A draft OF A SPEECH CONCERNING EPISCOPACY, BY THE LORD Viscount FALKLAND.  
Found since his Death amongst his papers Written with his own hand.  
OXFORD, Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD, Printer to the university, 1644.   

Mr Speaker,  
WHosoever desires this total change of our present government, desires it either out of a conceit that it is unlawful, or inconvenient. To both these I shall say something. To the first, being able to make no such arguments to prove it so myself, as I conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a House, I can make no answer to them till I hear them from some other; which then (if they persuade me not) by the liberty of a Committee I shall do. But this in general▪ in the meantime I shall say, that the ground of this government of Episcopacy being so ancient, and so general, so uncontradicted in the first and best times, that our most laborious Antiquaries can find no Nation, no City, no Church, nor Houses under any other, that our first ecclesiastical Authors tell us, that the Apostles not only allowed but founded Bishops, so that the tradition for some books of Scripture which we receive as canonical, is both less ancient, less general, and less uncontradicted, I must ask leave to say, that though the mystery of iniquity began suddenly to work, yet it did not instantly prevail, it could not aim at the end of the race, as soon as it was started, nor could Antichristianism in so short a time have become so Catholic.  
To the second, this I say, that in this government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole, and though we had not paired their nails, or rather their Tongues, I mean the High-Commission, though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules, nor the addition of choice Assisters (both which we may do and suddenly I hope we shall) yet the fear sunk into them of this Parliament, and the expectation of a triennial one, would be such banks to these rivers, that we need fear their inundations no more.  
Next I say, that if some inconvenience did appear in this, yet since it may also appear that the change will breed greater, I desire those who are led to change by inconveniences only, that they will suspend their opinions, till they see what is to be laid in the other balance, which I will endeavour.  
The inconveniences of the change are double, some that it should be yet done, others that it should be at all done▪ the first again double, because we have not done what we should do first, and because others have not done what they should do first. That which we should do first, is to agree of a succeeding form of Government, that every man, when he gives his Vote to the destruction of this, may be sure that he destroys not that which he likes better than that which shall succeed it. I conceive no man will at this time give this Vote, who doth not believe this Government to be the worst that can possibly be devised; and for my part if this be thus preposterously done, and we left in this blind uncertainty, what shall become of us, I shall not only doubt all the inconveniences which any Government hath, but which any Government may have. This I insist on the rather, because if we should find cause to wish for this back again we could not have it, the means being dispersed, to restore it again would be a miracle in State, like that of the resurrection to Nature.  
That which others should do first, is, to be gone. For if you will do this, yet things standing as they do, no great cause appearing for so great a change, I fear a great Army may be thought to be the cause, and I therefore desire (to be sure that Newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon London) that this may not be done till our Brethren be returned to their Patrimony.  
We are now past the inconveniences in point of time, I now proceed, and my first inconvenience of this change is the inconvenience of change itself, which is so great an inconvenience, when the change is great and sudden, that in such cases, when it is not necessary to change, it is necessary not to change. To a person formerly intemperate I have known the first prescription of an excellent physician to forbear too good a diet for a good while. We have lived long happily and gloriously under this form of Government, it hath very well agreed with the constitution of our laws, with the disposition of our People, how any other will do, I the less know, because I know not of any other, of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had any experience, they all having (as I conceive) at least Superintendents for life, and the mere word Bishop, I suppose, is no man's aim to destroy, nor no man's aim to defend.  
Next, Sir, I am of opinion, that most men desire not this change, or else I am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men; several Petitions indeed desire it, but knowing how concerned and how united that party is, how few would be wanting to so good a work, even those hands which values their number to others, are an argument of their paucity to me. The numberless number of those of a different sense appear not so publicly and cry not so loud, being persons more quiet, as secure in the goodness of their laws, and the wisdom of their lawmakers, and because men Petition for what they have not, and not for what they have, perhaps that the Bishops may not know how many friends their Order hath, lest they be encouraged to abuse their authority, if they knew it to be so generally approved. Now, Sir, though we are trusted by those that sent us, in cases wherein their opinions were unknown, yet truly if I knew the opinion of the major part of my Town, I doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me, that I should follow my own opinion against theirs, at least let us stay till the next Session, and consult more particularly with them about it.  
Next, Sir, it will be the destruction of many estates, in which many, who may be very innocent persons, are legally vested, and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent, whose dependences are upon those estates; the Apostle saith, he that provides not for his family, is worse than an infidel, this belongs in some analogy to us, and truly, Sir, we provide ill for our family the commonwealth, if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doors, so that, for any care is taken by this bill for new dwelling, (and I will never consent they shall play an after game for all they have) either we must see them starve in the streets before us, or to avoid that, must ship them some whether away like the moors out of Spain.  
From the hurt of the Learned I come to that of Learning, and desire you to consider, whether when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of souls, all studies will not be reduced to those which are in order to Preaching; the Arts and Languages and even eminent skill in Controversies, to which great leisure and great means is required, much neglected, and to the joy and gain of our common adversary, Syntagmes, Postylles, catechisms, Commentators, and Concordances almost only bought, and the rest of Libraries remain rather as of ornament, then as of use. I do not deny but for all this want, the wit of some hath attempted both, and the parts of some few have served to discharge both, and those of Calvin to advise about and dispatch more temporal business into the bargain, than all our privy-council. yet such abilities are extremely rare, and very few will ever Preach twice a Sunday and be any match for Bellarmine; nay I fear, Sir, that this will make us to have sewer able even in Preaching itself, as it is separated from general Learning, for I fear many whose parts, friends and means, might make them hope for better advancements in other courses, when these shall be taken away from this, will be less ready to embrace it; and though it were to be wished, that all men should only undertake those Embaflages with reference to his honour whose ambassadors they are; yet I doubt not but many who have entered into the Church by the door, or rather by the Window, have done it after great and sincere service, and better reasons have made them labour in the vineyard than brought them thither at first; and though the mere love of God ought to make us good, though there were no reward or punishment, yet it would be very inconvenient to piety, that hope of Heaven and fear of Hell were taken away.  
My next inconvenience I fear, is this, that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the first antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles, as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them, lest this may avert some of our Church from us, and rivit some of the Roman Church to her; and as I remember, the Apostle commands us to be careful not to give scandal even to those that are without. Sir, it hath been said, that we have a better way to know Scripture then by Tradition. I dispute not this, Sir, but I know that Tradition is the only argument to prove Scripture to another, and the first to every man's self, being compared to the Samaritan woman's report, which made many first believe in Christ, though they after believed him for himself, and I therefore would not have this so far weakened to us, as to take away Episcopacy as unlawful, which is so far by Tradition proved to be lawful.  
My next inconvenience that I fear, is this, having observed those generally who are against Bishops (I will not now speak of such as are among us, who by being selected from the rest are to be hoped to be freer than ordinary from vulgar passions) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them, then vice versâ; lest when they shall have prevailed against the Bishops, they be so far enraged against their partakers, & will so have discouraged their adversaries, as in time to induce a necessity upon others at least of the Clergy to believe them as unlawful as they themselves do, and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large: which will be a way to deprive us I think of not our worst, I am sure of our most learned Ministers, and to send a greater colony to New England, than it hath been said this Bill will recall from thence.  
I come now from the inconveniences of taking away this Government to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it: and to this I can speak but by guess, and groping, because I have no light given me what that shall be; only I hope I shall be excused for shooting at random, since you will set me up no Butt to shoot at. The first I fear the Scotch Government will either presently be taken, or if any other succeed for a while, yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this Nation, assisted by the counsel and friendship of that, will shortly bring it in, if any less opposite Government to it be here placed then that of Episcopacy. And indeed, Sir, since any other Government than theirs will by no means give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it, will be unwilling to deny their Brethren what they esteem indifferent since our own Government being destroyed we shall in all likelihood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made: For these reasons I look upon it as probable; and for the following ones, as inconvenient.  
When some Bishops pretended to Iure divino (though nothing so likely to be believed by the People as these would be, nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence) this was cried out upon as destructive to His majesty's Supremacy, who was to be confessed to be the fountain of jurisdiction in this kingdom. Yet to Iure divino that ecclesiastical government pretends, to meet when they please, to Treat of what they please, to excommunicate whom they please, even Parliaments themselves: so far are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them. And for us to bring in any unlimited, any independent authority, the first is against the Liberty of the Subject, the second against the Right and privilege of Parliament, and both against the Protestation.  
If it be said, that this unlimitedness and independence is only in spiritual things, I first answer that arbitrary government being the worst of governments, and our bodies being worse than our souls, it will be strange to set up that over the second, of which we were so impatient over the first. Secondly, that M. solicitor speaking about the Power of the Clergy to make Canons to bind, did excellently inform us what a mighty influence spiritual power hath upon temporal affairs, so that if our Clergy had the one, they had inclusively almost all the other. And to this I may add, what all men may see, the vast temporal power of the Pope allowed him by such who allow it him only in ordine ad spiritualia: for the fable will tell you, if you make the lion judge (and the Clergy assisted by the people is lion enough) it was a wise fear of the Foxes, lest he might call a knubbe a horn. And sure Sir, they will in this case be judges, not only of that which is spiritual, but of what it is that is so: and the people receiving instruction from no other, will take the most temporal matter to be spiritual, if they tell them it is so.  
FINIS.