I dare say he killed more in an hour than he cured all his life-time.  
Those that condemn the Sicilians herein, cannot excuse the French; such formerly had been their pride, lust, covetousness, and cruelty to the people of that Island, putting them causelessly to exquisite torture, so that an ordinary hanging was counted an extraordinary favour. But the secrecy of contriving this slaughter of the French was little less than miraculous; that so many knowing it, none should discover it; like cunning dogs, barking in triumph after they had bitten, not before, to give any warning. Hence grew the proverb of the Sicilian Vespers; 
1282  though their Evensong was nothing to the English Matins intended in the Gunpowder-Treason. Mean time King Charles was at Rome, beholding the making of Cardinals, when this doleful news was brought unto him, and struck him to the heart. He survived a year or two longer, but dull and melancholic, living as it were without life, and died at last, having reigned King of Jerusalem twenty year. A Prince which had tasted of various success; fortune for a while smiling on him, and at last laughing at him.  
His son Charles succeeded him in the Kingdom of Naples and 
1284  in the title of Jerusalem. He was surnamed Cunctator, Delayer; not in the same sense as Fabius the Shield of Rome was so called: he only stayed till opportunity was come; our Charles, till it was passed. I find nothing memorable of him except this, That offended with the Templars in Palestine for taking part against him with the King of Cyprus, he seized on their lands, and confiscated all their goods they had in Naples or any other part of his dominions, How ever, let him have room in the catalogue of our Kings of Jerusalem. For as high hills near the seaside, though otherwise never so base and barren ground, yet will serve to be sea-marks for the direction of mariners: so this Charles, together with Hugh, John, and Henry, Kings of Cyprus, pretending also to Jerusalem, though we read nothing remarkable of them, will become the front of a page, and serve to divide and distinguish times, and to parcel the history the better to our apprehension. As for the bare anatomy of their reign (for we find it not fleshed with any history) with the dates of their beginnings and end, we shall present it to the reader hereafter in our Chronologie.   

Chap. 32.  
The succession of the Mammaluke Princes in Egypt. Alphir taketh Tripoli and Tyre; The woeful estate of Ptolemais.  
BUt whilst these titular Kings slept, the Mammaluke Princes were vigilant to infest the relics of the Christians in Palestine: Which Princes succession we will adventure to set down; nor are we discouraged with the difficulties which encounter us herein. The hardness in the story of the Mammalukes proceedeth (as we conceive) from one of these causes: First the State is not written directly, but by reflection; not storied by any constant writer of their own, but in snaps and parcels, as the Chroniclers, of neighbouring Christian countries have catched at them. Secondly, out of a popular error, their chief Captains by reason of their large authority pass for absolute Kings. Thirdly, the same King hath many names, and the same name by translation in sundry languages is strangely disguised. However, we will use our best conjectures in these uncertainties: and a dim candle is better than no light.  
Bendocdar or Bandodacar, otherwise Melechdaet, was the last Egyptian Prince we mentioned. A dangerous man to the Christians, but that Abaga the Tartarian took him to task, and kept him in continual employment. This Abaga had a pretty trick to make cowards valiant, causing them that ran away from the battle, ever after to wear women's clothes. Bendocdar died at Damascus of a 
* Vide Calvisium in anno 1227. & Magdeburg. Cent. 13.  wound he received in Armenia: or, as some say, by cold in swimming over Euphrates.  
Elpis succeeded him, his 
* Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. Col. 701.  son (say some) but the Mammalukes laws forbid that except his extraordinary worth was his faculty, and dispenied with him ad succedendum patri. But who knoweth not that the Eastern tongue speaketh nephews and kinsmen to be sons? Some wholly omit him; enough to make us suspect that he was only some Deputy clapped in to stop up the vacancy till Melechsaites was chosen.  
Melechsaites (called by Marinus, Melechmessor) won the strong castle of Mergath from the Hospitallers. He much loved and was very bountiful to the Carmelites, who lived dispersed in Syria: 
1285  but afterwards he banished them out of his country, because they altered their habit, and wore white coats at the appointment of Pope Honorius; the Turks being generally enemies to innovations, and loving constancy in old customs. Nor was this any mishap but an advantage to the Carmelites, to lose their dwellings in Syria, and gain better in Europe, where they planted themselves in the fattest places: So that he who knoweth not to choose good ground, let him find out an house of the Carmelites (a mark that faileth not) for his direction.  
Alphir was next to Melechsaites, 
1289  otherwise called Elsi. He perceiving that now or never was the time finally to expel the Christians out of Palestine, whilst the Princes in Europe were in civil wars, besieged and won Tripoli, Sidon, Berytus, and Tyre, beating them down to the ground, but suffering the inhabitants on some conditions to depart. Nothing now was left but Ptolemais: which Alphir would not presently besiege, lest he should draw the Christians in Europe upon him; but concluded a peace for five years with the Venetians, as not willing wholly to exasperate them by winning all from them at once, and thinking this bitter potion would be better swallowed by them at two several draughts.  
Mean time Ptolemais was in a woeful condition. In it were some of all countries; so that he who had lost his nation, might find it here. Most of them had several courts to decide their causes in; and the plenty of Judge's cause●● the scarcity of justice, malefactors' appealing to a trial in the courts of their own country. 〈◊〉 was sufficient innocence for any offender in the Venetian court, that he was a Venetian. Personal acts were entitled national, and made the cause of the country. Outrages were everywhere practised, nowhere punished; as if to spare Divine revenge the pains of overtaking them, they would go forth and meet it. At the same time, there were in fitters about prosecuting their titles to this city, no fewer than the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, Florentines, the Kings of Cyprus and Sicily, the Agents for the Kings of France and England, the Princes of Tripoli and Antioch, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Masters of the Templars and Hospitallers, and (whom I should have named first) the Legate of his Holiness, all at once with much violence contending about the right of right nothing, the title to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and command of this city; like bees, making the greatest humming and buzzing in the hive when now ready to leave it.   

Chap. 33.  
Ptolemais besieged, and taken by Sultan Serapha.  
WIthin the city were many voluntaries lately come over, five hundred whereof were of the Pope's furnishing. But belike he failed afterwards in his payment to them, the golden tide flowing not so fast out as into his Holiness coffers. The soldiers being not paid, according to their blunt manners, would pay themselves; and marching out, pillaged the country, contrary to the truce: Sultan Serapha (who succeeded Alphir) demanding restitution, is denied, & his Ambassadors ill entreated.  
Hereupon he sitteth down before the city with six hundred thousand men. 
1290  But we are not bound to believe that Alexander's soldiers were so big as their shields speak them which they left in India, nor Asian armies so numerous as they are reported. Allow the Turks dominions spacious and populous, and that they rather drained than chose soldiers; yet we had best credit the most niggardly writers, which make them an hundred and fifty thousand. Serapha resolveth to take it, conceiving so convenient a purchase could not be over-bought: The place, though not great, yet was a mote in the eye of the Turkish Empire, and therefore pained them.  
Peter Belvise Master of the Templars, a valiant Captain, had the command of the city assigned him by general consent. He encouraged the Christians to be valiant, not like prodigal heirs to lose this city for nothing, which cost their grandfathers so much blood; at least let them give one blaze of valour ere their candle went out. How should they show their friends their faces, if they showed their foes their backs! Let them fight it out manfully; that so, if forced at last to surrender it, they might rather be pitied for want of fortune then justly blamed for lack of valour.  
And now Ptolemais being to wrestle her last fall, stripped herself of all cumbersome clothes: women, children, aged persons, weak folks (all such hindering help, and mouths without arms) were sent away; and twelve thousand remained, conceived competent to make good the place.  
Serapha marcheth up furiously; his men assault the city, with open jaws ready to devour it, had not their mouths been stopped with the artillery the Christians shot at them. Back they were beaten, and many a Turk slain. But Serapha was no whit sensible thereof: who willingly would lose a thousand men in a morning for a breakfast, double so many at a dinner, and continue this costly ordinary for some days together; yea, in spite he would spend an ounce of Turkish blood, to draw a drop of Christian.  
In this conflict Peter Belvise was slain with a poisoned arrow: A loss above grieving for. Many were strong in desiring the honour who were weak to discharge the office. But the worst mischief was; the Christians were divided amongst themselves, and neglected to defend the city, conceiving that though that was taken, yet every particular nation could defend itself, having their buildings severally fortified: And this dangerous fancy took off their thoughts from the public good, and fixed them on their private ends. Mean time, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and others (some name with them Henry King of Jerusalem and Cyprus) more seeking their safety then honour, secretly fled (with their bodies after their hearts) out of the city; and some of them shunning a noble death, fell on a base end, being drowned in the sea. Their cowardliness is imputed by some Authors to all the rest; whereas it appeareth on the contrary, they most valiantly behaved themselves.  
At last, 
1291  the Turks entered the city by undermining the walls, and conceived their work now done, when it was new begun. For they found Ptolemais not a city, but a heap of cities thrown together: wherein the people of every country so fenced themselves in their several sorts, that they powdered the Turks with their shot when they entered the streets. It is hardly to be paralleled in any siege, that a taken city was so long before it was taken: for it held out fifty days; and the Knights Hospitallers made good their castle for 
* Lampad. Mellif. bist. part. 3. pag. 313.  two whole months together. But alas! as the several parts of Insecta being cut asunder, may wriggle and stir a while, not live long; so these divided limbs could not long subsist, and at last most of them were slain.  
Yet was it a bloody victory to the Turks; most of them that entered the city being either burned with fire, or killed arrows, or smothered with the fall of towers, the very ruins (as thirsty of revenge) killing those that ruined them.  
Serapha evened all to the ground, and (lest the Christians should ever after land here) demolished all buildings; the Turks holding this position, That the best way to be rid of such vermin, is to shave the hair clean off, and to destroy all places wherein they may nestle themselves.  
Some say he ploughed the ground whereon the city stood, and sowed it with corn: but an 
* Sand. Trau. pag. 204.  eyewitness affirmeth, that still there remain magnificent ruins, seeming rather wholly to consist of divers conjoined castles, than any way intermingled with private dwellings.  
No fewer than an hundred thousand Latin Christians (all that were left in Syria) fled at this time into Cyprus. It is strange what is reported, 
* Lampad. pag. 312.  That above five hundred matrons and virgins of noble blood, standing upon the shore of Ptolemais, and having all their richest jewels with them, cried out with lamentable voice, and proffered to any mariner that would undertake safely to land them any where, all their wealth for his hire, and also that he should choose any one of them for his wife. Then a certain mariner came, and transporting them all freely, safely landed them in Cyprus; nor by any enquiry could it after be known (when he was sought for to receive his hire) who this mariner was, nor whither he went.  
The Hospitallers for haste were fain to leave their treasure behind them, and hide it in a vault; which being made known from time to time to their successors, was fetched from thence by the 
* Sand. Trau. pag. 204.  galleys of Malta about three hundred years afterwards. Henry King of Cyprus to his great cost and greater commendation, gave free entertainment to all Pilgrims that fled hither, till such time as they could be transported to their own countries; and thanks was all the shot expected of these guests at their departure.  
Thus after an hundred ninety and four years ended the Holy war; for continuance the longest, for money spent the costliest, for bloodshed the cruelest, for pretences the most pious, for the true intent the most politic the world ever saw. And at this day, the Turks to spare the Christians their pains of coming so long a journey to Palestine, have done them the unwelcome courtesy, to come more than half the way to give them a meeting.   
The end of the fourth Book.    

A Supplement of the History of the HOLY WAR.  

Book V.  

Chap. 1.  
The executing of the Templars in France.  
MY task is done. 
Anno Dom.  Whatsoever remaineth is voluntary and over-measure, only to hem the end of our history that it ravel not out: As to show, What became of the Templars, the Teutonick Order, and the Hospitallers; What were the hindrances of this war; What nation best deserved in it; What offers were afterwards made to recover Jerusalem; By how many challengers that title at this day is claimed; What is the present strength of Jerusalem; What hope to regain it; with some other passages which offer attendance on these principal heads.  
Know then, Some nineteen years after the Christians had lost all in Palestine, the Templars, by the cruel deed of Pope Clement the fifth, and foul fact of Philip the Fair King of France, 
1310  were finally 
* Sabellicus, Enn. 9 lib. 7. Platina, in vita Clem. V.  exstirpared out of all Christendom. The history thereof is but in twilight, not clearly delivered, but darkened with many doubts and difficulties: We must pick out letters and syllables here and there aswell as we may; all which put together spell thus much.  
Pope Clement having long sojourned in France, had received many real courtesies from Philip the King; yea, he owed little less than himself to him. At last, Philip requested of him a boon, great enough for a King to ask and a Pope to grant; namely, all the lands of the Knight's Templars through France, forfeited by reason of their horrible heresies and licentious living. The Pope was willing to gratify him in some good proportion for his favours received (as thankfulness is always the badge of a good nature) and therefore being thus long the King's guest, he gave him the Templars lands and goods to pay for his entertainment.  
On a sudden all the Templars in France they clapped into prison, wisely catching those Lions in a net, which had they been fairly hunted to death, would have made their part good with all the dogs in France. Damnable sins were laid to their charge; as, sacrificing of men to an idol they worshipped, roasting of a Templars bastard and drinking his blood, spitting upon the cross of Christ, conspiring with Turks and Saracens against Christianity, Sodomy, bestiality, with many other villainies out of the road of humane corruption, and as far from man's nature as God's law.  
Well; the Templars thus shut in prison, their crimes were half-proved. The sole witness against them was one of their own Order, a notorious malefactor; who at the same time being in prison and to suffer for his own offences, condemned by the Master of their Order, sought to prove his own innocency by charging all his own Order to be guilty. And his case standing thus, he must either kill or be killed, die or put others to death, he would be sure to provide water enough to drive the mill, and fwore most heartily to whatsoever was objected against the Order. Besides, the Templars being brought upon the rack, confessed the accusations to be true wherewith they were charged. Hereupon all the Templars through France were most cruelly burned to death at a stake, with James the grand Master of their Order.   

Chap. 2.  
Arguments produced on either side, both for the innocence and guiltiness of the Templars.  
THere is scarce a harder question in later history than this, Whether the Templars justly or unjustly were condemned to suffer. On the one side, it is dangerous to affirm they were innocent, because condemned by the Pope, infallible in matters of such consequence. This bugbear affrighteth many, and maketh their hands shake when they write hereof. If they should say the Templars were burned wrongfully, they may be fetched over the coals themselves for charging his Holiness so deeply; yea, hereby they bring so much innocent blood on the Pope's head as is enough to drown him: Some therefore in this matter know little, 
1310  and dare speak less, for fear of afterclaps. Secondly, some who suspect that one eye of the Church may be dim; yet hold that both the eyes, the Pope and general Council together, cannot be deceived.  
Now the Council of Vienne countenanced the exstirpation of the Templars, determined the dissolution of their Order, and adjudged their lands to be conferred to the Knights-Hospitallers. Men ought then to be well advised how they condemn a general Council to be accessory post factum to the murder of so many men.  
For all this, those who dare not hollow, do whisper on the other side, accounting the Templars not malefactors but martyrs: First, because the witness was unsufficient, a malefactor against his Judge; and secondly, they bring tortured men against themselves. Yea, there want not those that maintain that a confession extorted on the rack is of no validity, If they be weak men and unable to endure torment, they will speak any thing; and in this case their words are indicted not from their heart but outward limbs that are in pain: and a poor conquest it is, to make either the hand of a child to beat, or the tongue of the tortured man to accuse himself. If they be sturdy and stubborn, whose backs are paved against torments, such as bring brazen sides against steely whips, they will confess nothing. And though these Templars were stout and valiant men, yet it is to be commended to one's consideration, whether slavish and servile souls will not better bear torment, then generous spirits, who are for the enduring of honourable danger and speedy death, but not provided for torment, which they are not acquainted with, neither is it the proper object of valour.  
Again, it is produced in their behalf, that being burned at the stake, they denied it at their death, though formerly they had confessed it; and whose charity, if not stark-blind, will not be so tender-eyed as to believe that they would not breathe out their soul with a lie, and wilfully contract a new guilt in that very instant wherein they were to be arraigned before the Judge of heaven? A Templar being to be burned at Bordeaux, and seeing the Pope and King Philip looking out at a window, cried unto them, 
* Hospin. de orig. Mon. cap. 18. fol. 193.  Clement thou cruel Tyrant, seeing there is no higher amongst mortal men to whom I should appeal for my unjust death, I cite thee together with King Philip to the tribunal of Christ the just Judge who redeemed me, there both to appear within one year and a day; where I will lay open my cause, and justice shall be done without any by-respect. In like manner, 
* P. Aemylim in Philippo Pulchro.  James grand Master of the Templars, though by piece-meal he was tortured to death, craved pardon of God, and those of his Order, that forced by extremity of pain on the rack, 
1301  and alured with hope of life, he had accused them of such damnable sins, whereof they were innocent.  
Moreover, the people with their suffrage acquitted them: happy was he that could get an handful of their ashes into his bosom, as the Relic of pious martyrs, to preserve. Indeed little heed is to be given to people's humours; whose judgement is nothing but prejudice and passion, and commonly envy all in prosperity, pity all in adversity, though often both undeservedly: And we may believe that the beholding of the Templars torments when they were burned, wrought in the people first a commiserating of their persons, and so by degrees a justifying of their cause. However vulgus non semper errat, aliquando elìgit: and though it matters little for the gales of a private man's fancy, yet it is something when the wind bloweth from all corners: And true it is, they were generally cried up for innocents'.  
Lastly, Pope Clement and King Philip were within the time prefixed summoned by death to answer to God for what they had done. And though it is bad to be busy with God's secrets; yet an argment drawn from the event, especially when it goeth in company with others, as it is not much to be depended on, so it is not wholly to be neglected. Besides, King Philip miss of his expectation, and the morsel fell besides his mouth; for the lands of the Templars, which were first granted to him as a portion for his youngest son, were afterwards by the Council of Vienne bestowed on the Knights-Hospitallers.   

Chap. 3.  
A moderate way what is to be conceived of the suppression of the Templars.  
BEtwixt the two extremities of those that count these Templars either Malefactors or Martyrs, some find a middle way; whose verdict we will parcel into these several particulars.  
1. No doubt there were many novices and punies amongst them, newly admitted into their Order; which if at all, were little guilty; for none can be fledge in wickedness at their first hatching: To these much mercy belonged: The punishing of others might have been an admonition to them; and cruelty it was, where there were degrees of offences, to inflict the same punishment, 
1310  and to put all of them to death.  
2. Surely many of them were most heinous offenders. Not to speak what they deserved from God (who needeth not pick a quarrel with man, but always hath a just controversy with him) they are accounted notorious transgressors of humane laws: yet perchance if the same candle had been lighted to search, as much dust and dirt might have been found in other Orders.  
3. They are 
* Urspergens. Paralip. fol. 368.  conceived in general to be guiltless and innocent from those damnable sins wherewith they were charged: Which heinous offences were laid against them, 
Antonius; tit. 21. cap. 1. §. 3●.  either because men out of modesty and holy horror should be ashamed and afraid to dive deep in searching the groundwork and bottom of these accusations, but rather take them to be true on the credit of the accusers; or that the world might the more easily be induced to believe the crimes objected to be true, as conceiving otherwise none would be so devilish as to lay such devilish offences to their charge; or lastly, if the crimes were not believed in the total sum, yet if credited in some competent portion, the least particular should be enough to do the deed, and to make them odious in the world.  
4. The chief cause of their ruin was their extraordinary wealth: They were feared of many, envied of more, loved of none. As Naboths vineyard was the chiefest ground for his blasphemy, and as in England, 
* Camden's Brit. in Bedfordshire.  Sr John Cornwall Lord Fanhop said merrily, That not he, but his stately house at Ampthill in Bedford-shire, was guilty of high treason: so certainly their welath was the principal evidence against them, and cause of their overthrow. It is quarrel and cause enough, to bring a sheep that is fat to the shambles. We may believe King Philip would never have taken away their lives if he might have took their lands without putting them to death: but the mischief was, he could not get the honey unless he burned the bees.  
Some will say, The Hospitallers had great, yea greater revenues, nineteen thousand Manors to the Templars nine thousand; yet none envied their wealth. It is true: but then they busied themselves in defending of Christendom, maintaining the Island of Rhodes against the Turks, as the Teutonick order defended Pruss-land against the Tartarian; the world therefore never grudged them great wages who did good work. These were accounted necessary members of Christendom, the Templars esteemed but a superfluous wen; they lay at rack and manger and did nothing: who had they betook themselves to any honourable employment, to take the Turks to task either in Europe or Asia, their happiness had been less repined at, and their overthrow more lamented. And certain it is, that this their idleness disposed them for other vices; as standing waters are most subject to putrify.  
I hear one 
* Jacob. Stephanus, De jurisdictione, lib. 4. cap. 10. §. 18.  bird sing a different note from all the rest in the wood; namely, that what specious shows soever were pretended, the true cause of their ruin was, that they began to desert the Pope and adhere to the Emperor. If this was true, no doubt they were deeply guilty, and deserved the hard measure they suffered. Sure I am, however at this time they might turn edge, they had formerly been true blades for his Holiness.  
All Europe followed the copy that France had set them. Here in England King Edward the second of that name, suppressed the Order, and put them to death; So by virtue of a writ sent from him to Sir John Wogan, Lord chief Justice in Ireland, were they served there; and such was the secrecy of the contrivance of the business, that the storm fell upon them before they saw it, and all the crannies were so closely stopped that none could steal a glimpse of the mischief intended against them.  
In Germany they found some mercy and milder dealing: 
1311  for 
* Hospin. De orig. Mon. cap. 18. fol. 193.  Hugh Wildgrave coming with twenty of his Order all in armour into a Council of Dutch Bishops, who intended to execute the sentence of the Pope upon them, there protested his innocence, and appealed to the next Pope who should succeed Clement, as to his competent judge. Hereupon their lives were spared; only they were forced to renounce the name of Templars, and to enter themselves into other Orders; chiefly of Hospitallers and teutonics, on whom their lands were bestowed. We will conclude all with that resolution of a 
* Hicronima Romano, De la republica Christ. lib. 7. cap. 6. Et Pero Mexya, De la silva de varia lettion. lib. 2. cap. 5.  brace of Spanish writers, who make this epilogue to this woeful tragedy; Concerning these Templars, whether they were guilty or not, let us suspend our censure till the day of judgement; and then and no sooner shall we certainly be informed therein.   

Chap. 4.  
Of the Teutonick Order; When they left Palestine, and on what conditions they were entertained in Prussia; Their Order at last dissolved.  
FRequent mention hath been formerly made of the Teutonick Order, or that of Dutch Knights, who behaved themselves right valiantly clean through the holy War: And, which foundeth much to their honour, they cannot be touched either for treason or faction, but were both loyal and peaceable in the whole service.  
But at last they perceived, that by the course of the cards they must needs rise losers if they continued the war in the Holy land, and even resolved to abandon it. It happened at the same time, that Conrade Duke of Mazovia offered them most honourable conditions; namely, the enjoying of Prussia, on condition they would defend it against the Infidels which annoyed it. Indeed the fratres gladiferi, or sword-bearing brothers, brave slashing lads, undertook that task: but finding either their arms too weak, or swords too blunt to strike through their enemies, they employed the aid of, and conjoined themselves to this Teutonick Order. Hereupon, in the year of our Lord 1239, Hermannus de Saltza, fourth Master of these Dutch Knights, came with most of his Order into Prussia; yet so that he left a competent number of them still in Palestine, which continued and did good service there even to the taking of Ptolemais.  
But the greater number of the Dutch Knights, in Prussia, did knight-service against the Tartarians, and were Christendomes best bank against the inundations of those barbarous people. By their endeavours the Prussians which before were but heathen-Christians, were wholly converted; many a brave city builded, specially Marienburg, where formerly a great oak stood; (who would think so many beautiful buildings would spring out of the root of one tree?) and those countries of Prussia and Livonia, which formerly were the course list, are now become the rich fringe of Europe.  
At last the Prussians grew weary of the tyrannous oppression of those Dutch knights, (as appeareth by the grievances they presented) and applied themselves to Casimire King of Poland. He took to task Lewis Erlinfuse the Master of their Order; and so ordered him, that whereas before he pleaded himself to be a free Prince of the Empire, hereafter he should acknowledge the King of Poland for his Lord and Master. The successors to this Lewis fretted against this agreement, as prejudicial to them: They could do no less then complain, and could do little more; for the King of Poland in spite of their resistance held them to their agreements.  
Albert of the house of Brandenburg was the last grand Master of this Order, and first Duke of Prussia. He break the vow of their Order, losing his virginity to keep his chastity, and married Dorothy daughter to the King of Denmark. The other teutonics protested against him, and chose Gualther Croneberg in his room: Yea, Albert was proscribed in a Diet in Germany, and his goods confiscated, but the proscription never executed, the Emperor of Germany being the same time employed in matters of greater moment which more nearly concerned himself. And thus in this Albert, for aught we can find to the contrary, the Teutonick Order had its end, and was quite dissolved.   

Chap. 5.  
The several flittings of the Knights-Hospitallers, from Cyprus, by Rhodes, Nice, Syracuse, to Malta.  
WE must now wait on the Hospitallers to their lodgings, and we have done. We left them driven from Ptolemais, and landed at Cyprus; where King Henry courteously entertained them. But a friend's house is no home: Hence therefore they were conveyed to their several Alberges in Europe.  
But such active spirits could not long be idle; such running streams would not end in a standing pond. Wherefore they used all their own strength, and improved their interest with all their benefactors, to furnish out a fleet: Which done, under Fulk de Villeret their grand Master they won the Island of Rhodes from the Turks, eighteen years after Ptolemais was lost, and there seated themselves.  
Besides Rhodes, they also enjoyed these five adjacent Islands, saith my Author, Nicoria, Episcopia, jolli, Limonia, and Sirana; places so small, that consulting with maps will not find them out: enough almost to make us think with Tertullian of Delos, that once there were such Islands, which at this day are quite vanished away.  
Two hundred and fourteen years, to the terror of the Turks, comfort of the Christians, and their own immortal fame, they maintained this Island, and secured the seas for the passage of Pilgrims to Jerusalem: till at last in the year 1523, after six month's siege they surrendered the city to their own honour, and shame of other Christians who sent them no succour in season.  
Yet changing their place they kept their resolution to be honourably employed. Hence they sailed to Nice in Piedmont, a city lying opposite to Africa, from whence the Moors and Saracens much infested Christendom. Wherefore Charles Duke of Savoy bestowed that city upon them to defend it; counting the courtesy rather done to him then by him, that they would accept it.  
Afterwards, they perceived it was more needful to stop the Turks invasions then their pillagings: They had lately won Buda, and (as it was thought) would quickly stride over the Adriatic sea, and have at Italy. Wherefore the Hospitallers left Nice, and planted themselves at Syracuse in Sicily: Where they right valiantly behaved themselves in defending that country.  
But Charles the fifth, a politic Prince, though he saw their help was useful, yet desired not much to have them live in his own country. He liked their neighbourhood better than their presence, to have them rather near then in his Kingdom. Wherefore he appointed them the Island of Malta to keep for themselves, their grand Master only paying yearly to the King of Spain a 
* Hospin. De orig. Mon. cap. 17. fol. 190.  Falcon in acknowledgement they held it from him. Loath were the Hospitallers to leave Sicily, that Paradise of pleasure, and went very unwillingly from it.  
Malta is an Island in the mid-land-sea, seated betwixt Europe and Africa, as if it meant to escape out of both as being in neither. Here S. Paul suffered shipwreck, when the viper stung him not, but the men did, 
* Acts 28. 4.  condemning him for a murderer. And here the Hospitallers seated themselves, and are the bulwark of Christendom to this day, giving daily evident proof of their courage. But their masterpiece was in the year 1565, when they courageously defended the city of Malta besieged by Soliman: When he discharged seventy eight thousand bullets (some of them seven spans in compass) against it, big enough not only to overthrow walls but overturn mountains; yet notwithstanding they held out valiantly five months, and at last forced the Turk to depart.  
These Knights of Malta are at this day a good bridle to Tunis and Algiers. I am informed by a good 
* Mr. Gr. Gibs of S. Perrot, Dorset.  friend (who hath spent much yet lost no time in those parts) that these Knights are bound by vow not to fly from the Turks, though one man or one galley to four (half which odds Hercules himself durst not venture on;) but if there be five to one, it is interpreted wisdom not cowardliness, to make away from them: Also if a Christian ship wherein there is a Knight of Malta take a Turkish ship, that Knight is bound by his Order first to go aboard to enter it. The grand Master of this Order hath a great command, and is highly esteemed of; insomuch that the 
* Cassanaem. part. 9 considerate. 4.  Author of the Catalogue of the glory of the world, believeth he is to take place next to absolute Kings, above all other temporal Princes, even above King's subject to the Empire. Sure he meaneth, if they will give it him; otherwise it seemeth improper that the almsman should take place of his benefactors. Yet the Lord Prior of the Hospitallers in England was chief Baron of the Realm, and had precedency of all other Lords: and here his Order flourished with great pomp till their final period; which I now come to relate.   

Chap. 6.  
The Hospitallers in England stoutly withstand three several assaults, which overthrew all other Religious foundations.  
THe suppression of the Hospitallers in England deserveth especial notice, because the manner thereof was different from the dissolving of other Religious houses; for manfully they stood it out to the last, in despite of several assaults.  
1. Cardinal Wolsey, by leave from the Pope, suppressed certain small houses of little value, therewithal to endow his Colleges in Oxford and Ipswich. He first showed Religious places were mortal, which hitherto had flourished in a seeming eternity. This leading case of Wolsey's did pick the motter out of all the Abbeys-walls in England, and made a breach in their strongest gatehouses, teaching covetousness (an apt scholar) a ready way to assault them: (For it is the dedication, not the value of the thing dedicated, stampeth a character of sacredness upon it.) And King Henry the eighth concluded, if the Cardinal might eat up the lean Covents, he himself might feed on the far ones, without danger of a sacrilegious surfeit. True it is, Wolsey not wholly but in part alienated the lands of these petty houses, reserving them still to the general end of pious uses: But the King followed this pattern so far as it was for his purpose, and neglected the rest.  
2. For not long after, the 
* Statut. in 27● Henr. viij.  Parliament granted him all religious houses of and under the value of two hundred pounds yearly: and it was thought, that above ten thousand persons, masters and servants, lost their livelihoods by the demolishing of them. And for an introduction to the suppression of all the residue, he had a straight watch set upon them, and the Regulars therein tied to a strict and punctual observation of their orders, without any relaxation of the least liberty; insomuch that many did quickly un-nunne and disfriar themselves, whose sides formerly used to go loose, were soon galled with straight lacing.  
3. Then followed the grand dissolution or judgement-day on the world of Abbeys remaining; which of what value soever were seized into the King's hands. The Lord Cromwell, one of excellent parts but mean parentage, came from the forge to be the hammer to maul all Abbeys. Whose magnificent ruins may lesson the beholders, That it is not the firmness of the stone nor fastness of the mortar maketh strong walls, but the integrity of the inhabitants. For indeed foul matters were provided against some of them, as Sodomy and much uncleanness: Whereupon unwillingly willing, they resigned their goods and persons to the King's mercy. But the Knights-Hospitallers (whose chief mansion was at St. john's, nigh London) being Gentlemen and soldiers of ancient families and high spirits, would not be brought to present the King such puling petitions and public recognitions of their errors as other Orders had done. They complained it was a false consequence, as far from charity as logic, from the induction of some particular delinquents to infer the guiltiness of all Religious persons. Wherefore like stout fellows they opposed any that thought to enrich themselves with their ample revenues, and stood on their own defence and justification.   

Chap. 7.  
The Hospitallers at last got on an advantage and suppressed.  
BUt Barnabe's day itself hath a night; and this long-lived Order, which in England went over the graves of all others, came at last to its own.  
They were suffered to have rope enough, till they had haltered themselves in a Praemunire: For they still continued their obedience to the 
* Parlam. Anno 320. Henr. viij.  Pope, contrary to their allegiance, whose usurped authority was banished out of the land; and so (though their lives otherwise could not be impeached for any viciousness.) they were brought within the compass of the law. The case thus standing, their dear friends persuaded them to submit to the King's mercy, and not to capitulate with him on conditions, nor to stop his favour by their own obstinacy, but yield whilst as yet terms honest and honourable, would be freely given them: That such was the irresistibleness of the King's spirit, that like a torrent it would bear down any thing which stood betwixt him and his desires; If his anger were once inflamed, nothing but their blood could quench it: Let them not flatter themselves into their own ruin, by relying on the aid of their friends at home, who would not substitute their own necks to save theirs from the axe; nor by hoping for help from foreign parts, who could send them no seasonable succour.  
This counsel harsh at first, grew tuneable in the ears of the Hospitallers; so that contented rather to exchange their clothes for worse than to be quite stripped, they resigned all into the King's hands. He allowed to Sr William Weston Lord Prior of the Order, an annual pension of one thousand pounds: But he received never a penny thereof, but died 
* Weaver, Mon. pag. 114.  instantly, struck to the heart when he first heard of the dissolution of his Priory: 
1540 May 7 '  and lieth buried in the Chancel of Clarkenwell, with the portraiture of a dead man lying on his shroud, the most artificially cut in stone (saith my 
* Idem, pag. 430.  Author) that ever man beheld. Others had rend assigned them of 200l, 80l l, 60 l, 50 l, 20 l, 10 l, according to their several qualities and deserts.  
At the same time jousts and tornaments were held at Westminster: wherein the challengers against all comers, were Sr John Dudley, Sr Thomas Seymore, Sr Thomas Poining, Sr George Carew, Knights; Anthony Kingston, and Richard Cromwell, Esquires; To each of whom for reward of their valour, the King gave a hundred marks of yearly revenues, and a house to dwell in, to them and their heirs, out of the lands belonging to these Hospitallers. And at this time, many had Danae's happiness, to have golden showers reigned into their bosoms.  
These Abbey-lands, though skittish mares to some, have given good milk to others: Which is produced as an argument, That if they prove unsuccessful to any, it is the users default, no inherency of a curse in the things themselves. But let one keep an exact Register of lands, and mark their motions, how they ebb and flow betwixt buyers and sellers, and surely he will say with the Poet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And this is most sure; Let land be held in never so good a tenure, it will never be held by an unthrift.  
The Hospitallers Priory-church was preserved from down-pulling all the days of King Henry the eighth: but in the third year of King Edward the sixth, 
stow.  with the bell-towre (a piece of curious workmanship, graven, gilt, and enameled) it was undermined and blown up with gunpowder, and the stone employed in building the Lord Protectors house in the Strand.  
Thus as surgeons in cutting off a gangrened leg, always cut it off above the joint, even where the flesh is whole and sound: so (belike for fear of further infection) to banish Monkery for ever, they razed the structures and harmless buildings of Priories, which otherwise in themselves were void of any offence. They feared if Abbeys were only left in a swound, the Pope would soon get hot water to recover them: To prevent which, they killed them and killed them again, overturning the very foundation of the houses, infringing, altering, and transferring the lands, that they might never be reduced to their own property. Some outrages were committed in the manner of these dissolutions: Many manuscripts, guilty of no other superstition then red letters in the front, were condemned to the fire: and here a principal key of antiquity was lost, to the great prejudice of posterity. But in sudden alterations it is not to be expected that all things be done by the square and compass.   

Chap. 8.  
Queen Mary setteth up the Hospitallers again; They are again deposed by Queen Elisabeth.  
QUeen Mary (a Princess more zealous than politic) attempted to restore Abbeys to their pristine estate and former glory: And though certain of her counsellors objected, that the state of her Kingdom and dignity thereof and her Crown imperial could not honourably be furnished and maintained without the possession of Abbey-land; yet she 
* Parlam. Anno 2● & 3● Phil. & Mariae.  frankly restored, resigned, and confirmed by Parliament all ecclesiastical revenues which by the authority of that high Court in the days of her Father were annexed to the Crown, protesting she set more by her salvation, then by ten Kingdoms.  
But the Nobility followed not her example: They had eaten up the Abbey-lands, and now after twenty years' possession digested and turned them into good blood in their estates: they were loath therefore to empty their veins again; and the forwardest Romanist was backward enough in this costly piece of devotion.  
However, out of her own liberality, she set up two or three bankrupt Covents, as Zion and Westminster, and gave them stock to trade with. The Knights also of S. John of Jerusalem she reseated in their place; and Sr Thomas Tresham of Rushton in Northamptonshire was the first and last Lord Prior after their restitution: For their nests were plucked down before they were warm in them, by the coming in of Queen Elisabeth.  
To conclude; in the founders of religious houses were some good intents mixed with superstitious ends; amongst the Religious persons themselves, some piety, more looseness and laziness; in the confounders of those houses, some detestation of the vices of Friars, more desire of the wealth of Friaries; in God, all just, all righteous, in permitting the badness and causing the destruction of these numerous Fraternities.   

Chap. 9  
Observations on the Holy war; The horrible superstition therein.  
WE have finished the story of the Holy war: And now I conceive my indentures are canceled, and I discharged from the strict service and ties of an Historian; so that it may be lawful for me to take more liberty, and to make some observations on what hath been past.  
Before I go further, I must deplore the world's loss of that worthy work which the Lord Verulam left unfinished, concerning the Holy war; an excellent piece, and alas! it is but a piece: so that in a pardonable discontent we may almost wish that either it had been more, wholly to have satisfied our hunger, or less, not at all to have raised our appetite. It was begun not in an historical but in a politic way, not reporting the Holy war passed with the Turks but advising how to manage it in the future. And no doubt if he had perfected the work, it would have proved worthy the Author: But since, any have been deterred from finishing the same; as ashamed to add mud-walls and a thatched roof to so fair a foundation of hewn and polished stone.  
From that Author we may borrow this distinction, That three things are necessary to make an invasive war lawful; the lawfulness of the jurisdiction, the merit of the cause, and the orderly and lawful prosecution of the cause. Let us apply it to our present purpose in this Holy war: For the first two, Whether the jurisdiction the Christians pretended over the Turks dominions was lawful or not; and, Whether this war was not only operae but vitae pretium, worth the losing so many lives; we refer the reader to what hath been said in the 
* Chap. 9 and 10.  first Book. Only it will not be amiss, to add a story or two out of an 
* Froissard, lib. 4. cap. 18, 19  Author of good account. When Charles the sixth was King of France, the Duke of Bourbon sailed over into Africa with a great army, there to fight against the Saracens. The Saracen Prince sent an herald to know of him the cause of his coming: The Duke answered, it was to revenge the death of Christ the Son of God, and true Prophet, whom they had unjustly crucified. The Saracens sent back again their messenger to demonstrate their innocence, how they were not Saracens but Jews which put Christ to death, and therefore that the Christians (if posterity should be punished for their predecessors fault) should rather revenge themselves on the Jews which lived amongst them.  

* Monstrell. lib. 3. cap. 68  Another relateth, that in the year of our Lord 1453, the great Turk sent a letter to the Pope, advertising him how he and his Turkish nations were not descended from the Jews, but from the Trojans, from whom also the Italians derive their pedigree, and so would prove himself a kin to his Holiness. Moreover he added, that it was both his and their duty to repair the ruins of Troy, and to revenge the death of their great grandfather Hector upon the Grecians; to which end, the Turk said he had already conquered a great part of Greece. As for Christ, he acknowledged him to have been a noble Prophet, and to have been crucified of the Jews, against whom the Christians might seek their remedy. These two stories I thought good to insert, because though of later date, and since the Holy war in Palestine was ended, yet they have some reference thereunto, because some make that our quarrel to the Turks.  
But grant the Christians right to the Turks lands to be lawful, and the cause in itself enough deserving to ground a war upon: yet in the prosecuting and managing thereof, many not only venial errors but unexcusable faults were committed; no doubt, the cause of the ill success.  
To omit the book called the Office of our Lady, made at the beginning of this war to procure her favourable assistance in it, (a little manual, but full of blasphemies in folio, thrusting her with importunate superstitions into God's throne, and forcing on her the Glory of her maker;) superstition not only tainted the rind, but rotten the core of this whole action. Indeed most of the pottage of that age tasted of that wild gourd. Yet far be it from us to condemn all their works to be dross, because debased and allayed with superstitious intents: No doubt there was a mixture of much good metal in them, which God the good refiner knoweth how to sever, and then will crown and reward. But here we must distinguish betwixt those deeds which have some superstition in them, and those which in their nature are wholly superstitious, such as this Voyage of people to Palestine was. For what opinion had they of themselves herein, who thought that by dying in this war, they did make Christ amends for his death? as one saith: Which if but a rhetorical flourish, yet doth hyperbolise into blasphemy. Yea, it was their very judgement, that hereby they did both merit and supererogate; and by dying for the Cross, cross the score of their own sins, and score up God for their debtor. But this flieth high, and therefore we leave it for others to follow. Let us look upon Pilgrimages in general, and we shall find Pilgrims wand'ring not so far from their own country as from the judgement of the ancient Fathers.  
We will leave our army at home, and only bring forth our champion: Hear what 
* Epist. seu Orat. de iis qui adeunt Hierosol. Edit. Gr. Lat. Parisils, 1615.  Gregory Nyssene saith, who lived in the fourth Centurie, in which time voluntary Pilgrimages first began; though before there were necessary Pilgrims, forced to wander from their country by persecution. Where, saith he, our Lord pronounceth men blessed, he reckoneth not going to Jerusalem to be amongst those good deeds which direct to happiness. And afterwards, speaking of the going of single-women in those long travels; A woman, saith he, cannot go such long journeys without a man to conduct her; and than whatsoever we may suppose, whether she hireth a stranger or hath a friend to wait on her, on neither side can she escape reproof, and keep the law of continency. Moreover; If there were more Divine grace in the places of Jerusalem, sin would not be so frequent and customary amongst those that live there: Now there is no kind of uncleanness which there they dare not commit; malice, adultery, thefts, idolatry, poison, envies and slaughters. But you will say unto me, If it be not worth the pains, why then did you go to Jerusalem? Let them hear therefore how I defend myself; I was appointed to go into Arabia to an holy Council, held for the reforming of that Church: and Arabia being near to Jerusalem, I promised those that went with me, that I would go to Jerusalem to discourse with them which were precedents of the Churches there; where matters were in a very troubled state, and they wanted one to be a mediator in their discords. We knew that Christ was a man born of a Virgin, before we saw Bethlehem; we believed his resurrection from death, before we saw his sepulchre; we confessed his ascension into heaven, before we saw mount Olivet: but we got so much profit by our journey, that by comparing them, we found 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  our own more holy than those outward things. Wherefore you that fear God, praise him in what place you are. Change of place maketh not God nearer unto us: wheresoever thou art, God will come to thee, if the Inn of thy soul be found such, as the Lord may dwell and walk in thee, etc.  
A patron of Pilgrimages not able to void the blow, yet willing to break the stroke of so pregnant and plain a testimony, thus seeketh to ward it; That indeed Pilgrimages are unfitting for women, yet fitting for men. But sure God never appointed such means to heighten devotion necessary thereunto, whereof the half of mankind (all women) are by their very creation made uncapable.  
Secondly, he pleadeth, That it is lawful for secular and lay-men to go on Pilgrimages, but not for Friars, who lived recluse in their cells, out of which they were not to come: and against such (saith he) is Nyssens speech directed. But then, I pray, what was Peter, the leader of this long dance, but an Hermit? and (if I mistake not) his profession was the very dungeon of the Monastical prison, the strictest and severest of all other Orders. And though there were not so many cowls as helmets in this war, yet always was the Holy army well stocked with such cattle: So that on all sides it is confessed that the Pilgrimages of such persons were utterly unlawful.   

Chap. 10.  
Of superstition in miracles in the Holy war, ranked into four sorts.  
BEsides superstition inherent in this Holy war, there was also superstition appendent or annexed thereunto, in that it was the fruitful mother of many feigned miracles. Hitherto we have refrained to scatter over our story with them; it will not be amiss now to shovel up some of them in a heap.  

* M. Paris. in anno 1099.  One Peter (not the Hermit) found out the lance wherewith Christ was pierced: and to approve the truth thereof against some who questioned him herein, on Palm-sunday taking the lance in his hand, he walked through a mighty fire without any harm: but it seemeth he was not his crafts-master, for he died soon after.  

* Idem.  An image of our Lady brought from Jerusalem, but set up near Damascus, began by degrees to be clothed with flesh, and to put forth breasts of flesh, out of which a liquor did constantly flow: Which liquor the Templars carried home to their houses, and distributed it to the Pilgrims which came to them, that they might report the honour thereof through the whole world.  

* M. Paris.  A Sultan of Damascus who had but one eye, chanced to lose the other, and so became stark-blinde; when coming devoutly to this image, though he was a Pagan, having faith in God, and confidence therein, he perfectly was restored to his sight.  
Infinite are the shoals of miracles done by Christ's Cross in Jerusalem; insomuch that my 
* Roger Hoveden, in anno 1187.  Author blamed the Bishop of Acon, who carried the Cross in that battle wherein it was lost to the Turks, for wearing a corselet; and therefore (saith he) he was justly slain: because his weak faith relied on means, not on the miraculous protection thereof.  
When Conrade Landt-grave of Thuringia was enrolled in the Teutonick Order to go to the Holy war, and received his benediction (as the fushion was) the 
* Nauclcrus Gen. 42.  Holy Ghost visibly descended upon him in the shape of fire. The said Conrade received of God as a boon for his valour in this service, the rare faculty, 
* Chron. Pruten.  That by looking on any man he could tell whether or no he had committed a mortal sin, yea, at first fight descry their secret sins.  
But the last miracle of our Lady in Palestine is the Lady of all miracles; which was this: In the year 1291, when the Holy land was finally subdued by the Turks, the chamber at Nazareth wherein the Angel Gabriel saluted her with joyful tidings, was wonderfully 
* Spondanus, in anno 1291.  transported into Sclavonia. That country being unworthy of her divine presence, it was by the Angels carried over into Italy, anno 1294. That place also being infested with thiefs and pirates, the Angels removed it to the little village of Loretto; where this Pilgrime-Chappel resteth itself at this day, and liketh her entertainment so well, it will travel no further.  
But enough: for fool's meat is unsavoury to the taste of the wise. I have transgressed already: two instances had been sufficient (as Noah preserved but two of all unclean creatures) the rest might be lost without loss, and safely be drowned in oblivion. However, we may observe these millions of miracles are reducible to one of these four ranks:  
1. Falsely reported, never so much as seemingly done. Asia the theatre whereon they were acted, is at a great distance, and the miracles as far from truth, as the place from us. And who knoweth not, when a lie is once set on foot, besides the first founders, it meeteth with many benefactors, who contribute their charity thereunto.  
2. Falsely done; insomuch as at this day, they are 
* Miraeula, si pi●a utilitate aut necessitate careant, de facto suspecta sunt & rejicienda, Gerson.  scented amongst the Romanists. Who would not laugh to see the picture of a Saint weep? Where one devout Catholic lifteth up his eyes, ten of their wiser sort wag their heads.  
3. Truly done, but by the strength of nature. Suppose one desperately sick, a piece of the Cross is applied to him, he recovereth; is this a miracle? Nothing less; how many thousands have made an escape after Death in a manner hath arrested them? As therefore it is sacrilege, to father God's immediate works on natural causes; so it is superstition, to entitle natural events to be miraculous.  
4. Many miracles were ascribed to Saints which were done by Satan. I know it will nonplus his power to work a true miracle; but I take the word at large: and indeed vulgar (not to say, humane) eyes are too dim to discern betwixt things wonderful and truly miraculous. Now Satan, the master-juggler needeth no wires or gins to work with, being all gins himself; so transcendent is the activity of a spirit. Nay, may not God give the Devil leave to go beyond himself; it being just with him, that those who will not have Truth their king and willingly obey it, should have Falsehood their tyrant to whom their judgement should be captivated and enslaved.   

Chap. 11.  
The second grand error in prosecuting the Holy war, being the Christians notorious breaking their faith with Infidels.  
NExt unto Superstition, which was deeply inlaid in the Holy war, we may make the Christians Truce-breaking with the Infidels the second cause of their ill success. Yet never but once did they break promise with the Turks; which was (as I may say) a constant and continued faith-breaking, never keeping their word. To omit several straining of the sinews and unjointing the bones of many a solemn peace, we will only instance where the neck thereof was clearly broken asunder.  
1. When Godfrey first won Jerusalem, pardon was proclaimed to all the Turks which yielded themselves; yet three days after in cold blood, they were all, without difference of age or sex, put to the sword.  
2. Almerick the First swore, effectually to assist the Saracens in driving the Turks out of Egypt; and soon after invaded Egypt, and warred upon the Turks against his promise. I know something he pretended herein to defend himself, but of no validity; and such plausible and curious witty evasions to avoid perjury, are but the tying of a most artificial knot in the halter, therewith to strangle ones own conscience.  
3. There was a peace concluded for some time betwixt King Guy and Saladine; which non obstante, Reinold of Castille robbed Saladines own mother: Whereupon followed the miserable overthrow of the Christians, and taking of Jerusalem.  
4. Our Richard, at his departure from Palestine, made a firm peace for five years with Saladine, and it stood yet in force when Henry Duke of Saxony coming with a great army of new adventurers invaded the Turkish dominions.  
5. Frederick the Second, Emperor, made a truce of ten years with the Sultan of Babylon; and yet in despite thereof, Theobald King of Navarre foraged the country of Gaza, to the just overthrow of him and his army.  
6. Reinold Viceroy of Palestine, in the name of Frederick the Emperor, and after him our Richard Earl of Cornwall, drew up a firm peace with the said Sultan; which was instantly disturbed and interrupted by the turbulent Templars.  
7. Lastly, the Venetians, in the name of all Christian Princes, concluded a five years' peace with Alphir the Mammaluke Prince of Egypt; yet some voluntaries in Ptolemais pillaged and robbed many Saracen merchants about the city. But pardon them this last fault, we will promise they shall never do so any more in Palestine, hereupon losing all they had left there.  
And how could Safety itself save this people, and bless this project so blackly blasted with perjury! As it is observed of tyrants, Where one goeth, ten are sent to the grave; so where one truce concluded with the Turks did naturally expire and determine, many were violently broken off. A sin so repugnant to all moral honesty, so injurious to the quiet and peace of the world, so odious in itself, so scandalous to all men, To dissolve a league when confirmed by Oath (the strongest bond of conscience, the end of particular strife, the soldier of public peace, the sole assurance of amity betwixt divers nations, made here below, but enrolled in his high court whose glorious name doth sign it;) a sin, I say, so heinous, that God cannot but must severely punish it. David asketh, 
Psal. 15.  Who shall dwell upon thy holy hill? and answereth himself, He that sweareth to his neighbour, and disappointeth him not, though it were to his own hindrance. No wonder then, though the Christians had no longer abidance in the Holy hill of Palestine (though this, I confess, is but the bark-of the text) driving that trade wherewith none ever thrived, the breaking of promises: Wherewith one may for a while fairly spread his train, but he will moult his feathers soon after.   

Chap. 12.  
Of the hindrances of the good success in the Holy war; whereof the Popes, and Emperors of Greece, were the two principal.  
SO much concerning those laesa principia in this Holy war, Superstition and Perjury, which struck at the root of it. Come we now to consider many other hindrances, which abated the good success thereof. Amongst these we will not be so heretical as to deny the Pope's Primacy; but account him the first cause of their ill success. Such wounds as we find in his credit, we will neither widen nor close up; but even present them to the Reader as we found them. In four respects he baned the Christians good speed in this war:  
1. He caused most of their truce-breaking with the Turks, urging men thereunto. Thus Pope Celestine drove on the Christians against the Turks, whilst as yet the peace our Richard concluded with them was not expired; and so many other times also. For alas! this was nothing with his Holiness; who sitting in the temple of God, so far advanceth himself above God, as to dispense with oaths made sacred by the most holy and high name of God; and professing himself the sole Umpire and Peacemaker of the world, doth cut asunder those only sinews which hold peace together.  
2. In that twice the Kingdom of Jerusalem was offered to the Christians, and the Pope's Legates would not suffer them to accept it: (No doubt, by instructions from their Master; this being to be presumed on, That those his absolute creatures altered not a tittle, but went according to the copy that was set them) Once anno 1219; when Pelagius the Legate refused the free offer of Melechsala: And the second time, some thirty years after; when the same bountiful proffer was refused by Odo the Pope's Legate: For when the same Melechsala again offered the free resignation of the whole Kingdom of Jerusalem, whereby the same day great quietness had entered into all Christendom, with the end of much bloodshed and misery; the Legate 
* M. Paris. pag. 1047. Huic pacis formae ex Papae mandato rebellis erat Legatus, & frontosè contradicens, etc.  frontosè contradioens, would in no wise receive the conditions offered.  
3. Frederick the second, Emperor, was possessed of it; when the Pope molested him, and stirred up the Templars against him, as so many needles to prick him when he was to sit down on the throne.  
4. By diverting the Pilgrims, and over-titling his own quarrels to be God's cause; nothing being more common with him, then to employ those armies which were levied for the Holy war, in subduing the Albingenses and many other of his private enemies.  
By all these it plainly appeareth, That what fair shows soever his Holiness made, calling Councils, appointing Legates, providing preachers, proclaiming pardons, to advance this war; yet in very deed, he neither intended nor desired that the Christians should make a final conquest of Palestine, but be employed in continual conquering it. He would have this war go on cum decente pausa, fair and softly: let the Christians now beat the Turks, and then the Turks beat the Christians; and so let them take their turns, whilst his private profit went on. For (as we touched before) to this war the Pope condemned all dangerous persons (especially the Emperors of Germany) to be there employed. As little children are often set to school, not so much to learn, as to keep them out of harms way at home: so this careful Father sent many of his children to the Holy war, not for any good he knew they would either do or get there, but it would keep them from worse doing; which otherwise would have been paddling in this puddle, raking in that channel, stirring up questions and controversies unfavourie in the nostrils of his Holiness, and perchance falling into the fire of discord and dissension against their own Father. Indeed at last this war ended itself in despite of the Pope: Who no doubt would have driven this web (weaving and unweaving it, Penelope-like) much longer if he could: yet he digested more patiently the ending thereof, because the net might be taken away when the fish was already caught, and the war spared now the German Emperor's strength thereby was sufficiently abated in Italy.  
Much also this war increased the intrado of the Pope's revenues. Some say, Purgatory-fire heateth his kitchen: they may add, the Holy war filled his pot, if not paid for all his second course. It is land enough, to have the office of collecting the contributions of all Christendom given to this war. So much for his great receipts hereby. And as for what he expended, not too far in the point. If the Pope (saith 
* Dist. 40. can. Si ●apa suae & fraternae salutis negligens.  their law) thrusteth thousands of souls into hell, none may say to him, Why dost thou so? It is presumption then to make him answer for money, who is not accountable for men.  
With the Pope let the Emperors of Greece their Jealousy go, as the second bane of the Christians success in this war. These Emperors tormented themselves in seeking that they would have been loath to find, the treachery of the Latins; and therefore to begin first, used them with all treachery: Whereof, largely 
* Book 2. chap. 9, 27.  formerly. And surely, though a cautious circumspection be commendable in Princes; yet in such over-fear, they were no less injurious to themselves then to the western Pilgrims. Yea generally, suspiciousness is as great an enemy to wisdom, as too much credulity; it doing oftentimes as hurtful wrong to friends, as the other doth receive wrongful hurt from dissemblers.   

Chap. 13.  
The third hindrance, the Equality of the undertakers; the fourth, the length of the journey.  
THe next cause of their ill success was the discord arising from the parity of the Princes which undertook this voyage. Many of them could abide no equal; all no superior: so that they had no chief, or rather were all chiefs; The swarm wanted a master-Bee, a supreme commander, who should awe them all into obedience. The German Emperor (though above all) came but seldom, and was not constant amongst them: The King of Jerusalem (especially in the declining of the State) was rather slighted then feared: The Pope's Legate usurped a superiority, but was never willingly nor generally obeyed. Surely smaller forces being united under one command would have been more effectual in proof (though not so promising in opinion and fame) than these great armies variously compounded by associations and leagues, and of the confluence of Princes otherwise unconcurring in their several courses.  
Livy writing of that great battle (the critical day of the world's Empire) betwixt Hannibal and Scipio, 
* Lib. 3●.  It is small, saith he, to speak of, yet of much moment in the matter itself, that when the armies joined, the shouting of the Romans was far more great and terrible, as being all of one voice from the same nation; whilst Hannibal's soldiers voices were different and disagreeing, as consisting of several languages. If such a toy be considerable, and differing in tongues lesseneth the terriblenese in an army; how doth dissenting in hearts and affections abate the force thereof? and what advantage had the united Turks against divided Christian Princes which managed this war? Had the emulation betwixt those equal Princes only been such as is the spur of virtue, far from enmity and hateful contention, striving with good deserts to outstrip those who by the same means sought to attain to the like end; had it been mixed with love in regard of the affinity of their affections and sympathy of their desires, not seeking the ruin of their competitour but succouring him in danger; then such simultates had been both honourable and useful to the advantage of the Holy cause: But on the other side, their affections were so violent, and dispositions so crooked, that emulation in them boiled to harred, that to malice, which rested better satisfied with the miserable end of their opposite partner, then with any trophies deservedly erected to their own honour. And herein the wars betwixt the Venetians and Genoans in Syria are too pregnant an instance.  
The length of the journey succeedeth as the fourth impediment. There needed no other hindrance to this voyage than the voyage; the way was so long. In sensation, the object must not be over-distant from the sense; otherwise Lynceus eyes may see nothing: So it is requisite in warlike adventures, that the work be not too far from the undertakers. Indeed the Romans conquered country's far from home: but the lands betwixt them were their own, wherein they refreshed themselves; and well may one lift a great weight at arms end if he hath a rest to stay his elbow on. So though Spain hath subdued much in the Indies, yet there they met with none or naked resistance. It fared not thus with the Christians in this war: By the tediousness of their journey their strength was exhausted; they ran dregs when first they were broached in Syria, and as it were scattered their powder in presenting, before they came to discharge.  
Frederick Barbarossa wrote a braving letter to Saladine, reckoning up the several nations in Europe under his command, and boasting what an army of them he would bring into Syria. 
* M. Paris. pag. 197.  Saladine answered him, That he also ruled over as many peoples, and told him, that there was no sea which hindered his men from coming quickly together; whereas saith he, you have a great sea, over which with pains and danger you must pass before you can bring your men hither. Besides, if the Christians shaped their journey by land, than their miseries in Hungary, Grecia, and Asia the less, made their land-journey more tedious and troublesome, then if they had gone by sea.   

Chap. 14.  
The fifth impediment, Clergymen being Captains.  
THat Prelates and Clergymen were often Generals in this action (as Peter the Hermit, Pelagius the Cardinal, and many others) was another cause of their ill success: For allow them able in their own way, for matter of learning, yet were they unsufficient to manage martial affairs. Many who in England have learned the French tongue, and afterwards have gone over into France, have found themselves both deaf and dumb in effect, neither hearing to understand, nor speaking to be understood: They in like manner, who frame themselves in their studies a model of leading an army, find it as full of errors as rules, when it cometh to be applied; and a measure of war taken by book, falleth out either too long or too short, when brought into the field to be used.  
I have heard a story of a great map-monger, who undertook to travel over England by help of his maps, without ask the least direction of any he met. Long he had not ridden but he met with a non plus ultra, a deep unpassable gullet of water, without bridge, ford, or ferry. This water was as unknown to his Camden's or Speeds maps, as to himself; because it was neither body nor branch of any constant river or brook, (such as only are visible in maps) but an ex-tempore- water, flowing from the snow which melted on hills. Worse unexpected accidents surprise those who conceive themselves to have conned all martial maxims out of Authors, and warrant their skill in war against all events, out of their great reading; when on the sudden some unwonted occurrent taketh them unprovided, standing amazed till destruction seizeth on them.  
Indeed, sometimes such unlooked-for chances arrest even the best and most experienced Generals, which have long been acquainted with war; nor are they privileged by all their experience from such casualties, nor are they so omniscient but that their skill might be posed therewith, a minute showing sometimes what an age hath not seen before: But then such aged commanders have this advantage, that finding themselves at a fault, they can soon know where to beat about and recover it.  
Add to the inability, the incongruity of Prelates going to sight. True, in defensive wars necessity is their sufficient dispensation; but otherwise it is improper. In the battle against Amalck, Josua fought; Moses prayed; the Levites bore the ark, no office of command in the Camp. And better it had been that Cardinal Columna had been at his beads, or in his bed, or any where else, then in the camp in Egypt; where by his indiscreet counsel he brought all the lives of the Christians into danger.   

Chap. 15.  
The sixth hindrance, the diversity of the climate disagreeing with the bodies of Europe; And what weakeneth Northern men going Southward.  
NOw followeth the Diversity of the climate, which caused the death of many thousands of the Christians, sweeping them away with horrible plagues and other diseases. For even as men when they come into a new Corporation, must pay their fees before they can be freemen thereof and set up trading therein; so it always cost the Christians of Europe a dangerous sickness at least, before they could be well acquainted with the air and climate of Palestine.  
Amongst other diseases the Leprosy was one epidemical infection which tainted the Pilgrims coming thither. This (though most rise in our Saviour's time, God so ordering it that Judea was sickest while her Physician was nearest) at this time of the Holy war was very dangerous. Hence was it brought over into England (never before known in this Island) and many Lazar-houses erected for the relief of those infected therewith: Their chief houses was at Burton-lazars in Leceister-shire. I say not, as this disease began with the Holy war in England, so it ended with it: Sure such hath been God's goodness, that few at this day are afflicted therewith; and the leprosy of Leprosy, I mean the contagion thereof, in this cold country is much abated.  
Many other sicknesses seized on the Pilgrims there, especially in summer. The Turks, like Salamanders, could live in that fiery country, whose scorching our Northern bodies could not endure. Yea, long before I find it observed by Vitruvius, that they who come cold into hot countries, cannot long subsist, but are dissolved; whilst those that change out of hot into cold, find not only no distemper and sickness by the alteration, but also grow more healthful, solid, and compacted: But this perchance is easilyer said then maintained.  
But let us not hereupon be disheartened to set on our Southern foes for fear to be impaired, nor they invited to invade us by hope to be improved. Know, it is not so much the climate, as bad and unwholesome diet enraging the climate against us, which unfineweth those Northern nations when they come into the South: which bad diet, though sometimes necessary for want of better food, yet is most-times voluntary through men's wilful intemperance. In the Portugal action anno 1589, more English owed their Calenture to the heat of wine than weather. Why do our English merchants bodies sadge well enough in Southern air? why cannot our valour thrive as well there as our profit; but chiefly for this, That merchants are careful of themselves, whilst soldiers count it baseness to be thirsty of their own healths?  
Besides, the sins of the South unmasculine Northern bodies. In hot countries the Sirens of pleasure sing the sweetest, which quickly ravish our ears unused to such music. But should we marching Southwards observe our health in some proportion of temperance, and by degrees habituate ourselves to the climate; and should we keep ourselves from their sins, no doubt the North might pierce the South as far, and therein erect as high and long-lasting trophies, as ever the South did in the North.  
Nor must it have admittance without examination into a judicious breast, what some have observed; That Northern people never enjoyed any durable settled government in the South. Experience avoweth they are more happy in speedy conquering then in long enjoying of country's.  
But the first Monarch the world ever knew (I mean, the Assyrian) came from the North: Whence he is often styled in Scripture, The King of the North; conquering, and for many years enjoying those countries which lie betwixt him and the sun; as Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Syria, Egypt: To speak nothing of the Turks, who in the dichotomizing of the world fall under the Northern part, and coming out of Scythia at first subdued most Southern countries.   

Chap. 16.  
The seventh impediment, the Viciousness of the undertakers.  
THus are we fallen on the next hindrance of success in this Holy war, the Viciousness of the undertakers. But here first we must make an honourable reservation for many adventurers herein, whom we confess most pious and religious persons. Let us not raise the opinion of our own piety by trampling on our predecessors, as if this age had monopolised all goodness to itself. Some no doubt most religious and truly valiant (as fearing nothing but sin) engaged themselves in this action; of whom I could only wish, that their zeal herein had either had more light or less heat. But with these, I say not how many, but too many went most wicked people, the causers of the ill success.  
It will be objected, Sanctitas morum hath been made of some a note of the true Church, never the sign of a fortunate army: Look on all armies generally, we shall find them of the soldier's religion, not troubled with overmuch preciseness: As our King John said, (whether wittily or wickedly, let others judge) that the Buck he opened was fat, yet never heard Mass: so many soldiers have been successful without the least smack of piety; some such desperate villains, that fortune (to erroneous judgements) may seem to have favoured them for fear.  
True: but we must not consider these adventurers as plain and mere soldiers, but as Pilgrims and Gods army; in whom was required, and from whom was expected more piety and purity of life and manners then in ordinary men: whereas on the contrary, we shall make it appear, that they were more vicious than the common sort of men. Nor do we this out of cruelty or wantonness, to wound and mangle the memory of the dead; but to anatomize and open their ulcerous insides, that the dead may teach the living, and lesson posterity.  
Besides those that went, many were either driven or fled to the Holy land. Those were driven, who having committed some 
* Totum vulgus, tam casti quam incesti, adulteri, homicidae, perjuri, praedones, Albertus Aqueusis, Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1. cap. 2. Besoldus, pag. 101. ex Brochardo, Malefactor deprehensus, homicida, latro, fur, incestuosus, adulter, fornicator, timet à judice condignam poenam, & transfretat in terram Sanctam.  horrible sin in Europe, had this penance imposed on them, To travel to Jerusalem to expiate their faults. Many a whore was sent thither to find her virginity: Many a murderer was enjoined to fight in the Holy war, to wash off the guilt of Christian blood by shedding blood of Turks. The like was in all other offences; malefactors were sent hither to satisfy for their former wickedness. Now God forbid we should condemn them, if truly penitents, for impious. May he who speaketh against penitents, never have the honour to be one; since Repentance is the younger brother to Innocence itself. But we find that many of them reverted to their former wickedness: they lost none of their old faults and got many new, mending in this hot country as sour ale in summer. Others fled hither, who having supererogated the gallows in their own countries by their several misdemeanours, theft, rapes, incest, murders, to avoid the stroke of Justice, protected themselves under this voyage; and coming to Palestine, so profited in those Eastern schools of vices, that they learned to be more artificially wicked. This plainly appeareth, as in sundry other Authors, so chiefly in Tyrius, a witness beyond exception, who 
* Especially in the end of King Almericks' life.  often complaineth hereof. And if we value testimonies rather by the weight than number, we must credit so grave a man, who writeth it with grief, and had no doubt as much water in his eyes as ink in his pen, and surely would be thankful to him that herein would prove him a liar.   

Chap. 17.  
The eighth hindrance, the Treachery of the Templars; of Sacrilege alleged by Baronius, the cause of the ill success.  
RObert Earl of Artois upbraided the Master of the Templars, That it was the common speech, that the Holy land long since had been won, but for the false collusion of the Templars and Hospitallers with the Infidels: Which words, though proceeding from passion in him, yet from premeditation in others, not made by him but related, deserve to be observed the rather, because common reports (like smoke, seldom but from some fire, never but from much heat) are generally true. It is not to be denied, but that both these Orders were guilty herein, as appeareth by the whole current of the story. Yea, King Almerick fairly trussed up twelve Templars at once, 
* Tyrius, lib. 19 cap. 11.  hanging them for delivering up an impregnable fort to Syracon. These like a deceitful chirurgeon, who hath more corruption in himself then the sore he dresseth, prolonged the cure for their private profit; and this Holy war being the trade whereby they got their gains, they lengthened it out to the utmost: So that their Treachery may pass for the eighth impediment.  
Baronius 
* Annal. Ecclesiast. in anno 1100, & 1104.  concludeth this one principal cause of the Christians ill success, That the Kings of Jerusalem took away that city from the Patriarches thereof, herein committing sacrilege, a sin so heinous, that malice itself cannot wish an enemy guilty of a worse. But whether or no this was sacrilege, we refer the reader to what hath been largely discussed before.  
And here I could wish to be an auditor at the learned and unpartial arguing of this question, Whether overgreat donations to the Church may not afterwards be revoked? On the one side it would be pleaded, who should be judge of the over-greatness? seeing too many are so narrow-hearted to the Church, they count any thing too large for it; yea, some would cut off the flesh of the Churches necessary maintenance, under pretence to cure her of a tympany of superfluities. Besides, it would be alleged, What once hath been bestowed on pious uses, must ever remain thereto: To give a thing and take a thing, is a play too childish for children; much less must God be mocked therewith, in resuming what hath been conferred upon him. It would be argued on the other side, That when Kings do perceive the Church ready to devour the Commonwealth by vast and unlimited donations unto it, and Clergymen grown to suspicious greatness, armed with hurtful and dangerous privileges derogatory to the royalty of Princes; then, than it is high time for Princes to pair their overgrown greatness. But this high pitch we leave to stronger wings: Sure I am in another kind, this Holy war was guilty of sacrilege, and for which it thrived no whit the better; in that the Pope exempted six and twenty thousand manors in Europe, belonging to the Templars and Hospitallers, from paying any tithes to the Priest of the parish; so that many a minister in England smarteth at this day for the Holy war. And if this be not sacrilege, to take away the dowry of the Church without assuring her any jointure in lieu of it, I report myself to any that have not the pearl of prejudice in the eye of their judgement.   

Chap. 18.  
Three grand faults in the Kingdom of jerusalem, hindering the strength and puissance thereof.  
COme we now to survey the Kingdom of Jerusalem in itself: We will take it in its vertical point, in the beginning of Bald wine the third, when grown to the best strength and beauty; yet even then had it some faults, whereby it was impossible ever long to subsist.  
1. It lay far from any true friend. On the West it was bounded with the mid-land-sea, but on all other sides it was environed with an Ocean of foes, and was a country continually besieged with enemies. One being to sell his house, amongst other commendations thereof, proclaimed, That his house had a very good neighbour; a thing indeed considerable in the purchase, and might advance the sale thereof a years value: Sure I am, the Kingdom of Jerusalem had no such conveniency, having bad neighbours round about: Cyprus indeed their friend lay within a day's sail; but alas! the Kings thereof had their hands full to defend themselves, and could scarce spare a finger to help any other.  
2. The Kingdom was far extended, but not well compacted: all the body thereof ran out in arms and legs. Besides that ground inhabited formerly by the twelve tribes, and properly called the Holy land; the Kingdom of Jerusalem ranged Northward over all Coelosyria and Cilicia in the lesser Asia: Northeastward, it roved over the Principalities of Antioch and Edessa, even unto Carrae beyond Euphrates: Eastward, it possessed far beyond Jordan the strong fort of Cracci, with a great part of Arabia Petrea: Southward, it stretched to the entrance of Egypt. But as he is a strong man, whose joints are well set and knit together, not whom nature hath spun out all in length and never thickened him; so it is the united and well compacted Kingdom entire in itself which is strong, not that which reacheth and strideth the farthest. For in the midst of the Kingdom of Jerusalem lay the Kingdom of Damascus, like a canker feeding on the breast thereof: and clean through the Holy land, though the Christians had many cities sprinkled here and there, the Turks in other strong holds continued mingled amongst them.  
3. Lastly, (what we have touched once before) some subjects to the Kings of Jerusalem, namely, the Princes of Antioch, Edessa and Tripoli, had too large and absolute power and authority; They would do whatsoever the King would command them, if they thought good themselves. Now subjects should be Adjectives, not able to stand without (much less against) their Prince, or they will make but bad construction otherwise.  
These three hindrances in the Kingdom of Jerusalem added to the nine former, will complete a Jury. Now if any one chance to censure one or two of them, let him not triumph therein; for we produce not these impediments severally but jointly, not to fight single duels but all in an army; Non noceant quamvis singula, juncta nocent.   

Chap. 19  
What is to be conceived of the incredible numerousness of many armies mentioned in this story.  
FRequent mention hath been made through this Holy war of many armies, aswell Christian as Turkish, whose number of soldiers swell very great; so as it will not be amiss once for all to discuss the point concerning the numerousness of armies anciently. And herein we branch our opinion into these severals.  
1. Asian armies are generally observed greater than those of Europe: There it is but a sucking and infant company to have ten thousand; yea, under fifty thousand no number. The reason of their multitude is, not that Asia is more populous, but more spacious than Europe. Christendom is enclosed into many small Kingdoms and free States; which severally can send forth no vast numbers, and seldom agree so well as to make a joint collection of their forces: Asia lieth in common, in large countries, and many of them united under one head. Besides, it is probable (especially in ancient times, as may be proved out of Scripture) that those Eastern countries often spend their whole stock of men, and employ all their arms-bearing people in their martial service, not picking or culling them out, as we in Europe use to do.  
2. Modern armies are far less than those in former ages. The war- genius of the world is altered nowadays, and supplieth number with policy; the fox's skin pieceth out the lions hide. Especially armies have been printed in a smaller letter since guns came up: One well-mounted cannon will spare the presence and play the part of a whole band in a battle.  
3. Armies both of Europe, and chiefly in Asia (as farther off) are reported far greater than truth. Even as many old men use to set the clock of their age too fast when once past seventy; and growing ten years in a twelvemonth, are presently fourscore, yea, within a year or two after, climb up to an hundred: So it is in relating the number of soldiers; if they exceed threescore and ten thousand, then adrotunditatem numeri, they are hoist up to an hundred, and then fifty thousand more cast in for advantage. Not to speak of the facile mistake in figures; One telleth, at the first voyage of Pilgrims there went forth 
* Malmesb. lib. 4. pag. 133. Sexagies (surely a mistake for sexies) centum millia.  six hundred thousand: 
* Lamp. Mellific. hist. pag. 313.  another counteth three hundred thousand slain at the last taking of Ptolemais: their glib pens making no more reckoning of men then of pins. We perchance may do justly in imitating the unjust steward, setting down in the bill of our belief but fifty for every hundred.  
Nor is it any Paradox, but what will abide the touch, That competent forces of able and well-appointed and well-disciplined soldiers under an experienced General, are far more useful than such an unwieldy multitude. Little loadstones will in proportion attract a greater quantity of steel then those which be far greater, because their poles are nearer together, and so their virtue more united: So shall we find braver achievements by moderate armies, then by such portentous and extravagant numbers. I never read of any miracle done by the statue of S. Christopher in Paris, though he be rather of a mountainlike then manlike bigness. Yea, such immoderate great armies are subject to great inconveniences. 1. They are not so easily manageable; and the commands of their General cool, and lose some virtue in passing so long a journey through so many. 2. It is improbable that so many thousands can be heaped together, but the army will be very heterogeneous, patched up of different people unsuiting in their manners, which must needs occasion much cumbrance. 3. These crowds of soldiers may hinder one another in their service; as many at the same time pressing out at a wicket. 4. Victuals for so many mouths will not easily be provided; the provisions of a country serving them but a meal, they must fast afterwards. 5. Lastly, such great numbers (though this, I must confess, is only per accidens, yet often incident) beget carelessness and confidence in them; as if they would not thank God for their victories, but conceive it a due debt owed to their multitudes. This hath induced some to the opinion to maintain, That a competent able army of thirty thousand (which number Gongaza that brave General did pitch on as sufficient and complete) need not fear upon a parity in all other respects, any company whatsoever to come against them: such are enough, being as good as a feast, and far better than a surfeit.   

Chap. 20.  
Of the numberless Christians which lost their lives in this service.  
Xerxes' viewing his army, consisting of more than a million, from an high place all at a sight, is said to weep at the thought, That within an hundred years all those would be mowed down with death: But what man could behold without floods of tears, if presented to him at one view, the infinites of people which lost their lives in this action!  
In the first voyage went forth (as the most conscionable 
1095  counters report) three hundred thousand: Of these we can make the reader but spendthrifts accounts, All is gone, without showing the particulars. For after the taking of Jerusalem, this army was drawn so low, 
Tyrius, lib. 9 cap. 12.  that Godfrey being to fight with Ammiravissus the Egyptian, and bringing forth his whole strength, 
1099  had but twelve hundred horse and nine thousand foot left him.  
At the second setting forth, 
Ursperg. in Chron. pag. 239.  of two hundred and fifty thousand led hither by Hugh brother to the King of France and sundry other Bishops, not a thousand came into Palestine.  
In the third voyage, Conrade the Emperor led forth no fewer than two hundred thousand foot and fifty thousand horse; nor was the army of King Lewis of France far inferior: Of whom such as returned make no noise, as not considerable in number.  
At the fourth setting forth, Frederick Barbarossa counted an hundred and fifty thousand soldiers in his army: Of whom when they came to Ptolemais, no more than 
* P. Aemyl in Phil. Aug. pag. 175.  eighteen hundred armed men remained.  
Fifthly, what numbers were carried forth by our Richard the first and Philip of France, I find not specified; no doubt they did bear proportion to the greatness of the undertakers: All which at their return were consumed to a very small company.  
To omit several other intermediate actions of many Princes, who went forth with armies and scarce came home with families; King Lewis carried forth two and thirty thousand: Of which only six thousand came home, as their own writers report, who tell their tale as it may best found for the credit of their country; whilst 
* Knolls, Turk. hist. pag. 106.  others count eighty thousand to have lost their lives in that voyage: yea, 
* Magdeburg. Cent. 13. col. 606.  some reckon no sewer then and hundred thousand common men, besides seven Counts, to have died in Cyprus of the plague.  

* Fox, in Martyrol. in Hen. 3. pag. 337.  At his second voyage to Tunis, of an hundred and twenty ships which lay at anchor at Trape in Sicily, there were no more saved than the mariners of one only French ship, and the thirteen ships of our Prince Edward; all the rest, with men, armour and munition did miserably perish.  
But enough of this doleful subject. If young Physicians with the first fee for their practice are to purchase a new churchyard, Pope Urbane the second might well have bought some ground for graves when he first persuaded this bloody project; whereby he made all Jerusalem, Golgotha, a place for seulls; and all the Holy land, Aceldama, a field of blood.   

Chap. 21.  
The throne of Deserts: What nation merited most praise in this war; And first of the French and Dutch service therein.  
AS in the first book we welcomed each several nation when they first entered into this service; so it is good manners now to take our solemn farewell of them at their going out, and to examine which of them deserved most commendation for their valour in this war. And herein me thinketh the distinction usual in some Colleges, of Founders, By founders, and Benefactors, may properly take place. The Founders of this Holy war, are the French; the By-founders, the Dutch, English, and Italian; the Benefactors (according to the different degrees of bounty) the Spanish, Polish, Danish, Scots, and all other people of Europe.  
The French I make the Founders for these reasons: First, because they began the action first. Secondly, France in proportion sent most adventurs. Some voyages were all of French, and all voyages were of some French. Yea, French men were so frequent at Jerusalem, That at this day all Western Europeans there are called Franks (as once I conceived, and perchance not without company in my error) because so many French men came thither in the Holy war. Since, I am converted from that false opinion, having found that two hundred years before the Holy war was dreamt of, namely, in the time of Constantine 
* Vide M. Solden on Polyelbion, pag. 150.  Porphyrogenetes Emperor of the East, all Western Christians were known to the Greeks by the name of Franks; so that it seemeth the Turks borrowed that appellation from the Grecians. Thirdly, as France sent the most so many of most eminent note: She showeth for the game no worse cards than a pair royal of Kings; Lewis the Young, Philip Augustus, and Saint Lewis; besides Philip the Bold his son, who went halfway to Tunis. The first and last Christian King of Europe that went to Palestine was a French man; and all the Kings of Jerusalem, Frederick the Emperor only excepted, originally were of that nation. Fouthly, even at this day France is most loyal to the cause. Most grand Masters of the Hospitallers have been French men: And at this day the Knights of Malta, who have but four Albergies or Seminaries in all Christendom, have 
* Samndy; Travels, pag. 229.  three of them in France; viz. one of France in general, one of Avergne, and one of Provence. Yet France carrieth not the upper hand so clearly, but that Germany justleth for it; especially if we add to it the Low-countrieses, the best stable of wooden horses, and most potent in shipping in that age of any country in Europe: which though an amphibion betwixt both, yet custom at this day adjudgeth it Dutch.  
Now these are the several accents of honour in the German service: First, That country showeth three Emperors in the Holy war; Conrade, Frederick Barbarossa, and Frederick the second. The last of these was solemnly crowned and peaceably possessed King of Jerusalem. Secondly, Germany sent more Princes to this war then all Europe besides. It would be an infinite task to reckon them all; it being true of the German Nobility, what Logicians say of a line, that it is divisibilis in semper divisibilia. Here honours equally descend to sons and daughters; whereby they have Counts without counting in the whole Empire: There were seventeen Princes of Henault, and seven and twenty Earls of Mansfield all living together: So that one of their own country men saith, that the Dutch esteem none to be men, but only such as are Noblemen. We will not take notice of Germany as it is minced into petty Principalities, but as cut into principal Provinces. We find these regnant Princes (for as for their younger brethren, herein they are not accounted) to have been personally present in the Holy war: 

Prince Palatine of Rhine,  
Henry 1197   

Duke (or as others, King) of Bohemia,  
Joboslaus, or Ladislaus 1147   

Duke of Saxony,  
Henry the younger 1197   

Mar quesse of Brandenburg,  
Otho 1197   

Archbishops of Mentz,  
1 Conrade  
2 Siphred 1197   

Archbish. of Triers,  
Theodoricus 1216   

Archbish. of Colen,  
Theodoricus 1216   

Dukes of Austria,  
1 Leopoldus the second 1190  
2 Frederick 1197  
3 Leopoldus the third, surnamed the Glorious 1216   

Dukes of Bavaria,  
1 Guelpho 1101  
2 Henry 1147  
3 Lewis 1216   

Landt-graves of Thuringia,  
1 Herman 1197  
2 Lewis 1227   

marquis of Moravia,  
Conrade 1197   

Duke of Mechlenburg,  
Henry 1277   

Earls of Flanders,  
1 Theodoricus 1147  
2 Philippus 1190  
3 Baldwine 1200  
4 William Dampier 1250  
5 Guido 1270   

Dukes of Brabant,  
1 Godfrey 1195  
2 Henry 1227   

Earl of Holland,  
William 1216   All these (I say not, these were all) went themselves, and led forth other companies, suitable to their greatness. The Reader, as he lighteth on more, at his leisure may strike them into this catalogue. Thirdly, Germany maintained the Teutonick Order, wholly consisting of her nation; besides Templars and Hospitallers, whereof she had abundance: of whose loyal and valiant service we have spoken largely before. Lastly, She fought another Holy war at the same time against the Tartars and other barbarous people, which invaded her on her North-east-part. And though some will except, That that war cannot be entitled Holy, because being on the defensive, it was rather of nature and necessity than piety: yet upon examination it will appear, that this service was less superstitious, more charitable to Christendom, and more rational and discreet in itself; it being better husbandry, to save a whole cloth in Europe, then to win a rag in Asia.   

Chap. 22.  
The English and Italian service compared; Of the Spanish, Polish, Norvegian, Hungarian, Danish, and Swedish performance in this war.  
NExt in this race of honour follow England and Italy being very even and hard-matched. England (it is no flattery to affirm what envy cannot deny) spurreth up close for the prize; and though she had a great disadvantage in the starting, (Italy being much nearer to Palestine) yet she quickly recovered it. Our country sent one King, (Richard the first) and three King's sons (Robert Courthois, Richard of Cornwall, and Prince Edward) to this war. Yea, England was a daily friend to this action: and besides these great and gross sums of visible adventurers, she dropped and cast in privily many a Pilgrim of good quality; so that there was scarce any remarkable battle or memorable siege done through the war wherein there were not some English of eminent desert.  
Yet Italy cometh not any whit behind, if the achievements of her several States, Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, Sicilians, Florentines, were made and moulded up together. Yea, for sea-service and engineers in this war, they bear the bell away from all other nations. But these things allay the Italian service: 1. It was not so abstracted from the dregs of mercinarinesse as that of other countries, (whose adventurers counted their very work herein sufficient wages) but before they would yield their assistance they indented and covenanted with the King of Jerusalem to have such and such profits, pensions, and privileges in all places they took, to them and their posterity; not as an honorary reward freely conferred on them but in nature of wages ex pacto contracted for aforehand: as the Genoans had in Ptolemais, and the Venetians in Tyre. 2. These Italians stopped two gaps with one bush: 
Tyrius, lib. 10 cap. 28. & lib. 12. cap. 25.  they were Merchant-Pilgrimes, and together applied themselves to profit and piety. Here in Tyre they had their banks, and did drive a sweet trade of spices and other Eastern commodities. 3. Lastly, As at first they gave good milk, so they kicked it down with their heel, and by their mutual discord caused the loss of all they helped to gain in Syria.  
Spain was exercised all the time of this war in defending herself against the Moors and Saracens in her own bowels: Yet such was her charity, that whilst her own house was on burning, she threw some buckets of water to quench her neighbours: and as other nations cast their superfluity, she her widow's mite into the treasury of this action; and produceth two Theobalds' Kings of Navarre, and Alphonse King of Castille, that undertook expeditions to Palestine.  
Hungary showeth one King, Andrew; who washed himself in Jordan, and then shrinking in the wetting returned presently home again. But this country, though itself did go little, yet was much gone through to the Holy war (being the road to Syria for all land armies) and merited well in this action, in giving peaceable passage and courteous entertainment to Pilgrims; as to Duke Godfrey, and Frederick Barbarossa, with all their soldiers as they traveled through it. Had the Kings of Hungary had the same principle of baseness in their souls as the Emperors of Grecia, they had had the same cause of jealousy against the Christians that passed this way; yet they used them most kindly, and disdained all dishonourable suspicio●s. True it is, at the first voyage, King Coloman, not out of cruelty but carefulness and necessary security, did use his sword against some unruly and disorderly Pilgrims: but none were there abused which first abused not themselves. But whatever Hungary was in that age, it is at this day Christendomes best land bulwark against the Turks: Where this pretty custom is used, That the men wear so many feathers as they have killed Turks; which if observed elsewhere, either feathers would be less, or valour more in fashion.  
Poland could not stir in this war, as lying constant perdue of Christendom against the Tartarian; 
1147  yet we find 
* Munst. Cosmog. in Polon.  Boleslaus Crispus Duke or King thereof (waiting on, shall I say? or) accompanying Conrade the Emperor in his voyage to Palestine; and having defrayed all his and his armies costs and charges towards Constantinople, he returned home, as not to be spared in his own Country. But if by King David's 
* 1. Sam. 30. 24.  statute, the keepers of the baggage are to be sharers in the spoil with the fighters of the battle, then surely Poland and such other countries may entitle themselves to the honour of the war in Palestine; which in the mean time kept home, had an eye to the main chance, and defended Europe against foreign invaders.  
Norway (in that age the sprucest of the three Kingdoms of Scandia, and best tricked up with shipping; though at this day the case is altered with her, and she turned from taking to paying of tribute) sent her fleet of tall soldiers to Syria: who like good fellows, asked nothing for their work but their victuals, and valiantly won the city of Sidon for the King of Jerusalem. And it is considerable, that Syria (but a step or stride from Italy) was a long race from Norway; so that their Pilgrims went not only into another country but into another world.  
Denmark was also partner in the foresaid service. Also afterwards, Ericus 
* Vide Calvisium in anno 1145. & Io. Magnum, Hist. Goth. lib. 19 cap. 10.  her King, though he went not quite through to the Holy land, yet behaved himself bravely in Spain, and there assisted the winning of Lisbon from the Infidels. His successor 
* Baronies, in anno 1189.  Canutus anno 1189, had provided his navy, but was prevented by death: his ships nevertheless came to Syria.  
Of Sweden in this grand-jurie of nations I hear no Vous avez; but her default of appearance hath been excused 
* Lib. cap. ●3.  before.   

Chap. 23.  
Of the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish, their several adventures.  
THere remain behind the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish. It may occasion suspicion, that these nations either did neglect or are neglected in this Holy war, because clean through this History there is no mention of them or their achievements. True it is, these countries can boast of no King of their own sent to Syria, nor of any great appearing service by them alone performed. It seemeth than they did not so 〈◊〉 much play the game themselves, as bet on the hands of others: and haply the Scottish service is accounted to the French; the Welsh and Irish, to the English.  
That Scotland was no ciphre in this war, plainly appeareth; 1. In that 
* Buchan. in Guilielmo Senjore.  David, Earl of Huntingdon, and younger brother to William the Elder King of Scotland, went along with our Richard the first; no doubt suitably attended with soldiers. This David was by a tempest cast into Egypt, taken captive by the Turks, bought by a Venetian, brought to Constantinople, there known and redeemed by an English merchant, and at last safely arrived at 
* Hect. Both.  Alectum in Scotland; which Alectum he in memory and gratitude of his return called Dundee, or Dei donum, God's gift. 2. By the plentiful provision which there was made for the Templars and Hospitallers: Who here enjoyed great privileges: this amongst many others, 
Third book of Majest. cap. 18.  (Take the Scottish law in its pure naturals) That the Master of the Knicts of the Temple and chief Priors of the Hospital of Jerusalem (wha were keepers of strangers to the Haly grave) sold be received themselves personally in any suit without entertaining a procurator for them. Nor must we here forget a Saint, Willam a Scot, of Perth by birth, by trade a baker, in charity so abundant that he gave his tenth loaf to the poor, in zeal so fervent that he vowed to visit the Holy land. But in his journey, as he passed through Kent, 
Lambert, Peramb. Kent.  he was slain by his servant, buried at Rochester; afterwards Sainted, and showed many miracles.  
Neither may we think, whilst all other nations were at this Martial school, that Wales the while truanted at home. The Welsh, saith my 
* w. Malms. lib. 4. pag. 133.  Author, left their forests; and now with them no sport to the hunting of Turks: especially after that 
* Cambden, in Pembr.  Wizo and Walter his son, had founded the fair commandry for Hospitallers at Slebach in Pembrokeshire, and endowed it with rich revenues.  
Ireland also putteth in for her portion of honour in this service. Indeed, for the first fourscore years in the Holy war, Ireland did little there, or in any other Country. It was divided into many petty Kingdoms; so that her people's valour had no progressive motion in length, to make any impression in foreign parts, but only moving round in a circle at home, their petty Reguli spending themselves against themselves, till our Henry the second conquered them all. After which time the Irish began to look abroad into Palestine: witness many houses for Templars, and the stately Priory of Kilmainam nigh Dublin for Hospitallers; the last Lord Prior whereof at the dissolution, was Sir John Rawson. Yea, we may well think, that all the consort of Christendom in this war could have made no music if the Irish harp had been wanting. 
1147    

Chap. 24.  
Of the honourable Arms in scutcheons of Nobility occasioned by their service in the Holy war.  
NOw for a corollary to this story, if we survey the scutcheons of the Christian Princes and Nobility at this day, we shall find the Arms of divers of them pointing at the achievements of their predecessors in the Holy war.  
Thus the 
* Pantal. De illustr. Germ. part. 2. pag. 201.  Dukes of Austria bear Gules a Fez Argent, in memory of the valour of Leopoldus at the siege of Ptolemais; whereof before.  
The Duke of Savoy 
* Hospin. De orig. Mon. cap. 17. fol. 190.  beareth Gules a Cross Argent, being the Cross of S. John of Jerusalem; because his predecessors were special benefactors to that Order, and assisted them in defending of Rhodes.  
Queen's College in Cambridge (to which I owe my education for my first seven years in that University) giveth for parcel of her Arms, amongst many other rich Coats, the Cross of Jerusalem; as being founded by Queen Margaret, wife to King Henry the sixth, and daughter of Renate Earl of Angiers and titular King of Sicily and Jerusalem.  
The noble and numerous family of the Douglasses in Scotland (whereof at this day are one marquis, two Earls, and a Vice count) give in their Arms a man's Heart, ever since 
* Camden in his descript. of Cludisdale.  Robert Bruce King of Scotland bequeathed his heart to James Douglasse, to carry it to Jerusalem; which he accordingly performed.  
To instance in particulars were endless: we will only sum them up in generals. Emblems of honour born in Coats occasioned by the Holy war, are reducible to these heads:  
1. Scallop-shells: which may fitly for the workmanship thereof be called artificium naturae. It seemeth Pilgrims carried them constantly with them, as Diogenes did his dish, to drink in. 
* Zuerius Boxborn his Apology for the Holland shipping.  I find an order of Knights called Equites Cochleares, wearing belike Cocle or Scallop-shells, belonging to them who had done good sea-service, especially in the Holy war: and many Hollanders (saith my Author) for their good service at the siege of Damiata were admitted into that Order.  
2. Saracens heads; It being a maxim in Heraldry, that it is more honourable to bear the head then any other part of the body. They are commonly born either black or bloody. But if Saracens in their Arms should use Christians heads, I doubt not but they would show ten to one.  
3. Pilgrims or Palmer's Scrips or Bags; the Arms of the worshipful family of the 
* Guill. in his Heraldry.  Palmers in Kent.  
4. Pilgrims Staves, and such like other implements and accoutrements belonging unto them.  
5. But the chiefest of all is the Cross, which though born in Arms before, yet was most commonly and generally used since the Holy war. The plain Cross, or S. George's Cross, I take to be the mother of all the rest; as plainsong is much seniour to any running of division. Now as by transposition of a few letters, a world of words are made; so by the varying of this Cross in form, colour, and metal (ringing as it were the changes) are made infinite several Coats: The Cross of jerusalem or five crosses, most frequently used in this war; Cross Patée, because the ends thereof are broad; Fichée, whose bottom is sharp, to be fixed in the ground; Wauée, which those may justly wear who sailed thither through the miseries of the sea, or sea of miseries: Molinée, because like to the rind of a mill: Saltyrée, or S. Andrews Cross: Florid, or garlanded with flowers: the Cross crossed: Besides the divers tricking or dressing; as piercing, voiding, fimbriating, ingrailing, couping; And in fancy and devices there is still a plus ultra; insomuch that Crosses alone as they are variously disguised, are enough to distinguish all the several families of Gentlemen in England.  
Exemplary is the Coat of George Villiers Duke of Buckingham; five Scallop-shells on a plain Cross, speaking his predecessors valour in the Holy war. For Sir Nicolas de Villiers Knight, followed Edward the first in his wars in the Holy land; and then and there assumed this his new Coat: For formerly he bore Sable three Cinquefoils Argent. This 
* Burton in Leicestershire.  Nicolas was the ancestor of the Duke of Buckingham, lineally descended from the ancient family of Villiers in Normandy; than which name none more redoubred in this service: For we 
* Hospin. De orig. Monin joan.  find John de Villiers the one and twentieth Master of the Hospitallers; and another Philip de Villiers Master of Rhodes, under whom it was surrendered to the Turks; a yielding equal to a conquest.  
Yet should one labour to find a Mystery in all Arms, relating to the quality or deserts of the owners of them (like Chrysippus, who troubled himself with a great contention to find out a Stoical assertion of Philosophy in every fiction of the Poets) he would light on a labour in vain. For I believe (be it spoken with loyalty to all Kings of Arms, and Heralds their Lieutenants in that faculty) that at the first, the 
* Dr. Ridly, View of the Civil law, § 5. pag. 100  will of the bearer was the reason of the bearing; or if at their original of assuming them there were some special cause, yet time since hath canceled it: And as in Mythology, the moral hath often been made since the Fable; so a sympathy betwixt the Arms and the bearer hath sometimes been of later invention. I deny not but in some Coats some probable reason may be assigned of bearing them: But it is in vain to dig for mines in every ground, because there is lead in Mendip hills.  
To conclude; As great is the use of Arms, so this especially, To preserve the memories of the dead. Many a dumb monument, which through time or sacrilege hath lost his tongue, the epitaph, yet hath made such signs by the scutcheons about it, that Antiquaries have understood who lay there entombed.   

Chap. 25.  
Some offers of Christian Princes for Palestine since the end of the Holy war, by Henry the fourth of England, Charles' the eighth of France, and james the fourth of Scotland.  
AS after that the body of the sun is set, some shining still surviveth in the West: so after this Holy war was expired, we find some straggling rays and beams of valour offering that way; ever and anon the Christian Princes having a bout with that design. To collect the several essays of Princes glancing on that project, were a task of great pains and small profit; specially, some of them being umbrages and State-representations rather than realities, to ingratiate Princes with their subjects, or with the oratory of so pious a project to woo money out of people's purses, or thereby to cloak and cover armies levied to other intents: Besides, most of their designs were abortive, or aborsive rather, like those untimely miscarriages not honoured with a soul or the shape and lineaments of an infant. Yet to save the Readers longing, we will give him a taste or two; and begin with that of our Henry the fourth of England.  
The end of the reign of this our Henry was peaceable and prosperous. For though his title was builded on a bad foundation, yet it had strong buttresses: most of the Nobility favoured and fenced it: And as for the house of York, it appeared not; its best blood as yet ran in feminine veins, and therefore was the less active. Now King Henry in the sunshine evening of his life (after a stormy day) was disposed to walk abroad, and take in some foreign air. He pitched his thoughts on the Holy 
* Lord Verulam, in his Henry seven. pag. 87.  war, for to go to Jerusalem, and began to provide for the same. One principal motive which incited him was, That it was told him he should not die till he had heard Mass in Jerusalem. But this proved not like the revelation told to old 
* Luke 2. 26.  Simeon: for King Henry was fain to sing his Nunc dimittis, before he expected; and died in the chamber called jerusalem in Westminster. By comparing this prophecy with one of Apollo's oracles, we may conclude them to be brethren (they are so alike) and both begotten of the father of lies: for the Devil eartheth himself in an homonymy, as a fox in the ground; if he be stopped at one hole, he will get out at another. However, the King's purpose deserveth remembrance and commendation, because really and seriously intended.  
far better, I believe, then that of Charles the eighth King of France: Who in a braving Embassage which he sent to our Henry the seventh, gave him to understand his resolutions; to make re-conquest of Naples, but as of a bridge to 
* L. Verulam. in Henry seven.  transport his forces into Grecia; and then not to spare blood or treasure (if it were to the impairing of his Crown and dispeopling of France) till either he had overthrown the Empire of the Ottomans, or taken it in his way to paradise; and hence (belike) he would have at Jerusalem, invited (as he said) with the former example of our Henry the fourth. But our King Henry the seventh (being too good a fencer to mistake a flourish for a blow) quickly resented his drift (which was to persuade our King to peace, till Charles should perform his projects in little Britain and elsewhere) and dealt with him accordingly. And as for the gradation of King Charles his purposes, Naples, Grecia, Jerusalem, a stately but difficult ascent, (where the stairs are so far asunder, the legs must be long to stride them) the French nation was weary of climbing the first, and then came down, vaulting nimbly into Naples and out of it again.  
More cordial was that of 
* Buchanan, in the life of james iiii.  James the fourth King of Scotland, that pious Prince: who being touched in conscience for his father's death (though he did not cause it, but seemed to countenance it with his presence) ever after, in token of his contrition, wore an iron chain about his body; and to expiate his fault, intended a journey into Syria. He prepared his navy, provided his soldiers, imparted his project to foreign Princes; and verily had gone, if at the first other wars, and afterwards sudden death had not caused his stay.   

Chap. 26.  
The fictitious voyage of William Landt-grave of Hesse to Palestine confuted.  
THese are enough to satisfy; more would cloy. Only here I must discover a cheat, and have it pilloried, lest it trouble others as it hath done me: The story I find in Calvisius, anno 1460: take it in his very words; William the Landtgrave appointed an holy voyage to Palestine; chose his company out of many Noblemen and Earls, in number ninety eight: He happily finished his journey; only one of them died in Cyprus. He brought back with him six and forty ensigns of horse. Seven months were spent in the voyage, Fab. So tar Calvisius, avouching this Fab. for his author. Each word a wonder; not to say, an impossibility. What? in the year 1460, when the deluge of mahometans had overrun most of Grecia, Asia, and Syria? William, a Landt grave (of Hesse, no doubt) neither the greatest nor next to the greatest Prince in Germany, far from the sea, unfurnished with shipping, not within the suspicion of so great a performance? Six and forty horse-ensignes taken? Where? or from whom? Was it in war, and but one man killed? A battle so bloodless seemeth as truthless; and the losing but of one man savoureth of never a one. But seven months spent? Such achievements beseem rather an apprenticeship of years than months. Besides, was Fame all the while dead, speechless, or asleep, that she trumpeted not this action abroad? Did only this Fab. take notice of it? be he Faber, Fabius, Fabianus, Fabinianus, or what you please. Why is it not storied in other writers? the Dutch men giving no scant measure in such wares, and their Chronicles being more guilty of remembering trifles then forgetting matters of moment.  
Yet the gravity of Calvisius recording it, moveth me much on the other side; a Chronologer of such credit, that he may take up more belief on his bare word then some other on their bond. In this perplexity, I wrote to my oracle in doubts of this nature, Mr. Joseph Mead fellow of Christ's College in Cambridge, since lately deceased: Hear his answer;  
Sir,  
I have found your story in Calvisius his posthume Chronologie, but can hear of it no where else. I sought Reusners Basilica Genealogica, who is wont with the name of his Princes to note briefly any act or accident of theirs memorable, and sometimes scarce worth it: but no such of this William Landt-grave. So in conclusion, I am resolved it is a fable out of some Romainza; and that your Author Fab. is nothing but Fabula defectively written. But you will say, Why did he put it into his book? I answer, He himself did not; but had noted it in some paper put into his Chronologte, preparing for a new and fuller Edition: which, himself dying before he had digested his new Edition (as you may see I think somewhere in his preface) those who were trusted with it after his death to write it out for the press, foolishly transferred out of such a paper or perhaps out of the margin, into the text; thinking that Fab. had been some Historian, which was nothing but that she-authour Fabula. If this will not satisfy, I know not what to say more unto it. Thus with best affection I rest  
Yours, JOSEPH MEAD. Christ. Coll. June 20. 1638.  
This I thought fit to recite, not for his honour but to honour myself, as conceiving it my credit to be graced with so learned a man's acquaintance.  
Thus much of offertures. I will conclude with that speech of the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derbie, and mother to our King Henry the seventh (a most pious woman, as that age went; though I am not of his faith that believed her to be the next woman in goodness to the Virgin Mary:) She used to say, that if the Christian Princes would undertake a war against the Turks to recover the Holy land, she would be their 
* Camden's Remains.  laundress. But I believe she performed a work more acceptable in the eyes of God, in founding a Professors place in either University, and in building Christ's and S. John's Colleges in Cambridge, (the seminaries of so many great scholars and grave Divines) then if she had visited either Christ's sepulchre or S. John's Church in Jerusalem.   

Chap. 27.  
The fortunes of jerusalem since the Holy war; and her present estate.  
SEven years after the Latin Christians were finally expelled out of Syria, some hope presented itself of reestablishing them again. For Casanus the great Tartar Prince, having of late subdued the Persians, and married the daughter of the Armenian King (a Lady of great perfection) and of a Mahometan become a Christian, at the request of his wife he besieged the city 
* Centuriatores. pag. totius operis penult.  Jerusalem, and took it without resistance. The Temple of our Saviour he gave to the Armenians, 
1298  Georgians, and other Christians, which flocked thick out of Cyprus there to inhabit. But soon after his departure it fell back again to the Mammalukes of Egypt; who enjoyed it till Selimus the great Turk, anno 1517, overthrew the Empire of Mammalukes, and seized Jerusalem into his hand: whose successors keep it at this day.  
Jerusalem better acquitteth itself to the ear then to the eye; being no whit beautiful at all. The situation thereof is very uneven, rising into hills and sinking into dales; the lively emblem of the fortunes of the place; sometimes advanced with prosperity, sometimes depressed in misery. Once it was well compacted, and 
* Psal. 122. 3.  built as a city that is at unity in itself; but now distracted from itself: the suspicious houses (as if afraid to be infected with more misery than they have already, by contiguousnesse to others) keep off at a distance, having many waste places betwixt them; not one 
* Bydulph, pag. 117.  fair street in the whole city.  
It hath a castle, built (as it is thought) by the Pisans, 
* Sandys Travels, pag. 158.  tolerably fortified. Good guard is kept about the city, and no Christians with weapons suffered to enter. But the deepest ditch to defend Jerusalem from the Western Christians, is the remoteness of it; and the strongest wall to fence it, is the Turkish Empire compassing it round about.  
Poor it must needs be, having no considerable commodity to vent; except a few beads of Holy earth, which they pay too dear for that have them for the ferching. There is in the city a covent of Franciscans, to whom Christians repair for protection during their remaining in the city. The Padre Guardian appointeth these Pilgrims a Friar, who showeth them all the monuments about the city: Scarce a great stone, which beareth the brow of reverend antiquity, that passeth without a peculiar legend upon it: But every vault under ground hath in it a deep mystery indeed. Pilgrims must follow the Friar with their bodies and belief; and take heed how they give tradition the lie, though she tell one never so boldly. The survey finished, they must pay the Guardian both for their victuals and their welcome, and gratify his good words and looks; otherwise if they forget it, he will be so bold as to remember them. The Guardian farmeth the Sepulchre of the Turk at a yearly rent: and the Turks which reap no benefit by Christ's death, receive much profit by his burial; and not content with their yearly rent, squeeze the Friars here on all occasions, making them pay large sums for little offences.  
The other subsistence which the Friars here have, is from the benevolence of the Pope and other bountiful benefactors in Europe. Nor getteth the Padre Guardian a little by his fees of making Knights of the Sepulchre: of which Order I find, some hundred years since, Sr John Chamond of 
* Carew, in his survey of Cornwall. pag. 118.  Lancels in Cornwall to have been dubbed Knight. But I believe no good English subject at this day will take that honour, if offered him; both because at their creation they are to swear loyalty to the Pope and 
* Bydulph. pag. 119.  King of Spain, and because honours conferred by foreign Potentates are not here in England acknowledged, neither in their style nor precedency, except given by courtesy: Witness that famous case of the Count Arundel of Wardour, and Queen Elisabeths' peremptory resolve, That her sheep should be branded with no 
* Camden's Elisabeth. in anno 2 96.  strangers mark, but her own.  
The land about it (as Authors generally agree) is barren. Yet 
* Deterra Sancta. part. 2. cap. 1.  Brochard a Monk, who lived here some two hundred years since, commendeth it to be very fruitful. Sure he had better eyes to see more than other men could; or else by a Synecdoche he imputeth the fertility of parcels to the whole country. But it is as false a consequence, as, on the other side, to conclude from the baseness of Bagshot-heath, the barrenness of all the Kingdom of England. We may rather believe, that since the fall of the Jews from God's favour, the once-supernaturall fertility of the land is taken away, and the natural strength thereof much abated and impaired.   

Chap. 28.  
Whether it be probable that this Holy war will ever hereafter be set on foot again.  
THus we state the question; Whether this Holy war, I mean, for the winning of the city of Jerusalem and recovering of Palestine, will probably ever hereafter be projected and acted again. We may believe this tragedy came off so ill the last acting, that it will not be brought on the stage the second time.  
1. The Pope will never offer to give motion to it, as knowing it unlikely to succeed. Policies of this nature are like sleights of hand, to be showed but once; lest what is admired at first be derided afterwards.  
2. Princes are grown more cunning, and will not bite at a bait so stale, so often breathed on. The Pope's ends in this war are now plainly smelled out; which though pretty and pleasing at first, yet Princes are not now, like the native Indians, to be cozened with glass and gaudy toys: The loadstone to draw their affection (now out of nonage) must present itself necessary, profitable, and probable to be effected.  
3. There is a more needful work nearer hand; to resist the Turks invasion in Europe. Hark how the Grecians call unto us, as once 
* Acts 16. 9  the man in the vision did to S. Paul, Come over into Macedonia, and help us. Yea, look on the Pope's projects of the last Edition, and we shall find the business of the Sepulchre buried in silence, and the Holy war running in another channel, against the Turks in Christendom.  
4 Lastly, who is not sensible with sorrow of the dissensions (better suiting with my prayers then my pen) wherewith Christian Princes at this day are rend in sunder? wounds so wide that only Heaven's chirurgery can heal them: Till which time no hope of a Holy war against the general and common foe of our Religion.  
We may safely conclude, that the regaining of Jerusalem and the Holy land from the Turks, may better be placed amongst our desires then our hopes; as improbable ever to come to pass: except the Platonic year, turning the wheel of all actions round about, bring the spoke of this Holy war back again.   

Chap. 29.  
Of the many Pretenders of titles to the Kingdom of jerusalem.  
NO Kingdom in the world is challenged at this day by such an army of Kings as this of Jerusalem: It is sooner told what Princes of Europe do not, then what do lay claim to it; they be so many. Take their names as I find them in the Catalogue of Stephen a Cypriot.  

1. The Emperors of the East.  
2 The Patriarches of jerusalem.  
3 The Lusignans, Kings of Cyprus.  
4 Emfred Prince of Thorone.  
5 Conrade de la-Rame marquis of Montferrat.  
6 The Kings of England.  
7 His Holiness.  
8 The Kings of Naples.  
9 The Princes of Antioch.  
10 The Counts of Brienne.  
11 The Kings of Armenia.  
12 The Kings of Hungary.  
13 The Kings of Arragon.  
14 The Dukes of Anjou.  
15 The Dukes of Lorraine.  
16 Lewis the eleventh, King of France.  
17 The Dukes of Bourbon.  
18 The Dukes of Savoy.  
19 james de Lusigna, base son to the King of Cyprus.  
20 Charles de Lusigna, son to the Prince of Galilee.  
21 The State of Genoa.  
22 The marquis of Montferrat.  
23 The Count of la-Vall.  
24 The Arch Duke of Nize.  
25 The Sultan of Egypt.  
26 The Emperor of the Turks.   
It seemeth by the naming of Lewis ●he eleventh and James the bastard of Cyprus, that this list was taken about the year 1466. And now how would a Herald sweat with scouring over these time-rustie titles, to show whence these Princes derived their several claims, and in whom the right resteth at this day? and when his work is done, who should pay him his wages?  
My clew of thread is not strong enough, on the guidance thereof for me to venture into this labyrinth of Pedigrees; we will content ourselves with these general observations:  
1. It seemeth this catalogue containeth as well those who had jus in Regno as those who had jus ad Regnum: as namely, the Prince of Thorone, and Patriarches of Jerusalem, and State of Genoa; whose ambition surely soared not so high as to claim the Kingdom of Jerusalem, but rather perched itself upon some lands and Signories challenged therein.  
2. A small matter will serve to entitle a Prince to a titular Kingdom: In this case, Kings can better digest corrivals where they be many, and all challenge what is worth nothing. In this catalogue it seemeth some only entitle themselves out of good fellowship and love of good company: These like squirrels recover themselves, and climb up to a claim on the least bough, twig, yea leaf of a Right. Thus the Counts of Brienne in France (if any still remain of that house) gave away their cake and kept it still; in that John Bren parted with his right to this Kingdom, in match with jole his daughter to Frederick the second Emperor, and yet the Earls of his family pretend still to Jerusalem.  
3. We may believe, that by matches and under-matches some of these titles may reside in private Gentlemen; especially in France: And what wonder? seeing within fourteen generations, the 
* Matth. 1. 16.  royal blood of the Kings of Judah ran in the veins of plain Joseph a painful carpenter.  
4. At this day some of those titles are finally extinct: as that of the Emperors of the East, conquered by the Ottoman family: Their Imperial Eagle was so far from beholding the sun, that the halfmoon dazzled, yea quite put out his eyes. Rank in the same form the Kings of Armenia, and Sultan's of Egypt.  
5. Some of these titles are translated: That of the Lusignans, Kings of Cyprus, probably passed with that Island to the State of Venice; The claim of the Hungarian Kings seemeth at this day to remain in the German Emperor.  
6. Some united: The claim of the Archdukes of Nize (a style I meet not with elsewhere) twisted with that of the Duke Savoy; The Kings of Naples and Arragon now joined in the King of Spain.  
7. Of those which are extant at this day, England's appear●● first; our Richard receiving it in exchange of King Guy 〈◊〉 the Island of Cyprus. Guy's resignation was voluntary and public; the world was witness to it: He truly received a valuable consideration, which his heirs long peaceably enjoyed; and our English Kings styled themselves 
* Sabcllicus, Ennead. 9 lib. 5. pag. 378.  Kings of Jerusalem, till afterwards they disused it for 
* In his Proem, fol. 5.  reasons best known to themselves. Our Poet Harding, in a paper he presented to King Henry the sixth, cleareth another double title of our Kings thereunto: And because some palates love the mouldy best, and place the goodness of old verses in the badness of them, take them as they fell from his pen; 

To jerusalem, I say, ye have great right  
From earl Geffray that height Plantogenet,  
Of Aungeoy earl, a Prince of passing might,  
The eldest son of Fouke, and first beget,  
King of jerusalem by his wife duly set;  
Whose son Geffray foresaid got on his wife  
Henry the second, that was known full rise.   

Yet have ye more, from Bawldwyne Paralyticus  
King afterward, to the same King Henry  
The Crown sent and his Banner precious,  
As very heir of whole Ancestry  
Descent of blood by title lineally  
From Godfray Boleyn, and Robert Curthose,  
That Kings were thereof and choose.    
8. Then cometh forth the Pope title; who claimeth it many ways: Either because he was the first and chiefest mover and advancer of this war, Lord Paramont of this action, and all the Pilgrims no better than his servants; and then according to the rule in Civil law, 
* Institut. lib. 1. tit. 8. §. 1.  Quodcunque per servum acquiritur, id Domino acquiritur suo: Or else he challengeth it from John Bren, who 
* Knolls, Hist. Turk. pag. 123.  subjected that Kingdom to the See of Rome; and yet the said John used the style of Jerusalem all the days of his life, and also gave it away in match with his daughter: Or else he deriveth it as forfeited to him by the Emperor Frederick the second and his sons, for taking arms against the Church. But what need these farre-abouts? They go the shortest cut, who accounting the Pope God's Lieutenant on earth (though by a Commission of his own penning) give him a temporal power (especially in ordine ad spiritualia) over all the Kingdoms of the world.  
The original right of Jerusalem he still keepeth in himself, yet hath successively gratified many Princes with a title derived from him: Nor shineth his candle the dimmer by lighting of others. First he bestowed his title on Charles of Anjou, King of Sicily (from which root spring the many-branched French competitors) and since hath conferred the same on the house of Arragon, or King of Spain. Which King alone weareth it in his style at this day, and maketh continual war with the Turk, who detaineth Jerusalem from him: Yea, all West Christendom oweth her quiet sleep to his constant waking, who with his galleys muzzleth the mouth of Tunis and Algiers. Yea, God in his providence hath so ordered it, that the Dominions of Catholic Princes (as they term them) are the case and cover on the East and South to keep and fence the Protestant countries.  
The quitrent which the King of Spain payeth yearly to the Pope for the Kingdoms of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily, is four thousand crowns, sent to his Holiness upon a 
* Sr. Edwin Sandys, View of the West world, pag. 137.  hackney: Who grudgeth his tenant so great a pennyworth; yet cannot help himself, except he would follow the Friar's advice, To send home the Spanish Hackney with a great Horse after him. What credit there is to be given to that through-old (if not doting) prophesy, That a 
* Centur iatores. Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 692.  Spaniard shall one day recover Jerusalem, we leave to the censure of others; and mean time we will conclude more serious matters with this pleasant passage:  
When the late wars in the days of Queen 
* Heylin. Microcos. in Palestine.  Elisabeth were hot between England and Spain, there were Commissioners on both sides appointed to treat of peace: They met at a town of the French Kings: and first it was debated, what tongue the negotiation should be handled in. A Spaniard, thinking to give the English Commissioners a shrewd gird, proposed the French tongue as most fit, it being a language which the Spaniards were well skilled in; and for these Gentlemen of England, I suppose (said he) that they cannot be ignorant of the language of their fellow-subjects; their Queen is Queen of France as well as England. Nay in faith, Masters (replied Doctor Dale, the Master of Requests) the French tongue is too vulgar for a business of this secrecy and importance, especially in a French town: we will rather treat in Hebrew the language of Jerusalem, whereof your Master is King; I suppose you are herein as well skilled as we in French.  
At this day the Turk hath eleven points of the law in Jerusalem, I mean possession: and which is more, prescription of a hundred and twenty years, if you date it from the time it came into the Ottoman family; but far more, if you compute it from such time as the Mammaluke Turks have enjoyed it. Yea, likely they are to keep it, being good at holdfast, and who will as soon lose their teeth as let go their prey. With the description of the greatness of which Empire will we (God willing) now close this History.   

Chap. 30.  
Of the greatness, strength, wealth, and wants of the Turkish Empire; What hopes of the approaching ruin thereof.  
THe Turkish Empire is the greatest and best-compacted (not excepting the Roman itself in the height thereof) that the sun ever saw. Take sea and land together (as bones and flesh make up one body) and from Buda in the West to Tauris in the East, it stretcheth about three thousand miles: little less is the extent thereof North and South. It lieth in the heart of the world, like a bold champion bidding defiance to all his borderers, commanding the most fruitful countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa: Only America (not more happy in her rich mines then in her remoteness) lieth free from the reach thereof.  
Populous it is not; for men will never grow thick where meat groweth thin: It lieth waste, according to the old Proverb, Grass springeth not where the Grand Signors horse setteth his foot. Besides, a third part (I may say, half) of those in Turkey are not Turks, but either Jews or Christians.  
The strength of this Empire consisteth either in bones or stones, men or munition. Of the first, The best stake in the Turks hedge is his great number of Horsemen called 
* Knolls, in his descrip. of the greatness of the Turkish Empire.  Timariot, conceived to exceed seven hundred thousand fight men: These are dispersed over all Dominions, and have lands allotted unto them in reward of their good service and valour, much in the nature of those soldiers of the Romish Empire called Beneficiari. And indeed the Turkish Empire resembleth the Roman in many particulars: not that they ever studied imitation, and by reading of History conformed their State to Roman precedents, (far be it from us to wrong them with the false imputation of so much learning) but rather casually they have met in some common principles of policy. Of these Timariot, on occasion and competent warning, he can bring into the field an hundred and fifty thousand, all bound by the tenure of their lands to arm, cloth, feed, pay themselves: So great an army, which would drain the wealth of other Princes, doth cost the great Turk no drop of expense.  
Next follow his best footmen, called Janissaries, taken young from their Christian parents (parallel to the Roman Praetorian soldiers) being the guard of the Grand Signors person. But as they watch about him, so he casteth a watchful eye on them; seeing of late they are grown from painful to be proud, yea insolent and intolerable: it being true of these Janissaries in the Turkish Empire, as of Elephants in an army; If well ruled, they alone are enough to win the battle; if unruly, they alone are enough to lose it. As for all other sorts of the Turks, both foot and horse, they are but slugs; as whom the Grand Signior little trusteth, and others need less fear.  
His Frontier cities, especially those which respect Christendom, are exactly fortified. Rank with these such places of importance and castles as command passages of consequence. As for his inland-cities, there is no superfluous, scarce competent, strength in them. But if we allow those people to be chaste who never were solicited to be otherwise, then may many cities lying in the bowels of his Empire pass for strong, which for a long time have not had not in haste are likely to have the temptation of a siege.  
Of Ordinance he hath great store, and hath excellent materials to make them of; and is also very powerful in shipping. Indeed ships of great burden would be burdensome in those narrow seas, and experience hath found lesser vessels of greater use, whereof he hath store. And though the Turks either want ingeny or industry, either care not or cannot be good shipwrights themselves; yet the spite is, as long as there is gold amongst the Turks there will be dross amongst the Christians, I mean some who for base gain will betray the mysteries of our useful arts unto them. As for wood to build with, he hath excellent in Bythinia; yea, generally in this wild Empire, trees grow better than men. To his sea-munition may be reduced his multitude of slaves, though not the informing yet (against their wills) the assisting form of his Galleys, and in whom consisteth a great part of their strength and swiftness.  
Nor must we forget the Pirates of Tunis and Algiers, which are Turks and no Turks: Sometimes the Grand Signior disclaimeth, renounceth, and casteth them off to stand upon their own bottom; as when those Christian Princes which are confederate with him, complain to him of the wrongs those sea●obbers have done them. But though he sendeth them out to seek their own meat, he can clock them under his wings at pleasure: And we may verily believe, though sometimes in the summer of his own prosperity he throweth them off as an upper garment of no use, yet in cold weather he will buckle them on again; and if necessity pincheth him, receive them not as retainers at large but as his best servants in ordinary.  
Nor is it the last and least part of the strength of this Empire, that all her native people are linked together in one religion: The discords about which in other Kingdoms have been the cause, first of the unjointing, and then of the final ruin and desolation of many worthy States: Whereas here, the Mahometan religion (if I wrong it not with so good a name) is so full of unity and agreement, that there is no difference and dissension about it. Yea, well may that coat have no seam which hath no shape. A senseless ignorant profession it is, not able to go to the cost of a controversy: And all colours may well agree in the dark.  
Next the strength followeth the wealth; yea, it is part thereof: For all rich Kingdoms may be strong, and purchase artificial fortification. The certain and constant revenues of the great Turk are not great, if withal we consider the spaciousness of his Dominions. Some have mounted his ordinary yearly income to eight 
* Knolls.  millions of gold. But men guess by uncertain aim at Prince's revenues; especially if they be so remote: We may believe that in their conjecture herein, though they miss the mark, they hit the butt. far greater might his intrado be, if husbandry, and chiefly merchandise, were plied in his country; merchants being the Vena porta of a Kingdom; without which it may have good limbs, but empty veins, and nourish little. Now although this Empire be of a vast extent, having many safe harbours to receive strangers there, and Stable commodities (chief if industry were used) to allure them thither; yet hath it in effect but four prime places of trading; Constantinople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauris. As for the extraordinary revenues of the Grand Signior, by his escheats and other courses, if he pleaseth to take them, they are a Nemo scit: For in effect he is worth as much as all his subjects (or flaves rather) throughout his whole Empire are worth, his sponges to squeeze at pleasure.  
But the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted, nor this Empire so formidable as fame giveth it out. The Turks head is less than his turban, and his turban less than it seemeth; swelling without, hollow within. If more seriously it be considered, this State cannot be strong, which is a pure and absolute tyranny. His subjects under him have nothing certain but this, That they have nothing certain; and may thank the Grand Signot for giving them whatsoever he taketh not away from them. Their goods they hold by permission not propriety; not sure that either they or theirs shall reap what they sow, or eat what they reap: and hereupon husbandry is wholly neglected: For the ploughman (aswell as the ground he ploweth) will be soon out of heart, if not maintained and (as I may say) composted with hopes to receive benefit by his labours. Here great officers, if they love themselves, must labour not to be beloved: for popularity is high treason; and generally wealth is a sin to be expiated by death. In a word, it is a cruel tyranny, bathed in the blood of their Emperors upon every succession; a heap of vassals and slaves; no Nobleses (except for time being, by office) no Gentlemen, no Freemen, no inheritance of land, no Stirp or ancient families; a nation without any morality, arts and sciences, that can scarce measure an acre of land or hour of a day.  
And needeth not that Kingdom constant and continued pointing, which is cemented with fear not love? May we not justly think, that there be many in this Empire which rather wait a time then want desire to overthrow it? For though some think the Grecians in Turkey bear such inveterate hate to the Latin Christians, that they would rather refuse deliverance then accept them for their deliverers; yet surely both they, and perchance some native Turks, out of that principle of desiring liberty (the second rule next preserving life in the charter of Nature) would be made (if this Empire were seriously invaded, so that the foundation thereof did totter) sooner to find two hands to pluck it down then one finger to hold it up.  
And we have just cause to hope that the fall of this unwieldy Empire doth approach. It was high noon with it fifty years ago; we hope now it draweth near night: the rather, because luxury, though late, yet at last hath found the Turks out, or they it. When first they came out of Turcomania, and were in their pure naturals, they were wonderfully abstemious, neglecting all voluptuousness, not so much out of a dislike as ignorance of it: But now having tasted the sweetness of the cup, they can drink as great a draught as any others. That Paradise of corporal pleasure which Mahomet promised them in the world to come, they begin to anticipate here, at leastwise to take an earnest of it, and have well soaked themselves in luxury. Yea, now they begin to grow covetous, both Prince and people, rather seeking to enjoy their means with quiet then enlarge them with danger.  
Heaven can as easily blast an oak as trample a mushroom. And we may expect the ruin of this great Empire will come: for of late it hath little increased its stock, and now beginneth to spend of the principal. It were arrant presumption for Flesh to prescribe God his way; or to teach him, when he meaneth to shoot, which arrow in his quiver to choose. Perchance the Western Christians, or the Grecians under him (though these be better for seconds then firsts, fitter to foment then raise a faction) or his own Janissaries, or the Persian, or the Tartarian, or some other obscure Prince not as yet come into play in the World, shall have the lustre from God to maul this great Empire. It is more then enough for any man to set down the fate of a single soul; much more to resolve the doom of a whole nation when it shall be, These things we leave to Providence to work, and posterity to behold: As for our generation, let us sooner expect the dissolutions of our own Microcosmes, than the confusion of this Empire: For neither are our own sins yet truly repent of, to have this punishment removed from us; nor the Turks wickedness yet come to full ripeness, to have this great judgement laid upon them.   
Soli Deo gloria.    

The Preface to the Chronológie.  
HErein I present the Reader with a general view and synopsis of the whole story of the age of the Holy War; that he may see the coherence betwixt the East and the West, and in what equipage and correspondency of time the Asian affairs go on with those of Europe: for they will reflect a mutual lustre and plainness on one another.  
The Chronologie is marshaled into Ranks and Files: The Ranks, or transverse spaces, contain twenty years on a side; the Files, or columns directly downward, are appropriated to those several States whose name they bear.  
In the six first columns I have followed Helvicus with an implicit faith, without any remarkable alteration, both in engraffing of years and making them concur, as also leaving sometimes empty spaces. In the other columns I have followed several authors, and left the years unnoted where the time was uncertain; counting it better to bring in an Ignoramus then to find a verdict where the evidence was doubtful and obscure.  
Such long notes as would not be imprisoned within the grates of this Chronologie, we have referred by asterisks to the foot of the page.  
Know that every note belongeth to that year wherein it beginneth, except signed with this Θ which reduceth it to the year it endeth in.  
Br. standeth for Brother: S. Son: M. Months: D. Days. Note, whilst there were Caliphs' of Egypt, than the Sultan's were but Deputies and Lieutenants; but afterwards the Mamaluke Sultan's were absolute Princes, acknowledging no Superior. Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1095 URBANE the second. 8 ALEXIOS COMNEN● 15 HENRY the fourth. 40 WILLIAM RUFUS. 8 PHILIP the first. 36 The Council of Clermont foundeth the Holy War. 6 9 16 41 9 37 1. VOYAGE under GODEREY Duke of Bovillon. 7 10 17 42 10 38 Nice, won by the Christians. 8 11 18 43 11 39 Antioch, won by the Christians. 9 M. 4 D. 18 19 44 12 40 Jerusalem, won by the Christians. 1100 PASCHAL the second. 2 20 45 13 41 GODFREY King of Jerusalem. 1 BALDWINE his brother. 1 3 21 46 HENRY the first. 1 42 2. VOYAGE under several Princes & Pr●ates, Caesarea. won by the Christians. 1 2 4 22 47 2 43 Apami●, Laodic●a, won by the Christians. 2 3 5 23 48 3 44 3 4 6 24 49 4 45 Ptolemais, won by the Christians. 4 5 7 25 M. 10. 5 46 5 6 8 26 HENRY the fifth 1 6 47 6 7 9 27 2 7 48 7 8 10 28 3 8 49 8 9 11 29 4 9 LEWIS the Gross. 2 Tripoli won by the Christians. 9 1110 12 30 5 10 Berytus, Sidon won by the Christians. 3 10 1 13 31 6 11 4 11 2 14 32 7 12 5 12 3 15 33 8 13 6 13 4 16 34 9 14 7 14     Caliphs' of Syria. Caliphs' of Egypt.     MUSTETAH●R 1 MUST●AL 1 Princes of Antioch.    2 2 BO●MUND. 1    3 3  Patriarches of Antioch. Patriarches of jerusalem. M rs. of Kn. Hospitallers. 4 4 2    5 5 He is taken captive. Taucred manageth the State in his absence. 3 BERARD. 1 1. ARNULPHUS M. 5 1. GERARD. 1 6 6 4 2 II. DABERTUS. He stickleth for Jerusalem, to get it from the King. 1 2 7 ELAMIR, S. 1 5 3 2 3 8 2 Boemund ransomed. 6 4 3 II. REIMUND de Podio. 1 9 3 He unfortunately besiegeth Charras; Traveleth into France; 7 5 Flieth to Antioch; 4 2 10 4 8 6 III. EBREMARUS put in by the King, displaced by the Pope. Thence to Rome: 5 3 11 5 9 7 6 4 12 6 Returneth and wa●keth Grecia with his navy. 10 8 Dieth in Sicily. 7 5 13 7 11 9 IV. GIBELLINUS, Archbishop of Arles. 1 6 14 8 BOEMUND the second▪ S. yet a child, and living in Apulia: in whose minority, first Tancred, than Roger his kinsman, were Princes in trust. 1 10 2 7 15 9 2 11 3 8 16 10 3 12 4 9 17 11 4 13 V. ARNULPHUS, Archdeacon of Jerusalem. 1 10 18 12 5 14 2 11 19 13 6 15 3 12 20 14 Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1115 17 35 10 15 8 15 6 18 36 11 16 9 16 7 M. 5 D. 9 37 12 17 10 Baldwines voyages into Egypt; 1. when he took Pharamia. 8 GELASIUS. 1 D. 5. CALO JO-ANNES S. 1 13 18 11 Baldwines voyages into Egypt; 2. when he got his death. 18 9  2 14 19 12 BALDWINE the second, his kinsman. 1 1120 CALIXTUS the second. 2 3 15 20 13 2 1 3 4 16 21 14 3 2 4 5 17 22 15 He fighteth on disadvantage with the Turks, and is taken captive. 4 3 5 6 18 23 16 5 4 MM. 10. D. 13. 7 M. 9 24 17 He is dearly ransomed. Tyre taken by the Christians 6 5 HONORIUS the second. 2 8 LOTHARIUS the Saxon. 1 25 18 Baldwine getteth so much spoil from the conquered Turks as serveth to pay his ransom. 7 6 3 9 2 26 19 8 7 4 10 3 27 20 9 8 5 11 4 28 21 10 9 M. 2 D. 3 12 5 29 22 11 1130 INNOCENTEUS the second. 1 13 6 30 23 12 1 2 14 7 31 24 
* Anno 1131. Helvicus giveth Baldwine the second sixteen years: but herein he is deceived; as also in allowing King Fulk but eight. We according to the consent of the best Authors, have given the former thirteen, the latter ten.  13 2 3 15 8 32 25 FULK Earl of Anjou, in right of Millecent his wise, eldest daughter to K. Baldwine. 1 3 4 16 9 33 26 2 4 5 17 10 34 27 3 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Antioch Patriarches of jerusalem. Mrs of Kn Hospitallers  Caliphs' of Syria. Caliphs' of Egypt. 7 16 4 13  21 15 8 17 5 14  22 16 9 18 He is accused for his wicked life; posteth to Rome, and there buyeth to be innocent. 6 15  23 17 10 19 7 16 Mrs of Kn-Templars. MUSTERASCHAD S. 1 18 Roger fight unadvisedly with the Turks is slain Θ 11 20 VI GUARIMUND ● of Amiens. 1 17 HUGH de Paganis, 1 2 19 12 21 2 18 GODFRID of S. Omars. 2 3 20 13 22 3 19 3 4 21 14 23 4 20 These first nine years there were but nine Templars. 4 5 22 15 24 5 21 5 6 23 16 25 6 22 6 RASCHID S. afterwards deposed by the WISEMAN of the Ismaclites. 1 24 Boemund now of age, cometh to Antioch, and marrieth King Baldwines' daughter. 17 26 7 23 7 2 25 18 27 8 24 8 3 26 19 28 9 25 The Order of the Templars confirmed by the Pope and a Council. 9  27 20 29 VII. STEPHANUS suspected to have been poisoned by the King. 1 26 10  28 21 30 2 27 EVERARD ● 1  29 He is surprised and slain lu Cilicia. 22 31 VIII. WILLIAM Prior of the Sepulchre. 1 28 master of the Templars, to whom Peter Cluniacensis writ a book in praise of this Order. 2  30 Alice the Relict of Boemund, Princess Regent in the minority of Constantia her daughter. 1 32 2 29 3  31 2 33 3 30 4  32 3 34 4 31   33 4 35 5 32   34 Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1135 6 18 11 35 28 4 6 7 19 12 STEPHEN the Usurper 1 29 5 7 8 20 13 2 30 6 8 9 21 CONRADUS the third. 1 3 LEWIS the seventh, or the Younger. 1 7 9 10 22 2 4 2 8 1140 11 23 3 5 3 9 1 12 24 4 6 4 10 2 13 M. 7. 5 7 5 BALDWINE the third, S. Edessa won by Sanguine from the Christians. 1 3 M. 7 D. 8. EMANUEL Comnenus S. 1 6 8 6 2 4 C●L●STIN● the second. M. 5. 2 7 9 7 3 5 LUCIUS' the second. M. 11. 3 8 10 8 4 6 FUGENIUS the third. 1 4 9 11 9 3. VOYAGE, under Conrade the Emperor, and Lewis King of France. 5 7 2 5 10 12 10 6 8 3 6 11 13 11 Damascus besieged in vain. 7 9 4 7 12 14 12 Discords betwixt Baldwine and his mother Millecent. 8 1150 5 8 13 15 13 9 1 6 9 14 16 14 10 2 7 10 FREDARICUS Barbarossa. 1 17 15 11 3 M. 4. D. 12. ANASTASIUS the fourth. 11 2 18 16 12 4 M. 4. D. 24. 12 3 19 17 Baldwine taketh the city of Askelon. 13 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Antioch patriarchs of Ierusale● Mrs of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars. Caliphs' of Syria. Casiphs' of Egypt. 5 36 6 33  MUCTAPHIL S. to Mustetaher. 1 35 REIMUND Earl of Poictou, in right of Constantia his wife. He acknowledgeth himself vassal to the Grecian Emperor; and resigneth Cilicia to him. 1 RODULPAUS chosen Patriarch by the Laity. 1 7 34  2 ELHAPHIT, S. In the 20 year of his reign he was killed by one Nosradine. Vide Tyr. lib. 18. cap. 49. & Calvis. in Anno 1156. 1 2 2 8 35  3 2 3 3 9 36 RO●ERT of Burgundy, Tyr. lib. 15. c. 6. 4 3 4 4 10 37  5 4 5 5 11 38  6 5 6 6 12 39  7 6 7 ALMERICUS1 13 40  8 7 8 2 14 41  9 8 9 3 15 42  10 9 10 4 9 FULC●ER Archbishop of Tyre. 1 43  11 10 11 5 2 44  12 11 He honourably entertaineth the K. of Fran. Is slain in battle by Noradine Tyr. lib. 17. c. 9 12 6 3 45  13 12 13 7 4 46 Gaza given to the Templars to defend. 14 13 CONSTANTIA his will. Princess. 1 8 5 47  15 14 2 9 6 48 BERNARD d Trenellape. 16 15 3 10 7 49  17 16 4 11 8 50  18 17 5 12 The Hospitallers rebel against the Patriarch & deny to pay tithes. 9 51  19 18 RAINOLD of Castille marrieth Constantis, and is Prince in her right. Θ 1 13 10 52 The Templars with BERNARD their Master through their own covetousness slain at Askelon. Θ 20 19 Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1155 ADRIAN the fourth. 2 13 4 HENRY the second. 1 18 14 6 3 14 5 2 19 15 7 4 15 6 3 20 16 8 M. 8. D. 28. 16 7 4 21 17 9 ALEXANDER the third. 1 17 8 5 22 18 1160 2 18 9 6 23 Order of the Carmelites first begun in Syria. 19 1 3 19 10 7 24 20 2 4 20 11 8 25 21 3 5 21 12 9 26 ALMERICK his B ●. 1 4 6 22 13 10 27 2 5 7 23 14 11 18 At the instance of Sultan Sanc● he g●eth into Egypt, and driveth out Syracon. Caela●●a-Philippi lost. 3 6 8 24 15 12 19 4 7 9 25 16 13 20 Almerick contrary to his promise's invadeth Egypt. 5 8 10 26 17 14 31 6 9 11 27 18 15 32 7 1170 12 28 19 16 33 He taketh a voyage into Grecia, to visit the Emperor his kinsman. 8 1 13 29 20 17 34 9 2 14 30 21 18 35 10 3 15 31 22 19 36 11 4 16 32 23 20 37 BALDWINE the fourth: 1 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Antioch. patriarchs of jerusalem. Mrs. of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars. Caliphs' of Syrìa. Casiphs' of Egypt. He, to despite the Grecian Emperor, wasteth the island Cyprus. 2 Almerick cruelly tormented for speaking against Pr. Reinolds marriage. 14 In vain he crawleth to Rome to complain of them. 11 53 BERTRAND de Bianch: fort. 1 21 20 3 15 12 
* 1156. This catalogue of the Masters of the Hospitallers I find in Hospinian, De origine Monachatûs. It seemeth strange this Nestor Rodulphus should govern his Order 54 years; yet it appeareth to be so, if we compare Tyrius, lib. 14. cap. 6.  54 2 22 ELHADACH. These Caliphs' of Egypt are very difficult to regulate by Chronologie; and are ever Heteroclite, either deficient or redundant in the proportion of time consenting with other Princes. Hitherto we have followed Helvicus; now adhere to Tyrius, lib. 19 cap. 19 & lib. 20. cap. 12. 1 4 16 13 III. AUGERIUS de Balben. He is taken prisoner, Tyr. l. 18. c. 15. PHILIP of Naples. 3 23 2 5 17 14  1 24 3 6 18 X. AMALRICUS Prior of the Sepulchre. 1  Afterward he renounceth his place, Tyr. lib. 20. c. 24. 2 25 4 7 19 2 III. ARNOLDUS de Campis.  26 5 Reinold carried captive to Aleppo. 8 20 3   MUSTENE-IGED. 6 BOEMUND the third, S. to Reimund. 1 He prescribeth rules to the Carmelites. 21 4   2 7 2 22 5   3 8 3 23 6   4 9 4 24 7 V● GI●BERTUS Assalit: Who to get Pelusium for his own Order, instigated K. Almerick (contrary to his oath) to invade Egypt. 12 Templars hanged for traitors. OTTO de Sancto Amando, one that feared neither God nor man. Tyr. lib. 21. c. 29. 5 Sinar & Dargon fight for the Sultany of Egypt. 10 He is conquered and taken prisoner; ransometh himself. 5 25 8   6 11 6 26 9   7 12 7 27 10   8 13 8 28 11   9 14 9 29 12 12  MUSTEZI, S. 1 15 10 30 13 VI CASTUS.  2 Turkish K. of Egypt. 16 11 31 14   3 SALADINE with his horsemace knocketh out the brains of El●adach the last Turkish Caliph in Egypt, Tyr. lib. 20. cap. 12. 12 32 15 VII. JOBERTUS. The Templars basely kill the Ambassador of the Assasines. 4  13 33 16 16  5  Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1175 17 33 24 21 38 2 6 18 34 25 22 39 William marquis of Montferrat marrieth Sibyl the King's sister. 3 7 19 35 26 23 40 Saladine shamefully conquered at Askelon. 4 8 20 36 27 24 41 Fatal jealousies betwixt the King and Reimund Prince of Tripoli for many years. 5 9 21 37 28 25 42 6   M. 5.     1180 M. 11 D. 29 M. 5. ALEXIUS COMNENꝰ. 1 29 26 PHILIP Augustus, S. 1 7 1 LUCIUS' the third. 1 2 30 27 2 8 2 2 ANDRONICUS, S. 1 31 28 3 9 3 3 2 32 29 4 Baldwine disabled with leprosy retireth himself from managing the State. 10 4 4 M. ●1. 33 30 5 11 5 M 3 D. 28 URBANE the third. ISAACIUS ANGELUS. 1 34 31 6 BALDWINE the fifth, after eight month's poisoned. 6 M. 10 D. 25 GREGORY the eighth. 2 35 32 7 GUY de Lusignan in right of Sibyl his wife. 1 7 M. 1. D. 27. CLEMENT the third. 3 36 33 8 1 CONRADE marquis of Montferrat defendeth Tyre, and is chosen King. Guy taken prisoner; Jerusalem won by Saladine. Guy having got liberty, befiegeth Prolemais. 2 8 1 4 37 34 M. 7. RICHARD the first. 9 3 9 2 5 38 1 10 3 4. VOYAGE under Frederick surnamed Barbarossa. 4 1190 3 6 HENRY the sixth, S. 1 2 11 4 5. VOYAGE under Rich. of Eng. Philip of Fran. 5 1 M. 2 D. 10 7 2 3 12 5 Conrade murdered in the marketplace of Tyre. Ptolema is taken. 6 2 CEL●●TINE the third 2 8 3 4 13 Guy exchangeth his Kingdom of Jerusalem for Cyprus. 7 3 3 M. 7. 9 4 5 14 HENRY Earl of Champagne. 4 4 AL●XIUS COMNENUS ANG●ZUS. 1 5 6 15 2 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Antioch. patriarchs of Ierusale● Mrs. of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars.  Caliphs' of Syrta Turkish K. of Egypt. 14 34 17 VIII. ROGER de Moris.   6  15 35 18    7  Reinold of Castille, once Prince of Antioch ransomed from captivity. 16 36 19    8 He getteth Damascus & the whole Turkish kingdom in Syria, (Tyr. lib. 21. c. 6.) in despite of Noradines' son. 1 17 37 20  ARNOLDUS de Troge, Tyr. lib. 22. c. 7  9 2 18 38 21    10 3 Boemund by putting away Theodora his lawful wife, causeth much trouble in this State. 19 39 22    NARZAI, S. 1 These great figures reckon Saladines' reign of 16 years (for so many Authors give him) from his seifing of the kingdom of Damase. But if we count his reign from the kill of the Egyptian Caliph, he began far sooner. 4 20 40 XI. HERACLIUS, Archbish. of Caesarea. 1    2 5 21 41 2    3 6 22 42 3  He dieth in an Embassy to the Princes in Europe.  4 7 23 43 4  GERARDUS RIDFORD.  5 8 24 44 He traveleth into the West, cometh into England, consecrateth the Temple church in London, and returneth without any aid. 5 He went with Heraclius into the West; returneth:   6 9 25 45 6    7 10 26 Antioch by the Patriarch betrayed to Saladine. Θ 46 7 Is slain in a battle near Prolemais. He is taken prisoner. TERICUS, Master of the Templars during Gerard's durance. Gerad is set at liberty and slain in the siege of Prolemais.  8 11 27 
* That Antioch was betrayed by a Patriarch, is plain by Sabellicus: but whether Almericus was this traytour-Patriarch, or whether it was done by the Grecian Antipatriarch, is uncertain. Here we cease that column as despairing to continue their succession any longer.  8 IX. GARNERIUS de Neapoli Syriae.  M of Dutch Knights HENRY a Walpot. 9 12 28  9    10 13 Antioch won again from the Turks by Frederick D. of Suevia.  10   1 11 14   11   2 12 15 The time of Boemunds' death is as uncertain as who was his Successor; only we find from this time forward, the same Princes (but without name or certain date) ●lyled both of Antioch and Tripoli.  He lived viciously, and died obscurely.  
*** 1192. Here is a subject for industry to deserve well, in filling up the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Masters of the Templars, from the death of Gera●d till the year 1215, whose names we cannot find.  3 13 16   
** 1193 Hitherto the succession of the Patriarches of Jerusalem is accurately collected out of Tyrius. The Order of those which follow, is not so authentic, being catcht as we might out of several Authors.  X. ERMEGAR DUS DAPS.  4 14 SAPHADINE, Br. to Saladine. 1      5 15 2 Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1195 5 2 6 7 16 3 6 6 3 7 8 17 ALMERICK the second, King also of Cyprus. 6. VOYAGE, under Henry Duke of Saxony. 1 7 M. 9 D. 11. 4 8 9 18 Henry the Palatine, He●man Land●grave, etc. win Berytus. 2 8 INNOCENTIUS the third. 1 5 9 10 19 The Dutchmen miserably killed on S. Martin's day. 3 9 2 6 OTHO the fourth. 1 11 20 Simon Earl of Montfort cometh into Palestine and maketh a profitable peace. 4 1200 3 7 2 JOHN his Br. 1 21 5 1 4 8 3 2 22 6 2 5 ISAACIUS again with ALEXIUS his S. BALDWINE Earl of Flanders. 9 4 3 23 7. VOYAGE, under Baldwine Earl of Flanders; but by the Pope diverted against the Grecian usurping Emperor. 7 3 6 1 5 4 24 8 4 7 2 6 5 25 1 INTERREGNUM of ● years'. Almerick die●h of a surfer, according to Marinus Sanutus. 9 5 8 HENRY his Br. 1 7 6 26 2 10 6 9 2 8 7 27 3 The Holy war turned against the Albin genses in France. 11 7 10 3 9 8 28 4 12 8 11 4 10 9 29 5 Almerick for his laziness deposed by the Pope, dieth soon after. 13 9 12 5 11 10 30 JOHNBREN made King of Jerusalem by the Pope. 1 1210 13 6 12 11 31 2 1 14 7 13 12 32 3 2 15 8 FREDERICK the second. 1 13 33 4 3 16 9 2 14 34 An army of children going to the Holy war woefully perish by the way. 5 4 17 10 3 15 35 6 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Ierusale●. Mrs of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars. M of Dutch Knights. Caliphs' of Syria. Turkish Kings of Egypt.     6 16 Betwixt him and Saladines sons (whom at last he conquered and subdued) was long war, to the great comfort and profit of the Christians. 3     7 17 4     8 18 5  XII. ALBERTUS succeedeth Heraclius, Spond.   9 19 6     10 20 7     II. OTTO a-Kerpin. 1 21 8     2 22 9   XI. GOTFRIDU● de Denyjon.  3 23 10     4 24 11  He perfecteth and writeth a Rule to the Carmelites, Idem.   5 25 12    Leo King of Armenia restoreth to the Templars what he had violently taken from them. 6 26 13     III. HERMANNUS Bart. 1 27 14     2 28 1 MELADINE (as most compute) succeedeth his father Saphadine in Egypt. 15     3 29 2 16     4 30 3 17  XIII. THOMAS AGNI.   IU. HERMANNUS a Saltza. 1 31 4 18     2 32 5 19   XII. ALPHONSUS de Portugallia.  3 33 6 20     4 34 7 21     5 35 8 22 Anno Dom. Popes. Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1215 18 11 4 16 36 The great Lateran Council, to advance the Holy war. 7 6 M. 6 D. 9 PETER Earl of Auxerre. 1 5 17 37 8. VOYAGE under Andrew King of Hungary. 8 7 HONORIUS the third. 2 2 6 HENRY the third, ●. 1 38 9 8 3 3 7 2 39 Damiata besieged. 10 9 4 4 8 3 40 Damiata taken. 11 1220 5 5 9 4 41 The Christians entrapped in water, restore Damiata for their liberty; and conclude an eight-yeares truce. 12 1 6 ROBERT. 1 10 5 42 13 2 7 2 11 6 43 14 3 8 3 12 7 He death. 44 John Bren cometh into France, and there receiveth rich legacies from Philip Augustus. 15 4 9 4 13 8 LEWIS the eighth. 1 16 5 10 5 14 9 2 17 6 M. 8. 6 15 10 3 He is honourably entertained at Rome, and resigneth his kingdom. 18 7 GREGORY the ninth. 1 7 16 11 St LEWIS. 1 FREDERICK, by marriage of ●ole Brens' daughter. 1 8 2 BALDWINE the second. 1 17 12 2 2 9 ● 2 18 13 3 9 VOYAGE under Frederi●k; who crowned himself King of Jerusalem; and concluding a ten-yeares truce, returneth into Europe, leaving Reynold Duke of Bavaria his Viceroy in Palestine. 3 1230 4 3 19 14 4 4 1 5 4 20 15 5 5 2 6 5 21 16 6 6 3 7 6 22 17 7 7 4 8 7 23 18 8 8 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Ierusale● Mrs of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars. Master of Dutch Kn. Caliphs' of Syria. Turkish Kings of Egypt.  He is present in the Lateran Council to solicit the Holy war. XIII. GOTHERIDUS de-la-Rat. P. de Monte acuto. 6 36 9 23     7 37 10 24     8 38 11 Saphadine (according to M. Par●● p. 404.) dieth for grief that the ●or● nigh to D●miata was taken. Θ 25           He fighteth stoutly with the rest of his Order at the taking of Damiata, Mat. Paris, pag. 409 & 419. 9 39 12 MELADINE 1     10 40 13 2     11 41 14 Is wonderfully kind to the Christians half-drowned in Egypt. 3     12 42 15 4     13 43 16 5   60000 crowns bequeathed by the K. of Fr. to the Hospit. and Templars.  14 44 17 6  XIIII. GERALDUS. XIIII. GUARENUS de Monte acuto. OLIVER. 15 45 18 7     16 TAHER. S. 1 19 8  A bitter enemy he was to Frederick the Emperor, and sided with the Pope and Templars against him.   17 2 20 9     The 〈◊〉 Knights under Hermannus their Master come into Prussia; yet so as many of 
* 1230. Several Authors assign several dates wherein the Dutch Knights came into Prussia: Perchance they came in several parcels. Their succession I had out of Pantaleon, Munster, and the Centurists. Quaere whether these Masters of the Dutch Knights in Prussia had also command over those of their Order in Syria.  them still remained in Syria. 18 3 21 10     19 4 22 11    An inveterate enemy to Frederick, whom he most spitefully and treacherously used. 20  23 12 The Pr. of Antioch dieth without lawful issue.    21  24 13   XVI. BERTRANDUS de Campis.  22  25 14 FREDERICK base S. to Fred. the Emp. is by Reinoldus Viceroy of Jerurusalem made Pr. of Antioch, in spite of Henr. K. of Cyprus, who claimed that place. 1    23  26 15 2    24  27 16 3    25 MUSTENATZER. 28 17 Anno Dom. Pope's Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1235 9 8 24 19 9 9 6 10 9 25 20 10 10 7 11 10 26 21 11 11 8 12 11 27 22 12 The former ten-years Truce expired, Reinold concludeth another of the same term. 12 9 13 12 28 23 13 10. VOYAGE under Theobald King of Navarre 13 1240 14 13 29 24 14 He is unfortunately overthrown in battle at Gaza. 14 1 M. 5. CELESTINE the forth. 14 30 25 15 11. VOYAGE under Richard Earl of Cornwall. 15 2 D. 17. The See void. 15 31 26 16 16 3 INNOCE●TIUS the fourth. 1 16 32 27 17 17 4 2 17 33 28 18 The Corasines conquer the Christians, and sack Jerusalem. 18 5 3 18 34 29 19 19 6 4 19 35 30 20 20 7 5 20 36 31 21 12. VOYAGE under S. Lewis King of France. 21 8 6 21 37 32 22 He arriveth in Cyprus, and there wintereth; 22 9 7 22 38 33 23 taketh Damiata; beateth the Saracens. 23 1250 8 23 INTERR●GNUM of 23 years wherein there were many Competiours for the Empire. 1 34 24 Robert Earl of Artois slain. Lewis taken prisoner. INTERREGNUM of 14 years. 1 1 9 24 2 35 25 The Pastorells overthrown in France. 2 2 10 25 3 36 26 King Lewis being ransomed cometh into Palestine; recovereth and fortifieth Sidon: 3 3 11 26 4 37 27 returneth into France. 4 4 M. 5. D. 14. 27 5 38 28 5 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of jerusalem. Mrs of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars. Mrs of Dutch Kn. Caliphs' of Syria  Turkish K● of Egypt. 4    26   29 18 5    27   30 19 6    28   31 20 7    29   32 21 8    30   33 22 9    31   34 23 10 X V. ROBERTUS  HERMANNUS Pe●ragorinus, M. Pari●, pag. 726. V. CONRADE Land●grave of Hassia. 1   35 24 11  XVII. PETRUS de Villebride;  2   36 25 12    3   37 26 13 He was in the battle against the Corasines: as appeareth in M. Paris; where he writeth a bemoaning letter. taken captive by the Corasines, M. Paris, pag. 833. All the Templars slain to eighteen 
* 1245 Here we are at another loss for the names of the Templars, and will be thankful to those which will help us to them.  the Hospitallers to nineteen, the Dutch Knights to three. 4   38 27 14    5   39 28 15    6   40 29 The Antiochians, fight unadvisedly with the Turks, are overthrown. 16    7   he dieth at Damiata's taking. 30     8   MELECHSALA. 1     9   Mammaluke Sultan's of Egypt. 2  The Patriarch of Je●usalem was taken prisoner with the King of France Magdeburg. Ce●. 13. Col. 697. All the Hospitallers with their Master slain to one. All the Templars with their Master slain to two. 10   TARQUEMINUS. 1 CONRADE ●. to Frederick Prince of Antioch.  XIX. HUGO REVEL: He made a stature whereby women were admitted into this Order.  11   2     12  Great Chans of Tartary. 3     VI POPPO. 1  MANGO persuaded by Haito K. of Armenia to turn Christian. 1 4     2  2 Anno Dom. Pope's Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1255 ALEXANDER the fourth. 2 28 6 39 29 6 6 3 29 7 40 30 7 7 4 30 8 41 31 8 8 5 31 9 42 32 These 10 years following the Genoans fight against the Venetians and Pisans, ba●●en the ruin of the Christians in Pale●tine. 9 9 6 32 10 43 33 10 1260 M. 5. D. 5. MICHAEL Palaeologus. 1 11 44 34 11 1 URBANE the fourth. 1 2 12 45 35 12 2 2 3 13 46 36 13 3 3 4 14 47 37 14 4 M. 1. D. 4. 5 15 48 38 CHARLES Earl of Anjou, by the Pope made King of Jerusalem and Sicily. 1 5 CLEMENT the fourth. 1 6 16 49 39 2 6 2 7 17 50 40 3 7 3 8 18 51 41 4 8 M. 9 D. 25. 9 19 52 42 1 HUGH King of Cyprus. 1●. VOYAGE under St Lewis King of France, 5 9 The See void. 10 20 53 43 6 1270  11 21 54 44 2 Charleses of Sicily, and our Prince Edward. Tunis taken. Lewis dieth. 7 1 GREGORY the tenth. 1 12 22 55 PHILIP the Bold. 1 3 Prince Edward cometh to P●olemais; 8 2 2 13 23 56 2 4 is desperately wounded, yet recovereth. 9 3 3 14 RODULPHUS ab Haspurg. 1 EDWARD the first. 1 3 5 10 4 4 15 2 2 4 6 11 Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of jerusalem. Mrs of Kn. Hospitallers. Masters of Dutch Kn. Caliphs' of Syria Great Cha●s of Tatary. Mammaluke Sultuns of Egypt.  XVI. PANTALEON, a Frenchman.  3  3     4 MUSTEAZEM, the last Caliph of Syria, a covetous miser, conquered by the Tartarians. 2 4 MELECH, otherwise called CLOTHES.    5  5     6  Haalach Br●o Mango taketh the city of Babylon, 6     7  7  Haalach the Tartarian cometh to Antioch; is there kindly entertained by Prince Conrade   8  8 BENDOCDAR. 1  He is made Pope by the name of Urbane the fourth, Platina.  9  HAALA●H succeedeth his Br. Mango. 1 2    10  2 3    11  3 4 Conrade cometh into Europe to succour Contadine his kinsman.   12  ABAGA Cham his S. 1 He winneth the kingdom of Damascus from the Tartarian: 5    VII. HANNO de Sanger Hausen 1  2 6   XX. N●COLAUS Longar. 2  3 Taketh Sapher, and killeth all that would not turn mahometans: winneth Joppa. 7    3  4 8 Antioch in the absence of Conrade won by Bendocdar.   4  5 9    5  6 10 BOEMUND the fourth.   6  7 11    7  8 12    8  9 13    9  10 14    10  11 15 Anno Dom. Pope's Emper. of the East. Emper. of the West. Kings of England. Kings of France. Holy War, and Kings of jerusalem. 1275 M. 4 D. 10 16 3 3 5 12 The last VOYAGE under Henry Duke of Mechlenburg. 7 6 INNOCENT the 〈◊〉. M. 5. 17 4 4 6 13 8 7 ADRIAN the fifth. M. ● D. 7. 18 5 5 7 14 MARIA DOMICELLA 〈◊〉 of An●ioch, resigneth her right of the Kingdom of Jerusalem to Charles. 9 8 JOHN the 20. M. ● D. 8 19 6 6 8 15 10 9 NICOLAS the third M. 8 D. 29 20 7 7 9 16 11 1280 The See void. 21 8 8 10 17 12 1 MARTIN the second 1 22 9 9 11 18 13 2 2 23 10 10 12 19 The Sicilian Vespers. 14 3 3 ANDR●NIC● PALEOL●GUS 1 11 11 13 20 15 4 4 2 12 12 14 

1 CHARL●S the second, surnamed the Lame, or the Delayer.  
JOHN his S. 1   5 M. 1 D. 7 3 13 13 15 2 HENRY his Br. 1 6 HONORIUS the fourth. 1 4 14 14 PHILIP the Fair. 1 3 2 7 D. 2. 5 15 15 2 4 3 8 NICOLAS the fourth. 1 6 16 16 3 5 4 9 2 7 17 17 4 6 Tripoli Sidon Be●ytus Tyre lost Θ 5 1290 3 8 M. 9 18 5 7 Ptolemais besieged; 6 1 4 9 ADOLPHUS of Nassau. 1 19 6 8 taken: And the Latin Christians finally expelled out of Syr●●. 7 2 M. 1. D. 14. 10 2 20 7 9 8 3 The See void. C●LESTINE the V. M. 5. D. 7. BONI●AC● the eighth. 11 3 21 8 10 9 4  12 4 22 9 11 10 If the Reader do observe any difference betwixt our former computation in the Book and our Chronologie here, let him rather rely on this latter, which I take to be better perfected. Princes of Antioch. Patriarches of Ierusale●. Mrs of Kn. Hospitallers Mrs of Kn. Templars. Mrs of Dutch Kn. Great Cha●s of Tatary. Mammaluke Sultan's of Egypt. Dieth May 11 BO●MUND the fifth, S. under the tuition of the Bishop of To●to●●. 1    11 12 16 2  XXI. JO●N de Villiers.  12 13 Dieth by cold gotten with swimming in Euph a●es. MEL●CH●A●T, or M●LECH●AR●●. 17 3    HERMANN● the third. 1 14 1 4    2 15 2 5    3 16 3 6    4 17 4 7    5 He is poisoned by the Sultan of Babylon. Θ 18 5 Boemund now of age, sideth against the Templars to the destruction of the Christian cause. 8 About this time we find a nameless Patriarch of Jerusalem,— XXII. ODO de Pinibus.  6 TANGODOR his B●. wyled himself Mahomer Cham and was a great persecutor of the Christians. ARGON Cham killed his Br. Mahome●●he favoureth the Christians. 1 6 9    7 2 7 10    8 3 8 11   P●TER Belius, a valiant soldier. BURCHARD● Schu●dens. 1 1 He expelleth the ●arm●lites out of Syria for changing their coats. 9 12    2 2 10 LUCY his ●ister, married in Europe. Vide Calvis. in boc anno. 1  The Hospitallers win the castle of Mergath.  3 3 11 2    4 RAGAITHUS his Br. a lazy voluptuous glutton. ● 4 12 3 ●who fled out of P●olemais when it was besieged, and was drowned in his flight● It seemeth his name was drowned with him.   5 1 ●LPIS, or A ●P● x. 1 How ever, one HUGH challengeth both the title of Antioch, and principality of Trip●li, ●nolls pag. 123 4  XX 11. VICIL●ELM● de Villare●. He is chosen governor of Ptolemais, & therein slain. 6 CASANUS, S. to Argon. He was very favourable to the Christians: 
* For in the ninth year of his reign he winneth the city of Jerusalem and restoreth it to the Eastern Christians; who soon after lose it to the Sultan of Egypt.  1 2 5    Deposed. 7 2 Seraph, or arraphus. 1 6   JAMES Mosaibergamon last master of the Templars in Syria, Continuator bell● sacri, lib. 5. cap 13, & 17. 1 CONRAD● de Fer●uangen. 1 3 2 7   2 2 4  8   3 3 5    

A Catalogue of Authors cited in this book.  

A  
ADricomius, De terrâ Sanctâ.  
Paul. AEMYLIUS; Basileae, per Seba●●ianum Henric-petri; in fol.  
Albertus Aquensis, Chron. Hierosol.  
Alfonso Villeg.  
Alphonsus de Castr.  
S. Ambrose.  
Ammian. Marcellin.  
Antoninus.  
Jo. Antonius Summontius.  
Tho. Aquinas.  
Arnoldus Lubecens.  
S. Athanasius.  
Athenaeus.  
Aventinus.  
S. Augustine.   

B  
Sr Fr. Bacon.  
Balaeus.  
Barklay.  
BARONIUS, Annal. Eccl. Colon. Agrippinae, 16. 4.  
Bellarmine.  
Bernard.  
Chr. BESOLDUS; Arg●ntinae, 1536, in 12●.  
Bibliander.  
Blondus.  
Hect. Boethius.  
Bolsecus.  
Bonaventure.  
Bracton.  
Bridenbach.  
Brierwood.  
Brochardus.  
Buchanan.  
Burton.  
Bydulph.  
Bzovius.   

C  
Caesar's Comment.  
CALVISIUS, Francofurti; edit. 3 ˣ 1629, in 4●.  
Camden.  
Jo. Cammanus.  
Canon Law.  
Carew.  
Cassanaeus.  
Cedrenus.  
Chemnitius.  
Civil law.  
Cochlaeus.  
Sr Edw. Coke.  
Continuator Guil. Tyrii.  
Continuator Matth. Paris.  
Continuator Urspergensis.  
Sr Rob. Cotton.   

D  
Daniel.  
P. Diaconus.  
Mart. Dominic.  
Dressaeus.   

E  
Egnatius.  
Erasmus.  
Estius.  
Jo. Euchaitensis.  
Eulogium Chron.  
Eusebius.   

F  
Fazellius.  
Field.  
FOX, Acts and monuments; 4. edition, 1583.  
Otho Frisingensis.  
Froissard.  
Fuller.   

G  
Gaguinus.  
Gerson.  
Godwine.  
Goffridus.  
Grafton.  
Gwillam.   

H  
Harding.  
Sr Jo. Harrington.  
Chr. HELVICUS Chron. Marpurg. 1629, infol.  
Dr. Heylin.  
S. Hierome.  
Hieronimo Roman.  
Hospinian.  
Rog. HOVEDEN, Francofurti, 1601 in fol.  
Hen. HUNTINGTON; Francofurti, 1601, in fol.   

I  
●p. Jewel.  
Illyricus.  
Josephus.   

K  
Rich. KNOLLS, Turkish Hist. 2. edition, 1610, in fol.  
Krantzius.   

L  
Lambert.  
LAMPADIUS Mellificium Hist. Marpurgi, 1617., in 4●.  
Livy.  
Lindwood.  
Lipsius.  
Lombard.  
Luther.   

M  
Machiaviell.  
MAGDEBURGENSES Centuriae, Basileae 1624. in fol.  
Jo. Magnus.  
Guil. MALMESBURIENSIS; Franco●urti, 1601, in fol.  
Mantuan.  
Marinus Sanutus.  
Martini Chron.  
Mr Mead.  
P. Mela.  
Mercator.  
Monstrell.  
Morison.  
Seb. Munster.   

N  
Nauclerus.  
NICETAS Choniates; Apud haeredes Eustathii Vignon, 1593. in 4●.  
Neubrigensis.  
Theod. à Nyem.  
Greg. Nyssen.   

O  
Ovid.   

P  
Pantaleon.  
Matth. PARIS; London, 1671, in fol.  
Jo. PAUL Perin, Luther's forerunners, translated by S. Leonard; Lond. 1624.  
Pero M●xya.  
Peter de Bloys.  
Peter de Valle Sarnensi.  
Peter de Vineis.  
Pierce Ploughman.  
Pitzaeus.  
Platina.  
Polybius.  
Possevine.   

R  
Sr W●lter Ralegh.  
Reinerius.  
Reineccius.  
Dr. R●dley.  
Rivetus.  
Claud. Rubis.   

S  
An. Coc. SABELLICUS; Lugduni, in aedibus Nic. Petit. 1535.  
Sr Edw. S●ndys.  
G. Sandys Travels.  
Scaliger.  
Scotus.  
Mr Selden.  
DuSerres.  
Socrates.  
Sozomen.  
Jo. Speed.  
Statutes of Eng. Scotl.  
Stephanus Cypriot.   

T  
Theodoret.  
Theophylact.  
Theophanes.  
Thuanus.  
Tremellius.  
Hist. conc. Trident.  
Tully.  
Guil. TYRIUS Basileae, 1549, in fol.   

V  
Vincent.  
Polyd. Virgil.  
Vitruvi●s.  
Volaterran.  
URSPERGENSIS; Basileae, apud Petrum Pernam, 1569.   

W  
Weaver, Fun. mon.  
Dr Whitaker.  
Dr White.   

Z  
Zuerius Boxhorn.    

A table showing the principal things contained in this History.  

A  
 B. Ch. ABaga maketh cowards v●liant 4 32 Abbeys, how and why suppressed in England, 5 6, 7, 8 Adamites against their will, 3 20 Albingenses; three opinions concerning them,  18 their original, persecution, nicknames,  19 defended from crimes objected,  20 commended by their adversartes,  ibid. Alexius Emp. his treachery. 1 15 causeth the Christians overthrow, 2 9 his death and epitaph,  14 Alexius Ang●lus the younger a princely beggar, 3 17 Almerick K. of jerusalem his character, 2 33 he helseth the Sultan of Egypt,  36 invadeth Egypt against promise,  7 his death,  ibid. Almerick the second, 3 16 deposed for laziness,  23 Almerick Patriarch of Antioch, 2 26 jerusalem,  34 Andronicꝰ a bad practiser of S. Paul 3 3 Antioch won by the Christians, 1 17 betrayed by the Patr. to Saladine, 3 1 recovered by the Duke of Suevia,  4 finally lost to the Sultan of Egypt, 4 26 Apostasy of many Christians in Europe upon K. Lewis captivity,  17 Arms of Gentlemen ●eserved in this war, 5 23 A●nulphus the firebrand-Patriarch of jerusalem, 2 1, 8, 1● Assasines, their strange commonweal  34   

B  
BAldwine K. of jerus. his nature, 2 7 he wins Ant●pa●ris and Caesarea,  10 his two voyages into Egypt, his death,  13 B●ldwine the second chosen King,  14 he is taken prisoner, & ransomed,  ●7 he renounceth the world, & dieth,  18 Baldwine the third his character, 2 34 discord betwixt him & his mother  31 he winneth Ascalon,  32 his death and commendation,  ibid. Baldwine the fourth,  38 he conquereth Saladine,  40. 41 he is arrested with leprosy: his death, and praise,  ibid. Baldwine the fifth poisoned by his mother,  43 Baldwine Earl of Flanders Emperor of Constantinople, 3 17 Theodore Balsamon how cozened, 2 44 Battles at or near Dogargan, 1 16 Antioch,  17 Askelon, 2 3 Rhamula,  10 Meander,  28 Tiberias,  45 Ptolemais, 3 5 Bethlehem,  11 Moret in France,  22 Gaza, 4 7 Tiberias,  10 Manzor in Egypt,  15 Manzor again,  16 Bendocdar Sultan of Egypt, 4 26, 32 Bernard Patriarch of Antioch, 2 2 An apology for S. Bernard, 2 30 Biblianders wild fancy, 1 10 Bishops numerous in Palestine, 2 2 Boemund prince of Antioch, 1 17 he is taken prisoner, 2 3 he wasteth Grecia,  11 Boemund the second,  18 Boemund the third,  36   

C  
Caliphs', their voluptuousness, 2 22, 36 Calo-Iohannes Grecian Emper.  21 Carmelites, their original luxury, and banishment,  26 Carthage described, 4 27 Chalices in England, why of latten, 3 13 Charatux one of the wisest men in the world,  4 Charles' Earl of Anjou, K. of jerus. 4 25 he dieth for grief,  31 Charles the second, surnamed the Delayer,  ibid. Children marching to jerusalem woefully perish, 3 24 Choermines, their obscure original 4 9 and final suppression,  10 Clerks no fit Captains, 2 9  5 14 Clermont Council, 1 8 Climate how it altereth health, 5 15 Conferences betwixt opposite parties in religion never succeed, 3 21 Conrade Emperor of Germany his unfortunate voyage, 2 27 he conquereth the Turks,  28 Conrade of Montferrat K. of jerus. 3 1 he is miserably slain,  10 Conversions of Pagans hindered by Christians badness, 2 34  4 12 how it must orderly and solemnly be done,  22 Edmund Cr●uchback not crooked,  26   

D  
DAbertus Patriarch of jerusal. 2 2 he scuffleth with the Kings for that city, & dies in banitshment,  5, 7, 8 Damascus described,  29 in vain besieged by the Christians,  ibid. Damiat a twice taken by the Christians, and twice surrendered, 3 25, 17  4 1●, 18 Danish service in this war, 1 13  5 22 Drunkenness woefully punished, 3 16 A Duel declined, 2 1 Duels forbidden by St Lewis, 4 27   

E  
EBremarus Patriarch of jerusal. 2 8 Prince Edward his voyage, 4 26 he is desperately wounded, and recovereth,  29 Elinor Qu. of France playeth false with her husband, 2 28 Elinor wife to Prince Edward, her unexampled love to her husband, 4 26 Elhadach Caliph of Egypt, 2 36 Emmanuel Emperor of Greece,  27 Engines before guns, 1 24 English service in this war, 1 13  5 22 Equality of undertakers ruineth this Holy war.  13 Eustace refuseth the kingdom, 2 14   

F  
FAith-breaking the cause of the Christians overthrow, 2 37  5 11 Fames incredible swiftness, 1 8 The strength of imaginary Fear 3 5 Forts make some country's weaker, 3 4 Franks, how ancient in the East, 5 21 Fred. Barbarossa his unhappy voyage 3 3 his woeful drowning,  4 Frederick the second, K. of jerusalem, his disposition, 3 29  4 20 his grappling with the Pope, 3 30  4 1 his death, and posterity,  20 French service in this war, 1 13  5 21 Fulcher Patriarch of jerusalem, 2 25 Fulk King of jerusalem,  19, 23   

G  
GAlilee described, 1 19 Genoans achievements in this war, 2 10 German service in this war, 1 13  5 21 German Nobility numerous,  ibid. St George, 1 17 Gibellines and Guelphs, 4 1 Godfrey King of jerusalem, 2 1 his virtuous vice,  ibid. his death,  6 a Goose carried by the Pilgrims to jerusalem, 1 10 Greek Church rend from the Latin, 4 4 on what occasion,  ibid. wherein it dissenteth,  5 what charitably is to be thought of them,  ibid. what hope of reconcilement,  6 Guarimund Patriarch of jerusalem, 2 15 Guy King of jerusalem,  43 he is taken prisoner,  45 he exchangeth his Kingdom for Cyprus, 3 10   

H  
HAalon Cham of Tartar●e, 4 22, 26. Helen no Ostleresse, 1 4 Henry E. of Champagne K. of jerus. 3 11 his woeful death,  15 Henry Earl of Mechlenburgh his long captivity & late deli verance, 4 30 Henry the fourth K. of England his intended voyage to jerusalem, 5 24 Heraclius the vicious Patriarch of jerusalem, 2 39 Holy fraud, 1 17 Holy war, arguments for it, 1 9 arguments against it,  10 unlikely again to be set on foot, 5 27 Hugh King of jerusalem and Cyprus, 4 25   

I  
JAmes IV, K. of Scotland, hath some intentions for jerusalem, 5 24 janissaries their present insolency, 5 29 jerusalem destroyed by Titus, 1 1 rebuilt by Adrian,  2 largely described,  23 wonne by the Christians under Godfrey,  24 lost to Saladine, 2 46 recovered by Frederick the Emp. 3 31 finally won by the Choermines, 4 9 her present estate at this day, 5 26 jews their woeful present condition, 1 3 the hindrance of their conversion,  ibid. Interviews of Princès dangerous, 3 6 john Bren K. of jerusalem,  24 his discords with the Legate,  ibid. he resigneth his kingdom,  28 Irish service in this war, 5 23 Isaacius Angelus Emp. of Constant. 3 1 Italian service in this war, 1 13  5 22 judea described, 1 21   

K  
KIng for Deputy in Eastern tongues, 2 2 Three faults in the Kingdom of jerusalem which hindered the strength of it, 5 18 Knights-Hospitallers their original 2 4 they degenerate through wealth into luxury,  ibid. they rebel against the Patriarch about tithes,  25 brawl with the Templars, 4 8 flit from Cyprꝰ by Rhodes to Malta 5 5 the manner of their suppression in England,  6, 7 in vain restored by Qu. Mary,  8 Knights. Templars instituted, 2 16 many slain through their own covetousness,  32 they become rich and proud, 4 8 their treachery hindereth the Holy war, 5 17 they are finally exsirpated out of Christendom,  1 arguments for and against their innocency, with a moderate way betwixt them,  2, 3 Knights teutonics their institution 2 16 they are honoured with a grand Master, 3 5 they come into Prussia, their service there, 5 4 Knights of the Sepulchre, 5 27   

L  
Lateran Council, 3 24 Length of the journey hindrance of this war, 5 13 Leopoldus Duke of Austr. his valour 3 8 Leprosy, 5 15 Lewis the Young K. of France his woeful journey, 2 27. 28 St Lewis his voyage to Palestine, 4 11 he wintereth in Cyprus,  12 lands in Egypt, wins Damiata,  13 is conquered and taken captive,  16 dearly ransomed,  18 St Lewis his second voyage, 4 26 he besiegeth Tunis,  27 his death and praise,  ibid.   

M  
MAhometanisme; the cause why it is so spreading, 1 6 Mammalukes their original, 2 40 their miraculous Empire, 4 19 Maronites their tenants and reconcilement to Rome, 2 39 Meladine King of Egypt his bounty to the Christians, 3 27 why not loved of his subjects, 4 14 his death,  ibid. Melechsala his son King of Egypt,  ibid. Melechsaites Sultan of Egypt,  32 Mercenary soldiers dangerous, 2 35 yet how, well qualified, they may be useful,  ibid. Miracles of this war examined, and ranked into four sorts: viz. 1 not done; 2 falsely done; 3 done by Nature; 4 done by Satan; 5 10   

N  
NIce besieged and taken by the Christians, 1 16 Nilus his wonders and nature, 2 13 Northern Armies may prosper in the South, 5 15 Norvegian service, 1 13  5 22 Number's number less slain in these wars,  20 What Numbers competent in an army,  19 Numbers of Asian armies, what we may conceive of them,  ibid.   

O  
OBservation of Rog. Hoveden confuted, 2 46 Offers at Palestine since the end of the war, 5 24 Office of the Virgin why instituted, 1 8 Owls why honoured by the Tartarians 4 2   

P  
PAlestine in general● described, 1 18. Pastorells in France slain, 4 21. Pelagius the Legate, 3 24. Peter the Hermit his character, 1 8. he proves himself but an hypocrite  ibid. Peter K. of Arragon, a favourer of the Albingenses slain in battle, 3 22 Philip Augustus K. of France his voyage to Palestine, and unseasonable return,  6 Pilgrimages proved unlawful, 5 9 The Pope's private profits by the Holy war, 1 11 he the principal cause of the ill success, 5 12 Polands service in this war, 1 13  5 22 Ptolemais won by the Christians, 2 11 regained by Saladine,  45 after three years' siege recovered by the Christians, 3 8 finally taken by Sultan Serapha, 4 33   

Q  
QValitie of the adventurers in this war, 1 12   

R  
Read sea why so called, 2 13 Reformation, why Rome is averse from it, 4 4 Reimund Earl of Tripoli, his discords with Baldwine, 2 41 his apostasy to Saladine,  45 his suspicious death,  ibid. Relics how to be valued, 3 12 why so many before death Renounced the world, 2 18 Richard K. of England his voyages to Palestine, 3 6 he taketh Sicily and Cyprus in his passage,  7 vanquisheth Salad. in a set battle,  11 in his return he is taken prisoner in Austria, and ransomed,  13 Richard Earl of Cornwall his voyage to Palestine, 4 8 Robert D. of Normandy his valour, 1 16. he refuseth the Kingdom of jerusalem, and thriveth not after, 2 1 Rodulphus chosen unexpectedly Emperor of Germany, 4 30 sendeth supplies to Syria,  ibid. Rodulphus the unhappy Patriarch of Antioch, 2 20   

S  
Sacrilege, 5 17 Saladine killeth the Caliph of Egypt, 2 37 succeeds in Egypt and Damascus,  ibid. conquereth Guy,  45 taketh jerusalem and all Syria,  46 his commendations and death, 3 14 Scholars without experience no good Generals, 3 24 Scottish service in this war, 1 13  5 23 Sea and land service compared, 4 24 Simon Earl of Montfort concludeth a truce in Syria, 3 16 chosen captain against the Albingenses,  22 is killed by a woman,  ibid. Sidon described; won by the Christians, 2 12 lost to the Sultan of Egypt, 4 32 Spanish service in this war, 1 13  5 22 Stephen Patriarch of jerusalem, 2 15 Superstition tainting this whole war 5 9 Suspected soldiers in armies where to be placed, 4 10 Sultan's their large commissions, 2 22 Sweden appeareth not in the Holy war, 1 13   

T  
TArtaria described, 1 7  4 2 Tartars, their name and nature,  ibid. when first known to the world,  ibid. converted to Christianity,  22 their relapse to Paganism,  26 the occasion,  ibid. Theobald King of Navarre his unhappy voyage, 4 7 Titular Bishops their use and abuse, 3 2 Pretenders of Titles to the Kingdom of jerusalem, 5 29 Tunis described; besieged, 4 27 taken by the Christians,  28 Turks whence descended, 1 7 their large strides into Asia,  ibid. harder to be converted then Tartars, 4 2 Turkish Empire; its greatness, strength, and welfare; the weakness and defects of it; what hopes of its approaching ruin 5 30 Tylo Colupp a not able cheater, 4 20 Tire described, 2 12 taken by the Christians,  17 valiantly defended by Conrade, 3 1 won by Sultan Alphir, 4 32   

V  
VEnetians performance in this war, 2 17 their bloody sea-battel with the Genoans, 4 24 Viciousness of the Pilgrims which went to Palestine, 1 12  5 16   

W  
Wafer-cake why wrought in the borders of all Egyptian tapestry, 4 18 Welsh service in this war, 5 23 William Patriarch of jerusalem, 2 25 William Landt-grave of Hesse his fictitious voyage to jerusalem confuted, 5 26 Women warriors, 1 12  2 27 Wracks first quitted by the Kings of England to their subjects, 3 7   
FINIS.