The IMPOSTOR dethroned; OR, The Quakers Throne of Truth, Detected to be SATAN'S Seat of LIES.  
By way of Reply, to a Quaking and Railing Pamphlet, written by Capt. Bishop, entitled, The Throne of Truth, exalted over the Powers of Darkness.  
Wherein is briefly hinted, the rottenness of the Quakers conversion, and perfection, in general, exemplified in this busy BISHOP; in special instanced  


In his Practices against the 

Estate of the LORD CRAVEN.  
Life of Mr. LOVE.      
By occasion whereof, this Truth is asserted, viz. If we may judge of the Conscience, Honesty, and Perfection of Quakers in general, by this man in particular, A man may be as vile a person, as any under heaven, and yet a perfect QVAKER.  Come down, and sit in the dust, O Virgin, daughter of Babylon, sit on the ground; there is no Throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans, Isa. 47. v. 1. Thy nakedness shall be uncovered, yea, thy shame shall be seen, v. 3. 
By Ralph Farmer, a servant of that Jesus Christ, who was Crucified at Jerusalem, above sixteen hundred years ago, and whose Blood the Quakers trample under foot, as a common thing.  
Published according to Order.  
London, Printed by R. I. for Edw. Thomas, and are to be sold at his House in Green-Arbour, 1658.   

The impudent and daring Protestation, and Appeal to God, of George Bishop, concerning the business of the Lord Craven, whereof (as he confesses) he had the whole mannagement.  
I Do declare in the presence of the Lord, before whom I fear, who searcheth the heart, and tryeth the reins, and bringeth every work to judgement, that I am clear and innocent therein; nor have I used, nor do I know of any indirect proceeding in that whole business of Craven and Falconer.   

To the Right Honourable, William Lord Craven, Baron of Hampsteed,— Marshal in the County of BERKS.  
IT'S usual (my Lord you know) in publishing books, to prefix the name of some worthy and considerable personage; and I now apply myself to your Honour, upon several accounts.  
First, Tua res agitur, much of the matter ensuing concerns yourself.  
Secondly, I never heard, but that you were a lover of your Country, always with much respect and honour, treating and entertaining your Countrymen that came over into the Low Countries; (the place of your residence, for many years together) and he that loves my Country, I love him, and him I honour. As for your Adversary (the man I here deal with) his tongue is no slander, for who will believe a common liar? which whether I have made him appear to be or no, judicet mundus.  
Thirdly, I understand the present Parliament hath taken cognizance of your cause, and intent to consider it next Session, and I am come (in the mean time) to bring you good news; your Adversary quakes, which if it be a symptom of true Conversion, there is hopes that confession, (an ingenuous confession of the whole design) and an endeavour of satisfaction (if it can be) will follow; but fearing it may prove but a false birth, I have put manum obstetricalem, in intima, searched his bowels for a real discovery, that the world may no longer be deceived with a windy conception. Truly, my Lord, your case is hard; but what shall we say? 'tis the fortune of the wars; and there you know (as in a common scuffle) many an honest man, that stands by, and means no harm, gets a knock, as well as those who begun the quarrel; and this your Adversary himself (who confesses to have had the mannagement of the whole business against you) seems to me clearly to acknowledge, as the ground of your Sequestration: For, in answer to an objection made on your Honour's behalf, by your friends, in the Narrative, by them published, he (your Adversary) doubting of the weight and validity of the testimonies produced against you, says, (in the fourth particular answer, page 22. of his book) that the time when your estate was sequestered, was, when the Commonwealth was deeply imbroiled in wars.  
And then goes on, and says, (in the next page) that in such times and cases, they have many considerations, as the reason of their actions, which those who are without doors, (that is, your Honour, and your friends, who were not of the Parliament) neither know, nor apprehend, nor are to take upon them so to do: So that here (you see) is Club-law, you must be sequestered, because the Commonwealth was embroiled in wars; and your Honour (being out of doors) must neither know, nor apprehend ('tis too far above your reach) the reason why; nor are you to take upon you ('tis presumption) so to do: For he tells you (page 2.) that true Englishmen, have used to have Parliaments, and their Acts, as being the judgement of the whole Representative of the Nation, in more veneration and esteem, than to be put into the balance, with the contradictory assertions, of any private or biased spirits.  
And truly (my Lord) upon this ground, we may well question, whether you be a true Englishman, or no, who being swayed by your own private interest, and biased with a desire after your own estate again, should dare now to move any thing against the actions of that Parliament, which (as he tells you in the same page, answ. 6.) upon the proofs by him alleged, and (because they were not full enough) for reasons best known to themselves, in time of general imbroilments, ordered your estate to be confiscate. So that still (my Lord) you must take the fortune of the wars; and though your Honour, and all out of doors, know no reason for it, yet they did it (says he) for reasons best known unto themselves.  
But will your Honour give me leave (as a true Englishman) to say something for that Parliament, and indeed for all Parliaments, and Courts of Judicature; you well know, that the manner of their proceed, in administration of Justice, is much according to that Aeconomico-Political process of nature in man himself, wherein the apprehensive, deliberative, and conclusive faculties, (which in a word we call common sense) which is the great Judicatory in man, doth determine all things, (with a common and equal respect) as they are represented. Now the outward senses, are the Spies and Intelligencers of the Soul, who bring in several objects (according to their respective natures and faculties) to be judged of, and determined by the understanding. And hence we say, nihil in intellectu, quod non sit, prius in sensu.  
Now if these senses (either by any defect or vice in the organ, faculty, or medium, (which we might follow with an exact and elegant Analogy) but I will avoid prolixity) If I say the senses, either by deficiency, or redundancy, under, or overdoing, make a false report unto the Court (the common sense) false judgement must proceed accordingly, and yet the Court blameless: But some men tell us of inferior faculties (even in the soul itself) which do corrupt the superior, and so obstruct Justice, and pervert judgement: If this be so, it is within doors, and I who am without, am not (I am told) to take upon me to inquire into. All the hope is, the smoke of Gunpowder, (being by God's goodness) dissipated, the noise of Drums and Trumpets, and clattering of Armour ceased, and those imbroilments, which hurried your estate into sequestration, abated, and the confessions (and so the guilt) of your adversaries discovered; the great Judicatory of the Nation, will be the better able to discern and judge of your case, with serene judgement, and imperturbed affections; and accordingly resolve upon, and execute such signal justice, as shall deliver the land from the guilt of oppression, if any such there be in this particular, which is, and shall be the prayer of him, who is,  
My Lord, The Commonwealths, and your Honour's servant, so far as your Honour is the servant of the Commonwealth. RA. FARMER.   

To the Christian and understanding Reader.  
Reader,  
I Think it requisite (by way of Preface) to give an account, why I sit not down in a retired and desirable silence; I met with one who tells me, that, As he that impaireth the good name and fame of another, is cruel to that other; so he who neglects his own, is cruel to himself: And that it concerns Ministers of the Gospel in a special manner, to preserve their reputation, because the contempt of their persons redounds to the prejudice of their work and calling. How I have been reproached and charged by my quaking Adversary, in his railing and reviling Pamphlet, is obvious to all who read it; and how falsely, appears in the discourse ensuing; as for his foul language, I leave it to the men and women of their generation; but as for the imputation of forgery, and underhand practices, my soul so much abhors them, that I should think it my sin to sit still in silence under them, but rather conceive it my duty, to return them whence they came, there being so just and real a lodging for them, of which (Reader) I constitute thee a Judge between us As for those vulgar bubbles, that take wind, and rise with every light and foolish story, which they receive from the men and women only of their own persuasion, and judge of things and persons by the rule of their affections, I dismiss them to Anticyra, for a purge of Hellebor, taking up the resolution of the Apostle (in cases where I appeal not to them) with me it is a very small thing to be judged by them, 
1 Cor. 4. 3.  or by man's judgement; for what more false, uncertain, and inconstant, than the popular air, who cry Hosanna to day, and Crucify to morrow? No (Reader) I'll dwell at home; and so long as I maintain peace between God, and my own conscience, I'll rest there. But some may say (for we live in a querulous age, wherein every one (even women) will be quarrelling) why did you at all appear in public? I answer, to maintain the peace of my own conscience; for I say with David, 1 Sam. 17. 29. was there not a cause? Shall the uncircumcised Philistines, defy the Hosts and Armies of the living God? And shall David (though a stripling) stand still and bear it? No, Curse ye Meroz, 
Judg. 5. 23.  saith the Angel of the Lord, curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord, against the mighty.  
I writ not this, as blaming all who have not appeared with me in the like manner: But this I judge, that if (in such a case as this is) the Lord suggest it to any man, (especially a Watchman) and make his spirit willing, and he withdraw upon selfish considerations, he cannot maintain that peace true Christians look for: For my part, in plain English, I am not (I cannot be) an Universalist.  
There is an opinion (or at least a practice) taken up by some of universal respect, and compliance with all persons, of whatever opinion or persuasion, which is not less prejudicial to truth, than the Doctrine of the universal and equal love of God to all, is prejudicial to grace. I know they are both plausible things, winning and taking, as much suiting to, and complying with every man's interest and affections; but how agreeing with God's mind, with some men, sub judicelis est, but is with me determined. And for the former, I have taken some notice of the insinuations and subtleties of it, in our last generation; for what more usual Plea (with those who lay in wait to deceive) than love, and sweetness, and meekness, and gentleness, and mutual forbearance, indeed in difference in matters of Religion; as if it were a virtue to Sceptics, ever doubting, querying, and questioning, never resolving, that either this or that, were the undoubted mind of God, and the true Religion: And how skilfully did the Prince of Darkness play his Game in his black Regiments, by branding all those with the scandal and reproach of passion, and bitterness of spirit, who would not answer his ends in a lukewarm neutrality? Or at least, in such a sweetness of spirit, (as they call it) as should give equal encouragement. But whether the Word of Christ warrant such a deportment, would easily be concluded, if men would not consult their ease and worldly advantages; and I propose it to be considered, whether one, or both of these, be not the temper of this kind of people? Let which side will be uppermost, they will lose nothing. I could not but smile (but yet with a kind of indignation) when I took notice of a Letter, heretofore written from London, to one in this City, in the behalf of blaspheming Nayler, when the punishment, adjudged by the Parliament, to be inflicted upon him in this City, was to be executed, the Author of that Letter takes an occasion, from information of some of his fellow Saints, (of the new model) that there were some here of bitter spirits, forsooth, and fearing rigorous execution, writes for a mitigation, giving high expressions of what superexcellencies he found in that adorable creature, when as this Epistoler himself, is a Saint of so mild and sweet a temper in Religion, that he will never be branded for a Puritan; for Sabbath days were his fittest seasons to look over his accounts, or to go to his house in the Country. Truly Reader, I must tell you, we are fallen into those times, wherein most peoples Religion (I mean the wise ones) lies in making faces, and courting the rising interest, at least waiting an opportunity so to do: In the mean while, the question grows high, and Rome's interest (by the subtleties of the Jesuits working amongst us) is very much promoted, and that by our own hands, men pretending (which is strange) to the Protestant persuasion; for now the question is not (as among the Separatists) whether our Parishes are true Churches, but whether we have had any true Churches at all in England, till these late years, that they were brought in by the Sword in the late Army, or those who accompanied them; and it's very like (if the Lord prevent not) Magisterially, and Dictator-like (almost in Cathedra) to be resolved, That we neither have, nor had true Churches, or Ministers among us, and that we must renounce our Ordination, take it up from the people, and so make all new, after a mode, which yet our eyes, nor the eyes of our Forefathers have ever seen, or their ears ever heard of. To effect this, have those Emissaries of the Roman Faction, no doubt, stirred up, and set on foot these obstreperous Quakers, (though the generality of them suspect no such matter) to cry down our Churches, Ministers, and Ordinances, to whom they have now drawn in, heads and pens more subtle and able, who, aliud agentes (as it were) do that for them, which they themselves (in their own persons openly) were not able to effect or accomplish, who doth not with fear and sadness (that doth consider) foresee that lamentable result, that's like to follow upon the contests raised, and increasing between our brethren of the Presbyterian and Independent persuasion, and which by the heat and opposition of persons of ability, (on both sides) are like to grow more high than ever: But if my poor low voice might be heard between them, and Oh, that the Lord would persuade them to hear, I should say as Abraham to Lot, Let there be no strife between you, for you are Brethren; and I should beseech them in joseph's language to his Brethren, Fall not out by the way: But if I cannot be heard, I make this protestation, disclaimer, and prayer, Lord, let not my soul come into the secrets, and let me never partake of the delicacies of those men, who make Schismatical separation, destroying those Churches and Ministry, wherein, and by whom (blessed be God) thousands have been converted and saved; and who are willing to reform, and conform, according to what is revealed in the Scripture; Sure I am, and experience (the Mistress even of fools) hath made it good unto the world, that Discipline and Government in the Church, hath (ever since the reformation from Popery) kept the Reformed Churches free from Heresy and Blasphemy getting head among them; and if there were danger of an inroad, and an incursion, by the abuse of Government, he shall come little short of an Idiot, (and wise men will easily acknowledge it) that doth not perceive, that no Government at all, every one being left to his own fancy) will much more do it. It's a strange piece of madness, not to put a difference between enforcing men to Religion, and tolerating all Religions, to the hazarding of the true: Or if (putting a difference) Matchivilianisme shall so far prevail with any, as that, so they can secure their own interests, they care not for the concernments of Jesus Christ, and his Gospel. As for my own former undertake (by the help of the Press) I have but endeavoured to discover these upstart enemies, and adversaries to the truth, who privily brought in damnable Heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them. By occasion whereof, I have raised up this homebred Adversary, my own Countryman, by hinting only at whose impostures in this kind, the imposthume is broken, and much filth and quitture hath been vomited forth from it, in most unchristian rail, lyings, and reproachings, who yet withal, pretends to higher measures of Saintship, and perfection, than ordinary, which considering (and well knowing the man, and his practices) I concluded this with myself, that if we might judge of the conscience, honesty, and perfection of the Quakers in general, by this man in particular, we may well assert this, viz. A man may be as vile a person as any under heaven, and yet a perfect Quaker, which (after a brief discourse of the conversion and perfection of Quakers in general) I have endeavoured to demonstrate, from the practices and do of him in special; and this in his deal in the matters of the Lord Craven, and Mr. Love; the ones Estate, and the others Life.  
The materials I have built my discourse with, (in the matter of the Lord Craven) are two printed pieces, the one entitled, A true and perfect Narrative, of the several proceed, in the case concerning the Lord Craven, wherein are set forth the whole proceed, together with the Indictment, Trial, and Conviction of Falconer, of Perjury, in that information, upon which the Lord Cravens Estate was sequestered, which piece was printed and published by the friends of the Lord Craven; the other is a piece, entitled, The Lord Cravens Case, etc. with a short examination of that former Narrative; and this latter, was written by Bishop himself, in excuse, and defence of himself and Falconer, of which book, he printed so few, and so disposed of them, as that I could not get one, either here, or at London, until (by providence) I was directed to send to himself to borrow it. And this I did, because in his Pamphlet against me, he quotes it, and refers to it, for clearing (as he thought) of his innocency; which if he had refused to lend me, I intended to acquaint the world, that he had quoted his book to clear himself, which could not be come by, which (it may be) he feared, and therefore sent it me; or otherwise, by the disposing of Divine Providence (the time being come for the discovery of his deep hypocrisy) he was overruled so to send it. For his own Confessions (therein contained) and Falconers Confession upon his deathbed, of that perjury, (which Bishop would in his book free him from) being conferred, and compared, the whole practice, and whence it arose, and how it was carried on, is manifestly discovered; as in the discourse following, to which I have added a little of his deal against Mr. Love, to let him, and the world see, whether he be not also a bloodsucker. Can I have gotten his other book, called, A Short Plea, etc. which he also published against Mr. Love, I doubt not but thence I should have made a further discovery of him; but he dealt as subtly in this, as in the former, printed so few, as that they cannot be gotten. But I suppose what I have done is sufficient; the improvement I make of the whole, is this, to let the world see, how deeply and closely wickedness may lie lurking in our natures, and what a desperate evil Hypocrisy is, that a man may continue in such wickedness unrepented of, and yet think himself a Saint, and to have attained to perfection: If by what I have herein done, I may be instrumental to bring him to repentance, or his case may be as a Pillar of Salt, to season and caution others, I shall be abundantly satisfied in my labour, and shall (when I know it) give God the glory: In the mean time, I rest,  
Reader, Thine, and the Church's Servant; RA. FARMER.   

THE IMPOSTOR DE THROND; OR, The Quakers Throne of Truth Detected to be Satan's Seat of LIES.  
IT's the great Criterion and distinguishing Character of the Generation of Quakers among us, that they pretend to greater measures and higher stature in Christ and Christianity than others, to have attained even to perfection; such perfection, as to be without sin in their persons. This to be so, is manifest by their reproaching and vilifying the Ministers of the Gospel, and their Doctrine in this point; though we teach and press perfection as the white to be aimed at, and as that which every true Christian must, and doth endeavour after, not as though he had already attained, either were already perfect, but following after, if that he might apprehend that, 
Phil. 3. 11, 12, 13, 14.  for which also he is apprehended of Christ Jesus; and which he shall attain unto, when he hath attained unto the Resurrection of the Dead. And although we say and teach, that there is a measure of perfection, even in this life attainable (and that personal too) consisting in sincerity, integrity, and uprightness of heart, walking in all good conscience both towards God and men: And that we must and do daily cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, 
2 Cor. 7. 1.  perfecting holiness in the fear of God. Although (I say) we preach and press, and (by grace received) practise this, yet this will not content them: No less than such a manner and such a measure of Christ within them, as shall put them out of need of Christ without them, will serve their turn: If this be not so, they have no cause to charge us as they do, for we do (with all seriousness possible) profess and urge a necessity of Christ within us, renewing, transforming, and changing us from our dead and perishing estate in nature, and conforming, and making us more and more like unto himself by grace, and the mighty and powerful operations of his Spirit within us. When we sin (which we would not do) giving the grace of repentance (and the exercise of it) unto us: 
Rom. 7.  By his mediation and intercession in heaven, procuring pardon and peace for us, and as our Head and King, by degrees, subduing our sins and iniquities (which are our greatest enemies) under us. This is our Doctrine; this we profess, preach, and practise. And for the truth of this (that we do so, even all of us unanimously, and with one mouth) I appeal to the whole world to bear us witness. But this (I say) our present Adversaries disapprove of; their perfection is of another nature, a high form of perfection, absolute and entire, wanting nothing. And we are (with them) false teachers, because we say, we cannot here attain it. To argue this a little, because 'tis (cardo & caput controversiae) the great and main thing they seem to drive at, and to profess; witness their morese and severe carriage and conversation, their demure looks their abstinences in meats and drinks, the pulling off their Points, Laces, and Ribbons from their clothes, their separating and withdrawing from the society and familiarity of all others, as unclean and polluted. And last of all, witness their living without, and despising all former Ordinances and Administrations since Christ and his Apostles, as if too low and mean, and not suiting with their perfection. We shall therefore a little examine this matter, and try their Title, and doubt not but (upon trial) we shall find them as those in the Revelations, whom the Angel of the Church of Ephesus tried, 
Rev. 2. 2.  who said they were Apostles, and were not, and so were discovered to be liars: Perfection then is twofold, Doctrinal, and Practical; Doctrinal perfection, is such a height and measure of knowledge, as beyond which a man cannot go: To be perfect in knowledge. Practical Perfection is such a measure of holiness, as not to sin at all, at any time, in any thing, but to be perfect in the measure of every grace, and in the practice of every duty. I suppose this is so plain a distribution of humane perfection absolute, as is very clear and obvious. And if our Adversaries mean less than this, they fall in with our Doctrine, and then they quarrel and charge us wrongfully. Now if I shall show from Prophotical and Apostolical Doctrine (and consequently from the Doctrine of Christ) that perfection in either kind, (Doctrinal or Practical) is not in this last sense in this life attainable, than the Quakers are found to be out of the Doctrine of Christ, and are hypocrites and liars; and it will not need many words to prove either. And first for Doctrinal Perfection, that we cannot here attain that full measure of knowledge allotted us, that one place of the Apostle is a sufficient testimony, 1 Cor. 13. 9, 10. We know in part, and we Prophecy in part, but when that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be done away. And ver. 12. For now we see through a glass darkly, but then face to face; Now I know in part, but then I shall know, even as I am known. If any shall be either so simple or perverse, as to question whether the Apostle speak this of our imperfect state in this life, in point of knowledge, I shall not think him worthy of an answer; the clearness of the truth will sufficiently argue such a man's imperfection; And as for Practical perfection, that we cannot here attain such a measure of holiness, as not to sin at all, at any time, in any thing, but that we may be absolutely perfect in the measure of every grace, and in the practice of every duty. I shall not need heap testimonies, a few places will sufficiently evidence this truth, without any further argumentation, 1 Kings 8. 46. There is no man that sinneth not. Prov. 20. 9 Who can say I have made my heart clean, I am pure from my sin? Eccles. 7. 20. There is not a just man upon earth, that doth good and sinneth not. These are the testimonies of Solomon. More might be produced from the Old Testament, take only two from the New. The first from St. John, 1 John 1. 8. If we (I John, and the Saints to whom he wrote) If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. The next from St. James, Ja. 3. 2. In many things (not in a few only) we offend all. So that here we attain not a sinless perfection, we shall not here be, I say, fully like Christ in holiness or knowledge, this is reserved for hereafter; and this the same St. John attesteth, 1 Jo. 3 2. Beloved, now are we the sons of God, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be; but we know that when he shall appear, we shall be like him, for we shall see him as he is, when we shall see him (as St. Paul says before, face to face) than our imperfect measures shall be made perfect. That which there follows in John (and other places produced for perfection) intent it, and press it (viz. absolute perfection) as our duty and the matter of our endeavour.  
Thus from Canonical truth I have showed you the imperfection of our perfection here: And what ground our Adversaries have, to plead their exemption from the same condition, I cannot discern. Suppose we should grant them to be led by the immediate and infallible teachings of the un-erring Spirit, let them then tell us, who are the liars, Solomon, and Paul, and James, and John, or they? Or was that true which they affirmed of themselves and all men, that they are sinners? And is this, which these men affirm to the contrary, true also? Or was it truth then, and is not so still? Doth new light make the old a lie? 
Rom. 3. 4.  Or doth the Spirit speak contraries? No, let God be true, 
2 Cor. 11. 30▪ & 12. from 5, to the 10.  and every man a liar; and that I am sure is a sinner. And for our parts, if we boast, we will (with the Apostle) boast and glory of and in our infirmities, not that we are sinners, (that's our burden) But that God for Christ's sake is righteous and just to forgive us our sins, 
1 Joh. 1. 9  when we confess them, and that Christ by his grace, will cleanse us from our sins, and all iniquity; That so his strength might be perfected, and manifested, and magnified in our infirmity. With this further. That if we were so perfect, as to be free from sinning on earth, we should not need Christ's intercession in heaven; nor should we need to pray daily (as Christ taught his Disciples) father forgive us, 
Heb. 7. 25  And therefore we say, Blessed be God for Jesus Christ in heaven: 
1 Io. 2. 1, 2  who ever lives to make intercession for us. And who, when we sin, is there our advocate, and the propitiation for our sins; and thereby able to save us (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to the uttermost, to perfection: till all be perfected, and if the Quakers will not for themselves join with us in this Christian confession, let them speak out, and say so: And we know what to say to them, and if they will join, let them cease to condemn us, for the acknowledgement of our imperfection.  
And thus have we argued human imperfection, by an argument ad rem. And now we shall prove it by arguments ad hominem; Even the Quakers themselves. And discover the imperfection and unsoundness of their pretended perfection, and consequently their Hypocrisy. And first from the manner of their conversion, and then from the matter or quality of the persons converted. And thirdly from their conversion itself. And this, first a little from the conversion of the Quakers in general: And then of my quaking adversary in particular.  
And first of the manner of the Quakers conversion in general, and that which I shall here observe is from the suddenness of their conversion, and I may add the violence of their conversion. And first from the suddenness of it, it may render it justly suspected, for suppose a drunkard, or a sottish Buffoon, a fellow that makes himself a Fool (an ape) to make profane persons merry (for some such among us have turned Quakers) suppose I say, such a one, shall all of a sudden leave his drunkenness, or leave his apish conversation, and (without any more ado) become a Quaker, shall we call this conversion? It's a saying of that great Lecturer of nature Hipocrates, that omnes repentinae mutationes, sunt periculosae: All sudden changes or alterations are dangerous: They forebode no good, but evil. These sudden leaps, are from violent motions. Nature in its regular course is more lent and moderate, making its progress from one degree unto another; And although sometimes there are found such violent motions in nature, yet they are very rare, but always doubtful, this is true in religion and grace also.  
These sudden Converts are (if not miracula) mira gratiae, wonders. As we say of late conversion, from the instance of the Thief upon the Cross; One was so converted, that none might despair, and but one, that none might presume. So of this sudden Conversion, they are Rare. A Paul or so, That (as he himself says, 1 Tim. 1. 16.) Christ might in him show forth all long-suffering, for a pattern, to encourage others to come into God, notwithstanding they were Persecutors, and grievous sinners. But I say, These patterns are rare. As one Job was made a pattern of Patience. Such dispensations being not ordinary; For as we say, Nemo repent fit pessimus, none come to the height of wickedness at once, so Nemo repent fit optimus: A man comes not to his stature of goodness on a sudden.  
There are several ages in Christ: There are little children, young men, and Fathers, 1 John 2. 12, 13. And there is a growth in Grace, 2 Pet. 3. 18. as well as in Nature.  
In order to the appearances of grace, in true conversion, there is a previous and precedaneous act of godly sorrow, which works repentance and true humiliation; whereby the soul (being cast down under the sense of its former evil ways and ungodly conversation) is made humble, meek, and lowly; judging and condemning itself as the vilest of all others: Or at least as vile as any. And thence (by the power of the spirit fetching strength from Christ, by faith) comes up by degrees, to some stature and growth in him, till he come up to his appointed measure. But these persons (as we have observed them) do per saltum, skip from the lowest degree of baseness; to high measures of perfection, in a moment, all of a sudden. But some may say, how can you tell whether they have not been so humbled, or truly repent? The sin and evil conversation was open, but the repentance may be secret. We see a change, an alteration.  
Ans. I'll ask then this question (and let it be seriously considered) May not Satan be contented that a person leave a base, a wicked conversation; that a man cease to be a drunkard, (or the like) that he may become an Heretic, a Blasphemer? Is it not his advantage? Doth not the devil gain Proselytes by such Converts as these are? Oh says a poor simple honest-hearted Christian, who judges by appearance, and suspects no evil, What a change is here wrought in this man? Surely this must needs be by some immediate and extraordinary power of God's Spirit, it is good therefore to be of his Religion, whereas the man hath but shifted spirits. One or two are gone out, to make way for more and worse. Is not this the meaning of that Parable, where an unclean spirit (it may be a whorish one, 
Mat. 12. 43, 44, 45.  or a drunken one) being gone out of a man, comes again and finds his old habitation (as there) swept and garnished, swept from his former filthy lusts, and garnished with specious shows and pretences of piety (indeed an hypocrite) empty of true grace, and finding it thus, concludes, there's a fit dwelling for my purpose, and then goes and takes seven devils more, worse than himself, devils of pride, censoriousness, faction, railing, lying, heresy, blasphemy, and all these enter and take possession, and so the man's worse than ever, his latter end is worse than his beginning: So that you cannot call this man's change, a conversion, though there be an alteration. But yet to show the uncertainty, and (for the most part) hypocrisy of these sudden changes, and to make an estimate in that which may appear. Suppose a person hath got an estate by cheating, cozening, bribery, forgery, perjury, extortion, oppression, or the like, and this person becomes a Quaker, and so a witness of the truth, even of that Christ's appearing the second time, and without sin unto salvation, as my friend George hath it in the Title Page of his railing Pamphlet; and you must suppose this appearing of Christ the second time without sin, to be so in him, or else he cannot be a witness, which he says himself to be. Now I say, suppose such a person become a Quaker, and so an eminent Saint, of the highest form of the Quakers model, and hath not made restitution, nor given satisfaction for that estate so wickedly, impiously, and villainously gotten, can any one in the world say, this man hath repent, that he is converted, or a true Christian? Will any one dare to say other of such a one (if he profess to be godly) then that he is a most wretched hypocrite and dissembler? and such persons we find among them; and therefore the very suddenness of their Conversions, with so little evidence of truth, doth justly render it suspected, especially if you consider the violence of the motion in which they are hurried. We have another saying, that nullum violentum est perpetuum, what is violent, is not lasting. And surely, if we observe their violent unusual and uncivil actings, following (or rather going along) with their sudden Conversions, we may easily conclude the unsoundness of them. For as for the Spirit of Christ (which they so highly pretend to) it was not of their temper: He did not (as was Prophesied of him) strive, 
Mat. 12. 19, 20.  nor cry, neither did any man hear his voice in the streets: He did not quench the smoking flax, nor break the bruised reed; He did no sin, neither was there guile found in his mouth; when he was reviled, 
1 Pet. 2. 22, 23  he reviled not again; when he suffered, he threatened not, but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously. And how contrary this people's demeanour is, and how unlike this pattern, 'tis easy to discern: Never were there such bold, open, and unparallelled Railers and Revilers in the world as these are, as if they were the Masters of Scolding, and Billingsgate Professors; and which is remarkable, their rage and malice is thus violently belched out, most against the Ministers of the Gospel, by which we discern whose Scholars they are, and whose work they do: The malice of Satan hath been always most against Christ's Ministers; and therefore hath his practice been, by his instruments, to slander and cast dirt in their faces, that by calumniating their persons, he might hinder the acceptation of their Doctrine; and this with singular confidence and boldness and (no doubt) by this means they gain with some people: They have learned that Machivilian Maxim, Calumniare audacter, aliquid haerebit; Lie, calumniate, slander, and do it boldly, and with confidence, and some of it will stick, it will take with some or other; according to the Hebrew Proverb, If all enter not, half will. And indeed it will not be believed (but by observing persons) how much bold, confident, and peremptory asserting and holding out an Opinion, or Relation (though false in itself) will take, and prevail with such simple and unexercised people, who cannot judge, and put a difference between words and matter: And it's strange to see, how in matters of debate and controversy, they will determine of his side that is most daring, and carries on his cause with most words and confidence: Nay, most certain it is, that the very Title Page of a Pamphlet, boldly stuffed and languaged, shall be a sufficient confutation and satisfaction to many, against that person or side they fancy not; so that sense, or nonsense, truth or falsehood, their Adversaries (say they) is answered and confuted, though possibly they read neither one nor t'other; or if they do, they do not understand them; and so from the bold revile of their leaders, take up a prejudice against both our Doctrine and persons: But as for the latter, we can be contented to be reproached for Christ's sake, and the Gospel; and we can with comfort read and think upon these words, Blessed are ye when men shall revile you, 
Mat. 5. 11, 12.  and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil of you falsely for my sake, rejoice and be exceeding glad, for great is your reward in heaven, for so persecuted they the Prophets which were before you. And in the steps of these their railing Forefathers do this people tread, much unlike our Lord and Master Christ Jesus: True it is, we find him angry, and much displeased sometimes, but 'twas with two sorts of persons, those who profaned the public place of worship, and those hypocrites, who under specious pretences of more holiness and higher perfection than others, devoured Widows houses, and made void God's Commandments, teaching, that Children were free from honouring their Parents, upon their Corban, some religious pretences, and that now they were free from doing any more for their Father or Mother, contrary to that Commandment, Thou shalt honour thy Father, and thy Mother. And Solomon ranks them that do not bless their Mother, 
Pro. 30. 11. 12. 13.  with them that curse their Father: And who are they? Proud self-conceited hypocrites. I'll give you all together, There is a generation that curseth their Father, and doth not bless their Mother; There is a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed from their filthiness; There is a generation, oh how lofty are their eyes, and their eyelids are lifted up. And surely these things have never been exemplified in any age more, than in this present generation of Quakers, wherein, under pretext of more holiness, piety, mortification, self-denial, voluntary humility, abstinences, and the like, they put forth so much pride, scorn, rancour, censoriousness, self-exalting other-men condemning practices, that never was the like known (or heard of) by any people under heaven. With such as these (Profaners of the public places of worship, and dissembling hypocrites that despised all others) I find our Lord dealing very roundly, whipping the one out of the Temple, and denouncing direful and dreadful woes and judgements against the other: But as for all other sorts of sinners, I find him manifesting much tenderness towards them, being meek and gentle, benign and gracious, eating and drinking with Publicans and sinners; which reads me this lesson, that Profaners of God's Worship, and hypocrites, are to be dealt with more severely and sharply than others. And the same course doth the Apostle Paul direct his Scholar Titus (a Minister) to take with unruly and vain talkers, and deceivers, who subvert whole houses, teaching things that they ought not, for filthy lucre's sake, Titus 1. 13. Rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith: And therefore if these people be found to be hypocrites, and we deal plainly with them; if they call our plain dealing railing, we will follow our Master in bearing his reproach, for doing the same work that he did, and his Apostles enjoined us, and leave it to him to judge between us.  
And for mine own part, if any man shall be displeased with me, for telling people of their sins, and neglect of their duties (as desiring their amendment) keeping myself within the bounds of truth and soberness (of which those who are guilty of base cowardice, flattery, or unworthy compliance; nor those who kick, because their sores are touched on, shall be my Judges) I shall not account myself to have discharged my Ministry faithfully, if some be not angry. Sore eyes cannot endure the light, and a toothless Minister will best please a careless and a secure people; and if they will have such Teachers, the best way (which they have pretty well learned) is to get such that must live upon their alms, that they and theirs may starve, if they will not flatter them; and which (I am confident) is not the least of Satan's design at this time upon this Nation. I writ not this in reference to my own condition, for I bless God, I am otherwise honestly provided for; and the shutting of people's Purses, shall not stop my mouth from speaking what my Lord and Master commands me: And as the Apostle (in another case) so I in this, could wish that all other Ministers in the Nation were as I am, for than I should hope we should have a better people, I mean for the general; and as for those reproaches which some would cast upon me, I can, and do rejoice in this, that it is not for any false Doctrine, or scandalous conversation, or for any thing of personal or private concernment, but for home, and plain, and faithful applications, from zealous and hearty opposition against faction, heresy, and blasphemy, and against unworthy and unchristian practices in some people, especially hypocrites, who will not easily be roused: And if any shall hence apprehend themselves justified in the like reprehensions towards me, I prevent them with this proposal; when they shall find me devouring Widow's houses, or ruining the estate of any man; when they shall see me (with the hypocritical or quaking Pharisee, wearing broader or narrower Philacteries than others; that is, making greater or higher shows and outsides of Religion (one way or other) on purpose to be taken notice of, and to be seen of men, and pointed at; when they shall find me (as their fellows) compassing Sea and Land to make Proselytes; when they hear of me running up and down from Country to Country, from one Parish to another, disturbing, reviling, railing at, and persecuting those who are in their lawful and settled stations (following and pursuing their lawful callings) when they find me (and they can prove it) preaching false doctrine and heresy, when I do any of these things, let them call me hypocrite, and deal sharply with me, I will not call it persecution. And since I am thus fallen upon this particular, give me leave to write a word or two unto it.  
The Quakers charge us (and according to their guise and guile) make loud out-cries on us for Persecution: But I appeal to all the world, who are the Persecutors; Do not they disturb, revile, and persecute? Are not we in our rightful possessions and employments? And did, or do we go or run after them, to hinder or disquiet them? Do we desire any thing of them, more than that we and our people might meet and serve God peaceably, according to our rule? And may we not require it of our Magistrates? And is it not their duty, to secure and protect us and themselves from tumults, frights, and fears? Must they revile and reproach us, and our doctrine, and render us vile at their pleasures? Must all they say be good and warrantable? And must our just defences of ourselves, calling, and worship, be persecuting and railing, because they say so? Was there ever such a breed of peremptory Controllers of words, Laws, and actions, as these are? Must all the world bow down and kiss their feet, and worship James Naylor, upon their bare and un-grounded affirmations? And if at any time, any of them do suffer imprisonment, or the like, what is it for? Is it for Religion, or conscience sake? Who meddles with them upon that account? Is not their suffering for riotous disturbances in our Public Worship? And if they say their conscience or light leads them to it, and therefore they must be suffered, and not punished, which if we do punish, 'tis Persecution. I ask, What if their light lead them to take away our estates as well as our good name, must they (because they pretend conscience) be let alone and suffered? Or if they suffer, is it Persecution? I leave it to all sober men in the world to judge, and who are not willing to be led blindfold: Nor is this a groundless or a blind suggestion, that such a thing as this may be; for did not the Anabaptists in Germany heretofore do the same, upon the like pretences? Did they not rob, and take away the estates of all that were not of their Faction, because forsooth they were the wicked and ungodly? And was not this the levelling principle of that thing, which my opponent George in his imaginary Throne of truth, page 104. calls a Parliament, and highly magnifies? Whose speech was that to the Officers of the Army at White-Hall, concerning that Parliament (if we must so call it) That they did fly at liberty and property, insomuch, that if one man had twelve Cows, they held, that another that wanted Cows ought to take a share of his neighbour: And (as he most consideringly said) Who could have said any thing was his own, if they had gone on? And blessed be God for their dissolution. And thus much of the Quakers perfection, from their Conversion, 
Mark 9 18. 20.  in respect of the manner, sudden and violent, more like a possession, than a conversion.  
And now a word or two of the matter (the stuff) these Quakers are made of; and truly (all things considered, their sudden rise, growth, and perfection, together with the matter whereof they are generated) I know not to what more fitly to liken them, than Mushrooms, or Toad-stools, one of natures hasty productions, sprung up and perfected in a night or two; a kind of excressence, of a light and thin substance, like a Sponge, white and fair to look to, generated for the most part out of rottenness and putrefaction; most of them of a dangerous and pernicious quality; at the best good for nothing. Hence (by translation) they use to call an unprofitable and empty fellow, a Fungus, which is a Mushroom. He that will be informed of them, let them read Gerhards' Herbal, where among other evil qualities of them, you shall find some of them (for there are of several kinds) made use of to kill and smother Bees, to drive them out of their Hives, and bereave the poor Bees of their meat, houses, and lives: And in some places they serve, says he, to carry fire from place to place, and which being opened, send forth a thin powder like to smoke, 
This of the Puck foists, which is one kind of Mushroom.  which is very noisome and hurtful to the eyes, causing a kind of blindness, which is called Purblind, or Sand-blind; and they grow, saith he (some of them) where old rusty iron lies, or rotten clouts, or near to Serpent's Dens, or roots of trees that bring forth venomous fruit. In sum, they are a slimy excrementitious matter, suddenly arising out of the earth, having no root, and so of no continuance, tending as suddenly to putrefaction and rottenness, whence they had their original. And how this doth quadrare, and almost run upon all four, and fully suit to hypocritical productions, is easy to discern: For a little to apply, and but a little, for an ordinary capacity may carry it on; Is it not strange? and is it not that which makes the wonder now a-daies, that sots, drunkards, where's, whoremongers, covetous persons and oppressors, persons stupid and ignorant, of no brains or knowledge in morality, less in Religion, silly clowns, and simple women, whose capacities reach not beyond their breeding and employment, persons fanatical, vertiginous, factious, of unstable and unsettled spirits, and indeed almost all sorts of vile persons, that these should be the matter of which the Quakers are gendered? Doth not the world wonder at this, as it did after the beast which arose out of the Sea? Rev. 13. But alas friends cease your wondering, Is it such a strange thing to see old rusty iron, dirty clouts, and rotten trees bring forth dainty Mushrooms? Is not this the mode of the ungrounded, unrooted Professor? Know you not? or have you not heard of the Parable of the Sour? There are a sort of Professors which quickly (suddenly) take, but not having depth of earth (not well rooted) they dry away and whither? 
Matth. 13.  And it's observable what Matthew hath, 
Mark 4.  ver. 5. concerning them; 
Luke 8.  and Mark also, ver. 5. That forthwith (immediately, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all of a sudden) it sprung up, And why? Because they had no depth of earth; slight and ungrounded Professors start up suddenly; and for the same reason they suddenly whither, as in the following verses: Ill weeds (we say) grow apace; not so good herbs, and fruit-bearing plants; they bring forth with patience, they must have time to perfect them. And here let me not be mistaken, I do not any way judge or limit the Almighty in his operations upon souls to be converted, either for the matter (the persons to be converted) or the manner (the suddenness of it) for he is a most free, and a most powerful Agent, and in my soul I bless and do adore him. But let it be considered, his workings are not ordinarily so sudden, violent, and so general, especially with such as have been grossly ignorant and scandalous; he doth not usually bring souls from the lowest condition of darkness, ignorance, and stupidity (both natural and spiritual) and of profane and ungodly conversation, to the heights of light, knowledge, and holiness (even to perfection) at an instant, in a moment, within a few days, or weeks, or months, as these pretend to be. These sudden, violent, and hasty progressions are not usually well grounded, or perpetual; for indeed they have no bottom, no stable foundation, and argues, that though there be a change, 'tis not true conversion, every turning, every change is not conversion. The Scripture tells us of some who turn aside after Satan, 
1 Tim. 1. 15.  and that some shall turn away their ears from the truth, 
2 Tim. 4. 4.  and shall be turned unto fables, which is the third thing considerable in the Quakers conversion, and will evidence their imperfection; for perfection stands in these two things, to be perfectly fully informed and established in truth of doctrine and faith, and to be absolutely, fully completed in holiness, and if a person come short in either, he is not absolutely, completely perfect. And now if a man turn from profaneness to heresy, from an ungodly conversation, in point of practice, to an un-christian or anti-christian persuasion, in point of doctrine, he cannot be said to be truly converted, much less absolutely perfect; 
The greatest Heretics have been sober and serious persons.  and I do sadly, seriously (and with respect to the welfare of people's souls) propose it to be weighed by honest, yet simple hearts (and so easy to be seduced.) And let them tell me, Is there not as great danger? and doth it not bring upon the soul as certain perdition and damnation, to be under the devil's dominion by heresy and false doctrine, as by a wicked conversation? If not, What matter is it, whither a man be a Christian or no▪ or what Religion he be of, so he be otherwise an honest man, and of a good conversation? Doth not the Word tell us of damnable heresies, which bring swift destruction; and that the damnation of such as embrace them, 
2 Pet. 2. 1, 2, 3.  slumbers not? 
1 Tim. 4. 1, 2.  And of some that depart from the faith (i.e. true doctrine) and give heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils, vented by such as speak lies in hypocrisy; and that some are thereby in the devil's snare, 
2 Tim. 2. 25, 26.  and led captive by him at his will.  
Much more might be, and hath been elsewhere spoken and written to this purpose, not to be denied: If then the Quakers do turn from one ungodly way to another, as certainly destructive and deadly, we cannot account them perfect: Nor will their own say, boasting, pretendings avail them, for he is not just who acquits himself, but he whom God acquitteth.  
And now as for the Anti-christian doctrines of the Quakers, they have been sufficiently discovered, and whether they acknowledge their heresies, or no, makes not to the matter, 
2 Cor. 4. 3, 4.  for Satan's captives are blinded by him, and the Lord in judgement gives some men over to the efficacy of error, 
2 Thes 2. 10, 11, 12.  to believe lies, to their condemnation. And let it here again be minded (to evince the unsoundness of the Quakers conversion, and thence their imperfection) the effect or end of Gospel conversion is, to change and alter men both in mind and manners, and to bring them to that Gospel temper prophesied of and promised, Isa. 11. 6. 7. 8. The Wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, and the Leopard shall lie down with the Kid, and the Calf, and the young Lion, and the Fatling together, and a little child shall lead them, etc. So tame and gentle shall they be, walking lowly and meekly, under the sense of former vileness, with humble acknowledgements of their own unworthiness, of such grace they have received, not boasting, exalting, or (Pharisee like) lifting up themselves above others, with a stand further off, I am more holy than thou: Whereas the Quakers change is of a quite contrary temper, whatever they were before: How meek, how mild, how gentle soever, they now become fierce, and heady, and raging, running up and down like mad dogs and tigers, barking, biting, suarling, raving, and railing at all others; nay, even women and maidens, (the ornament of whose sex is a meek and quiet spirit) changing their natural temper, 
1 Pet. 3. 4.  become (not spiritual, but) unnatural, uncivil, and immodest, lifting up their voices in the very streets and public Congregations: So that had that conceit of those Philosophers, of Transmigration of the souls of men and women into beasts been true, we might have thence fancied another, and that is, that the souls of beasts had transmigrated, and shifted themselves into the bodies of women and maidens, and informed them, it being otherwise almost impossible (sure not imaginable) that that more modest and milder sex should so far forget themselves, but not to seek after such uncertain light (indeed false) for the ground of this miscarriage. The true light of Scripture tells us, 
Rom. 1. 25. 26.  that those who change the truth of God into a lie, the Lord in justice gives them up to vile affections, and passions, so that even women change the order of nature into that which is contrary to nature, as this people do: So that from the manner of the Quakers conversion, the matter, and the end and term, we may well conclude, their change is not true conversion, but unsound and rotten, and then they are not perfect. Thus of the Quakers in general.  
And now to deal with my quaking friend in particular: And first, as for the person of the man, I profess I do not hate him; and should the Lord be pleased to humble him, to give him a sight of his sins, and the grace of true repentance, that so he might be truly converted. I shall (notwithstanding all his unworthy deal with me) gladly receive him into my bosom; but for the present, and as yet he appears to be, I look upon him with a heart full of trembling, and beg of God, that he would never leave me (or any good man) to fall into the like condition. For truly, as I look upon Francis Spira, as a dreadful instance of a poor despairing creature, so I look upon George Bishop, as a fearful example of a poor wretch, whose heart is judicially hardened, and his conscience seared, and both, for sinning against the light of the Gospel revealed to them; for the Lord hath several ways to deal with Gospel-despisers and contemners, who receive not the truth with a love of it. When I read my opponents Pamphlet (oculo currente) as we say, 
Throne of Truth, page 100  and with a superficial eye, I met with his Protestation, concerning the matter of the Lord Craven, (with the iniquity whereof I knew he had been highly charged) I made a stand, and seriously observed it; and I do confess I was somewhat astonished at that bold and daring Appeal, which he therein makes unto the all-discerning eye of the Almighty, of his innocency and integrity, which made me (considering the notoriousness of the fact, and of his being charged with it) to read again, and to consider whether there might not be some equivocation in the language and expression, which not appearing to me, I then began to think, that possibly he might not be guilty, this being an age, wherein many things are charged upon many men very slightly and ungroundedly, and sometimes very falsely: But when I more closely, and with a more observant eye, read again his writings, and took notice of his practices and devices, his juggle, wrestle, prevarications, and pervertings of my plain sense and meaning; his putting of blinds and fallacies upon his Reader, (which artifice possibly he learned of his Master the Jesuit, whom he served till he was discovered.) And when I observed his railing and reviling language, with his malicious and revengeful tendencies, I then saw, that as he had dealt with a shameless forehead in this matter, so he had done in that also; and that he was a person of a profligate spirit, and that there was some mental reservation in his protestation; or that (which I most incline to believe) he is a man of a most supernaturally, and God-forsaken-hardened heart, and seared conscience. And I affirm, that if we may judge, and take an estimate of the Conscience, honesty, and perfection of the Quakers in general, by this man in particular, we may safely say, that one may be as vile a person as any under heaven, and yet be a perfect Quaker. For certainly, he that shall dare to make such an appeal to the all-seeing eye of God, of his innocence, and shall be guilty, will dare to do any thing. But the Proverb is verified; She that will dare to play the Whore, will dare to deny it; Custom is a second nature: So that, in what a man is accustomed unto, it is a hard matter for him to do otherwise: Can the Ethiopian change his skin, 
Jer. 13. 23.  or the Leopard his spots? then may ye also do good, that are accustomed to do evil: Frequent and reiterated acts beget a habit, and hard and much working, doth not more harden the hand, than often sinning hardens the heart: 
2 Pet. 2. from 10. to the end.  So that as S. Peter says, they cannot cease from sin; who (as S. Paul describes them, Eph. 4. 18, 19) through the darkness of their minds, and the blindness of their hearts, being past feeling, give themselves over to work all manner of wickedness, even with greediness: 
1 Kin. 21. 20.  And with Ahab, who by wicked practices got away Naboth's vineyard, sell themselves to work evil, even in the sight of the Lord. And when they have perpetrated their lewdness (with the Whore in the Proverbs) eat and wipe their mouths, 
Pro. 30. 20.  and say, I have done no wickedness: Nay, so prevalent is Satan with such persons, that they will pretend to God, Religion, and the public interest, to promote their evil practices. So did Ahab; but the devil is never a worse devil, than when a Saint, Dissimulata Sanctitas, est duplex iniquitas, Dissembled (counterfeited) Sanctity, is double iniquity, none so dangerously tempting and taking; 
2 Cor 11. 14.  and therefore doth Satan himself transform himself sometimes into an Angel of light, 
1 Thes. 2▪ 9  coming with greater power than ordinary, and more specious shows of holiness; he comes as an immediate messenger, an Angel from heaven, with great light, when 'tis but a new Gospel, (if it be a Gospel) and the old devil, who upon pretence of teaching our first Parents in another way than God had declared, made their children blind ever after, till restored and recovered of their sight, by a new Creation, and till then, no marvel if they go on in their wickedness with resolution as (too much to be feared) this man hath done, in many particulars.  
For to come to his deal and practices, and to begin (and to consider) what he gins with, how vainly (and like the bragging soldier in the Comedy) how Thrasonically, and with long-winded expressions, doth he lift up the hands of that blaspheming wretch, James Naylor? And how daringly doth he ask the question? What law hath he broken? Or what offence against man hath he committed? Whom the Parliament hath censured (and in part punished) as a horrible blasphemer: It's free to this man (Geo. Bishop) to arraign and censure the actions of the Parliament; but, is James the Champion of the Lord of Hosts, before whom none of the Priests could stand, as George says? And was his light so clear (so infallible; so sure?) How comes it to pass that this glorious son of the morning, is like Lucifer so cast down, and darkened, by that woman and her company, 
Martha Simons.  with all their filthiness and deceit, as he phrases it, page 5. beg. What Spirit was that: and what darkness was that which he speaks of, page 4. that clouded him? When began it? And is it not still upon him? And how came it to pass, that being delivered, he became dark again? (page ead.) These things would be known, that so we might say, when James is in the dark, or when he is in the light, that so we might not be mistaken in him; for we must not be altogether led by George Bishop, lest we agree not with those, who (notwithstanding his, and his fellow Foxes disclaims) did, and do still own James Naylor. But to let this pass, (for he is not worth enquiring after) by the wisdom of God that foresee all things (says he, page 5.) it was so ordered, that there was found (among the papers that were about James Naylor) one paper wherein that spirit (good or bad) the woman and her company, 
Martha Simons.  and their practices were expressly discerned and judged. 
This was the Letter sent from Fox and Bishop to Naylor; mentioned both in my Narrative, and Geo. answer. In which Letter they disclaim, and judge James Naylor, and his crew, as deceivers.  But now mark (horrendum facinus) the false and mischievous spirit of the Priest, that published that Narrative, and his foul and dishonest dealing, and how unfaithful he is in his relation: The Priest out of devilish wickedness (George's words) forges such a word, as had it been truly so, might have rendered George Fox a blasphemer under his own hand; and this is such a fact, that words need not further to express it, which in its very face is so manifestly wicked and abominable, a wickedness not found in the roll of those evils, which the Apostle mentions, should make the last days perilous; and 'tis manifest, this act is wilful.  
All this, and more, page 7, 8. of his Pamphlet, and part of the 9 To all this outcry, by way of answer, one would have expected, that one so eminently perfect in charity as George is (for if he have not charity, he is nothing, he is not what he pretends) would have judged the best, which is one main property of charity, it would have taught him, as v. 5. not to be ready to think evil of another, 
1 Cor. 13. 1, 2.  and not to have triumphed and rejoiced in my sin, and made so many words of it; and to aggravate it so highly; Charity would have suggested this, or the like, Possibly through his (the Priest) and his Scribes neglect, or mistake, or the hand of the Clerk (from whom he received the Copy of that Letter) being obscurely written, there being not much difference between these two words (own and am) as they may be written, might misled both, or either of them. Or, it may be a mistake of the Printer, and the Priest's oversight in correcting. Or (if none of this could have pleaded my excuse, to clear me from so great a crime as foul forgery) he might have (in reason) considered me from his own condition, before he became so singularly illuminated. For I ask, was he never (in the time of his darkness and ignorance) guilty indeed of forgery? (of which hereafter) Or was it not, because he had been so often criminous in such practices, that he so easily, so readily, and so (confidently charges others. I leave it to his light within him: But (to satisfy every honest person) the truth is, It is just so (as I have set it down) in the Copy of the Letter, which I received from the hands of the Clerk, who took the examination, and that as plainly written, as any words in the world, which Master Dorney will acknowledge, and which the Copy itself will justify, which I have to show to all that desire it. As for the Letter itself, it was sent up to London to the Parliament, and there continues. And (as Mr. Dorney said upon sight of the Copy) it might be so as I have expressed it (for aught he knew) in the original, which whether it be or no, in this case is not material, I am clear, I did not forge it; and yet upon this base doth he build the great weight of his discourse, charging and re-charging (like a doughty Captain) again and again, in several places of his Pamphlet, making this his great Achilles. And so much in discharge of that great calumny which he makes so much use of. And I wish him to consider, whether he did not willingly take it up, as a matter to reproach me, when as (probably) he might be informed, I followed my Copy. For sure I am, I have been divers times asked (before the publication of his scurrilous Pamphlet) how it was in my precedent, or copy: To which I gave satisfaction, if he did it wilfully, the Lord humble him, and forgive him.  
And whereas he says (page 9) that what I have published in my Narrative (p. 10, 11.) of the examination of Martha Simons, is enough to prove me, my design, and title, and book, to be a lie. Surely he presumes highly upon the blindness, ignorance, or negligence of his Reader; for it clearly demonstrates, that Fox, and his Crew, were against Naylor, and his; and so that they were not all guided by one spirit, or at best, by that spirit which is the spirit of division, which was part of the design and title of my book, and so not a lie. But that which sticks much in the Captain's teeth, and puts him to picking (from page 11. of his Pamphlet, to 24.) is the Quakers confusion with which I charge them. And truly, I believe, had he been left at large, to choose his own testimonies, and to have suborned and produced his own witnesses, he would perhaps have packed his matter handsomer, and more to his own purpose; but being confined to my relation, how miserably is he bedabled and confounded, in seeking confusion where it was not, in my book.  
The sum of all that matter is this, for I could not bring you into every stinking corner of his discourse, but help you to view it, and him at a distance, lest the noisomeness of it should offend you. I did (in my Narrative) by way of dilemma (which what kind of argument that is Scholars know) propose two things, by way of supposition, but positively affirming noither: But if either were true, (as one of them must, the matters propounded being apparent) I had my end upon them. The matter thus, There was opposition and witness bearing (that's plain, and confessed, not only by words of mouth and writing, but also by blows and sore beating) between Fox, and his followers, and Naylor, and his. Now, say I here's opposition manifested and declared, Party against Party, in appearance.  
I considered the Quakers, (Fox and Naylor, and all of them one and another) as pretending to be led by one and the same unerring spirit; and that, as they said, they were all one; but here was division, and daggers drawing (as it were) one against another; I looked upon them in general as deceivers, their fruits discovering it. This opposition (if true) I concluded could not consist with unity and oneness, to which they pretended I had no way to determine the matter, but thus: This opposition of theirs (say I) was either real, i.e. Fox and his Crew were realy and indeed displeased, and did judge Naylor and his, or they were not indeed displeased and offended, and this opposition and quarrel might be but from the teeth outward and to blind the world; one of these two must of necessity be granted; if the former, sc. that it was a real quarrel, than their brags of Unity was a l●e, a cheat, and they deceivers, and impostors that way. If the latter, sc. If their opposition were but feigned, they were cheats and liars that way, in pretending opposition where it was not real.  
Now that either might be true, I gave divers grounds or reasons, not determining for either, but absolutely concluding one, which was sufficient to my purpose, which was, to discover their impostures and deceive: And yet hereupon so simple, or so— is this fellow, as to cry out, Is not the matter granted, and the Priest grants it? when as 'tis easy to discern, I do but argue exhypothesi, and by way of supposition. Thus, if so, than they are divided (notwithstanding their professions of unity) if thus (as it may be) then (notwithstanding their outward oppositions) they are secretly agreed, and they are one, either way, Impostors. And this discovers his delusions in those fourteen pages: And yet we see how simply he pleases himself at the end of his thirteenth page, and the beginning of the fourteenth, vapouring and bragging with high language, as if my discourse in that matter, were nothing but confusion and contradiction. I am not willing to put myself to so much pains to write it out. And here I might end with his 24. page for the matter▪ But there are some things I must take notice of, to discover his blinds and juggle with his Reader, and his most miserable begging a thing in question; nay, utterly denied him. In the fourteenth page, (and so on, to part of the twentieth) he seems to me to deal with his Reader as a cunning Thief, who overtaking a simple-hearted, and unwary Traveller, and not well acquainted with the way, falls in with him, and entertains him with a long discourse, and (unawares to the man) draws him out of the way, to rob him: So doth he make a large story of Moses leading Israel out of Egypt, and of his transactions with Corah and his company; and of Aarcus business with Nadab and Abihu, and other such like matters, and of the opposition between Paul and Peter, and of Paul and Barnabas, etc. and asks, Whether, because of these oppositions and contests between the good and bad party, (the one being in the right, and the other in the wrong) Whether therefore the Quakers, because of their oppositions, be a pack of cozening Impostors, and lying Mountebanks: And he says, if my argument be good, or of force to prove the Quakers confusion, and that the one true infallible spirit by which they are led, is a Babel, bauble, cheat, an Impostor, etc. because of Foxes and Naylors' opposition: Then he says, Moses and the Israelites, who kept faithful with God, and the Law, etc. must be so too. And upon this score, calls me high blasphemer, and arrogant Priest, etc. Before I make answer, I must observe the wretched, perverse, and prevaricating spirit of this man, and how unworthily, and indeed dishonestly he wrists and changes my expressions at his pleasure: For where (in all, or any part of my book) did I say, that the one true infallible spirit, by which the Quakers are led, is a Babel, bauble, cheat, an Impostor (as he would make me to say page 15. of his Pamphlet) All that I said was, that their pretences to be led by that Spirit, was a Babel, etc. And I deny that they are led by the one true infallible Spirit: And now I say further, the Spirit by which the Quakers are led, is a Babel, etc. And now to the matter in question: And seriously (Reader) I'll tell thee truth, when I observed his reasoning (if I may give it so good a name) I could not choose (though alone) but smile, and was affected, I cannot well say, whether more with the simplicity of the man in his own understanding (in respect of his darkness) or with something else, whereby he would impose upon the ignorance of some silly Reader, in all, and every one of those instances produced by him, which is to this end, sc. to evince this truth, (for I'll do him all the right in the World) That good men may disagree, and not be Impostors, as did Moses and Aaron, Paul and Peter, etc. wherein he might have spared himself, and Reader, a great deal of labour. For I readily grant, That because some sin, therefore all sin, is no good argument: But what's this to the Quakers? Doth this clear them from being Impostors? We say, whether they agree, or not agree, they are both wrong, both deceivers: May not Knaves fall together by the ears? Doth their falling out, make either side honest? Suppose the Quakers and the Ranters (who pretended to as high a principle, even the same) should fall out, would that justify either? No, no, my friend George (or who ever helped him) is out; they shall not get that by begging, which they will never prove; nor will we ever grant them, that either (Fox or Naylor) are in the right, or to be believed: True it is, had either (Fox or Naylor) been in the Truth, as Moses was, and Paul was, and those other Worthies (whom he instances) these allegations had been to purpose; but Fox and Naylor both, being Deceivers, all this matter of George's, is besides the cushion.  
And I cannot but note one thing, how bold this man is with all the Quakers that are not of his persuasion, as if he had monopolised the Spirit of Truth and Infallibility, he brings in Naylor and his Party, as Aaron, and the Calf-makers, and Fox and his Party, as Moses; the one sinning, the other reproving; for if this be not his meaning, he produces that, and his other instances, to no purpose: So that he would have Naylor the Calf, and his Party, those that worship him. Are all the Quakers of England of his mind? If not (as sure it is they are not) where is still their unity? And they may well question George, as arrogating and assuming unto himself (and Foxes followers) the spirit of stability and setledness: In derogation of Naylor and his Adherents, as he doth in page 20. whom they deny, as being under the spirit of darkness, page 21.  
And whereas he (sillily) seems to triumph over us Priests (as he calls us) because we do not hypocritically and lyingly (as they do) pretend to be led infallibly, by the Spirits discovery of new doctrines to us, as were the Apostles: Let him know, that we are led and guided by the Spirit, into the knowledge and belief of those truths which were so revealed, by belief whereof, we attain salvation, (and as many as by our preaching embrace and follow the same truths with us) without more or further revelations. And we affirm, and prove, that so preaching, our people ought to hear us, and we are to be believed.  
But doth not the Reader perceive the blind, that George would put upon him? Doth he not discern the end of that long discourse, whereby he would draw him out of the way to cousin him, that he might not look after the matter that was of great concernment, and incumbent upon George (as the Quakers great Advocate) to have undertaken and discharged? But of that ne gry quidem (as we say) not a word: That which an understanding Reader would reasonably have looked for, was, that George would have done them this service, to have showed how this can stand with truth, That the Quakers are all at an agreement, and led by one Spirit of truth; When as Fox, (one great Apostle, (who also hath many followers) shall charge Naylor (another great Apostle, who also hath many followers) that he and his Disciples are joined against the truth, 
As in that former Letter.  and that he trained up a company against it, and that their iniquity doth increase, and that accompanied with wilfulness and stubbornness. Is this to be one in the truth, when one considerable Party are joined against the truth? etc. And another thus bear witness against them, and yet they stubbornly persist. If George now could have unfolded this riddle, he should have been the Quakers Oedipus, or their great Apollo, to resolve all their doubts, and help them at a dead lift, but not being able to do it, he decoys his Reader out of the way, and tells him a long story, of nothing to the purpose: And yet a little further, it would be known, for the information of all Quakers in general (for I see I must be their friend) What is, or was James Naylor's sin and wickedness, that such high testimony is born against it, as that the matter must come to blows: Wherefore do these infallible ones thus judge him, and his company, (who are not a few) and spirit? It is not (it seems) for his and their blasphemous practices, for which the Parliament did censure him, for this testimony was born against him, and the sin witnessed against, was long before James riding in pomp. No, this Fox and his Crew can allow of, and so become participes criminis, guilty of the same crime, witness Foxe's, and others papers published in print, for extenuation and vindication of Naylor, witness the Petitions of those eminently godly and conscientious persons, who interceded for him with the Parliament; and witness Bishop himself, page 3. who asks, What Law hath it been made appear to the Nation that Naylor hath broken? And then highly aggravates his suffering▪ as unparrallelled: So that in this, the Priest will grant they are agreed. But still we are to seek what was James his sin, Was it; because that woman (Martha Simons) struck him dumb, and made him silent; so that he hath not since spoken in public? Why, Is not this now in fashion among them generally? Their silent meetings, wherein like Pigs and Swine they come together, and grunt, and snuffle, and so departed.  
We read in the Gospel, sometimes of a mad and raving devil, that no man could tame, Mark 2. 3, 4. And Matthew says he was so fierce, 
Mat. 8. 28.  that no man might pass by that way. And sometimes we read of a dumb, a silent devil, so called, because he made those he possessed dumb and silent, so that they were not then free to speak. And it seems the Quakers must witness these various dispensations, as a part of their perfection. This then is not James Naylors' sin, George Fox, or Bishop, shall do well (in charity) to acquaint the World of Quakers with it, that they may avoid it, lest they come into the same condemnation, and to greater confusion, and he be more puzzled; we shall expect it, when George gets up into his Throne again; and if it be that Bastard that James Naylor was charged with, let them deal plainly with the World, for there is (since the publication of my Narrative) some further discoveries of it, more fully; as in a book entitled, The Grand Impostor examined, printed for H. Brome, at the Hand in Pauls-Church-yard. As also another entitled, An exact History of the Life of James Naylor, with his parents, birth, education, etc. printed by Edward Thomas in Green-Arbour, both published by one John Deacon, wherein there is also mention made of a Maid, seduced to be a Quaker, and got with child, by one Duesbury, another Quaker, which was confessed by herself, who also affirmed, that Naylor did solicit her to lie with him; and possibly this may be it, for George doth not deny it, neither in Text, nor Margin, nor doth he say, it is a lie, as he doth page 6. in the behalf of Howgil, whose mouth Martha Simons affirmed she had stopped: It was a lie (saith he) for his mouth was never stopped by her, but always open to declare against her, and their deceit (that is, James Naylor, and his company.) They were Deceivers then, and the Matter of their deceit would be known.  
But I must not stay here, for my friend George hath, page 24. something further to say to me: And I must acknowledge, when I took a survey of his strength, and following forces (for what is past, was (it seems) but his forlorn.) And having a desire to gather up as much as I could together, (to ease myself and my Reader of impertinencies, and tautologies) I was confounded with his disorder. True, in his page 25. he gins with my Title page, but in the very next page, he leaps to page 30. 31. And in the next, to 44. of my book; and then in his page 28. to the 30 of mine, and 39 and then presently to the 30. again, and some seven lines after, back again to my 17. then to my 45. and within two pages after, to my Epistle to the Reader, and instantly to page 48 of my book, and shortly after to my title page again, and so runs (Foxlike) skipping up and down, that it would tyre any man in the World to follow him, speaking to the same things in several places, as if he did it on purpose to make work for one that had nothing else to do, but to be so idle as to follow him. And truly, if his skill in Martial affairs were no better, to order and muster his forces, he is fit to be a Captain to lead Apes and Monkeys, than reasonable creatures. And I am half jealous, that this was done by him upon design, to take up so much of my time and leisure to follow him in his Serpentine motion, that I might glut my reader with these litigations, that so he might have less stomach to what I have to say to George in particular. And therefore, as to my Narrative and relation, for the truth of it, I say thus much in the general, That when he hath said, and I have said, we must leave it to the judgement of those who live here in this City, to conclude of the truth of either: And I have said Only thus much further, I desire it may be observed, that in my Epistle to the Reader, I did profess I had not inserted all the letters, nor all the examinations and page 4. I expressly said, I should give in so many, & so much of their letters and papers, as was pertinent to their discovery, and no more, as being unwilling to make my book swell too much in bulk and price; so that if I have not inserted all that might have been, and George would have: I am not, (I cannot) therein be found a liar, because I have not gone against my promise; for I did not propose, nor intent an exact and full relation of all things concerning it, as I have expressed myself. Sufficient it is to me, that there is nothing therein contained, but what is truth, which was that I promised, and have performed. And as to the order of time (wherein things were acted) when I came to a close in that particular, I told my Reader, page 59 that I had not been exact, to observe the order or circumstance of time in every particular; for (as I there say) I intended not an exact Diary, but had been careful to give in the substance in truth, and reality, which (as in God's sight) I was careful to observe and do: if any thing therefore be short or mistimed, it doth not follow that I am a liar and deceiver, etc. as he (most uncharitably and unchristianly) charges me with; to all which I say, the Lord rebuke him, and give him repentance for it; and these two things being observed, will serve to answer much of his cavils and reproachings of me: But yet I must not pass over all so lightly, but I shall make answer to some things, which I conceive of concernment, in special, leaving the rest as not worth the troubling myself, or the Reader with; and in this I shall study brevity, and in them observe, how short this man comes of that Christian perfection which he pretends to.  
And passing by his railing, and sending me to the lake, to be tormented with the devil and his Angels (who he says is my father and portion) I shall make a stand a little at his charge against me in his page 27. concerning the Oath of Laurence Raymond: And herein I shall discover the wretched nature and practice of this Quaker and his fellow, I having heard that this Laurence Raymond had heard that blasphemous and unchristian expression spoken by audland's Wife, That whosoever did think to be saved by that Jesus Christ that died at Jerusalem, should be deceived; and being assured from his own mouth of the truth of the relation, I did some time after (that these Wretches might be discovered) desire the Magistrates to send for this young man, and to take his testimony upon oath, for greater satisfaction, as occasion should require, which accordingly (at their own leisure) they did, I not being present, or speaking any further with the young man in it. Now this testimony, my friend George would invalidate, because in my Narrative, the place (where the words were affirmed and expressed by the young man in his deposition to be spoken) were left out, which to be done upon design (as he affirmed) I utterly deny, nor can, or could there be any design in it, for any thing that did appear to me, for I doubted not, nor had heard any thing, that might occasion me to doubt of the truth of his oath, either in the substance (which was that I only looked at) or the circumstance, which was not by me much considered, which possibly made me less wary, and observant of the omission in that, as of another passage, and non-moment anous sentence, in Fox's letter to Naylor; of which George took notice, but it would not afford him ground to cavil upon, as this it seems doth. And for the Readers satisfaction here, I desire him to know, that the discursive and declarative part of my Narrative, was wholly written to him (who copied them out again for the Press) with mine own hand: But as for those letters, examinations, and other things, which I had in lose papers, I only marked the place in my discourse, where they were to be inserted, leaving it to him to inscribe and write them; and in hasty examination, I might (as it seems I did) pass over, and not take notice of an omission, especially in a matter of circumstance, which my thoughts were not, as I said, so much upon; as here the main thing intended to be declared was, that such words were spoken by this Quaker: And as for the truth of the oath in every particular, which this Caviller would enervate by this nicety, I did (upon the publication of his Pamphlet, and observation of this passage) repair to the young man (Laurence Reymond) and there I discovered a notorious piece of juggling, and wretched practice of these Quakers; for showing to him what George had written, and ask him what he could say unto it, in that he had charged him as a liar, and forsworn. He made me this answer, that Hollister had got him over into his shop, and had been tampering with him, to entrap him, or draw him from his testimony, affirming it was false, using many words to that purpose, till the young man was weary, and left him; but then asserted and maintained the truth of what is contained in his oath, in every particular, as he doth still, insomuch that Hollister, seeing he could not prevail before he left him, threatened him, that the plagues of God would, or should overtake him, as they had done (as he affirmed.)  
Cowlishaw, for taking a false oath, (as he called it) against the Quakers formerly, and this the young man's Master (Mr. Stephens) told me, the youth informed him of, so soon as he came from Hollisters. Now my Reader must know, that Mr. Cowlishaw (since his oath taken as aforesaid) is failed in his trade; and I wish it may not be the case of many an honest man besides him. And it's strange it should not, in such times as these are of dead trade in general. But mark the bold, daring, and uncharitable presumption of these wretched Quakers, who step up into the Judgement Seat of the Almighty, and assign the particular causes of his dispensation; as if those upon whom the Tower of Siloa fell, were greater sinners than others, because of that hand of providence; or as if his oath were false, because of this accident. No, he still owns the truth of his deposition also. And divers others there are in this City, who can attest much to the substance of it: But see the malicious spirit of these wretches; and yet further, seeing they could not draw off this young man from the truth of what he had deposed, nor get any advantage (by tampering with him) against me (which was the thing intended; for Hollister then told him, he had a hand in a book to that purpose:) Now not being able to compass their ends upon him, Bishop by Hollisters instigation (I believe) (for I suppose the young man is almost as much a stranger to Bishop, as to myself, who never spoke with him but twice, and that upon this occasion) Bishop, I say, falls to reproach this young man, and to slain his reputation, as one of evil course, and bad conversation, from which he would needs have us believe, Quakerism had restrained him; and to which (since he left quaking) he affirms he is again returned, page 28. of his Pamphlet; How far the young man's Father is concerned in this (a person of quality, Colonel Raymond a Justice of Peace in the County of Gloucester) I shall not inquire. But for his comfort, his Sons Right, and the discovery of the spiteful, malicious, revengeful, and lying spirit of these deluded, and deluding wretches; I do affirm, that both from his Master and Neighbours (persons I am sure of better credit than Hollister or Bishop) I received a most ample and full Testimony of the youths most sober, piously conformable, and good conversation; By which we may see, what spirit these Quakers are of, and how ready they are to reproach all that are not with them; A Generation of Vipers, and Adders, that when they cannot reach the head, will be biting at the heels of those who come near them, and must vent their venom one way or other, so that (notwithstanding his cavillings) the young man's Testimony stands good against him, that these blasphemous words were spoken, as is alleged; Nor must his denials, (no nor of many more) pass for currant, or bear weight against a positive affirmation, so solemnly confirmed: Nor is blaspheming language of the Quakers so strange or rare, as he would make; for it is but the same, which was spoken by one Simon Dring, another of them, as I have declared, which allegation Bishop would also enervate, and null, because I do not name him to whom the words were spoken; and from thence, says it is of my own invention▪ page 77. I was not, I confess, overforward to mention the names of persons, by whom things were related to me, because all are not willing to have their names so publicly mentioned.  
But now (for satisfaction) I let him know, it is one that is not ashamed to appear in the face of Captain Bishop, and it is Mr. Timothy Parker, whom, I suppose, he will not deny to be a person of credit, and who is ready to attest the truth of what I have set down concerning it. And for a further discovery of the impostures, prevarications, deceits, and juggle of this generation, I'll give one instance more, from a person, of whose faithfulness, I am assured, who himself upon London road, meeting with one with whom he had been formerly well acquainted, and knowing him to be turned Quaker, amongst other discourse, said unto him, (by way of dislike of his present judgement and opinions of Quakerism) you did look and hope for righteousness or justification by Jesus Christ; the Quaker answered, so I do still; yea, (but replied the other) Do you look to be justified, and to have your sins pardoned for that blood which Christ shed upon the Cross? whereunto the Quaker replied, What can that blood be worth, which was shed so long ago. This (for substance) will be made good, both parties I know very well; and this Quaker not one of the dull, simple, or sottish sort of them (who know not the worst of their own opinions) but one of an ingenuous education, and of abilities more than ordinary, in comparison of the generality of them, one acquainted with the mysteries of their own iniquity, and blasphemous Doctrine. And this not much unlike another (but a She Quaker, yet not of the simplest rank) who being conferred with by one who had heard much of their opinions, and ask her by whom she hoped to be saved, she answered, by Jesus Christ: By what Jesus Christ, said he? By that Jesus Christ that died at Jerusalem, said she: What (replied he) by that Jesus Christ that died at Jerusalem, and that is now in heaven? Yea, said she: Whereat he something wondering, and yet suspecting some equivocation, (or mental reservation) Where, said he, is that heaven? In me, said she, and so discovered the juggle.  
Now who (but one who knows them throughly) but would have been satisfied with her first answers? And who would have thought it needful, to have carried on the question any further? And so in the former, any honest, simple, well meaning heart (that is not acquainted with their collusions) would have been satisfied with the first answer: But you see how hard a matter it is for every one to discover them, and how loath they are, that what they hold should be fully known, lest it should (as it deserves) render them abhorred, by all honest Christians. And hence also you see, how little they are to be believed in what they say, having reserved meanings to themselves, and speaking contrary to the sense of those expressions, which are commonly used amongst Christians. And now, as the rest of his nibblings at my Narrative, and observations thereupon, I shall leave the truth to be determined by the examinations themselves, which he cannot impeach; nor will his affirmations, negations, or wrest, any way impair. And for matter of fact, in the rise, growth, and settling of these people among us, I appeal to those who were ear and eye-witnesses of these things.  
And for his atheological cavillings, and Scripture wresting, and misapplying, I refer to those who are judicious in such matters, to conclude between us, only there are some few things, wherein I must observe unto my Reader, the malicious and revengeful temper of this man in his dealing with me. I confess, neither the person of my Opponent, or the things are (in themselves) worthy of the thoughts of any serious man; and I should therefore have past it over, but that I mind my engagement and promise, which is, to let the world see (in the instance of my adversary) that the conversion and perfection of a Quaker, (if to be estimated by this man's.) is very unsound, imperfect, and rotten, notwithstanding all their outward shows, and specious pretences; any man (even with half an eye, as the saying is) my easily discern, (by the matter and manner of his language) that his design, all along, and throughout his whole Pamphlet, is to render me (all the ways he can) obnoxious to danger, and the displeasure of others that are above me, wherein (besides his malice) his impotence is discerned, in that being not able to revenge himself upon me, he would bring me within the reach of others, who might do it for him. And see how he goes out of the ways of truth and honesty to do it; (so revengeful is he) yea, out of the way of his own profession (so impetuously is he hurried in his rage and passion; for but mind his Courtship, giving flattering titles, and having respect to persons (as they call our due tenders of reverence and honour to our Superiors) in page 27. Justice Fell, a discreet grave man, one of the Judges of the Nation, and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster: Well, what of all this? Why says George to me, Art thou assured he will put up all this? Oh, says he, the instance is so foul and odious, and so filled with scoffs and jeers, that thy wickedness therein is hard to be expressed.  
Thus he there. Oh lamentable! Is it not pity that any man (much more a Minister of the Gospel, and if you will, a Priest) should commit so great a crime? Surely it can be no less than betraying Mr. Love to death, or ruining some great man's estate, by base practices, perjury, bribery, or some such thing? No, but 'tis as bad: Why, what is it? Oh harken, and wonder! In page 31. of my Narrative, I produced Judge Fells wife (as one bearing witness in the behalf of James Naylor) and (here's my sin which hath raised all this outcry) I said, such discerning folks cannot easily be mistaken. Ah poor impotent creature, how hath rage, and malice, and hatred, and envy besotted him? Is not this man guilty of having men's persons in admiration for advantage, that he might have advantage against me? Or doth he mock the Judge, in giving him these titles, so much contrary to their quaking principle? The Lord help him to see the baseness of his Spirit. But yet, why doth he add an, etc. to the criminous words quoted by himself? Why, surely, to let the world see, that his malice outbid and out-bribed his conscience; for being convinced in himself that the words quoted, would not bear so high a charge against me, as of a crime so great, the wickedness whereof can hardly be expressed, he would have it understood, that the danger lay in the word, etc. which if it do, 'tis none of mine. And let any one in the world read my book, and say, whether they can find any thing else in that whole matter, to be charged as an offence upon me: And is this such an offence, so heinous, so grievous? to say ironically, that such discerning folk as Judge Fells wife, cannot easily be mistaken: What's this to the Judge? May not a wise man, a good man, have a simple, a perverse, or a quaking wife, which is not in his power to remedy, further than to restrain her from their assemblies; he cannot change her judgement: As for the Judge himself, I meddle not, I do not know him, I have not heard (to my remembrance) other than well of him: Well, the Lord forgive my adversary, and humble, and alter him: Sure I am, this is far from that simplicity, charity, goodness, that was, and is in Christ Jesus. Hence ex ungue leonem, by this paw of the Lion (or rather hoof of some more silly creature) judge of the man; or if you will, you may take him both ways: A Lion, or a Bear, for his rage and fierceness, and a more sottish beast, for his silliness. I have discovered the venom of his teeth, in this the more fully, to save myself and thee (Reader) some labour, in being as brief as possibly I may, in the following particulars; and the next is, his endeavour to traduce me, with traducing the Magistrates of our City. And whereas I plead their excuse, in that, by their lenity at first, (over and above what other places in the Nation exercised towards these croaking frogs) they gave them too much encouragement to nestle amongst us, imputing this (as just cause I had) to their too much fearfulness, and having been formerly overtopped, and overborn, by an overswaying power, by the usurpation of inferior Officers, exercised upon them; and looking upon this as a part of their weakness and infirmities, which (because of the common frailty incident to all men, even the best) I did (as being in the body, and sensible of the same frailties) Christianly and soberly alleviate, (not justify) how does he most Pharisaically and proudly fall, both upon me, and them in it? And because I say (and say now) that the best Magistrates have their spots, defects, and failings, he concludes them to be no Magistrates of God, but men of sin, evil doers, and the born of the devil, page 34. But because this (nor any thing in my Narrative) would afford matter to incense them; he runs abroad, licking up the vomit of every malicious and venomous Spider, to belch it out against me; and this lyingly too, (more suo) for he says, that I endeavoured in the Pulpit to render them vile and odious; one while likening them to Jupiter's log▪ and to George on horseback, and reproaching them with the abilities of Tom Pain, which he puts in great letters, as if I had mentioned his name in the Pulpit. But what a bold and daring wretch is this, to judge of my intentions and endeavours, as if they were to render the Magistrates vile and odious? When being called to preach unto them, upon a public occasion, for administration of Justice: The Lord knows my heart, my endeavour was to render them honourable and precious, by ●●●ssing them to discharge their duty; and to that purpose, I told them, that Magistrates should not be as Jupiter's log, which by lying still, and doing nothing, made the frogs bold with it, and to leap upon, and make sport with; and that they should not be as the picture of George on horseback, with his arm and sword always lifted up, but never smiting; telling them further, that if the bare name, ornaments, and accoutrements of a Magistrate were sufficient, than that poor creature (that was then walking up and down in their presence) might make a Magistrate; but I utterly deny, that I likened or compared them with, or to either, or named him. And of this, all those who heard me with their right ear, must bear me witness. But what will not a malicious person do to revenge himself, though he do it never so impotently? But indeed (George) did I deal so plainly with them, even the Magistrates, and that to their faces, and being their Chaplin too, and having many large dinners and feast from them, besides my salary of ten pounds a year for that service, And when I have fair words and advise from them? (all this in his pages 37. 38.) Why sure (friend) it seems the Magistrates were so honest, that they did not choose a Chaplin to flatter them, they had divers years experience of me, and my temper: And further, it's clear from hence, I am no respecter of persons, which I am sure amongst you is accounted a virtue, and a high piece of your perfection, though in a perverted sense: And is it now a sin (a vice in me?) I see nothing will please him, who is resolved to quarrel: And you see (friend) that their large dinners do not so fill my belly, but that I can speak plainly; if I reflected upon some who were guilty of doing nothing, (which is a great sin in a Magistrate) doth that condemn (doth it not honour) those who are active? I might mention your rail at, and despisings of all Magistrates, 'tis too gross and palpable; and that he might be still, sibi constans, like himself, in his mischievous practices. In like manner doth he charge me with abusing Major General Sk●●●●, whereas whoever reads, shall find, I make no other than an honourable mention of him, as a discreet and sober person, who did not usurp authority over the civil Magistrates, but held (as I say) a good correspondence with them. And is this to abuse him? What a hard thing is it, 
Although he ●ad bef●dre charged the same things, page 41.  for a man habituated to an evil course, (lying, railing, or the like) to leave it? So also towards the end of his Pamphlet, page 103. and so onwards, he falls to the same malicious work again, charging me of abusing that reverend Parliament, concerning which I have spoken already, of which, and such like, I desire never to speak more only this, We may well guests what a pure convention it was, when such pitiful fellows, as his fellow Hollister should be a principal member thereof.  
And wherein (as George phrases it) page 45. he tasted as much (yea more) of the power and glory of this world (oh lamentable world!) than any in this City, which he says, he might still have had, could he bow down and worship; bow down to whom, to him whose nose George would have held to the grindstone? He and his fellow Hollister will not then, it seems, bow down, nor worship, not so much as civilly; a stiffnecked and stubborn generation: Thus we may see, what it is, to lift up the head of a dunghill brood, how highly they will swell, and how hardly they will be reduced again: And truly I cannot here (upon this occasion) but think, how Nebuchadnezzar-like, Dennis Hollister did strut it, and pride himself in his eyrie Kingdom; and how he did scorn and despise all the opposite party in that Assembly: Read his words, in a Pamphlet published by him against that Congregation (or Church) in this City, whereof he was once (till turned Quaker) the Leader; 
And well may he call them so, which I shall elsewhere discover.  the title of which Pamphlet is this, The Skirts of the Whore discovered, and the mingled people in the midst of her. In a Letter sent by Dennis Hollister to the Independent baptised people, who call themselves a Church of Christ in Bristol, but are found to be a Synagogue of Satan; together with another letter written by him to Thomas Evens, a Teacher among them, who before several witnesses hath often denied himself to be a Minister of the Gospel. This, and more is Dennis his title.  
Now suppose him in his heights, and hear his language, page 13. 14. 
Such as were so high, as that they were above all Ordinances.  For my own part, I must deal plainly, and tell you, the beholding and observing the unrighteous actings, and deceitful hypocritical deal of many of the eminent members, and other high pretenders to Religion, whilst I sat with them in Parliament, and other chief places of Council and trust in the Nation (brave words) was one of the first things that put me upon consideration what the root of that profession (of Anabaptism, I suppose he means) should be, from whence such sour grapes, and fruits of bitterness proceeded; and so on, telling them their own sufficiently. And then he lets them know, that he has known what it is to be accounted something among those called Churches, and what the preferment of Pharoahs' Court is, (we know whom he means) and the great things of England; and that he had a nature prone enough (which we all well know) to embrace the same, but that his peevishness was as great as his pride, which made him side with that faction, which acted by those levelling principles I formerly mentioned, which gave just occasion to his Highness to ding many of them down to the dunghill, from whence those vapours were exhaled, which yet he in his pride, (such is his stomach) calls a suffering affliction with the people of God, rather than to enjoy the pleasures and treasures of England, which belike then were in their hands; and if he could have bowed down, he supposed he might have still enjoyed (and George thinks so too) even for ever: For then (not doubt) the fifth Monarchy would have been erected; but it seems they were not then infallibly inspired; for than they carried their Bibles to their Parliament, there to seek out the pattern, but there it seems it was not to be found exactly; and therefore now (throwing away their Bibles, and) being more immediately guided by the Spirit (of blood, 
The Levellers standard being now discovered.  and of rebellion) they betake themselves to their weapons, to build and raise their Kingdom, which possibly may be the reason why so many Bricklayers and Carpenters (and such like persons) turn Quakers, in hope of employment, it may be of preferment; and why not, as well as Mascinello, a poor Fisher-boy in Naples, or John of Leyden, a Tailor in Germany, who made themselves Regent's, by the assistance of the rude rabble, the one upon civil, the other upon religious pretences? But (to meddle no more with this Parliament) in the next place (malice making him very industrious) he renders me obnoxious to the Protector, and his Council, which needs no long answer. For whereas I had said nothing against them, he would make me criminous by way of inference and insinuation, and the like, concerning Major General Desborow, (to whom, for advantage, he will afford a title of honour) whom he says I intimated to have been easily and mischievously instrumental to wicked, ungodly, and unchristian practices; 'tis wonder he did not directly charge me: But let any man read what I have therein written, and say, wherein have I abused him. And thus much I say, (as to that) as I hope the Major General, and others in power, did not by their lenity intent to countenance such practices before: So now (seeing what their lenity may produce) they will not be so easy to be entreated for the future, which was that (and all) I aimed at; and the like envious dealing hath he in the matter of Colonel Scroop, and there he charges me with flattering him: So that let me speak how I will, I must (it seems) be concluded an offender. But (he alleges) I had spoken against him, why, what of this? Because I deal plainly with a man when I find he doth ill, may I not therefore commend him when he doth well? Is not this an argument of ingenuity? I hope he will pardon me this offence. And truly, had I not apprehended him really to have disclaimed these Quakers, (as I then believed he did) I should not have made that honourable mention of him.  
And I confess, had he been still here in power over us, I might well have been thought, in so doing, to have flattered him; but it is well known, when he was here, I did it not, and less reason to do it now, in that he is absent.  
But I must here observe what George says concerning him, which very much tends to the justifying of my Narrative, concerning the rise, growth, and settling of the Quakers among us, by the over-topping, and over-bearing of our Magistrates, and making them Ciphers, by a foreign power, so that they could not reform things, though they had a will to it; for page 106. George, says he (Col. Scroop) was so far from denying the Quakers, to speak publicly, that he said to Dennis Hollister, by name, that if the Magistrates did put them in prison one day, he would put them out the next, which no doubt Dennis acquainted them with, for their encouragement, which very likely made them so bold and daring, and to outface (as they did) the Magistrates, and not to care for their commands to departed the City: How will revenge and malice blind a man to tell all, which he had better forborn? As for the remainder (ejusdem farinae) which follows, it is a further discovery of the same spirit which I shall pass over, intending (as the Lord shall give time and opportunity) to give a full and distinct answer to the particular of Thomas Evens; for as for Morgan Lloyd, whose doctrine he says I had reproached, and concerning which, he says, he sent me a sober note, to reason with me publicly in my Steeplehouse (as he calls it) which I refused. To that, I say, it's not so, I did not reproach his doctrine, for I knew not what it was, nor heard it; that I took offence at (and justly) was, that any man should intrude, and thrust himself, yea, force himself into my Pulpit, upon a day, and at a time, which was not assigned for Public Lecture, whereas himself, and Erbury, had not long before made a kind of a public contest, to the disturbance and unsettling of the people in another Congregation; Erbury at that time being sufficiently known to be tainted with unsound opinions, and Lloyd himself much disliked. And truly (to speak my mind in this matter) if Morgan lloyd's note had been, or were to that purpose, I suppose, that Minister, that in these brawling and heretical times, shall entertain motions for public contests, with such as run up and down, and make it their business to wrangle, and contend in things doubtful and uncertain, shall not provide for his own peace, nor the people's establishment in the truth, by giving them entertainment. If the doctrines we teach were unsound, or ourselves not able to discharge our duty, it would be a favour for some to come and help us, when orderly, and peaceably sent, or called; but otherwise, for men of unquiet and rambling spirits, to impose themselves upon us, is neither Christian nor civil: And I conceive, those who are careful to preserve the people from infection, do not well to encourage (much less to invite) them.  
Nor are the people competent Judges in doubtful matters, and are (as I said before) much swayed by the impudence and confidence of a bold and daring Opponent.  
I have now but two or three things more to speak to, and so I shall come to deal, by way of charge, upon my Adversary, wherein I shall have so much matter, as that I must of necessity avoid all debates, and altercations with him, in matter of doctrine, and this upon a double account:  
First, because their doctrines, judgement, and way of arguing, are sufficiently known, and answered already, and I am not willing to draw the same Saw of contention everlastingly, not caring for the last word in the quarrel.  
And secondly, lest by taking up too much time in those things, of which the reader may be elsewhere better satisfied, (as in Mr. Thomas of Vblegs most sober and Christian answer, Mr. Baxter, Mr. Ford, and others) I be prevented of what I principally intended, which is to discover the hypocrisy and unsoundness of a Quakers conversion, and to exemplify it, in this man in particular, which you see I have in part performed, by discovering his railing, lying, and malicious dealing, in which trade he still continues; and therefore, page 47. he charges me, that I would have joined myself as a member of Hollisters Congregation, but finding by discourse with him, that there was no place for my imperious, proud, and pragmatical Mastership over them, they heard no more of me in that particular, till the state of things were changed, and then I became an adversary to separated Churches, and to that in Bristol especially; this is the full of the charge. This story I assure myself he had from Dennis: But how doth he know that Dennis says truth? To this, I oppose this true relation, when Thomas Evens came first to this City, (I desiring to know him fully) had a purpose to invite him to my house to dinner, and understanding that he would be at the house of Robert Purnil in an evening, went thither, where I met him, and most (I think) of that Congregation, at an exercise of Religion, where I continued, Mr. Evens being the man that then exercised, wherein something being delivered unsound and erroneous, I forbore (for divers reasons) to speak to it, till most of the company were dismissed, when (conceiving it convenient) I told him of that erroneous doctrine which he had delivered, and spoke fully to it; to which Mr. Evens making neither answer nor excuse. Mr. Purnil (for now I am not speaking to, or of Quakers) and therefore let me use our ordinary and civil language) with many good words approved of what I said, and spoke something in excuse of Mr. Evens. Whereupon, Moon (being present) with much affection used these words, Why should not Master Farmer be one of our Congregation? (for I had never met them formerly) which was seconded thus by Mistress Nethway: Ay, Mr. Farmer, if you would be one of our Congregation, you may be chosen Pastor afterwards, which words (the very thoughts of the matter being strange to me) I do profess, made me wonder? which produced this reply from me, Chosen Pastor Mistress Nethway! What mean you? To which (after some other words) she said, she was told, that if I might be chosen Pastor, I would join with them, which I denying, and she affirming again that she was told so, but would not tell me by whom (but 'tis easily supposeable) I then presently appealed to Mr. Purnill, then present, to witness for me to the contrary, to whom formerly (in discourse) I had declared several times, that I could not join with them, which he at that time witnessed; and this to be a truth, I appeal to that light and truth of God that shines in his and their consciences, and which I hope they will not dare to stifle, (notwithstanding that distance which is now between us.) And the reasons why I would not join with them, were, because they performed their Lord's day duties in private houses, to the prejudice of the public, (which I ever honoured (as I shall declare in another discourse, Christ assisting me.) And for that they had not lawfully constituted Pastor to take the charge of them: True it is, I should likely have joined with them, had those two hindrances been removed. And to this purpose I did divers times solicit Master N. I. a rightly constituted and able Preacher, to take the charge of them, promising myself to sit down as a private member, only exercising my public Ministry, by way of preaching, which he refused; and this I doubt not he will testify.  
And further, to make it appear, that I desired not to be their Pastor, being conscious to myself of the weight of that work, and my unfitness in divers respects, I did (in an occasional discourse with some of them) declare my unfitness, which is so true, that one of them (now a Quaker) did since (by way of reproach) upbraid me with my own acknowledgement, so that then I had no intention of joining with them; and since that, I gaining further light, in matter of Churches, and their appendent questions, and they drawing more and more towards Anabaptism, I more and more declined, and disowned them.  
And whereas he says, I became an adversary to separated Churches, when the state of things were changed: I ask, to what were the times changed? or from what? Not from that way of separated Churches, but more to it: If I did it then, than I did it not to serve the times, but to secure my conscience. But wherein did I? or did I ever appear an enemy to separated Churches? Why doth he not show wherein? But of this, more in another discourse.  
And so much in answer to that lie of George, and his Master Dennis: Another there is of the same Forge, I am sure; and that he speaks to page 59 60. And again (being chafed with the business of the Lord Craven) page 109. where he joins them both together: The charge is this, from both places, That I earnestly solicited some then in power, for turning out of Nicholas, one of my brethren, Constant Jessop, by name, for his differing in judgement in some particulars, urging as an argument for this purpose, that till then the City would not be in quiet, into whose place (by diligent seeking) I did climb, and domineered ever since over his people, and him, as the issue of that prosecution; and that I forced myself upon his people to this day, by procuring an order from above; and that thereby I got myself out of poor Thomas, into rich Nicholas.  
Now this whole story is a most wilful mistake (as it's grounded upon what I urge, page 49. of my Narrative) and in this I appeal to his light within; for that person (and thing) which he cannot but know I meant, was this, that Hollister and his company (then domineering) threatened the Magistrates, and the rest of the Committee (who were not of their faction) that if they might not have him whom they sent for out of Wales to be their Teacher, one of no breeding, and that hath since often denied himself to be a Minister, (and is now turned Anabaptist) to be one of the public Lecturers in the City, they would turn out of the City a godly and Orthodox Minister, who had been imprisoned, and suffered much more than any of them, (for his good affection to the Parliament) he differing that time in judgement in some particulars, and so they had their end, which (as is well known) hath proved a reproach and scandal to this City, from many strangers that come hither, and take notice of it.  
Now this person (he knows very well) was Master Paul, for as for Mr. Jessop, he was never committed to prison upon my occasion: Is this man now a true Convert? Is he not a manifest prevaricator? And did he it not on purpose to bring in that lie, and malicious slander of his fellow Hollister? Whom to be a liar, a piece lately published by those who were his fellow-members (with his Teacher aforesaid) doth amply testify; 
The Church of Christ in Bristol recovering her vail.  and which I myself also have had sufficient experience of oftentimes, insomuch that I desired one, a Minister of this City (who was then wont sometimes to visit him) to tell him from me, that his shop was a forge of lies: And for the matter of Mr. Jessop, I shall give a true and full account of it (so far as concerns myself) thereby to discover these liars to the world. It's well known (up on the death of the late King) what endeavours there were by the then Parliament, for settling the Nation in peace: In order whereunto, there was an engagement drawn up, and required to be subscribed by all persons: And it is as well known in this City, how opposite Master Jessop, aforesaid, (together with that other Brother) was thereunto; and what expressions, concerning that matter, were used by them, both in prayer and preaching, I need not mention: By which means there was much averseness in many of this City to this settlement, they being honest men, and having a great influence upon the people: At this, I (thirsting for a settled peace) was much offended, and did endeavour, with themselves, privately to take off their opposition, and publicly to settle the people, declaring my dislike of their do. With this, and the like expressions: that if they (the Preachers) did apprehend those actions of State (whereby they endeavoured a settlement) as evil, they should go up to Westminster, and declare it to those who had the power, and not trouble the people with those things, which they had no ability to amend, or power to withstand; and for that their do would but raise an impotent disgust and opposition, with the public prejudice; further, telling them of an evil which I had formerly observed, and was now by them practised, that men would preach Court Sermons in the City, and City Sermons at Court, which I conceive an unprofitable kind of preaching, when our Sermons are not suited to the capacity and condition of our Auditors.  
And indeed, as to the matter also, I always conceived it, (and do still) as savouring too much of the beyond-sea temper, for Ministers to meddle with State matters: Of which see a large discourse, entitled, A Case of Conscience, concerning Ministers, meddling with State matters; in, or out of their Sermons, resolved more satisfactorily than heretofore, which was then written by Mr. John Dury, one of the Assembly of Divines, a man of a peaceable and public spirit, and one with whom Bishop Hall, and Bishop Davenant, had several endeavours formerly, for settling peace in the Churches; which book was licenced by Mr. Joseph Carril▪ containing about twenty five sheets of paper; sold at the Star in Cornhill, 1650.  
But to go on, they st●● persist in their way, during which time, Mr. Craddock coming to this City, and lodging (as I was informed) at Hollisters, I went thither, (which I seldom used to do) to desire Mr. Craddock to preach for me at Thomas; but he not being then within, and staying for him, Hollister, and myself, talking of the times, and several matters, and (among others) of their oppositions in public, I did then say, it was not fit to be suffered, so to hinder a settlement, and to alienate men's affections; and this was all, and this (as you see) but occasional: And before that special occasion was given by Mr. Jessop himself, for his removal, in a Sermon which he preached afterwards, upon which, and for which, he was outed; and of which, I knew not, nor had any hand in, one way, or other, either by writing, speaking, or suggestion to any person what soever: Nor did I ever speak with Hollister at any time, after that occasional discourse, aforesaid, concerning it; and what I did speak, having respect to that other Brother, as well as Mr. jessop; which outing and banishing from the City, was so far from my expectation, and seemed to me so rigorous, that I publicly taxed and declared against their hard dealing, as is (I doubt not) well known to divers that heard me, the notes whereof I have still by me; so that my declaring against their rigorous and harsh prosecutions, raised the spleen of that froward adversary Hollister against myself, and procured that scandal upon me; I confess I then thought it fit they should be silenced from opposing Authority, and hindering (as much as in them lay) the settlement of the peace of the Nation; (whereof this City is no inconsiderable parcel) but banishment from it, was far from my thoughts.  
And whereas my Adversary alleges, that I urged as an argument to this purpose, that till then, the City would not be in quiet: If he say that I used these words to Hollister, (for I never spoke with any other, nor him, other than as aforesaid) it is very false: But this I acknowledge, some of these words were spoken by me, to, and mistaken, (to say no more) by Mr. jessop himself, upon this occasion. A few days before the time allotted for his departure, I met him upon the Tolzey, and supposing that much of Hollisters heat against him, was for his zealous asserting of Presbyterial discipline, in opposition to Independency, (of which he had treated much in his Lectures) I endeavoured to persuade him to an accommodation and compliance, (as not thinking the quarrel worth so much contention) and offering myself to mediate between them; (as being indifferent in that matter) but M. jessop stiffly persisting in his way, (and knowing Hollisters temper, who was then in his heights) I told Mr. jessop, that then there was no quietness to be looked for among us, which words, how they have been misapplied by some, let it be considered by them who are concerned.  
And for Mr. jessop, I desire him to remember, that he and I parted not in discontent each with other, which no rational man will conceive could be, if I had spoken those words in such a manner as I am charged. And Master jessop may further remember, (if he please) that I went to Mr. young's to speak with Mr. Ingelo, (who was there at a marriage that morning) to procure him to mediate the matter, in behalf of Mr. jessop, for his continuance, but Mr. Ingelo was (a little before) gone his journey towards London, so that my intention was frustrate, and (as I perceived afterward) would have been so, notwithstanding▪ for I after understood, the quarrel was old, and inveterate against him in special, as appeared by their violent prosecution. For whereas his sentence was, to departed ten miles off the City, they followed him, with their rage, as far as Tewksbury, thirty seven miles distant, hindering there his entertainment; which dealing of theirs so far provoked my spirit, (in his behalf) as that I drew their odium upon myself, as aforesaid. And whereas it's further charged, that I did promote the outing him, to in myself into Nicholas, and that I forced myself upon them, and that I procured an order, etc. this is so false, that there is not the least shadow of truth in it, more than this, that I am now in. But it's well known (and will be acknowledged) that above half a year (and more) after Mr. jessop was gone, and the Church lay void; and notwithstanding I was divers times desired by some of the Parishioners to preach the Tuesday Lecture, and Sabbath-day Lecture, 
And it was near a year after he was gone, ere I accepted it.  or either; I refused it, and did endeavour to settle myself at the College, (as being loath to take a Pastoral charge) which thing by the help of Mr. Aldworth, and Mr. Hodges, (and other friends of mine in the then Parliament) I did effect and compass, and had 150. pound per annum, settled upon me by order, and which is since still paid to him who doth there officiate; and one Sermon I preached in order to it; whereupon the chief of the Parish of Nicholas (perceiving I would remove from Thomas) the occasion I will not mention, because I am not willing to offend any: They calling a Vestry, sent the principal of them unto me, to desire me to come to them, which I (acknowledging their love and respect) refused; but they still urging me, I took time to consider, and about a week after they came unto me again accordingly, and obtained their desire; and afterwards they drew a Petition, subscribed by them, and many of the Parishioners, intending to present it to the Committee here, for my establishment; and understanding that this Committee here, had no power to do it, they sent up to the Committee above, and effected it; and since I am (in a sort) enforced to it, I shall declare the two principal reasons of my acceptation: The one was, I was persuaded by them, (and many other of my friends) that in regard most of the inhabitants near and about the College, were persons of another judgement than myself, in civil matters, I should have little converse or comfort among them, but rather the contrary; nay, some did suggest to me, that my settlement there, was procured by some who bore me no good will, on purpose to make me weary, and so to leave the City; but that I satisfied them, the matter was of my own seeking, and endeavour; and the other reason was, that going so far out of the City, I should not have any opportunity of any Church communion, and Christian fellowship, with any considerable number, of which I was convinced to be a duty, although I was then unwilling to undergo the burden of a Pastor. And indeed, considering that some honest-hearted Christians in Thomas Parish (with whom I had there communion) did still desire it; and hoping that divers of Nicholas, (having formerly been exercised in it) I should find them more comfortably complying, than those who had been a long time strangers to it, I did the more willingly embrace it; but as for the advantage, in removing from poor Thomas, to rich Nicholas, (as the Calumniator phrases it) let him, and the world know, that upon these grounds I removed from the rich College, to poor Nicholas; nor was it the poverty of Thomas (though poor enough) that made me leave them; nor was it (or could it be) filthy lucre, or sordid covetousness, that drew me to Nicholas, which could by no reasonable man be imagined, would amount to what was settled upon me at the College. And since I must boast, (but 'tis to secure the credit of my Ministry, that it suffer not damage in any thing, I will do it a little further. (having good witness of the truth on't) After I had consented to come to Nicholas, and came to give them a meeting at their Vestry; although I knew, that with much difficulty they raised, what some of them had engaged unto by bond, to M. Jessop, and which, as I have heard, was not above eighty pound per annum; yet when they asked me, what would content me for my labour, so far was I from seeking myself, as that I told them, I would not make a bargain for preaching the Gospel, but that I would do my duty, and leave them to do theirs; and how richly it hath been performed by them, (I speak not of all) I am ashamed to mention: Sure, not beyond poor Thomas, nor so much (by two parts in three) which M. Jessop now reaps, as I am informed; and which place was settled upon him, upon my commendations of him to M. Strong, at Westminster, and which M. Strong intended to let him know, had he not been prevented by death, heu premature, if he hath not done it formerly: But much good may it do him, and much good may he do them: I envy no man's gain or preferment; nor will the inhabitants of Nicholas say, I contend with them in that matter, although I have cause enough to take notice of their neglect (yea, and sin) in this particular. For I dare say, there are few handicraft's men that work upon so small encouragement; for, I suppose, their calling feeds their family.  
I have been the large in this matter, because some persons are, and have been as willing to take up, and spread this lie and calumny, as others have been to raise, and make it: And truth it is, I should hardly have undertaken to answer his railing Pamphlet, but to satisfy the world in these two last particulars, and to wipe off the aspersion of base forgery, which my soul abhors; and to make good what I promised, concerning the discovery of this Quaker, to which I'll hasten with all expedition.  
As for his charging of several Trades upon me, it is but the licks up of the excrements of William Erburies' black pudding, 
A book so called, written by W. Erbury, wherein he would prove me to be a black pudding: In which foolish Pamphlet, most (if not all) of these things are.  whereby, I see, George was very hungry, and wanted matter to feed upon, being, it seems, troubled with that disease, which Physicians call, Caninus appetitus, The doglike appetite, which makes them huge greedy, and to catch at any thing; but I wish his after-mess may do him more good, than the Pudding itself did Erbury: For a few days after he had published it, he went home, and died; whether he died for shame, or what it was, I know not, nor dare I say this was the cause, or occasion of it; no, God forbidden, I should presume to meddle with the secrets of the Almighty, or to judge any man: But I mention this, because a harebrained fellow came (as himself said) to revenge Erburies' death upon me, which I no ways promoted; but probably this poor fellow might take up the thoughts, upon what he might hear some sober persons speak of it: But be it what it will, George, it seems, having swallowed it, must vomit it up again the second time, that the world may see his foul stomach.  
But, see how the vapours of it (whilst there) had corrupted his brain, and be fooled his intellectuals? Did ever any man in the world understand, being a member of an Independent Church, or of a Presbyterian Church, to be a trade? And it is a trade, when a man in the former troubles engages, for a time, in some public service, (as most active spirits did) and then lay it aside: Is this a trade? How many trades has George had then? And for a man living in the Country (as I did) to practise Physic, (being thereunto lawfully licenced by the University of Cambridge, upon trial, and examination) I say, for a man so living in the country, (and having a house fitted for such a purpose, no other convenient house being there to be had for a pleasant dwelling) Is it a trade, if a man make malt there for a time? Doth not many a Gentleman, many a Minister do so? And did I not (so soon as I could get there a more pleasant dwelling) give it over? And being a Physician, do men call that a trade? Or is it a trade (being so) to apply one's self to the ingenious experiments of Chemistry, in order to the enabling himself to deal in his profession, with more security and understanding? (without which, Physicians are no better than Empirics) Or is it a trade, if a man living in London, (as a Physician) the Earl of Berkshire keep an Office in his house, for that which is not a Monopoly, but a privilege granted to him by the Law of the Nation, and no man forced (nor attempted to be forced) to it; no, nor intended to be forced, which I know, and write for the honour of that Noble and ingenious Earl, under whom I had no employment in it, be having his Clerks, and Registers, and other Agents under him? And for the other things mentioned, Are they trades? Are they mechanical? Are any bound Apprentices to them? Are they handicrafts men? Are they not callings and employments for persons of liberal, and (in some measure) learned educations? The meanest of them, (I mean, in respect of abilities) is that of Chamberlain; and of my desire to it, I may possibly elsewhere give an account, in another discourse, upon another occasion, (if God permit) and yet that is not a trade neither, but, as he himself calls it, an Office, and not unworthy of an ingenious person; so that none of all these are trades, nor were they, nor are they any calling, the honourable calling of the Ministry excepted: Of my call and entrance whereunto, I shall (I hope by God's blessing) give a satisfying account to the world: And as for the other, which I only own as my calling, (in reference to my first employments) I look not on them as several callings, having all relation to one and the same office; namely, the Chancery; in the last whereof, viz. one of the Clerks of the Chapel of the Rolls, (if the Lord had not designed me to another, and better employment, and driven me thence by a long and consuming sickness, which drove me into the country, and set me upon the study of Physic) I had abode, and continued: But both in that, and the former, which he terms a Subscriber in the Six Clerks Office; (which is a notorious lie) for though there be Subscribers there, yet I was never one of them, (having never been any man's servant) I say, in both those places, I kept my Clerks under me, being liberal employments, wherein men of the best rank in their countries, (some of them Esquires, and Justices of the Peace) had a station.  
And as for the first, which I reckon as the meanest, which he lyingly and reproachfully calls a Ticket-maker, in the Subpen: Office, (there being no such distinct employment there) but that George had a spiteful and rancorous stomach; I was not then and there so inconsiderable a person, but that a Gentleman of the Six Clerks Office, who knew me well, and who had but one only daughter, and heir to a hundred marks per annum, Free-land, bestowed her in marriage upon me; and that not by stealth, or unwillingly, but upon writings between us, with whom we lived afterward in house together, till he died, and then made me Executor of his Estate personal.  
But here we may see, how malice will multiply; and that George's measure of Perfection (both in wit and honesty) is very small: Nor doth all this any whit take off the exception against mechanical undertakers, who from either Cobbler's Stalls, or Tailor's Shop-boards, step up into the Pulpit, without any just call, or competent abilities, (either natural, or acquired) but a good memory, whereby they can only deliver, what they have from other men's Sermons, not being able to maintain what they say, more than another well instructed and ordinary Christian may do, which yet is not sufficient for a Minister; and should such a Ministry be countenanced, (to the disparagement of Learning) farewel Religion to the next Generation; which not sober and understanding Christian, but will have respect unto, and which, no doubt, the Jesuits look at; and therefore have no little influence in upholding ignorant and unlettered persons among us. But now after all this lying story of so many trades, I'll tell one story (but a short one) which this occasioned. One telling a Gentleman (a Justice of Peace) who hath known me long, and my manner of living, of this passage of George's, charging so many employments upon me, in such a ridiculous way; (by numbering them up) Yea, but says the Gentleman, Can Captain Bishop say that Mr. Farmer had played the knave in any of them all? And he knows George almost as well as I do. And now (as in my Narrative, page 37. 38.) And he in his Throne of lies, page 95. 96.) behold the imposture, and the Impostor, George Bishop (whose name I am loath to fully my ink and pen with) but I must crave leave to do it: Him whom they call Captain Bishop. This man (notwithstanding the former letter of defiance against Naylor) is charged by me with complying with Naylor, because he writ a letter in his behalf to some in the Parliament; and thereupon I charge him with collusion and juggling. And how doth he discharge it? why truly, (like himself) doing the same thing again, by feigning, foisting, and packing (at which he is non-parel) I hope he hath not his fellow in England: And thus he doth it, he feigns (upon information, as he pretends, but who informed him, he doth not tell us, whether his own spirit, or any other) that the Mayor, aldermans, etc. had prepared a Petition, intended to be presented to the Parliament, concerning Naylor; (which is true) wherein we (saith he) who in scorn by the world are called Quakers, are highly charged and accused: If he mean himself and Fox, it is a lie; for they are so far from being highly charged and accused, as that they are not therein charged, or accused at all: And he desires his friend (if he be free) to move, that the accusers, and the accused, may be heard face to face, lest the Parliament should condemn the accused unheard, upon the bare accusation of their Adversaries: And then he says, what a sad thing that will be, if they should slay the innocent, and the righteous. And this is the effect of the Letter.  
Now, who are they that are accused? None but James Naylor, and his Crew; not any of his (we) Fox, etc. unless they will thrust in themselves against our mind and meaning. And to that end, see the Petition itself, as it was sent up to London.  

The humble Remonstrance and Petition of the Mayor, aldermans, and Common-Councel, of the City of Bristol, together with the Ministers of the Gospel, and other chief Inhabitants, who desire to fear God, and love our Lord Jesus, in sincerity, in the same City.  
Shows,  
THat we (especially the Magistrates) have with much regret and sadness of spirit) lain long under much reproach and ignominy, occasioned by the increase of a generation of seduced and seducing persons among us, called Quakers, who at first were supported and upheld by some Soldiers, then in chief Command, in the absence of the Governor of the Garrison; the wickedness of which sort of men, hath not in our Nation, as we know of, been formerly heard of, and so destitute of a Law to punish, and restrain; and therefore have not been able to suppress.  
And whereas we have waited long for some directions to that purpose, (being unwilling to run upon unknown precipices) these people have strengthened, and encouraged themselves in their iniquities, upon some pretended countenance from thence, where we cannot suppose it. So that although we could, and did (yet with some difficulty) punish, and thereby (in some measure) hinder their open and frequent disturbances of our public worship; we had not power to silence their blasphemies, nor restrain their confused and tumultuous meetings, although they tended to the high dishonour of God, in their unchristian principles, and practices (too well known) and in profaning the Sabbath, by multitude of their Proselytes, flocking from all parts of the Country round about us, upon that day.  
But now, so it is, that one James Naylor (a most eminent Ringleader, and head of that Faction) hath lately appeared here among us, more high than ever, in horrid and open blasphemies, expressly avowed and owned by his nearest followers, as that he is the only begotten Son of God; and that there is no other than he; that he is the everlasting Son of righteousness, and that in him the hopes of Israel stands; that he is the King of Israel, and Prince of Peace; and calling him, Lord and Master, saying, his name shall be no more called James, but Jesus. All which, are no other, than the natural issue of their Scripture-denying principles. And now we, desiring to follow the Ductures of Divine Providence, which hath brought their iniquity to a height, at such a time as this is, when the Legislative power of the Nation is fitting, in whom it is, to provide wholesome and good laws against the growing evils of the times, wherein the Lord eminently (in our apprehensions) calls for your zeal for his glory: We humbly make our applications to your Honours, and with profession of our abhorrency, and utter detestation of the damnable and blasphemous Doctrines of the Quakers, which tend, in their own nature, to the utter ruin of the true Christian Religion, and civil Government, both in Cities, families, and all relations; (as would too soon appear, had they power in their hands) and who now, (not as heretofore, tacitly, and by way of implication, but) openly and expressly dishonour that sacred Name, by which we are called, and trample upon that blood, by which we are justified, by making others sharers with him, in his incommunicable excellencies.  
And do therefore humbly pray, that your Honours would now take up the reins of Government into your hands, (which have too long lain lose) in this particular; and to curb the insolences of all ungodly persons, who in this, (or any other way) do, or may eclipse the glory of our Christian Profession, by their unbridled and licentious liberties, that so the reproach, not only of this City, but of the whole Nation and Government, may be rolled away: And the glory of this work (being acted by your hands) might render your names worthy to be enroled amongst the number of those faithful Confessors, to whom the honour of our dearest Lord hath been more precious, than their lives, and all worldly enjoyments:  
And we shall daily pray, etc.   
So that here you see, George can make, and feign an occasion, to usher in his friendly Letter in Naylors' behalf, and yet would not seem to own him; this is not the first of George's collusions and packing in this kind: I'll but mind him of the like practice, and that was about our Burgesses chosen for the Parliament, 54. where having framed a Petition against the Election, putting to the hands of several persons that knew not of it, (in a base and wicked way) as was proved to the Lords of the Council. Besides this piece of knavery, (which was most gross) their Petition presented to his Highness, and his Council, with their Narrative of the proceed in that Election, petitioned, that the parties nominated by them, might be approved and established: And who were they, but George himself for one? as by their Narrative, Art. 5. appeareth.  
Now when they thought to have surprised us, by short summons, to appear before the Council, (as one of their own party acknowledged afterwards) and supposed we would not appear, or not provided, which contrary to their expectation, we were, (having gotten Copies of their Petition and Narrative before hand, and so were fitted accordingly) when we came to the hearing, they had foisted in another Petition, not that which was presented with their Narrative: And in this second, there was no Petition to confirm himself, as the former: (with reference to the Narrative as aforesaid, prayed) And then George; very finely, with his guilt sword, did not appear there (as he said) for himself, but for those honest men that were with him. Seriously you would have smiled (knowing of him) how demurely, and how simply honest he did look. Now this trick George we took notice of; but never told you of it till now▪ (having enough else to lay you then) But now we tell you of it, that you may see we know you better than you are ware of. And that the world may know further, what a one you are, I'll acquaint them with one thing more: Do not you know who it was, that a little before that Election, said, that we must choose such Parliament men, as should hold my Lord Protectors nose to the grindstone. And yet see how this lamentable creature doth gloze and glaver, and cog, and fawn, and flatter, speaking against the very light within him. And this is in their said Petitions, which that you may see that base practice, and the high conceits of himself, and his party, as the only Saints, and fit for Quakers, I'll lay before you.  

To his Highness, Oliver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, etc.  
The humble Petition of divers free Burgesses, and Inhabitants of the City and Council of Bristol.  
Shows,  
THat your Petitioners; and divers other Burgesses and Inhabitants of the City and Council of Bristol, viz. the generality of the godly, faithful, and constant friends to the Parliaments interest, came to the place, and at the time appointed by the Sheriffs, for the choosing of Burgesses to sit in Parliament, according to the qualifications, in the instrument of Government, supposing, that those that had been faithful to the cause of God, and the Nation, should have received countenance, and have been owned by those who were to execute your Highness Commands, in a business of so great weight and concernment, as the Election of Burgesses to sit in Parliament; for the carrying on, and securing the common interest of liberty contended for, and brought through (by the good hand of the Lord) such Seas of Blood, and multitudes of other unspeakable sufferings, and ruins of the Saints, and good people of the Nations, amongst whom, 〈◊〉 your Petitioners, and their friends, have borne no small share and propertion.  
That contrariwise, they found those, who all along, both in principle and practice, have bitterly opposed the cause of God, (in the behalf of the late King, and your Petitioners, and other their friends, from prosecuting the same) countenanced, and encouraged to avote, and undertook by the Sheriffs to be born out in so doing; and your Petitioners, with other friends, with a very high hand affronted, abused, threatened, and some or them (though rightly qualified) denied to vote, as by the Narrative of proceed hereunto annexed more particularly, may appear; to which your Petitioners humbly refer your Highness, as that which they own, and are ready to make good.  
That your Petitioners being greatly astonished, and afflicted in spirit, at these proceed, especially upon the Sheriffs, declaring, that what they did in point of Election, (contrary to the express words of the qualification in the Instrument of Government) was the judgement of your Highness' Council, (which they cannot believe, but hope, and are confident to find the contrary) did divers of them several times, object and protest against such elections; but all proving in vain, the scorn and confidence of the Cavalier Party increasing, (who carried things so, as if there were no such thing as a Commonwealth, or your Highness being chief Governor, but as if Charles Stewart were again enthroned in the Sovereignty of this Nation) before the first, whom your Petitioners nominated for them, was gone through, protested to the Sheriffs against such the Elections, and departed immediately out of the Hall.  
And your Petitioners bowels being even pressed down with grief, knew not where (as to ●men) to ease their hearts, but in pouring forth their groans and sighs into to your Highness' bosom, whom they have (with the hazard of all that is dear unto them, and with much resolution and unweariedness owned in all your excellent undertake, for the true interest of the Commonwealth, against this very generation of men, whom in the time of Parliament, durst not show their teeth; and now, when your Highness rules, (in whose Government your Petitioners expect them most to be kept under) seem to prevail, and do triumph over your Petitioners, who have been owned and preserved, by the presence of the Lord of Hosts, as a bush unconsumed in the midst of the burning, etc.  
If therefore it shall please our God, to stir up your bowels within you, to be affected with these proceed, and your Petitioners condition, which indeed concerns your own being, for their enemies are yours, and so you will find it, if Providence should ever give an opportunity: Then your Petitioners shall humbly pray, that the Election made, and intended, to be returned by the Sheriffs, may be null and void, and that the persons nominated, and chosen by your Petitioners, may be approved and established; and such other Provisions made by your Highness, as may testify the earning of your heart towards, not only your Petitioners, but the faithful in these Nations, whom these things do generally concern; if otherwise, behold your Petitioners, and their friends, are in the hands of the Lord, and let him do with them whatsoever is good in his sight.   
Now Reader, say, Did ever man meet with such an hypocrite; carrying two faces under one hood, in this manner? What a Monster would this man appear to be, if one should but open the carcase of this base Petition, and let the world know the truth of things, as we in this City know it? The generality of the godly, faithful to the cause of God, the Saints, and good people of the Nation, amongst whom the Petitioners, and their friends, bore no small share. These are the Epithets of himself, and the Petitioners; now I will not name them, because peradventure some of them are, or may be honest hereafter.  
But Countrymen, and fellow Citizens, you know them all: And say, Would not you think the worse of yourselves a good while after, if you should be found in the company of many of them: I speak to you of my Countrymen, who are not Atheists, Ranters, Church, and Ordinance-forsakers, and haters, drunkards, Whoremasters, Sots, and Scoundrels: To you I speak, would you not blush to be found among such Saints? Oh how easy it is to become a Saint? 'Tis but petitioning for George Bishop to be a Parliament-man, and then a Saint presently; and than Quakers (as many of them now are.) All these Saints came together, to the business of so great weight and concernment, as the Election of Burgesses to sit in Parliament, for the carrying on, and securing, etc. So the Petitioners, and one of the men to do it, and that these Saints had nominated (which was only in their purpose) not so much as nominated in the place of choosing, lest they should have been laughed out of it: And as in their Petition (as they say chosen) which is a manifest falsehood, was this St. George; Oh high arrogance, impudence! I want words: What a frontless man was this, to have such a conceit of himself? And how sottish and simple were these fellow-Saints, as once to think, that the Inhabitants of this City had so far forfeited their reason, and would so far forfeit their Charter, as to choose such a one for such a work? As sure as can be, had we chosen him, my Lord Protector would have appointed a Guardian over the City, as a company of Lunatics and mad men.  
And see the unworthiness of this fellow, and the baseness of his spirit: In their Petition they go on, (and you must suppose them to be in a meek, humble posture, with very meek and gentle hearts towards God, and his Highness) your Petitioners bowels being even pressed down with grief, know not where (as to men) to ease their hearts, (poor wretches) but in pouring forth their groans and sighs into his Highness' bosom, whom they had owned, etc. for the true interest of the Commonwealth, but now would hold his nose to the grindstone, as going about to promote a false interest. George, your Countrymen know you well enough. But yet for all this, see how sweetly we express ourselves (not as hypocrites, who dissemble and flatter) and go on: If it shall please God (good hearts) to stir up the bowels (his Highness) within you, to be affected with these proceed, (in putting by George from being a Parliament-man) and your Petitioners condition, which indeed concerns your own being, (yea, and it should appear so, had he and his complices power in their hands) for their enemies (i.e. Georges, and the Petitioners) are yours, and so you will find it, if providence should ever give an opportunity. But you George, (who I doubt not had the great hand in drawing this Petition) you are a most special and loving friend to his Highness: Fie George, fie, wilt thou not blush when thou shalt think of thy fellow-Citizens reading this Petition, who know thee so well? I would not have taken this pains, but to let the world see, what Saints you Quakers are, being mindful of my title page, and promise.  
And now to go on, and see how George can free himself in the matter of the Lord Craven, which, says he, (page 98.) I seem occasionally to bring in, but chief intended, thereby to asperse his name, and wound his reputation; in that I say (page 37. of my Narrative) that he was the great Agent in breaking and tearing the Lord Cravens estate in pieces. Why George? What is the matter? Is it an aspersing of your name, and a wounding of your reputation, to say, that you were the great Agent in breaking and tearing the Lord Cravens estate in pieces? Doth it touch? Are you sore thereabouts? (Ah guilt, guilt! This worm of conscience.) But stand, stand I say, I must touch you, and handle you there a little more? Possibly I may be instrumental for your good, to open the ulcer, and let out the corruption, which lying there in thy conscience, and impostumating, might destroy of a sudden. Come, stand, better now than hereafter: Oh! how should I rejoice, that I might be instrumental to help him to a sight of his sin, and so to true repentance?  
To proceed, the Lord Cravens estate is broken in pieces, that cannot be denied; but, says George, it was confiscated by Act of Parliament, and the act was not his, but theirs: And how can that act be charged upon me, who had not to do in the passing thereof? Well, I shall show you how by and by: But in the mean time, let me ask you George, Is it not possible, that a Parliament (upon misinformation) may do that which in its self is unjust, and they not so in doing it? I pray God deliver this Nation from the guilt of unjust actions, both in matter and manner. Suppose you, (or such a one as you) having accidental discourse with another, about a third person, and he you discourse with, should let fall some words concerning that third person, which you at the present take no notice of, (or at least) seem not so to do, which yet you do; (for otherwise you cannot communicate them unto another) and those words you communicate to another; upon, and concerning which person, and words, you confer between yourselves; and apprehending they might bring some advantage to some body, (being well improved, and handsomely managed, having power in your hands) and so being ordered, you speak with your first man again, and form up his accidental discourse, which he judged not worth any thing (as to the prejudice of that third person, to injure whom, he was not bribed or corrupted, nor bore any malice towards) you draw up, I say, that discourse into an information of a crime, by handsome contrivance, reduce it into an oath, with your own hand, and thereupon form a charge against the third person, to the questioning both of his life and substance; and this charge you present to the Parliament, and they take cognizance of it, and order it to be inquired into, and examination to be had upon it; and you (having the transacting of the whole business) so manage it, as that (it may be) it appears to them (by that which is before them) he is guilty, and so adjudge him: Are they guilty who so adjudged him, although (possibly) he may not be guilty? No, surely, the guilt lies on those who misrepresent him unto them: You well know friend, that Judges proceed not in Judgement upon their own knowledge, they act (secundum allegata & probata) as things are proved unto them. And how many persons and estates have been ruined upon base, and wicked, and designed informations, is too well known to the world? And whereas you ask me, whether I have not been a Solicitor for Sequestrations in London, in the time of, and by authority of Parliament. I answer, yes; and yet I can charge you for tearing and breaking in pieces men's estates; and do you, if you can, (or any man else) charge me for doing the like, and I'll make them restitution, whom I have so injured, if any such there be, as sure I am there is not.  
I'll tell you George, my business there, was not to be an Informer against any man, neither did I so; nor was it to possess myself of any man's estate (either goods or money) the Committee had both their Collectors and Treasurers to that purpose, I have sat there many a score of times Chairman in that Committee. As also the Lord Steel, now the Lord Chancellor of Ireland) hath done the like; this hundreds (and many in this City) know: I was not their underling, or Clerk, (as you were) to sit bare to your Masters, they had several Clerks (better, and honester than you) and under-Clerks, to that purpose; not (George) my business was, to see right done between the Parliament, and those who were their enemies, not to make them enemies, who were not, but to see justice done on those who were, according to information brought in unto them; and this is the rejoicing of my heart at this moment, even the testimony of my conscience, that I was always fearful of making those offenders, who were not; and if I inclined to any side, it was to the side of mercy. And I appeal to the God that searcheth hearts, that this honest and old principle (do as thou wouldst be done by) sat and wrought upon my spirit, when informations was brought before us: And I have often had this thought upon my soul, when men's whole estates have lain in question, and even bleeding before us; what would I have done, if this man's case had been mine own, or mine had been his: and accordingly I have had a respect unto them, so far as the business wherewith (upon oath) I was entrusted, would bear and permit me; and this not of fear, or favour, nor for gifts, or bribes, either before or after: I did not think all that might be gotten, either to myself, or the Parliament, might be well gotten; I did always reckon, that injustice and oppression, was the way to bring guilt and judgement upon the Parliament and Nation, and to make all their endeavours frustrate, and to turn it into a curse: And I doubt, such as you, are not a little guilty of being Jeroboams companions, who made Israel to sin grievously, and this by false and perverted informations, and that such things were not unusual: And how much Judges may be abused by base practices, if those who act under them deal not righteously: I could instance in several particulars, that came within my own knowledge, whilst I was in that Committee, wherein had I readily complied with the commands of the Parliament, and obeyed their orders, which had been sinisterly procured (by wicked suggestions of those, who sought their own advantages, and not the Nations welfare) many innocent persons had been ruined: This to be a truth, I could (I say) make appear by several instances undeniable, but that I am loath to charge my discourse with any thing that is foreign, and that might make it unnecessarily tedious. And as for myself, (in respect of any gain that I reaped by that employment) let me tell you George, I did not make that my aim, I bless my God for it; nor can I (or any man else) say, that I have made any addition to my estate by it, either in land or money; for what I earned, I expended in their service; and this will appear to the world, when my God shall take me hence, of whom it will (or may) be said, as once was spoken of one I well knew, (who lived in an employment, by which many others grew rich) He was an honest man, for he died poor: This I speak, in respect of any addition to my estate, since that employment: No George, I have neither Bishops, or Deans and Chapters Lands, nor King or Queens, or Delinquents lands: And as for moneys, I am beholding to my friends to provide for my wife and children, so little have I been grasping after the world, whatever else may be mine infirmities otherwise; and whether you George can say this, doth appear to the world by your manner of living, (without your trade) which you would not do before, and by what will be declared afterward▪ and therefore to go on, Whereas you charge me page 100 with light scoffing, and slanderous stuff▪ and that by dark intimations of the business of Falconer, of set purpose to wound your reputation, and to reproach the truth which you witness.  
I shall now therefore (to do you right) speak no longer darkly, and by way of intimation, but expressly, plainly, in words at length, and not in figures, by which I suppose every one that runs may read what a Saint you are, and what a truth you witness: But the Proverb is here verified, Like lettuce, like lips, a truth and witness well met; and because I would do you all the right I can, and for that possibly some may read mine, that will not read yours.  
I will here set down in your own words all you say for yourself in this matter, in your page 100 and 101. and then consider it: 
George's protestation in the matter of the Lord Craven.  For the stopping of thine, and all slanderous mouths (say you) and the satis of such as desire not, nor delight in the defaming of others: I do declare in the presence of the Lord, before whom I fear, who searcheth the heart, and tryeth the reins, and bringeth every work to judgement, that I am clear and innocent therein; nor have I used, nor do I know of any indirect proceeding, in that whole business of Craven and Falconer, nor done otherwise, than in the faithful discharge of my duty. And further, that during the time of my public engagements, (which have not been a few) and my whole conversation, as I have received mercy to have a witness, so have I born my testimony against unrighteousness and dishonesty (especially such as thou dost intimate) in whoever, as I have had opportunity, or have been called thereunto, neither fearing the face of any man, nor preferring my life, or outward concernments, to the clearing of my conscience therein, as is well known; unto which I have also the witness of him who is greater than all; and a large time of Trial I have had, wherein I have neither wanted enemies for the sake of truth, nor thy malice and opportunity to lay to my charge, could they find, or were there any thing to be found to the contrary; and thus much to say thou hast compelled me: Thus he.  
Here is you see (Reader) a bold, high, daring, confident appeal of his innocency, in the matter of the Lord Craven, and of his honesty and uprightness in all other particulars, in the time of his public engagements. Now, what if it shall appear, (notwithstanding all this) that he (George Bishop) who made this dreadful protestation, did not only know of indirect proceed in that matter, but that he also was one (a chief one) that used them, and that (as to this matter) Falconer, who died in prison for perjury, was (in comparison of him) an honest and innocent person: If I say all this shall appear, will you believe, that he doth believe there is a God, that searcheth hearts, and tries reins, and brings every work to judgement? Or can you be persuaded, that he rightly entertains that Article of the Resurrection, though he seems to do so.  
And before I give you an account of what I have to deliver unto you, that you may know the daring spirit of this man, and how little respect and reverence there is in him of the Almighty; and that it is an easy and light thing with him, to make such appeals to God as this is.  
Let me mind you of the like in that his Pamphlet, which I think few men in the world (besides himself) would offer, and by that judge of this. Whereas in my Narrative, I charge him and Hollister, and other of their relations and adherents, that they joined themselves to the wretched Quakers upon faction, humour, and discontent. In page 44. he makes this appeal and protestation, 
Another of George's protestations.  I do here, for clearing of my conscience, and the satisfaction of all the sober-minded, to whom this may come, and for the stopping of thine and all slanderous mouths, in the dread and presence of the living and eternal God, who is Judge of heaven and earth, before whose Judgement-Seat, thou, and we must all appear, that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, good or bad. In my own, and the name of those servants of the Lord whom thou reproachest, declare and affirm, that neither faction, discontent, disaffected humour, pride, affected-singularity, (which are all of them thy slanders) nor any other thing, was the cause of our joining unto them. But having many of us, etc.  
And so goes on, speaking of waiting in the use of outward means, etc. how God had now visited them, by the Ministry of these men, and how he had reached by his Eternal Power to that of himself in them, and so they became joined to the Lord, and to the immortal word, etc. And seeing him who is invisible, etc. they hunger no more, nor thirst, nor wonder, as heretofore, etc. speaking highly of their high attainments, as if they were now perfect, so that neither faction, humour, pride, etc. nor any other thing, but the mighty and pure work of God, was the ground of their becoming Quakers; so says George.  
But now if he were to be cleared by Compurgators, (viz.) such as should upon their consciences affirm, that what he here says, they are persuaded is true, he would find very few (if any besides Quakers) that would dare to do it.  
For suppose he might be believed for himself, who, or what man in the world (that truly fears God, and knows what it is to make appeals to his most glorious Majesty, and with what righteousness and judgement it ought to be performed) would, or can dare to make such a protestation in the behalf, and in the name of others, as he here doth? If he had said, he had believed, or been persuaded, or the like, that they did it not upon such grounds, or motives, but upon a pure account, (which is impossible in this business) it had been tolerable, but thus expressly, fully, unlimitly, as fully for them (whose hearts he cannot know) as for himself, to call the living and eternal God to witness in this manner, argues him to be one of a presumptuous spirit.  
And for a further discovery of his Atheistical impudence in this kind, do but read the report and judgement of those who were familiarly acquainted with Hollister, for whom this daring man doth thus protest, he being by me charged in special for turning Quaker upon faction and discontent, before ever I saw their book, which was but lately published; it is a book published by, and in the name of that Church (as they call themselves) whereof he was a member, or rather Master, till he fell away to the Quakers, and drew away from them (as they say in their Epistle to the Reader) eighteen or nineteen with him; in the tenth and eleventh page of which book, they say, they did observe in what height of discontent he came home, (from that thing called a Parliament) and continued in that posture (viz. of discontent) till a new Religion came (which was the Quakers) which (say they) presently, within few days or weeks, he embraced.  
So that I can (nor I think will any considering man) look upon him no otherwise than as one of those Knights of the Post, (as they call them) who will say or swear any thing; and this to let you see the spirit of the man.  
And now to proceed, he professes, and (as you see) boldly protests his innocency in the matter of the Lord Craven, and Falconer; nor hath he used, nor doth he know of any indirect proceeding in that whole business.  
Now that my Reader (who is a stranger in this matter) may go along with me with understanding; I shall (as briefly as I can) lay the whole business before him: The Lord Craven (having been for many years (long before the troubles in England) resident in Holland, and employed in their service) having a command under the Prince of Orange; the Scots King going to Breda, the Lord Craven came thither in attendance upon the Prince of Orange, during the Scotch King's residence at Breda, divers officers (soldiers) formerly in the service of the King his Father (being in great distress, and like to perish) drew up a Petition for relief of their necessities: Now Falconer aforesaid, having been a soldier (a Major) in the Parliament service, and being (as upon his deathbed he confessed) in a poor desperate condition, and going over to Breda, (as a Spy) strikes in with these Cavaliers as one of them, and was entreated by them to draw the aforesaid Petition, which he did; in drawing whereof, Falconer moved, that they might Petition the Scotch King, that they might be entertained by him to fight against the Commonwealth of England, by the name of barbarous and inhuman Rebels; but those honest Cavaliers answered, that they were soldiers of fortune, and it was uncivil language, and they would not have it in; and so the Petition (being drawn up by Falconer, according to their mind) was delivered to the Scotch King, who, it seems, promised to consider them.  
About three weeks after, the Scotch King (being to departed from Breda next morning, these Cavaliers)▪ not finding answerable relief, (according to the former Petition, and the King's promise) they drew up another short Petition, to put him in mind of his promise; and meeting the Lord Craven there, (who they knew to be a friend to soldiers) they entreat him to further that their Petition, he knowing nothing of the former; nor did it appear that the Lord Craven promoted this second Petition, which if he had, there was not any thing offensive: but the Scotch King went away next morning, without giving any relief to the Petitioners, as Captain Brisco, one of them sweats, at Falconers trial, insomuch that Falconer (being discontented that he got no moneys) said, (as he was going into the Town) This is a horrid thing, that we should be in this case, to follow a thing, they call a King, Goddam me, I will go into England, and do all the mischief I can, as Col. Drury (another of the Petitioners) informed, at Falconers trial: of which afterward.  
Now that you may better know what a manner of person this Falconer was, and how fit for any desperate undertaking; it was at his trial sworn against him, that he drunk a health upon his knees to the devil, in the open streets at Petersfield; and that then he used these words, I have spent my brother's estate, and my own, I will never want money, for whilst there is any in the Nation, I will get one way or other, and I will do something of infamy to be talked of, that the name of Falconer shall never die. One James Greham swore against him, that after the siege of Exeter, in a Cellar, there he the said Falconer put into Grehams' hand a two and twenty shillings piece of gold, swearing, Damn him blood and wounds, he would bugger his soul to hell. Another swore, that damn him, and sink him were his usual expressions. One Bradley testified, that he heard Falconer say, our Saviour Christ was a bastard, and a Carpenter's son, and carried a basket of tools after his Father: Mr Thomas Dyer of Bristol, (being produced as a witness) did declare, that Falconer confessed to him, that he had ten pound of a man, by procuring one to personate Captain Bishop.  
Thus a Citizen desiring Falconer to get Captain Bishop to do a business for him, he promised Falconer twenty pound, ten pound in hand, and ten pound afterward; Falconer got one to personate Captain Bishop, and to go along with him to the Citizen, which man so personating Captain Bishop, promised the Citizen (upon the account of Major Falconers good services for the public) to afford him his best assistance in effecting what was desired in his Petition, and so Falconer got the ten pound.  
It was also proved, that Falconer was committed to Goal, in the County of Middlesex, for suspicion of felony; and thence, by order from the Lord Chief Justice Rolls, to Newgate; and that he had been committed to Ailsbury Goal, upon suspicion of felony, robbery, and murder.  
Now this Falconer having been over at Breda, (as v) and returning into England, George Bishop (being Clerk to the Committee for informations) has to do with him, from whence he receives information of divers plots and designs of the adverse party to the Parliament.  
But (to come to the business) the Lord Craven, (having a great Estate in England of Land, besides brave houses, one in particular, that cost twenty thousand pound the building, besides brave and gallant woods and timber) being thus beyond Sea, and never acted against the Parliament in arms, a long time after Falconer had been over, and given in his informations, of enemy's actings; and having said nothing of, or against the Lord Craven, an information is drawn up against the said Lord Craven, in Falconers name, as the informant, which is as followeth.  

Falconers Examination.  
Who saith,  
THat about a Fortnight before the conclusion of the Treaty at Breda, the Lord Craven, the Queen of Bohemia, and her two Daughters, came to Breda, to the Scots King Charles, and went not thence till the King went to Housleidike, a house of the Prince of Oranges; that during that time, this Informant saw the Lord Craven divers times in presence with the said King, and every day with the said King at the Court there, he being there with the Queen of Bohemia, and her two daughters, to take their leave (as they said) of the King of Scots, before he went to Scotland: That several Officers, about thirty in number, made a Petition to the said King, to entertain them to fight for him against the Commonwealth of England, by the name of barbarous and inhuman Rebels, either in England or Scotland, for the recovering of his just rights, and reinstating him in his Throne; and deputed this Informant and Colonel Drury to present the said Petition, who indeed drew the same, that when the Informant, and some other Officers came to the Court at Breda, intending to present the said Petition immediately to the King's hand, but finding the Lord Craven very near to him, likewise the Marquis of Newcastle, who presented his brother, Sir Charles Cavendish, to kiss the said King's hand, the evening before the said King's departure, who this Informant saw kiss the King's hand accordingly: The Lord Wilmot, the Earl of Cleveland the Queen of Bohemia, the Lord Gerrard, etc. and a great bustle of business: This Informant, with Colonel Drury, applied themselves to the Lord Craven, entreating him to present the Petition to the Queen of Bohemia, to present it to the King of Scots: The said Lord Craven taking the Petition, and reading the same cheerfully, said to Colonel Drury, and this Informant, there is the Queen of Bohemia, deliver it to her, and I will speak for you; upon which they applied themselves to the said Queen, and she presented the Petition; after which, the King of Scots, the Lord Craven, the Marquis of Newcastle, the Queen of Bohemia, with some other Lords, went into a withdrawing room, where this Informant and company could not enter; but the Lord Craven came forth of the withdrawing Chamber, and told this Informant and company, that they should receive an answer from the Queen of Bohemia to their Petition, and that he had spoken to the Queen of Bohemia in their behalf, who afterward came and told this Informant and company, that she had delivered their Petition, and that the King had taken order for it. The next morning, at three of the clock, the King departed; but this Informant and company had their quarters satisfied by the Princess of Orange, according to the said King's Order upon their Petition, and thereby to enable them to follow the said King in the prosecution of these wars against the Parliament of England, which was the effect of their aforesaid Petition: That this Informant saw the Lord Craven very often, and familiar with the said King, and enter with the said King into the withdrawing Chamber, and stayed there the last night the said King was at Breda, very late.  
Richard Falconer.   
To this were added these two following examinations.  

Colonel Hugh Reyleys Examination.  
Who saith,  
THat during the late Treaty at Breda, this Informant did oftentimes see my Lord Craven with the now King of Scots in his Bedchamber, and also walked abroad with him, there being no man more conversant with the King than he: That the said Lord Craven, during the said Treaty, did twice go to Rotterdam, and Dunhagh, and back again, being employed, as was commonly reported at Court, there by the said King, that the said Lord Craven had a charge from the King to look to one Mrs. Barlow, who (as is reported) and he believes to be true, had a child by the King of Scots, born at Rotterdam, which he did; and after the King was gone for Scotland, the said Lord Craven took the child from her, for which she went to Law with him, and recovered the child, as is reported:  
Hugh Reyley.   

Captain Kitchingmans' Examination.  
Who saith,  
THat the said Captain Thomas Kitchingman, in April and May, 1650. saw the Lord Craven several times with the King of Scots at Breda, and waiting upon the said King several times at his Table at Breda. This Informant also saw the Earl of Oxford, at the same time, with the King of Scots at Breda, waiting upon the said King at his Table; and saw the Lord Craven, and the Earl of Oxford, many times going into the withdrawing rooms after the said King. This Informant also saw the Lord Craven, and the Earl of Oxford, in a Bowling-alley in Breda Castle, with the said King.  
Tho. Kitchingman.   
In these two latter Examinations, 
Reyleys, was but report.  you see there was nothing that would render Lord Craven criminous. But upon this his estate was ordered to be confiscate, and afterward sold, and sold it was, and is, accordingly. Of the endeavours of the Lord Cravens friends to prevent it, and what was agitated in Parliament, I shall not mention, for that I refer the Reader to a printed piece, entitled, A true and perfect Narrative of the several proceed in the case concerning the Lord Craven, printed by R. White, 1653.  
Now if this information of Falconer be the only material testimony, upon which the Lord Cravens estate was sequestered; and that Falconer in this information was perjured and forsworn, and this be a false information, than this will clearly follow, that there was indirect proceed in some body, in this business; and that this information of Falconers was, and is false, and he perjured in it, and forsworn, appears by two most pregnant testimonies, neither of them to be denied. First, by his legal trial, and conviction. Secondly, by his own confession on his deathbed: For Falconers trial and conviction of perjury, (in, and for this very information) that appears by the Records thereof; for the Lord Cravens friends preferred an Indictment of perjury against him in the County of Middlesex, which Indictment was found against him, one Sir Henry Blunt being foreman of the Jury: Delays were used to hinder Falconers pleading to it, notwithstanding the Prosecutors for the Lord Craven had procured a Habeas Corpus, to bring him to the Bar to plead to the Indictment, which he sailing, they procure another Habeas Corpus; he yet gets further time, and a peremptory day assigned by the Court, or else Judgement to be entered against him. And the very last day (when needs must) and not before, when the last rule was out, he pleaded, not guilty. Now Falconer having pleaded not guilty, a Jury is summoned, Council appear in the Upper Bench at Westminster, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Hales, Mr. Twisden, Mr. Philip's, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Drury, for the Commonwealth, and the Lord Craven; Mr. Windham, Mr. Letch, Mr. Lechmore, and Mr. Haggat, of Council for Falconer, where (upon five hours' debate) the said Falconer was found guilty of perjury, in this very matter against the Lord Craven, the whole proceed whereof you have fully related in the Narrative before mentioned. This trial and conviction of Falconer, was May 20. 1653. Hereupon Falconer was committed to the Upper Bench prison in Southwark, where he lay till he died. Now for the second evidence of Falconers perjury, in his testimony (upon which the Lord Cravens estate was sequestered and sold) you have here the sad and lamentable confession of poor Falconer himself upon his deathbed, under his own hand and seal, confirmed in the presence of several credible persons, who were present with him on his deathbed, which is to the effect following.  

IN the Name, and through the gracious mercy of God, I Richard Falconer, being of sound memory and understanding, do under my own hand and seal, on my deathbed, make, and confirm this my confession, with a contrite heart and penitent soul, to the honour of my good God principally, and particularly concerning the Lord Cravens business.  
And first; I confess I have sinned grievously against my God, in taking my oath upon his holy Testament, that all my information was true; for after a twenty week's sickness this was done, my body being low, and in much haste, being much enfeebled, and above three quarters of a year after I came over Sea; so that I here solemnly protest, that I did not then absolutely remember, whether the words, barbarous and inhuman rebels, were expunged; and these words, being once named by me, they were as quickly inserted, and I (the Lord pardon me) swore it; but since I really remember, those words were put out of the Petition, and the Petition which Drury produced in the Upper Bench Court, was the true and right Petition: Drury did say, that the Lord Craven would not be seen to deliver such a Petition, but he would speak to the Queen of Bohemia. I did not hear the Lord Craven say this. I sinned, swearing the Lord Craven said so, when as Drury told it me.  
And truly these great sins, since they perfectly came to my memory, and to touch my conscience, have woefully perplexed my soul, so, that I many times wished that the Lord would expiate them, by taking my life away, and granting me repentance and pardon, through the merits and sufferings of my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the which the Lord for his mercy's sake vouchsafe to grant. Amen.  
And here I utterly renounce all Books and Pamphlets writ by me, or any one in my vindication, and especially a late Pamphlet sent to me by Captain Bishop. The cause of my writing that Pamphlet, was the shame and disgrace of the world, which I feared then, more than the provoking of my good God: besides, other under actors told me, until I did that, I could not think my friends would supply me, as they would, if that were done; liberty and money were falsely promised me.  
And whereas it was sworn in Court, that I was employed, I here protest before the Almighty God, that I never undertook any employment, nor ever any one motioned it to me, or I to any; but I went over in a poor desperate condition, supported by others. And here I dare not say that any one bribed me, no, none did, but I was hastily, after a great sickness, provoked to it; and when I made a demur at the words, barbarous and inhuman Rebels, Captain Bishop said, if you leave that out, you do nothing: So I let it pass, being speedily brought before the Committee, where I falsely swore it. True, I had done great services for them, but not by employment, and Captain Bishop kept me low with small pittances, so that I was at his bow, etc.  
Richard Falconer.   

An Advertisement to the Reader.  
Reader,  
I Thought here to have given thee in, the attestation of this confession and acknowledgement, who were present when it was signed: Also some further testimony of other practices of this Quaker; and how poor Falconer to his dying day, cried out against that Rogue Bishop, (for so it is languaged to me.) But in regard the hearing of the Lord Cravens Case in Parliament, is not yet past, (although they have taken cognizance of it already, and have appointed to enter further upon it, the beginning of their next Session) I shall therefore forbear, not doubting thou wilt hear further of it, by some hand or other.  
So that here is (you see) manifestly, undeniably, unjust proceed: here is perjury proved, and confessed: What's this to Captain Bishop? He declares in the presence of the Lord, before whom he fears, and who searcheth the heart, and tryeth the reins, and brings every work to judgement, that he is clear and innocent therein; and that he hath not used, nor doth he know of any indirect proceed in this whole business of Craven and Falconer. Well, God send him a good deliverance, at the day of Judgement; and to that end, I hearty beg for him the grace of true repentance, and pardon, through the blood of Christ, shed at Jerusalem. And to further this work for his conviction, we shall endeavour to try, and examine him here; and clear I am, that if any Jury in the world (of discreet, sober, impartial and understanding men) were to pass upon him, they would give in this Verdict, That he (George Bishop) doth know of many indirect proceed, in the matter of the Lord Craven and Falconer; and that he (George Bishop) himself hath used them; and that therefore he is not clear and innocent in this matter. And now hear the evidence, 
This book was written by George, partly to testify the proceed against the Lord Craven to answer the Narrative, and to justify Falconer.  there is a book published, entitled, The Lord Cravens case, as to the confiscation and sale of his estate, by judgement of Parliament related, and argued, and objections answered on the behalf of the Commonwealth, together with a short examination of a certain Pamphlet, entitled, A true and perfect Narrative of the several proceed, in the case concerning the Lord Craven, etc. which is the Narrative before quoted, wherein are all the proceed against Falconer. Now this book (the Lord Cravens case, etc.) was printed by William Du-guard, 1653. and that this book was written by George Bishop himself, I suppose he will not deny, though no name be to it; the book is said to be written on the behalf of the Commonwealth, and this expressed in great Characters: I would now but ask George this question, why he (of all men in the world) being but a Clerk or Secretary (call him what you will) to a Committee, should undertake this private and personal quarrel against the Lord Craven, in the behalf of poor perjured Falconer, and the Commonwealth? I should think, that a Clerk or Secretary, (if an honest man, and impartial) when he had performed the d●●● of his place, should have sat him down, and not espouse any personal quarrel (unless he were particularly concerned in it)  
But says George, that Pamphlet tends to the blemishing of the Parliament, and their Ministers; so he, page 1. of his book (for so I shall call it all along, as I have occasion to quote it;) and therefore he puts pen to paper, and writes that book. Mark, the Parliament, and their Ministers, are blemished: Who those Ministers are, (at least one) we shall see anon; 'tis the securest way to save ones ears, to join in the Ministers of the Parliament, with the Parliament itself: But the Parliament may be honest, though their Ministers may be knaves; and therefore George presently says, that that book of his, is not purposely to Apologise for the Parliament; well then, it is for some body else, he would not have writ it to no purpose: But why not for the Parliament? Why, says he, 'tis a thing needless among true English men, 
Mark here, George would have actions of Parliament so highly re●enced, that none might question this business.  who are used highly to reverence actions of Parliament, etc. Sure George 〈◊〉 no● say, that Parliaments are so infallible.  
But we'll take it for granted, that this Apology is not for the Parliament, but for their Ministers; but who, or what are they? Sure it is some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Some busy Bishop in another man's Diocese, so the word signifies; 
1 Pet. 4. 15.  but 'tis rendered in our translation, a busy body in other men's matters, matters they should not have meddled in: But who is it? why, 'tis George Bishop, busy George Bishop, who had the transactions of all that business. So he says himself, page 14. line 25. of his book, two or three lines before, he hath these words, How dare any thus falsely, to charge a State with such gross wickedness. (as to corrupt Falconer; 
Though Captain Bishop himself writ the book, yet he speaks, as if it were written by another, and so plays behind the Curtain, which let the reader remember for his better understanding what I quote from that book of his.  he means) And then goes on, but as there was not a tittle produced to prove corruption, malice, or wilfulness, in the said Falconer, against the said Lord, so Captain Bishop, who had the transactions of all that business, upon his oath, cleared him of all. These are George's words.  
Well then, stop a little here, and (though we break order in the form of proceed in legal trials) you Gentlemen of this Jury, who are to give your verdict, in this matter of George Bishop, I pray take notice; Geo. you see, upon his oath, (it was at Falconers trial) clears Falconer of corruption or malice against the Lord Craven, Poor man, he intended no such thing at first against him; no, Falconer was altogether a stranger to the Lord Craven, and since he came over, he confessed to some of good credit, that the Lord Cravens deportment at Breda (where this horrible treason should be by him committed, and for which his estate is sequestered) was altogether inoffensive, as to the Commonwealth of England; and that he (Falconer) understood nothing of the said business, (namely, of that dreadful Petition, for which he was so sequestered) more, than that a consideration was desired, to he had of the present wants and great necessities of the Petitioners. This you have in the fourth Petition presented to the Parliament, on the behalf of the Lord Craven, in the Narrative aforesaid, page 19 Ay, these were their words, will George say. But I answer, they offered to prove them to the Parliament, if they might have been admitted. But to second this, I'll show you what George himself says in his own book for Falconers honesty, simplicity, and harmlesness, (as to the Lord Craven) and this upon Bishop's oath, (if it be any thing worth) page 13. line the last but 10. he says, that when Falconer gave him accounts of designs against the Commonwealth, 
The same he hath again, in page 42, 43.  he said nothing to him of the Lord Craven, nor of any thing of this passage of the Petition; (upon which the estate was sequestered) nor notwithstanding many discourses with him, said he any thing, till about five months afterwards, and then but accidentally, not of his own accord; as page 43. Captain Bishop ask him, who were at Breda with the King, not thinking of the Lord Craven, Falconer reckoned the said Lord amongst the rest, and being asked, said something of that business, which Captain Bishop not much valued then. Thus he. How this was improved, you shall see afterwards; so that here Falconer is cleared of any intention of mischief against the Lord Craven; the man (poor Falconer) is yet honest in this matter. But yet you see, he was afterwards perjured and forsworn. How comes this about? Oh see what a fearful temptation 'tis to be in poverty and want! it will put an honest heart into great straits. I now think upon that prayer of honest Agur, (Prov. 30. 8, 9) Give me not poverty, lest I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain: Poverty is a sore trial, even to a good and honest heart; but when it shall meet with a wretched and profligate spirit, what will it not put him upon? I mind that dreadful expression of poor Falconer, before expressed, whilst he was ranting and drinking healths to the devil, I have spent my brother's estate, and mine own, I will never want money, for whilst there is any in the Nation, I will get it one way or other, and I will do something of infamy to be talked of, the name of Falconer shall never die. Oh how dreadfully did the Lord say Amen to this poor creature! And what a lamentable thing is it for such a poor wretch to fall into the hands of such as will make use and advantage of his low condition? Why, you will say, what's the matter? Do you ask what's the matter? look back upon Falconers confession, and there he tells you, he was provoked to swear falsely: How? read the last words of his confession, Captain Bishop kept me low, with small pittances, so that I was at his bow. At his bow! what to do? He (Falconer) made a demur at those words, barbarous and inhuman rebels, (whether they werein the Petition or no, which he did not then remember, but now did) and so (it seems) scrupled to swear to them; and Captain Bishop said, if you leave that out, you do nothing; and (so says he) I'll let it pass: Being speedily brought before the Committee, where I falsely swore it; and concludes, Captain Bishop kept me low, with small pittances, that I was at his bow.  
What think you of this Sirs? Is this direct, just, honest proceed, to provoke a poor man in want to swear with a scrupling conscience, and to that which now appears to be false? He was resolved, it seems, he should swear something to the purpose. Do you want any more evidence? This is enough, you will say, but if you have any more, produce it, and pray tell us, How do you conceive this game began? Why, I'll tell you, what George himself says, as he goes on, in page 13. lines 3 last, and so on to 14; and the same also, page 42, 43. of his book, when Falconer (as before) in that accidental discourse with Bishop, (five months after Falconers coming over) had mentioned the Lord Cravens being at Breda with the King, and had spoken something of the Petition, which made all this stir, which Bishop said, he did not much value then.  
He goes on, and tells you, that though he did not much value it then, yet he acquainted some of the Council of State therewith, and they ordered him (the said Bishop) to ask him (namely Falconer) further about it; who thereupon took his information; he (the said Falconer) judging it then also (as Geo. himself said) not to be worth any thing; poor Falconer still continued his good opinion of my Lord Cravens innocency; but well (or ill) far a good (or a bad) head and heart, that can make something of nothing, and bring something (a great estate) to nothing; 'twas a huge sin to be so rich, and yield nothing but contribution to the Parliament: Who those were of the Council of State that you (George) acquainted with it, if you did acquaint any with it, (for I know not how to believe you) I do not know. But sure they had more skill in Chemistry than ever I had, or desire to have, that they could make so great a transmutation upon so little matter: I doubt they were some such as I met with, when I was in the Chair of the Committee for Sequestrations, when an information being brought in against one, and the Prosecutors pressed for a Sequestration of his estate in London, (being money) the party living in the country; all that could be proved against him, was but words, declaring some malignancy of spirit against the Parliament: Some of the Committee inclining to sequester him, I told them, that by our Ordinance we could not do it, for words alone, without some action: What, (says one of the Committee) the Parliament wants money, and he hath it; but we stopped it; it's a dangerous thing to be rich in troublous times. But George, you would seem to put that which you looked upon as no great matter, (of which notwithstanding a great matter is made) you would put it upon some of the Council of State: How the matter was secretly contrived, I know not, nor will I inquire.  
But now Sirs, you that are to give judgement upon George, you shall hear how this information was taken, and by whom, and how. It was proved at the trial, by Bishops own acknowledgement, that he himself prepared Falconers information, before the Commissioners (before whom he was sworn) were sent for. (of this again afterwards) And Bishop said again, I prepared the information which he made oath of, page 40. of the Narrative, well.  
Now see how it was prepared; and for that, hear poor Falconer upon his deathbed. Look back to his confession: After twenty week's sickness (says he) my body being low, and in much haste, being much enfeebled; and above three quarters of a year after I came over Sea; so that (as he solemnly protests) he did not well remember whether these words, barbarous and inhuman Rebels; (which as I showed you before, he motioned to have put into the Petition, and might therefore have some confused remembrance of them) I say, he could not well then, in haste (as he says) remember, whether they were expunged or no.  
But now mark; Those words (says he) being once named by me, they were as quickly inserted, and I (the Lord pardon me) swore it. The poor man, after a long time, and much weakness, taken hastily, (and so inconsiderately) mentions those words, (of which some former motion had been) and they are suddenly catcht at (being, as he says, but once named by him) and are quickly put in for him to swear to. Ah George, George! poor Falconer, 'tis too late to pray for, or to say any thing to him, he stands, or is fallen to his own Master: But George, what hast thou to answer for, especially considering, that when the poor wretch, his heart seemed to relent, and that he demurred and scrupled at the words before he swore them, (and having met with an honest, tender-hearted, conscientious man, might have prevented his crying sin) for which (poor creature) his name is infamous) that thou shouldst tell that poor necessitous creature, (whom thou hadst thereby at thy bow) that if he left out that, he did nothing; and so he went on, and perpetrated his villainy: Well George, well, Quake, or not Quake, 'tis dreadful: Ah poor Falconer! Ah poor George! the Lord convert thee, and forgive thee: I profess, (in the sight of God) I beg it hearty, I desire not thy condemnation; but these practices cannot yield comfort, nor a safe and secure conscience, though possibly quiet for a time. Readers, you that are to give your judgement upon this man, when I have done with him, is not here indirect dealing? But I pray stand by a while, and hear what I shall further interrogate him in: You (George) declare in the presence of the Lord, etc. that you do not know of any indirect proceeding in this whole business of Craven and Falconer, which how true (or rather how false) it is, appears sufficiently already, too much. But I ask you further, Falconer says, monoy and liberty were promised him, though not performred: Though he were not bribed with money before hand, yet it was promised him, and liberty too.  
Let me ask you, who promised this? Did not you? who (as you say yourself) had the transactions of the whole business; I doubt not you can tell; and why was it promised him? no doubt, that he might not flinch from his oath: And why did he write a Pamphlet in his own vindication? (which upon his deathbed he disclaimed as false) but that (as he says) he was told by under actors, that until he did that, he could not think his friends would supply him, as they would, if that were done: And did not you (Captain Bishop) send him that Pamphlet? But I pray, why was not that money paid him which was promised? Thomas Dier (who was your Clerk, as was sworn in Court at Falconers trial) paid him by your direction, twenty pound at one time, and about thirty pounds more at other times, in several portions; and that Falconer confessed to him, that he had twenty pounds afterwards; and that being demanded what it was for, he would not tell him, saying, I will not speak to that, I cannot speak to that. Why, was not the money promised him now paid. And when as Falconer was (as is before expressed) imprisoned in Newgate, upon suspicion of robbery and felony, did not you write a Letter to the Lord Chief Justice Rolls, signifying, what a servant Falconer was to the Commonwealth? and how much depended upon the upholding of his credit, and testimony? And when as the Judge slighted such applications unto him, saying, if he were innocent, that would prove his best vindication: Don't you know what was done, and how unquiet you were, till he was enlarged? Was not Affidavit made, that he was employed upon public concernments? and did not Falconer give it under his hand, what services he had done for the public, and how he was the chief witness against the Lord Craven? And was it not so carried, that there was slack prosecution of the Indictment; and when Falconer was set at liberty upon Bail, to appear at next Sessions at Newgate, they never appeared, and so the matter ended? which whether it were Justice and honesty, to pervert, or obstruct Justice, and whether this be not indirect proceed, let all the world judge.  
To this you answer, page 41. and say, For Falconer to be released without trial, fixes no crime upon him; and an honest man may be committed upon suspicion. True, but you should have suffered him to come to trial; and sure he was no honest man that hindered it, it was a crime, and a great one, in him that hindered it; you know who it was George: It seems the Lord Craven must be a Delinquent, and a man for the purpose must be countenanced against Law and Justice: but I say, why was not his liberty procured him now? and the money promised, paid him now? Oh! the business was done, the estate sold, let him hang, let him starve now. It may be the sum promised was too great, and they could not agree who should pay it, the estate being sold: Ah poor Falconer! how art thou befooled? no marvel thou criest out against Bishop to thy dying day. But let me ask you further (George) concerning your indirect proceed; the direct proceed against Delinquents was, that the informations were taken before the Commissioners, at their usual place of sitting, and set down in writing by the sworn Examiner thereunto belonging, who was thereby engaged, to be a person just and indifferent between the Commonwealth, and party accused: And was not this indirect proceeding, that you should frame the Oath and Information before hand, in your Chamber at White-Hall, and in such a manner, as aforesaid, catching at hasty and inconsiderate words (which were the only material words) and then send (as you did) for the Commissioners at Haberdasher's Hall, to your Chamber, who (knowing you to be Clerk to the secret Committee, (and supposing you had some secrecy of State to communicate unto them) came, and there you tendered to them Falconers oath, so ready drawn, to be sworn to; and he was there (contrary to the ordinary and direct way of proceed, upon some little alteration made by them upon their examination) sworn to it, I know how smoothly you wipe your mouth, (or rather, how you would wipe your Readers nose) and how slightly you come off in this matter, page 43. of your book, saying, that because of the season, and the danger of discovery, the Commissioners of Sequestrations were desired to come to White-Hall, and there took his deposition: What you mean by the season. I know not; but indeed, the danger of discovery was considerable. But would you sequester a man's estate in hugger mugger (as we use to say) 'tis honestly said, though not honestly done, that you confess you sent for the Commissioners to White-Hall, to take the information, because of the danger of the discovery.  
Go too George, go too, are you innocent? are not these indirect proceed? I ask you again further, when the Indictment for Perjury, 
Narr. page 16.  was brought against Falconer in London, where the Bill was found by the Grand-Jury, and Colonel Drury (before mentioned) being served with a Subpena to appear at Guild-Hall, to give in further evidence against Falconer, in the behalf of the Lord Craven; did not you take away the Subpena from him, saying, How durst you be examined against the Commonwealth, and not acquaint me first therewith? Further, saying, Mr. Mayor (meaning the Lord Mayor) had better have done something else, than to have suffered that Indictment to be found.  
And did not you (George Bishop) thereupn immediately call for a Messenger, and commit the said Drury to the custody of one Middleton, (a Messenger to the Council of State) who forthwith carried away Drury a prisoner to the Strand, to the house of the said Middleton, where the said Drury was kept in strict custody, from Monday, when the Indictment was found, till Saturday, that the Session was past, that no further proceed could be had against Falconer, at that time, by reason of Druries' restraint, who had Falconers own hand-writing to produce against him, and being the most material witness against him; and before the next Sessions, the Bill for the sale of the Lord Cravens estate was passed.  
Were not these indirect proceed towards the Lord Craven, to hinder and obstruct the discovery of Falconers perjury? (upon whose oath the Lord Cravens Estate was sequestered) was this direct, and honest, and even carriage? Are you innocent? To excuse this, you shuffle so miserably, and catch at such straws: In your book, page 34. and 35. that I cannot but commend your wit, (though not your honesty) in printing so few of your books, that every one cannot see how poorly you come off in your answers. And I take it as a great Providence, (I hope for your good) that I was so directed, as to send to your self for one of them, and which (I thank you) you sent me, it is no doubt from that hand (which as you rightly said before) order all things, that you were overruled so to do; and I wish that this discovery of you to yourself, (from yourself) I mean your own book (in great part) may be for your conviction and conversion: And because your book is not to be had easily, I'll give in the weight and substance of your answer; (for the whole is very long) and if you suppose I do you wrong in concealing any thing thereof, that may tend to your vindication, print your whole book, and let them ordinarily be had, and if any understanding Reader will say I have injured you, I will be content to be accounted as you are.  
You say, that Drury being a Papist, a Traitor, apprehended upon a Warrant from the Council of State, and in safe custody, and being examined by you of his Treasons, should have been continued in safe custody, but that (upon his sad complaint, that he had neither money nor friend, to relieve him there, and that he must needs perish) you gave him his Parol, (which in English is) as I suppose, you let him go at liberty, to return when required.  
After this, Drury having acquainted you, that he had been sworn at Guild-Hall London, and given in evidence to the Grand Jury against Major Falconer there, and examined upon part of what he had been examined by you before. I perceive your meaning Sir in these last words: But I pray (before you go any further) because you had examined him before in one part, was it unjust that my Lord Craven should examine him (or cause him to be examined) on another part, to clear himself? Doth, or should your examination, take him off from being examined by others? They did not examine him of secrets or mysteries of State, but of Falconers perjury, and your mysteries of iniquity. Well, but than you were a man in power, and hereupon you say, that (Drury) showing you the Subpena, you asked him, whether he told them that he was under the warrant of the Council of State, and under examination of their Committee of Examinations. As to that particular, amongst others, (but I must tell you, he was not under their examination to that particular of Falconers perjury) he answered, no. Then you say, you asked him, why he had not acquainted you with the Subpena before he went to Guild-Hall, and was sworn (yea, there was his fault) since he was a prisoner under examination, and under Parol? To which (as you say) he giving no reasonable answer, but that he knew not what the business was, and such like; when as (as you say) the Indictment could not have been drawn without the consent of, and converse with Drury; (yea, still there was the sin) and who, you say, was the chief witness upon which it was grounded, it being prepared and found that day. (and had he not been committed by you, Falconer had been convicted that Sessions, of that perjury, which was afterwards proved, and himself confessed.)  
But you go on, and say, That you perceiving thereby how he did prevaricate, and how things were done in design and combination against the State. But stay, Was it a design against the State, that the Lord Cravens innocency should be cleared? Oh base! Yes, now I remember myself, it was; for then the design against the estate of the Lord Craven, (in all likelihood of Justice) might have proved ineffectual.  
But you go on, and say further, that you not knowing what other inconvenience might come to the State by his (Druries) further liberty, since he had made that use of it, aforesaid, reproved him therefore, (with that high language against him, and the Lord Mayor (as before) which you do not deny) received the Subpena from him, and taking of his Parol, returned him into custody, from Monday evening, to the Friday following. And was it not to Friday evening following, as well as from Monday evening before? which you reckon up with a four nights, and no longer, and I say four days too, so long, that no proceed could be expected that Sessions against Falconer.  
The last day of the Sessions, being no time for such prosecutions, but calling over the Goal, and concluding former businesses; and than you say, upon information of the poverty of Drury, and that he had no money to pay for his diet and lodging, which you knew well enough before, and have acknowledged, when you gave him money for his supper, and would not commit him, lest he should perish. And now (you say) in mere charity, (when there was no opportunity for him at Sessions) he had his liberty upon his Parol again, and enjoys it. Charitable wretch! And did you in charity commit him? Fie upon such base hypocrisy. And then you go on with a company of blind supposals, to argue the improbability of your committing of him, to the end, to obstruct the proceed against Falconer, which are so childish, (and coming in but by way of additional aid, to your former answer, which is your chief buckler, but a silly one) I shall not trouble myself, and the Reader with, which if you think any thing worth, print it, and I'll be your bondman, if it any way help you; nay, if it don't further discover your folly; and I would have writ it, but that 'tis as long, as impertinent; and this is enough. And your main answer, which how it clears you, let all, or any man of common reason judge: And say, is George Bishop innocent in this matter?  
And one thing more I find charged against you George, which I suppose is an unjust and indirect practice, 
Narr. page 40.  and used by you in the matter of Craven and Falconer: And in the Margin of the Narrative (where this matter following is spoken to) there is written, Observe; and 'tis observable, 'tis short, but home, and therefore printed in another Character, in these words, By way of digression observe, that Druries and Briscoes' informations, which Captain Bishop had taken, above twelve months since, and which tended to clear the Lord Craven, he concealed, till this hour, that he produced the same in Court, and never transmitted these two men's examinations to the Parliament, though before the Bill of Sale did pass, he did transmit Bardseys and Kitchingmans' re-examinations, taken by himself, and which he apprehended made against the Lord Craven.  
Here now is a heavy charge; and certainly these proceed (if true) are very indirect, and he cannot be innocent: But hear him speak for himself, and I'll give you every word: And thus he gins, page 44. of his own book, What Captain Bishop's employment was, is already spoken, his duty was to take, and to keep such informations, as concerned the Committee, and to do with them according to their, or the Counsels, or the Parliaments orders; but neither the Council nor Committee ordered him to transmit them to the Parliament, though they were not ignorant of them, and several times showed by him to some of the members of the Council, and to the Committee; nor did the Parliament call for them, or what papers concerning the Lord Craven were in the custody of the Council or Committee, nor take the depositions into debate, after the first vote of confiscation; and whether those examinations advantage the Lord Craven, let the reader upon consideration of what is already mentioned, and argued thereupon, judge. Nay, but George, let me put in a word or two by the way; it had been very honest and fair for you, to have put down their examinations themselves, that the reader might judge upon them, for we can't see them, nor must we take your word.  
But you go on, Nor were any papers at all transmitted by him, (meaning himself G. B.) to the Parliament, either for or against the Lord Craven; for Bardseys' examination, when he had taken it, he sent it in to the Council, for Bardsey to make oath thereof, which after he had made, it was put presently into the hands of one of the members (viz.) Mr. Gourdon to report to the Parliament, who received it, and lodged it with Mr. Scobel, it being not returned to Captain Bishop; and for Kitchingmans' re examination, he transmitted no such thing, nor was any such taken whilst the Committee for examinations was in being, Kitchingmans' information being deposed by him at Haberdashers Hall.  
Now I pray, what's all this to the purpose? doth this excuse you? will you give me leave to interrogate you? If you will not answer choose, let the reader judge: You took such informations from Drury and Brisco, did you not? 'Tis plain you did; Did not their depositions excuse and acquit the Lord Craven, and prove Falconer perjured? 'Tis plain they did: Had not Drury the original draught of the Petition, under Falconers own hand-writing, which at his Trial was produced, and he could not deny, and which he confessed upon his deathbed, to be the true and right Petition? This is most certain, it cannot be gainsaid; the testimonies of these two men so vex you, that in your book, page 12. you do what you can to bespatter them as incompetent witnesses, because Cavaliers.  
And whereas you say, your duty was to take and keep such informations as concerned the Committee, and to do with them according to their, or the Counsels, or the Parliaments orders. Did any of them order you to suppress or conceal the testimonies of these two men? If they did, tell us who they be, and we'll say of them almost as much as we do of you? You say some of them did know of them; like enough such a business as this could not be so managed, but by the knowledge (and somewhat else) of more than one: Its plain that Falconer was a perjured wretch in his testimony; he was convicted of it by two, nay, three several Juries, of men sworn to give true judgement; and upon his deathbed he confessed it, and his conviction was upon the testimony chief, if not only, of these two men, who were the principal actors in the business of that Petition at Breda, 
Narr. page 35.  which gave colour to the Lord Cravens sequestration; and Drury at Falconers trial said, that what testimony he then gave to the Court, he acquainted you with, when he was examined by you, and no doubt Brisco the like; and no question had the Parliament in general known of these testimonies, they would not so readily have sequestered the Lord Craven; nor would any honest man (advise who would) have suppressed such testimonies, which would have discovered the truth, and prevented injustice, which is the curse and ruin of a Nation, and the way to render Parliaments (which should be our greatest security) our greatest plagues, in committing or countenancing such actions. And whereas you would choke your conscience, and cheat your reader with this pretext, that some of the Parliament did know of these testimonies, and that you were not ordered to transmit them. I say again, No honest man (that had it not in design to ruin the Lord Cravens estate) but would have made them known; or if he had been commanded to the contrary, would have scorned to serve unworthy ends to any man's ruin: Come (George) come, you must not magnify Parliaments, as if they were infallible in themselves, especially when Knaves are prosecutors, and as bad are agents or Ministers under them; and he that shall readily obey their unjust commands, knowing them so to be, (while there is time and opportunity to offer something to the contrary) shall instead of honouring them, do them the greatest disservice in the world, (viz.) wrong the innocent. I'll give you an instance or two within my knowledge; there were in the hands of Sir Robert Rich, than a Master of the Chancery, (put into his custody upon a suit depending in that Court) 204 Diamonds, with many other rich things of gold and pearl, and writings of great value, upon an information given in to the Committee for examinations at Westminster, that they were the goods of a Lord, then in arms against the Parliament; those goods were ordered to be taken out of the hands of Sir Robert Rich, and put into my custody (which were the only goods of any Delinquent, or supposed Delinquent that ever were in my custody) it being none of my business, as I have before declared: But this was by an extraordinary order, These things (taken by an exact inventory before witnesses) being thus in my hands, there came a peremptory order to me, to deliver them out to be sold, as the goods of a Delinquent; but I being satisfied by Sir Robert Rich, (who was an ingenious Gentleman) that they were brought into his custody, in the behalf (as I remember) of divers children and Orphans, I delayed the observance of the Order, till those who were concerned (who they were I know not) had opportunity to clear them; & at last (by order) I re-delivered them to Sir Robert Rich, from whom I received them. Now should I have readily observed their Orders, Orphans had been ruined, and the Parliament instrumental to an Act of injustice; And that all that are members of Parliament, are not always such as they should be. I'll give you one relation more, There comes an information to our Committee in London against a person for Delinquency, pressed and urged very hard for a speedy sequestration; the reason of the haste, I perceived afterwards to be, because the party concerned (being a Lawyer) was in the circuit, and the prosecutors would fain have had him sequestered before he knew on't; upon hearing the information and witnesses, I perceived the bottom of the business to be revenge, and private interests (to say no worse) their haste added to my jealousy, and I was therefore the more slack in furthering it. The next day (as I remember) one comes to me to my house, from the Prosecutors, to offer me gold to speed the business. It would be too tedious to tell you every circumstance, I refused it.  
After this (now mark) one of the house of Parliament, comes to me to my house, with recommendations from others of them, to press me on; I gave him civil entertainment, but grew more resolved in the business. After this, an eminent man in the Parliament came to our Committee, and pressed it, and told us, it was a business that many in the Parliament took notice of, and that if we did not do it, they would take it into hearing themselves: I asked that Gentleman whether he came to threaten us, and told him we were upon our oaths, etc. So that he went away in discontent. Upon this (very speedily) an order comes to us to appear before the Committee of Lords and Commons for Sequestrations, to give an account for our non-prosecution; a Colonel in the Army was he that promoted it, and it was backed (as I perceived after) by divers members; myself appeared alone in behalf of the Committee, they having Council (besides the Council for the State) to speak for them: It was as great a Committee of Lords and Commons, as I ever remember, to have seen at any time, I so managed the matter, (well knowing the baseness of the business) that it was referred back again to us, where we never heard more of it, insomuch that the Colonel came afterward to my house to speak with me, but by providence I was not at home, but he (as my family and neighbours told me) threatened to be revenged upon me, but by God's goodness (in whom I trust) I heard no more of him; now had I yielded in this matter, an honest Gentleman might have been ruined, for if we had sequestered him in London, (though he had not much there) they would presently have sent down into the Country, and done the like there: The person is one of worth and honour, afterwards a member of that Parliament, and of the close Committee, or safety, (I have forgotten the title) and is now a member of this present Parliament, one so cordial to the public interest, that I do profess, whom I afterwards saw him (upon his return from the circuit) my heart rejoiced that I had so appeared for him, whom (upon my own knowledge) was so true a friend to the Parliament, for I well knew him before by sight, but did not know him by name, to be the person prosecuted. I could tell you further (George) of others whom I have rescued from the jaws of ruin, upon Parliamentary prosecutions, and that upon base and packed knavery, followed with perjury, and by some of our own Officers, which I myself have discovered, and caused them to be turned out: So that George, you must not sculk and hid your head under the shelter of the Parliament. And for the rest that follows in your answer and excuse, the reader will easily perceive you do but quibble and trifle upon forms and circumstances, which makes nothing to the substance of the business.  
I shall not need to mention your zeal and earnestness at the trial of Falconer, in his behalf, nor your reflecting upon the Judges in these words, page 15. of your book, The Judges in the issue summ●●● not up the evidence, which they should have done. As for the Jury, you bestow this upon them, in the same page, The Jury (of the affections of whom for the Parliament, we cannot yet understand) neither took any notes, nor asked a question, yet in a very short time were agreed in their verdict, and the next morning gave it into the Court, that Falconer was guilty of the perjury mentioned in the Indictment: And then you go on, and say, That a man indeed, without divining, might have told which way the cause would go, by the countenances of the Jury, all along the trial of the cause, as was taken notice of by many honest men, such as you are, no doubt. And then you sadly complain thus, 
George is huge angry that Falconer is found guilty of Perjury.  But this is what every honest man may expect in cases wherein the State is concerned, when the unpardoned traitors, whom with the peril of their lives they discover to be undermining the safety of a State in times of great danger, in the field, and under ground conspiracies, working towards the general destruction thereof, shall after the enemy is overthrown and prevented, be permitted to come into England, when they can no longer do the Commonwealth mischief abroad, and to be good witnesses against such honest discoveries (risum teneatis amici) in such Traitors own causes, as to their lives, as hath happened to one of the States witnesses (Falconer) in the very case now in question. And so you flirt upon the Jury again, page 47. I will not comment upon it, because I hasten to an end: But the man is very angry with Judge, and Jury, and Witnesses, (and as before) with the Lord Mayor, as no friends to the State, that Falconer was found perjured, which yet he himself hath confessed himself to be.  
But why is George so angry, it seems he is much concerned in it; for though he act for good affection to the State, yet its reason that he should be considered; and therefore in my information from London (by a hand that is able to make good his undertake) I am thus told, that he (George) repaired to Drury house, and contracted for about 300 pound a year of the Lord Cravens Land, where, and when this argument was used, that he might be favourably dealt with, and considered in the purchase, for that he was the man that brought the Commonwealth so great an estate, and that but for him, the Lord Craven had not been put into the Bill of Sale: and accordingly he was favourably dealt withal: But Master Baker, Surveyor General to the trusties, than reprehended the said Captain Bishop for so speaking, the scandal whereof was (it seems) like to prove so great, (as well it might) that he relinquished the contract; and when (in the last Parliament but this) this contract was laid to his charge, by the Committee of Parliament, appointed to hear the Lord Cravens case, and he urged to answer, whether he did contract or not: How (says my information) did he prevaricate and shuffle with the Committee, and put off an answer, till he did see there were those present, that were ready to produce the contracts out of the book, and then (to his shame, and admiration of the Committee) he did confess at last, he did contract, for a considerable part of the Lord Cravens estate, but that he had since that time declined the same: So that for all your pretences of public interest, you drove on a design of your own private; and if the way had been honest, you might have done it, and you need not have declined it; and to back this, and so an end. Did not you write to a Gentleman, an acquaintance of mine and yours, (one employed for the public) to inform you of the quality and worth of a Manor of the Lord Cravens, called the Manor of Hinton Norton in Sommersetshire; and did not you afterward (in your Study) at White-Hall, tell him, that you inquired after it, for that you expected that the Parliament should reward your good service you had done for the State, in sequestering the Lord Cravens estate? Or words to that purpose.  
And now Sirs, you that are to give your judgement upon George Bishop, upon the whole matter, what say you? Is George clear and innocent? Hath he not used? nor doth he not know of any indirect proceed in that whole business of Craven and Falconer? of which he makes such a bold appeal to the Almighty: Say, is it any matter, whether he be a Quaker or no, or what he is? And if we may judge of the conscience, honesty and perfection of the rest by him, may we not conclude, as I undertook to make good, That a man may be as vile a person as any under heaven, and yet a perfect Quaker? If he had repent of it, and (what in him lies) made restitution) it had been somewhat, I should have said nothing; for who will upbraid a man with that, for which he hath repent.  
But he still (like a Quaker) justifies himself, as if he had done no evil; and I easily perceive the bu●h under which he hides himself, and thinks no body sees him: For after his protestation, he says, He has had a large time of trial, wherein he hath neither wanted enemies for the sake of truth, nor they malice and opportunity to lay to his charge, could they find, or were there any thing to be found against him.  
Simple fellow! I wonder he could manage so great a business, with so little wit; because the Lord Cravens friends did not indict him, but Falconer, therefore he sillily concludes, they could find or say nothing against him. Doth he not know, that it was for the Lord Cravens advantage, to lay all the blame upon Falconer, and to charge him with the malice of it, (as well as with the fact) that so they might convict him of perjury, which being done, and he to his conviction, having since acknowledged it by his own confession; and you having confessed so much, and taken so much upon yourself, to clear him of the malice, (all which they knew not, till you confessed it.) Now all this, (as afore considered) they know what to say to you: By the Law (it seems, and as the Judges gave their opinion) bore forswearing one's self, doth not bring a man within the compass of the Law against perjury, unless also it be done maliciously and wilfully.  
And now to deliver Falconer from the crime and conviction of perjury, George (at the trial) discovers the rise and ground of all this business, freeing Falconer (upon his own oath) of any intention of evil and mischief against the Lord Craven, (as knowing nothing against him, that might render him culpable, or any way sequestrable, as you heard before) but George (having consulted with some body else) by handsome contrivance and mannagement, hath brought it to this you now see; and by this confession of George's at the trial, and Falconers at his deathbed, it is now apparent by whom it was begun, and effected, even by him, who (as before he confesses) had the mannagement of the whole.  
And now if there were a Starchamber Court, or any place of trial for such practices, they know whose ears and estate to require in part of satisfaction. In the mean time▪ let the world judge of your innocency: George, you have a fair estate in land, plate great store, rings and jewels, and cabinets, and brave hang, etc. you can live without the honest calling of a Brewer, which you could not do before; you have not been a busy Bishop to no purpose, you have your reward; but take heed, it be not in this life only: It may be you may come to a reckoning, and give an account here for all these things, but sure hereafter: The present Parliament hath taken cognizance of the Lord Cravens cause, and it is to be hoped they will proceed so justly and impartially, that the guilt of injustice and oppression, shall not lie at the doors of the Parliament of England, and so become the sin of the Nation, and draw a curse upon the whole, for the iniquity of a few. However, look you to your light within, and let me tell you thus much, if it do not stare you in the face, and fright you, 'tis a sign you are blind and hardened. I was desired to ask you, who did trepan Colonel Andrew's into a design, for which he lost his life, when as he had given over all thoughts of engaging, till he was moved thereunto by a Trepanner, as he declared before his death? And who it was that trepaned Sir John Gell into a misprision of treason? And lastly, who did trepan Mr. Love, and some of that party? These questions are proposed by those who are no babes in the world, and yet honest; and they say, this Bishop can (if he will) give satisfaction in. You know George what these things mean, and I know what the last means; and they advise me, to read a book concerning Mr. Loves designs, and his death, written and penned by you, and they say, it will give the reader further satisfaction.  
But you have dealt as craftily in the printing of this, as of the former, printed so few, and kept, or given so at your own dispose, that I cannot get it; and I am not so free to send to you for this, as the former, because you do not quote it against me. But yet what I find from other pieces I have met with in this matter, I will communicate to you, and the world, and this the rather, to show you what an hypocrite you are, in charging us Priests (as in scorn you call us) with blood-thirstiness, and myself in particular, as in the title of your Pamphlet: you should have pulled the beam out of your own eye, before you reproached us with a mote in ours▪ I suppose, ere I have done, (though it be prettily well done already) you will appear to be, not only a bloodthirsty, but a blood sucking person.  
And in the discourse of this, I shall discover the ground of your so easy an entertainment of the thoughts, (or at least suggestions) of forgery in me, from those practices of forgery, which I shall declare to have been really acted by you, That you were a zealous prosecutor of Mr. Love unto (yea and after) death, is so manifest, that (as impudent as you are) you will not deny ●hat you prosecuted him after death, appears by what you published against him, when he had no being to answer for himself, wherein you endeavour maliciously to kill him twice, and the latter, with more cruelty than the former, killing his good name, and (what in you lies) making him a Reprobate, and an outcast from God and glory. I suppose you will own that piece, called Mr. Love's case, printed by▪ Peter Cole, (as well as other books you published against him) wherein you go about (most unchristianly) to undervalue, debase, and disparage that comfort and confidence he professed to enjoy in and at his death; and this upon several accounts, which I will not recount, to avoid tediousness, one only I'll mention, to show your spirit of envy and bitterness, it is the Animadversions upon the first Section, page 34. Mr. Love, (say you) it's more than probable, was not only vehemently exhorted, encouraged, importuned, but even solemnly, by all the sacred interests of high Presbytery, conjured by his Clergy companions, to die like a valiant and resolute Champion of the cause, and not to bewray the least grudging of any fear or repentance, for any thing he had acted upon the service thereof, lest it should be said of Presbytery, her glory was stained and betrayed by the cowardice of her firstborn. And page 38. Here we have the second part of the Theatrical flourishes of Mr. Love's confidence.  
Much might be animadverted, but I forbear; you have a strange spirit, that his comforts and confidence in God, trouble you. And then you go on to charge him with hypocrisy and lying, and other base imputations all along, bespattering, and bespotting, and sullying him (as you can) even to his last. I know what flight touches of charity you have now and then, and at the close of that Pamphlet, which are inconsistent, with that you had charged him before, as that he acted the part of a most unchristian Calumniator, upon the Scaffold, in the very approaches of death, page 38. But page 46. you most unchristianly reproach him, and his doctrine.  
T●●●e, whereas in purging himself (he means Master Love) from the aspersion of lying, he saith thus, I hope you will believe a dying man, who dare not look God in the face, with a lie in his mouth; intimating (say you) as if his being ready to die, was a bridle in his lips, to restrain him from lying: The truth is, (according to that principle of his, that he whoever once truly believed, can never by any sin or wickedness whatsoever, lose the love and favour of God: His being ready to die in conjunction, with a persuasion of his Saintship, should rather be a temptation upon him, to lie, or commit any other wickedness, than an engagement upon him to refrain lying.  
I have done with that; but I pray, that you may find more favour and mercy from God, than he found from you; and to that end, let him grant you grace to repent of these spiteful and most cruel prosecutions. As for your Prosecutions of him in his life, and of his trial, I shall not enter upon the story of, although I have relations of it, it would prove too large an undertaking; nor will I insist upon your rotten and unsavoury language of the Ministers of the Gospel, whom in scorn you call his Clergy companions, you were fairly disposed for quaking then; nor will I debate the cause, which you maliciously in your former book (the Lord Cravens case) charge upon Presbyterians in general, wherein how rash, heady, uncharitable, and unchristian you are, let yourself consider.  
In page 22. of that book, you speak it, which (because it tends also to discover the suspicion, that even yourself had, of the injustice of sequestering the Lord Cravens Estate) and do therefore endeavour to extenuate it from the circumstancy of the time when it was done) I shall lay before the Reader; and thus you give it forth, The time when the Parliament gave judgement upon his estate, (that's right, not upon his person, that had not offended) was, when the Commonwealth was deeply embroiled in wars, and designs lay every where to blow up this Nation in all parts thereof; their Army in Scotland, and the Scots drawn into the field after their rout at Dunbar, ready to serve the desperate, and great designs and conspiracies laid by Mr. Love, those of the Presbytery and the King's Party, then ripe and ready to break forth in all parts, all of which were the effects of that Treaty at Breda, where the Lord Craven was often with the King, and his Privy Council, (But doth any one person so much as say, that he came to treat, or did treat? not one) and assisting his Officers in their Petition for relief, to be in a capacity to serve him; (which you see was proved to be a lie) and some of whom served in those designs, and otherwise, and of which the Parliament were sensible, (what was this to the Lord Craven) and the Lord Craven had manifested to most that conversed with him, his disaffection to the Parliament, and Supreme Authority, (no such thing is charged against him) in such times and cases, have many considerations, as the reason of their actions, which those who are without doors, neither know, nor apprehend, nor are to take upon them so to do. Thus he.  
The language in the last part of it, is inconsistent and incoherent, a kind of nonsense; but this clearly is his meaning, (viz.) that the times being dangerous, (as he describes them) have many considerations and reasons to sequester the Lord Cravens estate, which those who are not his Judges, (no nor he himself) are to know or apprehend, nor must inquire into. In plain English, the Lord Craven must lose his estate, and none must ask a reason, why? Are not these sweet do? As he himself says in another case, page 19  
But to go on with the matter of Mr. Love, Mr. Love and the Presbytery are designing the Nation's ruin, says George, if you may be believed; and how honest you are, even in your most serious protestations and appeals to God, appears already. But if you suppose (and that's enough with you) that Mr. Love, or the Presbytery design the Nations ruin, you will be sure (right or wrong) to accomplish these. I have heard say heretofore of the Marches in Wales, that a cause there, did seldom fail for want of prosecution, and good witnesses; you were a notable man to make an agent there; well, or ill far him, who if a cause be not good, can make it so: I shall not (as I said) engage to the whole of your prosecution against him, I shall only notify what I find concerning yourself, in a book written and published by Mr. Love himself, which (in the close) he says, was finished the last day but one before his death; and at such a time (what every you say) men are most serious, and to be believed. The title of it thus, A clear and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, etc. which book, he says, he writ for the vindication of his name, from those obloquys and reproaches, which by the Sons of Slander were cast upon him, (was not this you George?) who would fain have his name to be buried, and rot above ground, before his friends could bury his body under ground.  
In this book of his, he complains, that whereas at his Trial, he had a Notary to write for him, they took away all the books from him, so that nothing might come to public view, but with what additions or alterations they please, to his greater disadvantage. But he says, his hope is, that some faithful pen or other, hath writ his defence, and the Witnesses depositions, which is done; and I have, and according to them he desires, that his innocency be judged, by indifferent, and unprejudicated men; it contains seventeen sheets, very large paper, and very small print; I shall not meddle with aught thereof, I shall only give in what I have from Mr. Loves own book.  
In page 36. he desires his Readers, that if other slanders (for he had answered and wiped off many) should be cast upon him, that they would have so much charity, not to believe reports raised upon him, when he shall be silent in the grave, and not able to speak in his own vindication.  
And page 37. he says, 'Tis very likely that they (his Prosecutors) will not publish the depositions of the Witnesses in Court, but the private examinations taken from them in private, and patched together by Master S. and Captain Bishop. They were not ashamed (says he) to produce them, and read them in open Court. And he says, some of the Witnesses had so much honesty left, as to disavow them in open Court; and therefore (says he) believe nothing but what was sworn in open Court, nor all that neither, for some of the Witnesses swore falsely, as (says he) I made appear in my defence. In the same page, I desire you (says he) to take notice, that there is a lying Pamphlet put forth, entitled, A short Plea for the Commonwealth: In which there are many gross lies, especially in things which relate to me, (and which he himself is best able to speak to.) He says there further, it is not fit for him to enter the lists with him; It becomes not, says he, a dying man to write of controversies, which will beget dispute; therefore, says he, I shall not answer the book, (though I could easily do it) but only sum up the many lies he relates, concerning me. Thus he.  
And page 39 he says, he supposes Captain Bishop writ that lying book.  
And then Master Love goes on, reckoning up his lies in that book, and shows wherein, and in the Margin, writes the first lie.  
The second lie, and so on to the eleventh lie; It will not be to any purpose to set down the particulars, because my Reader hath not the book, whereby to judge of the truth or falsehood; I shall therefore content myself, to give you what observations Mr. Love makes upon the man, and his lying stories.  
In one place he says, that if Bishop should name the person that should say the thing, (there mentioned) every one that heard the trial, would cry out shame upon him, (viz.) Bishop, for telling such a lie▪ He says, another is a gross lie. And another thing he charges him with, is a loud lie; and says, It is well there were many witnesses to contradict him: And surely (says he) if the Author of this book had not cast off all fear of God, and regard to the good name of his Brother, he could not be so impudent, as to affirm what he did.  
To another he says, 'tis notoriously false, and abominably false; and that although he was not ashamed to▪ say of him, as he did in the general, yet he durst not instance in any particular, nor (says he) will any other in my life time, whilst I can answer for myself.  
To another (he says) He that will be so shameless to falsify my Petitions, (which are made so visible) will not be ashamed to belly my words: Where he further says, he (Bishop) charged him, that Master Calamy instructed him to speak as he did; and that it was, that Master Calamies good tricks might not come to light; both which, together with what he charged him before, he says, are very false.  
To another, he says, he wonders the man is not ashamed, to fasten that upon him, which he did. And again, he says, if this man (meaning Bishop) hath belied others in his book, (whom he names) as he hath done me, there is not one true Page in all his book.  
And to the eleventh lie, thus; If this man were not an Atheist, or an Antiscripturist, the example of Ananias and Saphira might make him tremble, lest he should be stricken down dead, with a lie in his mouth.  
And again, this false and deceitful man, would make the world believe, that this were proved against me; and then concludes this matter thus, These, and many other falsehoods might be found in this book, if I should make a through search into it: He calls it (says he) a short Plea, but I may call it, a long lie: And 'tis not, says he, for the honour of the present Government, to have a common liar to be a Pleader for their Commonwealth.  
And amongst all these lies, (thus generally hinted) I have reserved one in special, wherein Mr. Love charges him not (only with lying) but also with forgery, which he brings in thus, page 38. And because I am belied about my examination, before the Committees, and may be more abused after I am dead, therefore I am necessitated to discover that juggling and baseness of Mr. S. and Capt. Bishop, about my examination, which I thought never to have made public.  
Whiles I was examined (says he) before the Committee, that pragmatical fellow, Captain Bishop, (who I suppose wrote this lying book) did put in six or eight 
☜  lines into my examination, which I never said; he supposing that I would be so meal-mouthed, as not to read it, or to put my hand to his forgery, without any more ado; but I did (to his shame) make him blot out, at least, six lines in my examination, which was but very short. Some of the Committee did ingeniously say sometimes, that I did not speak such words as Captain Bishop did put in: By his abuse of me, who would not be abused by him, I cannot but think, how he injured other men.  
He goes on, I did refuse to put my hand to it, seeing I was abused by Captain Bishop; but told them, if they would give me a Copy of it, I would subscribe my hand; but they denied me a copy, which made me suspect, they did not intent to deal fairly with me, as I found true after: And then goes on, to show wherein, and that to their conviction, and concludes thence thus; Wherefore I beseech the Reader not to believe any thing that shall come forth, either pretended to be my examination, or the examinations of other men against me; they are but the forgeries and contrivements of Mr. S. and Captain Bishop. And well might M. Love think how this Bishop injured other men, and that in the like kind.  
I have one instance more, under the hand of a godly, reverend, and faithful Minister of the Gospel, now being well known to most of the Inhabitants of this City, and many in London, so to be, who writes to me, that being to be questioned about Master Loves business (as he was, and imprisoned) Bishop (says he) was Clerk to the Committee of Examinations, and wrote down all that I said; and added divers things, thereby endeavouring to insware me; for which I sharply reproved him, telling him, that I knew his birth and breeding, and therefore I did scorn to be examined by such a one as he was; at which, both he and the Committee were much offended, threatening to use much severity against me, but the Lord restrained them.  
Now George say, Are not you a bloodsucker? Were not the lives of these men at the stake? Was not one of them actually put to death? I'll say nothing of the man, I need not, he was known well enough in England, his death is bewailed by thousands, and his name precious with many godly. I was once drawn away by your d●ssimulations and lies, to a prejudice against him; but now I see, that the most innocent, (when they fall into the hands of hucksters) may be rendered culpable▪ What George, what▪ Are not only the estates of men (great estates) small bits with you, but you can suck and swallow the bloods and lives of men, Ministers of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus! No marvel you turn Quaker, turn Turk man, or become a Jew, to whom the name, and Gospel of Christ, and Christian is odious; for shame bear not that sacred name any longer, lest it be blasphemed by its enemies, because of you: Oh horrid and dreadful▪ not only be a common liar, but to forge, to put in, and to add words, on purpose to ensnare men; no marvel you catcht at Falconers words, but once spoken, and put them in hastily, to take away ones estate, when you forge and put in words many words (whole lines in a short examination) which were never spoken; and this, to take away men's lives.  
And here, ex ore tuo serve nequam, out of thine own mouth, from thine own words shalt thou be judged: Look back, and mind thine own expressions, in thine own book, pages 7 and 8 where you charge me with forgery, in one word, and which yet was not forgery, but a mistake, and that not in me neither; and yet see your outcries and loud exclamations, You may here see (say you) of what a false and mischievous spirit this Priest is; and what a devilish wickedness it is to forge in such a word, as for it, were it truly so, would take away his (Foxes) life? What credit is to be given to what such a one saith? And again, Is not he that can do this past blushing? Is there any wickedness so great, that such a one may not be well conceived to be ready to act? Is such a one a Minister of the Gospel? Words need not further to express such an act, which in its very face is so manifestly wicked and abominable, a wickedness not found in the Roll of those evils, which the Apostle mentions should make the last days perilous. I'll say no more, I need not. Read the words, and remember your own actions, and apply.  
But let me ask you, were these all, whose blood you thirsted after? Did you not write a letter to a friend of yours in Bristol from White-Hall, that until Calamy, and some other of the Priests were dealt withal, as Love was, it would never be well? I hope I shall one day get that book of yours, which you writ against him (mentioned before) viz. A short Plea for the Commonwealth. Those who have seen it; tell me, it most fully sets forth the fierceness, and bitterness of your spirit, not only against him, but that you show your rancour and malice therein, against many of the servants of Christ, whose names are yet precious in the Churches, and the memory of whom will live, when your name shall rot and perish; or if it be mentioned or remembered, it shall be with abhorrence and detestation, as infamous as poor Falconers is. I cannot but remind that passage of yours in your Throne, page 34. where, because I said the Magistrates had their spots and failings, you say, they are no Magistrates of God, but men of sin, and the born of the devil: If spots and failings do (in your judgement) render them thus, Oh! what are you? mind that Rom. 4. beg. Therefore thou art inexcusable, O man, whosoever thou art (Jew or Gentile, Ranter, or Quaker) that judgest; for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest dost the same things. (nay, infinitely worse) But we are sure the Judgement of God is (according to truth) against them which commit such things; and thinkest thou this, O man, that judgest them who do such things, and dost the same, that thou shalt escape the Judgement of God?  
But Reader, in this poor wretch, you see what a dreadful thing, and what a heavy judgement it is, for a man to be given up of God; what wickedness so abominable, that he will not then commit? So Rom. 1. ver. 24. to the end.  
And see also, how the Lord doth punish hatred and contempt of his Ministry and servants, and Apostasy, from the truth, with hardness of heart, and blindness of mind, giving them over to believe lies, 2 Thes. 2. 10, 11, 12. What a sottish piece is this poor man become, to turn Quaker? But 'tis most true, Shipwreck of faith, and of a good conscience, are seldom severed, 1 Tim. 1. 19 But yet (Countryman) come, there is hope in Israel, concerning this thing, there is still balm in Gilead; the blood of Jesus Christ shed at Jerusalem (though above sixteen hundred years ago) is as efficacious, as prevalent, as ever. Come man, leave quaking, don't trample upon, and despise the price of thy Redemption; I see thou art in the gall of bitterness, and bond of iniquity; but come, repent of thy wickedness▪ and pray to God, perhaps the thoughts of▪ thy heart, (and the wickedness of thy hands, and the blasphemies of thy pen and tongue) may be forgiven thee. Don't despise the riches of God's goodness, and forbearance, and long-suffering towards thee; know, that the goodness of God (in this patience of his, in not cutting thee off) is to lead thee to repentance. Consider friend, there is a day coming, wherein the Lord will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest all secret plots, contrivances, and underhand counsels; Repent, whiles 'tis called to day, lest thy heart be more and more hardened, through the deceitfulness of sin; treasure not up wrath by impenitence, and hardness of heart; one true repentant tear, will avail more now, than millions of yell and howl then; our Jesus is able to save perfectly, and to the uttermost, all those who come unto the Father through him, meet him whom thou slightest, and make him thy friend.  
And for a close, know and consider, that if you go on in sin wilfully and impenitently, (after you have received the knowledge of the truth) and that you despise the blood of Christ, there remains no more sacrifice for sin, but a fearful looking for of judgement, and of fierce indignation, which shall devour the adversaries. And now from henceforth, let none of these Quakers trouble me, I have done with this generation; but if they will be troubling, let them know, I will not be troubled: And as for any further answers, replies, contendings, or debatings with them, or him, being well assured that my ground work (on which my discourse and discovery is founded) will stand firm: I declare this, as my Coronis, my farewell to Quakerism: As for their doctrines, or opinions, (in this, or any other of their Pamphlets) I think them not worth the reading (much less the answering) by any serious Christian, especially that hath public employments, indeed, not of any one that hath aught else to do, but to make a long voyage to Tarshish, to fetch only Apes and Peacocks.  
I conclude therefore with holy Augustine, Tales judices velim, etc. I desire such Judges of my writings, that will not always require an answer, when they shall find what I have written, to be spoken against; those things (which being matter of fact) have clear testimonies, and (being matters of doctrine) have clear arguments and authorities: It were a prejudice and disparagement to either, to agitate them always, upon the cavils of ignorant or contentious persons; therefore I end.  
FINIS.    


Books lately written by William Prynne, Esq a Bencher of Lincolns-inn, and sold by Edward Thomas in Green-Arbour.  
I●s Patronatus, Or the Right of Patrons, to present Vicars to Parish Churches, etc.  
The first and second part of a seasonable, legal, and historical vindication of the Fundamental Rights and Laws of England. The second Edition, in Quarto.  
A Declaration and Protestation against Excize, in general, and Hopps, a native incertain commodity in particular, A PIECE WORTHY PERUSAL.  
A Polemical Desertation of the Inchoation, and Determination of the Lords Day Sabbath.  
An old Parliamentary Prognostication, for the Members there in Consultation.  
The Quakers unmasked, and clearly detected to be the Spawn of Romish Frogs, etc.  
A new Discovery of Free-State Tyranny.  
The first Part of a Short Demurrer, to the Jews long discontinued Remitter into England.  
The second Part of the Short Demurrer, etc.  
A Legal Resolution, of two important Queries, concerning Ministers giving of the Sacrament to their Parishioners.  
A new Discovery of Romish Emissaries.  
Pendennis, and all other standing Garrisons, dismantled.  
Also all the former works of Mr. William Prynne, both before, during, and since his Imprisonments, are sold by Edward Thomas in Green-Arbour.   

More Books, printed and sold by Edward Thomas in Green-Arbour.  
REynolds, Of God's Revenge against Murder. Folio.  
Festivous Notes on Don Quixot, Folio.  
Phioravants Three Pieces, in Quarto.  
A Rich Closet of Physical Secrets, in Quarto.  
Baker's Arithmetic, in Octavo.  
Crumbs of Comfort, in twenty fours.  
Private Devotions, by D. Valentine, in twenty fours.  
Lilies Grammar, in English, by R. Robinson.  
The School of Compliments, in Twelves.  
A Little Handful of Cordial Comforts, by Rich. Stardfast, Master of Arts, the third Edition, in Twelves.  
Railing Rebuked; or, A Defence of the Ministers of the Nation, against the Quaker, by William Thomas, Minister of the Gospel at Ubley, in Quarto.  
A Vindication of the Scripture and Ministry, by William Thomas, Minister of Ubley, in Quarto.  
Practical Husbandry Improved, by G. plats, in Quarto. etc.  
Satan Enthroned in his Chair of Pestilence; wherein the whole business of Ja. Nayler, his coming into Bristol▪ and his Examination, is related, by Ralph Farmer, Minister of the Gospel, in Quarto.  
A so the Life of James Nayler, with his Parents, Birth, Education, Actions, and Blasphemies, is exactly set forth, by William Deacon, in Quarto.  
Hypocrisy Unmasked; or, the Definition and Characters of the Natural, Moral, Civil, Praying Hypocrite; and how they differ from the sincere Christian, by Mr. Samuel Crook, late Rector of Wrington, in Sommersetshire.  
The true Christ falsely applied, discovered. 1. How far his person. 2. The expectation of receiving Christ in the Spirit. 3. The operation of Christ received. 4. The Predestination. And 5. His Merits and Freegrace, are not truly apprehended; from whence some conclude to cast off all Ordinances, pretend, and expect to Prophesy, and work Miracles; all which, with twenty more false Applications of the true Christ, are discovered, by W. Kaye, Minister at Stokesley.