To the AUTHOR upon his frontispiece.  
Eagle, who e'er thou art; it is a prize  
Not worth thy wing; shall eagles stoop at flies?  
True; they have blown thy prey; but, in thy stead,  
The vulgar fly-flap might have struck them dead.  
But they have sported with the flame of Kings!  
That very flame would soon have burnt their wings:  
If not; Arachne, in her watchful seat,  
As sure as Greg'ries hand, had done the feat.  
But 'tis too late: some honour it will be,  
Above their merits, to be crushed by thee.   

  

SACRA NEMESIS, THE Levites Scourge, OR, Mercurius 

BRITAN.  
Civicus   disciplined.  
ALSO Diverse remarkable Disputes and resolves in the ASSEMBLY of Divines related, Episcopacy asserted, Truth righted, Innocency vindicated against detraction.  Nazianzen, Epist. 11. 
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}  Anonymus de pace ecclesiae. 
Nunquam veritas rea fuit, ut non in eodem foro causam ageret innocentia.  
The truth of religion was never indicted, but innocency was arraigned at the same bar.  DEUT. 33.11. 
Strike through the loins of them that rise up against Levi, and of them that hate him, that they rise not again.  
OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lichfield printer to the university. 1644.   

To the READER.  
WHen the heart is smitten, and sore hurt, all the rascal dear run away, and leave him alone to the cruelty of the bloodhounds: so it is with the vulgar sort, when a person of quality in Church or commonwealth is wounded by the nimrod's of this age in his estate, liberty or reputation (though not in conscience) they all shun him and shift (as well as they can) for themselves: none dare give a pluck at the arrow, much less chase away the hounds that follow eagerly upon the hot sent, and never leave till they have plucked the deer down. O the misery of these days, 
Esay 51.19.  by so much the more woeful because not bemoaned (these things are come upon thee, who will lament thee?) What! said I bemoaned! nay scorned and derided; nay insulted insolently upon, nay uncharitably censured. If the viper light upon Paul's hand, 
Acts 28.4.  surely he is a murderer not worthy to live: if a man be committed, certainly he hath committed some great fault in the judgement of the ignobile vulgus, 
11.36. Herman leomel Spong. ex lit. urb. 8. catenae marty●um sunt monilia religionis.  who forget of whom the Apostle spoke in the Hebrews, they were tried by mockings and scourgings; yea, moreover by bonds and imprisonment, whom the world was not worthy of. They who are in durance are judged not to be worthy to live in the world; whereas by the judgement of the holy Ghost, if they suffer in this kind for a good conscience, the world is not worthy of them▪ yet now calamity is accounted a crime, and misery guilt, and durance malignancy, and to visit those that are imprisoned a sufficient cause of bonds. Never was there since the Reformation, no not in Q. Mary's days, 
Humphredus in vita juelli nebula est, transib●t.  when the clearest sky of the Church was overcast with a bloody cloud, such a lamentable cry heard from the sons of Levi, their wives and children being thrust out of the sanctuary, spoiled of all their goods, stripped stark naked, and starved with hunger and cold as at this present. Neither is this all, 
P●●s. sat. 1.  but every tressis agaso, every hackney pamphleter, every mercenary scribbler casts blots on their faces, and adds affliction to the afflicted, and poureth vinegar into their wounds in stead of oil. Among these Britanicus is the busiest, who in the ensuing treatise is called to an account. But who he is in particular or his antagonist; appears not, 
Eras. adag. Andabatarum ritu.  for they fight like Andabatae in tenebris in the dark, or rather like whifflers with visards on their faces. And marvel not at it, for truth seldom appears (now adays) on either side but masked. And if Britanicus, who is a favourite of the time, Gallinae filiu● albae, whose daring pen weekly provoketh, not only the crozure, but the sceptre, yet conceals his proper name; how much more needed his adversary so to do, who was before in nimbo, 
Liv. dec. Foedior in orbe trucidatio, cum turba foeminarum puerorum▪ que in succensum ignem se Conjicerent: rivique sanguinis flammam orientem restinguerent.  and now is in limbo (where usually no light is seen but through a chink, nor men but through a gra●e) who hath lost all pro Christo Domino, & Domini Christo, for the Lord Christ, and the Lord his Christ, that is, his anointed, save the testimony of a good conscience, and a vehement desire to quench the fire kindled of late in the bowels of the Church even with his blood, as the Astapani sometimes did, and bury it in his ashes?   

The special Contents of this treatise, with the arguments of every section.  
SECTION I. The character of Britanicus. 
p. 1.  SECT. II. The censure of the diurnalls and scouts. 
p. 2.  SECT. III. Six shameless untruths uttered by Britanicus in three lines, and the true cause set down why D. F. was voted out of the Assembly of Divines. 
p. 3.  SECT. IV. How the parsonage of Lambeth and Acton came to be sequestered, and why. 
p. 5.  SECT. V. That D. F. was no intelligencer or spy to Oxford, and the censure past upon him Sept. 29. discussed. 
p. 8.  SECT. VI. Aulicus truly relateth the reasons alleged by D. F. against the new covenant in the open assembly. 
p. 11.  SECT. VII. Divers remarkable passages in the assembly of Divines related in a letter to the Primate of Ireland: together with several speeches there made concerning the three creeds, the imputation of Christ's active and passive obedience▪ and King James his advice to the Synod held in France at Privase, & concerning the second clause in the new covenant. 
p. 12.  SECT. VIII. Sixteen reasons for episcopal government unanswered by the Smectymnians: together with the judgement of all the reformed Churches for episcopacy. 
p. 50.  SECT. ix.. Britanicus his scurrilous jests at spiritual Courts retorted, and ex tempore prayers and exercises censured. 
p. 60.  SECT. X. The abuse of appropriations of benefices, and the necessity of pluralities as the case stands. 
p. 62.  SECT. XI. That the abjuration of episcopacy, especially in the clergy of England, involveth all them who take such an oath in perjury and sacrilege. 
p. 65.  SECT. XII. Of profitable doctrines and beneficial positions held by Brownists and Sectaries. 
p. 66.  SECT. XIII. Of ministerial habits, the strict observance of the christian Sabbath, and how the Brownists and other Sectaries profane it. 
p. 68  SECT. XIV. Of the subscription of the letter written to the Primate of Ireland, and the strange interpretation thereof by Sir W. E. 
p. 70.  SECT. XV. Wholesome and seasonable advice to Britanicus. 
p. 72.  SECT. XVI. A sober reckoning with Civicus. 
p. 74.  SECT. XVII. A Corollarium, consisting of the testimonies and Eulogies of many foreign Divines of eminent note, concerning D. F. 
p. 79.  SECT. XVIII. The sum of D. F. his apology reduced into two unanswerable dilemmas. 
p. 88  SECT. ult. A true transcript of the most material part of D. F. his letter to the Primate of Ireland, and an account of the whole. 
See pag. 100    

ARTICLE 8. Of the three Creeds.  
THe three, Creeds, Nice Creed, Athanasius Creed, & that Whichiss commonly called the Apostles Creed, ought thoroughly to be received and believed: for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scripture.  
Concerning this eighth Article, vide 2 speeches, pag. 13.   

ARTICLE 11. Of the Justification of MAN.  
WE are accounted righteous before God, only for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by faith, and not for our own works, or deservings. Wherefore, that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine, and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the Homily of justification.  
Concerning this eleventh Article, vide 5 speeches, pag. 20.   

The two first clauses of the Covenant, as they were offered to the Assembly, licenced, and entered into the Hall book according to Order, September 4. 1643. and Printed at London for Philip Lane.  
1. THat we shall all and each one of us, sincerely, readily and constantly, through the Grace of God, endeavour in on● several places and callings, the preservation of the true Reformed Protestant Religion, in the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline and Government according to the Word of God, and the reformation of Religion in the Church of England (this Explication to be at the end of the Covenant, as far as we do, or shall in our consciences conceive to be according to the Word of God) according to the same holy Word▪ the Example of the last Reformed Churches, and as may b●ing the Church of God in both Nations to the nearest conjunction and Uniformity in Religion, confession of Faith, form of Church● government▪ directory for Worship and catechising; that we and our Posterity after us may, as Brethren, live in Faith and Love.  
2. That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the Extirpation of Popery, prelacy, Superstition, heresy, schism and profaneness▪ and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine, and the power of godliness in both Nation●, lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be endangered to receive of their plagues, that the Lord may be one, and his Name one in both Kingdoms.  
To which first printed copy, the doctor's speech delivered in the Assembly, relateth pag. 48.   

The two clauses of the Covenant, as they were altered and Printed by Order of the House of COMMONS.  
1. THat we shall sincerely, really and constantly, through the Grace of God, endeavour in our several places and callings, the preservation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline and Government, agai●st our common Enemies, the Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline and Government, according to the Word of God, and the Example of the best Reformed Churches, and shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms, to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion, Confession of Faith, Form of Church-Government, Directory for Worship and catechising▪ that we and our Posterity after us may, as Brethren, live in Faith and Love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us.  
II. That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the extirpation of popery, prelacy, that is, Church-Government by archbishops, Bishops, their chancellors, Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-deacons, and all other ecclesiastical Officers depending on the hierarchy, Superstition, heresy, Schism▪ profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of godliness; lest we partake in other men's sins▪ and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues and that the Lord may be one, and his Name one in the three Kingdoms.   

Errata.  
Epist. to the reader, l. 19 in. r. to. p. 12. l. 23. dazzled, r. so dazzled. p. 15. in marg. Vos. de 36. r. Vos. de tribus symbo. p. 40. l. 1. 2. Cor. 1.30. r. 1. Cor. 1.30. p. 43. l. 13. speciei. r. specie. p. 52. l. 24. Acts. 3.1. r. 1.3. p. 61. add in marg. Aug. de civit. Dei. l. 19 c. 19 l. ult. p. 66. l. 22. thought r. sought. p. 69. l. 25. there r. then. p. 87. l. 14. dele his own Nation▪ for Primate of Armagh. r. Primate of Ireland.   


SECTION I. The Character of Britanicus.  
DIego writeth, 

Diego Tornis edit. Venet. 1604.  
Barcaeus, vester Diabolo venit obviam petiitque ut cathedram ejus occuparet, quia erit dignior. Psal. 1.   That Barcaeus meeting with the devil sitting at his ease upon a chair, bid him rise up and give place to his better. The tale, Britanicus, is morallized in thee, thou mayst very well challenge the precedency of Satan, and thrust him out of his chair, The seat of the scornful, wherein thou hast sat for these many months, and out-railest all the Shimie's, and Rabsekehs, and out-Lyest all the Simmeasses and Pseudolusses that ever sat in that chair. And although Tacitus whispers me in the ear, Maledicta, si irascaris, agnita videntur; spreta exolescunt: Contumelious speeches if they put thee into a chafe, seem to argue guilt. Yet because a wiser than he adviseth, in some case, to answer a fool according to his folli●, lest he be wise in his own conceit: 
Prov. 26.5.  And because it is rather an argument of stupidity than innocency, to be altogether unsensible when our integrity, or the reputation of our friend is touched, though it be but with the scratch of a goose quill▪ I though fit, potius vexatum & castiga●um quam despectum dimitt●re Vatinium, rather to dismiss Vatinius well cudgeled then slighted, I mean that scorn of all the learned, and hate of all good men, Britanicus, or rather Brutanicus▪ not from Brutus but Brutum. For he is no better than one of Cerberus whelps, at which Hercules would not vouchsafe to give a Kick in his return from Hell: yet because since he hath licked clean the expraetors' trencher, 
Alderm. P.  he never leaveth barking at all who adore not the cap of maintenance, nor canonize the synagogue of orbicular independents; I was desired to strike him baculo pastorali, and teach him from henceforth, sua potius lambere ulcera, quam aliorum famam arrodere, rather to use his tongue in licking his own sores, than his teeth in biting them, upon whom heretofore he basely fawned. The best is, he to whose apology I have consecrated my Pen, is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, out of the danger of this hail shot, above these nebulas nebulonum, his reputation is safe both from the tongue of detraction and teeth of envy, being treasured up in the hearts of all that sincerely love the truth. Anthony proscribed Cicero, 
Vell. Paters▪ l. 2.  for the space only that the Triumvirate in Rome lasted, but Cicero proscribed Anthony to all ages. The more Camomile is trod upon, the sweeter smell it gives, and the black aspersions of malice serve but as a dark foil to set off the lustre of eminent virtue. For thee, Britanicus, seeing thou knowest not thyself, I will send thee to S. Jerome for thy Character, under the name of the Else Helvidius, Loquacitatem facundiam existimat, & maledicere omnibus bonae conscientiae signum arbitratur: he accounts railing to be rhetoric, and deems it to be an argument of a good Conscience, to speak evil of all men.   

SECT. II. The censure of all the Diurnals and Scouts.  
WHat Lactantius threatened the ravening Wolves, will sooner or later befall the mad Dogs also; 
divine Instit. l. ult.  Veniet lispis rapacibus dies suus, not only those ravening Wolves that have worried, not so much the flock of Christ, as the pastors themselves, devouring them with their wives and children, and all their substance; but also those snarling Curs and mad Dogs, that have fastened their venomous teeth upon the true Servants of God, shall have their day. Among whom, take heed lest thou be found, who hast two known properties of a Cur, to bark at the clear light, and to file in the best and cleanest swept room. 
Scalig. contra Lyid. In locis nitidissimis olidum ponit.  Thou art not content to traduce and vilify the Reverend and Learned clergy, and spot and stain the prime nobility and gentry of the kingdom, but like the Serpent Ptyas, thou spittest venom at majesty itself; and therefore mayest expect for thy deserts, without any ambition, the highest preferment of 
* 
The one was hanged on a gallows fifty cubits high, the other in a Cage on the highest Tower in Munster▪  
Civicus, Scoticus, C●elicus.   Haman or Cnipperdoling. It is reported of a late leaguer ambassador at Venice, that he wrote with the point of a Diamond in glass this definition of an ambassador, An ambassador is an honourable spy, sent by the State to lie for the good of the commonwealth. I hold this definition of an ambassador in general to have too much in it mordacis veritatis, of tart truth: but he should do thee, and thy three Brethren in iniquity, (all of the Bastard brood of Maia) right, who should define you base spies, hired to invent and vent lies through the whole kingdom, for the good of the Cause. For what is your weekly employment but to smother the clear truth of all proceedings at Court, and set a varnish upon all the Machiavillian cheats, unchristian practices, and horrible outrages committed by the Plunderers and their complices in the city? Howbeit, because Urbanus hath taken thee to task for thy scandalum magnatum, of which thou art like one day to hear without an ear: I shall discipline thee at this present only for opening thy foul mouth upon a late Member of the Assembly, whose hands thou knowest are so tied, that he cannot wipe away the froth of thy impute discourse, which thus driveleth from thee.   

SECT. III. Six Untruths uttered by Britanicus in three Lines; the true cause why D. F. was voted out of the Assembly.  
IT is briefly mentioned before, who was an Intelligencer to Oxford of passages in the Assembly, now a word more of it: 
Merc. Brit. pag. 47.  That grave Doctor, I mean Doctor Featley, that held correspondency with the Bishop of Armagh, and informed his Irish grace how much His Majesty was beholding to him for his intelligence, and upon the whole matter desires his grace to move the King to confer upon him the deanery of Westminster. The Letter itself was intercepted, all of his own hand writing, and he acknowledged it.  
Lingua in udo est & facilè labitur, the tongue is seated in a moist place and easily slips; this is seen by thee, Britanicus, whose tongue hath slipped six times within the short space of three Lines.  
First, Thou sayst that the Doctor held correspondence with his Irish grace by Letters, whereas the Doctor never received Letter from the Primate of Armagh, during the time of his abode in the Assembly.  
Secondly, Thou makest a hideous noise and great racket about a Letter written to his grace, but intercepted; Whereas it was no Letter in truth and propriety of speech, but a note unsealed without any endorsement or date, and that note also drawn from the Doctor by a wile, by one who at this present is sutler to the Trained Band at S. Albans.  
Thirdly, thou sayest, the Doctor informed his grace what good service he had done the King this Parliament; whereas there is never a word in that Letter or Note of any service done to His majesty, but a mere complaint of unsufferable wrongs offered the Doctor by the Parliament soldiers, who plundered him both at Acton and Lambeth.  
Fourthly, thou impudently affirmest, that he desired his grace to move the King to confer upon him the deanery of Westminster; whereas the words in the original Letter not falsified are, that his grace would put in for himself, that he might hold it as a Commendam with the Administratorship of Carlisle, as the Archbishop of York held it before.  
Fifthly, thou sayest, that the Doctor wrote all this pretended Letter with his own hand, whereas he wrote never a Line of it with his own hand, but dictated to another.  
Sixthly, thou blushest not to say, that the Doctor acknowledged the Letter examined before the Committee to be his own, whereas that was but a false transcript, and never so much as showed to the Doctor, much less acknowledged by him to be true. Thou wilt say then, if neither the original now at Oxford, nor the transcript was exhibited to the Doctor, nor any witness at all produced to make faith, either that the original being unsealed was not corrupted, or that this transcript perfectly accorded with the original, neither could be any evidence against the Doctor; how then came it to pass that he was blown out of the Assembly, and both his Livings, by one blast of Euroclydon? I could answer as Erasmus did to the Emperor, who demanded of him what he thought of Martin Luther, a man so much cried up and down in the world; up among the reformed, but down in the Popish Church: truly, quoth Erasmus, he is a worthy and able Divine, and otherwise irreprovable, only he was too blame in two things.  
First, That he touched the Pope's triple crown.  
Secondly, The monks belly, which were two Noli me tangere's: so the Doctor, though otherwise he went with a right foot, and kept pace with those of his rank, yet in two things he tripped.  
First, In the great debate about the three Creeds, he sided with the Presbyterians against the Independents.  
Secondly, When the new Covenant was first offered to the Assembly, he openly and professedly opposed it, and endeavoured to prove, that all the Divines that were wrapped in that new bond, were entangled in perjury by breaking their oaths of canonical obedience. For this, the Independents accounted him a Malignant, and the Presbyterians confided not in him. Besides, our politicians that have been brought up at the feet of the great Gamaliel in philosophy, Aristotle, taking upon them the defence of ostracism (never more practised then now, even by those who understand not what the word signifies) teach us, that though a man have a clear breast and strong voice, yet if it be not tuneable, or his Note be so loud, that he drowneth the rest in the Consort, it is fit he should be put out of the choir. And truly, Britanicus, that needed not, for though he were Voted into it by 390 voices, yet he never voted himself into it, but often wished himself out of it, not because he was averse from Synods, as the learnedest of the Greek Fathers (Surnamed the Divine) was, who observed in his time, that he never saw good end of any such Assemblies; but because this Assembly was not called by the sound of Moses his Silver trumpet, neither were the Members thereof elected or nominated by the body of the clergy, neither have they any decisive, but only consultive, and deliberative suffrages. In which regard, he conceived that he might do more hurt to himself by his presence there, then good to others by his assistance. And therefore when he heard, that like a Candle he was blown in and out with the same breath, he passed not at all for it, deeming himself neither a gainer by the one, nor looser by the other.   

SECT. iv. How D. F. his Livings came to be sequestered, and why.  
BUt his Livings touched him more nearly, and to the quick: The Sequestration from the Assembly made him but speechless there, where for the most part he was but a Mute before, but the sequestration of his Benefices made him liveless, or rather according to the Apostles phrase, twice dead and plucked up by the roots: For as good upon the matter to be dead, as deprived of all means of livelihood. Thou wilt say, admit his voice in the Assembly were Malignant; yet surely neither his books nor his Livings were so. I grant it, yet some cast a Malignant eye at them, they were like a pin and a Web in the eye of envy, they were two good Benefices conveniently seated near London, the one hath a goo● friend of the air, the other of the Thames; and therefore the Mouth of some of the Assembly watered after them, one of the Assessors, M. W. must have a convenient seat, and M. Nye must be denied nothing: and because intus apparens prohibet extraneum, that they might be inducted, the Dr. must be outed: Neither want there precedents for it; Fundus Albanus in Italy, and Nabals Vineyard in Jezreel are ruling cases for it. 

Annal. Tacit. lib. 12.  
Agrippina Statilium Taurum hortis ejus inhians pervertit.   Yea, but where are the men of Belial to testify that the Dr. blasphemed the Parliament, and their Ordinances? they were ready at the Committee for plundered Ministers, namely Andrew's the butcher, and sharp the cobbler, these prevailed so far with 4 of the Committee, that April the 23, the Dr. was voted out of his living at Lambeth, though six eminent and worthy Members of the Parliament there present (but not of the Committee) showed great dislike of this Censure, and one of them said That it had been better for the Dr. to have fallen into the hands of the high Commission, or Popish Inquisition, than that Committee. But salva res est, the sentence of four men was reversed in open Parliament by 80 at least, who acquitted the Dr. and now he is settled in both his Benefices and locked fast into the Assembly, and the separatists and schismatical Recusants at Lambeth, (who the 23 of April, after the Dr. was sentenced, kept a great Feast, like to that of the Persians, called Magophonia, at which, first they prayed themselves out of their senses, and after drank themselves out of their wits) now mourn in the chine, 
Iustin. lib. 1. Persae festum celebrant ob necem Magorum, dictum, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  their short wits are at an end, they know not what to do, and therefore for 3 months they sit down by the loss: but afterwards felix casus se immiscuit arti, an occasion is offered to effect that by an engine, which they could not do with clean strength. It was reported at London and at Lambeth, by some that came from Oxford, that the Dr. was lost at Court, by reason of his repairing so usually to the Assembly of Divines, and concurring with them in their resolves: upon this, they who before lay in wait for the Doctor, work, and a feltmaker in the Borough, a great stickler for the new Reformation, is sent to the Doctor, with a pretended message from the Primate of Armagh, 
Armiger Warner.  that his Majesty was very much offended with the Doctors complying with the Assembly, and that he charged him upon high displeasure never more to meet with the Divines in Henry the 7th's chapel. At this the Dr. being much appalled and troubled, not knowing how to steer his course between the Symplegades, nor obey the contrary commands of two such masters, the Messenger put him in some comfort, saying, that a word of the Primates to the King would set all right, and that the next morning, being Saturday, he was to take his journey to Oxford, and that if the Dr. would write two or three lines to his Grace, and acquaint him with some late passages of the Assembly, with his desire to get leave of his Majesty to continue his attendance there, till he might upon fair terms withdraw himself▪ he engaged himself deeply that he would bring an answer from the Primate the Tuesday following. Upon this overture, the Dr. very desirous to take the first opportunity to make his peace with the KING, dic●ated a letter, or rather a note which he read to the Messenger, demanding of him whether he thought there was any matter of offence or danger in it, and if there were, he wished him utterly to suppress it; the Messenger answered, that there neither was, nor could be any danger in it, for it was a note only unsealed and contained no secrets in it, but the open and known resolves of the Assembly. Whereupon the Dr. trusted him with it, but heard no Answer till some weeks after. In the mean while, the Messenger shows this note to diverse, and closeth with the Committee, who took a Copy of it, but dispatched him away with the original to Oxford, whereupon he bringeth back an answer from the Primate: upon his return he is committed for a few days, but since preferred to a gainful place in the army: so his turn was served, but the Doctor turned out of house and home, sequestered, plundered, and libelled in all the triobulary pasquils printed the first and second week of October. 
1643.   
Being thus as you heard, made an Intelligencer to Oxford, he is censured by them who made him so, in the highest degree. And now the vultures hover over the carcase of his estate: one 
(a) M W●ite of Dorchest.  seizeth upon his Living at Lambeth; another 
(b) M. Nye  upon his Benefice at Acton; a third 
(c) M. Ben,  upon his Books; a fourth 
(d) M Cook.  upon his provisions; a fifth 
(e) Andrew Ke●win.  upon his goods and householdstuff: and thou, Britanicus, here gottest store of Gall and copperas to put in thine ink; which, it ever God open thy eyes, to see thy error, thou wilt mingle with thy tears: For he was a great One that said it, Whosoever offendeth one of these little ones, even the least in the kingdom of God, that is, the ministry of the Gospel, it were better that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and he cast into the Sea. Is this the purity of precise zeal? Are these the distilled Spirits of Christianity? To beautify the Temple of God, by damning up the lights thereof? To lay traps in their ways, who guide our feet into the way of peace? To make men Delinquents, and then to persecute them with all severity? Is this the piety of this age, for the flocks of Christ to betray their pastors to ravening Wolves; to strengthen the arms of Brownists and base miscreants against learned, painful, and Orthodox Divines; to take Oath upon Oath, and enter into Covenant after Covenant, to maintain and support the true reformed Religion, and yet to supplant, and upon forged Cavillations overthrow the known Champions thereof? O ubi estis fontes lachrymarum? Oh where are ye! fountains of tears.   

SECT. V. That the Doctor was no Intelligencer or spy.  
MAulicus, we have traced your Intelligence from the Parliament to the assembly, 
Brit. p. 45.  and found your Mercury in the habit of a Doctor, but he confessed the hope of a deanery seduced him.  
Nay, rather we have traced a cunning Merchant from the bear at Bridge-foot to Kennington, 
Ans.  from Kennington to the close Committee, from the close Committee to Oxford, from Oxford to the Court of Wards, and from thence to the Leaguer at Saint Albans: Egregiam verò laudem, let it be recorded to the everlasting praise of the agents that bear themselves upon the close Committee, that by fraud and falsehood they have entrapped simplicity, betrayed loyalty; and rewarded treachery; before they put the Doctor into the habit of an Intelligencer, they transformed themselves into Angels of light. As for the Doctors confessing, that the hope of a deanery seduced him, thy word will be taken for no more than thy weekly intelligence brings thee in; produce but one witness for it, though as copped a Round-head as thyself, and I will confess thee to be an honest man. But thou hast a Patent to lie; and whatsoever thou printest in thy weekly currantoes, though never so grossly absurd and palpably false, after thou hast got M. White's hand to it, no man can say, black is thine eye.  
Yea, but the Doctor is charged to be a spy and Intelligencer to Oxford, by the report made to the House of Commons, which here followeth.  
A Letter of Doctor Featley's intercepted, going to Oxford to the Primate of Armagh, wherein were contained great imputations upon the proceedings of the Assembly, and diverse Members both of the Assembly and Parliament, whereby it appears that he is a spy and Intelligencer to Oxford: The Letter was read before the Committee, and the Doctor called to his Answer, who confessed all the material points in it, &c. Septemb. 29. 1643.  
This report of the chairman, may be reduced to this syllogism.  
Whosoever sends a Letter to the Primate of Armagh, containing great imputations upon the Members of the Assembly and Parliament, is a spy and Intelligencer to Oxford, and aught to be deprived of both his Livings, books, and liberty.  
But the Doctor sent a Letter to the Primate of Armagh, &c.  
Ergo, he ought to be deprived of his Livings, books, and liberty; as it followeth there in the Sentence.  
Here the Conclusion is in Ferio, or in Bocardo rather. But the premises are both false, 
The name of a Mood in the third Figure, and also of a Prison.  and it will cost the Reporter hot water to make good either of them.  
For first, the original Letter, was never showed to the Doctor, nor acknowledged by him, nor any witness produced, to testify that it was written by him; and therefore can be no evidence against him in any Court where Astrea sits. 
Ovid. M●tam. l. 1. terras Astraea reliquit. See the gentle Lash, p. 5.   
Secondly, The Transcript upon which the Committee proceeded, disagreeth with the original in diverse material points, as is proved elsewhere: Neither was there any Faith at all made before the Doctor, to convince him, that the Letter read before the Committee was a true Transcript.  
Thirdly, in that Letter there was no imputation, great or small, laid upon the Members of the Assembly, or Parliament; unless it be an imputation to say, That the Prolocutors daily prayer was the best and truest diurnal, for that he had a special gift to pray, not so much ex tempore as de tempore.  
Fourthly, The great imputations spoken of, we desire that the Reporter, for his reputation sake, would specify: For either they were true, or false: If they were true, why are nor the Members of the Assembly and Parliament questioned, and punished for them? if they were false, why was not the Doctor put to his proof, and in case he failed, censured as a slanderer? There's a Pad in the Straw; Aliquid latet quod non patet.  
Fifthly, To send a Letter from one Member of the Assembly to another, is not to be a spy or Intelligencer to the adverse party: But such a one was the Primate of Armagh, not only a Member of the Assembly, chosen by the joint Votes of the whole House of Commons, but a Member at that time in such grace with the Assembly, that he was often alleged with great honour and respect both by the Assessors and others, especially in debating the Article of Christ's descent into Hell.  
Sixtly, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, one Swallow makes not a Summer, nor one act a habit, nor one link a Chain, nor one flower a garland, nor one rotten grain a corrupt pomegranate; nor doth one Letter sent to Wickham, lying in the Road to Oxon. make a spy or Intelligencer to Oxford, and more than one Letter the Docto● never dictated, and that also intercepted; how then can he be a spy? For the Letter intercepted could give no intelligence to Oxon, being stayed at London.  
Seventhly, Resolves of a Synod and conclusions de side, are no secrets of State; neither is the imparting of them to a most religious, learned, and every way accomplished Bishop, betraying secrets to an enemy, but consulting an Oracle in theological disputes of as great difficulty as moment.  
Eightly, Whereas it is said, that the Doctor confessed all the material points in the transcript▪ it is most untrue: for the main and only material point▪ concerning aspersions laid upon Members of the Assembly and Parliament, was never so much as put to the Doctor, much less confessed by him; and for the truth hereof, he appealeth to the whole Committee for Examinations.  
Lastly, to return to thee, Sir Britanicus, Civicus, or Scoticus, for thou art a man omnium nominum & horarum; tell me in good earnest, what is the Trade, or Profession, or mystery, whereby thou livest? Is it not to be a city-spy, and Intelligencer? And why may it not be as lawful for the Doctor to send theological Truths to Oxford, as for thee every week civil lies to all parts of the Kingdom? And because it is said, thou art either Cornutus, or Cornificius, I very much entreat thee, in the last place, to dissolve this Dilemma or Cornutum argumentum.  
Either the Letter sent by the Doctor to the Primate of Armagh, contained in it matter of offence and scandal, or not; Ad partes, which of the horns wilt thou take? hold off; if thou sayest the Letter contained no matter of offence or scandal, thou sayest just nothing in the defence of the justice of the Committee or Parliament; if thou sayest that it contained any just matter of offence or scandal, and in that regard ought not to have been published, to the disgrace of the Assembly or Parliament: Why did not those of the close Committee, when it was in their hands suppress it? Why did they send the original Letter to Oxford, whereby it is now made public, and exposed to the view of all men? Certainly, if the bare sending of that Letter to Oxford, make a man a spy and Intelligencer, and guilty of I know not what capital Crime, as S. Austin argued against the devil's ambiguous oracles, Sors ipsa referenda est ad sortem, so I may truly say, and make it good by the Recorders logic and the Parliaments Cens●re▪ that those of the close Committee, who after they had perused the Letter and taken a copy, delivered it to the Messenger to convey it with all speed to Oxford, deserve to be close committed, and sent by the sergeant at Arms Petri ad vincula. O utinam: nec enim lex justior ulla est, quam necis artifices arte perire suâ.   

SECT. VI. Aulicus truly relates the doctor's reasons alleged against the New Covenant, in the open assembly.  
HE tells us of Doctor Featley's exception against our Oath, 
Brit. pag. 67.  he framed some wished reasons and arguments, and pinned them on the doctor's sleeve and would make them his, but they are not satisfactory enough.  
I pray thee, Britanicus, 
Ans.  show us the long pin wherewith he pinned those reasons to the doctor's sleeve, reaching from Christ-Church or All-Souls in Oxford, to Peter-house in London; and because thy brow is made of the same metal with that pin, go boldly to the house of Peers, and inquire of the Lord Say and Wharton, and after into the house of Commons, and demand of M. Rowse and White, and lastly into the assembly, and ask of M. Case and Calamie, whether the Doctor did not openly propound those reasons in the assembly a fortnight before, that so often produced and much traduced Letter was sent to the Primate of Armagh, out of which Aulicus transcribed those reasons verbatim. Yea, but these reasons are not sufficient enough, they were sufficient enough to convince them who took the Oath, and to confound thee, Britanicus: if they were insufficient, why all this while hast not thou or some of them discovered the weakness and insufficiency of them?  
The Doctor could have alleged many other reasons, both against the Covenant in general, and that clause in particular, which may be in due time produced after the former reasons have been any way impeached or infringed by any colourable answer: till than thy silence, and theirs whom it so deeply concerns to dissolve them, as that they may disengage themselves from perjury, argues plainly they are to you unanswerable.   

SECT. VII. Divers remarkable passages in the assembly of Divines, related in the Letter to the Primate of Armagh.  
BEcause this Letter, or rather unsealed advertisement, sent to an eminent Member of the assembly, hath been made as a Match anointed with the Brimstone of the adversary's malice, to kindle a fire of envy against the Doctor, which hath consumed his whole estate, and dazzled the eyes of many of his Friends in the assembly, that they could not look upon him any more as a faithful Fellow-builder, but rather as a deceitful Work-man· I will here truly acquaint thee, Reader, with all those passages in that Letter, that any way reflect on the assembly.  
After an Encomium of the Prolocutor for his special gift of praying, not so much ex tempore, as de tempore, rather to fish out the learned Archbishop's judgement in those controverted points, then to satisfy his curiosity, the Doctor related three great disputes which held the assembly many days. The first, concerning the eighth Article of Religion; the second, concerning the eleventh; the third, concerning the second clause in the New Covenant. The first, whether those words in the Article, (The three Creeds ought throughly to be received and believed) might stand. The second, whether in the definition of justification, the imputation of Christ's active obedience as well as his passive aught to be mentioned. The third, whether those words in the New Covenant, I will endeavour the extirpation of popery and prelacy, that is, government by Archbishops, Bishops, etc, shall pass without any qualification or addition of the words papal or tyrannical or independent. The assembly voted affirmatively in all three, the Doctor in the two former concurred with them, but dissented in the latter: upon what grounds he concurred in the former and dissented in the latter, the ensuing Speeches made in the assembly will declare.  

The first Speech concerning the eighth Article, before the assembly of DIVINES.  
M. Prolocutor,  
THat we may not Penelope's tela● texere & retexere, do and undo; and that it may not be said of our votes, as Charles the fifth spoke sometimes of the decrees at their Diets, that they were like Vipers, the latter always destroying the former; What I shall humbly offer to this assembly, shall be in confirmation of our last vote concerning the three Creeds, read in our Church. The exception of some of our learned Brethren, are taken either at the titles▪ or the Creeds themselves: Against the titles, that the Nic●ne Creed▪ is in truth the Constantinopolitan; that the Creed which goeth under the name of Athanasius, was either made by Anastasius, as some affirm, or Eusebius Vercellensis, as our incomparable jewel relates. 
Apol. Eccl. Ang. p. 2. c. 1. divis. 1.  Certainly Meletius the Patriarch of Constantinople, in his Epistle to John Do●sa resolves negatively, Athanasio falso ascriptum symbolum cum appendice illo Romanorum Pontificum adulteratum luce lucidius contestamur: we contest that it is cle●rer than day light, that this Creed is falsely fathered upon Athanasius, and is adulterated by the adding of a clause inserted by the Roman Bishop; and for that which is called the Apostles Creed, the father who so christened it is unknown. Hereunto I answer, that though the entire Creed, which is read in our Churches, under the name of the Nicen, be found totidem verbis in the Constantinopolitan; yet it may be truly called the Nicen, because the greatest part of it is taken out of that of Nice. And howsoever, some doubt whether Athanasius were the author of that Creed which bears his name, yet the greater number of the learned of latter ages entitle him to it; and though peradventure he framed it not himself, yet it is most agreeable to his doctrine, and seemeth to be drawn out of his works, and in that regard may be rightly termed his Creed. And for the third Creed, although I believe not, that either the Apostles jointly or severally dictated it: yet I subscribe to Calvins' judgement, who saith, that it was a summary of the Christian Faith, extant in the Apostles days, and approved of by them. Howsoever, according to the rule of Aristotle, Loquendum cum vulgo, licet sentiendum cum sapientibus, we must use the language of the vulgar, though we vote with wise men, and think as they do. And certain it is, these three Creeds, for many hundreds of years, have generally passed under the titles of the Nicen, the Athanasian, and the Apostles. So much for the titles. Against the Creeds themselves, the exceptions which are taken, either concern the form of propounding the Articles, or the matter and doctrine of them; concerning the manner of propounding them, it is objected to be in too peremptory a way, under pain of damnation, and that they ought to be thoroughly believed. To the former I answer with Leo, where it is said, Whosoever holds not this Creed, shall perish everlastingly; 
Vid. Vossium de 36 Symbolis.  It is understood of such as have capacity to understand it, and their consciences are convinced of the truth of it. To the latter, that thoroughly to believe it, signifies no more than throughout, and entirely, and that not for the authority of the Creeds themselves, but for the Scripture by which they are confirmed. The exceptions against the matter or doctrine of the Creeds, either concern the first Article, God of God, or the Article about the descent into hell. For the first, there can be no doubt at all of it, for the son is of the Father, and therefore the Father and son being God, it must needs follow, that Christ is God of God, neither will it hence follow, that the deity of the son is of the Deity of the Father. For the argument holdeth not a concreto ad abstractum, verbi gratiâ, it will not follow, Deus passus est, ergo deitas passa est, God suffered, ergo the deity suffered: nor this, Maria est mater Dei, ergo est mater deitatis; Mary is the mother of God, ergo she is mother of the Deity. Yea but Calvin saith, Christ is autotheos, God of himself; the answer is easy, Christ is God of himself, ratione essentiae; but God of God, ratione personae. And whereas it is objected, that if he be Deus de Deo, it must be either per productionem essentiae, or communicationem; by the production, or communication of the essence: though Beza, and other of our Divines stick not at the latter phrase, yet it followeth not; for it is sufficient to prove him God of God, that his person is generated of the Father, and it is safer to say that he hath communem essentiam cum patre, then communicatam. rather common then communicated. For the latter, concerning descent into Hell, all the Christians in the world acknowledge, that CHRIST some way descended into hell, either locally, as many of the ancient fathers, Latimer the martyr, Bilson and Andrews, and Noel in his catechism (commanded to be taught in all Schools, soon after the publishing the 39 Articles expound it) or virtually as Durand, or metaphorically as Calvin, or metonymically as Tilenus, Perkins, and this Assembly; and therefore no man need to make scruple of subscribing to the Article, as it stands in the creed, seeing it is capable of so many orthodoxal explications, and therein I desire that this Assembly in their aspersions would (after the example of the harmony of confessions) content themselves with branding only the popish exposition of this Article, which taketh hell for limbus patrum, or purgatory (netherlands regions, extra anni solisquevias) for any of the other four interpretations, they are so far from being heretical, that it hath not been proved that any of them is erroneous.   

M. Prolocutor,  

The second Speech, to the eighth Article.  THough there is nothing more tender than Conscience, every scrupulus there is more painful than surculus in carne a thorn in the flesh; & though nothing ought more now to be sought after, when not only Christ's seamless coat, but his mystical body is rent & torn asunder, then {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to seek the truth in love, and love in truth; and therefore I shall be most willing to any kind of reason able {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} condescending, to give satisfaction to our learned brethren: yet on the other side, they may do well to think of that maxim in the canon law, turpis pars quae discordat toti, it is an unsound part which differs from the whole body, and not nodos inscirpo quaerere, to except against undoubted verities, and most warrantable expressions, such as have been debated in this Article▪ namely, Deus de Deo, & symbola recipi debere: for these are the lapides offensionis, rocks of offence.  
That Christ is Deus de Deo, God of God, is thus clearly proved out of Scripture; whosoever is God and the Son of God, must needs be God of God; but Christ is God and the Son of God, ergo &c. But it hath been objected, if he be God of God, than he must have his essence communicated to him from the Father, and so be essentiatus a patre, essentiated, or natured from the Father: this will not follow, no more than that Socrates is essentiatus a Sophronisco, but only that he is genitus a patre, begotten of his Father, and so is recipiens essentiam, or habens essentiam communicatam a patre; which manner of speech is approved of by Beza, 
Act 14 Trin▪  filius est a patre per ineffabilem totius essentiae communicationem ab aeterno: 
In ep. ad Polon▪  the Son is from the Father by an unspeakable communication of his whole essence from eternity: and Symlerus, non negamus silium habere▪ essentiam a Deo patre, sed essentiam genitam negamus: we do not deny that the Son hath his essence from God the Father, but we deny that the essence is begotten, and why should we boggle at this phrase, 
John 5.26.  when our Lord himself acknowledgeth, Ioh. 5.26. omnia mihi data sunt a patre meo, & pater dedit filio habere vitam in se, all things are given me of my Father? Neither doth this any way contradict Calvin his autotheos, God of himself; which form of expression, though some protestants as well as papists have excepted against, yet I am of whitaker's mind, in his answer to the 7th reason of Campian, hat it is verissime & sanstissime dictum, most truly and religiously spoken; 
Hom. de temp. 88  nam si ex se Deus non est, omnino Deus non est: for if he be not God of himself, he is not God at all: let St Augustine be the umpire, and reconcile both, Christus ad se Deus, dicitur ad patrem filius; Christ may be considered two ways, either absolutely, and so he is Deus ex se, God of himself, as the Father is and the holy Spirit; or relatively, as filius, and so he is Deus de Deo, as he is the Son, so he is God of God: yea but these phrases may be taken in an ill sense, and so may all the Articles of the Creed, as you may see in the Parisian censure set out by the Jesuits; nay so may the whole Scripture, as St Peter teacheth us, which {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the ignorant & unstable pervert: what then, must we weed up all the flowers of Paradise, because heretics, like spiders, suck such juice out of them which they turn into poison?  
2. For the other expression [aught to be received] as I conceive, it may be thus justified. Whatsoever articles may be firmly and evidently proved out of scripture, aught to be received and believed, ar●. 6. But such are all the articles of these three Creeds, ergo &c. 2. Those to whose office and function it belongs, to declare and teach the people of God, what they may and aught to receive and believe, may use this expression. But it appertains to the office of the Pastors of the Church, especially met at a Synod for that end▪ to teach the people of God what they ought to receive and believe, ergo &c. 3. That form of words which hath been used in Synods, held in the purest times, and is at this day used, not only in the harmony of all protestant confessions (as was showed by a learned brother) but every day in most approved sermons, may be retained. But such is this form, recipi & credi debere, aught to be received and believed, ergo, concil. Carth. 1▪ Caecilius a Bilta dixit, quam rem fugere ac vitare debemus, & a tanto scelere nos separare, said, which thing we ought to shun and avoid, and to keep ourselves from so great a sin: Concil. Elib. can. 12. Lapsi in haeresin ad ecclesiam recurrentes incunctanter recipi debent; poenitentia iis non est den●ganda. Concil. Neo. can. 1. Those that are fallen into heresy, returning to the Church, ought readily to be received, repentance is not to be denied unto them. Presbyter moechus ab ecclesia pelli debet, an incontinent presbyter ought to be driven from the church. Conc. La●d. quod non oporteat angelos inv●cari, that we ought not to call upon Angels. & can. 59 quod non oporteat libros non canonicos legi in ecclesia, that books that are not canonical, ought not to be read in church. But our acute and learned brother demandeth, qua fide recipiendi sint hi articuli, ecclesiastica an divina? with what kind of faith, human or divine? I answer, at the first propounding of them, if we have nothing to say against them fide ecclesiastica, or humana, by a human faith, or the faith of the church, out of reverence to our mother the church; but after we have examined them and compared them with Scriptures, then fide divina, by a divine faith: as the Samaritans at the first believed, fide humana by a human faith, upon the relation of the woman; but afterwards, when they heard Christ himself, and saw his miracles, fide divina.   

The first Speech concerning the eleventh ARTICLE.  
M. Prolocutor▪  
THere are two sorts of things which are not defined without great difficulty, things of the highest, and of the lowest nature; the former can hardly be defined in regard of their exceeding perfection, the latter for their extreme imperfection: of the former no definition is capable, the latter are capable of no exact definition, but only some imperfect description: and therefore as Aristotle defines materia prima, the first matter, by mere negations, quod nec quid, nec quantum, nec quale, neither substance, nor quantity, nor quality, &c. So Plato defines God, that he is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, neither body nor colour, &c. To this later kind we may well refer justification, of which we read that high eulogy in the Bohemian Confession, Hoc caput doctrinae ex omnibus apud nos pro maximo & gravissimo capite habetur, ut in quo summa evangelii posita est, & quo christianismus fundatur, & in quo preciosus nobilissimusqu● thesaurus salutis aeternae, unica & viva cons●latio divina comprehenditur: this is the chief head of doctrine, in which consists the sum of the whole gospel, etc▪ This excellency of the subject notwithstanding ought not to dull the edge of our most diligent search into it, but sharpen it rather, to endeavour so to define justification, that we may justify our definition. Which we cannot do, without distinguishing of a threefold righteousness: first, a perfect righteousness, but not inherent; of which, 2 Cor. 5.21. secondly, inherent, but not perfect; of which, Luke 1.75. and Apoc. 22. 11. thirdly, perfect and inherent▪ of which, Heb. 12.23. The first, is the righteousness by which we are justified; the second, by which we are sanctified; and the third, by which we are glorified. The first consisteth as well of Christ's active as his passive obedience, and in the imputation thereof by faith consisteth the essence of our justification, which may be thus defined: an act of God, 
The definition of justification.  whereby he acquitteth every penitent and believing sinner, by not imputing to him his sins, and imputing to him the perfect satisfaction and righteousness of Christ. Every part of this definition may be proved by clear testimonies of Scripture; and besides, it hath that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, certain mark or touchstone of a true definition, that it meeteth with all doubts, and confronteth all errors broached against the nature of justification: first, the error of the Libertines, by that clause, every penitent: secondly, of the Antinomians, in the clause, not imputing their sin: thirdly, the Socinians, in the clause, perfect satisfaction: and lastly, the Arminians and Papists, in the last clause, imputing Christ's righteousness, no habit or act of ours▪ no, not the act of faith. The testimonies of Scripture, because they are ready at hand to every one, I shall forbear to quote at this present and conclude with culling out of some passages of the ancient Fathers, the rather to confound our Romish adversaries, who putting on a brazen face, challenge the champions of our Faith to produce but one testimony of any Divine or Doctor of the Church, who taught, that a man was justified by another man's righteousness, before Calvin or Luther. We accept of the challenge, and allege first Justin Martyr, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. O the inestimable and unexpected mercies of God The transgression of many is hid in one righteous One, and the righteousness of One acquitteth many. Jerom, ut nos efficeremu● justitia Dei in ipso, non nostra, nec in nobis: that we might be made the righteousness of God in him, not ours, nor in us. August. serm. 6. de verb. Apost. Videte duo▪ justitia Dei, non nostra; in ipso, non in nobis: observe two things; it is God's justice, not ours; and in him, not in us. Et tract. 3. in Iohan. Omnes qui ex Ad●mo in peccato, peccatores, omnes qui per Christum justificati, justi; non in se, sed i● illo: all that are justified by Christ, are just, not in themselves, but in him. Et in Psal. 21. Mors Christi morte fugatur, & Christi nobis justitia imputatur: our death is put to flight by Christ's death, and Christ his righteousness is imputed to us. Bernard. ad Mil. Temp. c. 12. Adae peccatum imputabitur mihi, & Christi justitia ad me non pertinebit? Adam's sin is imputed to me, and shall not Christ his righteousness belong to me? Et Serm. 61. in Cant. Nempe factus es tu mihi, Christ, justitia à Deo: nunquid mihi verendum; ne una amb●bus non sufficiat? non est pallium breve, quod non possit operire duos; & te pariter & me operiet larga & aeterna justitia: thou, O Christ, art made righteousness unto me from God: need I fear lest thy righteousness, being but one, cannot suffice us both? it is no short or scanty cloak or garment, that cannot cover two; thy large and eternal justice or robe of righteousness, shall cover both thee and me.   

M. Prolocutor,  

The second Speech, to the eleventh Article.  judicious and devout Calvin, alluding to the words of the Prophet, let us draw water out of the well● of salvation, 
Calvin. praefat. Institut.  saith, nusquam legimus reprehens●s ●ui nimium de puteo aquae vivae hauserint: none ever were found fault with, for drawing too much out of the well of life. Sith than we have free liberty to draw, and the water is so precious and sovereign, 
Cypri. de ce●t. Dom.  the well so full and exubera●t, that, as S. Cyprian speaketh, quantumfidei capacis aff●rimus, tantum gratiae inundantis haurimus; we take up so much grace as our faith can hold or receive. I profess, for my own part, I had rather draw more out of this well then less: they who are only for the imputation of Christ's passive obedience, seem to me to draw bu●one bu●kes full but they who are for the imputation of both, two the former draw from thence only, pretium redemptionis, the price of our ransom; the other, meritum aeternae vitae, the merit of eternal life. But to leave all rhetorical expressions, and handle this subtle question logically and scholastically.  
First, we are to take notice of a double obedience of Christ; a general, which he performed to the whole law through the whole course of his life: a special, which he performed to that particular command of his Father, to lay down his life for his sheep.  
Secondly, when we speak of this general and special obedience of Christ (which some term active and passive) though it be most true which Bernard saith, Christus in vita habuit actionem passivam; in morte passionem activam: Christ in his life performed a passive action; in his death he sustained an active passion. It is confessed on all hands, that both are necessary to justification, & that Christ performed both for us; but than we must distinguish of this term, for us; for it may either signify bono nostre, only for our good and behoof, or also loco nostro, in our stead and place; that Christ satisfied the punishment of the law, and fulfilled all the precepts thereof for us, that is, for our benefit, is not denied by any: and therefore those texts, puer natus est nobis, & oportet nos implere omnem justitiam, & factus est sub lege ut eos redimeret; to us a Child is borne, and so we ought to fulfil all righteousness, and he was made under the law, that he might redeem those that were under the law, and the like might be spared; they are like the Lacedaemonian swords, too short to reach their adversaries. But that he fulfilled the law, loco nostro, in our stead and place, that's denied by Piscator and Vilenus; who conceive that the passive obedience only is imputed to us, et implet utramque paginam, not the active. Their principal reasons are.  

Piscator and Tilenus.  First, Christ as man, being a creature, was bound to fulfil the law of his Creator for himself, otherwise he had not been sacerdos inculpatus, 
Obj.  a high Priest without blame▪ neither would his sufferings have steaded us: but, being an innocent man, he was not bound to satisfy for the breach of the law; that therefore is to be allowed to us which he did undergo in our stead.  
Secondly, the Scripture attributeth our redemption and reconciliation to the blood of Christ; Christ's blood cleanseth us from all sin, 1 Io. 1, 9, and 6. Christ gave his flesh for the life of the world.  
Thirdly, he that is freed from the guilt of all sins, of omission as well as commission, is to be reputed, as if he had fulfilled the law: for idem est esse iustum & insontem, it is all one to be a just and an innocent man. But by the imputation of Christ's passive obedience we are freed from the guilt of all sin, as well of omission as commission, ergo &c.  
Fourthly, if Christ's active obedience be imputed to us, than there needs no remission of sins; for he who is esteemed to have fulfilled the law, needs no forgiveness for the breach it.  
Fifthly, those who are freed from eternal death, of necessity attain everlasting life: but by the imputation of Christ's passive obedience, we are freed from eternal death: ergo, by it we obtain everlasting life.  
To the first, a threefold answer may be given. First, 
Sol 1▪  that Christ, in regard of his hypostatical union, 
Obj.  was freed from all obligation of law, which otherwise had lain upon him, if he had been mere man. Secondly, admitting that Christ, as man, after he had taken upon him our nature, was bound to fulfil the law for himself; yet because he freely took upon him our nature, and consequently this obligation for us, his discharging it shall accrue to us: as if I freely enter into bond for another man's debt; if I discharge the bond, I both release myself and my friend. Thirdly, we must distinguish of a public person and private; what a man doth as a private person, belongeth only to himself; but what he doth as a public person, to himself and others.  
To the second I answer, 
Sol. 2.  that either the blood & death of Christ are taken by a synecdoche, for his entire obedience, it being the coronis and crown of all; or that salvation and life is attributed to it, because it merited for us the imputation of Christ's active obedience also.  
To the third, he that is freed from sin of omission is in the state of an innocent, but not of a just man: 
Sol. 3.  he is indeed freed from all punishment, yet because he hath not actively fulfilled the law in the course of his life, he hath no good title to eternal life: by the law, hoc fac & vives, do this and thou shalt live; he that is guilty of no sin of omission, is equivalent to a just man, quoad liberationem à poena, but not quoad meritum aeternae vitae▪ in regard of freedom from punishment, but not in regard of the meriting eternal life; secundum quid, non simpliciter; in some respects, not simply.  

Sol. 4.  To the fourth, Christ's righteousness cannot be imputed to us, before we are assoiled of our sins. For it is not righteous with God, to account him righteous, who hath no way satisfied for his sins, neither by himself nor other: the captive must be first freed, before he be advanced to honour.  
To the fifth, though it follow by the connexion of the causes of our salvation, 
Sol. 5.  that whosoever is freed from eternal death, is stated in eternal life: yet it doth not follow that there is the same cause of both: as for example, if you open the leaves of a window, the sunnebeams shine into the room; yet there is not one and the self same cause of opening the window, and the immission of the beams.  
Thus I h●ve handled the point, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by way of confutation: now {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by way of confirmation, I set to the proof thereof.  
First, if justification be a distinct thing from redemption and satisfaction: then the imputation of Christ's mere passive obedience will not suffice for our justification: but they are distinct things, Dan. 9, 24. He shall make an end of sin, he shall make reconciliation for iniquity, and bring in everlasting righteousness. 1 Cor. 1, 30. He is made to us, righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption.  
Secondly, that which is imputed to us, is called righteousness, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, Rom. 5. but mere passive obedience makes not a man righteous, but only patient, ergo, &c.  
Thirdly, the fulfilling of the ceremonial law is a different thing from Christ's passive obedience; but that is imputed to us, by the reason which our adversaries bring, because Christ did not that for himself, in regard he had no sin; whereof all those legal acts were a kind of confession: and therefore it must be allowed to us.  
Fourthly, If part of Christ's active obedience be imputed to us, why not the whole? But the adversaries confess, that Christ's voluntary submitting himself to death, and offering up himself for a sacrifice to God (which are parts of his active obedience) are imputed to us: for otherwise his bare sufferings had not been meritorious, Ergo, his whole active obedience is imputed to us.  
Fifthly, unless Christ's actual fulfilling of the law be imputed to us, we are debarred of eternal life, which is promised to none but such who in themselves or by Christ have fulfilled the law, according to those texts, fac hoc & vives: & si vis ad vitam ingredi, serva mandata: do this and thou shalt live, and if thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments.  
If Christ were not bound to fulfil the law for himself, upon our adversaries own ground, his fulfilling the law must be imputed to us: but he was not bound to fulfil the law for himself. First, because he was not persona humana, & lex datur personae, non naturae; Christ was not a human person, and the law is given to the person, not to the nature. Secondly, because as Son of man, he is Lord of the Sabbath, and so of the law. Thirdly, because he is the King of the Church, to prescribe laws to his subjects, not to himself, and all power is given to him both in heaven and earth. Lastly, because no man will say, that Christ in heaven hath any obligation upon him, yet there he hath his human nature: that nature therefore, as in him it was hypostatically united to the deity, was free from all tye in regard of himself; what he engaged himself was for us, and to be allowed on our account.   

M. Prolocutor,  

The third Speech, to the eleventh Article.  AS S. Gregory said, plus debeo Thomae, quam Petro, I a● more indebted to Thomas then Peter▪ because his doubting of Christ's resurrection occasioned a more sensible demonstration thereof then otherwise we should have had: so truly I may say, we are much beholding to him, who first moved the scruple concerning the imputation of Christ's sole satisfaction; for it hath occasioned the resolution, not only of that doubt, but of many other concerning the communicatio idiomatum, the effects of the hypostatical union, the nature of the law, and the faithfuls title to heaven.  
It is true, there hath been some clashing among the worthy Members of this assembly: but it hath been like the collision of steel and flint, whereby have been struck out many sparks of divine and saving truth. Nothing seemeth to me now to hinder the putting the question to the vote and determining it ex voto, according to our desire, but the vindication of it from aspersions cast upon it by four sorts of mis●reants, the Antinomians, the Papists, the Arminians, and Socinians.  
First, the Antinomians object, if Christ's active righteousness be imputed unto us, then are not we bound to keep the law, because Christ hath kept it for us.  
This objection may be assoiled with a double answer: first, that this active obedience of Christ is imputed to none but true penitents. For though repentance be no cause of our justification, yet it is conditio requisita in subjecto, a condition required in the subject▪ and to believe the remission of our sins, by imputation of Christ's satisfaction and righteousness without a sincere and serious purpose to forsake all our transgressions, and walk in newness of life, is an act, not of Faith, but of presumption. Secondly, I grant, that Christ's righteousness being imputed to us, we are not bound to fulfil the law hoc nomine to justify us before God, or procure us a title to the Kingdom of Heaven: but for other ends, namely, to glorify God, obey his will, to testify our thankfulness to our Redeemer, to show our faith by our works, to make our election sure to ourselves, to adorn our profession with a holy conversation, to avoid scandal, and avert God's judgements.  
Secondly, the Papists object, if Christ's active obedience be imputed to us, then either the whole, or a part of it: not a part, for that will make us righteous but in part: not the whole, for than no other should have share in it, but ourselves; and every particular believer should be as righteous as Christ himself, and every o●e as another.  
But this objection may be assoiled by a threefold answer. First, there is a double totum or whole, totum extra quod nihil est, & totum cui nihil deest: a whole out of which there is nothing; as the whole water is in the basin; and a whole to which nothing is wanting, as the whole soul is in every part of the body; for the soul is tota in toto, and tota in qualibet parte. Christ's whole obedience in the first sense is imputed to us, not in the second. 2. All believers, according to the speech of Luther, are aeque justi ratione justitiae imputatae, equally just in respect of imputed justice, though not inhaerentis, of inherent; in respect of passive, not active righteousness. Thirdly, aeque pronunciamur justi, ut Christus; we are equally pronounced just, as Christ; that is, we are as truly acquitted and absolved as he; sed non pronunciamur aeque justi, but not pronounced equally just: for his justice was inherent, ours imputed; his from himself, ours from him; his of infinite worth, sufficient to justify all believers; ours of finite, and sufficient only for ourselves.  
The Arminians object, if {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} credere, or the very act of believing justify us, than not Christ's imputed righteousness. But the very act of believing justifieth, as the Apostle saith, Abraham believed, and it was counted to him for righteousness. To this I answer, that saith may be considered either ratione actus, or ratione objecti, in regard of the act, or of the object. Faith justifieth not ratione actus, for then some work should justify; but ratione objecti, not in regard of the act, but in regard of the object; as the spoon feeds the child, in regard of the milk in it; and the chirurgeons hand heals, in regard of the plaster he applies: those that were healed by looking upon the brazen serpent, were not cured by the sharpness of their sight, for the purblind were as well healed as the sharp-sighted, but by a supernatural virtue at that time given to the object, the brazen serpent, a type of Christ.  
4. The Socinians object, God doth not justify man by an act of injustice: but it is injustice to punish one man for another, or attribute one man's righteousness to another: for, justitiae est suum cuique tribuere, it is the office or property of justice to give to every man his own; therefore we are not justified by the imputation of Christ's active or passive obedience. But this objection may be assoiled with a double answer. First it is not against justice, but agreeable to justice, to lay the debt or penalty of one man upon another, in case that one man voluntarily undertake for the other▪ and becomes his surety: as it was just to lay Cimon in the gaol for his father Miltiades' debt, after he engaged himself for it, and made it his own: neither was it unjust to put out one of Zaleuchus his eyes for his son's adultery, after he undertook to satisfy for his son, and to save him one eye, who otherwise should have lost both. Secondly when God imputes Christ's righteousness unto us, he gives us our own, namely, that which Christ hath purchased for us by his death: and secondly in regard of our union with Christ, whatsoever is Christ's in this kind, is ours, and Ro▪ 5. he that hath given Christ to us, hath given his righteousness also.   

M. Prolocutor,  
THe Roman orator in his oration pro Sex●o Roscio Amerino writeth of Caius Fimbria, 
The fourth speech to the eleventh Article.  that he indicted Q. Scaevola upon a strange point, that he would not suffer himself to be slain outright by him, diem Scaevolae dixit, quod non totum ●elum corpore recepisse●; accused Scaevola, for not receiving his whole weapon into his body: methinks some of our brethren put in a like bill against us, that we suffer them not to have a full and fair blow at us; quod non tota t●la argumentorum rec●piamus, that we receive not the weapons of their arguments whole & entire, I will therefore propound their arguments, as near as I can remember, in their own words to the best advantage, and then return a punctual answer unto them. If any of their arro●s be headed, if any of their s●ords be keen edged and sharp pointed, if any of their arguments have acumen & robur, sharpness and strength, they are these five following.  
Every human creature is bound to fulfil the Law of God for himself jure creationis, 
Obj. 1.  by the right of creation. But Christ is a human creature, ergo he was bound to fulfil the Law of God for himself, and consequently he fulfilled it not in our stead.  
To the consequence inferred upon the conclusion of this Syllogism, I have spoken heretofore. I now answer to the Syllogism itself, by distinguishing of humana creatura, a human creature, which may be taken either ratione naturae only, or ratione personae also; which may be so termed, either in regard of the nature, or the person: every human creature ratione naturae & personae, that is, such a creature as hath not only human nature but a human person also, is bound to fulfil the moral Law for himself: but Christ was not so; he had a human nature, but no human person. Now we know, Lex datur personae, the Law is given to the person, Thou shalt do this, or thou shalt not do that.  

Obj. 2.  In the account of the law, and all judiciary proceedings, it is all one to be insons & justus, to be guiltless and righteous: but by the imputation of Christ's satisfaction we are accounted guiltless before God: ergo righteous and fully justified.  
I answer: There are two sorts of causes in courts of justice, criminal and civil; in criminal it is true, idem est esse insontem & justum, it is all one to be accounted innocent, and just: but not in civil, where justice hath a respect to reward: and in that regard, a guiltless man is not necessarily a just man, that is, a deserving man. It was not sufficient for Demosthenes to plead for Ctesiphon, that he was a harmless man, and therefore ought in justice to have the crown; but he proves that he was a deserving man, and by the law ought to have it as his due.  
Thirdly, Justification is a judiciary act opposite to condemnation; 
Obj. 3.  but imputation of active obedidience is no judiciary act opposite to condemnation, ergo, &c.  
God is said to be a righteous judge, 
Sol.  not only in respect of inflicting punishment rightly, but also in conferring rewards and crowns of glory▪ & justification hath respect to both, for there are two questions put to us at God's tribunal; first, what hast thou to say for thyself, why thou shouldst not be condemned to hell's torments? the answer is, I confess I have deserved them by my sins; but Christ hath satisfied for me: the second question is, what canst thou plead why thou shouldst in justice receive a crown of glory, sith thou hast not fulfilled the law? the answer is, Christ hath fulfilled the law for me: both these are expressed by Anselm in his book de modo visitandi infirmos; si dixerit, meruisti damnationem; dic, Domine, mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi obtendo inter me & mala merita mea; ipsiusque meritum ●ffero pro merit●, quod ego debuissem habere, nec habeo; if he, saith thou hast deserved damnation, answer thou, I set Christ's death between me and my ill deserts, or wicked works▪ and I offer his merit for that merit which I should have, but of myself I have not.  
Fourthly, 
Obj. 4.  all they who are freed from the guilt of all sins of omission as well as commission, are accounted as absolutely righteous before God▪ but by the imputation of Christ's mere passive obedience we are freed from the guilt of all sins, of omission as well as commission, ergo, &c.  
I answer: This argument is a plain fallacy a dicto secundum quid ad simpliciter, 
Sol.  from that which is said to be so in some respect, to that which is simply so: he that is free from the guilt of the sin of omission, is as if he were righteous secundum quid, in some respect; that is, in regard of punishment and guilt, but not as a righteous man simply, who hath a good title to a crown of glory. For the taking away of guilt doth not necessarily put merit. Adam at the first moment of his creation was guiltless, yet had no merit which he might pretend as a title to the Kingdom of Heaven.  

Obj. 5.  Fifthly, every doctrine of Faith ought to be founded upon God's Word; but our pretending a title to the Kingdom of Heaven, by the imputation of Christ's active obedience, hath no foundation in God's Word, ergo, &c.  

Sol.  It hath foundation in God's Word; namely; in these texts, fac hoc & vives; si vis ad vitam ingredi▪ ser●a mandata, do this and thou shalt live; and if thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments: and we establish the law by faith; and these shall walk with me in white robes, for they are worthy: upon these foundations we build this fort for truth; none may enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, who have not some way fulfilled the law (fac hoc & vives) and that in the rigour thereof, exactly and perfectly; but all true believers enter into the Kingdom of Heaven; and I subsume (they have not fulfilled the law exactly and perfectly in their own persons.) Ergo, they have fulfilled it by their surety. Christ his fulfilling the law therefore is imputed to them.   

Concerning the resolve of the assembly, that the whole obedience of Christ is imputed to every believer.  
M. Prol●cutor,  
THe expression agreed upon by the assembly, 
The fifth speech to the eleventh Article.  seems liable to three exceptions, redundancy, deficiency, and novelty: redundancy, in the word whole; deficiency, in the word obedience; and novelty, in the word imputed: as Tertullian saith of the serpent, quot colores tot dolores; so we may say here, quot literae tot liturae.  
The first exception is of redundancy: for within the account of the whole obedience of Christ cometh his obedience to the ceremonial law, which yet is not imputed to us, because we ought no obedience to it; it was no part of our debt, and therefore our surety his laying it down cometh not upon our account.  
The second exception is of deficiency in the word obedience, for it falls short of that which is imputed to us. For Christ's original righteousness is not comprised under either his active or passive obedience; yet that also must be imputed to us, as Beza elegantly demonstrateth, putting the case thus: we were accountable to the divine justice for three things, original corruption, sins of omission, and sins of commission.  
To this threefold malady a threefold remedy was to be applied: to our original sins, Christ's original righteousness: to sins of omission, Christ's active: to sins of commission, his passive obedience. If the accuser of the brethren article against us at Christ's bar, thou wert conceived and born in sin: the answer is, but my mediators conception and birth was without sin; if he article, thou hast omitted many duties of the law: the answer is, Christ hath fulfilled the law for me; if he article in the third place, thou hast committed many actual sins against the law: the answer is, Christ hath satisfied for them by his death and passion.  
The third exception is of novelty: for the imputation of Christ's active and passive obedience was never defined for dogma fidei, a doctrine of faith, till the Synods held at Gap and Privase in our memory. But these aspersions may be easily washed away thus.  
First, though we were not bound to the ceremonial law, yet the Jews were: to whom this obedience of Christ was necessarily to be imputed, and this seemeth to be the decision of the Apostle, Gal. 4, 4. Made under the law, to redeem them that were under the law.  
Secondly, though Christ's original righteousness were most requisite in him to qualify him to be both our high Priest and sacrifice, that he might be an immaculate lamb and an high Priest separated from sinners; and though this original righteousness hath influence into our birth, to cleanse it: yet, as Rivetus acutely observeth, it was not properly the work of Christ, but of the holyghost sanctifying him in the womb, and in that regard not to be imputed to us as any act of our mediator.  
Thirdly, though in the Synods above named the controversies which arose about this point, first between Piscator and Rivet, and after between Moulin and Tilenus, were determined; yet the doctrine itself was much more ancient: For besides the testimonies of Bernard, exhortat▪ ad templ.. Chrys. 2. Cor. 5. Aug. in Psal. 21. and Justin Martyr in quaest. heretofore alleged by me, Tilenus himself confesseth that it was Luther's opinion: and Calvin is express for it, in ep. ad Rom. 3. v. 31. Cum ad Christum ventum est, in eo invenitur exacta legis justitia quae per imputationem fit nostra; when we come to Christ, in him we find the exact justice of the law, which by imputation is made ours. And so is Peter Martyr, in ep. ad Rom. c. 8. Iustitia Christi qua lex impleta fuit, illorum jam est justitia, & illis à Deo imputatur: Christ his righteousness, by which the law is fulfilled, is now their righteousness, and imputed to them by God. And Vrsin. Catech. Perfecta satisfactio, justitia & sanctitas Christi mihi imputatur: Christ his perfect satisfaction, justice and holiness, is imputed to me. And Hemmingius de justif. art. 2. justificatio hominis est credentis in Christum absolutio à peccato propter mortem Christi, & imputatio justitiae Christi: justification is the acquitting of a believer from sin for the death of Christ, and the imputation of Christ's righteousness. And the Magdeburgenses, Cent. 1. l. 2. justitio, quam Deus impio imputat, est totum opus quod Christus mediator noster pro toto genere humano praestitit: all which Christ our mediator did for all mankind is the righteousness which God imputeth to a sinner.  
But here methinks I hear those who are most active in the Assembly for the imputation of the mere passive obedience of Christ, like the Tribunes among the Romans, ●b●unciare & intercedere, that they may hinder and stop the decree of the Assembly, alleging, that though some of the ancient Fathers, and not a few of the reformed Doctors cast in their white stone among ours: yet that we want his suffrage, who alone hath the turning voice in all debates of this kind, and that according to our protestation made at our first meeting we ought to resolve upon nothing in matter of faith, but what we are persuaded hath firm and sure ground in Scripture: and howsoever some texts have been alleged for the imputation of both active and passive obedience, yet that at our last sitting they were wrested from us, and all inferences from thence cut off, all the redoubts & forts built upon that holy ground slighted: it will import therefore very much those who stand for the affirmative part to recruit the forces of truth, and make up the breaches in our forts made by the adversaries batteries.  
First, our first fort is built upon Rom. 5.18, 19 after this manner: 
Arg. 1.  if we are made righteous by the obedience of Christ, his entire obedience must needs be imputed to us. But we are made righteous by the obedience of Christ, as the Apostle affirmeth in the text quoted. Therefore Christ's obedience must needs be imputed to us.  

Resp.  In this fort they make a breach thus: by obedience the Apostle here understandeth that special obedience which Christ performed to the commandment of his Father, for laying down his life for his sheep; of which the Apostle speaketh, Phil. 2.8. He became obedient to death, even to the death of the cross: therefore this text maketh nothing for the imputation of Christ's active obedience.  

Replic.  But First, the breach is thus repaired: the word in the former verse is not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, which is never taken in Scripture for suffering, or mere passive obedience.  
Secondly, the Apostle saith, loc. supra. cit. many are made righteous; and righteousness came upon all to justification of life; and Christ is the end of the law for righteousness; and the abundance of grace, and gift of righteousness shall reign by one Jesus Christ: but no man is said to have justification of life, or abundance of grace, and the gift of righteousness, or to be made righteous, by suffering only: for the willing undergoing of punishment satisfieth the law but in part; it denominateth a man patient, but not absolutely righteous. Christ himself was not righteous only in regard of his sufferings; and therefore the imputation of them only unto us will not make us formally righteous, though it fully acquitteth us from all punishment.  
Thirdly, the obedience here mentioned is set in opposition to Adam's disobedience: but Adam's disobedience was active: therefore Christ's obedience must be active.  
This argument may be illustrated by S. Bernard's paraphrase, ad exhort, ad Templar. c. 11. ablato peccato, redit justitia; porro mors Chrsti m●rte fugatur, & Christi nobis justitia imputatur: plus potuit Adam in malo, quam Christus in bono? Adae peccatum imputabitur mihi, & Christi justitia ad me non pertinobit? Sin being taken away, righteousness returns; moreover, death is put to flight by the death of Christ, and Christ's righteousness is imputed unto us: could Adam more hurt us by sin, than Christ benefit us by righteousness? Shall the sin of Adam be imputed to me and shall the righteousness of Christ no way belong unto me, or I have no interest in it?  
Our second fort is built upon 2 Cor. 1.30. after this manner. 
Arg. 2.  If Christ be made unto us righteousness, as righteousness is distinguished from redemption, than Christ's active obedience is imputed to us as well as his passive. But Christ is made to us righteousness and sanctification, as they are distinct things from redemption, or satisfaction (as the letter of the text importeth, he is made to us of God righteousness, sanctification, and redemption.) Ergo, Christ's active obedience is imputed to us as well as his passive.  

Advers. Resp.  In this fort they make a breach thus: Christ is made to us righteousness, as he is made wisdom, for so runneth the text; Christ is made to us of God wisdom, and righteousness, &c. But he is not made to us wisdom, by imputing his wisdom unto us▪ but by instructing us, and making us wise to salvation; therefore neither is he said to be made righteousness to us, because his righteousness is imputed to us; but because he sanctifieth us, and maketh us by his grace righteous and holy. But the breach is thus repaired.  

Replicatio.  First, whatsoever Christ is made unto us, he is made perfectly such unto us; else we shall lay a defect upon him, who is perfection itself. But Christ is not made perfectly wisdom, or sanctification, or righteousness to us, save only by imputing his own righteousness, and wisdom, and holiness to us, which are most perfect: for, as for our inherent righteousness, and holiness, and wisdom they are imperfect and defective; as all confess, save Papists and Pelagians.  
Secondly, Christ is so made righteousness to us, as he is made redemption: for so carrieth the letter; Christ is made to us righteousness, and redemption. But he is made redemption unto us, by imputing his passive obedience; therefore in like manner he is made righteousness unto us, by imputing the active obedience. Yea but, say they, Christ's wisdom is not imputed to us: I answer, it is, and it covers our follies and errors, as his righteousness doth our sins; and by virtue thereof we are acompted wise unto salvation; and for proof of this exposition I allege an Author of greatest authority next the Apostles, Clemens Romanus in his for●er Epistle ad Corinth. so highly cried up by all the ancients, p. 41. Non per nos ipsos justificam●r, neque per sapentiam nostram, intelligentiam▪ pietatem, aut opera, quae in puritate cordis & sanctimonia operati sumus; sed per fidem, per quam omnipotens Deus omnes ab initio justificavit: we are not justified by our wisdom or godliness, &c. but by faith by which God justified all from the beginning.  
Thirdly, our third fort is built upon 2 Cor. 5, 21. after this manner: 
Arg. 3.  those who are made the righteousness of God in Christ must needs have God's righteousness imputed unto them. But God's righteousness in Christ is the perfect fulfilling of the law, ergo, the perfect fulfilling of the law is imputed to us.  
In this fort they make a breach thus. By sin is here meant a sacrifice for sin: 
Resp. Advers.  and it is granted on all hands that Christ was made a sacrifice for sin, that we might be accounted righteous before God; and this maketh for the imputation of the passive, but not the active obedience of Christ. 
Replic.  But the breach is thus repaired.  
First, there is no necessity of expounding here sin by this gloss, a sacrifice for sin: the words will carry as well another interpretation, namely, that as Christ was reputed a sinner for us, or in our stead: so we are accounted righteousness in him▪ But our sins are no way in him but by imputation, therefore his righteousness also is in us by imputation; and this is the current sense which we find in the expositions of the ancient Fathers, Chrys. in hunc locum, p. 322. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, &c. he said not righteous, but righteousness; for that righteousness he speaks of is God's, since it is not of works; and it is such in which there must be no stain, or spot, which cannot be inherent but imputed: he made the just to be unjust, that the unjust might be made just, and S. Aug. in Psal. 21. delicta nostra sua delicta feci●, 
In Rom. 5.  ut justitiam suam nostram justitiam faceret: he made our sins his sins, that he might make his righteousness our righteousness.  
Secondly, admit we take sin for sacrifice for sin in this place, this very interpretation rather strengtheneth than weakeneth the former argument: for that righteousness which is said to be in Christ would never have been ours, 

Assumpt. But the righteousness of Christ, as he was a sacrifice for sin, was to be unspotted wholly and without sin.  
Hebr. Ergo, as he was a sacrifice for sin, his holiness was imputed unto us.   if his death had not been a sacrifice for our sins: thus therefore I collect the argument out of this place.  
The righteousness which is in Christ can be no otherwise ours then by imputation; but the righteousness here spoken of is the righteousness in Christ; ergo, it cannot be ours any other way then by imputation.  
Thirdly, Christ's sufferings are not properly his righteousness, though he who suffered were righteous, nay righteousness itself: neither are these sufferings now in Christ, but his active obedience and holiness is truly and properly righteousness, and it remains in him; and is that eternal righteousness spoken of by the prophet Daniel, (c. 9, v. 14.) he shall take away sin, and bring everlasting righteousness.  

Arg. 4.  Our fourth fort is built upon Col. 2, 10. after this manner: if all the faithful are complete in Christ, as the Apostle here affirmeth, we are complete in him in whom dwelleth the fullness of the godhead; then Christ supplieth whatsoever is otherways defective in them, and yet required of them. But the perfect fulfilling of the law is required of them, which they cannot do in their own persons; ergo, Christ's fulfilling it for them is imputed to them.  
In this fort they make a breach thus: 
Advers. Sol.  whatsoever we were bound to do, Christ hath done for us, either in specie, or per aequivalentiam; in kind, or in value: according to which distinction, although the fulfilling of the law be not imputed to us in speci●i yet it is▪ per aequivalentiam, because his satisfaction is imputed to us▪ and so there is no defect in us, because no man is bound both to fulfil the law, and satisfy the breach thereof: we therefore having satisfied for the breach of the law are accounted as if we had fulfilled the law. But the breach is thus repaired.  
No man who standeth rectus in curiâ, 
Replicatio.  as Adam did in his innocency, or the Angels before they were confirmed in grace, is bound both to fulfil the law, and to satisfy for the violation thereof; but to the one or to the other, to fulfil only the law primarily, & to satisfy for not fulfilling it in case he should transgress; but that is not our present case. For we are all born and conceived in sin, and by nature are the children of wrath, and are guilty as well of Adam's actual transgression as our own corruption of nature drawn from his loins. Therefore first we must satisfy for our sin, and then by our obedience lay claim to life, according as it is offered us by God in his law, fac hoc & viv●s, do this and live. Now we grant freely that Christ's death is sufficient for the satisfactory part; but, unless his active obedience be imputed to us, we have no plea or title at all to eternal life. To illustrate this by a lively similitude, and such an one to which the Apostle himself elsewhere alludes. In the Olympian games he that overcame received a crown of gold or silver, or a garland of flowers, or some other prize or badge of honour; but he that was overcome, besides the loss of the prize, forfeited something to the keeper of the games. Suppose then some friend of his should pay his forfeiture, will that entitle him to his garland? Certainly no, unless he prove masteries again, and in another race outstrip his adversary, he must go away crownlesse. This is our case by Adam's transgression and our own: we have incurred a forfeiture, or penalty; this is satisfied by the imputation of Christ's passive obedience: but unless his active be also imputed to us, we have no plea or claim at all to our crown of glory; for we have not in our own persons so ru●, that we might obtain.   

The VOTE.  After this speech the Divines cried generally to the Vote, and though some few of eminent parts in the assembly dissented, yet far the major part resolved for the affirmative; but before the close D. F. produced an advice of King James of blessed memory directed to an assembly of Divines at Privase in France, for the deciding the present controversy which here followeth.  

Consilium serenissimi principis, Iacobi, Magnae Britanniae Regis, de controversia sequente sopienda.  
FEcit Deus (inquit Solomon) hominem rectum, sed ipse infinitis se immiscuit quaestionibus. Cujus sententiae veritas hinc elucet, quod tam infinitae indies oriantur controversiae, quae tantum ad turbandam ecclesiae pacem spargi ubique videntur. Inter quas haec nupera non ante quadraginta annos nata, & qua car vit ecclesia annis mille quadringentis sexaginta, nec quicquam inde tulit d●trimenti; nunc vero inter duos doctissimos viros tan● acriter ventilata potest recenseri, utrum scilicet passiva Christi obedientia, qua vitam pro ovibus speciali mandato posuit, tantum nobis imputetur ad justi●iam; vel simul cum passiuâ, activa etiam qua se legi obedientem praestitit.  
Hanc quaestionem & quae inde emanant necessariò, quarum specimen in propositionibus Molinaei, & oppositionibus Tileni cer●ere licet, nec generatim discutere, nec particulatim examinare nobis est propositum: sed ex iis tantum quae legimus ipsi, & coram audivimus, consilium dabimus, quale fidei defensorem non dedecere arbitramur. Et hoc quidem illud erit; nempe, ut ipsa penitus sepeliatur quaestio cum omnibus inde emergentibus, & cum fas●●i● & linteis quibus revinctum erat & involutum Christi corpus, in sepulchro relinquatur, ab iis presertim qui se cum Christo resurrexisse profitentur; ut, relictis impedimentis omnibus, òmnes simul in perfectum virum in Christo coalescamus: ne forte nimium altercando infantem vivum, quod indulgens mater non passa est, discindere; aut inco● sutilem Christi tunicam, quod crudelis non tulit miles, divider● videamur.  
Haec consilii nostri summa: cuius ratio haec est, quaestio quod plan● nova si●▪ 〈◊〉 necessaria prioribus seculis inaudita, a conciliis non desinita a patribus non tractata, nec denique a scholasticis ipsis agitata. Apage ergo.  
Deinde si utraque pars litigantium vel ab ipsis doct●ssimorum theologorum sententiis ab utrisque alla●is stare▪ vel in ecclesiarum judiciis quae ab ipsis utrinque afferuntur acquiescere vellet, non alio opus esset arbitro; cum & ipsi, ut ex eorum scriptis apparet, jam inter se consenserint ultro, & faelicissimum quaestioni finem imposuerint·  
Proinde hortamur ac amicè monemus ne deinceps sina●t hasce controversias latiùs serpere; prae om●ibus, praelo ut abstineant, & scriptis hinc i●de pol●micis huic siti fomenta ne ministrent: denique ut fidele sit utrinque silemium, cum edificationi non serviant▪ nec al●● tenda●t qua● ad dissociandos hominum animos in reliquis fidei capitibus consent●entium: quibus omnibus, si unquam alias, tum hisce praesertim temporibu● summa pax & concordia est summè necessaria.  
Sint igitur m●mores plus semper tribuendum esse charitatis studio, quam scienti●e victoriae, secundum illud Apostoli: solliciti servare unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis, & publico ecclesiae commodo privatam non anteferre gloriam.  
JACOBUS Rex.   

The advice of the most Gracious Prince, James, King of great Britain, for the quieting and composing the ensuing controversy.  

Eccl. 7.29.  GOd made man upright, saith Solomon, but he found out many inventions: the truth whereof hence appears, that there daily grow such infinite controversies which seem to tend to no other end, then to disturb the peace of the Church. Among which this late question sprung up within these forty years, which the Church of God knew not of for 1460 years and sustained thereby no detriment, but now hath been eagerly argued between two most learned men, may be ranked; whether the passive obedience of Christ, whereby he laid down his life for his sheep by the special command of his Father, be only imputed to us for righteousness, or together with the passive the active also whereby he rendered himself obedient to the law. This question, and those that necessarily arise from it, (a glimpse whereof we may see in the propositions of Molinaeus, and the oppositions of Tilenus) we have no mind either in general to discuss, or in particular to sca●. But out of those things which we have read ourselves, or heard from others in our presence, we will give such advice as we think will not misbeseem the Defender of the faith. And that is this: to wit, that this question be altogether buried with those that depend upon it, and be left in the grave with the napkin and the linen clothes wherein the body of Christ was wrapped, especially by them who profess themselves to be risen with Christ: that, all impediments being removed, we may all grow unto a perfect man in Christ Jesus: lest peradventure by too much wrangling we seem to cut in two the living child, which the tender-hearted mother would not endure; or divide the seamless coat of Christ, which the cruel soldier would not suffer. This is the substance of what we shall advise: the reason whereof is, because it is a question altogether new, and not necessary, unheard of in former ages, not determined in any council, not handled by the fathers not disputed in the schools. Away with it therefore. Moreover, if both parties now contesting would either stand to the judgements of most learned Divines alleged by both sides, or would test satisfied in the determinations of the churches urged by both, there needed no other Arbitrator; seeing they themselves, as appears by their writings, agree of their own accord, and have already brought it to an happy issue.  
Therefore we exhort and friendly advise you that you suffer not these controversies to spread any further: above all, that you keep from the press, and add not fuel to this fire by polemical tractates.  
Lastly, that there be faithful silence on both sides: seeing they tend not to edification, nor serve to any other purpose then to distract m●ns minds otherwise consenting in all chief points of faith. To whom, if ever, especially in these days perfect concord is most necessary. Let them therefore remember that they ought rather to strive to preserve charity then to gain victory according to that of the Apostle; endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace; and not to prefer their private glory before the public good of the Church.   

D. F. his speech before the assembly of Divines, concerning the new League and COVENANT.  
M. Prolocutor,  
OUr brethren of Scot●and desire a resolution from this assembly concerning the necessity and lawfulness of entering into this new league; and how can we resolve them if we be not resolved ourselves, as some of us are not? I shall therefore humbly offer to your serious consideration whether it be not fit to qualify the word prelacy when it is ranked with popery and superstition, after this manner: I will endeavour the extirpation of popery, and all antichristian, tyrannical, or independent prel●cie; for otherwise by abjuring prelacy, absolutely some of us shall swear to forswear ourselves. For prelacy, as also hierarchy, in the former and better ages of the Church were taken in the better part; hierarchy signifying nothing but a holy rule or government, and prelacy the preeminency of one in the Church above another. Prelation is a relatio disquiparantiae, and praelati are relati to those over whom they are set; who may be either the flock, or the pastors themselves; if the flock, in that sense all that have charge of souls may be truly c●lled praelati, viz. gregi; for they are set over them to be their overseers and spiritual rulers, Act. 8, 28. 1 Pet. 5▪ 2. Heb. 13, 17, 24, 1 Tim. 5.17. In this sense both S. Gregory and Bernard take the word; praelati non quae sua sunt, sed quae domini, quaerant: & non pastores, sed impostores; non doctores, sed seductores; non praelati, sed Pilati: let prelates not seek their own, but those things which are the Lords; now adays we have not teachers, but seducers; not shepherds, but deceivers; not prelates, but Pilat●; in which sentence, teachers, pastors and prelates are ranked together, as signifying the same persons: in which elegant antanaclasis you hear that doctors, pastors, and prelates, are a kind of synonomas. In this sense, if we condemn prelates, and vote their extirpation, we shall with one breath blow all the Divines that have cure of souls, not only out of this assembly, but out of their Parsonages, & vicarages also. But if praelati are here in this covenant taken in reference to pastors themselves, and ministers of the Gospel, and thereby such are mean● only who are praepositi clero, set over clergymen themselves, as having not only some precedency to, but authority over the rest: neither in this sense may we piously swear the eradication of them. For there are classes in the Netherlands, Intendents and Super-indendents in Germany, precedents in the reformed Synods in France, and Masters, Provosts, and Heads of colleges, and Halls in our Universities, who have a kind of prelacy and authority over the fellows and students, whereof the major part are Divines, and in holy orders. Here I conceive it will be said, that none of these are aimed at, but only Diocesan Bishops already banished out of Scotland, and prelates indeed they are in a more eminent degree; and if prelacy be restrained to them, it is episcopacy that is principally shot at, to the extirpation whereof I dare not yield my vote or suffrage, lest this new Oath entangle me in perjury. For both myself and all, who have received orders in this Kingdom, by the imposition of episcopal hands, have freely engaged ourselves by oath to obey our ordinary, and to submit to his godly judgement, and in all things lawful and honest to receive his commands; if then we now swear to endeavour the abolishing of Epscopacy, we swear to renounce our canonical obedience, that is, as I apprehend, we swear to forswear ourselves.   
It is true that the Dr was furnished with many other reasons for episcopacy, besides these; and of some he gave a hint in the assembly itself upon other occasions, as namely.   

SECT. VIII. Sixteen reasons for episcopal government.  
THat the name of episcopacy, even as it signifieth a degree of eminency in the Church, is a sacred and venerable title: first in holy scripture ascribed to our blessed Redeemer▪ who as he is dominus dominantium, 
1 Pet. 2.25. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Act. 1.20.  lord of lords, so also episcopus episcoporum, bishop of bishops, the shepherd and bishop of all our souls: next to the Apostles, whose office in the Church is styled by the holy Ghost Episcope a bishopric, let another take his bishopric, though it be translated, let another take his office; yet the original signifies not an office at large, but an episcopal function, that office which Iuda● lost, and Mathias was elected into, which was the office and dignity of an Apostle: 
* 
Ambros come. in Ephes. c. 4. v. 10. Apostoli sunt Episcopi Ierom. ad Marcel. apud nos Apostolorum locum tenent Episcopi. Cyp. ep. l. 3. Apostolos id est Episcopos, & praepositos Dominus elegit.  
August. in Ps. 45. loco patrum erunt filii, ●d est, Apostolorum Episcopi. Et ibid. dilatatum est Evangelium in omnibus finibus mundi; in quibus▪ principes ecclesia id est, Episcopi sunt constituti.   lastly to those whom the Apostles set over the Churches, as namely to Timothy and Titus, who in the subscription of the Apostles letters divinely inspired are styled Bishops▪ in the restrained sense of the word, 2 Tim. 4. written from Rome to Timoth●us, the first bishop elected of the church of Ephesus and to Titus, the first elect Bishop of the church of the Cretians: how ancient these subscriptions are, it is not certain among the learned, if they bear not the same date with the Epistles themselves (the contrary whereof neither is nor can be demonstrated) yet they are undoubtedly very ancient, and of great authority, and in them the word bishop cannot be taken at large for any minister or presbyter, but for a singular person in place and dignity above other pastors; for there were many other presbyters in Ephesus both before and besides Timothy, Acts 20.27.18, and in the Island of Crect or candy there must of necessity be more than one pastor or minister. Besides, S. Paul investeth Timothy in episcopal power, making him a judge of presbyters, both to rebuke them, 1 Tim. 5.1. and to prefer and reward them, ver. 17. and to censure them ver. 19 Against an elder receive no accusation, but under two or three witnesses; and he giveth to Titus expressly both potestatem ordinis & jurisdictionis, of order and jurisdiction; of order in those words c. 1.5. That thou shouldst ordain elders in every city; and of jurisdiction, I left thee in Crect that thou shouldst continue {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, to correct or redress the things that remained▪ or those things which the Apostle before intended to amend, but had not redressed.  
2. The Angels of the seven churches, Apoc. 10.20. were no other in the judgement of the best learned 
* Aug. ep. 162 & comment in Apoc. hom. 2. Ambrose 1 1 Cor. 11.16. ●●cumeniu●, Areth●s, Marlorat. Pareus, in Apoc. c 1.2. Policarp. Episcopus Smyrnae, Onesimus Ephesi Antipa● Pergami, &c.  commentators both ancient and later than the bishops of those sees, for in those provinces or territories there cannot be conceived to be less than many hundred ordinary preachers and pastors; yet there were but seven precisely answering to the seven golden candlesticks: seven candlesticks, seven lights burning in them, these can be no other than seven prime pastors, who had the oversight of the rest: for the errors and abuses in all those churches are imputed to them, and they reproved for not redressing them, c. 2.14. Thou hast them that maintain the doctrine of Baalam, and v. 20. Thou sufferest the 
* Edi● Teclae it is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} thy wife which demonstrateth that the A●gell there signifieth one singular man of authority in the Church, and not the whole clergy of that place, Ep ad Episc. Winton.  woman Jezebel to teach &c.  
3. It is confessed by Molinaeus, and other learned patrons of presbyterial government themselves, that episcopacy is a plant, either set in the church by the Apostles themselves, or their immediate successors in the first and best ages of the Church; and is it agreeable to piety to swear the extirpation of such a plant?  
4. It cannot be denied, that when the Church most flourished, and was of far larger extent than now it is, over the face of the christian world; there was no 
* Concil. Nice. can. 5. conc. Antioch can 6. Conc. Sard. can. 14. conc Chal. act. 15. c. 29. ●gnatius in ep. ad Philad. Irenaeus l. ●. c. 3. Tertul. l. de baptismo Euse. l. ●. c. 40. Jerom ep ad Nep●t. Optatus l. 1. cont. Parmen. Amb. in Eph. cap. 4. Basil. Eph. 70.  other government than episcopacy regulated by divine precepts▪ and ecclesiastical canons: and shall we swear to extirpate that government under the which the church most thrived and flourished? Shall we swear against our prayers, viz. for the rooting out of that, upon which we are enjoined to pray God to pour down the dew of his blessing? surely the dew of heaven burns not the root of any plant upon earth, but waters it and makes it grow.  
5. They were bishops who had the chiefest hand, first in the plantation of christian religion in the days of Lucius, king of Britain; and after in the ●estitution in the days of Etheldred King of Kent; and in the reformation of it in the reign of Edward the 〈◊〉, and Queen Elizabeth and is it a religiou● act to e●adicate tha● government and power which both planted and pr●ned religion it 〈◊〉?  
6. Christ died not intestate, he made his last Will and Testament, and by it bequeathed many legacies ●o his Church, and among them not only Catholic doctrine, but di●cipline also: thi● discipline, if it be not episcopal government moderated by evangelical and apostolical rules, the whole Church is guilty of the loss of a sacred and precious jewel: for certain it is out of records of all ages of the Church, that no other wa● ever retained, or can be found save thi● before the religious reformer and magistrates of Geneva having banished their Popish Bishops, were after a sort necessitated to draw a new platform of ecclesiastical discipline by Lay-Elders. Christ, as the Apostle teacheth us▪ was faithful in the house of God as Moses: and if Moses, after his forty days' speech with God on the mount▪ received a pattern from God▪ and delivered it to the Jews, not only of doctrine but of discipline also, which continued till Christ's coming in the flesh; it cannot be conceived, but that Christ lest a pattern of government to his Church, to continue till the end of the world▪ and doubtless, his Apostles with whom he conversed forty days after his resurrection, speaking of those things which appertain to the kingdom of God, Acts 3.1. delivered that to the Church which they received from their Master. What government or discipline was that? There can be conceived but three forms of government; episcopal, most conformable to monarchy; presbyterial, to A●istoc●acie, and Independent, as they term it to democracy. Presbyterial or Independent it could not be, for presbyterial is no elder than the reformation in Geneva, and the Independent no elder than New-England; whereas episcopal government hath been time out of mind no● in one bu● in all Churches: and sith it was not first constituted by any sanction of a general council, it follows necessarily, according to S. Augustins' observation, that it must needs be an apostolical institution: for what not one Church, but all Churches, not in one age, but all ages, hath uniformly observed and practised, and no man can define who, after the Apostles, were the beginners of it, must needs be supposed to be done by order or tradition from them.  
7. This form of government was not only generally received and embraced by Catholics, but even by heretics and 〈◊〉; who though they severed from the communion of the Church in doctrine, yet not in discipline: for the Novatians and Donatists had Bishops of their own from whom they took their names; only 
Epiphanius haeres. 75. p. 295. Aug ad quod vult D●u● A●riam ab AErio quodam sunt nominati, qui cum esse● presbyter, dolu●sse fertur quod Episcop●● non potuit ordinari, di●●bat presbyterum ab Ep●scopo nulla ●is●r●ntia debere disce●n●. Hieron. in Tit.  AErius, who stood for a bishopric and missed it out of discontent broached that new doctrine wherewith the heads of our schismatics are so much intoxicated, viz. that there ought to be no distinction in the Church between a Bishop and a Presbyter: and for this confounding those sacred orders was himself ranked among heretics, and stands upon record in the Bed●olls of them made by Epiphanius, Augustin, and Philastrius. It is true he had other brands on him, but this was the proper mark put upon him by those ancient fathe●s, who mention this tenet of his as erroneous and heretical. I grant some of the ancient Doctors affirm, that in the beginning, till the prevention of schism made this distinction between Bishops and Presbyters, they were all one in name, as now they are in those essential parts of their function, viz. preaching of the Word, and administration of the Sacraments. But AErius was the first who professedly oppugned the ecclesiastical hierarchy, maintaining that there ought to be no difference and distinction between Bishops and Elders.  
8. This assertion of AErius, 
Con. 1. art. 15. c. 29 Episcopum in presbyteri gradum reducere est sacrilegium. Anatolius constant. Episcop. dixit, i●qui dicuntu● ab Episcopal● dignitat● ad presbyteri ordinem descendi●●e, si 〈…〉 causis condemnanturnec presbyteri honore digni sunt.  as in the doctrine thereof it was def●ned by the Doctors of the Church to be heresy, so in the practice thereof it is condemned by the great council of Chalcedon, to be sacrilege; to confound, say they, the ranks of Bishops and Elders and to bring down a Bishop to the inferior degree of an Elder, is no l●sse than sacrilege. Now I would fain know how that comes to be truth now, which was condemned for heresy; and to be piety now, which was branded for sacrilege above 1200 years ago.  
9 Neither were the Fathers of the council of Chalcedon, only zealous in this cause, which so much concerned the honour of the Church: but the other three also▪ whose authority S. Gregory held to be the next to the four Evangelists, and the doctrine thereof is after a sort incorporated into our Acts of Parliament, Eliz. 1. In these counsels which all consisted of Bishops, episcopacy itself is almost in every canon▪ and sanction either asserted or regulated.  
10. Next to the primitive Church, we owe a reverend respect to the reformed Churches beyond the seas; who either have bishops, as in Poland, Transilvania, Denmark, and Swethland; or the same function is in nature, though not in name: to wit, intendents and superintendents; or they would have them if they could, as I understood from many Ministers in France; or at least approve of them, as appeareth by the testimony of Beza, Sadiel, Scultetus, and others.  
11. What should I speak of the Articles of religion ratified by a sequence of religious Princes succeeding one the other, and confirmed by act of Parliament; to which all beneficed men are required under pain of loss of their livings, within a month to profess their assent and consent; in which, both the power and consecration of bishops and ministers is expressly asserted, 
See Art. 36. & ●. de consecrat. It is evident to all men reading holy Scriptures & ancient authors, that from the Apostles time there have been these three orders in the Church of Christ, and that a Bishop ought to correct and punish such as are unquiet, ●riminous and disobedient within his diocese, according to such authority as he hath by the word of God.  and their distinction from presbyters? or of the Statute of Carlisle, the 15 of Edw. 2. and the first of Qu. Eliz. with very many other unrepealed Acts, in which episcopal government is either related unto, or regulated or confirmed in such sort, that quite to abolish and extirpate it would bring a confusion and make a stop as well in secular as ecclesiastical courts? And therefore our zealous reformers, if they think themselves not too good to be advised by the great councillor, aught to take heed how they rashly and unadvisedly pluck up the tares, as they esteem them, of holy canons and ecclesiastical laws, ne simul ●radicent & triticum, lest together with those tares (as they count them) they pluck up by the roots the good wheat of many profitable and wholesome laws of the common wealth and Acts of Parliament.  
12. But if the authority of both houses could soon cure the●e sores in precedent Acts of Parliament, yet how will they make up the breaches in the consciences of all those, who in the late Protestation and this new Covenant have taken a solemn oath to maintain the privileges of the members of Parliament, and the liberties of the subject? The most authentical evidence whereof, are Charta magna, and the Petition of right, in both which the rights of the Church and privileges of episcopal sees, are set down in the forefront in capital letters.  
13. To strain this string a little higher, the power of granting congedeliers, together with the investiture of Archbishops, Bishops, and collation of deaneries, and Prebends, with a settled revenue from the first fruits and tenths thereof, is one of the fairest flowers in the King's crown; and to rob the imperial diadem of it (considering the King is a Person most sacred) is sacrilege in a high degree; and not sacrilege only, but perjury also in all those who attempt it. For all Graduates in the university, and men of rank and quality in the commonwealth, who are admitted to any place of eminent authority or trust take the oath of supremacy, whereby they are bound to defend and propugn all preemminences, authorities▪ and prerogatives annexed to the imperial crown, whereof this is known to be one inherent in the King, as he is supreme head of the Church within his realms, and defender of the faith.  
14. Yet for all this, admit that reason of state should enforce the extirpation of episcopacy thus rooted, as it hath been said, both in the royal prerogative and privilege of the subject and in the laws of of the land; it is a golden maxim of law, possumus quod jure possumut, we can do no more then lawfully we may. If episcopal government must be overthrown, it must be done in a lawful way, not by popular tumults but by a Bill passed in Parliament, and that to be tendered to his majesty for his royal assent; and how such a bill can be pressed upon his majesty who hath taken an oath 
* Vide record. in Exchequer. I will preserve and maintain to you & the Churches committed to your charges all canonical privileges, and I will be your protector and defender to my power, by the assistance of God, as every good King in his kingdom in right aught to defend the Bishops and Churches under their government &c. Then laying his hand on the book on the communion table, he saith, the things which I have before promised, I shall perform and keep, so help me God, and by the contents of this book▪  at his Coronation to preserve Bishops in their legal rights, I must learn from our great masters of the law. For by the Gospel all inducements to sin are sin; and solicitations to perjury are tainted with that guilt: neither is there any power upon earth to dispense with the breach of oaths lawfully taken.  
15. If we desire that this Church of England should flourish like the garden of Eden, we must have an eye to the nurseries of good learning and religion, the two Univers●ties, which will never be furnished with choice plants, if there be no preferments and encouragements to the students there, who for the far greater part bend their studies to the Queen of all professions, divinity; which will make but a slow progress, if bishoprics, deaneries▪ Archdeaconries, and Prebendaries, and all other ecclesiastical dignities, which like silver spurs prick on the industry of those, who consecrate their labours and endeavours to the glorifying of God, in employing their tal●nt in the ministry of the Gospel, be taken away. What ●ayls are to a ship, that are affections to the soul; which if they be not filled with the hope of some rewards, and deserved preferments, as a prosperous gale of wind, our sacred studies and endeavours will soon be calmed: for, 
* Cic. Tusc. quaest.  honos abit artos; omnesqu● incenduntur studio gloriae; jacentquo ea semper, quae apud quosquo improbantur; honour nourisheth arts; and all men are inflamed with the desire of glory; and those professions fall and decay, which are in no esteem with most men. And if there are places both of great profit, honour, and power propounded to statesmen▪ and those that are learned in the law, like rich prizes to those that prove masteries; shall the professors of the divine law be had in less esteem than the students and practisers in the municipal? And shall that profession only be barred from ●ntring into the temple of honour, which directeth all men to the temple of virtue; and hath best right to honour by the promise of God, honorantes nic honorab●, those that honour me, I will honour; because they most honour God in every action of their function, which immediately tendeth to his glory?  
They will say, that episcopal government hath proved inconvenient and prejudicial to the State, and therefore the hierarchy is to be cut down, root and branch. Of this argument we may say as Cicero doth of Cato, his exceptions against 
* Pro Mur. tolle no●en Catonis.  Murenae, set aside the authority of the objectors, the objection hath very little weight in it. For it is liable to many and just exceptions, and admitteth of divers replies.  
First, it is said, that episcopal government is inconvenient and mischievous, and prejudicial to the State; but it was never proved to be so.  
Secondly, admit some good proof could be brought of it; yet if episcopacy be of divine institution, as hath been proved, it must not be therefore rooted out, but the luxurious stems of it pruned, and those additions to the first institution from whence these inconveniences have grown aught to be retranched.  
Thirdly, if episcopacy hath proved inconvenient, and mischievous in this age, which was most 
* Statut. Ed. 3. ann. 25. The Church of England was founded in the state of prelacy, &c. for we owe to it our best laws made in the Saxon times, and Charta magna itself: The union of the two Roses, Yo●k, and Lancaster, the marriage with Scotland; and above all, the plantation & reformation of true religion. See Vindication of episcopacy▪ page 23, 24. See also the statute book of 16. Rich. 2. where the Commons ●hew, that the Prelates were much profitable and necessary to their sovereign Lord the K. and the realm &c.  beneficial and profitable in all former ages, the fault may be in the maladies of the patient, not in the method of cure. This age is to be reformed, not episcopacy abrogated; that the liberty and looseness of these times will not brook the sacred bands of episcopal discipline, is rather a proof of the integrity thereof, than a true argument of any maligr●tie in it to the state: without which, no effectual 
* 
Jerome advers. Luc. c. 4. Ecclesiae salu● à summi sacerdot● dignitate pendet, cui si non ●xors quaedam, & ab omnibus em●nens detur protestas, tot in ecclesia efficientur schismata, quot sacerdotes.  
Cypr. ep. 3. non aliunde haereses abortae sunt, aut nata schismata, quam inde quod sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur; nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos, & ad tempus judex● vice Christi cogitatur.   means or course can be taken, either for the suppressing schismatics, or the continuation of a lawful and undeniable succession in the ministry.  
16. Lastly, though some of late think they have brought gold and silver, and precious stones to build the house of God, by producing some stuff out of antiquity, to prove the ordination of presbyters by mere presbyters; yet being put to the test, it proves mere trash: for there can be no instance brought out of Scripture of any ordination, without imposition of apostolical or episcopal hands; neither hath prime antiquity ever approved of mere presbyters laying hands one upon another, but in orthodoxal counsels revoked, cassated, and disannulled all such ordinations, as we may read in the Apologies of 
* Athanas. apol. 2. Colithus quidam presbyter in ecclesia Alexandrina alios presbyteros ordinare praesumpserat; sed rescissa fuit ejus ordinatio, & omnes ab eo constituti presbyteri in laic●rum ordinem redacti. See Epiph. haer. 75. The order of Bishops begets Fathers in the Church: but the order of Presbyters sons in baptism, but no Fathers or Doctors.  Athanasius, and elsewhere.  
What shall I need to add more, save the testimony of all christians of what denomination soever under the cope of heaven▪ save only the mushroom sect of Brownists sprung up the other night, all who have given their name to Christ, and acknowledge and have some dependence on either the Patriarch of Constantinople in the East, or of Rome in the West, or of Muscovia in the North, or of Alexandria in the South, together with the Cophti●, Maro●ites, Abissenes, and Chineses, not only admit of episcopal government, and most willingly submit to it, but never had, or at this day have any other? Neither is this, or can it be denied by our Aërians: but they tell us, that these are Christians at large, who hold many errors and superstitions with the fundamentals of Christian doctrine: their Churches are like oar not cleansed from earth; like gold not purged from dross; like threshed wheat, not fanned from the chaff; like meal not sifted from the bran; like wine not drawn off the lees: we are, say they, upon a reformation, and the new Covenant engageth us to endeavour the reformation of the Church of England in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, according to the Word of God, and according to the example of the best reformed Churches. The best reformed, which are they? whether the remainders of the Waldenses and Albigenses in Piedmont, and the parts adjoining; or of the Taborites in Bohemia; or of the Lutherans in Germany; or those that are called after the name of Calvin, in France, and elsewhere.  
First, for the Waldenses, the forerunners of Luther, as he himself confesseth, 
See also ●. Abbot▪ in his 〈◊〉 of the visibility of the Church, and in his answer to Hill.  they had Bishops who ordained their pastors; a catalogue whereof we may see in the history of the Waldenses, first written in French, and after translated into English by a learned Herald.  
Secondly, for the Lutheran Churches, they have Prelates governing them, under the titles of Archbishops and Bishops in Poland, Denmark▪ and Swethland; but under the name of Superintendents and Intendents in Germany: and as for their judgement in the point, it is expressly set down in the 
* Apol. confess. Augustan. c. de numero & usu sacrament. ●os saepe pro●estati sumus summa cum voluntate conservare p●litiam eccl●siasticam, & g●adus in ecclesia factos etiam summa authoritate: scimus enim utili consilio ecclesiacticam disciplina hanc modo quo vet●res eam d●scribunt constitutam.  apology of the Augusta●e confession in these words: we have often protested our earnest desires to conserve the discipline of degrees in the Church by Bishops. Nay, 
Luther. tom. 2. p. 320. Nemo contra statum episcoporum & veros episcopos, vel bonos pastores dictum putet, quicquid contra hos tyrannos dicitur.  Luther himself, who of all men most bitterly inveighed against the Antichristian hierarchy, yet puts water into his wine, adding; let no man hereby conceive, that I speak any thing against the state of Bishops, but only against Rom●sh wolves and tyrant●. Neither are the Lutherans of another mind at this day, witness their every-way accomplished 
* Gerard. de ministerio eccles. Nemo nostrum dicit nihil interesse inter episcopum, & presbyterum; sed agnoscimus distinctionem graduum propter {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ecclesiae, ut concordia conservetur.  Gerard: none of us, saith he, affirmeth, that there is no difference between a Bishop, or Presbyter, or Priest; but we acknowledge a difference of degrees for good order s●ke, and to preserve concord in the Church.  
Here, methinks I see the Smec●y●nians bend their brows, and answer with some indignation: what have we to do with Luthera●s who have Images in their Churches, and auricular confession, and maintain consubs●antiation, and ubiquity, and intercision of grace, and many other errors? We are of Calvin, and hold with the doctrine and discipline of Geneva, which hath no allay at all of error and superstition, but is like the pure angel-gold.  
Here though I might (as many have done) crave leave to put in a legal exception against the authority of Calvin and Beza in matter of discipline, because they had a hand in thrusting out the Bishop of Geneva, and the Lay Presbyterian government was the issue of their brain; and we know it is natural for parents to dote upon their own children, and account them far fairer and more beautiful than indeed they are: yet such was the ingenuity of those worthy reformers, and such is the evidence and strength of truth, that in this point, concerning the abolition of episcopacy in the Church of England, I dare choose them as Umpires. First, let 
* Calv. de necess. reform. ecclesiae. Talem nobis hierarchiam s● exbibeant, in qua sic emin●a●t episcopi, ut Ch●isto subeste non recusent, ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant & ad ipsum referantur, in qua sic inter se fraternam societa●em colant, ut non alio modo quam ejus veritate si●t colligati; tum vero nullo non anathemate dignos fateo●, si qui erunt, qui non ●am ●everenter, summaque obedientia observent.  Calvin speak in his exquisite Treatise concerning the necessity of reforming the Church, the most proper place (if anywhere) clearly to deliver his judgement in this controversy; where, having ripped up the abuses of the Romish hierarchy, in the end thus he resolves: let them show us such an hierarchy, in which the Bishops may have such prehemine●cie, that yet they refuse n●t themselves to be subject to Christ, that they depend upon him as the only Head, and ref●rre all to him, and so embrace brotherly society, that they are knit together by no other means then his truth, and I will confess they deserve any cu●se, if there be any who will not observe such an hierarchy with reverence and greatest obedience. After him, let us hear 
* Beza, de grad. minist. evang. c. 18. Sess. 3. Quod si nunc ecclesiae instau●atae Anglicanae suorum Episcoporum & Archiepisc●porum authoritate suffultae perstant, quemadmodum hoc illis nostra memoria contigit, ut eju● ordinis homines non ●antum insignes Dei martyrs, sed etiam praestantissimos Doctores & Pastores habuerit, &c.  Beza in that very book which he wrote against Saravia, a Prebend of Canterbury, concerning different degrees in the clergy: but, saith he, if the reformed Churches of England remain still supported with the authority of their Archbishops and Bishops, as it hath come to pass in our memory, that they have had men of that rank, not only famous Martyrs, but most excellent Doctors and pastors (which happiness I, for my part, wish that they may continually enjoy) &c. Surely, he that so highly extolled our Bishops, and wished that that order might, like the tree in the Poet, continually bring forth such golden boughs and fruit, would not readily swear to endeavour the utter extirpation thereof.  
With these and other shafts the doctor's quiver was full, though he drew out but one only (considering the time and the auditory) which he took from the oath at the ordination of the Divines in that Assembly, which, as he conceived▪ tied up their hands fast enough from subscribing to the second Clause in the Covenant: for all persons so ordained, who swear for the extirpation of episcopacy▪ forswear their canonical obedience▪ and question the validity of their Orders given them, upon condition of performing such obedience and submission as that oath enjoineth.   

SECT. ix.. Britanicus his scurrilous jests at spiritual Courts retorted, and extemporary prayers and sermons deservedly censured.  

Brit. p. 67.  HE says, the Doctor excepted against the Scotch covenant as not agreeable to God's Word: this is not all. For the Doctor would not like it a jot worse for that, but there are not so many reverend conveniences; you cannot have liberty of conscience, and pluralities at once, you cannot keep an orthodoxal coach and four horses, you cannot mind your business of State and ease▪ for the ceremony of constant preaching; you shall want the good company of chancellors and Commissaries, and the gainful equity of the canon law, and the goodly tyranny of the high Commission Courts, and the comfortable use of the keys over a pottle of Sack in the chancellors chamber.  

Ans.  If thou hadst any vermilion tincture of modesty Britanicus▪ thou wouldst blush to charge the Doctor with negligence in preaching▪ or coaching it with four horses, or gleeking it on the Lord's day: for it is well known to all that know him, that he never kept coach with four horses, nor played at gleek in his life, much less on the Lord's day. And for his constant diligence in preaching, for 35 years and more, if I should hold my peace, the prime and chief pulpits in the university and London would say enough▪ to stop thy mouth, and open all ingenuous men's, to yield a testimony to a known truth. But thou art possessed with Martin Marprelates devil, which Urbanus will shortly conjure out of thee. The power of the keys is a great eyesore to thee, for those of thy sect like not to stand in white sheets, though if the world belie you not, none better deserve it: for Papists and Brownists, like Samson's foxes, though they are severed in the heads, they are joined in the tails. And doubtless, when thou wert summoned by an Apparitor for committing folly with an elect Sister, & waitedst in the chancellor's chamber, it was then that thou heldst thy nose so long over a pottle of Sack, till thy brains crowed. For what chimaeras, Tragelaphusses, and Hippocentaurs dost thou talk of? reverend conveniences, orthodoxal coaches, and business of State, and ease, the ceremony of constant preaching and goodly tyranny of the high commission Court, as if that court now stood? What thy intoxicated brain conceiveth, or thy loose tongue would have understood by reverend conveniences▪ and orthodoxal coaches, I understand not; unless thou alludest to that noble man's conveniency, who had a reverend coachman for his preacher; whose doctrine, very agreeable to his profession, was, that a stable was every way as holy a● a Church, (and for my part, I wish those of his strain may have no other Church,) or thou hadst a s●ing at the doctor's successor in Acton, who rideth every Lord's day in triumph in a coach drawn with four horses to exercise there. 
M. Nye.  What thou talkest of business of state and ease, thou understandest not thyself; if there be business in state, surely there is little ●ase; business of state and ease are a kind of asystata; non bene conveniunt nec in una s●de morantur; if there were ever such a calm● in the state, that the steer●men might take their ease, yet certainly never since your Boreas blew in the Church. If that character might truly be given of any, it may of your sect; turba gravis paci▪ placidaequ● immica quieti: you are the natural sons of Ishmael, your hands are against all men and all men's hands against you. But here thou secretly girdest at our Bishops sitting in Parliament, and our Doctors on the Bench of Justice; that is a great eyesore to you, as if it were agreeable to reason or religion for laymen to meddle with all ecclesiastical matters as now they do, and ecclesiastical persons to meddle with no secular; or the Apostles argument were of no fo●ce▪ those who a●e fit Judges of the highest cases of conscience, and shall one day judge the angels, are much more able to judge men, and compose differences of a lower nature. Certainly, the superior science is better able to judge of the conclusions of an inferior, the ● the inferior of a superior. Yea, but this is a distraction from their sacred function: none at all, if, as thou here sayest, the handling of such business is a matter of ease: yet admit it be some distraction and trouble to clergymen to keep the peace, & compose secular differences amongst those of their flock; yet that religious Bishop S. Aug●stine yields a good reason for it; why for the good of souls godly pastors must not refuse this troublesome work: otium s●nctum quaerit charitas veritatis, sed nego●ium justum suscipit necessitas charitatis, the love of truth desires the rest of contemplation, but the necessity of charity puts manifold businesses upon us.  
But, I pray thee, tell me what thou meanest by the ceremony of preaching. This is thy peculiar dialect, never any to my knowledge termed it so before thee; if some too much addicted to prayer have too much ●ig●tned preaching; as on the contrary, some too much addicted to preaching have to much vilified common-prayer: what is this to the Doctor, who was ever both for diligent preaching, and constant prayer? For neither can a man pray as he ought without direction from preaching, nor preach powerfully without prayer: and as it is an absurd kind of preaching▪ to preach against preaching; so it is a most unholy prayer to pray ex tempore against the set-forms of prayer allowed by the Church. The public preaching of the word is a substantial part of God's worship, and very imp●●usly called by thee a ceremony, unless the word be applied to your ex tempore Enthusiasts, whose preaching is nothing else but a mere ceremony of lifting up the hands and eyes and moving the lips, and b●ating the cushio●, and varying phrases, and plundering an English concordance. Cicero in his book entitled Orator, speaks of negligentia quaedam diligens, a careful avoiding of accurate penning and neglect of ornaments of speech; there is, saith he, a diligent kind of negligence consisting in the weeding out the flowers of rhetor●ck: but I may truly say of these men's preaching, that we may observe in it a negligent kind of diligence, an idle kind of labour; and though they exercise twice every Lord's day, and lecture it most days of the week▪ & kill their hearers at every funeral sermon with the tedious prolixity thereof; yet unless they take more pains in composing their sermon, than they do, they shall never escape the curse of the Prophet: woe be to them that do the work of the Lord negligently.   

SECT. X. Of the abuse of appropriations of benefices, and the necessity of Pluralities as, the case standeth.  
ENough of your preaching, whereof all men surfeit: now to the grand crime you charge our prelatical clergy with, the defence of Pluralities, and nonresidence; in some case Pluralities is no single crime with the Brownists of a deep dye, who by their good will would have all that serve at the Lord's Table their trencher-chaplains, wherein they exceed the sin of Jeroboam: for his was, that he took of the lowest of the people, and made them priests of the high places: but these take from the highest of the clergy their deserved rewards and preferments, and endeavour to reduce them to the lowest rank of their hirelings●, that so they that wear the sacred Ephod, may be every way suitable to their apron-men. So cunning is Satan▪ when he transformeth himself into an angel of light, that he maketh religion herself an advocate to plead for sacrilege. Forsooth▪ if the ministers of the Gospel be well provided for in their bodies & temporal estate they will take less care of other men's souls: Jupiter's golden cloak is too heavy for him to bear, the weight of two bene●●ces is enough to break the back a clergyman: yet their Lecture-men can hold two Lectures; the Assemblie-men two sequestrations; and your Lay-patrons (or rather latrons) as many impropriations as they can purchase with their use-money. C. B. can keep Watford, a benefice said to be worth 200 li. per annum, with a Lecture in Paul's, for which he is to be allowed out of the revenues of the cathedral Church 400 li. per annum. S. M. for a long space held his benefice in Essex, and the Curates gainful employment at Westminster, and a preachers place in the army, and yet he no way guilty of the bloody sin of nonresidence. In the Legend of Saint Francis written by Vincentius Bellovacensis there is one chapter entitled, de sanctâ ejus hypocrisi, of his holy hypocrisy: this chapter you Brownists have conned by heart▪ for there is not such holy hypocrisy and hypocritical holiness in any sect of the world, as in yours; save the Jesuits, whom before you followed close at heels, but now ha●e outstripped them. You cannot be igno●ant▪ that as things now ●●and in the Church▪ there is a necessity of Pluralities. Of the 9000 livings with cure in this Kingdom, there are above 4000 so castrated by sacrilegious appropriations, that in very many places in this Kingdom, that which remaineth for the incumbent is no way sufficient to support him and his family; either than his means must be pieced out with another living, or he perish for want of corporal▪ and his parishioners for want of spiritual food. In every Parliament since the reformation there hath been a bill against Pluralities pursued with all vehemency and eagerness, but ever stopped with a cross bill against appropriations: ubi ille nominaverit Phaedriam, tu Pamphilam: let impropriations and Pluralities either stand together, or fall together. So long as impropriations stand, and the bounds of parishes are not altered, nor some other course taken to make single livings competent and correspondent both to the pains and parts of the incumbent, there will be a necessity of Pluralities. Yea, but Pluralities are s●ns and there can be no necessity of sinning; if plurality be a sin, they themselves have taken an oath to maintain s●n in the Church, for they have taken an oath and made Protestation to maintain the privileges of Parliament, and liberty of subjects: among which, the capacity of holding more benefices with cure is one confirmed by Act of Parliament. If it be unlawful to hold more benefices with cure within convenient distance, it is either malum quia prohibitum, or prohibitum quia malum; it is either evil because prohibited, or prohibited because evil in itself. It is not evil because prohibited, because the law of God nowhere sets out the limits of parishes▪ nor confineth the pains of a pastor within such narrow limits: all that the divine law requires, is, that every pastor carefully by himself, and by his fellow-labourers, which the holy Scripture expressly mentioneth, feed that flock whereof the holy Ghost hath made him overseer: and from whence he is to receive comfortable maintenance, whether this flock be comprised within the limits of one parish or no. For parishes were first distinguished, not by God's law, but by the Popes; and with such disproportion, that some parishes are too much for any one to supply them; and others make not a convenient flock for a man of meanest parts to feed and attend on. Neither is plurality prohibited by any law, quia malum in se, because it is evil in itself; for none of the precisest make scruple of conscience to hold any one benefice of never so great value: which notwithstanding hath divers chapels of ease annexed unto it, in which it is impossible for a man to be resident and officiate the cure in person at once. If they will say, he may discharge both by himself and his curate; so may he also do who hath two benefices: and let the parishioners both of Lambeth and Acton testify, whether those benefices were not better supplied by the Doctor himself, and his two learned and able curates, than now they are by those two who enjoy the sequestration of his benefices, who have been perpetually nonresident from both, and neither by themselves nor substitutes so much as once administered the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper unto them, though the best of the parishioners have most earnestly desired it.   

SECT. XI. That the abjuration of episcopacy, especially in the clergy of England, involveth them in perjury and sacrilege.  
THe Doctor excepted against the extirpation of prelacy, 
Brit. p. 68  Deans, & Prebends, because he thought it not of Apostolical institution: no, there is another reason of more force with the Doctor and the prelatical party, they must have another kind of divinity, and more beneficial positions; they love not these naked truths, which are not able to maintain their satin cassocks, nor those rigid opinions which will not allow a game at gleek after evening prayer.  
Canis festinans caecos parit catulos: thou (or the Printer, 
Ans.  Britanicus,) making more haste then good speed, hast stumbled at pons asinorum; and thou stammerest out perfect nonsense; thou sayest the Doctor excepted against the extirpation of prelacy, because he thought it not of apostolical institution, thou shouldst have said, because he thought it to be of apostolical institution: for so indeed he thinketh, and will maintain his tenet against all the disciples of AErius the heretic, the first patron of parity in the clergy; whether they be plant-animals, I mean lay-presbyters, or atoms; that is, Independents, whose arguments are like themselves, all together independent and inconsequent. But why dost thou deliver the doctor's mind by halfs? He did not only except against that clause in the new covenant, wherein episcopacy is abjured, and the extirpation vowed of that plant, which the Apostles themselves planted, and we in our public liturgy established by law pray to God to pour upon them the continual dew of his blessing, because he held such an oath to be repugnant to an apostolical institution; but also because he conceived that horrible sacrilege was couched under it. For upon the taking away of episcopacy, root and branch, will undoubtedly follow the confiscation of the lands of Bishops, and cathedral Churches, or at least alienation from those holy uses, to the maintenance whereof, they were dedicated: and is it a small matter, thinkest thou Britanicus, to violate the sacred testaments, and last wills of many hundred religious christians, and to draw the guilt of sacrilege in the highest degree upon the land, which already groaneth under the heavy burden of too many heinous sins, and bewaileth them in all parts of this Realm with tears of blood?   

SECT. XII. Of profitable doctrines and beneficial positions, held by Brownists and Sectaries.  
AS for that thou wouldst imply, that the Doctor advanced episcopacy to an apostolical institution, as Cicero extolled eloquence to the sky, that he might be li●ted up with her; thou foully mistakest the matter, the Doctor is known to affect that Dutch worthy his temper, upon whose grave James Dowza strewed that flower among others: honor●s quia merebatur, contempsit; & quia contempsit, magis merebatur; because he deserved honours, he contemned them; and because he contemned them, he much more deserved them. The whole course of his life refutes that base calumny thou castest upon him: For,  
1. After he first showed himself in public preaching, in his course at S. Mary's in Oxford; he was commended by the vicechancellor and university to the King's majesty's ambassador Lidget in France, where Cardinal Perone, homo famae potius magnae, quam bonae, by his agents thought to inveigle him to Popery, by promise o● far greater preferments than ever he could expect in England: but the Doctor esteemed no better of that motion▪ then of the devils offer to our Saviour; all th●se things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me: for he was so far from turning out of his course, to take up these golden apples, that contrariwise he followed the harder after the price of his high calling, 
See the testimonies of Dr. Moulin, and other foreign divines in the Coroll●●ie.  and encountered all the Romish Priests, Jesuits▪ and So●bon Doctors wheresoever he met them, even to the hazard of his life; and God gave such a blessing to his many combats for the faith there, that he reclaimed divers from popery, and confirmed many that were wavering in the true reformed religion.  
2. After his return into England, when the great favourite bore all the sway, and the Doctor might have climbed to preferment by that ladder, by reason of his ancient acquaintance with the Duke; and the dedication of a book to his dearest consort, which she very much desired: 
The handmaid to devotio●.  yet understanding that the Duke for some politic ends sided with the Arminian faction, he broke off all dependence upon that favouri●e, and wrote a smart book against the Arminians, called Pelagius redivivus; and thereby dashed all hopes of his preferment then at court.  
3. After the Duke's death, when those that sat at the helm of the Church, and had great power also at court, to procure the greater liberty to the Protestants in popish Countries, and to draw her majesty to a better liking of the reformed religion, sought to reduce the Church of England to a nearer conformity to the Roman▪ at lest in some scholastical tenets and outward ceremonies and gestures with them; and to smooth the more rugged pos●tions of popery▪ was thought a ready means to facilitate the way to prefermet: the Doctor declined this road also & though he desired nothing more than the uniting of all christians in the faith first given to the Saints, and the doctrine of the primitive Church; yet he could never en●ure those who went about to sodder the Roman and reformed religion, and to bring Christ and Anti-christ to an interview: neither would he ever be brought to vary in his practice a nail's breadth from the canons of the Church of England, and rubric of the Common Prayer.  
4. After the scene was turned, and many who before had lain in obscurity, were brought upon the stage; who like the statues of Brutus and Cassius, eò praefulgebant, quod non visebantur, did shine the brighter, the more they were hid. The Doctor among others, was chosen by 390 votes to be a member of the assembly; and, among many other of eminent parts and worth, was designed by the whole house of commons▪ to answer a popish Priest, 
The Author of the book, entitled; A safeguard from Ship wrak  which he did accordingly; and was in so fair a way, that if his conscience had been a Lesbian rule, and would have bowed that way, where preferments are now offered▪ he might not only have held both his benefices, but expected such farther privileges, as the chief of the assembly now enjoy. But when a covenant was tendered, wherein he must of necessity proclaim his ingratitude to the world, by swearing to endeavour the ruin of those, upon whom under God he built his chief hopes, and entangle his conscience in evident perjury, by swearing to break all his canonical oaths; necessity constrained him to break off from the assembly, and for this cause he is now in bonds and stripped of all his ecclesiastical preferments, and temporal revenues; & nudus nudum Christum sequitur, and follows his naked Saviour himself also stark naked.  
But to leave off this sad and melancholy discourse, and come to the beneficial positions, and satin cassock thou talked of, and game at gleek: thou shouldest have said noddy; a game at which thou playest at as well Sundays as working-days. For beneficial positions, I know none held by the prelatical clergy, as your schismatical laics term them, save this which the Apostle hath delivered, that godliness is great gain, and hath the promises of this life, and the life to come: but I can tell you of fruitful doctrines and beneficial uses, raised by your Enthusiasts; 
A●●s forbiddeth not all usury, but biting usury in his Cases of Consciences.  as namely, that usury, after it hath been with a barber chirurgeon, and hath its teeth plucked out, is very lawful, and that those of your sect alone have a right to the creature, and that the wicked have no right or title to any thing they possess: and that therefore, when you plunder any Malignant you steal not, but take your own from them; and agreeable to your positions is your practice, you make no bones to devour widows' houses, under colour of long prayers; like vultures you hover over dead corpses, and thereout suck no small advantage; if any rich man be going the way of all flesh, some of your fraternity must be sent for with all speed to pray his soul ex tempore into heaven; and after you have persuaded him to set his house in order, for he must die and not live, and he is going to draw his last will and testament, you will be sure to have a ●inger in it, or rather a claw, or nail to scrape and scratch something for yourselves, under the title of pious legacies.   

SECT. XIII. Of ministerial habits, recreations on the Lord's day, and how the Brownists and sectaries profane the Christian Sabbath.  
HAst thou yet any better stuff in thy shop, Britanicus, besides the large mourning weed begged artificially at the last funeral of a saint? Yes, a satin cassock surely, a decent garment for a grave divine, especially on high days: what wouldst thou have the reverend clergy to wear? wouldst thou have them go in cuerpo, like your new England and Holland theologues? or in a rocket lived through with plush or taffeta, as some of the Assembly men flaunt it? or in a short jacket, much like the riding coat of David's ambassadors, which was cut off at o● sacrum, the huckle bone? Here Brit. thou play'st the base cynic, ●alcas fastum Platonis, 
Plutarch Apopl●.  thou tramplest upon Plato's pride, but remember what Plato replied; calcas fastum, sed alio fastu, thou tramplest upon the pride of some of the clergy in their apparel, but thou dost it in a worse kind of pride.  
As for card-playing, I need not gle●k it with thee, for we are at play already; thy earnest is nothing but jests, and those very scurrilous and ridiculous; and therefore either to be scorned or retorted upon thee in sober sadness. The Doctor is no player at cards or dice, nor approveth at all any recreations on the Lord's day, but such as, like Aaron's golden plate in his mitre, have holiness stamped on them: As for those of thy precise sect, they indeed will not for a world play a game at cards or tables on the Lord's day, after evening prayer; but they do far worse, they take away morning and evening prayer both, and jeer out the sacred liturgy of the church: if thou art come to thyself Brit. and hast thy wits about thee, prithee tell me, is it not better playing a game at tables on the christian sabbath, wherein a wooden man is taken up without any loss or hurt? or at chess, in which there is an image of men set in battle array, there to cast the bloody die of war on that day, to kill, to pillage, to plunder? of the two I had rather see latrunculos, on that day then latrones, chesse-men than pressed-men: notwithstanding to choose, you rifle houses, and sequester malignant's on that day; your city magistrates and Officers will not suffer a poor waterman to row on the Thames yet they permit the soldiers in all the courts of guard, and forts, and ships to drink and swell all the day: a physician may not pass over the river to save the life of the body, not a divine to save the life of the soul, yet they account it a sanctifying of the sabbath to beat up drums and press soldiers▪ to kill men on that day: O precise hypocrisy, or rather hypocritical preciseness! A devout father sharply reproving the evil conversation of some christians in his time told them to their faces, gentes agitis sub nomine Christi, you act the parts of Gentiles in the habit of Christians: but I may truly say of you, Iudaeos agitis sub nomine Christi, you act the parts of Jews in the habit of Christians: Jews, I say, in the rigid observation of the Sabbath; of Jews, in venting your spleen and malice against Christ, by excluding his prayer out of your liturgy; by defacing his name Jesus wheresoever you see it written in golden characters, or wrought in cloth of gold or tissue, or stamped in holy vessels, calling it the Jesuits trim or ga●b by inveighing against keeping the feast of the nativity, resurrection and ascension, and terrifying those that in a religious compassion fast & mourn on good friday; your b●ating down with axes and hammers the carved works of the temple, wherein there is any monument of him; and which is far worse, persecuting his menial servants, the most faithful and orthodoxal ministers of the gospel unto bonds and death.   

SECT. XIIII. Of the subscription of the letter written to the Primate of Armagh, and the signification thereof.  
HE tells us of Sir Walter Earles' interpretation of Φ and Δ the two Greek letters: 
Brit. p. 68  Aulicus, you see we have some honest Greeks, that can find out your villainies, though you hide them in another language; I think you will translate your mischiefs in time into all languages: oh these doctor's treacheries are very learned pieces; this is to show their scholarship, and traitorous abilities, that they are able to betray us in Greek, as well as in English.  
Because thy animadversions upon the doctor's letter scorpion-like thrust out a sting in the tail; 
Answ.  I will first pluck out the sting, and then crush the serpent to pieces, and rub it upon the part. First then whereas thou chargest the doctor with villainy and treachery: I answer, that this is villainous language; but because most false and slanderous, the villain will return upon thyself, and the traitor upo● thy forma informans A. Wardner. I grant it is villainy and treachery to betray the secrets of state, wherewith a man is trusted, to the enemy; but resolves of Synods are no secrets of state, nor is the King an enemy of the state; if thou sayst so, Brit. thou art a traitor, and reus laesae majestatis: had the doctor acquainted his Majesty by the primate of A●magh what passed in the Assembly, it had been no villainy or treachery▪ but piety and loyalty so to do; for the King is the defender of the faith and the P. of Armagh is a noble champion thereof: all treachery is either of things or persons: what or whom did the Doctor betray? first what? did he betray forts, or citadels or treasure or magazines of armoury, or cabin-councels? no word or syllable in all the intercepted advertisement of any such thing. There is mention of nothing but of some doctrinal conclusions and theological propositions▪ de fide, quae tradi debent prodi non possunt, which cannot be betrayed, yet ought to be delivered. If the Assembly of divines resolve upon such articles of religion, as cannot en●ure the light, it is not only lawful but a necessary duty of a faithful minister of Christ Jesus▪ to detect them, and to discover the abettors of them to the supreme head of the church under Christ, that he may prevent the danger the body is like to be in. Tertullian a●signeth it as a proper note of heretics, that they conceal their tenants from the governors of the church, and the common sort of Christians also, and instill them secretly into the ears of confiding proselytes; occultant quod praedicant, si tamen praed●cant quod occulta●t, 
Turtul. prescript.  and wilt thou brand the divines of the Assembly with this mark of heretics?  
But the truth is, the Doctor held no correspondency by Letters, nor was an assembly-spy, nor sent, nor intended to send any Letter towards Oxford, save only that one unsealed that was intercepted▪ which also by a false suggestion was cunningly drawn from him and presently showed the close Committee, and a copy taken of i●, and the original sent by them to Oxford, and the Carrier preferred to a gain●ull place in the army. By these st●ps, Br●tan●cus, if thou can●t not sent and trace the tra●●or from the Bridge-foot to Lambeth, from Lambeth to the close Committee, from the close Committee to Oxford, from Oxford to the Committee for Examinations, and from thence to the Leaguer at S. Albans, thou hast no nose.  
Yea but the Letter was subscribed not with the doctor's name in English but with two Greek characters, Δ and Φ, and is that treason? Then surely to subscribe and much more to write a whole letter in Greek▪ as the Doctor hath done many, to Cyril Patriarch of Constantinople, Metrophanes Patriarch of Alexandria, and diverse others, must needs be high treason, and such a treason as none of your brownistical Lecturers or Teachers are guilty of. I had thought, that the Latin had been only the language of the beast; but now I perceive, that any learned language is with you not only popery and heresy, but also treason; because it is like the mass, an unknown tongue to you, and betrayeth your ignorance, who have skill of no other language than your mother's tongue, and canting.  
Yea, but the Δ and the Φ were not written severally, and distinctly, but one in another, after the manner of numerals in Greek characters, and the Φ was somewhat above the Δ, and therein certainly some mystery of iniquity lieth hid, which none of all the Committee but Sir Walter Earl could reveal; I pray thee what was that? namely, that by these characters was signified not D. F. but fidelity: O divinam ariolum, o Chrysippeum acumen; O quint-essence of wit, O rare criticism! Yet, by Sir Welter's leave, this conceit will shrink in the wetting: for there is a difference between Phi. and Fi. and Delta and delity: neither was the Φ written above the Δ, 
 but in the middle of it, after this manner, which mars the quiblet. Yet if the wits will have it so, let it pass for a curious and quaint conjecture. Admit that Φ and Δ Phi and Delta is to be construed fidelity, and that as the Doctor carrieth loyalty in his heart, so also fidelity in the two first letters of his name transposed, what wilt thou hence infer, Britanicus; ergo, the Doctor is a villain and a traitor? now Phi upon the Delta, d●nce, or rather Beta, Britanicus.  
Ut sapiant fatuae fabrorum prandia Betae,  
O quam saepè petet vin●●iperque 
* Cook at the Bridge foot.  Coq●us?   

SECT. XV. Wholesome and seasonable advice to Britanicus.  
TO knit up all in a true lover's knot: I know thee not by face, Britanicus, but only ex ungue, by thy nail, which I find fretting in every sore, in Church and commonwealth, whereby thou exasperatest all sorts of men against thee, and hast stirred a nest of hornets; which, if thou look not to it, will sting thee to death; 
Cic. pro Sylla.  noli aculeos, qui reconditi sunt, excussos arbitrari; think not those stings thrust or plucked out which lie hid, and for a time drawn in. Great Britain, Britanicus, hath been of late made a stage, wherein bloody tragedies have been acted, and after every scene thou thrustest thyself in among the Chorus, and freely censurest all the actors at thy pleasure; give over thy part in time, and get off the stage: the Protasis is past, we are now in the Epitasis, God knows what the Catastrophe will prove. In the mean while, take heed thou insult not upon calamity, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, 
Isocr ad Daem●nicum.  the fall of the Die is uncertain, and thou knowest not what may be thy chance. He that out of curiosity looked into the table hanged up in the market place, wherein the names of the Proscripti by Sylla were set in their order, at unawares spied his own name written in bloody characters: cuivis contingere potest, quod cuiquam potest; that which is any one's case may be every one's case. Strengthen not the hands of those whose fingers itch at the treasure of the Church, it will prove like Sejanus horse, which none ever bestrid; or the gold of Tholouse, which none ever touched but he came to an ill end. Neither revile thou the servants of the living God, neither put scorns upon his Prophets: be not so graceless, as to take a pride in disgracing those whom God hath appointed to be the instruments and silver conduit-pipes to convey grace into thy soul. A jeer only at the Prophet Elisha, and that by innocents, proved nocent, and their bodies were all to rent and torn with bears▪ who touched only the thin hair of the prophet's head, crying, go thou baldpate. If thou wilt needs prove masteries with thy pen, choose thy match, beware of impar congressus.  
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}  
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. 
Hesiod. l. 1. ●p. & dies.   
He is a stark idiot who will contend with his betters; for besides loss of victory he gains blows into the bargain.  
If Patroclus will encounter Hector; and Amycus Pollux; and Dares Entellus; and the Syr●ns the Muses; and the blind worm the Basilisk, they must take that which followed; above all things shoot not thy Porcupey's quills at sovereign majesty; though thou thinkest thou goest invisible, as if thou hadst Gyges' ring, or wer● compassed with Homer's dark pavilion: yet the daughter of time will descry thee, 
Adag. Homerica nube tectus. Ve●itas tempo●is filia.  and thou shalt find by woeful experience, how dangerous a thing it is, in eum scribere qui potest proscribere, it is not safe meddling with edge tools, nor scribbling against him who hath power to proscribe.  

LEX TALIONIS: OR, A sober reckoning with CIVICUS.  
AFter Britanicus, or rather Barbaricus, had mingled his ink with the overflowing of his own gall: his brother Civicus, rather to vend his sorry pamphlet, then to vent his spleen against D. F. hath a sling at the gentle lash, 
A Book so entitled.  and would fain squeeze some poisonous juice out of the doctor's sponge.    

SECT. XVI. Mercurius Civicus taken to task.  Occurrents Numb. 2. Ian. 12. 
THere is a cross to be erected at Oxford, Ian. 22. to crucify the Parliament now at Westminster, and D. F. hath prepared a lash▪ and a vinegar sponge, hoping to get an executioners place: he wrote his own motto, the gentle lash, yet he would fain see the white flag died in blood. But the Parliament have done well to clip the wings of the clergy, that they may fly into no temporal places▪ whose tongues, and p●ns have uttered such poison against the Parliament and in their pride would willingly adhere to Rome, as by many superstitions by them doted on, doth plainly appear; who, by their Babylonian ceremonies, have long endeavoured to make a bridge into the Church by Arminianism to pass over into popery.  
Sic perusse frontem de rebus? 
Ans.  What a brow of brass and conscience seated with a hot iron, hast thou Civicus? that thou darest stain paper with such notorious untruths and shameless ●landers? The●e can hardly be named any divine in this Kingdom now living, who hath disputed preached, written, and printed, more against popery and Arminianism, then D. F. witness Vertumnus Romanus, printed by the command of the house of Commons; the Supplement to the book of Martyrs; the Fisher caught, and held in his own net; the Gra●d sacrilege, the case for the Spectacles, Cygnea Cant. Transubstantiation exploded; and Pelagius redivivus; Ancilla pietati; and Clavis Mystica: citius crimen honestum quam turpem Ca●onem feceris: thou shalt sooner be able to prove the Protestant Religion to be popery, and Arminianism true christianity, than the Doctor guilty of either. What crime then canst thou charge him withal? a ●aynous sin, and that of commission: for he was many years in the commission of the peace: thou shou●dst have added, that all that while he neither preached sermon, nor printed book les●● than before. Let the Borough of Southwark, with the adjacent parts, inform thee, whether the commonwealth gained not more by that his impolyment then the Church lost. If the Docto●, to ●onfer with schismatics, and refractory persons to the King's ecclesiastical laws, and canons of the Church referred to him by the Judge; if to compose differences between neighbours, and stifle a world of litigious suits in the bi●th: if to take order for the relief of hundreds of poor and diseased persons in a dangerous time of infection, when other commissioners rather provided for their own safety by flight, than the safety of others, by the executing of their office, he defalked some time from his sacred studies: peradventure, this present age, rather jealous of, then zealous for the Church, will blame him for it; but the former would have thanked him for it, as they did Nissene, and Ambrose, and Augustine▪ and jewel, whose temporal dignity and power no way eclipsed their spiritual eminency, no more than it did the Priests, 2 Chron. 19, 8. set by Jehosaphat for the judgement and cause of the Lord.  
Yet thou wilt say, that to discharge the function of a Pastor, and execute the office of a Justice of peace, are incompatible. No more then to teach and to make peace, to preach down and to beat down vice, to wound the hairy scalp of every one that goeth on in his profaneness, and drunkenness, and uncleanness, and routs, and riots, both with the spiritual and temporal sword, which in former ages were aiding and assisting one to the other, according to Bracton his observation; gladius gladium juvat: but now hack and h●w one the other. If all peacemakers are blessed, surely as well the religious justice of peace as the preacher of peace; 
Mat. 5. ●.  and if both concur in one person, he must needs have a double share in that blessing: but thou art of another mind, thine eye is evil, because the Prince or state are good to the Church, arming her with some temporal power, the more effectually to compass her spiritual ends, and defend her children from violence and wrong. Thou sayst the Parliament hath done well to clip the wings of the clergy, that they may fly into ●o temporal place. I will not answer thee, that many former Parliaments have imped them: 
See the statu●. 16. Rich. 2. and the 25 of Edw. 3.  but for Acts of Parliament, they are not for us to censure, but to obey; what the Parliament hath done, their Act speaketh: and therefore I will be silent.  
Yet since that Act, divers of the clergy great in your books, (but none other) have flown into temporal places: one hath flown into an examiner's place in Haberdashers-hall; another into a commissioners place for Scotland, a third into a Gaolers place at Lambeth; arrige aures Pamphile. So, it seemeth, it matters not much, quid, but quis; not what the employment is▪ but who it is that is employed: for if he be a malignant, all is trash that he takes; but if a confiding man, all is fish that comes to his net: 
See Sphyni● Philosophica.  yea, that golden table which the Miletian fishers caught, and Apollo adjudged to the wisest man then living. Howsoever, to be in the commission of the peace, without seeking it▪ and to discharge that trust faithfully, without any abatement or diminution of diligence in his pastoral function was no blemish, but an ornament; no disgrace, but a dignity to the Doctor: It gave him more power, it took nothing from his reputation; it blurred not but blazoned his arms. Yet thou pickest a quarrel with him for executing justice upon unlicensed scribblers, as before upon unlicensed tiplers: thou feelest the smart of his gentle lash, and put'st finger in the eye, crying and complaining there is a cross to be erected at Oxford, Ian. 22. to crucify the Parliament now at Westminster.  
Say it over again, a cross erected at Oxford, to crucify &c. then there are forty seven miles at least between the cross and the persons to be fastened to it; a strange thing to erect a cross at Oxford, to crucify supposed delinquents at Westminster; and more strange that an act of pardon and grace, & the holding out of a golden sceptre of mercy to all that will take hold of it, should be taken to be the erecting a cross to crucify, or a gibbet to execute any: but our late intelligencers, nae intelligendo faciant, ut nihil intelligant, forfeit their wits as well as they have made shipwreck of their consciences; else thou wouldst never tell us of a gentle lash at the cross; for neither were any according to the Roman laws lashed at the cross, nor was that a gentle lash with which our Redeemer was scourged, for it set him all in a gore blood, and made him such a rueful spectacle, that Pilate himself, whose conscience was as red as his scarlet robe, yet cried out in compassion, ecce hom●, behold the man: and as absurd is thy application of the sponge, for the Doctors was a sponge full of fair water, to wash away some foul aspersions cast upon him by the Brownists; the other a sponge full of vinegar to suck out & drink, that the prophecy might be fulfilled literally, 
Ps●l. 69. 2●.  when I was a thirst they gave me vinegar to drink: and if all who make use of a sponge in the former kind, are to be termed executioners, your noted noters of sermons, and elect Ladies, who cleanse their table-books, especially before your fast sermons; of which all men now begin to surfeit▪ must own that odious title. Yea, but though he wrote his own motto, the gentle lash, yet he would fain see the white flag died in blood. A lie died in grain, for which thy conscience will check thee one day, if thou hast any: for in the very narration of the Doctor, entitled the sponge, which thou here quotest and alludest unto, one of the a●ticles preferred by the s●paratists, to the committee for plundered Ministers against him, was, that he taxed the lecturers in London and the suburbs for being bou●efeus and incendiaries, by in●●igating the people to these civil, or rather uncivil and unnatural wars, crying out for the cause of God, and quarrel of the gospel, fight, fight; kill, kill; battle, battle; blood, blood; nay, so far is the Doctor from wishing that the white fl●g should be died in blood, that he desireth from his heart, that there were never a flag or streamer to be seen in the field, nor drum or phife to be heard, nor sword to be drawn, nor pike to be advanced in these kingdoms; but that it would please the Prince of peace, our only peacemaker, upon the lifting up of millions of hands in public and private, upon the prayers and tea●s o●Scotland, sighs and groans of England, and last ga●ping breath of Ireland, to turn all our drums into tab●e●s, and fifes into Recorders, and swords into syths, and pole-a●es into mattocks▪ and streamers into winding sheets, to wrap up all the differences between Prince and people, church and common wealth, together with all the direful effects thereof, and to bury them all in perpetual oblivion: dulce est nomen pacis, & res ipsa p●rqu●m salutaris, sweet is the name of peace, and the thing itself most healthful; qua non solum homines, sed & agri, & tecta laetar● videntur.  
The kingfishers, as Plutarch writeth, never breed but in a calm sea; and S. James teacheth us, that the fruits of righteousness are sown in peace of them that love peace. On the contrary, we read in pliny's Nat. Hist. l. 9 c. 35. that in the generation of Margarites, or pearl, if it thunder, the work of nature is quite marred, and that which would have been an orient gem, becomes a crude moisture: and how many pearls have of late miscarried, since the thunder of war, both the Universities will tell you with pearls in their eyes. For it is not only true▪ silent leges inter arma, but musae also, that the laws are suspended in the times of bloody wars, but the Prophets too, and the Muses also. As Marius was wont to ●ay, where there is cla●hing and clattering of Arms, neither laws of God nor man can be heard; and where the laws cannot be heard, all outcries are heard▪ and all outrages are committed: no man hath proprieti● of or in any thing, save losses and wounds; nor can purchase aught but spoils, nor build anywhere but upon ruins. O the thundering in the air, and plundering on the land; the suspending and interdicting, not so much of Preachers as Churches! O the carcases as well of Cities as men, and Coffins rather of houses than corpses, and rooting up rather of families and countries then of gardens! These and other dismal effects of war extort from all those, who have any thing yet to lose, and have not forfeited the liberty of their speech with the liberty of their persons, this unanimous and harmonious Vote, Come blessed peace. 
Nulla salus bello, pacem te p●scimus omnes.   
Of all the messengers of God's vengeance, the sword is the swif●●st; of all swords the civil is the keenest, especially when it is wh●t with a pretext of Religion. This is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, gladius anceps, a two-edged sword, cutting on both sides, English men, Protestants, brethren, branches of the same root, subjects to the same Prince, ●ay, members of the same mystical body. In all other wars the victory is joyful on the one side; but in this, like as in the Cadmean, neither good for the conqueror nor for the conquered: for, 
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.   
He that conquers, weepeth for the loss of his countrymen, friends, kinsmen, and allies; and he that is conquered, is lost.  
Which side soever gains, the King and the country loseth ● O dismal ensigns! O banned Banners! O stained Colours! O bloody Streamers! O inglorious arms! O ignoble Victories! the monuments whereof are not pillars, or statues set up, or trophies erected, but downfalls and ruins.  
●ella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos?  
Heu quantum terrae poterat pelagique parari.  
Hoc quem civiles hauserunt sanguine dextrae?  

A corollary.  
BEcause the good parts of men, like pictures, are best seen at a distance, (picturae eminus videndae, non comminus) and our great Prophet telleth us, that a Prophet is not esteemed in his own country; I will here, by way of corollary set down the Eulogies of some eminent foreign Divines▪ concerning him who is sideratus among his own, but desideratus among them: 
Basil. ●p. 62. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  the reason of which difference of judgements is evident to be this; they look upon him in his printed wor●s and in himself as he is: but these look on him through the foul spectacle of a false relation, and through the deception of their sight deem the dust and filth to be in him the object, whereas it is indeed in their furred glass: let them rub and cleanse then spectacles, and he will appear such to them, as he doth to those foreigners, whose testimonies here follow in their own language.    

SECT. XVII. Testimonies of foreign Divines.  

Amplissimo praesuli Johanni Kingo, Petrus Molinaeus S. P. D.  
QUantum recreatus sum (praesul ampl●ss.) consuetudine & amiciti● D. Featlei, tantum ojus abitum graviter molestèque tuli; est enim vir perpaucorum hominum, & quem cum penitus inspex●ri● non possis non amare vehementor. Non vulgaris est in homine doctrina, ingenium comptum & in numerato, tum morum integritas, & pietas condita est mir● suavitate. Quem quia Monachi & Sacrificul● vestrates qui hic sunt senserunt gravem adversarium, non dubito quin ejus discessu laetentur summopere. Solent enim Anglos generosos Lutetiae agentes excipere insidiis, & quasi septos indagine in fraude● inducere. Cum quibus Featleius non semel congressus opima spolia retulit, & infirmos confirmavit in fide, deditque experimentum, quantum intersit vestratis ecclesiae habere hic ministrum Anglum, qui se tam perniciosis ingeniis tam fortiter opponat. A talis viri complexibus avelli, quam mihi grave fuerit facile aestimabit, qui sciat quanta hic sit paucita● ejusmodi virorium. Sed quia vocatur ad majora, & apud vos inventurus est majorem segetem quam metat, aequum est privatam meam voluptatem posthabere amici commodis, & ecclesiae utilitati: nolui tamen, ut discederet absque literis, quae testentur quanti faciam (vir magne) pietatem tuam, & doctrinam singularem: quae te gubernaculis tantae ecclesiae admovit; quam quia pascit feliciter, summaque fide, & diligentiâ, ut Christi servum deceat; optamus ut Deus te servet incolumem, & tuos labores suo faevore prosequatur. Vale. Lutetia prid. cal. Junii, 1613.   

A haut & puissant Seigneur, 
Guillaume Herbert in the Epistle dedicatory, prefixed to his translation of Doct. Featley's Handmaid of devotion into French.  Messire PHILIPPE HERBERT, Conte de Pembroke & Montgomery, Baron HERBERT de Cardiff, Baron de Parr & Rosse, en Kendal, Fitz-Hugh Marmion & S. Quintin; Baron HERBERT de Shurland; Grande Chamberlaine du Roy de la Grande Britain, &c.  
I En'ose passer outre de peur de perdre mes paroles, car scachant que l' Autheur s' est rendu fameux en France, par ses doctes disputes avec plusieurs Docteurs de l'Eglise Roman; & en ce pais par ses predications, & par plusieurs beaux livres qu'il à mis sous la press, i'estime que mes loüanges n'adjousteroint, non plus à sa reputation qu'un verre d'eau à l'ocean. Je diray seulement qu'en son Ancilla pietatis, dedy à cette noble, illustre & vertueuse Princess la Duchesse de Buckingham belle mere du Baron de Shurland vostre fils aine, qui en espousant Madame Marie de Villiers, heritiere des beautez de sa mere, & des vertus de son pere, à alliè deux maisons qui ne cedent à aucune autre en noblesse, antiquitè, grandeurs, richesses & virtue, il s'est rendu tout admirable, pourtant au dedans de ses discours le such & lafoy moële, & au dehors la douceur & la grace; qu'il est tout verdoyant en fueilles, plaisant en fleurs, & abundant en fruits: 
Utque viret semper laurus, nec frond caducâ  
Carpitur, aeternum sic habet ille decus.    

Ad Lectorem.  
COmme l'autheur de ces prieres est un homme docte & devot, il à si bien conjoinct la devotion & la doctrine, qu'un coeur glace peut estre rechauffé, & un entendement offusqué peut estre illuminé, s'il jette les yeux sur ce liure, & le lit avec attention; car toutes ces prieres sont autant de Sermons, qui luy preschent journellement la pratique de quelque vertu, & luy exposent quant & quant les mysteres de Religion. Qu'est il besoin d'en dire tant? Li' les mon cher Lecteur, & tu diras, que comme le Soleil ne demande point tant nos loüanges que nos yeux, (car qui le peut voir sans le loüer) ainsi ce liure ne peut estre leu plustost que loüe.   

Salutem à salutis authore.  

Wolsgangus Meyer in his Epistle dedicatory before his Dutch translation.  REverendiss. & clarissime domine Doctor Featleie; miraberis, sat s●●o, literarum mearum conspectu; ac sanè tenuitatis meae mo●estiaeque fuisset, iis potius supersedere, quam sanctas viri tanti occupationes interturbando in publica commoda peccare. Verum ea est nobilissimi Equitis, D. Flemingi, serenissimi regis vestri apud nos Helvetios Oratoris apud me▪ authoritas, ut potius fama, quàm in obedientiae periculum subire maluerim. Ejus jussu suasuque non modò dignitatis tuae amicitiam praesentibus ambire, sed Pietatis quoque Ancillam Germanica civitate donare ausus fui. Si absque offension tua id abs me factum intellexero, digito coelum attingam. Mirantur nostri homines devotionis aculeos, quos precationes tuae, in cordibus fidelium exerunt, & post se relinquunt. Mentiar, si iis quicquam legerim simile, Perge (vir clarissime) hujusmodi scriptis seculum hoc beare; haec itur ad astra. Quid verò in Polemicis quoque valeas, 
The Grand sacrilege, printed Lond. 1630.  Magnum Ecclesiae Romanae Sacrilegium, tuaeque cum Pontificii● habitae disputationes indicant. Si per humanitatem tuam alios quoque genii & ingenii tui foetus exosculari licuerit, beatum me praedicabo. Fatentur nostri transmarini▪ se mihi ob translationem Perkinsii, Willets, Downami, Squirii, aliorumque scriptorum Anglicanorum, plurimum debere: sed longè plus propter translationem precum tuatum▪ Versor ego jam in Apocalypseos explicatione. Antequam verò lucubrationes meas judicio doctorum ventilandas exponam, eas prius, cum uno vel altero Anglorum, qui postremi hoc profundum marc transiverunt confer lubet. Bene mereberis, vir praestantissime, si me eorum participem reddideris, gratitudinem aliam non polliceor quàm quae à mea tenuitate, & amore gentis Anglicanae fluere potest: vale pancraticè vir excellentissime, & salve;  
Datam die Paschatis, Anno 1641. Ab eo, qui te fert in oculis, Wolfgango Meyero, S. Th. D. & ecclesiae Cathedralis, quae est Basileae concionatore.   

Viro reverendo ac clarissimo Domino Francisco Taylero Ecclesiae Claphamensis Rectori vigilantissimo.  
NE omittas clarissimi Doctoris Featleii opera, quae à doctissimo viro Domino Spanhemio, Professore Genevensi, prae aliis laudantur.  
Datum Basileae, Martii 13. 1640. Joannes Schaevarenus.  
Idem in literis dat. Basileae 4. Septemb. 1641. Doctor Featleius quoad acumen, & singularem in meditationibus suis profunditatem, videtur certè vel celebratissimis omnium aevorum hoc in genere scriptoribus palmam disputare. Quod si quae alia ejus extent praeter Clavem Mysticam, & Ancillam Pietatis, me quaeso fac rescire.   

Viro venerando, Domino Francisco Tayler●, verbi divini praeconi fidelissimo.  
UT unicum addam, quaeso, proximis significa an Doctor Featleius adhuc sit in vivis, anque volumen suum meditationum publicarum nondum praelo submiserit: de cujus praestantia nullus dubito, est enim mihi ad manum ipsius Ancilla Pietatis, quaem dominus Oliverius propriae manu dono dedit, & dominus Wolfgangus Meyerus in lingua● nostram vertit v●rnaculam: Sic ipse coram testatus est.  
Datum Brugis, Decemb. 10. 1641. Tuus ex asse, & bess, Iohannes Henricus Homalin, indignus Christi servus.   

To the right reverend father in God, John KING, Lord Bishop of London, Peter Moulin wisheth, &c.  
THe greater content and delight I received in the friendship and society of Dr. Featley, the greater cut it was to me to part with him; for he is such a man, as you shall meet with but few; and whom, when you know throughly▪ you cannot but love entirely. He is a man of choice learning, of a nimble and ready wit, of an honest and religious disposition, seasoned with marvelous sweetness: at whose departure, your English Priests and Jesuits, because they found him a sore adversary, no doubt did greatly rejoice: for their manner is to hancker about Paris, and to lie in wait for English Gentlemen that travail thither, that they may catch them in their nets, and engage them in the Romish quarrel▪ with these Doctor Featley often encountered, and striving with them, carried away the prize▪ and confirmed those that were weak in the faith; and gave proof how much it concerned your Church to have here an able English Minister to make strong opposition against such pestilent wits. To be deprived of the company of such a man, & to be plucked out of his bosom, how grievous a thing it was to me, any man may judge, who knows the scarcity of such men h●re: but because he is called to an higher place, and shall reap a more plentiful harvest with you, it is fit for me for the public good and profit of the Church, to forgo my private interest.   

Salvation in the Author of Salvation.  
REverend and most worthy Doctor Featley, I know well you will wonder at the sight of my letters; and indeed it had stood better with my meanness & modesty to have spared them rather, then by interrupting the sacred employments of so great a man▪ to offend against the public good: but such is the authority of that noble Knight, Sir Oliver Fleming, his excellent majesty's Ambassador Lieger with us Helvetians, that, I had rather hazard my reputation, then incur the danger of disobedience. At his command and entreaty I have taken the boldness not only to renew our acquaintance in these my letters▪ but to translate your handmaid to Devotion into the Dutch language: if I may understand that you take no offence at it, I shall think myself very happy: our countrymen very much wonder at the sparkles of devotion, which your prayers do first kindle in the hearts of the faithful; and than leave the flame behind them: let no man believe me if ever I read any thing like them: go on most worthy Sir, to make this age happy with such kind of writing; this is the high way to Heaven: besides what your abilities are in controversies, the Grand sacrilege of the Romish Church▪ and your disputations with the Papists do sufficiently demonstrate; if out of your courtesy I may embrace other fruits of your learning and judgement, I shall acknowledge it as a special favour: our countrymen beyond the seas confess they are much indebted to me for translating the works of Perkins, Willet, Downham, Squire, and other english writers, but far more for the translation of your Devotions. I am now employed in expounding the Apocalypse: but before I do expose my labours to be examined here of the learned, I mean to communicate them to one or other of the English, who last crossed the seas: worthy Sir, you shall do me a great benefit, if you shall make me partaker of them; I promise no other thanks then▪ what can proceed from my slender abililities, and the love of the English nation. Farewell most excellent Sir,  
From him who hath his eyes ever upon you, Wolfgangus Meyer, S. Th. Doct. and Preacher at the cathedral Church which is in Basile.   

To the Reverend and Worthy Mr. FRAN. Tailor, the watchful Pastor of the Church of Clapham.  
FOrget not to send the works of worthy Doctor Featley, which above other are commended by that most learned man Spa●hemius, Professor of Geneva.  
Dated at Basile, March 13. 1641. John Schevaren.  
The same man in his letters dated at Basile, 4. Sept. 1641. Doctor Featley, for his acuteness and singular depth in his meditations, doth seem to put hard for the victory with the most famous writers of all ages in this kind: but if there be any other works of his extant, beside his mystical Key, and his handmaid to devotion, pray certify me thereof.   

To the worshipful M. FRANCIS tailor, a most faithful Preacher of the Word of God.  
THat I may add but one thing: in the next letters certify me whether D. Featley be yet alive, and whether he hath not yet printed his volume of public meditations; of the excellency whereof I make no doubt: for I have here present at hand his handmaid to devotion, which Sir Oliver Fleming gave me with his own hand, and M. Wolfgangus Meyer hath translated into our mother tongue, so he himself professed before me.  
Bruges, Dec. 10. 1641. Yours to the utmost of my estate and power Iohan. Hen. Homalin, the unworthy servant of Christ.   

Harlenae, April 11 1644. Charissimo suo Bullo. S. P. D.  
VAlde me perculit qui hic rumor percrebuit de arcta domini Featlei custodiâ. Siccine tractari insignem veritatis pugilem de religione reformata optimè meritum? Idque ab iis, qui reformandae ecclesiae palmam aliis praeripere omnibus satagunt? Neutiquam tamen hoc mirum aut insolens discipulo videri debet, cum sciat ipsius magistrum a gente sua & magnis in Israele Rabbinis duriora passum.  
Tuus ex animo, Iohan. Stablesius generos. Ger.   

From Harlew, to his very loving friend Master Bull, health and happiness.  
I Am sorry to hear of the close Imprisonment of that worthy Dr. Featley; what? He who is▪ and ever hath been so stout a Champion for religion, to be so used by the reformers thereof? But let his own Nation, & not the disciple think it strange, when his Master suffered so much cruelty from the great Rabbins of Israel.  
Yours from my heart, Ioh. Stables Gent. April 11. 1644.  

These testimonies of foreign Divines I had thought to suppress, because the rehearsing them cannot but wound the modesty of the party, & may peradventure whet the venomous tooth of envy against him: yet these coming to my hands, and considering in what condition the party now is, I held it a duty of Christian charity and equity, to impart them to the indifferent reader for the vindicating his person and adding some light to his reputation now labouring in the eclipse.     

SECT. XVIII. The sum of D. F. his apology, reduced into two unanswerable dilemmas.  
BEfore I put forth the horns of the dilemmas, I will lay down certain lemmas, or assertions of undeniable verity.  
First, after D. F. had delivered his mind concerning the Scottish Covenant, (which he thought he might do safely in a free assembly) and many days before he wrote any Letter to the Primate of Armagh, it was spoken openly at Westminster, that the Doctor should be voted out of the assembly, as L.M. and M. H. disclosed to D. F.  
Secondly, that D. F. sent not to A. Warner to convey a Letter of his to the Primate of Armagh, but A. Warner was sent to the Doctor, who, by probable and plausible suggestions, drew this Letter unsealed from the Doctor, which he no sooner received, but he showed the close Committee.  
Thirdly, that when the Doctor wrote this Letter to Armagh, the Bishop was an elect Member of the assembly by the house of Commons, and both he and Doctor Pr●d●aux▪ and Doctor Ward, and Doctor Brounerigg, and Doctor Oldisworth and Doctor Harris, and others well affected to the Discipline and liturgy of the Church of England, were daily expected at the Synod, and some of them excused their necessary absence▪ for a time from the assembly, by Letters to the Prolocu●or, whereof one was presented by Doctor Featley himself, and Doctor Gouge.  
Fourthly, that when the Doctor wrote his Letter to the Primate of Armagh, there was no declaration or ordinance of either of the houses of Parliament, forbidding correspondency by Letters to Oxford, without leave of the houses, or warrant from the Lord general; for the doctor's Letter was written about the middle of September, 1643. and the ordinance prohibiting any under pain of Sequestration, to hold intelligence with Oxford, bears date Octob. 22. 1643. a full month after; so that the writing of the forenamed Letter, at that time, was not so much as malum quia prohibitum; neither could the Doctor be censured for it as a crime, because, as the Apostle teacheth us, where there is no law, there is no transgression.  
5. Fifthly, that there was never any thing objected against the Doctor since the ●●tting of the Parliament, or the assembly, save the seven Articles preferred against him by the Brownists, of which he was cleared, acquitted, and discharged in a full house after a long debate, July 13. and his Letter to the Primate of Ireland, which was written before the ordinance of Parliament made it criminal to write any letters to Oxford without special leave.  
Now Civicus, call to thee Britanicus, and Scoticus, and Coelicus; together with patriarch W. and Independent N. and set all your wits upon the renters, to render some colourable answer to these two insoluble dilemmas.  
First, either the vote of the house of Commons is an undoubted oracle of truth and justice, and a concludent and definitive sentence in point of law, or not. If it be so, then is D. F. clear from all aspersions cast upon him. For in a full house, July 12. he was acquitted of all the articles objected against him, as appeareth in the record under the hand of H. Elsing, exemplified in the vindication of D. F. p. 21. If it be not so, but as some heretofore have conceived, only as the inquest of the Grand jury, and a preparatory to the full information of the cause upon oath, and finally sentencing it in the house of Peers; then the vote passed against the Doctor in the house of Commons alone, without any farther proceeding in the house of Lords, is of no force or validity in law, and consequently D. F. is still Rector both of Lambeth and Acton, and M. W. and M. N. are no better than intruders and usurpers of another man's ●ight and possession. If the Allegations brought by the Brownists against the Doctor were true, how came he to be acquitted July 12? if they were false, how came he to condemned by the vote of the same house Sept. 29? And why were those articles from which he was cleared, commanded to be read in Lambeth Church, and made the ground of the sentence of sequestration against him, as if he had been guilty of them?  
Secondly, either-the unsealed letter, written to the Primate of Ireland, contained in it some disclosing of secrets of state▪ or imputations upon the Parliament, or some other criminal matter liable to just censure, or not.  
If the former, 1. Why was the original Letter sent by order of the close Committee to Oxford▪ If it gave any intelligence, they who sent it were the intelligencers, not the Doctor: his letter intercepted at London could tell no ●ales at Oxford.  
2. Why was not the original under the Doctors own hand showed him to convince him? Or at least an authentical copi●, attested by the hand of a notary or some sworn witness, proving the accord thereof with the original?  
3. Why were not the pretended offensive particulars put to the Doctor, when he was convented before the Committee, and his punctual answer required thereunto?  
4. Why was not the messenger or some other witness produced, to prove that the pretended offensive particulars were in the letter signed with the Doctors own hand?  
5. Why all this while is the letter suppressed, and not published to this day to clear the justice of the proceedings against the Doctor? If it were a legal evidence against him, as it is urged in the sentence; why could the Doctor by no means gain a copy of it▪ that he might interpret his own meaning, and that his answer as well as the objections against him might be upon record?  
Lastly, why was no cause expressed in the Warrant, for committing him to Prison?  
If the latter, i. e. if the letter be so far from containing in it any matter subject to exception that it rather deserved approbation, as expressing much loyalty to his majesty, zeal of the true orthodox religion, and a reverend regard and respect to the assembly of Divines, with a desire to continue still among them with his majesty's leave.  

In the Vote Sept. 29. against the Dr. (all the other articles are waved) see the record supr.  1. Why then is this letter made the only ground of all the proceedings against the Doctor?  
2. Why for writing this letter unsealed, not to a stranger, but to a member of the assembly, was he voted out of both his Benefices, all his estate both personal and real sequestered, his ●ooks (in which lay his chiefest treasure) taken from him, his family turned out of house and home, his servants and friends examined upon oath, concerning any plate, money, rents, or arrearages, bills or bonds belonging to him, and all that could be found seized upon?  
3. Why is he suspended from the exercise of his ecclesiastical function?  
4. Why hath he been so long detained in prison, and there put to a great charge without any allowance at all out of his sequestered estate worth above 400 pound per annum?  
5. Why is such a severe hand kept over him, that in the space of eight months and more, he can by no means obtain a most humble and conscionable petition to be rendered in his behalf to the house?  
Thou, whosoever readest these things, and hast with Philip of Macedon, reserved one ear for the defendant, consider of all things impartially: & si quam opinionem animo conceperis▪ si eam ratio conv●llit, si ratio labefactabit, si verita● extorquebit, ne repugns; 
Cic. pro Cl●●as.  ●amque animo aut libenti aut aequo remittas. Est eni●● haec norma & forma judiciorum aequorum, ut culpa sine invidiâ plectatur, & invidia sine culpâ ponatur: whatsoever prejudicate opinion thou mayst have taken of the Doctor, if reason convince it, if reason overthrow it, if truth itself pluck it from thee, give over thy hold: for this is the rule and pattern of all righteous judgements, that guilt be censured without envy or spleen, and envy and spleen without guilt be abandoned.    

Postscript to the Reader.  
COurteous Reader, I know thou expectest that here the Doctors whole letter should be added. But for the avoiding of ta●toligies, because all the substantial contents, so far as in the Diurnall● and Mecurie they have been heretofore objected to the Doctor, they are in in the Gentle Lash, and in this Treatise related in several sections and fully answered; I shall entreat thee to be contented with the remainder thereof, faithfully transcribed out of the original sent to the Primate of Ireland.  
Doctor Featley having written a letter to the Lord Archbishop of Armagh, 
Mercurius Aulicus 41. week, 1643.  to give his Grace an account of his demeanour in the business of the Scottish Covenant, was committed Prisoner to the Lord Peter's house, both his Livings given away to others, and his Books bestowed upon that old instrument of sedition, White of Dorchester. But it was the doctor's reasons against their Covenant, which raised all this stir, which (the original Letter being now in my hands) I shall here impart, and the pretended Houses who got a copy of it, can testify it to be true. First the Doctor excepted against those words [we will endeavour the true Reformed Protestants Religion in the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Discipline, Worship, and Government, according to the Word of God.] These words (said the Doctor) imply that the Worship, Discipline, and Government of the Church of Scotland, is according to the Word of God, which (said he) is more than I dare subscribe, much less confirm by an Oath. For first, I am not persuaded that any platform of Government in each particular circumstance is jure divino. 2. Admit some were, yet I doubt whether the Scots Presbytery be that. 3. Although somewhat may seem to be urged out of Scripture for the Scots Government▪ with some show of probability, yet far from such evidence as may convince a man's conscience, to swear it is agreeable to God's Word. Next the Doctor excepted against that passage [I shall endeavour the extirpation of Prelacy in the Church of England, &c.] I (saith he) dare not 〈◊〉 that: First, in regard that I believe episcopacy is an apostolical Institution. 2. That the Church never so flourished, as within 500 years after Christ, when it was governed by Bishops. 3. That our English Episcopacy is justified by the prime Divines of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas. 4. that our English Bishops now & ever since the Reformation▪ have disclaimed all papal dependency. 5. That the four general counsels (confirmed in England by Act of Parliament, 1 Eliza.) assert Episcopacy. And 6. (which all men had need consider) the Ministers of the Church of England, ordained according to a form (confirmed by Act of Parliament) at their Ordination take an Oath that they will reverently obey their Ordinary, and other chief Minister of the Church and them to whom the Government and charge is committed over them. This Oath I and all clergymen have taken; and if we shall swear the extirpation of Prelacy, we shall swear to for swear ourselves. Lastly, he excepted against that passage [I will defend the Rights and privileges of Parliament, and defend His majesty's Person and Authority, in defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the kingdom.] Here (said he) the Members are put before the Head; the Parliaments privileges before the King's Prerogative, and the restraint of defending the King, only in such & such cases 〈◊〉 to imply something, which I fear may be drawn to ●ll consequence.  
FINIS.