THE Fate of France: A DISCOURSE, WHEREIN, After having Answered the groundless Exceptions that are made against the Lawful Conduct of the English, in securing Themselves from Popish Tyranny, &c.  
IT IS SHEWED, That by the Happy Revolution in England, all the Designs of the Frenh King FOR THE Universal Monarchy Are DISAPPOINTED; And the Rational Grounds to believe his downfall Near.  
In Three DIALOGUES betwixt Father Petre, Father La Chaize, and Two Protestant Gentlemen.  
LONDON: Printed for Rich. Baldwin in the Old-Baily. 1690.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE Glorious Protection of God Almighty has so often, and in such endearing Characters appeared to England, that her Inhabitants ought justly to be looked upon as the most ungrateful of all Men, if, after the Series of so many signal Providences with which the Lord of Heaven has, as it were, distinguished them from all other Nations, they do not also endeavour to distinguish themselves, by all the acknowledgements imaginable. But what heinous Ingratitude should they be guilty of, if they should look with an Eye of Indifferency upon the Danger out of which God has, after so wonderful a manner, lately delivered them? Who is the True Protestant who reflecting seriously upon the restoring of his Liberty, the happy Deliverance of the Church, and the Means God has made use of to bring that Great Work to its full Perfection, does not with the Prophet-King cry out, This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes, Psal. cxviii. v. 23. If God Almighty has for some time threatened to put out in England the Light of the Gospel, and seemed willing to deprive People of their Ancient Liberty, 'tis certainly because of the great Contempt they shewed of both those inestimable Advantages. But if now being saved, tanquam per Ignem, as by Fire, they continue to show the same Contempt, what must they look for but the dismal effects of God's Vengeance? If they should neglect to keep well the Sacred Treasure which the Enemy, had he not been prevented, was just ready to take away from them, God leaving them to their perverse Sense, would undoubtedly let them fall into the darkness of error, and permit that, in a shameful Slavery, they should be exposed to the cruel Persecution of their most unmerciful Enemies. Should they not therefore seriously think of securing to themselves the greatest Happiness they are capable of in this World, and of avoiding the most sensible Miseries that can befall them in it? And how can that be done but by a perfect Union? 'Tis in well agreeing together, and diligently seeking after the most proper means, that those of one Party do overthrow the Enemies Designs, and successfully oppose all his Undertakings. That Nation can still, when she will, make herself formidable to those People, that have been long, before they could hear amongst them the Name of in English m●n, without being immediately struck with terror. I am confident, that as soon as the English will Rule their Conduct by the Glory of God, and their Common Welfare; and be, as to that, but one Heart and Soul, they shall be able boldly to defy the greatest Enemies. France, who knows it as well as us, does what she can to disunite 'em: The Abdicating of the Late King is to that purpose an admirable Pretence. She has had truly a great check by the ill Success of the Designs she had suggested to that Prince; but however, let the state of things be how it will, she still thinks to make use of it to good purpose; to come handsomely off. And therefore after having very well sifted out the English Temper, she uses, besides many others, two ways, which, as she thinks, ought more probably to succeed with her: First, she does endeavour by certain Emissaries, that are never wanting to her, cunningly to persuade every one, That the War, besides the Blood of part of their best Souldiers, will cost them vast Sums of Money; and that in calling King James in again, they may easily avoid those two great Mischiefs. One must needs have a mean Opinion of that generous People, to think that they are either so covetous as to be thus wrought upon, or so simplo, as for the saving their Money and sparing the Blood of some few, to do that which would most certainly be the cause of the loss both of their Lives and Fortunes, or plunge them at least into a constant Misery. It is to be hoped that in that respect France shall take much trouble to no purpose. Who is the good rational Man that questions, that if they should call in the late King again, they should, as it were, thrust the Dagger into their own Heart; and that whatever Oath he should take, he would always take a mental one; I mean that, by which he should bind himself never to keep his Word? The Jesuits are notable Masters; he has made a good Progress in their School. What has been done ought to make us stand upon our Guard. If that Prince was set upon the Throne again, there should never be Blood enough in the Kingdom to satisfy his Rage or Vengeance. Let no body think that his Hands might be ty●d, those of his Friends are too long. It is not like therefore that England should fall into that first Snare; that is, the Mischiefs and expenses that attend the War. But France lays for her another, which in the Opinion of some might have a better success, that is, to persuade the English, That in disposing, as they have done, of the Crown in behalf of King William, how great soever the Merit of that Noble Prince be, they have violated the Law of Nature, and made themselves guilty of an horrid piece of Impiety. 'Tis a thing worthy to be taken Notice of, that Lewis the Fourteenth takes upon him to Exhort People not to incur the shameful Reproach of being either Unjust or False. He should do much better to begin at Home the Reforming of Manners; but he thinks of it very little, and there is good Reason to believe, that it is not out of Piety, that through the means of his Pensioners he does his best Endeavours to bring the English to their Duty again, intending to make them understand, that they have in a most scandalous manner been wanting in it, when they forsook the Late King, for to follow the New One; and that they cannot in good Conscience take the Oath to King William. There are already several good Treatises, which may be made use of as excellent Antidotes against that subtle Poison which comes out of France; yet I cannot resist the strong desire I have to show my Zeal, in Publishing what I had meditated upon that Subject for my own satisfaction; especially having often been obliged to answer certain Questions more dangerous than difficult; for the late Revolution has been till now the chief Subject of all Discourses. I hope the Reader will entertain what I offer him with a good intent, and I shall think myself happy if he reap some benefit from it. To the end that this Treatise might be the less tedious, I made it as short as I could: And for to render it both more familiar and useful, I have writ it by way of Dialogues, which I have divided in Three several Conferences. By the First and Second, People shall see that the English are not guilty of the Crime they are charged with; and by the Third every one may assure himself, that England, keeping her Inhabitants in perfect Union, has nothing to fear from France; that on the contrary, this has had from that such a check, as in all appearance, will soon cause her utter Ruin. I pray GOD all may speed well, to his own Glory, to the Good of His Church, and to the great Satisfaction of our most Illustrious sovereigns King WILLIAM and Queen MARY. Amen.   

THE Fate of France: OR, A Discourse upon the Late Revolution.  
Divided in Three Several Conferences, betwixt Father P. Father La Chaize, and Two Protestants.  
F. P. 
FAther La Chaize, in Flanders! 'tis he indeed! Most Reverend Father; if, according to my best Wishes, you are in this Country upon another account than I be, I am so over-joyed to see you, that it's impossible for me to express it.  F. L. Ch. 
I had better luck than you, in what I undertook: The Advices that I gave to my Master had a happier Success, than those which yours received from you; so that I have little cause to fear a Banishment. However, I am sensible of your Misfortune, and very much concerned to think, that after you have been the chiefest Favourite in one of the finest Courts in Europe, you be now forced to live in a Monastery, which must needs be a very melancholy place for a Courtier.  F. P. 
That is indeed a deadly cross-blow of Fortune; but as she is blind and capricious, she often turns against, and is adverse to him whom she formerly favoured and smiled upon. I must pluck up a good heart as well as I can. I go abroad sometimes, and I owe to my last absence the good luck of having met with you. But, Reverend Father, shall I be so bold as to ask you, what has been the occasion of your coming hither? You never use to stir from Court, How come you now to be so far from it?  F. L. C. 
The King sends me for some Reasons of State, which, it may be, I shall, another time, discover unto you, but for the present give me leave to be silent. This place was always much frequented by Strangers: You see often, I suppose, some of yours and my Country-men: What are the Discourses they hold about the late Revolution?  F. P. 
Sentiments are much divided: Some are of one some of another. Here i● 〈…〉 that just 〈…〉 must discourse a 〈◇〉 about it, 'tis one of 〈◇〉 good 〈◇〉 of the Church of England; let us hear what he can say, and with what pretences he will colour their abominable Rebellion. Honest Huguenot your Servant: What, do you pass by so fast? no question but you had a mind to avoid our Company; Your Soul is perhaps troubled with some checks of Conscience, which make you afraid of such persons as we that are capable of discovering even the most secret thoughts of your Heart.  The Fr. Pr. 
I never yet red in the Holy Scriptures, that a Jesuit was a 〈◇〉, a Searcher of Hearts; or if any other took notice of it, it must be in some Original, of which it want thought fit to impart to us any Copies. However, I am confident of one thing; that if there is a Jesuit endowed with so rare a quality, it cannot be Father Peter, who has shewed enough by his imprudent Conduct, that he was but a blind Man in his own Concerns.  F. P. 
Do you know me? You call me by my Name.  The Fr. Pr. 
'Tis because I carry myself more civilly than you, who instead of calling me by my own Name, give me one which you take to be a Reproach: but, if you think to vex me by that, you are much mistaken; for I would have you know, that far from taking any Offence at that Nick-name Huguenot, I take a pride in it; since there is no-body but understands by Huguenot, an Enemy of Popery, and of all its Superstitions: Therefore you do me both Honour and Justice, when you call me by such a famous and glorious Name, since I dare say, that tho I hate no Papist there is not a Man in the World that abhors more Popery than I abhor it, and am resolved to do as long as I live. These are the Sentiments I think myself bound in Conscience to hold; for the Remorses which you say I feel within me, they cannot be related to this, nor do they at all concern you: So should that be true which you said, viz. That you can discover even the most secret thoughts of my Heart, I should have no other cause to be afraid of you, but of such which by their bad Examples could only enure me to sin, to which I have naturally too great an inclination. Let the Lord be pleased, for to dissuade me from it, to give me a better Director of Conscience than you are.  F. P. 
I shouldn't be however, altogether incapable of giving you some good Advices about the horrid Crime, which not long since, with almost your whole Nation, you made yourself guilty of.  The E. P. 
What is then, I pray you, that Crime so odious?  F. P. 
You do very well to dissemble it, for it is such that it can't be much for your credit. Rebellion was always inexcusable; hence it comes, that those who are the most guilty of it, do endeavour the most to be thought guiltless. But yours is so singular, and known by so many Nations, that it is a thing to be much wondered, to see that notwithstanding the Case be so, you do expect to convince us of an inviolable Fidelity.  The E. P. 
'Tis your design therefore to make us go for Rebels.  F. P. 
Is it without a cause that we look upon you as such?  The E.P. 
I shall think it is without a cause indeed, except you bring against me Evidences strong enough to make me conscious of it. There's nothing more easy than to call others Rebels; but one must never do it without unquestionable proofs; unless he will venture to be counted a notorious Calumniator, as so many Roman Emissaries, who did always charge us with Crimes we never committed. How often were the poor Protestants in France accused of Rebellion, when they desired only the free Enjoyment of their Lives, and intended nothing else but to defend the privileges which had been granted them? Since that is the same Crime you lay to our Charge, you must make it good; or else I shall make bold to say, that you follow the Example of him who is a liar and Slanderer from the beginning.  F. P. 
If that is all which we have to do for not to be reckoned of you as the Imitators of the Father of Lies, we run no great hazard: And seeing you will have us bring Evidences, I think I may, without enlarging in a long Discourse, satisfy you in that one word, is with this Question: Is not the unfortunate King James the Second, an undisprovable Witness, as well as the pitiful Object of your abominable Rebellion?  The E. P. 
If that is all which you have to say, for to prove that we are Rebels, our Innocence is unspotted still: for I'll tell you, that far from being puzzled with your Question, I intend to turn it much to my own advantage, as you will see by this Answer: James the Second is an undisprovable Witness, not of our Rebellion, but of our Loyalty; which I prove thus: 1. When he succeeded his Brother, he was admitted notwithstanding the Objections which might have been made, and of which there was no-body but knew very well the ground. Thô we knew well enough what was to be feared in living under the Government of a Prince possessed with the Roman Doctrines, we did choose rather to do what we thought to be our Duty, than that which secured our Interest. And desiring to love him, as well from a good Reason, as we already did from Inclination, we did for it seek out all the imaginable Motives, insomuch, that we made him say, or undertake Things which perhaps he never thought of. What was more ordinary in all sorts of Societies, than those or such Questions? What doth the King say? stands he well affencted to us? Don't he harken too much to the Jesuits? To which it was generally answered: The King is infinitely above those low and poor Spirits: It is not a thing to be feared, that he will take the barbarous Conduct of the French King for a Model; his Noble Soul will never suggest him, but what is good and reasonable; his Generosity will always agree with a meek and indulgent Temper. 2. Did we not show our Honesty in the Duke of Monmouth's Invasion? We did then truly discover to all the World, how we stood affencted; and I shan't stick to say, that all the good Men did look upon us as Patterns of Loyalty, and that to others, we were Objects of Admiration. I call your Reverence to witness; Is this not true, that there was none of you but did then tremble for fear, as if you had all been persuaded that we were not such Fools as to let slip so fair an Opportunity of easily, and quiter rooting out Popery? How amazed stood ye then, I suppose? Since that instead of seeing us assist him who pretended to come as our Deliverer; you saw us turn our Arms against him, as against our common Enemy. Your amazement ought to have been so much the greater, because no-body questions, but, had our Case been your own, you would without any scruple caused him to triumph, whom we did then cause to be shamefully subdued: And I am certain, we went in your judgement for very simplo Men, or at least for very bad Politicians, who did not know neither how to improve our Advantage, nor how to mind our own Interests. 3. And which is worthy to be taken notice of: We took occasion of having an esteem of one from the same reason, which ought, as it does naturally seem, have caused us to conceive an indignation against him. I'll speak plainer: We commended the Resolution with which the late King presently after his Brother's Death, made an open Profession of the Roman Religion; whereas, it did seem, that by it he should have incensed us, and created malcontents: But it is so far from having been so, that we did all turn his admirers. We did all think that we could never commend enough a King who shewed an undaunted Courage, since he boldly confessed, what his own Interest should have made him dissemble, at least for a time. What did we not expect from such a stoutness? We were so far from conceiving any jealousy, or from standing in any fear, that we did promise ourselves all sorts of advantages by it. Being headed by a King that had thus signalized his Courage, there was no Enemy that could fright us. There was no Change in the Kingdom, no Alteration in the Government, in all appearance to be feared, after we had the Word of a King, who had in such an authentic manner shew'd both his Constancy and Sincerity. 4. For to oblige him to keep the Royal Word, which he had passed to us at his Coronation, we made use of all possible means, we did submit even to things which more tender Consciences had perhaps been offended at. In a word, we did obey as much as the Glory of God, the Good of the Kingdom, and the Interest of our Holy Religion could allow us to do: Which is enough, I think, to clear us from Rebellion, and make good our Fidelity.  F. P. 
Which is enough, I think, to convict you of Rebellion, or prove against you your detestable infidelity. Is not this a pleasant way of clearing himself? We have obeyed as long as we thought convenient to obey; for that is just what you now said. So that you have therefore ceased to obey: Now, I'll ask you, could ye cease to obey without becoming Disobedients, and become Disobedients without turning Rebels?  The E. P. 
Hold, hold, good Father; your Reverence intends to triumph, when there wants so much to have got the Victory.  F. P. 
What? do you not confess that you did not always obey?  The E. P. 
If under this expression not to obey, you comprehend what is commonly understood by that word Rebellion, I deny that I ever confessed that we didn't always obey: But if by not to obey, you only mean, not to do what we are commanded to do, this is it which I designed to confess unto you, and am not ashamed to confess it again.  F. P. 
You need not to tell me of your not being ashamed, I see well enough that you want no Confidence. But i● you was less prepossessed you might know that you talk nonsense; for not to do what our superiors commands us to do, is it not neglect to carry ourselves with the observance and respect due unto them? And can this be done without being guilty?  The E. P. 
Who questions but it can be done, when they enjoin us that which is contrary both to Divine and human Laws? Otherwise, what should be the meaning of what we red in the Scripture, viz. That it is better to obey God than Men? And this is not only an Evangelical but a Natural Rule, observed by the Heathens; as you may learn of Plato. So that if things should go as you would have them, that is, that upon all occasions, without any exception, Men should be bound to obey their superiors, it would evidently follow, that God Almighty should have naturally infused into our Hearts the difference which is to be made betwixt Men and God's Commands, and should have caused it to be revealed unto us in his Word; but for to delude us, and have us more infallibly sin against what we owe to our superiors, which is blasphemous against God, injurious to his Apostles, and contrary to the practise of all good Men in all Ages. See now upon which of as the nonsense ought to be fathered, and judge if you was not a little over hasty in charging me with it.  F. P. 
Now you bring your Distinctions: You thus always come off, right or wrong: But I hope to urge you so brikly, that those shifts will at last fail you.  The E. P. 
You always promise much unto yourselves, Parturiunt montes; but you never do mighty things, Nasoitur ridicul●● mus. I always come off, you say, with my Distinctions: I am much to blame indeed; Is that all you have to except against? One must needs use Distinctions when they are necessary, and the subject he treats of requires it: Does it follow therefore, that a good Cause loses of its Justice? You say, that one must obey his superiors; I say so too: You say, they must be always obeyed; I distinguish, when they command what is just and agreeable to the Divine Laws, and those of the Country we live in, they must be obeyed, I grant it: When they command what is unjust and contrary to the said Laws, they must be obeyed, I deny it.  F. P. 
You deny it!  The E. P. 
This Reason vexes you, I know; but I don't design to please you in concealing the truth. Do but suspend for a moment only, if possible, all your prejudices; and, for to apprehended more easily the falsehood of it, reflect with me upon the strange consequences which needs follow from your Opinion. Let us suppose, that it must be received; that is, that upon all occasions, in all causes, in all the circumstances of times, we must without any reserve, blindly obey our superiors, what will follow from it? But that we are to oppose our natural Knowledge, our own Reason, to violate the Law of Nations, to trample Justice under our feet, to slight with impudence the Commands of God, and altering the apostles words to utter this blasphemy, It is better to obey Men than God. I am persuaded that you cannot consider this with a little attention, but you must be at least moved at it, if you are not fully convinced of it. See therefore how unjustly, you, Father La Chaize, have accused the Protestants in your Kingdom; for I defy you to bring me any example of their Disobadience, save only of that which is both lawful and necessary, as I did just now maintain. Yet, you have every where cried out Rebels, away with them, kill, kill, extirminate: And for a certain proof of their Rebellion. They woudn't go to Mass, said they, thus disobeying the King who did order it: So that had that King worshipped Mahomet,[ however, what he worshippeth I do not know] they should have left going to the Christian Churches, and runned to Mosques.  F. L. C. 
You should however distinguish a Christian Prince from a Turkish one.  The E. P. 
There are some who make bold to say, That those two Princes be different only in the bare Names of Great and Little; that is, one is the Little, and the other is the Great Turk. Others make betwixt them a great difference, but they will have it entirely to the advantage of him who lives at Constantinople; and I confess I should incline to the last Opinion: For one of the chiefest Characters which we may know an honest Man by, as well as one of the best means by which a Man may become famous in the World, is this, viz. When he religiously keeps his word. Now the Turkish Emperour has, for this, got the praises of all the World; but very few aclowledge that Lewis the Fourteenth deserves the same: Germany, the Low-Countries, and generally all the Provinces in France, where the Blood of so many innocent persons cries for Vengeance, would furnish with sufficient proofs, whosoever would give himself the trouble to pick them out; But why should one undertake it? 'Tis just as if he would prove that the Sun shines at mid-day, the little honesty of your King being so universally known, that even the ordinary People and Children in strange Countries have heard of it.  F. L. C. 
— You have an high esteem, it seems, for a Prince who is the admiration of all the World.  The E. P. 
The contempt of all the World, you should say: Don't you know the French Proverb, 'Tis no great matter to have only his own, or his Servants good words.  F. L. C. 
I would have you know, that if you was in Paris, you should suffer for your sauciness.  The E. P. 
You tell me News indeed, Who questions it? I know well enough, that upon this matter in France, it is not lawful to speak the truth, I shall therefore take a great care not to go thither, for I should certainly bring myself to the halter; I am not worldly-minded enough for to flatter, and I think none but base Men can do it: I call things by their own name, a Cat a Cat, and a Jesuit a Rogue.  F. P. 
That is plain English.  The E. P. 
I use no disguise.  F. P. 
But doth what you said of France concern us at all?  The E. P. 
More than you think: For I intend to prove by that, that all Disobedience is no Rebellion, but that it is sometimes both commendable and necessary. Where are the good Men that shan't commond the generous and pious Conduct of the French Protestants in the cruel Persecution they have lately been under? Can they forbear admiring those poor Peoples Patience, if they consider well what has been the rage of Father La Chaise's Emissaries, the Dragoons Missionared, and the Missionaries Dragoonised; for Missionaries and Dragoons were united for this barbarous Design, in such a particular manner, that whoever law a Dragoon, might be sure to see a Missionary also. It was even as easy for the Dragoons to turn Missionaries, as for the Missionaries to become Dragoons, since for all motive of Conversion there was only to be said, The King will have it so: After that, one was to turn or to die, said boldly those honest Converters, The King will have it so: Strong Argument! If the King will have me renounce a Religion which I know to be the only good, and which, if I follow the Precepts of it, shall most certainly procure me an Eternal Salvation, must I obey him for to profess one which I see grown to that pass of corruption, that it cannot but bring upon me an Eternal Damnation, if I am so wicked as thus to go about to sin both against God Almighty, and my own Knowledge? Since therefore this is the Case of those poor persecuted People, let us confess that their Disobedience was both commendable and necessary.  F. P. 
Their Disobedience was both commondable and necessary! You should like very well the Custom of those People, who, according to Salust's Account, lived without any Form of Government.  The E. P. 
How can this be gathered out of our Principles, Father?  F. P. 
What your Principles are, I do not know; but this I know, that one of the chiefest should be this, viz. That People ought to obey their Kings; which is acknowledged even by the Heathens, as it is testified by one of their Authors, in which you may red these words: The Gods have conferred the Absolute Power upon the Prince, and the Glory of obeying is fallen ●o the share of the Subjects. If it happens that a King does commit any thing unjust, the People mustn't look upon that Action as such, but they ought to consider it as just and reasonable.  The E. P. 
Very well, I thought there was no body but the Pope that had the privilege of turning good into Evil; I explain myself. I thought that none but his Holiness could make that which is evil in its nature, be looked upon by Men as good and just. Good Father, give me leave to warn you of being a little more reserved. As powerful as you be, your hands are still too short for to reach the Holy See. Defend and assert as much as you please the Royal Prerogatives, but let those of the Pope stand untouched and inviolable.  F. P. 
Don't play the Jester: To Tacit's words I'll add what Seneca saith. That whether the King's Order be just or unjust we must suffer it.  The E. P. 
We must always suffer what we can't help; but by Seneca and Terit's leave, I choose rather to refer myself both to our Saviour's Apostles, who declare unto me, That it is better to obey God than men; as I already did allege it unto you, and to the Lord himself who bids us, To render unto Caesar the things which be Caesar's, and unto God the things which be God's, Luke 20.25.  F. P. 
If you don't grant all Disobedience to be Rebellion, you shan't, I hope, deny that Name to such Disobedience as that which is followed by an actual Resistance: Or else, if the Subjects are allowed to resist their sovereign, what will become of the Respect due unto the Royal Majesty? Aristotle shall tell you, That if it happens that he who is in Authority strikes you, you have not a right to strike him again. We see in the Old Testament, that the Law did condemn to die those which did disobey either the High-Priest, or him whom God Almighty had appointed to Rule his People: Whosoever he be that does rebel against thy Commandment, and will not harken unto thy words, in all that thou commandest him, he shall be put to death, said the People to Joshua, 1.18. The 8 chap. of the First Book of Samuel, is to be taken particular notice of; we see that the Israelites being tired with the Government they had then been under, wish that God would give them a King. The Prophet, Samuel tells them from the Lord, all the wrongs the King will do them, and that then they shall cry out, because of their King, which they shall have chosen unto themselves; but the Lord will not hear them. What is the meaning of this, that after the wrongs done by their King, they shall cry out, that is, they shall apply themselves to the Lord their God for to implore his help; but that they shall have no human assistance left, which they may be allowed to seek after; and therefore in what Oppression soever the People be, they ought always to bear it patiently, and never rebel. The New Covenant requires no less an Obedience of the Subjects to their sovereigns than the Ancient: Our new Law-giver Jesus Christ does expressly order us, as yourself just now said, To render unto Caesar the things which be Caesar's, and unto God the things which be God's. Now the Case being so, can we be ignorant of our Duty in that respect. Mind St. Paul, the faithful Interpreter of the Lord's Laws, saith Rom. 13. Let every Soul be subject unto the higher Powers: For there is no power but of God: The powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation. For the Prince is the Minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that does evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. St. Paul teacheth in these words a Doctrine which do but little agree with you, honest Protestants, viz. The Doctrine of Non-Resistance, or the Subjects perfect Obedience, which consisteth in never resisting their Prince: To which we are obliged not only for fear of the punishment we should be like to be brought to by our resistance; but for our Duty itself considered without any relation to fear; and we ought to perform that Duty not in regard of Men only, but in regard of God himself; of which the Apostle gives two Reasons: 1. Because God is the Author of this Settlement. 2. Because this Settlement is for our advantage: For the Prince is the minister of God to thee for good. It has been observed by some eminent Men, that if there was no Power over us, we should be like Beasts devouring one another.  The E. P. 
And I, if I dare speak after those great Men, I say, That if we should live under no Government at all, we should be worse than Beasts, since Beasts live however, and we, notwithstanding our Government, the multitude of our Laws, and our Moral Faculties, can hardly better agree than those irrational Creatures.  F. P. 
You see therefore the necessity of living under a public Power, and how can this be done if we are allowed to resist it? If you allege that it may happen, as we know it by a frequent experience, that those which are appointed for the furtherance of the public Good do not well perform their Office, but pervert the Laws, or make new ones to serve their private purpose, and that in such a case People ought not only not to obey, but they may and must oppose the performance of such designs, thô they come from the supreme Power: I answer: The supreme Authority to be a thing so Sacred, that the Subjects ought never to take upon themselves an examination of that nature. If you ask what you are then to do, if it be so, that our Governours prove wicked; St. Peter tells it in his first Epistle, 2.17, 18, 19, & 20. Honour the King, Servants be subject to your masters with all fear, not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward, for this is thank-worthy, if a man for Conscience towards God endure grief, suffering wrongfully. For what glory is it when you be buffeted for your faults, ye shall take it patiently? But if when you do well, and suffer for it, ye take it patiently; this is acceptable with God. And this the Apostle confirmeth by Christ his own Example. Which is also to be seen in Clement's Constitutions, 〈◇〉, &c. The Servant that fears God loves his Master also, though he should be an unjust and irreligious one. Now what is said of the Masters, is also to be said of the Kings; so that there can be no pretence, no exception; let the Prince be good or bad, just or unjust, the subjects Duty is always the same, Obedience and Fidelity ought to be the words of his Device. 'Tis only by submitting himself, that the Child ought to take the Rod of his Father's hands. People must bear with the King's Humour, and never resist them. They may wish for good Kings, but such as they are they must be endured. To this was always agreeable the conduct of the Ancient Christians. For thô very often ill Men have set upon the Throne of the Roman Empire, which many did oppose upon the pretence of serving their Country, yet Christians never joined to help them to bring such Undertakings about; they had always before their eyes this pious maxim, The Resistance of the Subject is a Crime. When under this fair pretence of serving their Country, Pescenniiss Niger in Syria, and Clodius Albinus in the Gauls, rose up in Arms against Septimus Severus, a most severe and most cruel Emperour, they were plainly disproved by the Christians; hence Tertullian has, They speak ill of us to the Emperour; however, they cannot rob Christians of the glory to affirm, That they never were Albinians, Nigrians, or Cassians.  
Religion having always been the most specious pretence the Rebels have made use of to justify themselves; I'll bring you an Example by which you may see, that our old Christians didn't think such an excuse to be tolerable. Ambrosius ill used by Valentinus Son to Valentinianus, and believing that that Persecutor didn't attack him only, but his Flock also, even Christ himself; yet that eminent Man would not improve an opportunity which in these our late days should seem mighty fair; that is, the Peoples general discontent. Thus that holy Man speaketh: When I am violently used, oppressed, persecuted, to Rebel is a thing I am not acquainted with: I can give myself over to Grief, I can  shed tears, moan, and bewail, but there I stop: Tears are the only Arms I make use of against my Enemies. That is the Priest's only Defence. I cannot, I ought not to resist otherwise.  
How all what I have now said can be excepted against I do not know, unless perhaps you presume to make good what has been already said by some others, That there is a Distinction to be made between the Subjects of a Prince: Some led a private life, that is, they have no public Employ bestowed upon them, but the others are Magistrates appointed for the Government of the State under the Prince their chief governor. You will be willing to aclowledge that a private Man ought not to oppose his King, but you will also have it be granted, that the Magistrates not only may, but must resist him who sets over them, if he attempts any thing that tends to the ruin of the public Good, to the preservation of which they are all of them both chosen and appointed. I answer, in a word, That the Magistrates are both public and private persons: public, if you compare them with such in the Nation as are come to no degree of Magistracy; but if they be compared with their superiors, as for example with the King, they ought to be looked upon only as private Men; and consequently, as those( which is your own Opinion) as have not a Right to oppose their King.  
Neither can your Innocency appear by the Precedents of David and the Maccabees. 'Tis true, that David, one of those that had most constantly conformed himself to God's will, headed first about four hundred Men, and afterwards a greater number, as it is related, 1 Sam. 22.2. & 23, 13. But it must be observed, 1. That David made use of this last shift only after he had certainly known that King Saul sought to take away his life, and when he had thus took Arms, he laid the Siege before none of his King's Towns, nor sought an occasion to fight him; far from being thus minded, he wouldn't met the King, he went away from him as much as he could, keeping always in hidden places; and the same did the Maccabees. 2. 'Tis not to be thought that we are to take example by those, or that which was done by David and the Maccabees, be also now lawful for Christians to do, since he whose Laws they pretend so much to obey, has so often ordered them to be quiet, giving himself for an example of it unto them upon so many occasions. And we have in the History, that it is in thus suffering that the Christian Church is come to be so numerous. Hence it cometh that the Primitive Christians which being, less than we are, removed from the Apostles time, understood better the Orders they left us, and could better observe them, did always bear patiently the Outrages and Violences exercised upon them, even when they had been able to resist with a happy Success: This Tertullian, Cyprianus, Lactantius, St. Austine, and many others will tell you, if the fear of being convicted does not keep you from looking upon so good Authors.  
This is so large a Subject, that it can furnish a great deal more to say; but what has been already said is more than sufficient for to show, that neither at any time, nor in any wise, the Subject ought to withstand the Will of their sovereign. Now answer me, if you can.  The E. P. 
'Tis a thing possible enough. I must only, before I begin, beg a favour of you, which you cannot handsomely deny me, that is, that you be pleased to hear me with as much patience and attention as I did you. Expecting therefore not to be interrupted, I—  F. P. 
Your Heart is big it seems; I am afraid you will spend much time to ease it, and that in the mean while they be wearied to stay for me at a certain rendezvous, whither I never fail to go every day, exactly at this time of day.  The E. P. 
You want I see, neither Clock nor Dial to know whether 'tis Twelve or no; I won't be uncivil, I shall stay you no longer.  F. P. 
That is my desire.  The E. P. 
But we shall meet again just after Dinner.  F. P. 
With all my heart.   

The Second DIALOGUE, betwixt F. P. and an E. Pr.  The E. P. 
ALready come! You are more diligent than I thought.  F. P. 
This day is one of them which we are enjoined to eat Fish in; and besides, I thought it long till I should hear the Answer you boasted to give me so easily.  The E. Pr. 
Grant me but the attention I begged of you, and you will be soon satisfied. 1. I'll begin by doing you Justice, for how bad soever be your Opinion of me, I love to give every-body his due. There are good things amongst all what you have said, but how good soever they be in themselves they are of no use for your design, which is to prove, that there is never a Kingdom, but where the Subjects ought blindly to obey him who ruleth over them, thô the things which he orders them be never so rauch unreasonable and unjust. So that according to that Opinion Princes are a new kind of Popes: For as those supreme Governours of your Church would fain make us believe that we must obey them so far, that if they should bid us go to the Devil, we should not only ride Post to Hell without answering again, but we should even receive such an Order as an argument of their paternal kindness, and the happy effect of their Pastoral care; so that you do intend to persuade us, that tho' a Prince minds nothing else, but to give himself over to his Passions, subverting all manner of Right, he must however be strictly obeyed. What Religion, Good God! which would oblige those that make profession of it, cheerfully to deliver themselves to the Devil, if the Pope will have them so to do; or to bring into the Nation Confusion and Injustice, if the Prince commands it.  
But, 2. Let us weigh and consider more exactly those sound and strong Reasons, as you think them to be. Having granted you, that for the peace and welfare of Men it is necessary that there be some amongst them in which lies the power of Governing, you ask as a very hard Question, how this can be done, if we are allowed to resist that Power? And as if you were certain that it is impossible for us to answer the question, you cry, that I need not to speak of the ill behaviour of our Rulers, the breaking of Laws, &c. because the supreme Power is somewhat so Sacred, that the Subject ought never to examine how it is exercised, justly or unjustly. A godly Principle! Was it but admitted, your question, I confess, could not be solved: But that Principle which you expect to go current will never be granted by a Man of Honour; or else we should say that one may be honest both in approving of, and committing the most base and wicked Actions; for it cannot be denied but there may be Princes willing to run out in that excess of wickedness and impiety. Now I maintain this, that put the case such a thing comes to pass, and the Subjects cannot avoid being guilty of such abominations but by an actual Resistance, they ought to use this Remedy without justly incurring the Charge of Rebellion. But if it is lawful for the Subjects to resist their sovereigns, what will become of the Reverence due unto the Royal Majesty? The Answer is easy; That reverence shall suffer no loss, since the Subjects must make use of this but upon mature deliberation, after a serious examen of things how they be, and when they are fully convinced that they be such that they cannot comply, but the glory of God, the welfare of the Nation, their own, even their King's Honour, be concerned in it: So that far from failing of the Respect due unto the Royal Majesty, they, on the contrary, do plainly show how zealous they are for the King's Glory, and how warily they go to work.  
You see therefore that all the passages you quoted out of the Ancients can do me no harm, since I don't presume to say, that either in a Common-wealth, or in a Kingdom, any body has a Right to oppose those that are appointed to rule over them; but that on the contrary, I maintain as well as you, that there cannot be a more pitiful condition, than that which a Country should be in, were all the Inhabitants of it accountable to no body for their words and actions. I am not ignorant that for their own preservation Men must make choice of Governours.  
I know also that these Governours must have the Power in hand; but that that Power be so absolute as there be no exception, that is, such as for any cause whatsoever People ought never to resist it; that I deny, and you shall never be able to prove it. The Commandment which you bring out of St. Peter, Honour the King, cannot serve you for a strong reason, especially if you consider what goes before, Fear God. Those are two Orders which we must indispensably obey, and which all that are truly good Men do really and punctually obey.  F. P. 
Good Men! this is the Character you boast of, and yet we did not see you take great care to observe those Divine Laws, the keeping of which you affirm to be indispensible. Where was the Honour due unto the King, which you shew'd yourselves ready to give him, when you contrived Plots against him? Was this to honour him, to invite over a foreigner against him? Did you show him a great deal of respect and love, when you deserted him for to side with his Enemy? 'Tis unquestionably in losing both his sceptre and Crown, that he might well know which were the most tender Motions you had for him.  The E. P. 
We took neither sceptre nor Crown away from him, He himself partend with both, which he might have kept as gloriously as any Prince then Reigning, had he as religiously performed the Promises he had made to his Subjects, as his Subjects have been strict performers of those they had made unto him. And indeed, if he has been without their assistance, 'tis not so proper to say, that they forsook him, as that 'twas he that turned them off. Did he not break off all the Ties they were together united with? And to part with what engaged them to follow him, was it not to part with them, and turn them out? One of the two, we were either to leave off honouring the King in the sense you take it, or we were to give the fear of God over: which of these we were to choose let him resolve the question, who did plainly say, 'Tis better to obey God than men. So that when we affirm the keeping of those two Commandments, Fear God, honour the King, to be indispensible, it is always to be understood thus, viz. As long as our Obedience to the last do not hinder that which we owe to the first; but in such a case 'tis not to be serupled at, we ought to prefer the fear of God, before that honour which upon any other occasion is due to the King: 'Tis better to obey God than men.  F. P. 
I grant that, suppose, that it were possible to know certainly, that the King's Orders are directly contrary to the Commandments of God, 'tis a thing easy to be resolved upon, the King of Kings Interest ought to carry it. But let it be so, that in such a case Subjects cannot at all in Conscience obey their sovereign, does this give them a right to rise up in Arms against him? Is not Patience a virtue taught in the Word of God? And—  The E. P. 
Patience! strange word in a Jesuit's mouth! Heavens! What a stock of Confidence is this! that Men which overthrow all Christian Morality, and which all over the World are known to be the disturbers of the public Peace, takes upon them to preach Patience unto us. You may assure your Reverence that we heard too much of you for to be thus deceived. Suppose, have you said, 'twere possible to know certainly that the King's Orders are directly contrary to the Commandments of God, 'tis a thing easy to be resolved upon, &c. But this is a supposition which will never cease to be a supposition amongst you, unless in preferring God's Interest before that of the Prince, you could also improve your own private and worldly advantages; for I confess, that if at any time you should declare for God Almighty, we could not forbear thinking that you had been persuaded to it by some other Reason, much stronger to move you than that of Piety. And indeed how can he think otherwise, whosoever knows with what impudence you sport yourselves with the Love of God? Do you not teach that it is not necessary to love him at all times? Don't go about to deny it, for besides that what I lay to your charge may be sufficiently proved by your constant practise; a great many Fathers of yours, the Names of which I might easily bring in, and which have been at least as famous as you, should plainly give you the lye. You may see what has upon this matter been said by the eminent Valentia, Escobar, Suarez, Vasquez, Castro Palao, Hurtado de Mendoza, Coninck, Filliutius, &c. Fine piece of Morality! to dispense with the love we owe to God Almighty, or to say that 'tis enough if we love him upon holidays, or once a Year, or every other three, four, or five Years, or at the point of Death only. That is the cause of all your wicked doings, for being that you are voided of the fear of God, who can put a stop to your unhappy misgovernment? Hence it comes that we are looked upon as ridiculous, when upon an evident danger either of our Estates or of our Lives, we show that we fear more God than Men. However, 'tis not a small comfort to us, to see that which makes us to be looked upon as ridiculous, is nothing else but the following of a great Apostle in his Opinion. For my part I had a thousand times rather to go for a Fool at that rate, than to go for a great Wit by following the steps of a politic and complying Man, like Father Peter. Is it not better for me to be a little more scrupulous, and not venture my own Salvation as you do?  F. P. 
I venture my Salvation! Do you think we don't, as much as you do, desire to be saved?  The E. P. 
No, I do not believe it: For if it was so, when God commands one thing, and a Man another, you would not choose to obey the last before the first, as always you use to do, you would not alter the natural order of St. Paul's Sentence; 'Tis better to obey God than men: for don't your constant practise cry out, That 'tis better to obey men than God? And truly, we see that when one of those two Parties is to be resolved upon, Man's Interest prevails over that of the Almighty God. Hence it was that in France the Protestants declared to no purpose, that 'twas not lawful for them to go to Mass, that the great God did forbid it; such Reason couldn't be admitted, they were answered, that such was the King's pleasure. If those poor People did reply, That 'twas better to obey God than men; they were accused of being grossly mistaken; that quiter contrary, 'twas much better to obey Men than God, for was not this the sense of that perpetual bawling, The King will have it so, the King commands it. unparalelled Loyalty! The poor Sufferers said to their pretended Converters, We cannot go amongst you, because the Almighty God in his word forbade us the forsaking of our mutual Assemblies; how was it replied, Do you give your Prince such a Testimony of Loyalty? The King commands you, and you will not obey; Galleys, Gallows, Wheel, Fire, &c. are too gentle punishments for such a Rebellion. Strange and dreadful a thing it is! that one be dealt with like a Rebel against his Prince, for not to have rebelled against his God!  F. P. 
But to what purpose is all this? Do you intend thus to justify your Rebellion in England? Were you used in your Country, as those you speak of were used in France?  The E. P. 
No, But how is it that it has not been so with us? Some might answer that we had Wit enough to prevent it, by the overthrowing of your Diabolical purposes; but we must wholly give God the praise, who by his only favour has miraculously preserved us; for 'tis sure enough, that you did not intend to deal more kindly by us, than they did by our Brethren in France.  F. P. 
Put the case it had been so, was it lawful for you to do what you have done?  The E. P. 
You heard enough of me, I think, upon that subject, for a sufficient justification of our Conduct.  F. P. 
Well, the Primitive Christians, the patience of which I exposed to your view in several Examples, were then very silly Fools, since by making a stout resistance they never went about to preserve their liberty.  The E. P. 
We do not blame the Conduct of the Primitive Christians, they behaved themselves like true Disciples of Christ; and, had we lived in their time, we had done as they did, or at least we aclowledge that it had been our Duty so to do. And—  F. P. 
Had you lived in their time, &c. Things were then mightily altered by process of time, since you now think to belawful, what you would not then have approved of.  The E. P. 
Nothing was altered concerning this Duty; for now, as well as then, good Christians ought to suffer.  F. P. 
Any thing which they cannot prevent; no question but this is your meaning.  The E. P. 
No, you don't take it in the right sense; I use no such mental Reservations, after the Jesuits way. I plainly speak my mind. I say positively that good Christians ought to suffer and never resist, when they live in a Country wholly governed by those of a contrary Religion; and should their sovereign be Turk, they ought nevertheless submit to his Government. But if there is any Prince who has solemnly allowed his Subjects of different persuasion the liberty of meeting together, to worship God after their own way; I maintain, that upon the princes failing of his word, if all other means be wanting, it is lawful for his Subjects to defend their privileges by the opposing of him; and if they will not do it, if they are rather willing to part with their Right, they give up God's own Cause, suffering cowardly and shamefully, that the Devil makes them hid the Talents God had given them, and that the Enemy sows the Lord's Field with Tares, having first plucked up the Wheat. There's a great deal of difference to be made betwixt the connivance by which a Prince winks at some of his Subjects spiritual Exercises, and the solemn permission that he grants, making a Law to that purpose, to the keeping of which Law he binds himself. And therefore you see that all the Example; you brought out of the Ancients can prove nothing against us, since we do not presume that upon all occasions we be bound in Duty of Religion to resist the Powers. But say you, our Forefathers did always choose to bear any thing patiently. I answer, 1. That we ought to admire them, but that we may be allowed not always to imitate them: Most of what we have in their Works, must be looked upon as an Advice rather than a Commandment. 2. That's not the Opinion of the whole Church, but of some private Men only. 3. Our Forefathers were never under such circumstances as those you have now heard, they never had the Royal Word for to enjoy such or such privileges, and to be maintained in them, so solemnly as our poor Brethren in France had of their Kings. So far are you therefore from well arguing against us from them, that we are in a more advantageous case than that of few Subjects, to which the Prince has granted the Exercise of our Religion different from his own. We are not a small number since we make up the whole Kingdom; and if there is any in the Nation that does not profess the same Religion with us, 'tis because we are pleased to grant them so to do. From us come both Laws and privileges, which you cannot find in any of the Examples you brought in. The late King was so far, as you had impudence enough to affirm it, from lawfully bringing in Popery, and saying in truth, that we are but tolerated in the Exercise of our Religion, that he himself made bold publicly to profess one different from that he had found Established by the Laws of the Country; which before his time was looked upon as a thing quiter contradictory, viz. That one and the same Man should be both Papist and King of England; a monstrous Union indeed. The Crown was set on his head, thô for that very reason it should have been denied him; since it had been declared enough( and, had not the late King caused his Brother to dissolve the Parliament at Oxford, the Bill had certainly been passed against him) that the professing of Popery makes a Prince unqualify'd for the Crown of England.  F. P. 
But however, having once owned him as your King, were you not to look upon him as such? Should you have opposed his Designs? unthroned him, banished him, &c.  The E. P. 
This is your never-ending Question, Should you have, &c. You had a great deal better prove by some good Reasons, that it was not lawful for us so to do, than to ask us so often why we have done it. I already  told it, and tell you again, that King James has done himself all the mischief you do accuse us of having done him. Having once owned him as our King, do you say, were we not to look upon him as such? So have we done as long as he has been such; that is, as long as he kept his word, maintained the Laws, &c. But this lasted so little a while, that we dare make bold to say, that we shewed him the Respect due to a King, even after he had, in following your Diabolical Advices, ceased so to be. Do you think that if it had been known, that the late King at his coming to the Crown made his People so fair Promises, only for not to fulfil them, took solemnly his Oath that he should maintain the Laws, only for to break them, promised to preserve our Rights and privileges for to deceive us, and styled himself Protector of our Sacred Religion but to destroy it more unavoidably: Do you think, I say, that, had it been possible for his Subjects to look into his Heart, and find out all those great Designs, they had been very willing to take their Oath of Allegiance to him? No, I am confident you cannot believe it, if you do but allow the English any common sense. Now if any Man of good Sense grant, that in such a case they had done well not to accept of such a Man to their King, must it not been granted also, that after they had discovered his Designs, they have done very well in not leaving him in a condition to bring them to pass? All the World knows that they did not carry themselves indiscreetly in it, since he had already given so manifest proofs of his ill intent and purposes. I should be tedious, should I go about to tell you in how many ways he has broken the promises he had made us. You need only red the Memorandum of what passed at Oxford and Cambridge, with the Relation of the sad Usage the Bishops found, who, tho Peers of the Realm, were disgracefully put in Prison; And for what Reason? Because they refused to show such a base complacency, as to order the Ministers to declare to their People, That they might both lawfully, and in good conscience go to Mass. Those most eminent Prelates were unwilling to become Ministers to your Antichrist, and that made them guilty.  F. P. 
You speak at random, Good Sir. 'Tis not for the Subjects to censure the Actions of their Princes. What a confusion would there be, were any body allowed to call his Rulers to an account? To what purpose shall the Title of sovereign given one, if the Subjects will be meddling with the Government too?  The F. P. 
Tho' the Subjects have a hand in the Government, the Prince does not for that cease to be sovereign. Does the Head cease to be the chief part, tho every one of the other Members contributes to the preservation of the Body? Is a Father nevertheless the Head of his Family, because he alloweth some of his Children part of that power which was given him prudently to rule it? And is a Husband quiter deprived of his Authority, if his Wife carries any sway in the House? The most absolute Princes are still obliged to keep certain Laws, thô they do not by an express promise tie themselves to it. They cannot lawfully violate neither the Law of Nature, nor the Law of Nations, nor the Law of God. And when by solemn Treatises some have tied themselves to such or such a thing, must it be said that they cannot keep their promise without prejudice to their Authority or Honour? If it was so, sovereignty should then consist in doing good or evil indifferently. Which is a most false Doctrine, or else God himself could be no sovereign, since Evil can never come from him. If the Creator of the whole World is himself obliged to keep certain Laws, which he could never break if the thing was possible, without ceasing to be what he is; shall a Prince of the Earth, or rather a worm in comparison of the King of Kings, be allowed to violate all what is most Sacred; or if such a liberty is denied him, shall he justly complain, and say, That his Pleasure can admit of no bounds but he must cease to be sovereign? 'Tis said of the King of the Sabines, That he was a most absolute Prince, but notwithstanding his great Authority, if he should happen to go out of his Palace, they might lawfully cause him to be stoned:( For to show that no Power ought to be so absolute, but there be withal some exception). Which might be enough to justify our conduct concerning the late King. But more than that, Kings in England can make no Laws but together with their Parliament, nor abolish them but by the consent of the Members of that Noble Assembly. By this you see how to no purpose you made your distinction of Magistrates in public and private persons: They are public persons, said you, if we consider them comparatively with those who in the Nation are allowed no Function of Magistracy, but if they be considered comparatively with the King, they ought to be looked upon as private Men only. Those we speak of are no such Magistrates, whilst they meet they are always public persons without any limitation. You ought not to think of them as of ordinary and pitiful Sergeants in France, who receive the most unjust Orders without having a Right to let their Lords see the dangerous consequences of it.  F. P. 
Suppose that a King of England can make or abolish no Laws but by the consent—  The E. P. 
Suppose; You are to suppose nothing but what is questionable. Now—  F. P. 
You will give me leave at least to say, that if it be so, that the King can make no Laws without the consent of his Parliament, his Parliament can make none without the King's consent neither.  The E. P. 
No question of it; But what consequence do you draw from thence?  F. P. 
The consequence is plain, viz. That if both those Parties can act but when they are united together, it was not lawful for the Parliament to unthrone the King, since that is a thing he has never consented to; not saying besides, that the same Assembly which when meeting by the King's Authority is called Parliament, loses both its Names and privileges when the King comes to dislike it.  The E. P. 
A cunning Objection indeed; because the King or his Parliament can make or abolish Laws, but by a mutual agreement, 'twas not lawful for the Parliament to unthrone the King, since that is a thing he has never consented to. Sure enough that he never consented to it, nor would never have done it neither: But for to make you the better conceive the weakness of your argument, I'll propound you one grounded upon the same Principle. The King or the Parliament can make or abolish Laws but by a mutual agreement, 'twas not lawful therefore for the late King not to concur with his Parliament in the design of degrading him, or to pretend to be King any longer, since both such a Refusal and Claim are things the Parliament has not been willing to consent unto. If you do not like this argument, do not expect yours shall be accepted of. But to give you a sound and pertinent Reason; as you will be very willing to confess that, had the Parliament without the late King's consent undertook to set up new Laws, or to destroy the already established ones, it had been lawful for him to show his discontent; so you must grant that it was lawful for them that sat in Parliament to show their own discontent too, after they saw the late King break in such an authentic manner all the Laws of the Realm, and attempt to bring in such as had most infallibly destroyed the Peace both in Church and State. But the Assembly which thus declared against King James, had neither the Names nor privileges of Parliament. I answer, That the word Parliament expresses of itself nothing more than any other; use only makes it signify something else than the words of Council, Convention, Meeting, or Assembly. 'Tis not amongst us that secret virtues are thought to be in certain Names, Words, or Letters. As to the privileges you say were wanting to the Assembly, this argues nothing in your behalf; for if there is any privilege which may be said to have been wanting, yet they were not all wanting. The Law of Nature, the Law of Nations, the public Interest, Honour, Religion, &c. all this still continued in force, since those are things which are never last by prescription.  F. P. 
But tell me the plain truth, could your worthy Brethren who pretend to go for Christians of the first Rank, could they, I say, in behaving themselves as they did, boast of their obeying the Commandements of him whose Disciples they with so much affectation declare themselves to be?  The E. P. 
Truly, it becomes you very well; Reverend Father, to upbraid us with a false outward show; you, I say, that are Members of that famous Society, known all over the World by that great and specious Title, The Holy Society of Jesus. This must indeed be called affectation, and may be said to come from Men who pretend to go for Christians of the first Rank, tho' they show by their conduct and practise that they are rather any thing else than Christians indeed.  F. P. 
Leave off recriminating, and be pleased to tell me whether it was possible for the English lawfully to do what they have done, and at the same time obey so express Order as this, Mat. 5.39. I say unto you, that ye resist not evil: but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also. To which might be added many other passages, but Christ's reproof of St. Peter, Mat. 26.52, is somewhat so positive, that, I think, it should stop all those that are so apt to break out into Outrages. Then said Jesus unto him, Put up again thy sword into his place, for all they that take the sword, shall perish with the sword.  The E. P. 
Those passages at the first view are like to puzzle one, but being rightly understood there remains no difficulty: First, They ought not to be looked upon as Universal Commandments, so absolute as there be no exception, that bind Men of all Ranks, always, in all respects and upon all occasions: Otherwise Moses will be to blame, who, how meek soever he was, did notwithstanding cause, and often too, an infliction of severe punishments: The Eleven Tribes of Israel must be reproved, because they made War with the Tribe of Benjamin, which refused to give them the satisfaction they expected for the wicked action committed by those of Gibeah, towards a Levite's Concubine, Judges 20. It cannot be replied, that which was lawful under the Old Covenant be now forbidden under the New; for if it was so, what Opinion should we have of what said formerly St. Paul, 1 Cor. 4.21. Shall I come unto you with a rod? Could he ever be excused for having took upon him to deliver a man unto satan, as we red he did, Chapter the 5. and 9 verse of the same Epistle. Should the same Apostle, 13 Rom. 4. only to deceive us, have thus spoken, The Prince is the Minister of God to thee for good: if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain. Is it not of St. Paul again we red, Act. 23. who having heard how the Jews were lying in wait for him at Jerusalem, gave notice of it to the chief Captain of the Garrison, who gave him a strong Guard safely to wait on him to their governor Felix? Did we ever hear that he was against it, or that he went about to persuade either the Captain or the Soldiers, that upon no occasion God was willing that Men should resist force with force? This is however that great Apostle who after he had been once converted, would never that they which were appointed to instruct Christians, should let slip any opportunity of teaching them their Duty. Now shall we do him that wrong, as to think that he would have neglected to practise himself what he prescribed others; and that he that charged before God his Disciple Timothy, 2 Tim. 4.1, 2. To be instant in season, and out of season, to reprove, rebuk, exhort with all long-suffering, and doctrine: that such a one, I say, did choose to be silent, for fear he should have endangered his life, by declaring against the unlawfulness of the Guard which he had from the Captain Lysias? Other Examples might be brought in, but these are sufficient to show you, that the passages you have alleged do not contain so express Orders, as the Obedience unto them can never be dispensed with. God does indeed command us in his Word to love our Neighbour as ourselves, but we road no where that we be ordered to love him better than ourselves. And we do not see that if we should chance to be involved with others in the same danger, we be forbidden to mind our own safety before that of others. 'Tis plain therefore, that when the Lord pronounced these words, Do ye resist not evil: he did no more intend to bind us universally, and without any limitation, than when he said three verses after, Give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would borrow of thee, turn not thou away. Now, who has ever understood this last precept, as always, and in all respects obligatory? If it was, how could Men avoid the Apostles reproof, That if any provide not for his own, and especially for those of his own House, he hath denied the faith, and is worse then an infidel, 1 Tim. 5.8. And which is worthy to be taken notice of, when Christ orders us to give to him that asketh us: he addeth nothing for to make us apprehended that that Commandment may admit of any restriction; whereas his Commandment of Non-Resistance has in itself all the explication necessary, viz. The Example of the Box on the Ear; that is, that Commandment of not resisting evil, is obligatory only when the evil is such as by it we be not in great danger of out life, of the destruction of our persons, when it is but a small offence, and the Aggressor sheweth only that he sleights us, and by it, that shane only is brought upon us, which the World has foolishly stamped it with: After that Christ had pronounced these words, Do not resist evil, lest some would object him this old saying, One Mischief springs out of another, he that suffers an Injury, draws upon himself a new one; he addeth, That Men ought rather to bear a second affront, than to revenge the first: Whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also. No question but this is the right sense of our Saviour's words, for if it had been his design that Christians should suffer any thing, nothing at all being excepted, should he not have expressed himself in these or like words: Do ye never resist those who will offer you any Violence, let them  shed your own blood, or take away your own life, rather than to go about to defend yourselves. As to the order which Christ gave to St. Peter to put up again his sword in its place; I deny that our Saviour designed by that quiter to forbid the use of it. If Men will use it on purpose to satisfy their Anger, or to be revenged of their Enemies, this the Lord forbids: But if for to stand in his own defence, a Man is forced to draw his Sword, I deny that Christ disproves it. Otherwise it must be said, that Christ who was no less Enemy to Vanity than Violence, would have let his Disciples wear a Sword for Ornament only; for St. Peter was not the only one that wore a Sword. When the Lord  told them, that 'twas then the time, that for to buy a Sword, one was, to sell even his Garment, Luke 22.36. they answered him, Lord, behold, here are two swords. Now none but the Apostles were then with him. 'Tis a remarkable saying of Cicero: Gladios habere certè non liceret, si uti illis nullo pacto liceret: Swords should not be allowed, if it was not lawful for Men to make use of them. Why then shall you, perhaps, reply, did not Christ allow the use of the Sword both in the defence of himself, and of his Disciples? I say, that none of his Disciples needed to go about to defend himself, since Christ had thus spoken to the Band of Men, and Officers that came from the chief Priests and Pharisees: Let these go their way: that the saying might be fulfilled which he spake: Of them which thou gavest me have I lost none, John 18.8, 9. Christ would not have them fight in his own defence neither, because it was decreed by God from all Eternity, that thus he should die; wherefore in the same Chapter now quoted, at the eleventh Verse, ordering Peter to put up his Sword, he gives this reason of it: Put up thy sword into the sheathe, saith he: the cup which my father has given me, shall I not drink it? According to what he said, Matth. 26.52, &c. Put up again thy sword into its place: for all they that take the sword, shall perish with the sword. Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my father, and he shall give me more then ten legions of angels? But how then shall the Scripture be fulfilled, that thus it must be? As to what is added by Christ after he had ordered Peter to put up again his Sword into its place, viz. That all they that take the sword, shall perish with the sword. Some do thus understand it; or that 'twas a saying that passed into a Proverb, because of what commonly happened; that is, the blood of those was often  shed who  shed the others, and therefore the use of Weapons was never without danger. Others say, That by that saying ought to be understood, that we are not to rob God Almighty of his right, that of Revenge that is, which he shall take in due time. To which may be added, that the Lord foretold by those words, the exemplary punishment the bloodthirsty Jews were to be brought to by the Roman Sword.  
Out of all this may easily be had the Answer which is to be made to that passage, Mat. 5.44. Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you. Those are Duties which we are bound to perform, as long as there are no others which we must indispensably fulfil. Are the public Good, our Nation, and Religious Concerns in an evident danger, we are not at all to boggle at it, God's Glory ought to be preferred. Pray, what excuse would be this, if at the last day the Lord calling us to an account, and taxing us with the having neglected the promoting of his Glory, the preservation both of Peace in our Country, and of the sacred Truth he had in it trusted us with, we should answer him, Lord, did you not order us to love our Fnemies, to bless them that cursed us, to do good to them that hated us, and persecuted us? Do you think that the supreme Judge of the Universe would be so easily satisfied, and that such an excuse would keep us from going to Hell along with them, whose wicked Designs we had upon Earth basely refused to oppose?  F. L. C. 
A Huguenot never wants words, right or wrong, he always talks: You have now talked much, but yet not enough for to convince us. Should you undertake it, you should as soon persuade us, that upon certain occasions Men may lawfully rebel against God Almighty, as that there are such occasions in which Subjects may lawfully oppose their Kings.  The E. P. 
You have better then I the gift of persuading; for I believe well enough what you now said, since you make of your King a God upon Earth, and that with your abominable Flatteries you made him believe, that all the World was to yield unto him. But, whatever be your Opinion of it, ours is, That we ought to distinguish well betwixt God and the King. God is our Creator, and therefore the work of his hands ought not to control him. We could not choose him for to be our Creator, since he made us of nothing. We could not choose him for to be our governor, since he is so by his Right of Creation. But can the same be said of Kings? Certainly no; for the Regal Power was given them by the People. Now, can one that has still any sense left in him, say, That if at first People had been asked, whether they would bind themselves with their Oath to suffer any thing, Death itself, rather than upon any account whatsoever t●●ppose their Superious, they would have willingly answered, That they were with all their hearts ready to do it?  F. P. 
If you wonder at our saying, that upon any occasion whatsoever Men must rather choose to die than to take up Arms, I would have you know, that that is no human Law, but Divine, to which Men ought therefore to submit themselves, without arguing the least thing against it.  The E. P. 
We cannot however make choice of you for Examples of such a Submission. But to answer what you now said, we must observe, that 'twas not by any Special Order from God, that Men at first entered together into Society, but it has been an effect of their own choice; the danger they were continually in, and their unableness of opposing Violence made them think of the means of providing against their Enemies; hence proceeds the Civil Power, which is for that reason called by the Apostle, An ordinance of men, 1 Pet. 2.13. And if in another place it is called, An ordinance of God, 'tis because God has approved of the Conduct of Men in it, that had thus well provided for their own preservation.  F. P. 
Should all what you said agree with the Laws of Christianity, could the Prince and Princess accept in good Conscience of the Power you conferred upon them, and take upon themselves the Title of sovereigns, without showing in the least that they were somewhat unwilling so to do?  The E. P. 
What can either the King or the Queen be upbraided with? Who had a Right to Rule over us, but those that both by their Birth, and the miraculous Deliverance, of which God Almighty has been pleased to make them the Glorious Instruments, did deserve it? We red in the second and third Chapter of the Second Book of Samuel, that David conquered by the force of Arms the Kingdom of Israel, over which Ishbosheth, Saul's Son, had already Reigned two Years. Concerning which, two things are fit to be observed: 1. God did not disprove David's proceedings; on the contrary, he both caused them to prosper, and blessed the consequences which followed from thence. 2. 'Tis not said that Ishbosheth had by his wicked behaviour deserved the upbraidings of his People. Must it then be questioned but God has blessed what our King and Queen have done; And is there not good reason to hope, that he will cause all their generous Designs to prosper? And that by the hand of him he will save in other places, as in England he has already done, his people out of the hand of philistines, and out of the hand of all their Enemies?  
You may red in the Authors that writ upon this subject, That a King does forfeit his Right, when he goes against the Laws of the Nation; when he goes about to make away his Kingdom, and betray it to a foreigner; when he is transported with such a fury against his People, that he breaths nothing but the undoing of them. The Will of governing and destroying cannot both together agree; wherefore saith Grotius, He that sheweth himself an Enemy to all his People, does by that forfeit his Right, his Subjects may oppose the performance of his Designs? That they may do especially, when they themselves or the chief amongst them are appointed with the King to Rule the Nation. Now I make bold to ask you, if this was not out case in England? Did not the late King go against the Laws of the Nation, since he broken them for to set up new ones, good only for to help the Enemy to bring about their Designs? Did he not undertake to make his Kingdom away, and betray it to a foreigner, since besides all what is said of his Treaty with the King of France, 'tis certain and known of all, that he had resolved to bring us again into Bondage, and make us stoop under the Pope's Yoke? Was he not transported with such a fury against his People, that he breathed nothing but the Ruin of them, since perceiving that the execution of his wicked Design was not so easy as he at first thought, he was resolved either to compass it whatever it would cost him, or to cut off a People that refused to humour him in all things? Was then not this a Bosome-Enemy whom we might in good Conscience oppose, since not he alone, but we with him had share in the Government? Add unto all this the Cheat concerning the pretended Prince of Wales: How many wickednesses linking together in onely one Action? They hoped by that, that Popery should take root so deep, that of a long while we should not have been able to make head against it: but in the mean while with that Suppositious Child 'twas designed to disinherit the Lawful Issue. Now can any body find fault with it, if King William being urged by a persecuted People has undertook their Deliverance, the preservation of their Laws, and that of his own Right in particular? Which he has done with so much prudence and moderation, that his very Enemies cannot justly deny him their praises. How many are they that would have thought not to go the right way to work had they not secured the late King's person, following thus the Examples the History has left us, even of some that lived in England. But what happy Success of those politics soever, has been formerly, the King would not do as they did; he thought 'twas, better to follow the Example of David, who refused to lift up his hand against Saul's person.  F. P. 
You are always highly pleased with yourselves, but let's see your Answer to this: Could you without betraying your Conscience, dispense with your Oath of Allegiance to King James?  The E. P. 
I answer, first in general: That thô the King should be an Usurper, we should be bound in Conscience to obey him, since he has the Authority in his hand: And if he that is forced to yield, was really a Father to his Country, he would himself consent to such a compliance, rather than to persuade his Subjects to a resistance, of which nothing else could follow but an universal disorder, and perhaps the total ruin of the Country. The safety and the preservation of the whole body, is the greatest Law, saith an eminent Doctor of the Church of England,( Stillingfleet, in the Discourse against the Socinians). A Man should be looked upon as a Fool, that would cut off one of his Arms thô there should be in it no ailment at all; but if his Arm was gangreened, it should be an effect of his prudence to cause it to be readily severed from his Body, since there should be no other way left to avoid the danger. There is no Man of good sense but will confess, that had the late King's Reign continued, we should have been at last in a danger which it had been impossible for us to escape. People ought to own the Authority of him who is in possession of the Power; thus we see that formerly Christ ordered the Tribute to be paid to Caesar; Why? Because the Coin had Caesar's Image stamped upon it; that is, because Caesar was in possession of the Empire, Mat. 22.21.  
But, 2. Let the thing be considered more particularly; I say, after the same Author I now quoted, that a Man cannot be bound to a thing that is in his own nature unjust: An Oath ought not to be a Bond of Iniquity. Do you believe that when we took our Oath of Allegiance to the late King, we designed to promise Fidelity to a King that would certainly fail of his word, break the Laws, hate his People, and enter into an Alliance with a Neighbour the most eager, and the most cruel Persecutor under whom the Protestant Religion has ever suffered? quiter contrary, we thought of swearing Obedience to the Father of the People, to the Protector of the Laws, to the Defender of the true Faith, and to the terror of the Common Enemy. When therefore it has proved that he to whom the Oath had been taken had none of these Qualities, was nothing less than what he ought to have been, and we thought he was, has not then our Oath ceased to bind us any longer? It must certainly be granted, or it must be said, that we were bound in Conscience to consent to what is of most cruel, and most wicked; that we were to forsake God's own Interests, and make ourselves Slaves to the Passions of a Man; to violate all the Laws of Nature, and side with our greatest Enemies for to hasten on our own Ruin. 'Tis certain that we ought never to promote sin; and therefore I answer, 3. That as it had been an heinous Crime before God to take the Oath of Allegiance to King James, had he declared unto us, that he intended by that, to oblige us to help him to bring his Designs to pass; that is, that ourselves should be the Instruments of our own ruin, as well concerning our Spiritual as our Civil Advantages, that we should willingly submit ourselves to a base Slavery, that we should consent to the abrogation of Laws, the only support of our Liberty, and to the very rooting out of our Sacred Religion, the only cause of our Hopes; as it had been, I say, an enormous Crime before God, to take the Oath of Allegiance to King James upon such Conditions, should the Crime be less, if we should obstinately hold, that an Oath taken under Conditions quiter contrary is obligatory, without the performing of those Conditions, and ought to oblige us to be clearly against the Interest both of Church and Country? As we cannot know another Man's thoughts, there being none but God that be the Searcher of Hearts; the Oath we took to King James when he came to the Crown was lawful then, because far from letting us know of his wicked designs, he cloaked them with specious promises; but the same Oath became unlawful afterwards, because those designs were at last discovered; and therefore 'tis an Oath that not only may, but ought unavoidably be broken. God Almighty himself upon such occasion dispenses us with our Oath.  F. P. 
God dispenses you! If it is so, I have nothing more to say, you have sufficiently cleared yourselves; but to know whether God dispenses you with your Oath or no, is a great Question, did he dispense you also with the obeying him in the less things he required of you? Was it, for example, so great matter, only to red, as it had been ordered to be done in all Churches, his Majesty's most Gracious Declaration concerning the Liberty of Conscience?  The E. P. 
Would it be so prejudicial to your life, if yourself should cut your own head off? This is as reasonable a Question as that you made. Do you call it one of the least things which can be required, to desire that the Heads of a Church established by the Laws of the Nation, and to which the King was solemnly sworn a Defender; do you call this no great matter, I say, to desire that those Ecclesiastical Rulers, in order to obey upon such occasion a King that fails of his Word, become the chief and unlucky Instruments to pull that Church down? For 'twas no less than that which the reading of your most gracious Declaration, as you call it, aimed at. What Opinion would People have had of a Church whose Ministers had themselves declared, 'twas lawful to leave it? If they had been guilty of that base complacency, how many other cowardly and wicked Actions had they been desired to do? They had at last certainly been commanded to set up the Mass in the room of our Holy Communion, and as many as would have refused to be Criminals before God, the supreme governor of the Universe, had undoubtedly been looked upon as guilty of High-Treason. The late King took upon him to do any thing, without the Advice of them that were with him appointed to Rule over us. Thus formerly Moses spoken from the Lord to the People under his Government: When thou art come unto the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt possess it; and shalt dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a King over me, like as all the Nations that are about me: Thou shalt in any wise set him King over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose: One from among thy brethren shalt thou set King over thee: Thou mayest not set a stranger over thee, which is not thy brother. But he shall not multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses: forasmuch as the Lord has said unto you, Ye shall henceforth return no more that way, Deut. 17.14, &c. The late King, I dare say, thought nothing of his being concerned in this prohibition, since without the Parliaments consent he levied Men, for to cause by foul means the People to return into Egypt; for Egypt is indeed the figure of the Church of Rome, according to the famous Mr. Juriu's Observation.  F. P. 
To what purpose those Allusions? If a King transgresseth, he is accountable to God for it, but I deny that he be at any time obliged to clear himself before his Subjects.  The E. P. 
What could not deny one of those who made bold to publish in writing, that the King might in virtue of his Prerogatives, and even according to Church-of-England-Law, set up Popery, which may be seen in the conclusion of a Treatise whose Title is, A Vindication of the Proceedings of His Majesty's Ecclesiastical Commissioners against the Bishop of London, &c. Now who has ever heard of such an impudence? 'Tis just as if they should tell us, that the late King laughed both at us and God himself, when he swore he would defend the Church of England; For how can these things together agree, preserve and destroy? And here is no shift left how cunning soever you be: You cannot be allowed to say, that by the Church of England you do understand that which you are the Members of; for when the King took his Oath to defend the Church of England, he explained himself, and said, The Church of England as by Law Established.  F. P. 
Let him have never so much explained himself, you will get nothing by it neither. The King did, I think, by his open profession of the Roman Faith, sufficiently explain himself too. Do you believe that when he took your Oath of Allegiance he did not expect that you should be true to him in any thing that he should require of you, or that he intended to limit your Obedience in what he most earnestly desired?  The E. P. 
And do you believe that we that had sworn we should be true both to the Church and Country, as well as to the King, we intended to limit our Honesty in things wherein the preservation of both our Church and Country was concerned?  F. P. 
Should ye not have obeyed the King?  The E. P. 
Usque ad arras: I confess, that is as far as Conscience permits, and that we have done: But when they would have us pull down the Altar consecrated to the true God, where generally all the People in the Kingdom went up to offer their Sacrifices upon, for to set up another Dedicated to Idols, and to an infinite number of false Deities; our Conscience testifies to us that we might, as we have done, lawfully refuse our Obedience to such a Command. But say ye, you refused to do what the King did most earnestly desire; I grant it; but by such a denial we did forbear doing what the King of Kings forbade us to do. The Religion which the late King professed had not empowered him to require at our hands the destruction of our own, the breaking of our Laws, or the overthrowing of the sweetest and easiest Government upon Earth. 'Tis not as having such a Right that we owned him for our sovereign: We swore Obedience to him as to one only that mutually swore to us the preservation of all our Rights and privileges: If he framed by himself quiter contrary designs, 'twas unto us a thing altogether unknown; and I confess it fell out unluckily for him, that he had to do with Men so dull of apprehension. It had been better indeed that we had understood his Designs, because we had freed ourselves from a great deal of trouble, and saved him the grief of losing what he has lost. Had he not obtained his desire, no question but it had been a great grief to him; but however it's not a grief to be compared with the trouble he must needs be in, for to have been forced to yield to another the place he had sometime been in possession of: for I cannot believe that he ever was of his Royal Consort's Mind who did, as the Report goes, so earnestly desire to see herself a Queen, that should she have been sure not to continue so above two hours, she would have enjoyed a pleasure which seemed to her both inestimable and incredible. Non est tanti honoris excelsa tenuisse quanti moeroris est de excelsis corruisse.  F. P. 
Is this all you have to say against that unfortunate Queen?  The E. P. 
I'll be contented with that, there has been others enough who said more of her, holding for a certainty that her thirst after a Crown was not her only passion.  F. P. 
Should it be true all what those slandering persons do contrive, was it a sufficient reason to dispense you with the Oath you took to the King?  The E. P. 
A Witty Jest! Do you think that we intend to lay upon one the faults of his Wife: They were good and sound reasons which dispenses us with our Oath; 'tis God himself who has taught us what we were to do. You would fain have the late King dispense with the Oath we had taken both to God and our Country; Why will you not allow God Almighty to dispense with the Oath we took to a King who did all hi● endeavours to bring us under a foreign Power, who has left us in Confusion for to go and serve under the French King, for to help him to make us his Slaves. No Man is bound to what's impossible: I'll tell it once more, we had no less sworn we should defend the Laws and privileges of the Kingdom then the King's Person; and that King endeavouring to make voided those Laws and privileges, could we maintain them but in behaving ourselves as we did? When the subject matter of an Oath ceaseth, the Obligation also ceaseth. If a Promise confirmed by Oath, be grounded on a Condition, whereto it related, that Condition not being performed, makes the Promise voided; or if the Quality of the Person cease, the Oath sworn to that Person in relation to his Quality, doth cease also. Every Contract, though sworn, is to be understood with this reserved Condition, that matters continue in the same state. It would be tedious to relate all that learned Men have said upon that subject, and therefore applying this to our case, I say: Suppose that so many Men do unanimously promise to one amongst them, to serve him, and that he to whom the Promise is made does reciprocally swear that he will protect them, do you think that if instead of performing his Promise he attempts their ruin, they be not disengaged of their own promise? This is just the case between the late King and us. He has broken his word to us; instead of being the Protector of our Religion, and of our Laws, as he had taken his Oath so to be, he endeavoured to be the destroyer of both; instead of maintaining our Liberties, he attempted nothing but to bring us all into Bondage; instead of loving us tenderly, he was ready for to compass his wicked Designs, to deliver up our Lives to the mercy of those who do hearty wish they could imbrue their own hands in our blood. Did those that had the chief places in the Kingdom not approve of his Designs, they were forced to yield them to such as directly or indirectly, knowingly, or through ignorance, betrayed their own God and Country. Protestants were commanded to lay down their Arms, and Papists to take them up. Was a Parliament to meet, People were denied the Freedom to choose the Members of it. What was not attempted to set up Popery? That King who called himself our Protector, entred into a League with the French King, the most cruel of our Enemies. Some of the Peers of the Realm, most famous Bishops, most vigilant Shepherds of a poor frighted Flock, were dragged to Prison; And why? for having humbly desired that the King would be pleased to excuse them, forasmuch as they could not in Conscience consent neither to the Repealing of them Laws of which they were the Defenders, nor to the extirpation of that Church, of which they were the Ministers. All this was done by virtue of that pretended Arbitrary Power, which you have so often preached to us; that is, the late King might be allowed to be a forsworn Man, a Murderer, an Impious, an Extortioner, a Ravisher; he might lawfully, just as the Pope use to make of the Souls, make a Trade of his own Subjects, and deliver them up to him that bids most.  F. P. 
Truly that is a sine description!  The E. P. 
Such as you give us occasion to make it; but we had described that unfortunate King quiter otherwise, had he but minded one of his Name-sakes Sentences, viz. That the King is for the Commonwealth, and not the Common-wealth for the King.  F. P. 
You are then mighty well contented. The new King has found out the way to please you; your Conscience is troubled with no scruples at all, for what he has done to get the Crown.  The E. P. 
We ought to be contented indeed: 1. Because according to what I have already said, and as an eminent Man( Peter Martyr on Hom. 13.) did formerly declare it: We may not anxiously dispute by what Right or Wrong Princes have obtained their Power, but rather make it our business to obey the present Magistrates. But, 2. We are satisfied, and all true Protestants and good Christians ought to be so; because, as I did sufficiently show it, and as it's with great strength of Reason proved in several other Treatises upon that Subject; there was in the late change of Government, nothing done contrary to Justice and Equity.  F. P. 
'Twas a Noble Action, you must needs be proud of it.  The E. P. 
You should think it so, since you have been the chief Instruments in it: Indeed it pleases me when I think on't. You were Tools employed for the ruin of the State, and you proved really the Instruments of its safety: for as the Author of the Reflections on the late History of Passive Obedience has wittily observed; The Jesuits have practised their Power of Transubstantiating upon the late King's Person, and made him of a King to be No-king. And indeed it was your evil Counsels that took his Crown away. It always seemed to you, that he did not improve his Designs; you would never be contented till you had brought him to ruin, to such a pass, that he shall never be able to recover himself again.  F. P. 
How much then are you obliged to us?  The E. P. 
We do aclowledge 'tis you only we are obliged to; for doubtless, had ye not been in such hast, had your Conduct been something more politic, we had been in very great danger.  F. P. 
So that we provided for your safety.  The E. P. 
You are, contrary to your intent, the Instruments of our Deliverance; for he that maketh his angels spirits: and his ministers a flaming fire, Psal. 104.4. He that ruleth over all the kingdoms of the earth, in whose hand is power and might, so that none is able to withstand him, 2 Chron. 20.6. Has turned to our advantage all that the Devil and his Agents devised for our ruin: And in this we have an instance, That all things work together for good to them that love God, Rom. 8.27.  F. P. 
Did we not invite the Prince of O— over too?  The E. P. 
You were as well the cause of his coming, as if you had really sent to him about it. You have done in that contrary to your design, what you intended to do in the Reign of K. Charles the First. You have brought a conqueror in England.  F. P. 
A sad mischance therefore.  The E. P. 
You had ill luck indeed, and yet you do no less deserve death than Abner did deserve it, for having not kept his master more carefully, but slept when his spear and his cruse was taken from him, 1 Sam. 26.16.  F. P. 
You insult over us.  The E. P. 
I do not design it. I speak sincerely, what I say is true enough. And I am satisfied that should your Master cause all of you to be hanged for having so ill deserved of him, all good People would certainly commend him for it.  F. P. 
Such as ye are, that is, true lovers of Kings.  The E. P. 
That Title ought indeed to be given us, but you never deserved it; you, I say, that give Princes attendance for your own sake only; or rather you that make use of Princes in order only to execute your hellish Designs, and that make them away either by poisoning or murdering 'em, as soon as you think they will be against you, or prove unfit to serve your turn. Of this we have too many Examples recorded in History. 'Tis a thing to be wondered at, that whereas the horrid Murder of so many Princes should have opened the eyes of their Successors, it seems on the contrary, that by it their eyes were shut up, since that instead of abhorring those Locusts that came out of the bottonles pit to plague the Inhabitants of the Earth, they admit them into their Palaces, and trust them even with their own Lives, of which they have proved by a sad experience to be very ill Keepers. How zealous soever you pretended to be for the late King's Party, you never loved him entirely for his own sake. Can we better prove it, than by the bloody resolution you had taken, to make away with him, in case he should deny to have a hand in your Plot, as it is to be seen in a printed Relation of it.  F. P. 
Should we intend to get our panegyric done, 'twould be our best way to apply ourselves to you.  The E. P. 
My Talent don't lye much that way; the Author of the Provincial Letters had done it better than I. But I dare defy whomsoever undertakes it, to give a full Character of you; however he should have this advantage, that is, he might from such Originals make good Copies without running the hazard of being looked upon as a Flatterer. But shall I tell you what is thought by many? Not questioning but ye were the unlucky Instruments of King Charles the seconds Death, and seeing you be altogether addicted to the French King, they publish, that ye had also resolved to make away the late King, that during the Minority of a Child supposed to that purpose, the French King marrying the late Queen Mary, should be declared Regent, that is should become Master of the Kingdom, or rather the Tyrant, as he is already so in his own miserable Country. That was a way you thought infallible to extirpate heresy, as you are pleased to call the sacred Truth entertained amongst us. But God be praised that he has overthrown all your Designs, that he has prevented our ruin, in preserving us a glorious Prince to be our mighty Deliverer. All your hopes are vanished away: Yourselves are fallen into the snares you had laid for us. Being resolved by you to root out Christianity from amongst us, and not doubting in the least but you should bring it to pass, ye have happily given us occasion to destroy Idolatry. You thought yourselves so sure of the success of your hellish Plots, that your insolence had no bounds. Was it any thing more common than your Insults? We were just ready to cast up, ye said; that is, to leave the Church the benefice we had robbed her of. If we were a building up again our Cathedral of London, 'twas but for to say Mass in it; if—  F. P. 
We said nothing but we say the same still; we are not brought so low as you think. Yes, yes, we shall say Mass in St. Paul's; it cannot yet be built so soon, and we hope that before it is ready, great many things will happen.  The E. P. 
We hope it so too, but to our advantage. And we do not question, but that if we improve those Favours which God Almighty has been pleased to bestow on us, we shall then have the satisfaction to see our Sacred Religion professed in many places that now are the Seat of Idolatry.  F. P. 
You promise much to yourselves, but your hopes are grounded upon weak Reasons. Ye have not set your Foot upon so sure ground, but it is possible for us to pull you down.  The E. P. 
It is altogether impossible, except the Pope should do a Miracle: But 'tis a great while ago since the Popes have done any, as it's confessed by a famous Doctor of your Communion. Patin.  F. P. 
I see well enough you believe that we are quiter spent, that from henceforth we shall want both Counsel and Means, and be never able to plague you again; but—  The E. P. 
The Jesuits, I confess, went always for subtle Politicians, hence it is that the Author now spoken of, speaking of a Proctor-General of the Jesuits, who endeavouring to run away with their Money, was discovered and arrested, said, That that poor Man had the Devil in him, thus to go about to catch the Jesuits: But if the same Author was still alive, what amazement should be his, seeing that in England we have been to hard for ' em?  F. P. 
He that misses his aim once, may hit it the second time; mean while the preservation of what you call Religion and Liberties will cost you dear.  The E. P. 
Is it not better to spare for their preservation what we had certainly lost by their destruction? I know that ye do maliciously give out, that great Taxes will be raised, by which many will be impoverished; but there is no Man of good Sense but will be persuaded, that there is no right English-man that thinks himself impoverished by giving the Sum he shall be desired to pay, but on the contrary he will readily give it. And indeed is not any thing willingly to be partend with, to keep us both from stooping under the Yoke of Rome, and groaning under the Tyranny of France? The Taxes that are raised, are they so very high? Truly much less than those we had to pay, if we were brought to be Slaves either to the Pope, or to a Prince of an Arbitrary Power.  F. P. 
Your Affairs have had a happy success, I wonder how every-body do not praise you.  The E. P. 
All good People do commend us.  F. P. 
Give me leave not to be one of ' m.  The E. P. 
I'll willingly grant it; and since you are a going, I go the right way to my Lodging too.   

The Third DIALOGUE, betwixt F. L. C. and a Fr. Pr.  F: L. C. 
IT has been impossible for me to have a share in the Conversation; the good Father and his English Huguenot did all the while carry it on with so much heat, that none but them could talk.  The Fr. Pr. 
They had in hand a large subject, they might still be longer about it. However, I took pleasure in hearing of 'em, and I wonder at your being so melancholy.  F. L. C. 
I have good reason to be so, and my grief could hardly been expressed.  The Fr. Pr. 
How so? What's the matter? Is the King weary on you? Has any other tripped up your Heels? Or, as the French poet has it, have they by an Edict reformed the kitchen, &c.  F. L. C. 
Nothing of all this; I am grieved only, because during the Gentlemens whole Conversation, I red in your eyes what passed in your heart. I observed with what applause you entertained what the Huguenot said, and see by that, that since you are so well pleased with what passed in England, you could wish well enough they would do the same in France.  The Fr. Pr. 
The usage we found in it might it seems, without crime make us wish it was so. But God Almighty don't want to advised; he will do Justice in due time, and when he shall think it fit, he will free the Christians from the Scourge he has chastised them with, ever since above forty Years.  F. L. C. 
The King is too good, he should have made the French Huguenots smart for the Injuries done to the Roman catholics in England.  The Fr. Pr. 
I don't understand your meaning. The King should have taken Vengeance of the poor Protestants in France, for the prudent Conduct of their Brethren in England, who have prevented the Ruin which he had caused the Papists to contrive. An admirable Reason truly: Some are Criminals for not being tractable enough to let the Enemy cut their Throat; and others ought to die for not having broken their Chains, and made way through the Souldiers that kept them, for to hasten the destruction of their own Brethren.  F. L. C. 
We should have given no more Quarter in France, than they did in England.  The Fr. Pr. 
Would to God we had been as kindly used. Are not the Papists to be much pitied in England, they, I say, who notwithstanding their wicked behaviour in the Nation, continue in peace and liberty as well as the Protestants themselves. But thô we had in England been severe upon 'em; far from being that that severity should be exceeded, the same severity, much less a greater, should not be used upon the Protestants in France; and that for many Reasons: 1. Because the poor Protestants did never, nor do still contrive Plots against the Government: They have indeed always endeavoured to bring the Gain-sayers over to their Communion, but they have always used spiritual Arms, their Converters were never Dragoons, on the contrary Dragoons were often their converted. They have not therefore in France the Fundamental Reason of severity against the Protestants, which the Protestants have too often had against the Papists in England. There is danger in abusing the Innocents. 2. The same severity should not be used in France, since the Protestants far from being the bane of the Nation, as their Enemies would have People believe it, they have always given singular marks of their zeal for it, having often done very great Offices, of which the preservation of the Crown to the King now reigning is an example remarkable enough; there was always some just Men amongst them that hindered the destroying of that Sodom, which is now undoubtedly in great danger, since God's Angels pulled out of it both Lot and his Family. If it is no small piece of injustice in a Kingdom to abuse Innocents, what a ridiculous Conduct is it to persecute those that are as the chief support of it. 3. Besides those two Reasons of worldly Interests, there is this Evangelical one, the retribution of Evil for Evil without a just cause is unreasonable. Shall you reply that Vengeance is a sufficient cause? No, not according to the Rules of Christianity. If Christians may sometimes, and justly, return like for like, I mean punish Criminals, 'tis not for to satisfy their own anger, but both for to maintain God's own right, and preserve the peace of the Common-wealth. Doctrines really put into practise among us; all the World can witness it, since all the World knoweth with what Cruelties France has used the Protestants born and bread up in her bosom; and that nevertheless England, Holland, and all other Protestant Countries, far from giving two-fold to that wicked Nation, have still let the Papists that were found amongst them, enjoy the same privileges which they themselves enjoy. They would make no use of that damnable Jesuits maxim, that in point of Religion we must destroy those that are of a contrary Opinion. And this ought not to be slightly regarded, for if the Protestants did not thus behave themselves towards Papists, nothing could keep them from it, but the motives of their Sacred Religion. Let it not be said that they dreaded the power of Great Lewis; that power how formidable soever it be, would find it hard to overthrow the Designs of the Protestants in other Countries, if they should frame such ones as the Papists in France use to do— Let it be granted therefore that nothing but their Religion can hinder 'em: which must needs cause any impartial Man to be prepossessed in behalf of the same, since that is exactly to follow the Evangelical precept, To do good to those that persecute us. They were not Insensibles neither, for when they saw so many competent Witnesses of our Enemies barbarity, they shew'd themselves concerned for the affliction of their Brethren, after such a manner as all the World knew of, and for which, should we live never so long, we can never be thankful enough.  F. L. C. 
How came it then, since you are so meek and godly Men, that in England they have but lately put out of his Throne a King, for the fear only they stood in that he would persecute ' em?  The Fr. Pr. 
This is a thing as to which you ought to be fully satisfied by the Dialogues betwixt F. P. and the English Protestant. If the Reasons brought in our behalf are quiter out of your mind, they are in writing, you may red them; and if you will take the trouble of it, you shall find, that some think more than the only fear of a future misery has caused the English to do what they have done. 'Tis not Revenge, but the public good and universal interest of the Nation that did stir up their Courage. They knew how to keep the Sacred Treasure God Almighty had committed to their Trust.  F. L. C. 
We shall see whether they shall be able to keep it long, now they have Great Lewis to make head against.  The Fr. Pr. 
You think to terrify 'em by threatening them only with the wrath of your King. I would have you know, that you are grossly mistaken. They scorn your threatenings. They are not such as be so easily frighted. No panic fear can be found in ' em. I should think your King a happy Man, if the bare Title of Great should be as a Bugbear to scar out of his Territories both the English and their Confederates. But far being ever able to keep them at a distance by that Name, 'tis on the contrary that very Name which shall certainly draw them on his back. 'Tis because he is Great Usurper of other Mens rights, Great murderer, Great Incendiary, &c. That Christian Princes join together to bring at last, by the blessing of God, that Scourge of Christianity to an exemplary punishment.  F. L. C. 
Anger blinds you. The King is a mighty King, he shall certainly force his Enemies to yield themselves to his Mercy.  The Fr. Pr. 
Passion do not blind me, I see things as they are. God beareth with the wicked Man for a while, but he never let him go unpunished. It seems, I confess, that during almost the whole Reign of Lewis the Fourteenth, all the Princes in Europe, those of the House of Nassau being only excupted, were butted in a certain security that permitted any thing to their Enemy; as if they had been glad to let him grow rich in preying upon 'em, and that by their carelessness they had designed to give him a fair opportunity of becoming Greater and Greater. But at last they have opened their eyes, and observing the proceeding of a Prince who aimed at nothing less than their destruction, they do with one accord rise for to prevent it. They follow with a happy success an Example which it seems could never stir 'em till now, I mean that of their Predecessors, who, when the House of Austria aimed at the Universal Monarchy, rose up against it, and entred into a League for to overthrow those Grand Designs.  F. L. C. 
All them Leagues will be to no other purpose, but to make Harvest of Laurels for to Crown with 'em the Head of our glorious conqueror.  The Fr. Pr. 
That is a very tumid style, but being well reflected upon, 'tis no more then empty wind. It has been easy for your King to be a conqueror, when all the World did suffer him to do any thing; but now that Men are less Complacents let him take heed, that instead of making him a Harvest of Laurels, they take not off from his Head them he was vainly crowned with. He has took Towns when some by the cheat of Traytors, who had put in them but a weak Garrison, were not in a Condition of Defence; or, when the Louïs d'or, the Golden Engine, with specious promises rendered the Arms useless in the hands of those that had been trusted with the keeping of others. Don't your King therefore deserve well the Title of conqueror? I'll refer myself to him: If in all the places which he has taken, he had found no more Traytors for to further his Attempts than he got in London-Derry, his Conquests had been very scarce. Two things should put him into a great confusion, the raising of the Siege of London-Derry, and the taking of Mentz, and Bonne. He sends an Army under the Command of many of his best Officers, before a small Town of little or no strength, whose Inhabitants( thô of no experience, and headed by one that had spent more time in his Study than in the Field) make so frequent Sallies, that they do tyre their Enemies, and lessen very much the Number of 'em, granting to a great many Officers the favour of dying in the Bed of Honour. That was a happy success indeed, which deserves not to be run over without making this reflection upon it: that since the French King, notwithstanding all the Forces he had in Ireland, with those of the late King, was forced to raise the Siege of London Derry, it is a thing which ought to be looked upon as a Miracle, or it must be granted, that the Towns by the taking of which Lewis the Fourteenth pretends to have made himself so famous, were certainly betrayed. The other thing which should cloath him with shane and confusion, is the Reduction of Mentz and Bonne.  F. L. C. 
The Fortune of War is uncertain; however, I do not see that the Confederates have so much reason to talk of the late Campaign. They have taken two Towns, but they paid dear enough for 'em; that is, it did cost them dear to recover what they had formerly lost, and enter again into possession of their own. What vast Charges did they put themselves to for that inconsiderable Expedition? How many good Souldiers lost their lives? How many Towns burned to ashes? If they do consider well what they lost by the taking of those two places, they shall see that the benefit they got this Campaign is but small. Had they restend themselves it had been better, than to talk so much, and do so little. All things succeeded to the Glory of France, the King is Solus contra omnes, he stands alone against all, and yet he is still too hard for 'em: His Fleet has beaten out of the Sea two Armies which they thought invincible. Tho' it concerned the Enemies to have hindered it; we have sent over into Ireland the Relief we had resolved to help King James with. If they have taken a Ship of ours, we took ten of theirs, and many think that our Prizes will be sufficient to pay the Charges of the War.  The Fr. Pr. 
You are always pleased, and think yourselves to be those only whom Fortune smiles upon; it seems however that she begins not to use you very kindly. The Confederates have got more by the late Campaign, than you would have People believe they did. In a great enterprise, if you do but begin well, you may easily go on; Dimidium facti qui benè coepit habet. Christian Princes are joined in a League; 'tis a great matter, which perhaps may prove a mortal blow to great Lewis. It will be hard for him to put this Thorn out of his Foot. The English lion is no more a-sleep, he has begun to roar. It had better to be quiet, you say, but, thô nothing had been undertaken by the Confederates, should things be in a better case than now they are? Let the War not be the pretence of your King's Cruelties. We know by too many sad Examples, that for to satisfy both his Ambition and Rage, any time is good for him; Peace, Truce, Treaties, mutual Promises, Oaths, Alliances, Relations, nothing can put a stop to his Fury when he has found any pretence to do mischief, without being himself exposed to any danger. He is like a wild Beast, or mad Dog that falls upon them that be not ware of him. It was therefore much better to oppose such a Man, than to stand in an idle posture, since tho' it's true he has done a great deal of mischief, which we willingly grant him because he takes a pride in it, he would have done much more again, if Christian Princes had not risen against him. And besides, it's to be hoped, that they shall bring him to such terms as he shall never be able to plague us again. All things succeeded to the glory of France, the King stands alone against all: I do not apprehended what a glorious thing it was for him to let the Confederates take from him what he had bought with ready Money, going thus backward instead of going forward, yielding his place to an Enemy after having been so long in possession of it. I cannot imagine neither, that it is a Noble Action to court the Pope, after having used him with the greatest contempt, to recant after having obstinately contended with him. But perhaps 'tis because the poor Man stands alone against all that he thus submits to the Pope; for to draw him to his side, not questioning but he will be a Father good enough to forgive his Rebellious Son his faults. But if that was his design, let him boast no more of his standing alone against all; for 'tis a sign he don't think himself strong enough to stand it out, since he looks for succour after a manner so unworthy of a Prince that has any generosity in him; I mean that he beggeth the Pope's pardon, like a servile Man, after having carried himself most arrogantly. Besides, it is not true that he stands alone against all; for he has entred into an Alliance with such whose Forces being joined with his own, exceed much in number those of the Confederates. That Most Christian King has the Honour to have to his Friends both Thieves and Infidels. He has joined in a League with Scelerates, and pirates, against the Christian Princes; Was not this a Glorious Action? His Fleet you say has beaten out of the Sea two Armies which were thought invincible. That may be said to triumph easily. True or no, 'tis soon uttered. It seems that after that, no-body ought to question it, tho' it be never so false. And yet there is but few that will believe it upon your word. Every body knows that the English Fleet alone has often challenged yours to fight, showing itself at the very mouth of your Harbours. If afterwards both the English and Dutch Fleet made their retreat, 'twas not to secure themselves from the thundering and Lightning of your Cannon, but from a more dreadful storm than that you could ever have threatened them with. And if after both those Fleets have been in their own Harbours, yours was put out to Sea, is it not a pretty device of you to say, that upon your account the Enemies put themselves to flight? As to the Relief you have sent over into Ireland, is it so great a thing to be wondered at? You had to watch only the opportunity of a favourable Wind, the passage is but narrow, and it was free enough, our Fleet not being there for to oppose it, and having where they went none of ours ready to keep them from Landing. But 'twas nothing near so easy for General Kirk to succour London-Derry, 'tis only by his Valour that he could compass it. The passage shut up, and the bank edged with musketeers, have proved to be of no other use than that of rendering his Expedition the more glorious. As for your Prizes you may well expect the end of the War to boast of ' em.  F. L. C. 
I would advice you also to stay till the War is ended, to boast of your having subdued both Ireland and Scotland; for there is still work enough for you in both those Countries.  The Fr. Pr. 
In Scotland there is but few Night-birds amongst the Hills, that dare hardly come out. As to Ireland those that are of the late King's side are already so tired, that there is no question but they will lay down their Arms, as soon as his Grace the Duke Schomberg, shall, with the Forces he expects, be able to give them Battle.  F. L. C. 
Let him expect as many Men as he will, K. James shall always have ten to one.  The Fr. Pr. 
He wants as many at least to oppose us.  F. L. C. 
He does not put his trust in the great Number of Men, but in the Justice of his Cause, and in his own Valour.  The Fr. Pr. 
According to what one  told him at Ch—, That he would no more recede from his Promise, than he would fly from an Enemy in the Field.  F. L. C. 
Well, what do you conclude from thence?  The Fr. Pr. 
Nothing, but that the Speech maker spoken very true, and that the experience has made it appear, that he knew the late King very well. For truly, did not that Prince give us Examples both of his sincerity by the Designs he had framed, and of his Valour by that famous Expedition in Salisbury Plain?  F. L. C. 
Leave off abusing him; he has a Friend that will not fail him.  The Fr. Pr. 
The French King is his right-hand I know, but he begins to be pretty well tired, as well as the Irish: And besides, he has already laid out so much Money, and lost so many good Officers, that it is but little encouragement for him to go on. He had better leave off, than to be obstinately the ruin of himself.  F. L. C. 
The King should leave off, you have a very mean esteem for so great a King.  The Fr. Pr. 
When one finds that he cannot compass what he had undertaken, it is prudence in him to desist from 〈◇〉 And if the French King does thus behave himself, he ought not to be undervalued for it.  F. L. C. 
I would have you to know that he designeth no such thing, he takes such Resolutions as are more worthy of his Noble Soul.  The Fr. Pr. 
What are his Resolutions? To possess himself of the three Kingdoms? I know that such a purchase could agree with him very well; and that if it had been possible for him to bring the Three Kingdoms under his Obedience, he would have given out of them but a small portion to the degraded King. But he sees that his business is not very likely to take effect: By what has heretofore been done, he cannot promise himself a very happy success for the time to come. And besides, the People are not very much inclined towards receiving such a Prince for their Master. They know well enough that Lewis the Fourteenth could never enter their Country, but in bringing both ruin and desolation along with him. Immoderate Taxes, severe Customs, public Extortions, the contempt and bringing down of the Noble-men, should undoubtedly be the Tokens of his kindness, and the tender testimonies of his love.  F. L. C. 
You would have us believe that you are well informed. Have you been in the King's Closet for to know his Designs? Be persuaded that he can frame none but such as are worthy of a great King, and that if he was rewarded according to his deserts, he should have no less than the Dominion of the Universe.  The Fr. Pr. 
You express yourself nobly, that only word which fills up your mouth, should be rewarded with an Abbey of Twenty thousand pounds a Year. But it is to be feared that Fortune is grown deaf, and that your Prayers to that Goddess avail you nothing, that being contented with the kindness she has already done Great Lewis, she will think it convenient to leave the Government of the World to whom she has given it, fancying that things will probably go full as well. And it may happen, that if she sees herself, rudely tempted by that ambitious King, instead of raising him, she will indeed humble him, and cause him to repent of his bold and unjust attempts.  F. L. C. 
The King is afraid of nothing. Whatever happens, he shall always let the World know, that it's upon good account that he stiles himself, The Protector of the distressed Princes. And the K—  The Fr. Pr. 
The Protector of the distressed Princes! One must be stocked with a Jesuitical Impudence to talk thus, and not blushy for shane. I am confident that yourself do not believe what you say; you are too well acquainted with the most private thoughts of Lewis, not to have observed in his heart, that the great affection he pretends to have for the late King, is but counterfeit; that he has no regard at all for his person; and that if he espouse his Quarrel, 'tis not out of mere kindness; nothing but self-interest can prevail with him. If the same self-interest should now require, that he should no more harken to the late King, the poor Man would, I doubt, find no better usage than he did, when your Master shewed so little respect to the Princes and Princesses of England, that he turned them out of his Kingdom, which those poor exiled had thought to be their place of Resuge. Was he then the Protector of the distressed? Did he not deserve well that Title, when he supplied cronwell with a considerable Sum of Money to maintain the War he made against Charles the First his Master? How could a King that has laid aside all good Nature be moved to pity? Cease therefore to style Lewis the Fourteenth, the Protector of Princes: The Title of Persecutor would be much more proper, and the Epithet of Great would come in very well.  F. L. C. 
The King is no Persecutor of Princes: But respect does never put a stop to your boldness; you always take the freedom to say any thing.  The Fr. Pr. 
He is no less Persecutor of Princes than he has been of his own Subjects. No-body could ever escape him; his Rage reached even to the Holy Sea: Altho' he is the Eldest Son of the Church, he has persecuted the very Pope himself. The matter is well known: he has not dealt more justly by the Roman catholics, than he has by the Huguenots.  F. L. C. 
The King has persecuted No body; but you call things by what Names you please. If that Great Prince knows how to maintain his own Interests; if in his Kingdom he uses a moderate severity to convert the heretics, you call that Christian Conduct by the odious Name of Persecution, giving the same Name to the prudent ways he puts into practise, for to bring to reasonable terms those that gave him any cause of complaint.  The Fr. Pr. 
It concerns you to excuse him, since 'tis you that sat him at work. He is but an Engine, and you are the Wheels of it. Princes should do themselves a very good turn, if, none being excepted, they should banish all the Jesuits out of their Dominions. But who can without conceiving an indignation against you, hear you talk thus? Whosoever denies that the French King is a Persecutor, has no less impudence than he who would deny the Sun its light. Do you call prudent ways of bringing to reasonable terms those that gave Great Lewis any cause of complaint, to destroy and utterly ruin those that are not at all concerned in it it? Christian Conduct and prudent Policy to make certain Princes believe, that they keep our Estate from us, to the end that we may then have a right to make them give us what was never our own, or by a lawful and moderate Revenge to demolish and ●aze to the very ground the stateliest and wealthiest of their Towns! Was it a moderate severity to make use against a poor guiltless People in the Kingdom, of all what the Devils in Hell could ever have found out? Those that didn't die upon a Scaffold were a thousand times more barbarously used; for( not speaking of those torments heretofore unheard, as if the Devil was now worse than formerly) by that involuntary consent which you forced upon them, you have put in their bosom an Executioner that does continually rack them. There is no sharper pain than that which is inflicted upon us by a Conscience convicted of having sinned against the light of its own knowledge. Whatever therefore you can do to justify your King you will lose your labour, since you bring no proofs at all, and that you are not looked upon in the World for Men of such an exemplary goodness, that your bare word ought to be taken for. But for us, how many thousand witnesses can we produce of the Crimes we charge your King with. Princes deprived of their Estates, People distressed, Towns burnt down, Countries laid wast, Virgins abused, thousands of Christians reduced to beggary, the Blood of his own Subjects, or the Prisons, Dungeons, Galleys, in a word, all manner of torments, both the ancient and new World are authentic and credible proofs of this truth, That Lewis the Fourteenth is the most cruel of all Persecutors. Would God give him a penitent heart, least so many sad Objects of his Fury, after having cried for Vengeance in this World, be in the World to come the merciless Harpies to torture him without any intermission of time, during all Eternity. Should the tender Mercies of God come upon him who is unmerciful?  F. L. C. 
The King don't want your Prayers: God will not hear heretics. You are very saucy to speak of the greatest of all Kings, as of a Malefactor that ought to be dragged to the Scaffold.  The Fr. Pr. 
According to the Doctrine of your own Councils, he deserves to be burnt alive, since he would take upon himself to give Laws to his Holiness, to which all People, Princes, and Kings owe an unlimited obedience. Far from being a pious and obedient Son, as, notwithstanding his Rebellion and Wickedness, he would have us believe it, he is a gain-saying and unnatural Son, who with a brazen-face abuses the Holy Father in his Honour, Authority, Behaviour; who incroaches upon his Right, who robs him, plunders him, and deprives him of his Estate, So that if such a dangerous Rebel goes unpunished, it is to be feared, that he will do that which every body shall as much wonder at, as they did when the Council was declared to be above the Pope; that is, that he will enjoy his Clergy, which he is pleased to call the Gallican Church, to declare him to be both above Pope and Council, since he makes bold to determine things this were only under Jurisdiction of either of them.  F. L. C: 
Could the Devil be set in darker Colours? Slanderers, that use the Eldest Son of the Church as if he was her greatest Enemy. Is his Conduct answerable to what you would have People think of him? The pains he took for so many Convelsions; and the great Sums of Money they stand him in, are they signs he has not for the Church the respect he should have, or that he is not zealous at all?  The Fr. Pr. 
Do not brag so much of your pretended Conversions; don't talk to us at that rate. Who do you think to have to do withal? We know his mind better. 'Twas not for the sake of Religion that he did such things. The rooting out of heresy was but a pretence; 'twas a decoy for the Roman catholic Princes. For, because by his doing so, France is grown weaker and weaker, he would fain persuade others to do so too; but none besides the Duke of Savoy followed his Example, because he could not well keep himself from it. The others did scorn this Advice, and his under-hand dealing in England are all, as you see, come to nothing. There are some witty and cunning States-men, but God does disappoint the wise and prudent. It will happen at last that what Lowis the Fourteenth had contrived against the foreign Princes, will turn to his own ruin▪ He thought they would all strive who should be the most successful Extirpater of heresy, and that he should Fall upon em, when they minding only that grand design, should no longer stand upon their Guards. But the poor Man sees now, that parting with the Huguenots he has himself our off his right hand. The Allies do happily improve the opportunity, and sand even against him those whom he was not willing to keep for his own safety.  F. L. C. 
It grieves the King very much to see, that after all the pains he has taken to put an end to all Controversies amongst the Christian Princes, and after be had, it seemed, brought his good design about, those Princes conspire together against him, and do thus requited with a shameful piece of ingratitude the Services he had generously done em.  The Fr. Pr. 
You put me in mind of those almanacs in which the Great Lewis was to be seen granting peace to Europe. Had he been drawn setting all Europe on and, the Picture had been more like him. We have both seen and felt that which is quiter contrary to what you fay. You speak of your King, as if he had been an absolute Prince over the rest, and as if gratifying his own Enemies they had been too happy to accept peace of him, upon such Conditions as he was pleased to let them have it. Who does not see how much pride and falsehood there is in it? Lewis was so far from letting willingly, and our of mere mercy his Enemies have peace, that they forced him to beg it of them himself. It is true that after it, he has in time of peace plundered, sacked, burnt, invaded his Neighbours Countries, &c. But was this his way of maintaining peace? Did he by that deserve those fine Pictures, where he was drawn granting Peace to Europe? However this advantage came from it, that People will no more, we hope, carelessly rely neither upon a Peace made with France, nor upon her deceitful Promises, Do not Lewis the Fourteenth show his great inclination to Peace, he who cannot endure it in his own Kingdom, he whose part of his delight does consist in tyrannizing over his Subjects? for all do suffer in France from the low Hyssop to the Cedar-Tree, from Men of less Note to those of best quality. They are all under sufferings, and seem to gape only after a Deliverer.  F. L. C. 
How came you to be so well informed? You could willingly wish a general Revolt in France.  The Fr. Pr. 
They might in that Kingdom, by so many Oppressions, be easily inclined to it. And who knows whether such a thing shall not happen er'e it be long, whether those poor Sufferers shall not call for help to the common Deliverer to be by him at last ordained from their Slavery, and secured from a total ruin. If Great William has been like a Second Joshua that caused the Sun of France to stand still, we have reason enough to hope that so good a King will also prove to be a Second Moses to bring the People out of that Land of Egypt, of that true House of Bondage.  F. L. C. 
Things shan't go as you think, the King is of an undaunted Courage.  The Fr. Pr. 
No doubt but he sets a good face on a bad matter; however the truth is, that he is almost undone. It has been to him a Pill grievous bitter, and of a very hard digestion, when he has seen the Prince of Orange made King of England. His little Cousin of Nassau, as he used to call him, is now a great King, that gives him no small cause of jealousy. If William the Third when he was but Prince of Orange, was yet the only one the French King was afraid of, what a dread must needs seize upon his Spirits now, that he sees him at the head of a courageous People that could never abide Tyrants, and now burns with impatience to land in France? If the only thoughts of Princess Mary's Succession to the Crown of England made him so deadly afraid, that very often he had no need to take any Pills to purge himself, what fear must he be in now he sees that great and virtuous Princes raised to the Throne. How shall he be able to withstand a Prince that is as great a Politician as a valiant soldier? How shall he secure himself from the Thunder that has already begun to make a dreadful noise, and is just ready to fall?  F. L. C. 
The more difficult the case proves, the greater shall be the glory of over coming it. However you talk as you please, I do not question but you are ill minded, but I hope your ill Designs will take no e●●ect. France will never be afraid of England.  The Fr. Pr. 
France has no reason to slight England, this has sometimes proved fatal enough to the other: And if since that time things were so much altered, that one reflecting upon the conduct of England in the late Years, compares it to an ox which not knowing his own strength suffers himself to be put to the Yoke; that con parison is not seasonable now. England knows now what she can and what she must do. Nothing could happen better for Europe than this late Revolution, which letting England know her true Interest, leave no longer to France the liberty to do what she pleases: for it is certain that England can more successfully than any other Country, oppose the Designs of France, and secure all Princes in Europe from the heavy Fetters they were by an ambitious King most arrogantly threatened with  F. L. C. 
The King's Designs were never well known, and 'tis a very strange thing that the propagation of the Faith, towards which he had so happy a success, has proved to be the Apple of Discord, that caused to rise against him Princes that should rather have admired him.  The Fr. Pr. 
It fell out unluckily.— Ingratitude is a common 'vice, Princes may be guilty of it, as well as other Men; yet I dare assure you, that those you complain of, think themselves none of them, as to what concerns Great Lewis, they are satisfied that the propagation of the Faith was not the end he proposed to himself. There are oven some who make bold to say, that the propagation of his Tyranny was rather the thing he aimed at, and was resolved to attain unto; the Christian Religion[ which did for some time run the hazard of yielding to the Alchoran, in some parts of Europe] being not able to make him give over his ambitious designs. And indeed can one well think otherwise of him, after we have seen him proving false to the Christians, make an Alliance with the Infidels, and that whilst all Christendom sung Te Deum, for the glorious Victory that caused the Siege of Vienna to be raised, he forbade his Clergy to give any Thanks to God Almighty for it, upon pain of his wrath. Noble Conduct and well worthy of the Most Christian King!  F. L. C. 
If the King has joined with the Turk, his design was not to establish the Alchoran upon the ruins of the Christian Faith, but to bring the sooner to reasonable terms, those who instead of joining with him to propagate the Faith, seemed on the contrary to be willing to oppose that pious design, since they did arrogantly rise against him who was so powerful an Instrument of it.  The Fr. Pr. 
They are to blame indeed, and will be more still, if they don't aclowledge their error, and do at last admire away, till now, unknown for the promoting of Christianity, that is the Honourable Alliance of the Most Christian King, with the Emperour of Constantinople. Could any thing better be contrived for the true Interest of the Faith?  F. L. C. 
Thô it seems a strange way to you, the King might nevertheless have used it to some purpose.  The Fr. Pr. 
We know well enough the use he had a mind to make of it: He expected that things should better succeed with the Turks, that they should very much weaken the Emperour, and make such a diversion, that falling briskly upon the Empire he should easily conquer it, nothing else afterwards being left for him to do, but to sand the Turks home again; which had not been a very hard matter, and what promise soever he may have done to that Friend of his, he had however come off with small Charges; for why should his Conscience oblige him to be a Man of his Word with the Turks rather than with the Christians? Honest dealing is incompatible with him.  F. L. C. 
The King therefore ought not to be trusted.  The Fr. Pr. 
It's sure enough; I had rather trust the Turk. The Turk does never forswear himself, he does strictly keep his Promise; but the French King is of another mind: to pass his word, and not keep it, is his way, he is above any scruples, he does not intend to make himself a Slave to his word; should we accuse him of it we should certainly wrong him.  F. L. C. 
How came then the Grand signior to grant the King the Honour of his Alliance?  The Fr. Pr. 
I shan't answer you, that it did so happen because the Grand signior had not heard of the French King's foul dealing; For who can be ignorant of it? But here is the reason: The Turk making War with the Christians, 'tis still much to have one of them of his side, thô he cannot assure himself that he will always be true to him. But if concerning the strictness of keeping his word, there is no sympathy betwixt them two Princes, there is much concerning the insatiable Ambition, fierce Nature, and unexpressible Pride, they are both possessed with. And if those who giving them both one Name, do distinguish them by calling one the Great, and the other the Little Turk, you must not think that they make that distinction upon any other account, but the greater or lesser extent of Lands which one of 'em is in possession of: for as to the rest, one would think it a hard matter to know which he should give the Title of Great, and perhaps that upon mature deliberation, and having well reflected upon it, he should even find himself obliged to allow Lewis the Fourteenth that Title, especially after his eagerness to obtain it. And truly, can it be said that he is in any thing behind the Turk of Constantinople? Surely no, he is as good a Turk as he every way, since he spared not those very places that are amongst Christians the most sacred. Poor innocent Nuns abused, Altars robbed, and Churches burnt down, are the authentic Testimonies of it. Can the Grand signior show more Pride than Lewis the Fourteenth has always done? Witness that Statue set up at Paris, in the place of Victories: There you may red in great Characters this impious Inscription, Viro Immortali. Formerly Hero's were deified after their Death only: But as certain Flatterers made as if they did believe, that he had done more than all the Hero's together, they will persuade him, that for to attain unto Immortality, he need not as others, to come to it through Death. And besides they think, that the French, like the Israelites in the Wilderness, are pleased with a God that can walk before them. But let the Great Lewis take heed it don't fall out with him as with the Golden Calf: The God of Heaven and Earth is now to less jealous of his Glory, than he was in former times.  F. L. C. 
God Almighty is just, he rewards any body according to his own works; it does not belong to us to teach him what he is to do.  The Fr. Pr. 
You talk now more like a Huguenot than a Jesuit. God Almighty is just indeed; that is the great comfort of the afflicted, that God will at last judge between your King, and so many Innocents which he has so barbarously used.  F. L. C. 
The happy success the King shall undoubtedly have, shall be no sign of God's judgement in your behalf.  The Fr. Pr. 
Great Lewis's Ambition is not the Rule God Rules the World by. Tho' the end of the War be not always answerable to its lawful Cause, and that God for some secret Reasons of his Providence does sometimes let the Victory be got by the Party to blame; it is however to be hoped, and we do not at all question it, that in the War of the Allies against France, God will plainly show that he sides with the first.  F. L. C. 
Let us know your Reasons.  The Fr. Pr. 
An excess of Impiety, Pride, Cruelty; in a word, all the wickedness your King is guilty of.  F. L. C. 
They all declare against that mighty Prince.  The Fr. Pr. 
With good reason. They shall make him restore all the Goods he has stolen away. He shall be forced at last to repent of all the Mischiefs he has done to the whole Christendom.  F. L. C. 
He knows well enough how to come off. His only Valour shall secure him: And the Confederates shall see plainly that France can—  The Fr. Pr. 
France ought not to be so much seared as you think; how many of her Inhabitants has she lost, by the deserting of some, the punishments, banishments, and imprisonments of others? Which cannot but have weakened her very much. Add unto that the discontent of the Roman catholics, the decrease of her Revenues, the death or going away of her greatest Commanders and best Officers. How shall France which has been formerly subdued by the English, who then understood not at all War, be able to stand now before her Enemies that are used to be always conquerors. If the Duke of lorraine, the Prince of Baden, and the Duke Schomberg, all prudent, valiant, and victorious Commanders, should land in France, they should soon certainly put her to her last shifts.  F. L. C. 
They are not landed there yet.  The Fr. Pr. 
Ye cannot so well secure the passages, but that the victorious Sword of a great Prince, upon whom the eyes of all Europe are, can make them free.  F. L. C. 
That Prince relies upon his Allies, and thinks that all Christian Princes shall espouse his Quarrel.  The Fr. Pr. 
As many as do know their true Interests shall do it.  F. L. C. 
If the Suissers do declare against France, they shan't be said to have taken the best course.  The Fr. Pr. 
They shall be said to have taken that of Honour, and the Confederates know how to order matters so, that they shall have no cause to fear. I know you will set all the Wheels of your Wit a going to break the League of the Princes, or at least to lessen the number of those who joined in it, and dissuade others. Cunning Tricks, Promises, threatenings, Caresses, all is made use of, you leave no ston unturned, I suppose. But those are Snares into which People do not so easily fall as formerly: And we have good Reason to believe, that Lewis the Fourteenth, shall prevail no more upon those whom he would fain draw to his side, or at least persuade to stand Neuters, than he has done upon a Generous Prince whom he could never entice, notwithstanding his fallacious Promises of making him King after the death of his Father-in-Law. As neither that Prince, nor his Princess would ever give ear to the Charmer's Voice, it is to be hoped, that those that are now courted by the French King will with no less care look about themselves, and mind their business, and that they will not let slip so fair an opportunity of humbling one whose chief design has been to make them his Slaves.  F. L. C. 
Now then is the time, you think, to bring the King into Troubles.  The Fr. Pr. 
I make no question but it is in the power of the Allies to bring him so low, that he will never be able to raise himself again. They shall no sooner land in France, but a considerable part of that oppressed People shall take off the Mask, and after the least success all the rest will probably follow. Can one think otherwise, that sees under what a cruel Tyranny they groan? Those that are made use of to tyramnize others being excepted, there is none of what Society, Condition, Rank, Quality, or Sex soever but will cheerfully run to his Deliverer. And I am confident, that even the Society of Jesus should quickly cease to show herself to be so highly concerned for the Great Lewis. He knows it well enough, and therefore he does not love you very much; and 'tis no wonder, for tho' he be of a very ill Nature, how could he love the Murderers of his Predecessors? James Clement, John Chastel, and Francis Ravillac, are Names which he must needs have heard of. If he does make use of you, and let you do any thing, 'tis, there is no question to be made of it, that he stands in fear of you, he is afraid that if he should not please your Humour, you would serve him no better than his Predecessors. He has chosen rather to bring to ruin all the Huguenots of his Kingdom, than to run the hazard of losing his own life, if he had not done it. And besides, being that as to Christian Duties you are good indulgent Men, fit for Intrigues, Cruels, Blood-thirsty, Deceitful, &c. ye are of great use to him. But if he was quiter out of fear and danger of you, and that it should be possible for him to meet with as wicked Men as you are, you should carry no great sway at Court. He knows that your Heart is Spaniard still, and that if until now you seemed to be of his side, 'tis because till the times be altered, you do always follow him whom you think to be the strongest.  F. L. C. 
If it is so, we are not like, as yet, to fall off from the Interests of France; as powerful as she is, and helped with our Advices, it is not to be feared that ye can force her to yield. If the generous Design she took to set an unfortunate Monarch upon his Throne again, has raised against her so many Enemies, we shall find in her bosom both Courage and Forces enough, not only to resist them, but to bring gloriously about what she undertook.  The Fr. Pr. 
You feed upon Fictions and chimeras, my poor Father: I'll tell it you again, your King is at a loss, and the Party of him whose Quarrel he has espoused, is but a Serpent cut in many parts, what he has of life left in him cannot but shortly be ended. But for the Prince who is the cause of all your jealousy, his Affairs are in a better posture. The King of Great Britain, said a certain Author, might become as the sovereign Disposer, or the Arbitrator of the Universe, and grant Peace when he should think it convenient, to all the Christian Princes, in doing two things: 1. He should strive to be well beloved of his People, and as much as possible in perfect Union with his Parliament. 2. He should make a good League with the States of Holland, live with them in true and sincere love, and hold with them particular Correspondences for the defence of the common Cause. These two things are done as happily as we could wish, and with less difficulty than't could probably be expected. That is a mortal blow to Great Lewis. He knows it very well; he who tell now has done every thing that laid in his power to hinder it, and who by all the Devices he thought of in the late Reigns, had in it too happy a Success. But now he must bite his Nails, poor Man. They have cut him out some work, and more than he can do. The Knot was made so fast, that he can never untie it, and they will take care that he shan't cut it off. Let him disunite, if he can, the King from his People; 'tis as good a turn as he can do himself. But how should he compass it? Herein consists the King's Glory, that is to preser●● the Laws and Liberties of his Subjects, and see that they may live happy under his Government. The Subjects make it all their felicity to love a King that maintains them in their Rights, after having kept them from falling into the greatest misfortune that could ever befall them. The King and his People do agree in all that is necessary for a public Union, especially in that they stand and always did, all alike affencted to Lewis the Fourteenth. The differences of Opinions concerning the Ecclesiastical Government shall give no more occasion to further his designs. They have opened their eyes at last, and are ashamed to have so long quarreled about Niceties, having all the while been the Cullies of their common Enemies. If the French King knows that whilst the English shall be well united he can hope for nothing, and must be afraid of any thing, the English are now persuaded, that if a Dsunion should happen to be amongst them, they should certainly be undone. The Emissaries of France shall from henceforth catch nothing but could in that Country.  
As to the second thing to be done by the King of England, to become the Arbitrator of the Universe, viz. The League with the United Provinces, &c. Who questions but that League that is now made shall continue and prove prejudicial to France? Would Holland fall off from the Interests of a Prince brought up in her bosom, and who so long, and so happily has been her Protector? And on the other side, would the King forsake them Provinces for which he had always a tender love? And will England be at any time capable to repay with Ingratitude the good office of a People, which at the same time that there was danger for themselves, gave her even their Prince for a Deliverer? The Union of those two Nations will always be to France a cause of vexation, if it does not prove at last to be the utter ruin of that Kingdom. Lewis knows very well that such a Union sets bounds to his Conquests, and exposes him to the danger of suffering himself justly, what he has unjustly caused others to suffer. Wherefore he had always hindered that that Bank should be raised up against the overflowing of his Ambition: But however, the business is now done; he is fain into his own snare, and finds himself unable to get out of it; for the English have now a King incorruptible upon all accounts, and the United Provinces do well enough know their true Interests; in a word, Gifts, Pensions, cunning Tricks, stirring Persons, Barrillon, D' Avaux, Portsmouth, &c. can now no more have any influence upon either of them two Parties.  
Now we will rejoice in our Salvation, and in the Name of our God we will set up our Banners. Let us bless him, let us praise him, let us adore him that is the Lord our strength and Redeemer: And unto the same that is able to keep us from falling, and to present us faultless before the presence of his Glory with exceeding Joy, to the only wise God our Saviour, be Glory, Majesty, Dominion, and Power, both now and ever. Amen, Amen.   
FINIS.   

BOOKS Printed for Richard Baldwin.  
THE History of the Most Illustrious William Prince of Orange: deduced from the first Founders of the Ancient House of Nassau: Together with the most considerable Actions of this present Prince. The Second Edition.  
A Collection of Fourteen Papers, relating to the Affairs of Church and State, in the Reign of the late K. James.  
The Character of a Trimmer. His Opinion of I. The Laws and Government. II. Protestant Religion. III. The Papists. IV. Foreign Affairs. By the Honourable Sir W. Coventry. The Third Edition, carefully Corrected, and cleared from the Errors of the First Impression.  
An Impartial Relation of the Illegal Proceedings against St. Mary Magdalen college in Oxon, in the Year of our Lord 1687. Containing only Matters of Fact as they occurred. The Second Edition. To which is added the most Remarkable Passages, omitted in the former, Collected by a Fellow of the said college.