Concerning EPISCOPACY; The Former made by the Right honourable, the late Lord Viscount FALKLAND. And the Later by his Friend, Mr. William Chillingworth.  
Published according to the Original Copies.  
LONDON, Printed for William Nealand, Bookseller in Cambridge; and are to be sold there, and at the Crown in Ducklane, 1660.   

A SPEECH CONCERNING EPISCOPACY.  
Mr. Speaker,  
WHosoever desires this total change of our present Government, desires it either out of a conceit that is unlawful, or inconvenient. To both these, I shall say something. To the first, being able to make no such arguments to prove it so myself, as I conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a House, I can make no answer to them, till I hear them from some other; which then (if they persuade me not) by the liberty of a Committee, I shall do. But this in general. In the mean time, I shall say, that the ground of this government of Episcopacy, being so ancient, and so general, so uncontradicted in the first and best times, that our most laborious Antiquaries can find no Nation, no City, no Church, nor Houses under any other; that our first ecclesiastical Authors tell us, that the Apostles not only allowed but founded Bishops (so that the tradition for some Books of Scripture, which we receive as canonical, is both less ancient, less general, and less uncontradicted,) I must ask leave to say, that though the mystery of iniquity began suddenly to work, yet it did not instantly prevail; it could not aim at the end of the race, as soon is it was started; nor could Antichristianism in so short a time have become so Catholic.  
To the second, this I say, that in this Government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole; and though we had not pared their Nails, or rather their Tongues, (I mean the High-Commission,) though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules, nor the addition of choice Assiste●s (both which we may do, and suddenly I hope we shall;) yet the fear sunk into them of this Parliament, and the expectation of a triennial one, would be such banks to these rivers, that we need fear their inundations no mo●e.  
Next I say, that if some inconvenience did appear in this, yet since it may also appear, that the change will breed greater, I desire those who are led to change by inconveniences only, that they will suspend their opinions, till they see what is to be laid in the other balance, which I will endeavour.  
The inconveniences of the change are double, some that it should be yet done, others, that it should be at all done. The first again, double, 1. Because we have not done what we should do first; and 2. Because others have not done what they should do first; That which we should do first, is, to agree of a succeeding Form of Government, that every man, when he gives his Vote to the destruction of this, may be sure that he destroy; not that, which he likes better than that which shall succeed it. I conceive no man will at this time give this Vote, who doth not believe this Government to be the worst that can possibly be devised; and for my part, if this be thus proposterously done, and we left in this blind uncertainty (what shall become of us!) I shall not only doubt all the inconveniences, which any Governmentment hath, but which any Government may have. This I insist on the rather, because if we should find cause to wish for this back again, we could not have it, the means being dispersed. To restore it again would be a miracle in State, like that of the resurrection to Nature.  
That which others should do first, is, to be gone. For if you will do this, yet things standing as they do, no great cause appearing for so great a change, I fear a great Army may be thought to be the cause. And I therefore desire (to be sure that Newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon London,) that this may not be done, till our Brethren be returned to their Patrimony.  
We are now past the inconveniences in point of Time; I now proceed. And my first inconvenience of this change, is, the inconvenience of change itself, which is so great an inconvenience, when the Change is great and sudden, that in such cases, when it is not necessary to change, it is necessary not to change. To a person formerly intemperate, I have known the first prescription of an excellent physician, to forbear too good a diet for a good while. We have lived long happily, and gloriously, under this Form of Government; Episcopacy hath very well agreed with the constitution of our Laws, with the disposition of our People: how any other will do, I the less know, because I know not of any other, of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had any experience; they all having (as I conceive) at least Superintendents for life: and the mere word Bishop, I suppose, is no man's aim to destroy, nor no man's aim to defend.  
Next, Sir, I am of opinion, that most men desire 
ast See the Collection of Petitions for Episcopacy; printed for Will. Shears.  not this change, or else I am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men. Several Petitions indeed desire it, but knowing how concerned and how united that party is, how few would be wanting to so good a work, even those hands which value their number to others, are an argument of their paucity to me. The numberless number of those of a different sense, appear not so publiquekly and cry not so loud, being persons more quiet, as secure in the goodness of their laws, and the wisdom of their lawmakers; And because men petition for what they have not, and not for what they have, perhaps that the Bishops may not know how many friends their Order hath, lest they be encouraged to abuse their authority, if they knew it to be so g●nerally approved. Now, Sir, though we are trusted by those that sent us, in cases wherein their opinions were unknown; yet truly if I knew the opinion of the major part of my Town, I doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me, that I should follow my own opinion against theirs. At least, let us stay till the next Session, and consult more particularly with them about it.  
Next, Sir, it will be the destruction of many estates, in which many, who may be very innocent persons, are legally vested, and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent, whose dependences are upon those estates. The Apostle saith, he that provides not for his family, is worse than an Infidel, This belongs in some analogy to us; and truly, Sir, we provide ill for our Family (the commonwealth) if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doors. So that, fo● any care is taken by this Bill for new dwelling, (and I will never consent they shall play an aftergame, for all they have) either we must see them starve in the streets before us, or (to avoid that) we must ship them some-whither away, like the Moors out of Spain.  
From the hurt of the Learned I come to that of Learning; an I desire you to consider, whether, when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of Souls, all studies, will not be reduced to those which are in order to Preaching; the Arts and Languages, and even eminent skill in Controversies (to which great leisure and great means is required) much neglected, and (to the joy and gain of our common Adversary,) Syntagms, postils, Catechisms, Commentators, and Concordances, almost only bought, and the rest of Libraries remain rather as of ornament, then as of use. I do not deny but for all this want, the wit of some hath attempted both, and the parts of some few have served to discharge both, as those of Calvin, to advise about, and dispatch more temporal business into the bargain, than all our privy-council; yet such abilities are extremely rare, and very few will ever p●each ●●●ce a Sunday, and be any match for Bellarmine. Nay I fear, Sir, that this will make us to have fewer able even in Preaching itself, as it is separated from general Learning, for I fear many whose parts, friends, and means, might make them hope for better advancements in other courses, when these shall be taken away from this, will be less ready to embrace it; and though it were to be wished, that all men should only undertake those Embassages, with reference to His Honour Whose ambassadors they are; yet I doubt not but many, who have entered into the Church by the Door, (or rather by the Window,) have done it (after) great and sincere service; and better reasons have made them lab●ur in the vineyard, than brought them thither at first: and though the mere love of God ought to make us good, though there were no reward or punishment, yet it would be very inconvenient to piety, that hope of Heaven and fear of Hell were taken away.  
The next inconvenience, I fear, is this; that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the fi●st antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles, as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them, lest this may avert some of our Church from us, and rivet some of the Roman Church to her; and (is I remember) the Apostle commands us to be careful, not to give scandal even to those that are without. Sir, It hath been said, that we have a better way to know Scripture than by Tradition; I dispute not this, Sir, but I know that Tradition is the only argument to prove Scripture to another, and the first to every man's self, being compared to the Samaritan Woman's report, which made many first believe in Christ, though they after believed him for himself. And I therefore would not have this so far weakened to us, as to take away Episcopacy as unlawful, which is so far by Tradition proved to be lawful.  
The next inconvenience that I fear, is this: having observed those generally who are against Bishops (I will not now speak of such as are among us, who by being selected from the rest, are to be hoped to be freer than ordinary, from vulgar passions) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them, then vice versâ; lest when they shall have prevailed against the Bishops, they be so far encouraged against their partakers, and will so have discouraged their adversaries, as in time to induce a necessity upon others, at least of the Clergy, to believe them as unlawful as they themselves do, and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large. Which will be a way to deprive us, I think, of not our worst, I am sure of our most learned Ministers; and to send a greater colony to New England, than it hath been said, this Bill will recall from thence.  
I come now from the incoveniences of taking away this Government, to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it: and to this I can speak but by guess, and groping, because I have no light given me what that shall be; only I hope I shall be excused for shooting at random, since you will set me up no Butt to shoot at. The first, I fear the Scotch Government will either presently be taken; or if any other succeed for a while, yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this Nation, assisted by the counsel and friendship of that, will shortly bring it in, if any less opposite Government to it be here placed than that of Episcopacy. And indeed Sir, since any other Government than theirs will by no means give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it, will be unwilling to deny their Brethren what they esteem indifferent; since our own Government being destroyed, we shall in all l●kelyhood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made: For these reasons I look upon it as probable; and for the following ones, as inconvenient.  
When some Bishops pretended to Iure divino (though nothing so likely to be believed by the People, as those would be, nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence) this was cried out upon as destructive to His majesty's Supremacy, who was to be confessed to be the Fountain of Jurisdiction in this Kingdom. Yet to Iure divino the Scotch ecclesiastical government pretends, To meet when they please, to treat of what they please, to excommunicate whom they please, even Parliaments themselves; so far are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them. And for us to bring in any unlimited, any Independent authority, the first is against the Liberty of the Subject, the second against the Right and privilege of Parliament; and both against the Protestation.  
If it be said, that this unlimitedness and independence is only in spiritual things; I answer first, that arbitrary Government being the worst of Governments, and our Bodies being worse than our Souls, it will be strange to set up that over the second, of which we were so impatient over the first. Secondly, that M. solicitor speaking about the Power of the Clergy, to make Canons to bind; did excellently inform us; what a mighty influence Spiritual power hath upon Temporal affairs. So that if our Clergy had the one, they had inclusively almost all the other. And to this I may add, (what all men may see,) the vast temporal power of the Pope allowed him by such who allow it him only in ordine ad Spiritualia: for the Fable will tell you, if you make the lion judge (and the Clergy, assisted by the people, is lion enough) it was a wise fear of the Foxe's, lest he might call a knubb a horn. And sure, Sir, they will in this case be Judges, not only of that which is Spiritual, but of what it is that is so: and the people receiving instruction from no other, will take the most Temporal matter to be Spiritual, if they tell them it is so.   

The Apostolical Institution of Episcopacy; demonstrated by Mr. William Chillingworth.  

SECT. 1.  
IF we abstract from Episcopal Government all accidentals, and consider only what is essential and necessary to it; we shall find in it no more but this. An appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the Churches, within a certain Precinct or diocese; and furnishing him with authority (not absolute or arbitrary, but regulated and bounded by Laws, and moderated by joining to him a convenient number of assistants) to the intent that all the Churches under him may be provided of good and able Pastors: and that both of pastors and people, conformity to Laws, and performance of their duties may be required, under penalties, not left to discretion, but by Law appointed.   

SECT. 2.  
To this kind of Government I am not by any particular interest so devoted, as to think it ought to be maintained, either in opposition to Apostolic Institution; or to the much desired reformation of men's lives, and restauration of Primitive discipline; or to any Law or Precept of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ: for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end; for obedience to our Saviour, is the end for which Church-Government is appointed. But if it may be demonstrated (or made much more probable than the contrary) as I verily think it may: I. That it is not repugnant to the government settled in and for the Church by the Apostles. II. That it is as comply●ble with the reformation of any evil which we desire to reform either in Church or State, or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce, as any other kind of Government: And III. That there is no Law, no Record of our Saviour against it: then I hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion, if we humbly desire those that are in authority, especially the High Court of Parliament, that in may not be sacrificed to clamour, or overborn by violence: and though (which God forbid) the greater part of the multitude should cry, crucify, crucify; yet our governors would be so full of Justice and Courage, as not to give it up, until they perfectly understand concerning Episcopacy itself, Quid mali fecit.   

SECT. 3.  
I shall speak at this time only of the first of these three points: That Episcopacy is not repugnant to the government settled in the Church for perpetuity by the Apostles. Whereof I conceive this which follows is as clear a demonstration, as any thing of this nature is capable of.  
That this Government was received universally in the Church, either in the Apostles time, or presently after, is so evident and unquestionable, that the most learned adversaries of this Government do themselves confess it.   

SECT. 4.  
Petrus Molinaeus in his Book De munere pastorali, purposely written in defence of the Presbyterial-government, acknowledgeth: That presently after the Apostles times, or even in their time (as Ecclesiastical story witnesseth) it was ordained, That in every City one of the presbytery should be called a Bishop, who should have preeminence over his Colleagues; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality. And truly, this form of Government all Chuches everywhere received.   

SECT. 5.  
Theodorus Beza in his Tract, De triplici Episcopaius genere, confesseth in effect the same thing. For having distinguished Episcopacy into three kinds, Divine, human, and Satanical, and attributing to the second (which he calls human, but we maintain and conceive to be Apostolical) not only a priority of order, but a superiority of power, and authority over other Presbyters, bounded yet by Laws and Canons provided against Tyranny: he clearly professeth that of this kind of Episcopacy, is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of Bishops (or precedents, as Justin Martyr calls them) in Ignatius, and other more ancient Writers.   

SECT. 6.  
Certainly from 
* To whom two others also from Geneva may be added: Daniel Chami●rus (in Panstratia, tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. §. 24.) and Nicol. Vedelius (Exercitat. 3. in epist. Ignatii ad Philadelph. cap. 14. & Exercit. 8. in epist. ad Mariam, cap. 3.) which is fully also demonstated in D. Hammond's dissertations against Blondel (which never were answered, & never will) by the testimonies of those who wrote in the very next Age after the Apostles.  these two great defenders of the Presbytery, we should never have had this free acknowledgement, (so prejudicial to their own pretence, and so advantageous to their adversary's purpose) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth en●orced them to it. It will not therefore be necessary, to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous Author of the Catalogue of Testimonies, for the equality of Bishops and Presbyters, who affirms, That their disparity began long after the Apostles times: But we may safely take for granted that which these two learned: Adversaries have confessed; and see, whether upon this foundation laid by them, we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure;  
That seeing Episcopal Government is confessedly so Ancient and so Catholic, it cannot with reason be denied to be Apostolic.   

SECT. 7.  
For so great a change, as between Presbyterial Government and Episcopal, could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time. Had Episcopal Government been an aberration from (or a corruption of) the Government left in the Churches by the Apostles, it had been very strange, that it should have been received in any one Church so suddenly, or that it should have prevailed in all for many Ages after. Variâsse debuerat error Ecclesiarum: quod autem apud omnes unum est, non est erratum, sed traditum. Had the Churches erred, they would have varied: What therefore is one and the same amongst all, came not sure by error, but tradition. Thus Tertullian argues very probably, from the consent of the Churches of his time, not long after the Apostles, and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserved alteration. But that in the frame and substance of the necessary Government of the Church, a thing always in use and practice, there should be so sudden a change as presently after the Apostles times; and so universal, as received in all the Churches; this is clearly impossible.   

SECT. 8.  
For what universal cause can be assigned or feigned of this universal apostasy? you will not imagine that the Apostles, all or any of them, made any decree for this change, when they were living; or left order for it in any Will or Testament, when they were dying. This were to grant the question; To wit, that the Apostles, being to leave the Government of the Churches themselves, and either seeing by experience, or foreseeing by the Spirit of God, the distractions and disorders, which would arise from a multitude of equals, substituted Episcopal Government instead of their own. General counsels to make a Law for a general change, for many ages there was none. There was no Christian Emperor, no coercive power over the Church to enforce it. Or if there had been any, we know no force was equal to the courage of the Christians of those times. Their lives were then at command (for they had not then learned to fight for Christ) but their obedience to any thing against his Law was not to be commanded (for they had perfectly learned to die for him.) Therefore there was no power then to command this change; or if there had been any, it had been in vain.   

SECT. 9  
What device then shall we study, or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration? Can it enter into our hearts to think, that all the Presbyters and other Christians then, being the Apostles scholars, could be generally ignorant of the Will of Christ, touching the necessity of a Presbyterial Government? Or, dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the World over, as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it? Imagine the spirit of Diotrephes had entered into some, or a great many of the Presbyters, and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority, was it possible they should attempt and achieve it once without any opposition or contradiction? and besides that, the contag●on of this ambition, should spread itself and prevail without stop or control, nay, without any noise or notice taken of it, through all the Churches in the World; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep, and all the dogs so dumb, that not so much as one should open his mouth against it?   

SECT. 10.  
But let us suppose (though it be a horrible untruth) that the Presbyters and people then, were not so good Christians as the Presbyterians are now; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of Christ's Church commanded by Christ, which we now are so zealous to restore: yet certainly we must not forget nor deny that they were men as we are. And if we look upon them but as mere natural men, yet knowing by experience how hard a thing it is, even for policy armed with power by many attempts and contrivances, and in a long time, to gain upon the liberty of any one people; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination, as that among all the Christian Presbyteries in the World, neither conscience of duty, nor love of liberty, nor averseness from pride and usurpation of others over them, should prevail so much with any one, as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the liberty of Christians.   

SECT. 11.  
When I shall see therefore all the Fables in the Metamorphosis acted and prove stories; when I shall see all the Democracies and Aristocracies in the World lie down and sleep, and awake into Monarchies: then will I begin to believe that Presbyterial Government, having continued in the Church during the Apostles times, should presently after (against the Apostles doctrine and the will of Christ) be whirled about like a scene in a mask, and transformed into Episcopacy. In the mean time, while these things remain thus incredible, and in human reason impossible; I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus;  
Episcopal Government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the Church, presently after the Apostles times.  
Between the Apostles times and this presently after, there was not time enough for, nor possibility of, so great an alteration.  
And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended. And therefore Episcopacy, being confessed to be so Ancient and Catholic, must be granted also to be Apostolic, Quod erat demonstrandum.  
FINIS.