ΦΙΛΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΑ Or, A holding forth of Universal immunity in exercise of Christian Religion, expressed in a Letter to a Person of Condition.  
September 18 1659. 
 Sir,  
BY this ensuing discourse, you will see my judgement. It's true, I do it currente calamo, in more haste, than the gravity of your question merited; but that is to the manner. I am very positive, even in my most examinate reflections, as to the matter, to assert liberty of Religion to all Christians, which therefore I call, as you see in the Title.  
I see it much ventilated amongst our wisest modelers of the Economical part of our purchased liberty in Religion, whether it consistts with a conscientious and well regulated Commonwealth, to give restraint in order to any parties professing Christianity? Whence, upon your commands, I take pen and put to paper, dipped in ink, without the too too ordinary contemperature of gall, as the subject requires; religion, if true, being always animated with charity.  
I profess in the first place, that as to those whom we call Papists and Prelatists, my education has so prevented all foreign tinctures, that I am not capable of any further affection, than what the purity of Christian religion avoweth and obligeth. And therefore prescribing to myself those narrow, yet sanctified bounds, I presume to offer these motives of liberty, as they relate to all, not seeing, how we can exclude any, by the principles of Christianity and reason.  
First, I consider that Religion is a habit or virtue, which hath God for its immediate object, by which we are inclined to perform our duties in Divine worship, being a species of justice whose formal reason, or essential consideration ( to Logicians language) consists in rendering to each one valewably as the commutative, or at least proportionably, as the distributive, what is due. Whence to very many of our learned men, it seems to follow, that Religion is not within the verge of humane cognizance, since both parties concerned (God being above all laws) are not liable to our Tribunals.  
Secondly, neither doth the restrictive, or rather declarative term Christian added to religion, enlarge the bounds of humane cognizance, as to this particular, except some Divine delegation may be produced by an authentical Instrument, which hitherto I do not hear is pretended to, by our modern rigid Censurers out of holy Scriptures, which only can secure the attempt from high presumption,  to our Principles.  
The great Clerk Erasmus, though a Papist (whom I willingly name in this business, not only for the eminency of his learning, but for the great esteem our Country had of his judgement, as Sr. Thomas More witnesseth in his Defence against Dorpius) surviving till these fires began to kindle, took an easy occasion to show the barrenness of holy Writ, as to this particular: and withal, how much he recounts a great Pulpitmen applying S. Paul's heretioum hominem devita, eat an heretic to take them off their lives, that is, to put them to death. Thus zeal not regulated, turns to folly: For the Apostle gives not the least hint for it, as the text speaks, and he shows.  
Thirdly, our blessed Lord himself gave his great Commission, to the Apostles in this form Mat. 28. 19 Go teach all nations etc. And the Apostle 2. Tim. 2. 24. as it were commenting upon it, saith: The Servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle to all men, apt to teach, forbearing in meekness, instructing those that are contrary minded, if God peradventure will giae them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth. Where both texts directs all Christian procedure in Religion, to be by teaching, not domineering, or lording over Consciences. Whence surely in order to us, who justly pretend highest reverence to holy Scripture, this plea will stop all unlawful invasions, and unjust usurpations of God's prerogative in punishing for Conscience.  
Fourthly, upon this Divine and Apostolical sanction, it is evident, (as our learned men observe) that the primitive times (by which we have always desired to modelize our forms of Government, as to matter of Religion) did not at all use violence to Consciences. Insomuch that Cyprian Ep. 62. puts the difference betwixt the Synagogue, and the Christian Church in this, that then by a corporeal, now only by a spiritual sword, contumacy is punishable. And hence 380. Years after Christ, Idacius Clarus a Spanish Bishop, was severed from Christian communion, for having incited the Magistrates against Priscillian, though an Arch-heretick. It is also observable, that the Arians, who were indeed Antichristian, under Constantius, are known to be the first introducers of sanguinary, and other compulsive Decrees upon Consciences in order to belief. With all which is consistent, that if any under colour of Religion shall disturb the peace, they justly lose this immunity, as reason demonstrates and all antiquity confirms.  
Fifthly, Peradventure some would urge the Papists just forfeiture of these Christian Rights of religious immunity by their particular demerits in the Gun-powder-treason. As to this, Christianity compels me, to vindicate the body of them from the least guilt init; since K. James himself (who was very privy to the intrigues of that State-prodigie) in his Proclamation presently declared them innocent. And indeed Aristotle's, and much more Christian Schools, would condemn it as a great Solecism, if they should conclude all of us guilty of every horrid crime, which some few Protestants, to their perpetual ignominy, are known to have perpetrated, or upon such too too remote Titles should deprive us of our Christian rights, and conscientious liberties, since as each one carries the guilt of his own crime, so the punishment according to all Law.  
Sixthly, whereas further may be objected, the cruelty of the modern Spanish inquisition, and of the Prelatique High-Commission. It is easily retorted by them both: why should we embrace, what we dislike in them? except we will hear from the Prophet, Videbas furem, & currebas cum eo: you saw a thief and did run with him; that is, to steal with him. Shall we erect again pecuniary and coercive courts of Conscience, which we pulled down, as being against the nature of Conscience which is only subject to God's Court of Justice, as we justly alleged, when it related to our own liberties of Conscience? As for the Inquisition, we all know, it was introduced to rid the country of Moors and Jews, which only by the faggot could be consumed: we are not also ignorant that it is not introduced as matter of faith amongst them, neither is it universally received. France abhors all violence in this kind, Germany, Flanders, Poland, and many other parts do not admit it. Must Spain only, and only in this, direct us? Gregory Nazianzen in his fourth oration, when Orthodox Christians had by julian's death obtained the world's Sovereignty (which is our case) very piously persuades the Magistrates, not to turn the points of their swords against even Infidels, which they had cruelly sheathed in our hearts. He gives the reason, Ostendamus quod illos Doemones doceant, quod rursum Christus nos erudiat: Let us show them that the Devil taught them those cruelties, and Christ our meekness. Hence in Q. Mary's days, the learnedst person of that age Alphonsus a Castro, though a Papist, preached at Whitehall in presence of K. Philip against our home severities, as our famous Mr. Fox assures us: and the late Archbishop learned Doctor Laud after S. Augustine, did not hold a gallows to be a fit argument for conversion of misunderstanding Souls, as he persuaded the King, who was therefore wholly against it, as he declared upon all occasions. And he who was, and is celebrated as the wisest of our Protestant Princes, hath in print disowned all coercion in this kind, as K. James in his Apology to Christian Princes. And indeed though by suggestion of some intemperate spirits, there hath been too too much severity used, such as was old Cecil, who made marginal notes upon Julian's Gests (the Grand Apostate and subdolous persecutor of Christians) as his Directory for proceeding in matter of religion against Papists: yet in all times the most eminent and conscientious persons of Church and Commonwealth amongst us, have disclaimed and blushed at our severe laws against religion: which have made us an obloquy to all our neighbour's, even to our brethren the Hollanders, whose Christian policy even beyond envy flourisheth at Amsterdam, and other places, with exemplar piety and freedom. And in the combustion, betwixt the Arminians and Gomarists they experienced a happy effect of this universal immunity. For even the Papists, who were very numerous, (and surely are so here, if we involve all of that judgement, more than is easily conceived) assured the Magistrates, that their Religion obliged them, to be faithful to the Superiors, and that accordingly they would stand by them against whomsoever. Upon which ground the wisest people in the World the old Romans offered to the Jews, though a conquered Nation, their liberties of religion, as their own historians, to their honour, declare, and they had answerable effects, as also now we see in France, where our Religion is happily tolerated, with what fidelity the King of France serveth himself in places of chiefest trust in the wars, of the most eminent professors of our Religion, and in like manner the King of Pole and others. Whence we must confess that in the judgement of all parties, Soul-immunity connaturally infers a conscientious fidelity; and therefore it cannot produce less effects here of loyalty in all who shall by abolishment of compulsive laws as to conscience find the comfort of the freedom, where gratitude in all ingenious natures freed from bondage, will imprint indelible characters of duty to be transmitted even to posterity.  
Seventhly, It's true that the posterior Romans, the dregs of the old Heathens, who like the Jews measured all things by the test of temporal blessings, objected the ill success of the Empire, to be from the liberty of Christianity; which moved Orosius by S. Augustine's command to write his histories, as testimonies of God's blessings: And it gave occasion to S. Augustin himself to enrich the World with his Books Of the City of God, upon the same design, and to show ill successes to have come from themselves. In the same manner we know, that some ill natured and froward Persons have so far envied their Neighbour's freedom in matters of Conscience, that, like those old Heathens, they would injuriously impute our present miseries to this freedom; whereas unquestionably the want of universal immunity, or rather the violent restraint of tender consciences, struck the first fire of all our combustions, as no Englishman can be ignorant who hath been contemporary to them. The best remedy will be (since as nature teacheth contraria contrariis curautur,) by a contrary application of tenderness, which will sincerely unite all affections, as amongst the old Philosophers, who though differing in their Tenets, concerning God and his worship, yet out of their several Schools, in mutual civil offices obliged each other.  
Eightly, if we further consider this business, as we are Englishmen, that is, true Patriots, having an eye upon our relations abroad, we cannot but take notice of both our powerful neighbours interessed in it, who though out of present exigencies of State they may dissemble the sense they have of our persecuting their Religion: yet since William whom we call Conqueror his triumphs, our country hath sadly experienced in each of them, when not joined (as now they easily may be) their power and readiness to attaque and invade us, sometimes as Principals, other times as Auxiliaries to our damage by Sea and Land upon far less pretences, especially when (as is customary amongst bordering enemies in military policies) they could work fit opportunities, by cementing, or fomenting our home-divisions, which a fraternal tenderness to each other, in point of Religion, above all other ties, (and now in our Nation, then in any other, as experience shows) would effectually prevent, and secure us far otherwise, than the old Roman walls against the Picts, or our dancing and daring bulwarks against Julius Cesar and others, which as we know, sometimes failed us.  
Ninthly. Again, if as prudent and provident persons we look upon the sequel of this business, as it relates even to a selfness, this little world of ours, for these last hundred years, having experienced almost incredible vertiginous revolutions in matter of Religion, prudent self-seeking will teach us, to provide for the like vicissitudes, by leaving lenitives to Posterity; that in case our own Issue shall differ in opinion, from the future prevailing Doctrines (for among so many Sects, none of us can tell, which shall last get and keep the Chair) they may serve as Preservatives of their estates and persons, even in these religious epidemical diseases.  
Tenthly, as concerning our old weather-beaten exception against the Papists acknowledgement of a foreign power in spirituals; Besides that it carries the answer to itself, being in Spirituals, and therefore as we must confess, not apt to disturb our external peace, it is also antiquated by public consent of all parts, even where the Papal power is most predominant, the actual coexistency of both swords by daily experience being rendered clear to our senses. We must acknowledge public truths: As for example even in Italy, as in the case of Parma and Modina, though little Princes, they had no difficulty with their popish subjects, to maintain their temporal right, against the Pope's pretences▪ Venice▪ with high opposition in the Magistrate, and signal allegiance in the subjects, Ecclesiastical and civil, France Spain, and Germany give daily instances of their security, in their subjects allegiance, against whatsoever specious titles. And even at home under Henry the 8th. in those too too high contests betwixt him and Pope Clement, and under Q. Elizabeth after Pope Pius his censures, and in 88 it is confessed, that none gave greater satisfaction in point of allegiance to our Princes, than the Papists. Particular Tenets are like opinions, which touch only speculation, and are circumscribed to the Schools, not allowed as to practise. So that all parties would now deride us, if we would seem to put weight on so stramineous a foundation, against so great a good, in order to the public, as liberty of Conscience.  
Lastly, All which considerations duly weighed, will enforce us to conclude, that they must justly be presumed to be enemies of our countries' happiness, and of the supreme government, who by persuading enforcement of conscience, would endeavour foverely to kindle disaffections to Superiors, in all those whom they desire to be severely handled for religion, and in all foreigners who will be concerned in this common cause, which by all laws (as themselves heretofore, when they were under the lash have pleaded) should be most free, and in which all men are justly most tender  
You may please to accept this in complyancewith the respect I have to your command: The cause is common, and therefore I willingly obey you, soule-liberty being the highest interest of mankind, and hath the greatest influence on the prosperity of our own nation, and even of each particular person. Our bodies and fortunes are subject to higher powers upon just exigencies, the soul only to God; which, if free, we all meet in our most affectuous orisons for the public concern: and therefore all good Patriots desire with you not to have it captivated, nor to see others contristated for want of enjoyment of every ones due right in this their dearest interest, which is also the only aim of  
Your most obliged Servant. T. F.