Londinum Triumphans, OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past. SHOWING, The Antiquity, Honour, Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY; The Grounds of her Rights, Privileges and Franchises; The Foundation of her CHARTER; The Improbability of a Forfeiture, and Impossibility of a Legal Seizure; The Power and Strength of the Citizens, and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy. Collected from the most Authentic Authors, and illustrated with variety of REMARKS.  
Nullum est jam dictum, quod non dictum sit prius.  
No new thing under the Sun.  
LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey's Head, MDCLXXXII.   

THE DEDICATION  
To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen, Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON. Sir John Frederick, Kt. Sir John Laurence, Kt. Sir Robert Clayton, Kt. Sir Patience Ward, Kt. Sir Thomas Gold, Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish, Esq;  
And to the Worshipful 

Thomas Pilkington, Esq; Another of the Aldermen of the said City, and Samuel Shute, Esq; The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past.  
Sir Thomas Player, Kt. Chamberlain of the same,  
Thomas Papillion, Esq;  
John Dubois, Esq;    
And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights, Liberties, Privileges, Franchises, and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY. This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by.  
W. G.   

TO THE READER.  
IF Antiquity and Duration, wealth and riches, strength and power, can make a City famous: If an honourable renown, visible grandeur, and unparallelled privileges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World: If the Spirit of her Citizens, influence of her actions, and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful; Then may this great ancient, and renowned City of London deservedly be esteemed one of the eminentest Cities of the Universe, unless the Lie be given to the most Authentic of all our English Historians, and we must not, like the Papists, believe our own eyes, nor give credit to our ears, but bid adieu to all rational knowledge, and deny the force of true Logical Illations, inferences, and conclusions. Such being the subject, of this following Treatise, purposely designed for a demonstration of London's power, and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years, strongly founded on undeniable Truths, and throughout carried on, in an uninterrupted series of affairs, by a train of inflances and examples, and an unbroken chain of inductions: And being conscious to myself of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely imposed upon the faith of any one, by false quotations, corrupting of Authors, or wilful mistakes, as knowing myself easily disproven if guilty, and therefore so much the more cautious, by how much the more certain, that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age, I am apt to flatter myself into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City, and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful, pleasing, and delightful to their palates, because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown, their own power, and the necessary consequence thereof, the grand influence of their public actions and fixed resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom. But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities, and my hopes are so good, as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City, and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphere of my Capacity, and the power of my pen, to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof, others are the most proper judges, and the event will best show. If any, out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit, shall lay it to my charge; that the whole book looks reflective, in answer to the imputation, I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands, that he would be pleased to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors, to whom I so often refer, and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity, if he be not over much prejudiced already, or of so narrow a Soul, as to be wholly and altogether biased to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense, reason, and truth. Besides in my further vindication I can assure him, that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn, and undeniably prove it too, by demonstrative Arguments, if need were. So that if it had appeared in the world so early, as was at first designed, though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto, some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have termed it predictive: Though it was never intended as the offspring of Prophecy or Astrology, but only the result of an ordinary judgement, and common foresight, grounded on easy unforced deductions from plain historical truths, and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore. Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations, nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scribblers, as thinking myself secure within the strength of the argument, and the authorities here produced to confirm and illustrate it; whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof, though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata, I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman, as to look on them but as venial errors, and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen, if he apprehend any such, as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty. For I profess myself rather a Transcriber than an Author, and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain: Which if it may be in any wise advantageous to the public, and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious, I know not but, upon good encouragement, I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive, than to the Rights of one particular City, though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgement of the Kingdom, as well as the head both of King and Laws.   

Londinum Triumphans.  
HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government, is concealed (I suppose) but from few in the Land: But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages, is not so generally known. The Glory and Splendour of this Noble City, is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious, that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day, or an Age; but that, like other City's eminent in Story, it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings, to its present Greatness, through a long Tract of Time, and the Concurrence of many considerable Circumstances to make it Famous. The Original of this City is sufficiently acknowledged to be Ancient; but where to fix the true and certain Bounds of its Antiquity, is not so easily agreed upon by Writers. What one sets down for a Truth, another many times esteems to be Fabulous. Scarce any thing being more common amongst the Learned, than to have different Sentiments about the Original of Things, and be at variance amongst themselves about the first Beginnings of Times and Places. True indeed, we can deduce the very first Origine of the World, from the Sacred Leaves of Holy Writ; but They, who have not had the Benefit of those Heavenly Oracles, or do not with Us believe their Divine Verity, are compelled to grope in the Mists of Darkness and Confusion, while they search after the First Existence of all Things in the Writings of Profane Authors. The prime Pieces of Antiquity, that we meet with amongst the Heathens, are the Theban, and the Trojan Wars; and those too sullied with the Fabulous Narrations of their Poetical Writers. Besides which, we scarce find amongst them any thing deserving Credence and Belief, except the mention of the Argonaut's Voyage, and a few Passages more: All the rest are huddled up in such a confused Mass of Fables and Fictions. And yet these so celebrated Pieces bear Date some hundreds of Years after the Flood. So short do the Profane Writings fall of the Divine, even in Time, as well as Truth; unless we account the Dynastyes of the Egyptian Kings, (mentioned by some Writers worthily esteemed Fabulous) for true History, and make any Reckoning of some Men's Relations; who tell us of Chronologies amongst the Chinese, of Thousands of Years before the Creation, according to our Account: The whole Tranfactions whereof, they would do well to produce in our European World, that we might be able to judge, what Credit ought to be given to their Words; and not any longer suspect, that they shield themselves under the Protection of the Privilege anciently allowed to Poets and Travellers.  
Seeing then, in these Humane Writings, we are left so much in the Dark, in what concerns the First Being of the Universe; we have little Reason to wonder at the variety of Men's Opinions about the Settling of Nations, and first Inhabiting of Countries: Much less are we to admire, that the Foundations of Ancient Cities are involved in so much Obscurity, that we can scarce trace them up to their Original, without being often put to the stand in our Searches; as finding but little certain Truth, mixed with a great deal of apparent Falsehood. Therefore, I hope, the Courteous Reader will the more readily pardon what he meets with of Humane Infirmity and Frailty, in this Attempt; and pass over the Erratas he finds in this Historical Relation, as Venial Faults.  
SHOULD I lay the Foundation of this Honourable City in the Days of Brute, I might to some seem a Relater of Fables. Should I not trace its Original so high, others might be apt to think, I slighted its Antiquity. So difficult a thing it is to please all, so in a manner impossible to displease none. Let me do the utmost of my Endeavours to avoid the Imputation of seeming Fabulous, I should nevertheless be in doubt, where safely to fix, by reason of the different Esteem Men have of different Ages. One preferring This, Another That, and a Third (perhaps) valuing Neither; as thinking the Relation of Things done in Times, so far distant from Ours, not worth our Regard. Wherefore, rather choosing the Part of a Faithful Historian, than courting Men's Favour and Applause, I shall deliver some of the most material Passages, which I find of this Ancient City upon Record: Only, with this Request unto the Reader, That as he sees Cause, he would judge of me as an Impartial Relater, without thinking me over ready to give Credit to all, that Authors have said of those Elderly Times.  
The Trojan War hath been so Celebrated by Homer's Pen, that the Fall of Troy may deservedly be judged to have raised it higher upon the Wings of Fame, than if it had still continued in its ancient Grandeur. For I find it to have been the Ambition of many Writers, in some Ages past, to draw the Original of their own Nations, from some Warlike Hero of the Trojan Race. The Romans Glory in the Trojan Blood, as drawing their Pedigree from Aeneas, and the Trojans, that he brought with him into Italy. Milan is derived from Antenor, another Trojan Leader. And not to mention any more, Brute descended of Aeneas, with his Trojans, is said by some to have given Original to the British Nation. That this hath been the Endeavours of some Authors, is plain enough, as being Matter of Fact; but the Reason of this Design is not so obvious, unless it may be lawful to conjecture, That in the grosser Times of Popery, the Scriptures being kept from the Eyes of the Vulgar, by being locked up in unknown Languages, and the Monkish Writers lacking either Will or Ability to peruse them; and so becoming ignorant of Divine History, thought it the readiest way to ennoble their own Nations, by deriving them from some of the Ancientest Hero's, that they meet with in 〈◊〉 Story. Or else, depending upon Rome, as their Mother-church, they were desirous to vie with her in their Original, as well as accord with her in Religion. Whether Brute Descended from Aeneas, by a Son of his Eldest Son Ascanius, or by his Younger Son, born of Lavina, is a Point not fully decided among Historians.  
This Brute, Exiled his Country (according to some) for having accidentally slain his Father, with his Trojans, after many Chances, and Dangers past, is said to have directed his Course towards this Western Island, by the Advice of Diana, which he received in his Sleep, in an Old Temple of hers, standing in a Part of Africa. In his Sailing hitherward, he met with (it seems) a small Navy of Trojan Ships, under the Conduct of his Nephew Corineus; and joining together, at length, after other Dangers overpast, he Landed in Cornwall, at a Place since known by the Name of Totness. This was in the Year since the World's Creation, 4063. according to Fabian, (who professes to follow the Account of the LXX.) about the Time of Ely's being Highpriest in Israel, Forty Years after the Destruction of Troy, (which is held by some to have fallen out in the Time of Abdon's being Judge in Israel) before the Building of Rome Four Hundred and twenty Years, before our Saviour Christ's Incarnation, One Thousand One Hundred and Thirty Six. But in this Point Chronologers differ: Stow places it Anno Mund. 2855. before Christ's Nativity 1108.  
After Brutus' Landing, in his Searching the Country, he is said to have destroyed I know not how many great and mighty Giants; one whereof, named Gogmagog, wrestled forsooth with Corineus; and having of him caught a Fall down Dover-Clifts, left his Name to the Place. Those Monkish Writers scarce thinking their Hero's Valour sufficiently Celebrated, unless they make them meet with, and encounter some such Gygantick Adventures; where the little Knight shall be sure to overcome the great Giant.  
Brute having bestowed Cornwall upon Corineus, after he had throughly searched the Land, for the Pleasure he took in Thames, he laid There (as we are told) the Foundation of a City, about the Second Year after his Landing in this Isle; and, in remembrance of Old Troy, named it Troynovant: which Name it held till the Time of King Lud, near upon One Thousand and Sixty Eight Years; from whom 'twas named Lud's - Town, afterwards London, as shall be declared in Process of Story.  
What Repute and Esteem this City was of in those Days, as being Builded by the First Founder of the British Empire, I shall leave to the Reader's Consideration; who may find it honoured with the Sepulture of many of their Kings, as of Brute himself, and his Eldest Son Locrine, to whom in the Division made by his Father, fell Middle England for his Share; wherein Troynovant was situated: To whom may be added Cunedagius, and Gorbodug the Father of Ferrex and Porrex, the Last of Brutus' Line.  
But now the Coast begins to clear up a little more, after the Storms of Civil Wars, by the Success of Mulmutius Dunwallo, Son of Cloton, Duke of Cornwall. This Dunwallo having vanquished the other Competitors, and settled the Land, caused a Temple to be builded in Troynovant, and named it the Temple of Peace; the same (according to some Men's Opinions) that now is called Blackwell-Hall, a Place well known to the Clothiers. His Fame is much increased by the many good Ordinances he made, which were called Mulmutius' Laws, and used long after his Decease.  
That this City of Troynovant, was of Repute and Renown in this so Famous a Man's Days, is hardly to be doubted of by him, that considers so eminent a Circumstance, as the Building of a Temple of Peace within the Circuit of this City, as an Effect of that Peace he had so happily settled in the Land; and, it may be, in Gratitude to the Citizens, who probably favoured his Cause, and so might much influence his Actions and Erterprises. In the same Temple of Peace was he laid after his Death, which he had been the Occasion of Building in his Life.  
In the Time of Belinus and Brennus, his Sons, after their Reconcilement & Accord, we read of their going to Troynovant, with their Lords and Friends; where, after many things ordered for the Common Benefit of the Land, they jointly agreed to lead both their Hosts over the Sea, to subdue other Countries; the Smart of which Voyage the Romans felt sufficiently under Brennus, and his Gauls. By Belinus we sinned, that an Haven was built in the same Troynovant, with a Gate over it, called even at this Day, Billingsgate; on whose Pinnacle was set a Brazen Vessel, which contained the Ashes of his Body, burnt after his Death. In this City we likewise find, that Gurguintus was Buried, and also Guintellius, his Son; from whose Wife Marcia came the Marcian-Law, famed long after ●mong the Britain's and Saxons.  
These being of some Eminency in their 〈…〉 Buried in this City after their Deaths; It 〈…〉, safely be concluded, That they 〈…〉 therein, as their Principal City, and 〈…〉 of the Realm. Yet we read of other 〈…〉 Note, in those Times, and after; as of 〈…〉 one, where Archigallo (before deposed by his Lo●●s, for his ill Government) was, through the Intercession of Elidurus his Brother, then Reigning, at a Council of the Britain's by him called, restored to his former Dignity; When the same Elidurus had gained the Assent of his Barons, and the good Will of the Commons.  
However, Troynovant seems, in those Days, to have been esteemed a Place of Security; and mention of a Tower therein we find, on Occasion of the same forementioned Elidurus' being sent thither by his unkind younger Brothers, to be safely kept as a Prisoner therein.  
The succeeding Times are so barbarous, that but little considerable is left upon Record, concerning any Actions then done; until we come to the Reign of Lud, Eldest Son of Heli, which began about Sixty Six Years before our Blessed Saviour's Incarnation, according to Stow.  
This Man is much praised by the Historian, for his Worthy Actions, and Honourable Deeds; for his Valour, Liberality, and Hospitable House-keeping; and his repairing Old Cities, and Towns. Especially in Troynovant he is Recorded to have caused many Buildings to be made, encompassing it also round with a strong Wall of Lime and Stone. In the West-Part whereof stands a Gate by him Builded, and known, even at this Day, by the Name of Ludgate. For his Love to this City, he used most to abide therein; Whereupon it was called Caer-Lud, or Lud's Town: Whence by Corruption, and shortening of Words, comes the present Name London; whereby it shall be called for the future, and the former Name, Troynovant, laid aside in this following Relation. Lud dying after an Honourable Reign, he was Buried in the aforementioned Gate of his, named Port-Lud, or Ludgate; where are yet standing the Statues of Him, and his Sons, as a lasting Monument of his Memory.  
In Cassibellan's Reign, the next Successor, (but whether Son or Brother to Lud, is not agreed upon by all Authors) we find considerable mention made of London in the Story, through Occasion of Cassibellan's Victory over the Romans, newly Landed under the Leading of Julius Caesar, and twice repelled by the Britain's Valour. London was the Place appointed by the King, to Celebrate this Victory, return Thanks to his Gods, and Rewards to his Valorous Knights. Here therefore we read of a great Assembly held of his Lords and Knights, and of the King's keeping a Noble and Solemn Feast for all Comers, and the Exercise of all kind of Games in those Days used. But Difference arising at the Wrestling between a couple of Young Noble Knights, allied, One of them to the King, and the Other to Androgeus, Earl or Duke of London, (as he is somewhere called) and from Words these Hotspurs coming to Blows, occasioned such sideing and variance amongst the Company, that many were wounded, and the King's Nephew slain, to the great disturbance of the Court.  
For Disgust hence growing between the King and Androgeus, (to whom the King had given the City of London, with the Dukedom or Earldom of Kent, besides an Honourable Education, suitable to his Birth, he being Lud's Eldest Son, and so Heir to the Kingdom, according to some Writers, the other being but his Brother) and this Disgust producing War, wherein the King was likely to be much the stronger; Androgeus recalls Caesar, with his Romans, to his Aid, and assists them in their Landing; and joining his whole Power, soon turned the Scales, bringing Victory to the Romans, and an Overthrow and Loss of their ancient Freedom to Cassibellan, and his Britain's. So considerable was the Assistance, that Androgeus, with his Londoners, and other Knights, brought to the Enemy: So difficult was it, even to Caesar himself, to Conquer Britain, having been more than once foiled by the Britain's. Caesar tells us of the Trynobants being the strongest of all those Cities (by which understand London) which submitted to him; over whom he placed, at their request, one Mandubratius, whose Father, their chief Lord or Ruler, Cassibellan had before Slain. Be these two Histories the same or different; yet either, I believe, will serve to make good my Assertion of London's Power, Fame, and Esteem, in those ancient Times.  
Though Britain was hereby made Tributary; yet I do not find, that London lost its Esteem. For Tenancuis is said to be Buried here; and also Cunobelin●s or Kymbeline, his Son, both King's after Cassibellan. In this Kymbeline's Days, near about the Nineteenth Year of his Reign, or Fourteenth, according to Stow, Our Blessed Saviour, Christ Jesus, was Born, as is the Opinion of most Writers. Henceforth therefore, leaving off the Old way of accounting from the World's Creation, I shall follow the Christian manner of Computation, reckoning from the Birth of our Lord Christ (which was in the Forty Second Year of Augustus' Empire) as a surer, and more certain way.  
Except the Crowning of Arviragus in London, I find but little mention of this Honourable City, till the Reign of King Lucius, who being esteemed by many the first Christian King in the World, turned the Arch-flamins-See at London into an Archbishopric▪ the Names of some of which Arch-Bishops we meet with ●ver and anon in Story, as such who had a considerable Power in the Land.  
About 226 London was of such Strength, that Alectus, with his Romans, (as Fabian relates) being over-pressed by the Britain's, under the Leading of Asclepiodotus, chose this City for his Refuge, as being then (it seems) of greatest Security; and he being afterwards slain, Livius Gallus, another Roman Leader, manfully descended himself, and his Romans, in the same City, then closely besieged by the Britain's; till in their entering, he was slain near a River running thereby, and thrown thereinto; which occasioned it afterwards, to be called Gallus, or Wallus-Brook: Some Memorial whereof we find remaining at this Day, in the Street now standing, where that River sometimes ran, and known by the Name of Wall-brook.  
After the Departure of the Romans out of this Land, many Outrages being committed 〈◊〉 by the Picts and Scots, in the Time of 〈…〉 Honorius, we read of 〈…〉, by the Archbishop, 〈…〉 the Britain's, to consult of 〈…〉 many Miseries then ha●ging ●ver 〈…〉 by reason of their Enemy's Strength, and 〈…〉 Inability to defend themselves; as being 〈…〉 no certain Head. The Result of which Meet●●● was to desire Aid of the King of Little Britain, which they by Embassy obtained under the Conduct of his Brother Constantinus; and, after Victory by him gained over their Enemies, Crowned him King of the Land, according to their Promise before made.  
Here was a turn of Affairs effected by the Consult at London. Another Change we find, not long after, through the Treachery of Vortiger, and the Pict, who slew Constantinus' Son, Constantius then King, and presented his Head to the aforenamed Vortiger, then at London. Which City doubtless, in those Days, was of much Esteem and Regard; and thereupon Vortiger (who bore the Chief Rule in the Kingdom at that time, though the other had the Name of King) probably was much resident therein; expecting, it may be, and waiting for the Performance of this Treasonable Act; that he, being on the Place, might have the better Opportunity to caress the Chief of that Eminent City. 'Tis certain, we find him afterwards endeavouring to cajole the People, by the great Sorrow and Heaviness he made show of for the King's Death, and by putting the accursed Traitors to Death, for their Wicked Fact, according to the Law of the Land.  
Thus many Love the Treason well enough, when successful, who nevertheless hate the Traitors, after their own Turns be served.  
This is that Vortiger, so Infamous in the British Story, for his own Vices; as Incest with his own Daughter, Adultery, etc. and the Vices of the Times under him. For we read, that Vice was then accounted of small, or no Offence. Lechery reigned amongst the Spiritualty and Temporalty. Every one turned the Point of his Spear against the true and innocent Man; and the Commons gave them all to Idleness and Drunkenness; whence ensued Fight, Strife, and much Envy.  
After the King's Ex●mple, the World runs a gadding, is a Saying commonly too true: As this Vortiger gained his Power by Treachery, so he Reigned in a manner Precariously. For he was so perplexed, on the one side, for fear of the Return of Constantinus' surviving Sons, to claim the Kingdom; and the Land, on the other side, so harassed by the Inroads of the Picts and Scots, that he was after a sort compelled to send for the Heathen Saxons, who came (under their Leaders Hengist and Horsus) to support him, about Four Hundred and Fifty Years after Our Saviour's Birth.  
The coming in of these Strangers proved but (as it were) the beginning of Miseries. For being once let in, they soon began to Play their Reeks in the Land; and never left, till by introduceing more Colonies, they had settled themselves, and dispossessed the Britain's of the best of the Country. Neither was it any great wonder, that the poor Commons endured such Miseries from these New-come Guests, when as their Spiritual and Temporal Guides were so given up to all manner of Debauchery. One of Hengist's Pranks we find to be, his Treacherous slaying of the British Lords at Stonehenge, on Salisbury Plains, under pretence of a Treaty for Peace. But the better to work out his own Ends, he is said to have saved the King alive, whom he knew to have become his Enemy in show, more out of Constraint for fear of his British Lords, than for any Hatred towards him; he having him sufficiently entangled in the Snares of his Daughter Rowens Beauty. So common a thing is it for crafty subtle Men, to serve their own Ends, by working upon another's Lusts, through the Mediation of an handsome Face, and Prostitute Body.  
We read of the Saxon's having got London under their Rule; but whether by their own Power, or the King's Gift, I find not clearly mentioned. That he gave Kent, and other Counties to Hengist, is declared by the Historian. It may be, that he gave them also London to curb it; for fear least the Citizens should join with Constantinus' Sons (whose Return he much dreaded) and assist them to regain their Father's Kingdom.  
Henceforward, for some time, we are not to expect to find London so Considerable in Power, under the Saxon Heptarchy, as it was before, and after. But when all the Seven were reduced into one Kingdom, and the Affairs of the Land settled in a little more Peace and Quietness, London began again more and more to Flourish, and soon rose up to such an height, that it became the fixed Metropolis of the Nation.  
Yet in the Time of the Saxon's Heptarchy, we find mention made of this Noble City several times, and on several Occasions. As upon account of Mordred's choosing this City to be Crowned in, when he rebelled against King Arthur: The holding of it by Mordred's Son against Constantine, Son of Cador, till he was slain: The Flying away of the Bishops of London and York, and other Ministers, with their Goods and Relics, for fear of the Saxon's Cruelty under Ethelfride; Whereby the Commonalty were left without Spiritual Guides, the City without Her chief Pastors: The setting up an Archbishopric there, by Austin the Monk, and the making of Melitus Bishop of the same, in Ethelberts Days: The Building of St. Paul's either by the same Ethelbert, or else by Sigebert King of the East-Angles, as some affirm.  
In this Ethelberts Time, we read in Fabian, of the Building the First Church of Westminster, in Honour of St. Peter, by a Citizen of London, in the West-End of London, in a Place called Thorny, (now Westminster) which before was overgrown with Bushes and Briars. But Stow affirms Sebert, King of the East Saxons, to have Built it.  
In the Time of Ethelwolph, Son of Egbert, King of the Westsaxons, London is said to be spoilt by the Danes; and so not likely then to be of any great Strength, though we find the Danes drawing themselves thitherward, in Alured or Alfred's Days, after an Agreement concluded between them.  
But now again, begins this City to be often mentioned in Story, and grows more Famous every Day, after that King Alured, having Victoriously repealed the Danes, returned thereunto, repaired those Places, that before had been injured by the Danes, and committed it to the Guiding of Ethelred, Earl or Duke of Mercia, who was his Son-in-Law, by Marrying his Daughter Elfleda.  
Hence may we date another Beginning, as it were, of its Glory and Lustre, from this new Resurrection out of the Ashes of its former Ruins. Some of the next News we hear of this Honourable City, is of the Londoner's beating away the Danes; who Landing in Sussex, and coming to the Town of Lewes, and thence towards London, had Builded a Castle near the River of Lewes, the more to annoy the Country; but the Citizen's Valour, with the Countries Help, soon demolished it.  
In the Reign of Edward, the Eldest Son to the forenamed Alured, we find London thought so considerable, that the King took it under his own Rule, not entrusting even his own Sister therewith; thinking it probably too important a Charge, to be committed to any Subject, never so nearly related to him; because of the Power that would accrue to the Possessor thereof, and the Danger might thereby happen to him (the King) in those troublesome Times, upon any the least Difference arising between them.  
When Egelred or Etheldred, Son of Edgar, ruled the Land, we read of the Danes coming to London (they being ready enough to haunt any Place, that could afford them Spoil and Pillage) but we find that then they were repelled by the Citizens. The City it seems, was strong enough to defend their own.  
But soon after that, another sad Accident befell the City, against which it was not so well able to defend itself, viz. A great Fire, whereby a large Part of it was destroyed. So rare is it, for any thing great in this World, to arrive at its Greatness from small Beginnings, without being Subject to many Mischances, and meeting with many Turns and Changes of Fortune, before it can arrive at the height of its Grandeur.  
Fabian tells us in his Chronicle, that the City had then the most Building from Ludgate towards Westminster, and little or none where the Chief, or Heart of it now is; except that in divers Places there were Houses; but they stood without Order. This he professes to have known by an Old Book, in the Guild-Hall, named doomsday. But wherever the Building stood in those Days, or how great Harm soever the Fire did it, nevertheless it continued of such Strength and Riches, that the Danes were willing to have got it into their own Power; and in Order thereunto, besieged it; but that they took it at that season, I read not. Yet some Years after, I find the Londoners sending Gifts and Pledges to the Danes, to divert them then coming towards London.  
'Twas in Egelred's Days, that the Danes thus harrassed the Land, and did almost whatever they pleased; selling the English Men Peace for their Money, and then breaking it again at their Pleasure, to get a greater Sum. This gave the first Occasion to the Imposition of that Tax upon the Land, called Danegelt. And the Pride, and Lordly Imperiousness of the insulting Danes, gave Original to the opprobrious Name of Lurdane, as now it is esteemed; though then it was Lord Dane; a Term the English were for fear compelled to give those proud lazy Danes, that Ruled and Domineered in many of their Houses, at the right Owner's cost.  
Neither is it much to be wondered at, that this Land was brought into so great Misery by these Hectoring Strangers, when as we fi●d Dissension amongst the Lords; and such treacherous Dealing, that whatsoever was devised by Some, for the Hurt of their common Enemies, it was quickly by Others of the same Council betrayed, and made known to them. The King giving himself to a vicious and incontinent Life, and, to get Money any manner of way, sticked not to 〈◊〉 Men of their Possessions for small, or feigned Causes, (according to the History) and after cause them to redeem their own, for great Sums of Money.  
In London 'twas, that I find this unfortunate Egelred more than once residing, for his own Security (it seems) more than for any Aid he attempted to get of the Londoners, to defend his Land. Here he fell sick, died, and was also Buried; and with him, some of the English Men's Shame and Dishonour.  
For Edmund Ironside, his Son, favoured by the Londoners, and some other Lords, was Crowned in that City; and thence departing with his Strength, so hotly pursued Canutus, the Danish King, that he was several Times put to the worst, and in fair likelihood to have been utterly overthrown, had not the false Edric (who having got an Habit of Treachery in Egelreds' Days, could not so easily for●ake his Old base Conditions) oft disappointed King Edmund, by his Treacherous Dealing. By ●his Edric's Treachery, I have read, That Edmund lost his Life afterwards; for which Fact, the ●alse Traitor expecting a great Reward at the ●ands of Canutus, had his Head exalted (according ●o the others Promise) above all the Lords of Eng●and, it being stricken off, pitched upon a Spear, ●nd after set upon the highest Gate of London.  
But about the King's Death and Edric's, Authors are found much to vary. Neither is it any marvel, that Writers differ so often, and so much in their Relations of Things done so many Ages since; Whenas, in things but as it were of yesterday, we may observe so much difference in the different Relaters, especially if it concerns divers Parties; Authors too too often Writing partially, in Favour of their own Side.  
That London was, in those Days, of very considerable Strength, we have much reason to believe; since that by Help thereof chiefly, Edmund was able to bear up so valiantly against the Fortunate Canutus; whom most of the Lords, especially o● the Spiritualty, favoured. 'Tis certain enough in the Story, that Canutus was not ignorant of the great Influence the City had then upon the Nation Affairs; and therefore was as desirous to get it into his Power, as Edmund was sure he had it at hi● Devotion. For Canutus soon drew with his People to London, and would have entered; but wa● hindered by the Citizens. Then he would hav● forced his Enemies; but he was quickly compelled to withdraw, and go else where: Such valiant Resistance did the Citizens make against his Assault Another time he was drawing apace thitherward but King Edmund was as diligent in preventing him; and after a cruel Fight, forced him to ●●gone. So eagerly did these two hardy Competitors strive for the Possession of this Renowne● City in Particular, as well as for the whole Kingdom in General. The Possession and Favour of 〈◊〉 One, is a good Step to the safe keeping of the Oath▪ This also, I presume, was Canutus' Opinion. 〈◊〉 History acquaints us with a Council kept at Londo● by the same Canutus, after Edmund Ironside's Deat● The Design whereof (if we may Judge by the ●vent) was to exclude the others Sons from all Claim and Pretensions to that Part and Share of the Kingdom, that their Father once enjoyed quietly by mutual Consent and Agreement. The very place might contribute somewhat to Canutus' Design, though the Inhabitants should not be brought to give their Assent in open and express Words. 'Twas done at London; a pat Answer to such as durst seem to dislike the Kings Proceedings. What? Dare you question, what was done in the Capital City of the Realm? A pretty Fellow indeed, to murmur at those Actions, which the Citizens of the Head City, the Metropolis of the Nation, did not openly dislike, nor disavow.  
It is observable, in the Time of this Canutus, that in the Contest between Him, and the English King Edmund, the Spiritual Lords especially were his Favourers, and sided with him. A remarkable Instance of Temporizers among the Chief of the Clergy; and that they do not always stick to that Rule of Birthright, which they so much applaud, when they think it may turn to their Secular Advantage; but like other poor, simple, ignorant Souls among the Laics, can be content sometimes to squint aside upon the more prevalent Object of prosperous Might and Power; and leave that, which they are pleased to call Right, as forsaken and forlorn for the sake of their Temporal Concerns.  
Here was, on the One side, Edmund Ironside, the Eldest Son (as far as I can perceive by the Story) of Egelred putting in for the Crown, as his Birthright and lawful Inheritance; but under the Prejudice of a weak Father's unprosperous Reign, and his own Strength small in appearance, and of little Ability, in Humane likelihood, to defend such as would adhere to him. On the Other side, stands a Strong and Fortunate Competitor; his Arms in his Hands; a numerous Attendance of Victorious Soldiers waiting on him; most part of the Country under his Subjection, and prosperous Success attending much upon his Banners; though a Stranger; an Enemy by Inheritance; a Dane; one that could pretend no other Title to the Crown, that we hear off, but what his Predecessors did owe to the Sword, and he could make good by the same Claim. Yet to this more powersul Pretender, with a long Sword in his hand, do these Time-serving-Priests choose to join themselves, against an Old Friend by Birth; a Native; an English Man; with a better Title (according to their own Doctrine at some Time;) but shorter Sword, as was them thought before sufficient Trial had been made▪ But now I think on't, they have like Passions and Infirmities with other Men, and do mind Secular Interests of their Own, as well as Others; at the same time that they endeavour to bring the Vulgar into a belief of a Commission (they say) they have received from an Higher Power; and so pretend to greater Sanctity. True, it is said, They had before time sworn Fealty to Canutus' Father. A fin● delicate way, to defeat another's Right. Either they had before sworn Allegiance to Egelred, Edmund's Father, or they had not. If they had, wha● became of their Loyalty here, to forswear Tha● and swear anew to a Stranger; an Enemy-King and after persist in the latter Oath, in prejudice 〈◊〉 the Former; persevering in giving away, wh●● was none of their own to bestow; they having a● ready, by their first Oath, sworn away themselv●● to another? If they had not, how came they 〈◊〉 readily to swear Fealty to their Native-King's professed Enemy? Did they well herein, or ill? If well, what then becomes of that darling Doctrine of Primogeniture, and of men's Right of Inheriting by the Law of Nature, not to be cut off, forsooth, (under even the freest Constitution of Government) by any Humane Law whatsoever, though never so many urgent Inconveniencies be clearly foreseen, threatening the utter overthrow of the Nations Fundamental Rights? If ill, what made them continue therein, when they had so seasonable an Opportunity of retrieving themselves, by acknowledging, bewailing and forsaking their former Error? But it may be, they knew not how to escape the Imputation of Perjury. Nay rather, did they not lack Will, more than Power, to return to their English Sovereign, from that more Fortunate Outlandish Prince, to whom these wiley Priests had addicted and devoted themselves? Had they Will, they knew not (it may be) how to disentangle themselves out of the Snare of those Bonds, wherewith they had once bound themselves, and wanted the Face openly to break them, without some Fig-leaf Cover or other, to hide themselves under the Shadow thereof. They had not (it may be) heard of, or not well observed the plausible finespun Pretences, that had been used before in the World; neither had they cunning enough, to find out those more Politic Shifts, the Wit of after-Ages have either since invented, or much improved. Be they either the Pope's Infallible Power (as some call it) of absolving Subjects from their Allegiance, or the nice distinguishing between the Matter and Form of an Oath: The Default of ●ome pretended necessary Circumstances, in making, or the Train of ill Consequences suggested ●pon the keeping the Oath, or Impossibility of its Observation after taking it, slily insinuated: The picking a starting Hole out of some general Term, or dubious Interpretation of a Word: Or the yet neater way of bribing a great Company; a considerable Number; many Thousands of Men, out of a Common Stock, with good Places, and Honourable Preferments, by public Subscriptions to declare the Oath, (for some few, small, minute, petty, fancied Inconveniences) invalid, and of no binding force.  
But be it by the Power of the Sword, or by whatsoever Claim else Canutus held the Crown, we nevertheless find him to have Governed the Land honourably after that he came to be sole King; and, it may be, to the Content of many of his Subjects: for 'twas the Memory, doubtless, of his Repute, that set and kept the Crown upon the Heads of both his Sons; otherwise of themselves of little Worth or Value, if compared with their Father.  
One remarkable worthy Act of Canutus' is recorded amongst others, viz. That in the Nineth Year of his Reign he called a Parliament (so my Author terms it) at Oxford; where, amongst other things, it was enacted, That Englishmen and Danes should hold the Laws of Edgar, lately King.  
In the Transactions of these Times, we may believe the City of London had no small Share, a● being probably (at length) pretty well pleased with the Father's Reign; whereupon the Citizem mav be supposed to conduce (at least, in some measure) to the settling his Sons on his Throne For Harold Harefoot is said by some to have died at London, after a Three Years Reign; and the other of Canutus' Sons, Hardicanute, was joyfully Received, and Crowned at the same City.  
In Edward the Confessor's days, the Land being not much troubled with intestine Broils, there happened but little Occasion for trying London's Strength: And thereupon, I find no great mention of that Honourable City, unless in a Passage or two; as about Edward the Outlaw's dying therein; and of the King's being there some time before, with his Council, when Earl Goodwin was charged to come to Court, and render into the King's Hands all his Knights-Fees-that he, and Harold his Son, held in England. The Effect whereof, was the Outlawing of the forementioned Goodwin, for his Disobedience, and departure out of the Land with his Sons, by Authority of a Parliament, called alittle after.  
In this King's Reign also, we hear at both Ears of the evil Manners among the Bishops, the Chief of the Clergy, of their Voluptuousness, Gluttony, Lechery, Covetuousness, Worldly Pomp, etc. as also of their Endeavours to excuse their Manners, by answering, that they were suitable to the Times: A general Corruption among Men of a Religious Habit being the Common Forerunners of great Turns and Changes in a Land, as it fell out here soonafter this King's Decease.  
This is the King, to whom (according to the Annalist Stow) we are indebted for the Common Law, gathered out of the Laws and Ordinances of the Mercians, West Saxons, Danes and Northumber's.  
What Spirit was in the Men of those Times, is ●n part manifested in the Message sent to Harola by the Inhabitants of Northumberland, when he was ●ent thither by the King to do Correction upon those, who had risen against his Brother Tostus their Duke, for a cruel Act by him committed, taking away what he had, and chase him out of ●he Country. Continuing together in a considerable Body. they gave him to understand, that they were freely born, and freely nourished; and might suffer no cruelness of Dukes: That they had learned of their Elders and Sovereigns, to maintain Freedom, or to suffer Death; and to live in quietness under an easy Duke. Upon which Message, their Pardon was procured them of the King, and another Duke assigned.  
Within less than a year after Edward the Conf●ss●r's Death, we read of the landing of Duke W●ll●●m, with his Normans, at H●stings in Suss●x; who came with a strong Army, to demand the Crown of Harold, who had no Title, (but what he claimed by the Power of his Sword) and the Dukes Claim also went but upon a limping Foot. As great as the Duke's Host was, enough it seems by the Event, to help to win a Crown, we find London so Strong, as to hold him out (when he and his Army came thereto) till he had given good Assurance, that he and his People would pass through the City without tarrying; which was also observed accordingly.  
When Harold was utterly overthrown by these Normans, and so room made for the Title of Edga● Atheling to take place, we find the Londoners among the chief of those, who were upon Associating themselves each to other, to defend his Right to th● utmost of their Powers. This Agreement indeed was afterwards broken; but by the making of it we are well enough assured that the Cities' Strength was then esteemed very considerable.  
Another Argument let me produce out of Stow'● Annals; where it is recorded, that Edwin an● Marcar, both then Powerful Earls, the One ●● Mercia, the other of Northumberland, after Harold Death came to London, and solicited the Citizen to erect one of them to the Kingdom. Though this their enterprise was frustrated, yet doubtless it may prove London's Power; otherwise 'tis hard to believe, these two potent Earls would have applied themselves to the Citizens, that they would choose one of them for King, and upon the Failure of their Design would have quietly departed, without showing some resentment, had not the City been too strong, easily to be dealt with, or slightly to be angered, with Safety and Security. The other more rightful Heir was the Person pitched upon. But the other Nobles of the Realm not powerfully assisting, and Edward Atheling not being (it seems) of Ability sufficient to manage his own Concerns himself, and undertake so great a Charge, 'tis no wonder that this Renowned City (suffering itself to be born down the Stream with the Times) submitted itself (with the rest of the Land) to Duke William, who made some pretence to a Title; Whereas Harold could show nothing for his, but his Sword; And therefore it may be 'tis, that we read not in ancient Histories, (that I remember) of this Cities assisting him, to defend himself against Duke William's Power.  
Here now is a great Change indeed. The Power and Strength of the Kingdom turned from both the Britain's and Saxons, and devolved upon the Normans by means of this King William; the Date of whose Reign begins, reckoning immediately after Harold's Death, October the Fourteenth, Anno Christi 1066, according to Chronology.  
In this King (who himself, by the General consent of Writers, was basely Born) is founded the Succession; for higher they care not much to go, who keep such a stir about our Princes inheriting according to their Birthright. Though, if this be made the fixed unalterable Rule, of Twenty Six Kings and Queens reigning Successively, upon recourse to the History of their Reigns, we shall meet with a dozen (at least) of them, who cannot be denied, but to have come to their Crowns with Flaws in their Titles. Nay, if we reckon in the Number, such as may have been controverted upon that Account, we may safely add the other Half dozen. That from the general Rules there are many exceptions, we learned almost as soon as we went to our Grammar-School. This King William is commonly called the Conqueror in History; which acquaints us, That he came in with an Army, and conquered Harold; who is esteemed little less than an Usurper. But that from thence we should conclude him a Conqueror of the whole Land, and look on it as a Nation totally subjected by Force of Arms, it seems to me to lack a little better Proof, than I have yet met with.  
That King William, after he was well fixed in the Government, might reckon this Conquest amongst his other Titles and Claims, (whether by Harold's Oath, the Pope's Gift, the King's Testament, and a little of Kindred) I shall not deny. For I have read, that King Henry the Seventh had a mind to put in for this Title also; but 'twas after he had well and surely gained the main point, Possession. But upon perusal of the Histories about those Times, it appears a little unlikely, that this Duke William should get the Land into his own Power so wholly by Conquest, as some would insinuate, for secret intents possibly, and purposes of their own.  
Though Harold was Conquered by that one Battle, yet I do not think, the Land was: For besides London's Strength (where William was forced to yield Conditions, before he could pass through, as afore) the Earls of Mercia and Northumberland, then of considerable Power, are said to have withdrawn themselves and their People to that City, without so much as being present at the Battle. How also the Kentishmen enclosed Duke William, and his Victorious Army, and compelled him to grant them the continuance of their Old Laws and Customs, is sufficiently manifested, if only by the single Evidence of their Ancient Law of Gavelkind, yet continued amongst them.  
If this be Conquest, to be forced to yield Conditions; What is it to be Conquered? Wherefore, we may better (I believe) from these premised Considerations conclude, That the Chief of the Nation, knowing him to be a Man of Strength and Ability, and of great Fame, chose rather to submit to him upon fitting (reasonable) Conditions, than hazard the running into the Miseries of War, by committing themselves to the Guidance of so young and weak an Head, as Edgar Atheling.  
That King William made a League with such as submitted, and swore Fealty to him, stands recorded in Stow's Annals. True indeed, after he was well fixed in the Throne, he might not much mind his former promises; but contrary to them, might do many irregular Acts to strengthen himself, as he thought, and settle the Crown the surer upon his own Head. Whereof we find mentioned in Story, his endeavour to raise his Normans, by introducing them into the chief Places in Church and State; and impoverish the English, by setting grievous Impositions and Taxes on them. One we read of very considerable, in the Nineteenth Year of his Reign, when he made to be gathered Six Shillings of every Hide of Land, which would rise high, according to my Author's reckoning; who says, an Hide contains Five Yards; a Yard Four Acres; an Acre Forty Perch in length; Four in breadth; Eight of these Hides make a Knights-Fee or Ploughtill. Forty Eight shillings upon Eightscore Acres, was a great matter in those Days; though it sounds but a small Sum with Us, who have lived to hear of the Wealth of a New World, brought into the Old One.  
To this may be added, his Craft in inrolling his Barons' Land, their Knights-Fees, Towns, Number of Men and Cattle within the Realm, in Doomsday Book; the better doubtless to know the Strength of the Land, and be the more able to raise what T●xes he pleased, without being very easily deceived by concealments.  
More instances of Arbitrary Power might possibly be observed, which nevertheless are not deservedly esteemed Tokens and Marks of Conquest. That great Persons, in the height of their Grandeur, often forget former Covenants and Promises, is no such wonder; it is so common, so usual, for some Men to promise more in half an hour, when they conceive it for their present Advantage, than others find performed in Seven Years. If Arbitrary Acts of Rule are able to prove King William a Conqueror of this whole Land, I do not know but many others may also be esteemed Conquerors, who passed for good Ruling Kings in the days of their Power.  
Though King William held the Englishmen so low, that in his days there was almost no Englishman that bore an Office of Honour or Rule (if Fabian may be credited; for some others deny it, as to some particulars:) This being certainly the too too common Effect of letting in a Foreign Power into a Land, where those that were the Introducers of the Foreigners as Friends, have hardly escaped Polyphemus' Courtesy, of being devoured last; Witness in this Land, the introducing the Saxons by the Britain's and the Normans upon them: Yet the same Historian intimates, that he somewhat favoured the City of London, and granted to the Citizens the First Charter that ever they had, written in the Saxon Tongue, and sealed with Green Wax, being expressed in Eight or Nine Lives.  
This may be construed to be done, either in gratitude to the City, for giving place so easily to his Fortune, or because he found the Citizens so pliable to his Will, or rather in policy to have so considerable a Place the more at his Devotion, and six it the stronger to his Interest: So subtle a King as he was, being in no wise ignorant (I presume) of the great Impression, the Actions of the chief City in a Conntry usually makes upon the whole Nation. So that though London changed Masters, it changed not Fortune; but (notwithstanding it received damage by Fire, which burned a great part thereof, and also of St. Paul's) rather gained more Honour and esteem under the Normans Rule, by becoming the Metropolis of the whole Nation, and the Theatre, wherein hath been acted some of the most considerable Passages, that have since happened in this Land, whether in Peace or War. Most of our Parliaments, many of the Bishop's Synods and Convocations, the King's usual Residence, his Court, his Council, and Places of Judicature, having been generally kept either in the Liberties of this City, or not far distant from it, at Westminster; which being of a much later Date, (as is hinted before) is nevertheless known to be a distinct City, of different Rites and Customs, and under another Government; though the Buildings joining both Cities in a manner together, may occasion Foreigners to give the Common Appellation London to the Whole; and we Natives also, many times, use the same General Term in private Discourse.  
In St. Paul's in London, was kept that Synod of the Clergy, in William the First's days; which ordered many Bishop's Sees to be translated from small Villages, and such obscure petty Places, to the greater Cities. For by this time, the Policy of the Popes of Rome, in divers parts of Europe, had introduced a distinct Government in the Church, different from that of the State: And so founded (as it were) one Empire within another, to have the whole the better at their Devotion. So that, if Kings or Rulers of States were not as submissive to their Imperious Commands, as they desired, they had the Church in the Land to overaw those, who bore the Temporal Sword; and lest the chief Churchmen (being often preferred by the Magistrates means, through the Pope's great Condescension, as they would have it thought) should prove a little Refractory, they had the Monasteries, Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, and such like, in a manner, under the Pope's peculiar Jurisdiction, to curb them, by the Power they could raise out of their Tenants, Friends and Kindred. Rome's high and lofty Prelates, thus striving to have their Spoons in every Ones Dish: which Desire of theirs, we do not find at all diminished, though now their Wings be much clipped. Nay, we find them the more eager now, in their pursuit after their ancient Greatness, under the pretence of a former Right▪ which was first obtained by none of the best and honestest ways. And so they might regain it▪ Experience tells us, they would not stick at the perpetration of the most Execrable Villainies, the Art of Man can invent, or the Hand can act. Whence else come all those Wars, Massacres, Persecutions, Plots, Conspiracies, Designs, Intrigues, Frauds, Deceits, raising of Public Jealousies, fomenting of Private Fears, exasperating of men's minds, heightening their Animosities, debauching their Morals, and Corrupting Religion itself, with the rest of those Cursed Arts and Seed-Plots of Sedition, where with our Ears have been so long filled, that the sound is not yet gone out of them; nor know we when ever it will, as long as they can meet with so many foolish Bigots, and profane Debauchees among the Sons of Men: The One to be gulled with the Hopes of Heaven, for the Performance of such Meritorious Acts, as they will put them upon; the Other to be purchased with a Bag of Money, or a Plump Whore, to favour their Designs, falicitate their Purposes, carry on their Projects, and protect their Crimes, if detected, from Public Justice.  
As London was favoured by the first William, so I find no great reason otherwise to believe, but that it continued in favour and fame under the Second William's Reign. Yet I meet with but few Passages of it, excepting what may seem to tend to its disadvantage, (as the Harm it sustained from a Violent wind, that is said to have overthrown at one time above 600 houses, and much injured the roof of St. Marry Bow in Cheapside, as also the hurt was done another time about it by the Inundation of Thames) unless we should think it received some addition of honour, from the great charges William Rufus was at about the Tower, which was to adorn it, I suppose; for that it was builded long before, hath been related above; & that it was of good strength in the preceding Kings days, is enough evident, in that we read it was made Marcharus, the Earl of Northumberland's Prison. This Tower having been before times, and very often in later days, the place of confinement for great Men, when esteemed Offenders. This is the King that built Westminster-Hall; and being after displeased at it for being not big enough to his mind, intended (as 'tis said) to have built one much larger, and make the other to have served for a Chamber. The wicked Lives of the insulting Normans; the Miseries and Vices of the depressed Englishmen, with the depraved Manners of the corrupted Clergy, were so notorious in this King's days, that Writers could not well pass them over without mention.  
In Henry the 2d's Time, we read of the founding of St. Bartholomew's - Church, Priory and Hospital in Smithfield, which was begun ('tis said) by Rayer, one of this King's Minstrels, but ended by some good and well disposed Citizens of London: This Smithfield was then a Place for the casting out of filth, where also Felons and other Transgressors were executed; and not put it seems to the use that now it is. Length of time commonly changes the use of Places, and some times for the better.  
There are upon Record no less than Three Councils, Synods or Convocations of the Clergy, which were kept in this City in this King's Reign, to reform the Church and Churchmen, was the usual Pretence; but it was commonly done in such away, that it tended mostly to the exalting of their own Power.  
We read in Stow of a Parliament of Prelates, Nobles and Commons, Assembled by this King in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign, Anno Christi 1116. This King was the better beloved of the Englishmen, for Marrying a Wife of the Old Saxon Line, Edgar Atheling's Sister's Daughter, for using Edward the Confessors Laws with Amendment, at his coming to the Crown, and making some good ones of his own, for freeing the Church, Imprisoning Ranulph, the covetous Bishop of Durham (his Brother William's Procurator, and Gatherer of his Taxes) in the Tower of London; and also releasing ●o Englishmen the Old Tax of Danegelt, lately revived by his Father and Brother, and restoring ●o them the Use of Lights by Night; which, with ●ire, had been by his Father forbidden to be used ●fter the Ringing of the Cu●f●●-B●ll, at Eight of ●he Clock.  
In the time of King Stephen, we meet with an eminent Instance of London's Strength. M●ud the ●mpress, the Late Kings on●y Surviving Heir, ha●ing upon the Fortune of a Battle took and Imprisoned King Stephen, and being the● by much exalted in her mind, deeming herself sure of the possession of the whole Realm▪ would not make ●●y Grant to the Citizen's Requests: They thereupon becoming discontented, designed to have ●●ized on her Person. Whereof she having ●arning, fled in haste for her own Safe guard to ●xford, and her People were divided and scatter●●; whereas, not long before, she was in a fair possibility of enjoying all that she claimed; King stephen's Queen promising upon his Delivery, that 〈◊〉 should surrender the Land into her Possession, 〈◊〉 become a Religious Man, or a Pilgrim, to his ●●ves end: Either of which, at that time, was a 〈◊〉 of Spiritual Death, as to what concerned worldly Affairs. But her unfortunate disobliging is City soon turned the Scales. The Queen's ●●rength increases, Maud's diminishes; The King a little after is delivered upon Exchange, and th● Empress (at last) departs with a small Company and returns into Normandy, without obtaining he Desire. So considerable then was the City of Lo●don, as to be able to wrest the Power out of thi● Conqueresses Hands, and return it back (at length to the same Person, whom she had once overcome and held many Month's Prisoner at her own 〈◊〉 and Pleasure.  
That for which the Citizens of London made 〈◊〉 great Labour, was, that they might use the Law of Edward the Confessor, as they were granted b● William, commonly called the Conqueror; and 〈◊〉 the Laws of her Father, which were of 〈◊〉 straitness. Here, in my Opinion, seems to be intimated, that this King W●lliam came not into 〈◊〉 quiet Possession of the Realm so much by Conquest as on Conditions; accordingly here's mention made of one Grant.  
The Occasion of Stephen's coming to the Crow● contrary to his own former Oath swore to Ki●● Henry, and in prejudice to Maud's Claim, is Recorded by one Author, to have been the Oath one Hugh B●got, sometime King Henry's Stewar● who swore, that the Late King, (in his presence) little before his Death, chose this Stephen for 〈◊〉 Heir, by reason that he had received some discontent at his Daughter's hands. Whereunto the 〈◊〉 giving easy Credence, admitted him King. 〈◊〉 Favour of the Londoners did doubtless, at th● time, condu●● not a little to his advantage, in preferring him an able Man, before a weak Woma●▪ For Stow's Annals inform us, That he was receiv●● by the Londoners, when he had been repulsed at ●ther Places; certainly it redounded to his 〈◊〉▪ Benefit afterwards, as hath been related before.  
Another Addition of Strength might be, his not imposing heavy Taxes upon the People; which, it may be, increased their Love to him, and made so many side with him: As indeed we find upon his first Admission, that he swore among other things, before the Lords at Oxford, to forgive his People the Tax of Danegelt. Neither do I read of any Taxes, that he raised upon the Commons: It is affirmed positively, in the Collection of Wonders, and Remarkable Passages, that he raised none; with which Stow likewise agrees. So that, a King's needless laying of many heavy and grievous Taxes upon his People, occasions him to lose much of their Love; and his forbearing it, when he hath Power in his hands, unites his Subjects Hearts the faster to him. But instead of Taxes, we read of this King's permission, given to his Lords, to build Castles or Fortresses upon their own Grounds: Many whereof we find pulled down in the next King's time, they having been the occasion of many Miseries in the Land, and the ready means to foment Civil Wars therein; which generally brings greater Damages to the Commonalty, than a few Impositions and Taxes can be presumed to do.  
This King Stephen was twice Crowned; but for what cause, or for what intent, is not so easily known; whether it was, that he thought his Imprisonment had diminished somewhat of his Royalty, or else thinking by a second Coronation to ●lude the Force of the Oath made at the first, I find not delivered. Certain it is, soon after my Author tells of his taking away a Castle from the Earl of Chester, who before had appeared against him on Maud's side, with a very considerable Strength; but had been afterwards reconciled to the King. But what is much more considerable, we read not long after of the King's new danger, and ill Success, and of his Party being weakened particularly by the loss of London. For Duke Henry (after King) coming into England with a great Army, after some small Success, gets up to London, and wins the Tower, as much by Policy, and fair Promises, (saith my Author) as by Strength. Then he had Opportunity enough to caress the Citizens', being so near them; and it may be, he got not the Tower without their Consert, if not by their Affistance. Hereby we find, that he retrieved what his Mother's Haughtiness before had lost; and so having got the City's Affection and Power, he was in a fair way to obtain his Desires, as he did not long after. For we quickly read of Mediators and Treaties of Peace between these two Competitors; which took Effect at last, though the Interest and Policy of some hindered it for a time. In Conclusion, the King was fain to consent to the adopting the Duke his Heir, so that he might Reign during his Life▪ Which justly to perform, the King being sworn, with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal; in the next place, we hear of their riding up to London; as if to bind the bargain, it was requisite to ask the consent of that Honourable City, whose Favour seems to have been of so great weight in those unsettled Times, as to turn the Scales twice; once in the King's behalf, and erewhile on the Duke's▪ Such was their Influence, such their Power, as to pull down and set up, in a manner, whom the Citizens pleased.  
Happy was this Agreement to the Land by settling peace therein; as beneficial likewise was it to the Duke, it being a fair Step to the Throne; whereon we find him mounted within a little time. For not long after this Accord, we hear of the King's Death: Whether the Troubles of his Mind, or Diseases of his Body brought him to his End, vexation for the disappointment of his Designs, in being (after a sort) compelled to adopt his Competitor (his Enemy) for his Son and Heir, or Grief for the loss of London's Favour, which helped to effect so great a Turn in his Affairs, I shall not determine. It might be one, it might be the other, or neither, or all conjoined, that became the occasional Causes (so to phrase it) of his Death. I like not to be very positive, where I am not very certain.  
Stephen's Death making thus way for Henry to ascend the English Throne, he became one of the greatest Kings that ever ruled this Land, for the Largeness and Extent of his Territories, if we reckon the Inheritance he enjoyed from his Father, the Land he held by the Title of his Mother, the Dowry he had with his Wife, and what he obtained by the Success of his Arms: Yet, notwithstanding all this, he lived not free from Troubles, ●nd intestine Broils, which sprung much out of his ●wn Bowels: So that the Glory of his Youth be●an somewhat to be eclipsed by the Misfortunes of ●is elder Years. He Crowned his eldest Son li●ing King, sometime before the middle of his ●eign; to the end (as one Author affirms) that he ●ight have full Power and Authority to rule this ●and and People, while his Father was busied in ●ther Countries, where some of his Lands lay. This ●ight be one Reason; but the King (having learned 〈◊〉 experience, to his Mother's Loss, and his own ●ost, how easy it was for Stephen to attempt, and ●ain the Crown, being present on the Spot, while ●●e right Heir was far distant in the vacancy of the ●hrone) may be supposed in his intent, to have designed the hindrance of such an Intrusion for the future, by Crowning the next Heir King, while he himself lived.  
I read, that Stephen had some such design to have Crowned his Son King in his own days, (as he declared at a Parliament called at London, An. Reg. 17) to have fixed the Crown the surer to his Posterity. But the Bishops refused the Deed: Which I do not find they did so much out of Conscience, or in Favour to M●●d's Title, as by the Command (forsooth) of the Pope; who, in those days, was very apt to be clapping his Fingers into almost ever● one's Pie, where he thought any good picking might be had.  
This King Henry got but little by Crowning hi● Son in his Life-time, besides Troubles, Crosses and Vexation of Spirit. For upon one Occasion o● other, we find his Sons oft thwarting him, an● some times warring upon him.  
Famous were those days, for the Contest between the King, and Thomas Beck●●; which brought Beck●● to his end, and the King to a severe Penance at th● last; though he disowned the Fact, and is no● plainly proved to have given any other consent t● it, unless what may be deduced from a few ang●● Words uttered in his Passion. The ground 〈◊〉 occasion of this Dissension between the King, an● the Archbishop, is declared by the Chronicle, 〈◊〉 have sprung from divers Acts and Ordinances which the King had procured, at his Parliament 〈◊〉 Northampton, to pass against the Liberties of 〈◊〉 Church; which thereupon this lofty Prelate wit● stood. The Popish Clergy being then grown to th● height, that crowned Heads were in a manner compelled for their own Security to veil Bonnet them; and scarce durst so far presume, as but endeavour to cross their Ambitious Designs: They could be content by their Canons, and Counsels, to encroach upon the Laity, as they termed them; but they, (poor Men) by the Clergy's good Will, must not be allowed to vindicate their Own Native Liberty from the Others unjust Usurpations.  
This King Henry is said to have been Peerless in Chivalry, in War, and in Lechery. This last is sufficiently notorious, in his Love to the Fair Rosamond, and further manifested in his deflowering (as we read) his Son Richard's intended Wife, the French King's Daughter; whom we are also told he would have Married, could he have obtained a Divorce from his Queen: And this he intended, 'tis said, to have the more favour of the Frenchmen, by their Aid the better to disinherit his Sons; who, among other things done to his Displeasure, had warred upon him in Vindication of their abused and slighted Mother.  
Three several Warnings I read of, that he had to amend his Life; but to little or no purpose. Some of his Patience (or else fear of the Imperious Clergy) we find in his forbearance, showed to Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem; who, upon the King's Refusal to go into the Holy Land, being discontented, sharply rebuked him, reflecting on him for the Death (or Martyrdom, as those Times were pleased to term it) of Thomas Becket; and upon Henry's further excusing the Voyage for fear of his Son's Rebellion in his Absence, departed in great ire, with these words in his Mouth; saying, That it was no wonder; for of the Devil they come, and to the Devil they shall.— Part of his Devotion we meet with in that Shift, he found out to fulfil the Condion of building three Abbeys in England, enjoined him by the Pope in the Dispensation granted him, for the Voyage he h●d before solemnly vowed to take into t●e H●ly Land in Person. Such was muc● of the Religion t●en of those Times, e●●ner t● b●ild 〈…〉, and the like, (so man● 〈◊〉 Castles, or Fortresses, as it were, ready man●ed and victualled at the Pope's Service) o● else to take upon them the Cross, and away to th● 〈…〉 to fight for Christ'● 〈◊〉, as wert the cry, Anglice, to subdue more La●d to the Pope's Obedience. A cunning crafty trick of the Pope's, to send away packing such Princes, whose Power they feared would grow too gre●t at home, that they might in the mea● time domineer over their Subjects Purses and Consciences, and the better advance their own Worldly Pomp and Grandeur in their Absence. For read not of any of the Pope's, who went themselves i● Persons: They, forsooth, could not be spared f●om their Charge, al●as, their Preferment; no● be absent from home, out of care to the Feeding of then Fl●●k, i. e. looking to their own Gain. So that the serding M●n (while in their Bodies) to the H●ly Land, was almost as beneficial a Project, as long as it lasted, as the ●reterce of Fetching their Souls out of purgatory after their Death, for a round Sum of 〈◊〉, and a set of Mass●s.  
The Tri●k King Henry (almost as Cunning, though not as Fortunate, as these subrle Priests) fou●d out to fulfil the Condition enjoined, and which he put in Execution, was, First, Putting Secular Cannons out of Waltham-House, and setting Cannons Regular in their stead. Secondly, His th●●sti●g the M●rk● out of Amesbury-House, and placing there another sort of Religious Persons, which he had brought from beyond the Sea. And for the Third, His coarsely renewing the Charter-House of Witham, beside Salisbury.  
The King having had so large Trial, and so much Knowledge of the City of London's Power, did not very much (I suppose, at any time) disoblige the Citizens; Especially having such powerful Enemies to deal with as the King of France abroad, and at home the insulting, encroaching Clergy, and his own unnatural refractory Sons; though one saith, that he nourished Strife amongst his Children with all Diligence, hoping thereby to live himself in the more rest. But it seems, that device availed him but little.  
As we have but little reason to think, that the City of London lost ground in Henry's days; so under his Son and Successor King Richard, we find that Foundation laid, where upon was after erected that Famous and Free Way of Electing its own yearly Governors; wherein she now glories. Like as William the First gave the Citizens their First Charter; so this Noble Richard [Cuer de Lion] was the King, that ordained London to be ruled by Two Bailiffs whose Names were Henry of Cornhill, and Richard Fitz Ryver; as Fabian tells us in that worthy Chronicle, which he compiled of the English and French Nation. This Fabian, being Sheriff of this City in Henry the Seventh's Days, by that advantage may be presumed to have best known the Affairs of the City; and seeming to write with a great deal of Integrity, in this Relation I chiefly follow him, and so intent as far as he reaches; especially when I shall have occasion to Name any of the Bailiffs, Mayors, or Sheriffs; through whose yearly Government, in his Second Volume, he deduces the History in form of Annals, down to the beginning of King Henry the Eight's Reign. In the Prologue to this Second Part, he tells us, That the City was anciently under the Rule o● Portgrieves; which word Portgrieve signifies in Sax on, the Guardian, Ruler, or Keeper of a Town. Th●● Book called Doomsday, wherein were registered i● Saxon the Laws and Customs then used, being lost ●● he acquaints us also, that the Remembrance o● those Rulers, before this Richard's Days, was los● and forgotten. In the same Prologue likewise he hath left us a Copy of Verses, written in praise o● the City; wherein we are told, That this City was never cast down, as other Famous Ones have been; that herein Divine Service was always continued in Religious Houses, in such an Order, that when one had done, another began; and that it was famed also for the Mayor and Sheriffs Noble House-keeping; with much more; which any one that please may peruse at his leisure, in the forecited Place.  
We likewise find there declared the severa● Wards of the City, as they stood in Fabian's Time together with the Parish-Churches, and other Religious Houses, within and without, summed up to the Number of One Hundred Sixty Eight:  
This King Richard (in the Beginning of whose Reign we first hear of the Name of Bailiffs give● to the Rulers of London) having taken a Voyage into the Holy-Land, according to the Religion o● those Times, and done his Devoir for the Recovery of it, according to his Strength; the Clergymen had reason to esteem well of him; to humour whose designs he had undertaken so chargeable 〈◊〉 Enterprise: So accordingly we find, that the Ecclesiastucks stuck as close to him, as any of his Subjects in his Adversity. For in his Return from the Holy War (as 'twas termed) Richard being Shipwrecked, took and imprisoned by the Duke of Austria, and long detained by the Emperor, he was compelled to redeem himself, after a Year and three Month's Imprisonment, at a large Ransom: An hundred thousand Pounds were either presently paid, or good Pledges left behind him to ascertain the full and true Payment. A vast Sum in those days, when Wheat was esteemed at a high Price, being sold at fifteen Shillings the Quarter; as we find it in the fifth Year of King John's Reign, about half a dozen Years after. So that, for this Ransom, were sold the Ornaments of the Church, Prelate's Rings and Crosses, with the Vessels and Chalices of the Churches, throughout the Land, Wool of White Monks and Cannons, and also twenty seven Shrines scraped and spoiled of the Gold and Silver laid on them in former Times: No Privilege of Church then regarded, no Person spared. A costly Voyage indeed it proved to the Land, undertaken to satisfy the Clergy-men's Ambition; and therefore they might well be content to bear much of the Charges, and use their utmost Endeavours in the Imprisoned King's Vindication. And so the Pope did, as far as Curses would go; to which was imputed those Mischiefs, that befell the Duke of Austria and his Country a little after, as the Effects of the Pope's Indignation.  
The Power, and Esteem of this City's Favour, in those Times of the King's Captivity, we need but remark out of Neubrigensis; who acquaints us, That when the Chancellor, being then Bishop of Ely, and Governor of the Land, dreaded the Force of the opposite Lords, who strove to suppress him for his Insolency, and ill Government, he retired to London; and humbly entreated the Citizens, not to be wanting to him in that point of time: But they being not unmindful of his former Behaviour, rather favoured the other Party; whereupon the proud haughty Prelate was compelled to resign his Office, which he had so ill managed, and depart, to the no small Benefit to the Land in those troublesome Times.  
At London likewise was it, that the Lords consulted together, for the ordering the Land in the King's Absence; which, after the late ill Governor had been discarded, and after an Oath of Fidelity to the absent Prince, was put into another's Hands.  
When King Richard was delivered; as soon as he landed at Sandwich, we find him coming straightway to London, as the fittest Place (it seems) to receive him, and assist him. So accordingly we read of his Reception there, with all Joy and Honour, in so splendid a Pomp, that the Germane Nobles (present) beholding it, affirmed, That if the Emperor had known of such Riches in England, he would not have dimiss'd the Ransomed King under an Intolerable Price.  
A little after▪ we hear of his riding thence with a convenient strength, to recover the Places that stood out 〈◊〉 him.  
After this, by a Council of Lords called at Winchester, having deprived his Brother John of his Honours and Lands, for his Rebellion, he took care to have himself crowned King of England anew. As if the Force of his former Coronation was impaired by his Imprisonment; or else he thought, by this politic Shift, to take off all Obligations, that might haply lie on him, for any thing done before. As indeed we quickly after read of a Resumption of all Patents, Annuities, Fees, and other Grants m●de before his Voyage: But then it's affirmed to be done by the Authority of a Parliament, called after his Coronation.  
After these Passages, two State-informer's are ●oted to have ri●en up, promising the King great Matters; the Scenes of whose chief Acts were either laid, or to have been laid at London. One of them, the Abbot of Cadonence, warning the King of the Fraud of his Officers, by virtue of a Warrant from him, called divers Officers before him at London, to yield to him their Accounts. This Place was made choice of by him, as the fittest (it seems) wherein to ingratiate himself with the common People by ●o plausible an Act, as bringing offending Officers to consign Punishment. But Death soon cut him off, and so put an end to all his Designs. The other Informer, call'ed William with the Long Beard, reported to be born in London, of a sharp Wit; having showed the King of the Outrage of the Rich; who (as he said) in public Payments, spared their own, and peeled the Poor; and being upheld by him, became the Patron and Defender of poor Men's Causes; and stirred up the common People to a desire and love of Freedom and Liberty, by blaming Rich Men's Excess and Insolence. Hereupon he was followed with such numbers of People, that being called before the King's Council upon suspicion of a Conspiracy, the Lords were fain with good words to dismiss him for the present, for fear of the Multitude attending him; and commanded certain to seize on him, in the Absence of his numerous Abettors. But those thus commanded, mistaking the time, and so failing in their intended Design, he escaped, and took Sanctuary in St. Marry Bow Church; where his Strength quickly grew so great by the Access of the Multitude, that he was not easily taken hold of, nor without shedding of Blood. However, being at last taken, after that the Heads and Rulers of the City had diminish'● the People, he, with other his Adherents, wa● arraigned before the Judges, cast, condemned, an● hanged very shortly after; even the following da● saith the Chronicle: so desirous were the rich an● great Men to have him out of the way, as soo● as they could. But as his Plea of Freedom was ●● acceptable to the Commons in his Life-time, th●● he became a Terror to the Great; so, after 〈◊〉 Death, he ceased not for a while to be a Dread 〈◊〉 many; by reason of a Rumour raised and banded about among the Commons, of his Innocenc● and favourably received of the People, even to 〈◊〉 approving of him as an holy Man and Martyr, an● making Pilgrimages to the Place of his Execution to the no small trouble of those that had a han● in his Death. At last, the Flame of this Devotion was somewhat cooled, by the Publishing som● Acts of his, with other detestable Crimes laid t● his Charge; whether true or false, let them loo● to it, who industriously spread them abroad. Y●● it was not quite put out, till the Archbishop ●● Canterbury, (upon whom, among others, a gre●● Crime was raised for procuring his Death) ha● accursed the Priest, this William's Kinsman; 〈◊〉 had openly divulged the Virtue the Chain (wherewith William was bound in the time of his Imprisonment) had upon a Man sick of the Fever.  
This Instance sufficiently proves, that the nam● of Liberty sounds sweet; and that such as pr●mise to procure it, shall have Admirers and Follower's enough: But that also the Favour of th● Multitude is deceitful; and for a Man to put 〈◊〉 his ●●at to the People, many times is the occasion of losing his Head, is evidently manifested by th● very same Example. How small an Occasion is i● that sometimes raises a Man's Fame? Yet you here find as petty small Matters soon likewise depress it. That is no lasting Name, that depends merely upon Vulgar Breath. To Defend the Poor and Needy, and protect the Oppressed, is a plausible Plea. Yet it shall go hard, but the Rich Oppressor will find one way or other, to ruin that Man in his Goods, and good Name, if not as to his Life, who undertakes so noble a Defence.  
As this King Richard (under whose Reign these two Informers rose up) was Courageous and Valiant in his Life; so, a little before his Death, an Act of his Magnanimity and Christian Forbearance was showed by him, in his freely forgiving and remitting the Person, then in his Power, that occasioned his Death; after that he heard from the other's Confession, that in that Deed he intended to avenge the Death of his Father and Brethren, before slain by the King. But yet the Man scaped not with his Life, though forgiven by King Richard; if that be true, which is said of the Duke of Brabant, that he after caused him to be taken, flayed quick, and hanged.  
After Richard's Decease, his Brother John (being then in Normandy) seizes upon his Treasure; and, not long after, procures himself to be crowned King at Westminster, though in prejudice to the Title of an Elder Brother's Son: Whereto his Mother Eleanor is thought to have contributed not a little; being possibly desirous rather to set the Crown upon her Son's Head, under whom she might hope to have a greater Share in the Government, than she could reasonably expect under her Grandchild, then within Age, where her Daughter-in-law, the other's Mother, was likely to bear the greatest sway. So that the ambitious Desire of Rule is not incident only to Men; but invade even the Hearts of the Female Sex. Here th● Mother's Ambition raises up her Younger Son, even to the Prejudice of her Eldest Son's Heir.  
Though Women be born subject to Men, yet it ●● in a manner connatural to them, to desire the Power of commanding them at their own will and pleasure. Show me the Land, where the Sceptre hat● not often bowed to the Distaff; and the Prince Power, together with his heart, been subject to ● capricious Woman's Humour. When they creep in to men's Hearts, and lie in their Bosoms, it is 〈◊〉 wonder, that they dive into their Secrets, and swa● their Counsels. So that the Affairs of the State often turn upon the Hinges of an Imperious Woman's Will. Under even the most Absolute Despotical Government of the Turks, the Ottoman Power man● times lies in a Woman's Breast; and the Sultanate do not seldom overrule the Consults of the Divan. Of which, let the Ambitious Roxolana, sometime Empress to Solyman the Magnificent, suffice for an Instance.  
But what need we go so far, when as neare● home our own Ears, if not our Eyes, may serve for Witnesses of this Truth? Yet, to the Glory o● England be it spoken, this Land flourished in suc● Peace and Prosperity, even to a Miracle, unde● Queen Elizabeth; and the Tranquillity of her Reig● hath so Honourably Consecrated her Memory i● Fame's Temple, that few of our English Monarches ever equalled her; none (that I know) of all those▪ who went off the Throne, surpassed her. The Happiness indeed of her Reign, may possibly be imputed much to the Wisdom of her Conduct, in suffering the Affairs of the Nation to be guided by th● Counsels of Men: Whereas, under some of ou● Kings, our Governors have had such a deal of Chamber-practice, that the State hath been much ●t the Guidance of Women, or else of such Effeminate Persons, as were quite degenerated from ●he Spirits, and Courage of their Ancestors; as ●ho, by their Immoralities, Luxury, and Debaucheries, had little left in them of Heroick and Masculine, and were scarce fit for any thing else, ●ut to be dubbed Knights of the Carpet.  
But what ever was the Title and Means, we ●nd John got into the Throne; and, by the aid ●e obtained of his Lords and Commons, before ●●e End of the Year, to recover what was lost ● Normandy; we may conclude, it was not without their Consents. From Stow's Relation, 'tis ●●ain enough, that he was Elected at London, ●fter that Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, had ●ade a Speech to that purport, in the Presence ●f the Bishops, Earls, Barons and Others. They, 〈◊〉 may be, preferring him, a Man of Courage ●nd Spirit, and so fitter to rule and govern the ●ealm, before the Title of young Arthur, than 〈◊〉 his Nonage, though of the Elder House.  
For seldom 'tis, that unusual Changes happen, without some previous Preparatives to make way ●●r them. And if a Nation hath once fixed upon a ●ule to guide the Succession, they do not present●● vary from it, but upon urgent Occasion. So find ●e in Kingdoms, merely and properly Elective; ●●ey commonly choose the next Heir of the Blood, 〈◊〉 less upon the Interposition of some notable Impediment.  
In Sweden, that Warlike Nation, amidst the ●●eatest Success of their Arms, submitted themselves to Gustavus Adolphus' Heir, though a Child, ●●d of the Female Sex; and when she grew up to Woman's Estate, they would willingly have continued her their Queen, would she but have Mar●●ed according to their Desires.  
When that great Change happened in Denm●●● of late Years, which turned it from an Elective 〈◊〉 an Hereditary Kingdom, we may have heard, it w●● effected by the Policy of the present King, wh● made use of the Distractions of the Nation, th●● almost conquered by the Sweeds; and that Sca●●ing of Fame he had got, by defending his Capit●● City against their furious Assaults, to incline th● p●●ty Remainder of his Subjects, to give way ●● such an universal Change in the Constitution 〈◊〉 their Government. So that, whatever Towns or City's were afterwards reduced, they must be content to yield to the new-made Law, as the established Decree of the Nation. A hard thing it mig●● possibly appear to such, who had no hand in th● making of that Ordinance, and (it may be) woul● not very readily have given their Consent thereunto: And yet it might have seemed as hard t● them, to have remained under the Sweeds, whe● they had but little hopes of having much Share 〈◊〉 the Government, or be looked upon, and dealt with otherwise than as a Conquered People. The Fame, 〈◊〉 may be, of this succeeding Policy of the Dani●● King, with the Excitation of some of the Boutife●● of Europe, may be supposed to have put som● thoughts of the like Nature, into the Polish King's Head; if all be true that hath been reported, o● the Sloth and Negligence laid to his Charge, by 〈◊〉 Senator of the Land, of his Backwardness to call 〈◊〉 General Diet of the Nation; and of the Purport ●● a Speech made to him once within these few Year● by an Ambassador from out of these Parts of Europ●▪ Hence likewise may have proceeded the Fears an● Jealousies of the Sweeds, hinted to us in Foreign News, lest their King, by his Neighbour's Example, ●●ould be encouraged to attempt the like: Which ●●ems since to have been very much legitimated, by ●he Alteration lately made in the Senate of that kingdom, if our Modern Intelligencers have given ●s a true Account and Relation of that Affairs.  
After that Elective Princes have thus obtained to ●e made Hereditary Monarches; one of their next de●●res is, to render themselves Absolute in their Government: Wherein they may have received no ●mall Encouragement from the Successful Attempts ●f some such Tyrannical Invader of other men's ●ights, as the present Hector of France: And no little Help, in the neat way of subduing and enslaving their own Country, they may have learned ●rom some such contriving Pa●e, as was one of ●he Catholic Kings of Spain; who with an Army ●ut of one of his Kingdoms, subverted the Liberty of ●nother. So ambitious are some Men of the so much envied Honour, of ceasing to be Kings of Men, and becoming Tryants over Slaves at their Pleasure.  
With some such kind of Disease, do we find King ●ohn also to have been infected in his time: But ● Chargeable Disease you may well call it, which cost ●im the Loss of much of his Territories abroad, the ●earts of many of his Subjects (among both the Spiritualty and Temporalty) at home, and his Peace ●nd Tranquillity within, together with a free Imperial Crown, and all the Regalities attending it; and ●et he died at last, without obtaining his so much-●esired Remedy, as I doubt not to make sufficiently Evident in the following Relation.  
In the Second Year of this King John, by Counsel of the Burgesses of the City of London, Thirty ●ive of the most substantial and wisest Men are Recorded to have been chosen, and (after some) ca●led the Council of the City; of which yearly we●● Elected the Eayliffs, as long as they lasted; an● after them the Mayor and Sheriffs: Which name● we meet with, in few Years after. For about th● latter end of this King's Nineth Year, we read 〈◊〉 a Grant made to the Citizens, and confirmed by th● King's Letters Patents; whereby they had Powe● to choose Yearly a Mayor, and Two Sheriffs. T●● First Mayor upon Record, is Henry Fitz Alwi●● sworn and charged upon Michaelmas-day, in th● Tenth Year of this King, Anno Christi 1210. wh● continued several Years Mayor: The Sheriff's wer● Peter Duke, and Thomas Neel, sworn the same tim●▪ And the former Name and Rule of Bailiffs clear●● discharged. St. Matthew's Day, Nine Days befo●● M●chaelmas, was the time the Citizens then allotted for their Sheriff's Election; and on Michaelm●● day, was the Mayor Ordained, by the like Order to be chosen, and charged then with the other though now this in part is altered.  
This same Year is likewise noted in Fabian, as f●● the altering of the Rulers of the City from Bayli●● to a Mayor and Sheriffs; so also for the changing of the Bridge from Timber to Stone; which 〈◊〉 perfected about this time, by the Aid of the Citizens' and Passengers; it having been Thirty 〈◊〉 Years in building, according to Stow; who pla●● the Beginning hereof, as high as Henry the Second days. So that, thence forward we may expect 〈◊〉 find the Power of the City, and its Glory more an● more increasing every Age.  
That the Government of the City should be th● changed at the Request of the Citizens, and in fav●● of them fixed as they would have it, argues that the Strength than was thought considerable, & their ●●fluence upon the rest of the Nation esteemed not to 〈◊〉 small. For at this time was K. John over-pressed by ●he Pope and his Clergy, and reduced to so low an Ebb ●f Fortune, that but few Years passed, before he ●as fain to buy his Peace at no less a price than the ●esignation of his Crown. And therefore, in the ●idst of his distress, by these Acts of Favour, he ●ay be thought to endeavour to fix the City to his ●●terest, as hoping thereby to oblige the Citizen's 〈◊〉 appear in his behalf, against the Pride of these ●●sulting Priests. An Argument, doubtless, of their ●ower, and the King's Esteem of it.  
The Occasion of the difference between the King ●●d the Pope, (which brought such Woe to the ●and, and Trouble to the King) was the displeasure he took against the Monks of Canterbury, for ●●eir Electing one to the Archbishopric, contrary 〈◊〉 his Mind; together with his Refractoriness, in ●ot harkening to the advice of his Lords and friend's, who would have had him have yielded to ●●e Pope, than too potent an Adversary safely to be contested with. To which may be added, his con●●nued Obstinacy, in not yielding to terms of Accommodation and Accord; when as his Enemy's ●●ew more powerful, and his own Strength was ●uch weakened by the loss of Normandy. A sharp ●●rrection it proved to the King, to have much of 〈◊〉 Territories abroad, his Normans ancient Inheritance, took from him by the War, which the ●●ench King made upon him, by the Pope's exciting, according to some Authors); to have his Land ●●d Himself accursed at home, his Lords absolved 〈◊〉 their Allegiance, that they might be enabled to ●●e against him, and depose him; and he himself ●t last) compelled for his own security, to give a●ay his Crown and Dignity, and take it again of the Pope at a certain Rent. As hard measure had the Kingdom, to have the Doors of Churches and other Places of Divine Service, shut up in City and Country, in London, and in the other Parts of the Land, that no Religious Worship might be use● publicly; but the Dead must be buried like Dogs, in Ditches and Corners; No Sacrament● administered; no Baptisms; no Marriages; or 〈◊〉 there were in any Places, it must be by special Licence, purchased (it may be) at great rates; and all this, for the Offence of one Man, or a few 〈◊〉 which most probably did neither consent to, no● could amend, without breaking former Laws and Oaths, and offending against the Principles of Honesty, and the Christian Religion. Suppose the Hea● Shepherd had offended; yet what had the Shee● done, to be used thus? Sure the Pope showed himself hereby a Lord of Lords, though he pretends t● call himself a Servant of Servants. From such proud●● haughty Servants, Liberanos. His Popeship woul● fain be esteemed a Father of Christians; but here 〈◊〉 dealt very hardly with many of the Sons of the Church. A sad Case, indeed, were we (poor Christians) of the Common Herd in, should our Religion allow us at every turn to be sent to the Devil because the ambitious Pretences of our Governor would not suffer them to agree well together among themselves.  
But we know already, or have heard of to much of these Priest's Pride, to think them th● most humble, the most mortified Men in th● World. The professed and avowed Principles o● some of them tell us too too plainly, that w● are not to take all they say to be either Law o● Gospel: Neither do every one of their Action oblig●●●● always to think, that they believ● themselves in all they affirm. They may indeed sometimes tell a fair smooth Tale, when they are got a little higher than their Neighbours, ●nto a place where they know they must not be presently contradicted; but when they be come down upon plain even Ground, we find them 〈◊〉 for the most part) much like other men: Nay some of them (it may be) an Ace or two worse. More Proud, more Ambitious, more Worldly, more Covetous; in a word, more debauched in Principles and Practices. I could quickly name 〈◊〉 if I list) among us Protestants, of the Reformed Religion, of the Church of England (as some delight to style themselves) the Persons, the Time, and the Place, the Diocese, the Shire, the Hundred, the Parish, where lives a double Benefic'd-man 〈◊〉 so strong an English Church man in Word and Deed, as not justly to be taxed with the imputation of a Fanatic, by such as know the manner of his Converse) who was not many years since deprived both of Office and Benefice, for none of the greatest Faults that ever was. Surely the Parish, where the Offence was not commited, deserved not so ill at the Reverend Bishop's Hands, as to be deprived of the Use and Benefit of their Pastor. Neither know I wherein the harmless Parishioners of the other Place had so highly offended, as to merit the loss of their Head Shepherd's oversight; unless we must fancy them accessary to his Young Curate's indiscretion, in not bowing ●ow enough at the Church door, to a stately Dame of the Parish: So, if my Memory deceive me not, have I some where read it observed, and it seems also verified in the History, that though the Name of King's was thrown quite out of Rome, yet the Power some industriously strove still to retain.  
The Conditions, where on King John was 〈◊〉 conciled to the Pope, were to this purport, Th●● he should admit the Archbishop to his See, peaceably to enjoy the Profits and Fruits thereof permit the Prior, his Monks, and Others, befor● exiled for the Archbishop's Cause, to re-enter th● Land, without trouble, or future Molestation together with Restitution to them to be mad● of all Goods taken from them by his Officers, 〈◊〉 the time of this variance: And that he should like wise yield up into the Pope's Hands all his Righ● and Title to the Crown of England; with all Revenues, Honours, and Profits belonging to the sam● as well Temporal as Spiritual, to hold it ever a●ter, both He and his Heirs, from the Pope, and h● Successors, as the Pope's Feodarics.  
These Articles thus granted, and the Lord sworn to maintain them, the King upon his bended Knees, taking the Crown from his Head, delivered it to the Pope's Legate, resigning it into th● Pope's hands, both in Word and Deed; and after five days resumed it of the same Hands, by Virtue of a Bond or Instrument made unto the Pope; whic● I have here transcribed out of Matthew of Paris History; that such as care not what Religion ge● uppermost in the Land, may know what they are 〈◊〉 expect, if Popery should once get suc● a head, as t● come in again.  
JOhannes Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, etc. Omnibus Christi fidelibus, hanc Chartam inspecturis, salutem in Domino.  
Vniversitati Vestrae per hanc Chartam sigillo nostro Munitam Volumus esse notum, quod cum Deum & Matrem Nostram Sanctam Ecclesiam Offenderimus in multis, & proinde Divina Misericordia plurimum indigeamus, nec quid digne offer possimus pro satisfactione Deo & Ecclesiae debita facienda, nisi nosmet ipsos bumiliemus et regna nostra: Volentes nos ipsos humiliare pro illo qui se pro nobis humiliavit usque ad Mortem, Gratia Sancti Spiritus inspirante, non vi interdicti, ●ectimore coacti, sed nostra bona spontaneaque Voluntate ac communi Conci●io Baronum Nostrorum Conserimus, & libere concedimus De● & Sancti● Apostolis ejus Petro & Paulo & Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Matronae Nostrae, ac Domino Papae Innocentio, ejusque Catholicis successoribus, totum Regnum Angliae, & totum Regnum Hiberniae, cum omn● Jure & pertinentijs suis, pro Remissione Omnium Peccatorum Nostrorum, & totius Generis Humaki, ta● pro vivis quam pro defunctis, & 〈◊〉 modo illa ab eo & Ecclesia Romana, tanquam secundarius recipiente● & tenentes, in praesentia Prudenti● Viri Pandulphi Domini Papae Subdiaconi et Familiaris. Exinde praedict● Domino Papae Innocentio, ejusque Catholicis successoribus & Ecclesiae Romanae, secundum subscriptam forma● fecimus & juravimus, & homagi●m ligium in praesentia Pandulphi, si coram Domino Papa esse poterimus, eidem faciemus; Successores nostros et Haeredes de Vxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes, ut simili modo summo Pontifici qui pro tempore fuerit, & Ecclesiae Romanae, sine contradictione debeant fidelitatem praestare, & homagium recognoscere. Ad indicium autem hujus nostrae perpetuae Obligationis & concessionis, Volumus et Stabilimus, ut de proprijs et specialibus redditibus nostris praedictorum regnorum, pro omni servitio ●t consuetudine, quae pro ipsis facere debemus, salvis per omnia Denarijs Beati Petri, Ecclesia Romana mil●e marcas Esterlingorum percipiat an●uatim: in festo scilicet Sancti Michaelis quingentas Marcas, et in Pascha quingentas. Septingentas scilicet pro Regno Angliae, et trecentas pro Regno Hiberniae: Salvis nobis et Haeredibus nostris justitijs, Libertatibus, et Regalibus nostris. Quae omnia, sicut supra scripta sunt, rata esse volentes atque firma, obligamus nos et successores nostros contra non venire: et si nos vel aliquis successorum Nostrorum contra haec attentare praesumpserit, quicunque ille fuerit, nisi rite commonitus resipuerit cada● a jure Regni. Et haec charta Obligationis et concessionis nostrae semper firma permaneat.  
Teste meipso apud domum Militum Templi juxta D●veram, coram H. Dublinensi Archiepiscopo, Johanne Norwicensi Episcopo, Galfrido filio Petri, W. Comite Sarisberiae, Willielmo Comite Pembroc. R. Comite Bononiae, W. Comite Warenne, S. Comite Winton. W. Comite Arundel, W. Comite de Ferraijs, W. Briwere, Petro filio Hereberti, Warino filio Geroldi, xv. die Maij, An. Regni nostri decimo quarto.  
In English thus:  
JOHN by the Grace of God King of England, etc. to the Faithful in Christ, that shall see this Paper, greeting.  
To you all We would it should be known by this Paper sealed with Our Seal, That since We have offended God and our Mother the Holy Church in many things, and therefore stand in very great need of the Divine Mercy, and are not able to offer any due satisfaction to God and the Church, unless We humble Ourselves and Our Kingdoms: Being willing to humble Our Selves for His sake, who humbled Himself even unto Death for us through the Grace of the Holy Spirit inspiring Us, not by force o● the Interdict, nor compelled by Fear, but of Our Own good and free Will, and by the common Counsel of Our Lords We give● and freely yield to God and to his Holy Apostles Peter and Paul and to Our Ancient Mother the Holy Roman Church, and to Our Lord Pop● Innocent, and to his Catholic Successors, the whole Kingdom of England, and the whole Kingdom o● Ireland, with all Right and Appurtenances thereto belonging for the Remission of all Our sins and the sins of all Mankind, a● well for the Living as for the Dead, and from henceforth from him and the Roman Church as a Feodary receiving and holding them, in the Presence of the Wi●● Pandulphus Subdeacon and Servan● of our Lord the Pope. From henceforth to the aforenamed Lord Pope Innocent, and to his Catholic Successors and to the Church of Rome, according to this Written form, We have made and sworn Liege Homage in the Presence of Pandulphus; and if We could be before Our Lord the Pope, We would do it to him: Binding Our Successors and Heirs by our Wife for ever, that in like manner to the Pope for the time being, and to the Roman Church, they perform Fealty without contradiction, and acknowledge Homage. Moreover in token of this Our perpetual Obligation and Grant We will and or●ain, That out of Our proper and special Revenues of the aforesaid Kingdoms, in lieu of all Service & customs, We ought to do for the ●ame, always excepting Peterpence, ●he Church of Rome receive Yearly a ●housand Marks sterling: viz. At Michaelmas five hundred, and 〈◊〉 Easter five hundred, that is seve● hundred for the Kingdom of England, and three hundred for th● Kingdom of Ireland: saving to U● and our Heirs our Justice, Liberties and Royalties. All which, as abov● written, willing to have ratified and confirmed, We bind Us and our Successors not to do contrary▪ And if We or any of Our Successor● shall presume to attempt aught against these Presents, who ever h● be, unless being rightly admonished he repent, he shall lose all Righ● to the Kingdom. And let thi● Charter of Our Obligation and Gra●● remain always firm.  
— Witness O●●Self at the House of the Knights-Templars near Dover, before H. Archbishop of Dublin John Bishop of Norwich, Jeffery the Son of Peter, W. Earl of Salisbury, William Earl o● Pembroke, R. Earl of Bononia, W. Earl o● Warenne, S. Earl of Winchester, W. Earl ●● Arundel, W. Earl Ferrars, W. Briwere, Pete● the Son of Herebert, Warine the Son of Gerol●● on the Fifteenth Day of May, in the Fourteen●● Year of Our Reign.  
And now ye Englishmen can ye be content to be 〈◊〉 Pope's slaves? you here see their title, their claim, ●hat they pretend to; and if they can but once get 〈◊〉 upper hand, assure yourselves they will quickly 〈◊〉 their title a foot. Nay, may not you find this 〈◊〉 groundwork of their last grand Plot, to 〈◊〉 our King, and subvert the Government, and ●ot out this Pestilent Heresy (as they are pleased to 〈◊〉 the Protestant Religion) out of this part of 〈◊〉 Northern world? Are you willing your Native country shall once again become the Pope's 〈◊〉, to bear all the Burdens these unmerciful 〈◊〉 shall think fit to lay on it? If you value not 〈◊〉 Christian Religion, have you so little esteem for 〈◊〉 Native Liberty, your English freedom, your ●●●thright, as to sell it to Rome's Chapmen for a mess of 〈◊〉, or barter it away to your fellow Citizen's 〈◊〉 the husks they feed their Swine with? If your 〈◊〉 be once compelled to become Rome's Tributary and here you see their Plea, you have little 〈◊〉 to expect, that you shall continue any long time 〈◊〉. Look upon your French Neighbours on the other 〈◊〉 of the Sea, and see how they groan under wo●se 〈◊〉 Egyptian Bondage, enslaved both in Body's 〈◊〉 Souls? See how lowly the poor oppressed Com●●ns go in their wooden Shoes, and Canvas 〈◊〉▪ How greedily they feed upon bare bread and 〈◊〉, and, amidst your present plenty, count how 〈◊〉 hungry meals they make upon that course 〈◊〉, if you have figures enough in your Arithmetic to number them. Amidst the overflowing of 〈◊〉 Cups, think how often they drink plain water, the small sour verjuice of their watered Grapes, 〈◊〉 the King's Taxes have swept away 19 〈◊〉 of their Wine out of 20. To rise a little 〈◊〉, give me leave to tell you, what I have sometime heard; for here I profess to speak only 〈◊〉 hear-say, having never made Trial hereof in my 〈◊〉 particular nor so much as desiring ocular demons●●tion, hoping that none shall ever live to see th● French Fruits growing upon English ground, nor 〈◊〉 of their ●eed sown on my Native soil to prosper. 〈◊〉 out of the mouth of one, who lived amongst th● many years, I shall take leave to acquaint you, 〈◊〉 in the French Kings late Wars, the Taxes rose● high, that many would willingly have thrown their estates into the King's Hands, for the time 〈◊〉 impositions were to last, but they were to be ha●● by the King's Decree upon so doing: So that 〈◊〉 must upon pain and perils of Death manage 〈◊〉 own Lands, and what the Product of their Gro●●● would not amount to, must be procured some 〈◊〉 way towards their appointed Payments. Whethe● be easy to make brick without straw, judge ye. 〈◊〉 you like to have a Vapouring Gentleman, or a 〈◊〉 Soldier with Pistols in his Saddle bow, come h●●ring up to your Plow-tails, and command you to leave your work, and go along with to show him on his way, where you 〈◊〉 sometimes run along by his Horse side, two 〈◊〉 three miles it may be, without a penny for 〈◊〉 pains, not so much as daring to show any the 〈◊〉 of Regret, for fear of tasting the mercy 〈◊〉 of his Pistols. Will it please you do ye think, to 〈◊〉 at home by turns every day one of you, to give● rections to every roaring swash Buckler, that 〈◊〉 with Sword and Pistols when he comes furiously to the Village, and calls as with Authority, 〈◊〉 Guide to run along with him at his pleasure, 〈◊〉 now some of you will scarce vouchsafe other 〈◊〉 rough answer, or Awkward directions to the trav●● stranger, that civilly desires so small a thing at your 〈◊〉: Now some of you will scarce show any 〈◊〉 either to your equals or betters, but what would 〈◊〉 think of it, to be made desist from your work, 〈◊〉 show obeisance, at two or three furlongs distance, 〈◊〉 those Hectoring Blades of the Country that expect 〈◊〉 demand it at your hands? And yet some such ●●ing have I heard done. What a wondrous plea●●ng spectacle would this be in England, where the meanest little values the threats and menaces of the ●●eatest Gentleman, on whom they have no depen●●nce for work or maintenance, or hopes to gain any ●●ing by him?  
From the poor enflaved Peasants of France, come 〈◊〉 to the Gentry of the Land, and see how they ●eep, and cringe, and crouch to the Nobles, and 〈◊〉 humbly these must also behave themselves towards their Arbitrary King. And the King himself, had not the success of his Arms raised him to a ●●gher pitch than his Ancestors, must have veiled to 〈◊〉 triple Crown, and have received the Pope's more ●●perious Commands with a little more submission, ●ould he have lived in security, than now we believe 〈◊〉 does. How will you my dear Countrymen bring ●●ur selves to digest these compelled humiliations? ●ould any of these servile slavish submissions go ●wn well with your free hearts? Yet such, if not ●orse must you expect upon the introduction of Po●●ry into the Land. Your Bodies, your Souls, your estates, your Posterity, must then be subjected to Arbitrary Powers. Though the dregs of the Pope's 〈◊〉 might be possibly nauseous to some of your ●●easy stomaches, yet it may be many of you could 〈◊〉 well enough contented with a refined Cassandrian ●●pery, the Germane Emperor's Interim, or some ●●ch motley model of Religion, as the present French King had-contrived (as I have read) to have introduced into his Realms, had his late Arms subdued 〈◊〉 Refractory Hollanders; Nay, for a good need 〈◊〉 Trent Faith might have went down with some 〈◊〉 less indifferents; But what would you say to that 〈◊〉 refined slavery also, which must in likelihood follow your refined Popery? How would you like to ha● your Privileges, Properties, your free English Liberty, your lives, estates, and fortunes, and all that's 〈◊〉 and dear unto you, to lie at other men's mercy, in 〈◊〉 Power of such, whom you have little reason to estee● your Friends, and all this and much more (if 〈◊〉 can be) to be done by your own consents? Ho● well would this please you? To have a Paris Parliament, French Councils, and a bigoted domineering Clergy, that shall preach you up slavery from 〈◊〉 Pulpits, and make you to taste the sweets of it in 〈◊〉 Courts. When you must always speak well of ●ther Friar, be it only for fear; And if you see 〈◊〉 Priests debauching your Wives or Daughters, 〈◊〉 in distrust to your own Eyesight, you must not openly profess to believe otherwise, than that they 〈◊〉 blessing them, nor so much as dare to mutter betw●●● your teeth, unless you'll run the danger of 〈◊〉 clapped up in the Inquisition for an Heretic, or 〈…〉 to the greetings of surly Mr. Paritor, summon●● you to my Lord Bishop's Court, for defaming 〈◊〉 Clergy, and raising a scandal upon the Church. 〈◊〉 many of your Lands you hold for your own, 〈◊〉 don't you know that much must return back to once destroyed Covents, if Popery prevails, when 〈◊〉 shall be taught to believe, that whatever is give● the Priests, the Church, is dedicated to God, and not to be alienated without manifest sacriled▪ How like ye from Freeholders to become 〈◊〉 to a Luxurious and lascivious multitude of Monks and Friars, full fed upon the sweat of your ●abours, and good for little else but to diminish your Estates, and bastardise your Posterity?  
Look into some of the Popish Collegiate Foundations, and see whether you cannot find a fixed set allowance appointed ad Purgandos Renes? So that Retainers, Dependers, Brewers, Bakers, and such like, ●ere bond (I have sometime heard) to send their Maids and Daughters at set times to Physick these lazy ●dle Drones. Saturdays once a month I have heard ●am'd▪ other days it's likely they could come fast ●nough home to their Houses. Many now adays ●ave consciences large enough, to be dealing with ●ther mens; but how would you bear it to see ●●ur own Wives, Daughters and Kinswomen wholly 〈◊〉 the Devotion of the Pope's lustful unmarried Clergy? Their Auricular Confession is as neat a Device 〈◊〉 command your Wives hearts, their Honesties, and ●our Purses, as those Indian Priests the Brahmins' lying ●ith the new married Bride the first night. How powerfully inclined the Popish Clergy are that way, 〈◊〉 may learn from the Danes and Swedes, whose magistrates have found Gelding (I have somewhere ●ad) a more effectual way, to keep them from coming to disturb their Country, than putting to death: 〈◊〉 this is said to have been the Advice of a convert●● Nun. Such female Votaries being most likely 〈◊〉 able to know the Clergy's Constitution, their ●●blick Houses being set so near together in Popish country's. In some places you may find the Reli●●ous Men and Women (as they call them) under 〈◊〉 same Roof, to their frequent converse. Take your Kenning-glasses, and view some of the best 〈◊〉 of ground in this Land, and it's much if you 〈◊〉 not find, that the Covents of Men had their Nunneries of Women situated near enough, to have mutual converse one with another, by secret passage under the Earth. If you will not believe me, as 〈◊〉 writing out of prejudice, more than knowledge, 〈◊〉 such as have lived amongst the Papists beyond 〈◊〉 under a Popish Government, and they may chance 〈◊〉 tell you more of their manners, of the Clergies Powe● and Laity's Subjection, and the cruel Mercies of 〈◊〉 Bloody Inquisition. Do you think that these Ra●●nous strangers will be more kind to you, than 〈◊〉 their own Countrymen? That such as look up●● you but as Heretics, and so, little better than 〈◊〉 Bastards: Your Parents having not in their opinion been rightly Married, because not according to 〈◊〉 Constitution of their Church, who think themsel●● highly injured by you, in your keeping the Abb● Lands from reverting to their ancient Use, and 〈◊〉 building anew the Old Religious Houses destroys in your Forefathers days, who already gnash up●● you with their Teeth, in hopes of a future 〈◊〉 over you, and have had I know not how many 〈◊〉 Projects and Contrivances to destroy you Body 〈◊〉 Soul, in prosecution whereof so many of their Brothers in Iniquity have already lost their Lives 〈◊〉 your hands; That such should be thought by 〈◊〉 Friends to England, and its Laws? That such 〈◊〉 Fantasies should enter into the hearts of E●●lish men? Do you think they will alter their miners, by shifting their Habitations? That 〈◊〉 Blackamoor will ever change his Skin by com● into a colder Climate?  
Let us look a little upon the first Discoveries 〈◊〉 their late grand Plot, (so often inculcated upon 〈◊〉 Nation by His Majesties many Royal Proclamation and Speeches, that no Loyal Spirits can any 〈◊〉 doubt of the Truth of it, who give any deference deference the Word of a King) and we shall find there 〈◊〉 ●ain Design after our King's Murder to have rooted ●ut the Gentry of the Nation, whose Lives should it ●●ems, have been offered up as so many Sacrifices to appease the injured Ghost of their Murdered Prince. ●ome of your Women, perhaps they might have condescended to have saved for their Lusts, your little children for Slaves, the Poor and b●ser sort for their servants, but the Men of Substance must in likelihood ●ave gone all to pot, as Obstacles to their cruel in●●nded Design. And yet still 'tis but a perhaps; we 〈◊〉 not sure they would have spared any. Nay ra●●er, we are morally certain, that all of any tolerable 〈◊〉 must have Died, if the Deposition of Mr. Bedlow 〈◊〉 often credited) remains yet of any value amongst 〈◊〉 from whose Attestation publicly sworn upon ●ath in Ireland's Trial, we find the extent of the ●esign, (besides the subversion of the Government) to ●●ve been, the extirpating of the Protestant Religion 〈◊〉 that Degree, (which was always concluded on in 〈◊〉 the Consults wherein he was) that they would not ●●ve any Member of any Heretic in England, that ●ould survive, to tell in the Kingdom hereafter, that ●ere was ever any such Religion in England, as the protestant Religion. If discovered, and so frustrated, ●●ntrivances may not sufficiently warn you, to be●●re of the Jesuits Intentions to youward: Consider, ●atters of Fact, and see what hath already been 〈◊〉 in other places, and so come from thinking what 〈◊〉 been done, to what may be done, and what 〈◊〉 should be done, if some might have their 〈◊〉, minds and desires. Cast a look or two upon ●●●emia, that once flourishing Land, under Wickliff's doctrine; Famous for the Martyrdom of John Huss, 〈◊〉 Jerom of Prague; the Courage of blind Zisca 〈◊〉 his valiant Soldiers, and noted also for their ●●●erty of Choosing their Princes: See now how much of the Bohemians Ancient Liberty or Religi●● is yet remaining amongst them. Enough of the practices and devices the Jesuits used to new 〈◊〉 the Nation, after they had once reduced it by 〈◊〉 of Arms, you may find in the History of the 〈◊〉 Persecution, London, Printed by B. A. John Walker.  
But to return to King John, whence I have 〈◊〉 gressed, after his Resignation and Reassumption of 〈◊〉 Crown at the yearly Rent of 900 or 1000 〈◊〉 Silver, the Return of the Archbishop, and the 〈◊〉 Exiles into the Land, we read of the releasing 〈◊〉 annulling of the Interdiction, which had lasted years, odd months and days, but it was not be● that the King, according to one of the Articles, made restitution to the sufferers, which the 〈◊〉 saith amounted in the whole to 18000● Marks would have thought, after so much trouble, the 〈◊〉 would have been weary of endeavouring after Arbitrary Power. But the Event may make us apt to 〈◊〉 that among other inducements, to yield to the 〈◊〉 hard terms of Accommodation, one might some hope to domineer the better over the 〈◊〉 he was reconciled to the Clergy, and so take a 〈◊〉 revenge upon such, as would not ere while assist against the Pope. For not long after the late 〈◊〉, we find mention made of so great 〈◊〉 between the King and his Lords, that much 〈◊〉 were raised on either part. One occasion alledg●● that the King would not hold Edward's Laws, yet he had taken an Oath, at the Return of Exiled Clergymen into England, to call in all 〈◊〉 Laws, and put in place of them the Law King Edward, if Stow's Annals record the 〈◊〉 Another, that the King would have Exiled withdraw the Earl of Chester, for some Advice he given him, relating to his Vices, which the other did not well digest. The King's Party being then the stronger, the Lords took the City of London for their Refuge, and remained therein. Though we read of much harm done this year in London by Fire, and of the burning a great part of the Burrow of Southwark; yet it seems the City was strong enough to become the Baron's Bulwark against the enraged King's Ire: And siding with them, so enhanced the Baron's fame, that (as Stow tells us) all except a few went to the Baron's side, so that King John durst not peep out of Windsor Castle. At length by the Prelate's Mediation a Peace was made for a while, and to establish it the firmer, the King and the Lords soon after met with great strength on either side on Berham Down, where a Charter was devised, made, and sealed by the King to the Baron's content. A.C. 1214. according to Falian's account. Henry Fitz. Alwyn continued then Mayor of London, Ralph Egland and Constantine le Josne being Sheriffs in this 14th year of K. John's Reign. Yet in Stow we read of a Meeting appointed in a Meadow between Stains &c Windsor, where the King granted the Liberties without any difficulty, the Charter whereof is dated, June 16. An. Reg. 17.  
As for the loud and clamorous Declamations of such, who tell us, that the grand Charter of our Lives, Liberties and Estates, our Properties and Privileges, was gained at first by Rebellion, and would thus slily as it were insinuate, that it was and is retained by like unlawful ways and means: We would desire them to give us better proofs for what they say, than their own bare Asseverations, which will not yet go for currant Coin in all Markets. That Edward the Confessor's Laws were very acceptable to the generality of the Nation, we have great reason to believe from their continued desire to retain them. That William the first granted the use of them to the Nation, is sufficiently instanced above. That Henry the first used them 〈◊〉 likewise mentioned before, for so affirms the Chronicle. That King John himself accorded to them at hi● coming to the Crown, we may (I doubt not) reasosonably believe, considering his Title, and the Conte●● he was like to have about it. If a Negative may be admitted an Argument in the case, I do not remember that I have read of any difference between hi● and his Lay-Barons about them, till after that he was reconciled to the Pope, by the resignation of hi● Crown, and performance of the other conditions enjoined him. But after the King's giving away hi● Crown, and resuming it again upon a Foundation wholly and altogether new, I know not but he might think all former obligations void, and so would endeavour to have his Will of the Laity, when he hoped he had fixed the Clergy fast enough on his side, by th● new condescension he had lately made to the Pope's Ambitious desires and pretensions. It was after this Reconciliation that we read in Stow of the Barons coming to St. Edmundsbury, and producing the Charter o● King Henry the first, which they had received o● the Archbishop Stephen.  
However, let the occasional Causes of making an● confirming this grand Charter of our English Libe●ties be what they will; whatever were the grounds o● the Barons desiring, or the motives of the King's granting it: Upon what Foundation soever (so it be sound at the bottom) stand these Pacts and Compacts between the King and his Subjects. For my part I know no reason why Princes and Great men should not think it their Duty, to keep their words firm and inviolable, as well as persons of meaner rank and quality▪ 'Twas a Romish Cardinal, an Italian, a Papist, living long in the French Government, from whom I have heard come the Doctrine, of not being a slave to ones word. As the Duty, so I believe it the Interest of Governors, to be just and firm to their Promises, otherwise it is a Question how long the people under them will continue firm to theirs, when they think they have a convenient opportunity to break them. Fear may do much, but Conscience I fancy will do but little in this Case, to keep the one Party fixed and firm to his Bargain, when the other values not to perform the Conditions of their mutual Compact.  
Such as love to talk of nothing but Conquerors and Conquests, captivating and enslaving men to Arbitrary Powers, as if at feud and defiance with all mankind but themselves and their own Party: if my Advice may be taken, they would do wisely to stifle such harsh unpleasing Doctrines in their own breasts, and not openly produce them in public view to all without distinction, lest one bold confident brazenfaced fellow or other should start up out of the Vulgar Herd, and ask them, why the people would not have as good a Title to their Power, when they had got the upper hand, as those Princes, who claim only by Conquest? A Question that at first view would seem very plausible to many, if well stated without the previous consideration of Oaths, Promises and Compacts. As for the consequences, that some may fancy hid in the belly of it, ●ike the Armed Grecians in the Trojan Horse, look they to them, who find themselves concerned on either side.  
It's well enough known, what a large tract of ground, the French King hath seized in the Spanish Netherlands within these few years, and brought the People of those Provinces under his own Subjection by force. That his title to those lands at first was none of the best is plain enough to such, as know his Pretensions. As for that shadow of claim, which might be fancied to accrue to him by his Queen, the late Spanish King's Daughter, that it is clear done 〈◊〉 as far as words and writings could go, is manifest by the Printed Articles of the Pyrenaean Tre●● The best Title, I find he had to those Countries, 〈◊〉 the Spanish King's weakness to defend those Subject himself, together it may be with some unwillingness let them look to the payment of as great an Army, 〈◊〉 was thought needful for their defence, out of th● own Money, by their own Officers. He was made perhaps to fear, lest the Soldiers should have been 〈◊〉 at the Devotion of such as paid them, than at his 〈◊〉 raised them, though he appointed such a 〈◊〉 such Officers, and such Soldiers as he thought fit, 〈◊〉 had had the sole ordering of them, at his own 〈◊〉 and pleasure, in all other things but naming the paymasters. Or rather was it not his prime Counsellor the Spaniards, loathness to lose the many picking they gleaned out of their Offices in those Count●● by defrauding the Soldiers of their appointed 〈◊〉 and so cheating both King and Country? 〈◊〉 good is much bandied up and down among 〈◊〉 words, but in truth and reality, private interest that which most oversways. As for the rest of 〈◊〉 French Kings pretences, that he makes use of th● for mere colours, is evident by the novel invention Dependencies. If need be, we doubt not but, 〈◊〉 Hamball passing over the rugged Alps with his 〈◊〉 my, he can either find a way or make one; be it 〈◊〉 such a one, as his Manifest●, at the beginning of late Wars with the Dutch, tells us of, viz. his 〈◊〉 Glory: One of the truest pretensions I believe of▪  
Now put the Case and suppose, that the Inhabitants of these late subdued Countries (brought 〈◊〉 the French Kings Subjection by the force of Arms, and all former right and title to them 〈◊〉 relinquished by their ancient Prince the King Spain in his late Treaties) should one time or other, ●y some unexpected, unseen, unthought of accident, ●et such power into their hands, as to break off these ●rench Chains of Slavery, beat the French Kings Officers and Soldiers out of their Country, and keep 〈◊〉 at a Bay by the strength of their Arms: the question would be among our Politic Casuists, whe●●er they would not have as good right and Title, to ●●ace the Government of their Country in what ●●nds they pleased, as the French King now hath in ●●tual possession: My meaning is of such, who shall 〈◊〉 have passed away themselves, by Oaths, Covenants and Compacts. That they sit down quietly ●●der the French Government, and do not publicly ●●pose, is but a silent argument, a negative proof at 〈◊〉. They do not openly declare their dissent, 〈◊〉 they assent and consent, is such a conclusion that 〈◊〉 not well and cleverly follow from the premises. ●hat such as are for the present French interest may ●firm, let them likewise well prove, but methinks 〈◊〉 English men should not be over-ready to disclaim 〈◊〉 Netherlands right, when they call to mind, that in ●●een Elizabeth's days our Governors thought good defend the poor distressed Provinces, against the tyrannical Arbitrary pretences of the Spanish King, 〈◊〉, contrary to their ancient privileges would have ●●duc'd them all by force to Popery and Slavery, to ●●pose which, their Neighbours, especially England, powerfully assisted them, that the Spaniard was 〈◊〉 at last to declare, he would treat with them, as ●●th free States, before he could get a treaty of peace 〈◊〉 them. Such as break ancient Covenants, and 〈◊〉 the first stone, had need stand upon safe and sure ●ound, lest they find too many stones flying about 〈◊〉 Ears before the end of the fray. We moreover have found the Spaniards within these few years coming into the assistance of these same new 〈◊〉 once his old Subjects, against the French Kings Po●er ready in a manner to overrun them. We 〈◊〉 have heard likewise of public Addresses, in behalf 〈◊〉 the same side, made of late to our present King, 〈◊〉 esteemed the general Consent of the Nation.  
After King John had granted the grand 〈◊〉 to his Lords, and every one was departed peaceab●● into his own Country, there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue, and long to continue. But seems those hopes were soon blasted. For the 〈◊〉 next year, viz. the 15, we read of the late agr●● peace's being violated and broken by the King, 〈◊〉 according to my Author, persevering in his wro●● would in no wise be induced to hold his own gra●● but to execute all things after pleasure, nothing ●●ter Law and Justice. These violations produced new War between King John and his Nobles, 〈◊〉 ended not till after the King's Death. So troublesome was it to the Nation, so dangerous to the King, 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him, 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better advi●● than what could not consist with the Kings keeping his Royal Word. That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepherd, to clip, shear, pill, and slay at own will and pleasure, is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer ●●●lingly assent to, than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat, how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves, and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉▪  
When King John found himself too weak to ●●tend with his Barons, and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea, and called in strangers his Assistance. We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers, 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King, who had a little ●efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter ●nd liberties granted ere while by him, and excommunicate the Barons. We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over. So many of ●hem were cast away at one time by Tempest, who ●ere coming over, Men, Women and Children, that ●●'s said of 4000 not one escaped alive. So that we ●ay observe, 'tis an old trick to call in Foreigners ●pon the Natives, when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉. When the King was found to have invited ●trangers to his aid, the Lords also sent into France ●or help and succour. When two Women fall a scolding, and pulling one another's head-cloths, whoever ●●rst began the fray, it is much but both will be in ●●ult before it end. London was the place, where the ●ords kept themselves together, till the expected aid ●nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them ●nder Lewis the French Kings Son, who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army, came afterwards to London, and was there received. Hence he with the Lords departing, won many Castles in the Land, and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to ●hem by appointment. Tho the Tower held long for ●he King, yet 'twas the City it seems that bare the ●way, and adhered to the Lords. What a strength ●●ey were of we may observe out of Stow, where ●ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lon●on, but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted, ●hat they set open their Gates, and were ready to meet ●im ten miles off the City, whereupon the King withdrew, understanding their boldness, and multitude; ●hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be ●●vourable to the King's Party, we find him quickly discharged of his Office, and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place; so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause, that they spared not their own head Officer and Ruler, when he lay under th● suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs, so contrary to the mind of the Citizens. The War still continuing, and King John being not able to prevail, though th● Pope interceded by his Lega●e, he had at last (●● some writes) all his Arbitrary designs quenched with a Cup of Poison, at Swinstead Abbey about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died ●● the flux at another place.  
Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death, we meet with an eminent instance of English men's Loyalty, as well as of their love of liberty an● freedom; for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hi● Reign, and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time, when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him & his, his surv●ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years' 〈◊〉 age: Yet, as if all rancour and animosity against th● King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave, the wheel of affairs was so turned, as 〈◊〉 were, in an instant, that Lewis and his stranger's we●● disgusted, and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaimed, and Crowned King of the Land, at an ag● wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidance without a Tutor, It's plain enough by this instanc● that English hearts were more loyal, than naturally to desire the ruin of their Prince and his Family; 〈◊〉 at any time they appeared in Arms against him in defence of their Lives, Liberties and Freedoms, ho● ready have they showed themselves to accord an● submit, as soon as those men of ill Principles, and Arbitrary practices, were removed from their Prince who had raised those clouds of discontent between him and his People?  
The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance, were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester, who drew with them a very considerable retinue. They may be probably thought to hope, to confuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage, than appeared by former Arbitrary actions ●o have been in his Father, and so model the Government into a better frame in the time of that pow●r, they were, as the chief Nobles, most likely to ●ave under the King in his younger days. Neither ●o I know but somewhat might proceed from remorse of Conscience. The Earl of Chester, in the 2d ●ear of the King's Reign, taking his journey into the Holy-Land, the Religion of those times having made ●hat the usual way of Expiation. Some such intent of ●he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles, saith my Author. Another very probable occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom, may be supposed to have risen from the Deathbed confession of a French Nobleman, who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis' intent, to 〈◊〉, destroy, and quite root out those English Lords ●hat adhered to him, as if in detestation of their dis●oyalty to their own natural English Sovereign. When ●he Barons came once to find, that he, whom they ●ad called in to defend them against their King's Arbitrariness, intended to violate and break their Covenants established at first between them, when he ●ould come to have opportunity, and so turn their ●●plored aid into their certain destruction, they ●ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance, and endeavour to frustrate his privy in●●ntions, by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented itself: Conditional promises not being very commonly reputed to bind the 〈◊〉 party, when the conditions required are not performed by the other. Whatever the true occasion was, London we find the place where this turn 〈◊〉 first publicly declared, by proclaiming Henry Ki●● throughout the City, Oct. 20. so considerable was ●●ven the reputed favour of the Citizens. Lewis abo●● there indeed afterwards a while, and the Barous 〈◊〉 his side, but his strength so diminished in a litt●● time, that he was glad at last to take Money and 〈◊〉 away upon composition, even in the 1st year of th● King, or beginning of the 2d.  
This K. Hen. being the Son of such a Father, who● practices too much betrayed his Principles, and 〈◊〉 in so troublesome a time, as his Fathers contest 〈◊〉 the Clergy, we may be apt to believe he had a 〈◊〉 of his Father's malady. So full of troubles do we 〈◊〉 his Reign, such complaints of the Government, su●● amendments endeavoured, and reformations ma●● one while by the peaceable Councils of the Parliament, another while by the compulsive power 〈◊〉 the Baron's Swords: all which we may impute, ●●ther to his own natural inbred disposition, or else the overruling advices of ill Ministers, so 〈◊〉 working upon the King's Good-nature, as upon slig●● pretences to make his power serve their own Inter●●● to carry on their corrupt arbitrary designs: So ●●ny were the ups and downs, risings and falls, chang●● and turns of Fortune in these times, such variableness and mutability of Councils in affairs, and the 〈◊〉 of London so much concerned in most of the considerable Actions then on foot, (now in the Kin● favour, as soon again out of it, one while enjoy●●● their ancient Privileges and Customs, another 〈◊〉 deprived of their Liberties, and their Franchises 〈◊〉 upon slight occasions, and anon again restored all, with addition of new grants,) that I find it convenient, through much of this King's Reign, to 〈◊〉 Annals after my Author.  
In the 3d of this King is mention made of a Parliament kept at London. In the 4th were Proclama●●ons made in London, and through the Land, that all stranger's should depart out of the Land, except such 〈◊〉 came with Merchandise; the intent hereof is said ●● be wholly to rid the Land of such strangers as possessed Castles in it contrary to the Kings Will and Pleasure. This year also was the King Crowned the 2d ●●me at Westminster. In the 6th was detected a Conspiracy within London, which the King is said to have ●●ken so grievously, that he was minded to have ●rown down the City Walls, till considering that it ●as only a design of some of the Rascality, and not 〈◊〉 the Rulers, he assuaged his displeasure taken against the City. Robert Serle was then Mayor, Rich. ●●nger, joseus 〈◊〉 josne, Sheriffs. An. Reg. 7. in a Coun●●● kept at London, Stow tells us, the King was re●●ired by the Peers Spiritual and Temporal to con●●●m the Liberties, for which the War was made against his Father, and he had sworn to observe at the departure of L●wis out of England, whereupon the 〈◊〉 commanded the Sheriffs to inquire by the 〈◊〉 of Twelve lawful men, what were the Li●●●ties in England in his Grandfather's time, and 〈◊〉 the Inquisition so made up to London. Hence 〈◊〉 we observe that England had Liberties and ●●ghts of their own, before the Baron's War in 〈◊〉 John's days, and therefore seem injuriously upbraided, as if they got them first by Rebelli●●▪ The good Government of England, which (as a ●●dern Author words it) was be●ore like the Law Nature, only written in the hearts of men, came ●pon obtaining the 2 Charters) to be expressed in ●●chment, and remains a Record in writing, though ●●se Charters gave us no more than what was our 〈◊〉 before. The 8th is noted for the grant made to the King, by his Barony in Parliament, of the War● and Marriage of their Heirs. A good advantage sometimes for the King, to fix Noble men's Estates in suc● Families as he best pleased.  
A. R. 9 A Fifteenth was granted to the King, to 〈◊〉 him in his right beyond the Seas, and he, by confirming the great Charter, granted to the Baron's an● People their rights. The 11th year is of note fo● many beneficial Grants made to London by the King▪ The Sheriffwick of London and Middlesex was let 〈◊〉 farm to the Sheriffs of London, for 300 l. yearly. O● Feb. 18. was granted, that all Wears in Thames shoul● be plucked up and destroyed for ever. On March 1ST the King granted by his Charter ensealed, that th● Citizens of London should pass Toll-free through th● Land, and upon any Citizen's being constrained 〈◊〉 pay Toll in any place of England, the Sheriff's 〈◊〉 impowered to attach any man of that place comin● to London with his goods, and to keep and withhold till the Citizens were restored all such Money's 〈◊〉 from them, with costs and damages. Aug. 18. 〈◊〉 granted to the Citizen's Warren, that is, free liber●● of Hunting within a certain circuit about Lond●● Yet notwithstanding we read in another Author, this years History, of the Kings compelling the Londoners to lay him down a large sum of Money, besides the 15th part of their moveables, because 〈◊〉 sooth they had given Lewis (who came to their aid● K. John's days with an Army) 5000 Marks at his departure out of England. It may be the King 〈◊〉 them some of these Privileges (which cost him ●●thing) to induce them to give down their Money 〈◊〉 more willingly, and not too much to displease the● whose power was so well known in those days, 〈◊〉 afterward experienced to some men's cost. Roger 〈◊〉 Mayor, Stephen Bockerel, and Henry Cobham Sheri●● this year, and also the next, viz. 12. when the Franchises and Liberties of the City were by the King confirmed; and to each of the Sheriffs was granted to ●ave 2 Clerks, & 2 Officers, & to the Citizens that ●hey should have and use a common Seal. This year 〈◊〉 read that the King in a Council held at Oxford, proclaimed, that being of age he would rule himself 〈◊〉 pleasure, and forthwith canceled the Charters of ●iberties, as granted in his Nonage. Whereupon it ●●llowed (says my Author) that whoso would enjoy 〈◊〉 Liberties before granted, must renew their Charters of the King's new Seal at a price awarded: But 〈◊〉 Barons shortly after declared to the King, that ●●cept he would restore the Charter lately canceled ●●ey would compel him by the Sword: Such brisk assertors were they (it seems) resolved to be of ●●eir Liberties. On the 13th, while the Bishop of ●ondon was at high Mass in St. Paul's, happened suddenly such dark mists of Clouds, and such a Tempest 〈◊〉 Thunder and Lightning, that the People got out 〈◊〉 the Church, and left the Bishop there in great ●ar, with but a small attendance. For all the many 〈◊〉 Papists make of their Mass, and the wondered power and virtue they would fain persuade us to ●●lieve there is in it, it seems then all had not faith ●●ough to trust too much in it, when fear and thick ●●rkness had seized on them, though 'twas the common voice in those days, that a few Masses could 〈◊〉 men's Souls out of Purgatory: But you may be 〈◊〉 they were well to be paid for first. Noted in 〈◊〉 14th was the Ordinance made by the Mayor 〈◊〉 Duke, and the Rulers of London, that no Sheriff ●ould continue in Office longer than one year; the ●use related was the opportunity some of them ●ade use of to take extortions and bribes, with o●●er defaults, by reason of the continuance of their Office. The 17th is not lightly to be passed over, that the K. therein kept his Christmas at Worcest according to Stow, where he removed all his Office● and Councillors, Bishops, Earls, and Barons, and 〈◊〉 for strangers, viz. Pictavians, retained them in 〈◊〉 Service, and committed to them the keeping of 〈◊〉 Castles and Treasures. What could hence be expect● but murmurings and repine amongst the Natives Accordingly we hear some time after of Messenger sent by the Barons to the King, requesting the displacing of those strangers, and also threatening, th● otherwise they would depose him, and create a 〈◊〉 King. A bold message from as bold Subjects. For 〈◊〉 may read of the King's Lands being invaded the 〈◊〉 year, and destroyed by fire and sword by the Earl 〈◊〉 Pembroke, and the Prince of North-Wales. Whereupon we find in a little time the Pictavians expelled, 〈◊〉 made with these two great discontented men, 〈◊〉 the King's natural Subjects recalled, and their Counsel yielded to by the King.  
The 19th is remarkable for the King's Marriage with the Royal Solemnity, Justs and Tournament kept 8 days near Westminster, at the Queen's Coronation. Yet Stow places the time a year after, as 〈◊〉 doth also many other particular occurrences happeing in this King's Reign. From the same Author 〈◊〉 are given to understand, that to this Coronation ●●sorted so great a number of all Estates, that the Ci●● of London was scarce able to receive them. Great 〈◊〉 the splendour, wherein the City appeared on this occasion, it being adorned with Silks, and in the nig●● with Lamps, Cressets, and other lights, without number, besides many Pageants, & strange devices, whi●● were then snewn. The Citizens road to meet 〈◊〉 King and Queen, being clothed in long garments, 〈◊〉 broidered with Gold and Silk of divers colours, the●● horses finely trapped in array, to the number of 360. Every man bearing Gold or Silver Cups in their hands, & the King's Trumpeters before them sounding. The 21th was ominous to the University of Oxford, for the Scholars abusing Octoroon the Pope's Legate, who afterwards accursed the misdoers, and so punished them, that the Regent's & Master's were at last compelled to go barefoot through Cheapside to Paul's in London, there to ask forgiveness of him, which was granted, it seems, with difficulty enough. His Master the Pope, when crossed and incensed, is wont to be sufficiently stately, and backward in pardoning such as displease him, & not without much intercession sometimes; why then should not the Servant Ape it after so great an Example?  
In the 23d year, for that the Mayor and Heads of the City refused to obey the King's Commandment, ●n Choosing Simon Fitz Marre Sheriff, as the King had ordered them, which they looked upon as a derogation to their Liberties: The King sent for them, and after words of displeasure discharged the old Mayor Will. joynour, newly Elected for the following year, and charged the Citizens to proceed to a new Election, which to content the King they did, and Choosing Gerard Bat, by his means and policy obtained the King's favour, and frustrated the other purpose, who had procured the aforesaid Commandment, and complained to the King of the Citizens for their disobeying it. In the 25th the Citizens having Chosen Gerard Bat anew for the year following, & presented him to the King according to Custom, He, who the ●ast year had so gained the King's favour in behalf of the City, was now so far out of it by means of some men's Informations, that he with his company was first dismissed, and put off till another time, and at last, for some offences alleged, and displeasure conceived against him, clearly put by; the King swearing a gre●● Oath, that he should not that year be Mayor, nor 〈◊〉 any time hereafter. Whereupon the Commons, certified of the King's pleasure, Chose Remond Bengley 〈◊〉 his stead. The Citizens having the year before 〈◊〉 prevailed upon to alter their Election, that was Precedent enough it seems to occasion the like again.  
The City having obtained great Privileges of thi● King in his younger days, we find already some endeavouring to frustrate and disappoint the effect 〈◊〉 benefit of them. The City had appeared with a gre●● deal of success, in opposition to the last King's pr●ceedings, and therefore it's likely, such as intende● to attempt again for Arbitrary Power, thought th● City too headstrong easily to permit them to succeed in their desires, unless they could first bring th● Citizens a little under, by cunningly under mini●● their Liberties. Whereupon we find this year a sp●cious pretence taken to oblige the Commonalty, b● offering to free and keep them from being oppresse● by the Heads and Rulers of the City. How well 〈◊〉 plausible Plea took for a while, will be manifested 〈◊〉 the sequel of the Story. That there were great hea●● and animosities in those times between the City 〈◊〉 the Court, may easily be observed out of Stow, wh● tells us in the 25th years Annals, how the Citizen were threatened, that the Walls and Bulwarks of th● Tower were builded in despite of them, to the 〈◊〉 that if any of them would presume to contend 〈◊〉 the Liberties of the City, they might there be imprisoned. And to the intent, that many might be la●● in divers Prisons, many Lodgings were there mad● that no one should speak with another. An occasi●● was also taken sometime after to Fine the Ci●● 1500 Marks, for the receiving into the City a pe●son banished from thence 20 years. Notwithstanding the Citizens had proved, that before that time the said ●erson had been reconciled and restored to the King's ●avour. Another device to exact Money from the Londoners, was the proclaiming a Mart at Westmin●●er, to last 15 days, with a Command that all Trades ●hould cease in the City for that space of time, which the Citizens were fain to redeem with 2000l. ●et they still increased in Riches, while the King was compelled for want to sell his Plate and Jewels much ●o his loss, which being sold and bough● a● London, 〈◊〉 the 33d year of his Reign, occasioned this his ex●ression upon knowledge thereof, (as my Author rebates it) I know that if Octavian 's Treasure were to be ●●ld, the City of London would sup it up; and by it ●hose rustical Londoners (quoth the King) abound in ●ealth, and call themselves Barons. Noted is the 25th ●ear likewise for the first Choosing of Aldermen, who ●hen had the Rule of the City and its Wards, and ●ere yearly changed as are the Sheriffs. In the 29th ●ear Nicholas Bat, contrary to a former Ordinance, ●eing Chosen Sheriff again, was discharged and punished, ●s being convict of Perjury. The Mayor likewise Mi●hael Tony, Chosen anew for the following year, was deposed and punished, after that by Deposition of the Aldermen he was found guilty in the said Crime. Whatever were the grievances and faults committed in the ●est of the Land, (some we read complained of, particularly among the Clergy) the City-Officers shall be sure 〈◊〉 be watched, if they were not of the side some would ●ave them. In the 31th year Pyers Aleyn being Mayor, John Voyle, and Nicholas Bat Sheriffs, the Franchises of London were seized on St. bartholomew's Eve, for a Judgement pretended to be wrongfully given by the Mayor ●nd Aldermen against a Widow woman named Mar●aret Vyell, and the Rule of the City committed to Will. Haveryll, and Edward of Westminster, till Lady day, when the Mayor and Sheriffs were again admitted 〈◊〉 their Offices. How ready were some to carp at the 〈◊〉 of this Honourable Society? Rather than fail of an occasion to diminish the City's Liberties, we find th● here wrongfully making a pretence; for upon due Examination afterwards made, the former Judgement 〈◊〉 found good and true. In the 32th year Queen 〈◊〉 Wharf was Farmed by the Commonalty of the City 〈◊〉 50 l. yearly, and committed to the Sheriff's charge. But 〈◊〉 Fabian's time the Profits were so diminished, that 〈◊〉 was worth but little more than 20 Marks one ye● with another. That sublunary things ebb and flow, 〈◊〉 no strange thing to be wondered at, it is so common 〈◊〉 observation. Though the Citizens this year enjoy 〈◊〉 their Liberties without interruption, the former preten● proving vain and frivolous, and falsely grounded, yet 〈◊〉 King is said to have been grieved and displeased wi●● them, for that they would not at his request exchange the Liberties granted aforetime to them by the King 〈◊〉 Middlesex, for others to be had in other places. 〈◊〉 these Liberties were on either hand, I have not found. 〈◊〉 may be they had a suspicion they might be trappaned, 〈◊〉 so be lo●ers by the change. They were excellent good, 〈◊〉 seems, at holdfast, and did not like children's play, gi●● and take. Though some body should have come, 〈◊〉 promised them in the King's Name, that they should ha●● such and such Privileges in exchange, and be gre●● gainers by the Bargain; yet how could they tell he 〈◊〉 sufficient Authority from His Majesty to make so larg● a Promise? Where were his Credentials? I read of 〈◊〉 produced. Therefore in my opinion they had but 〈◊〉 great reason to suspect to have had the Die put upo● them, should they have parted with present Priviledg●● in hopes of future Graces. A Bird in the hand is commonly reputed worth two in the bush: But when th● Bird is carelessly let slip, and flown, who is that skilful Fowler, that can be sure of catching a better, or perhaps any at all? In the 34th year Simon Fitz Marr, Alderman of London, for his disobedience & evil Counsel given to the abovenamed Widow, with other secret labour and matters by him intended to the City's hurt, was discharged of his Aldermanship, and put out of the Council of the City. It behoved them to turn out of their Society such a one, who, in contradiction to their former order, had once before procured the King's Command to make them break it, and had given such Advice against them, that their Liberties were seized on, and their own City Officers for a time discarded, for no other than a pretended Crime wrongfully laid to their charge. Such false Friends and secret Enemies are most carefully to be watched against, as always dangerous, too too oft destructive to humane Societies.  
In the 36th year was granted by the King, that an yearly Allowance should be made of 7 l. for certain Privileges or Ground belonging to Paul's Church, which Fabian tells us continued also to be allowed in his days by the Barons of the Exchequer to every Sheriff, when they make their Accounts. This same year was also granted, for the Citizens more ●ase, that where●s before they used yearly to present their Mayor to the King, in whatsoever place he was in England, that henceforth they should, for lack of the King's presence at Westminster, present the Mayor, when Chosen, to the Barons of his Exchequer, there to be sworn and admitted, as before-times he was before the King. Joh. Toleson Mayor, Will. Durham, Tho. Wymborn then Sheriffs. In the 37th ●ear was granted, That no Citizen should pay Scavage ●that is, Shewage) or Toll for any Beasts by them ●rought, as they before-time had. The swelling of Thames this year drowned many houses about the wa●er side, to the damage of much Merchandise. Thames is one of the best friends the City has, by whose means their Riches grow and increase, by importing and exporting her Citizen's Wares. 'Tis also a fast friend even in adversity, which the power and malice of her Enemies have never yet deprived her of, and yet you here find that she sometimes receives damage even from so good a friend. If the best friends may sometimes accidentally injure us, what would our Enemies do, were their power as large as their malice? For these two last years past, you may here perceive the favour K. Henry openly showed to the City, by the beneficial Grants he made her Citizens. Yet in the 38th that Tide is turned by procurement of Rich. Earl of Cornwall, the King's Brother, for displeasure he bore to the City, for exchange of certain Ground to the same belonging: So that the King, under colour that the Mayor had not done due Execution upon the Bakers, for default in their Sizes, seized the Liberties of the City. The offence pretended in the 25th year, was, that the Mayor had received a certain Sum of Money of Bakers, Brewers, and other Victuallers, which his Predecessors also had done before him. In this 38th year here is another pretence found out. What an easy matter is it, for such to pretend faults, who must not be contradicted, or at least not without a great deal of caution and circumspection?  
The manner of this Seizure, according to the Author, is thus to be understood, That whereas the Mayor and Commonalty of the City had by the King's Grant, the City to Farm, with divers Customs and Offices, for a stinted ascertained Sum, the King at this time set in Officers at his pleasure, which were accountable to him for all Revenues and Profits accrueing and arising within the City. But about the 19th of Novemb. the Citizens having agreed with the foresaid Earl for 600 Marks, they were soon after restored unto their Liberties. Oh the powerful commanding force of Money, that can so often make enemies friends, and friends enemies! The Mayor this year, Rich. Hardell, being sent for, with the Sheriffs, by the King, newly come to London, and lodged in the Tower, fared better in this year's Mayoralty, than he did within some few years after, wherein he continued Mayor. For being taxed by the King for the escape of one, that had slain a Prior related to the King, he put off the charge of this matter from himself to the Sheriffs, for so much as to them belonged the keeping of the City-Prisons. Whereupon he returned home, and the Sheriffs, Rob. Belyngton, and Ralph Aschewye were detained for a space P●isoners, and others chosen in their places; but how they got off my Author sets not down. In the 39th year Edw. the King's Son's Wife was honourably received at London by the Citizens, and the City adorned with rich clothes for the more state. Yet notwithstanding all this Respect, it was not long before the King seized their Liberties anew for certain Money, which the Q. claimed for her right of them. So that about Martins-tyde they were in a manner necessitated to give her 400 Marks, before their Liberties were restored them, and the King's Under-Treasurer discharged, who for the time was made Custos or Keeper of the City. What, had she no other way to recover her Money, if it was due, but the City's Liberties must presently be seized on? The King's Brother had got well the last year, by falling out with the City, and getting their Liberties seized. Was it not then, do ye think, cunningly done of the Queen, to try the same trick over again? 'Twas, it seems, too gainful a project, to suffer it quietly to lie still without further prosecution, before it grew too stale. Though the Citizens and their Franchises were thus carped at by Court-Favourites, yet we find them still continuing their wont respect to the King and Queen, when they came to London, where they were honourably received this very same year, and so conveyed to Westminster. When the Citizens had to do with the Court, and the King was pleased to interest himself in the affair, History tells 〈◊〉 that they were more than once compelled to draw the● purses for Peace sake and Reconciliation, but when they had their other fellow Subjects to deal with, they proved Matches hard enough; as particularly in their sui● with the Abbot of Waltham, which was at last accorded in the 40th year to their own advantage.  
Come we now to the 41th year, a year not lightly to be forgotten by the worthy Citizens, and such a● bear any respect to this honourable City, by reason o● the many troubles that the Heads thereof underwent a● this time, through the power and malice of some ill disposed Persons, who bore no Good will to this ancient foundation. Hitherto we have met with but light Skirmishes, a few trivial matters, in comparison of wha● you shall here find related out of Fabian, to have happened in the Mayoralty of Richard Hardell, and Shrievalties of Rich. Ewell and William Ashwey. A. C. 1257▪ The Relation is as followeth, almost word by word.  
In this 41th year, and beginning of the same, wa● found in the King's Wardrobe at Windsor, a Bill or Rol● closed in green Wax, and not known from whence it should come, in which was contained divers Articles against the Mayor and Rulers of the City, and that by them the Commonalty of the City was grievously taxed and wronged, which Bill was presented at length to the King. Whereupon he sent John Mansel, one of his Justices, unto London, where, on St. Paul's day, by th● King's Authority, he called a Folk-moot, or Common-Hall, at Pauls-Cross, there being present Richard d● Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and divers others of the King's Council. Whereupon the said John Mansel caused the said Roll to be read before the Commonalty, and after showed to the People, that the King's pleasure and mind was, that they should be ruled with Justice, and tha● the Liberties of the City should be maintained in every point; and if the King might know those Persons that so had wronged the Commonalty, they should be grievously punished to others example. That done, John Mansel charged the Mayor, that every Alderman in his Ward should, upon the morrow following, assemble his Wardmoots, and that all those Wardmoots should assemble in one place, and choose of themselves 36 Persons, without any Counsel or advice of any of their Aldermen, and present them before the Lords and him at the same hour the next day, in the Bishop's Palace at Paul's. Upon the morrow all was done according to his Command. When the said 36 Persons were presented before the said John Mansel, Henry Baa, Justices, and others, he said unto them, that they upon their Oaths should certify all such persons as they knew guilty in the Articles before showed to the Commonalty. Whereupon the 36 answered, that it was contrary to ●heir Liberties to be sworn so many, for any matter of Trespass between the King and any of his Citizens. Wherefore they required a sparing; with which answer John Mansel being discontented, warned them to appear before the King's Council at Guildhall upon the morrow following, where they kept their day. Thither ●ame the said Justices, John Mansell and Hen. Baa, Sir Hen. Wengham, Chancellor of England, Philip Lovel, Under treasurer, and divers others of the King's Council. Then the said John Mansell exhorted the said Persons ●o be sworn by many means, as he the other day had ●one; but all was in vain: For they excused themselves, ●at it was contrary to their Oath and Liberty of their City. Wherefore the King's Council departed from the Hall in part discontented, and showed to the King the ●id Citizen's demeanour. Upon Candlemas Eve the Mayor being warned that the King would come to Westminster, he, with the more part of the Aldermen, ●ode to Knightsbridge, and tarried there to salute the King, and know his further pleasure. But when th● King came near that place, and heard of their bein● there, he sent to them an Esquire of the Household, an● charged them that they should not presume to come i● to his sight; with which message they being great●● discomforted, returned home to the City. Afterwards in the Octaves of the Purification, Michael Tony an● Adam Basin returned from Court, who before we●● sent by the Mayor to such Friends as they had in th● Court, to know the cause of the King's high displeasure and brought word back, that the King was well minded towards the City, but he was in full purpose to hav● such persons chastised, that had oppressed the Commonalty of the same. Upon the morrow following came u● to the Guild Hall John Mansell, with others of th● King's Council, who, to the People there assemble● showed many fair and pleasant words. Amongst whic● he declared, that the King's Mind and Will was, to correct all such persons, as had oppressed the Commonalty of that his dearest beloved City, and asked of the Commons' whether they would be agreeable to the sam●▪ The which, incontinently, many such as knew litt●● what the matter meant, cried without discretion, Ye●▪ Yea, Yea, nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons, the said Jo●● Mansell discharged the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Chamberlain of their Offices, and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower, and put in the roo● of the Sheriffs Michael Tony, and John Audrian. A● over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages, before mad● were delivered unto the said John Mansel, which 〈◊〉 there sealed, and redelivered to the Chamberlain. Wh●● the Commons had beheld all this business, they return●● unto their Houses all confused.  
Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair, that they, who usually have been such brisk assert● of their Liberties, should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger? We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall, but rather called by an order from Court, and filled with the populace; for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King, Lords and Commons, in being, to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes, and determining of the Subject's Liberties, or so to regulate its Jurisdiction, Power, and Authority, as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice, and by the ordinary course of Law. Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use; so that the Rabble being intermixed, it might be no hard matter to get a ●ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings ●hen on foot. The Mobile being as liable to be wrought ●pon by fear, or fair promises, as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments, ●nd the favour of more potent Grandees; while as the ●iddle sort of People, like the golden mean between too Extremes, are not generally so capable of being ●rawn aside after the lure, being too many to be bribed, ●nd not few enough to be frighted; not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur, nor so low, ●ean and despicable, as to be imposed upon by the empty ●ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue, sprung ●p at first from Vice, and nourished by and amidst repeated Debaucheries.  
This matter thus ordered, John Mansell, with divers ●f the King's Council, kept their Courts daily (the Sundays except) till the 1st Sunday of Lent, which that yea●●as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the City; out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men, ●o that 36 men were impanelled, and sworn, to inquire ●f the aforesaid Articles, and what Persons of the City ●ad offended in them. This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall, no man was called to answer, nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest, or any other. Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent, the Mayor, aldermans, and Sheriffs, with the forementioned Inquest, and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King, at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning. At which season coming into the King's Exchequer, they found sitting there the Earls of Gloucester and Warwick, Joh. Mansell, Hen. Baa, Justices, the Constable of the Tower, the Custos of the City and divers others of the King's Council. Then was called by name Ralph (Richard) Hardell, that year Mayor, Nicholas Batts, Nicholas Fiz Josne, Matthew Bockerel, John Tolesham, and John 〈◊〉 Minoure, Aldermen. Then John Mansell said, that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens, had found them culpable, that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means, as by the sai● Inquisition appeared, and forthwith caused it to be read before them. When the more part thereof was read, he said unto them, Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed, as by altering of the Tolls, and other good ancient Customs, turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralp● (Richard) and his Company denied, and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them, or any of them by any such means, and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City. Then He●●● Baa, Justice, asked of them, whether they would abi●● the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard re●● before, 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not be●n sworn, but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer. There John Mansell asked of the Mayor, wh●● was their Law and Custom. The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said, that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King, he should defend himself by 12 Citizens, for Murder or slaying of a man, by 30 Citizens, and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself. Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell, and also by the Mayor and Aldermen, day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Council.  
Upon the day following, the King, with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer, the aforesaid Inquisition was read. That done, the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name, and two Aldermen more, which before were not called, viz. Arn●ld Thedmare, and Henry Waldmode. When Ralph (Richard) Hard●ll had heard ●he King speak in the matter, he took such fear, that he ●nd Nicholas Batt, without further Answer, put themselves in the King's grace, saved to them their Li●erties and Franchises of the City. But the other six besought the King of his wisdom, that they might be ●●dged after the Laws and Customs of the City. Then was laid to their charge, that over many wrongs by ●hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the City, they had altered the King's Beam, and ordered it to ●e advantage of themselves, and other rich men of the City. Whereupon the Parties answered and said, That ●e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only, but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City. ●or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his ●raught toward the Merchandise, so that the buyer had ●y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his advantage, and the seller so much disadvantage; now for indifferency and equality of both persons, it was ordained that the Beam should stand upright, the cleft ●ereof inclining to neither party, as in weighing of ●old and Silver, and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉, for all things four pounds only in every draught. ●fter these Reasons, and others by them made, the King commanded that upon the morning following, a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross, and so that Court was dissolved, and the Mayor and the others returned to London.  
Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled, these six. Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people, and knowing that the Aldermen, or Worshipful of the City should have little or no saying in this matter, and fearing their Cause, they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's, where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King, tarried the Assembling of the People, and showed them, that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy, saving always to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City. After which Agreement John Mansell with the others, came into the Court of Folk-moot, whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale, promising to them, that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King, with many other things, to the great comfort of the common people. And lastly, it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed, or no; whereunto, like undiscreet and unlearned people, they answered and eryed, Nay, nay, nay, notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind. To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen, nor other of the great of the City, that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their ancient Laws or Customs. And no wonder (continues my Author Fabian) though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City; for by such evil disposed and malicious people, as he had about him, the Land was ill ruled, and much mischief was used, whereof ensued much sorrow after. Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him, and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following, to give attendance upon the King.  
Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster, the King came into St. Stephen's Chapel, where for a season he had a Council with his Lords, & after went into the Exchequer-Chamber, and there sat him down and his Lords about him. Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber, and soon after called by name, and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice, said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen, That for so much as by form of the King's Laws, they were found culpable in certain Articles, touching transgression against the King, therefore the Court awarded, that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court. But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy, the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite, that ye be not pained so grievously, as ye have deserved. After which Judgement given they kneeled down, and then the Mayor, with weeping Tears, thanked the King for the bounty and goodness, and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City, and unto them as his faithful Subjects: Whereunto the King made no Answer, but rose strait up, and so went his way, leaving them there. Anon as the King was departed, they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety, and every Alderman of them discharged of his Ward and Office, that they had within the City. But shortly after they put in Sureties, and so returned heavily to London. Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor, & Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs.  
After this, day by day the Chamberlain was called to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls, as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John T●lesha●, and Ralph (Richard) Hardell, there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City, but none o● the Heads. By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King. By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after, and restored to their Offices again, but not without paying of money, whereof the certain●y is not known, saith my Author.  
What a broil was here? What endeavours used to find faults, to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens, and keep them from Reconciliation? A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised, made and form, and none to own it, l●st they themselves should at la●● be punished for those wrong Accus●tions, which they had laid to other men's charges, and could not we● prove. What was this but to make divisions between the Commons and their Head Rulers? To pretend t● oblige the one, and depress the other? Divide an● Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiav●● was in being. What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power? To mak● the Rich appear Offenders, and then seem to lay obl●gations upon them, by pardoning what they were n●ver real●y and designedly guilty of? Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands, and yet persuade people that they were favourably deal● with? You may he●● see their actions were in a manner wiredrawn to b● made offences, and their Accounts s●●rcht, to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge. And yet how visibl● were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very sa●e way, whereby they though to have confirmed and made good their malicious Designs; when, after all their searches, they were in sort compelled to approve the others faultless, whol●● doubtless 〈◊〉 their minds, wills, purposes, and in●●ntions? How hard a matter had it been for the a●cured clearly to have defeated ill men's suggestions, 〈◊〉 not they themselves paved them the way, by searching into their accounts, where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations? Let those transactions be brought into open Court, which before were wont to be done privately, and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings. Here were large imputations, and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom, and not clapped up, till they were frightened into submission. What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them? Never an outlandish Evidence, for love nor money, for fear, favour, nor affection, & then clap them up in Prison, not letting them see the faces of their Accusers? Why did not they search their houses, seize upon their Trunks and Boxes, and so rake into their private Writings, to ferret out some Crimes out of them; or else, in defect thereof, privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy, and afterwards openly produce it, and with full cry and ●oud exclamations, impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partisans, as if really found upon them? We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year, expecting former Transactions to be acted over again. Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem, as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days?  
As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hard●ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and afflictions, as hath been related above, so the Commons were not without their care likewise: For Wheat is said this year ●o have been so scarce, that it was sold at London at 24 ●. ● Quarter. Scarcity of Corn in those days made this a considerable sum. Dearer we are told it would have been, had not some been brought out of another Country which made People flock to the City, because 'twas cheaper there than in many Shires of England.  
This is the year wherein the K. kept his high Court ●f Parliament at Oxford, which of some Writers is named the mad Parliament; because of many Acts there mad● for Reformation of the State, the prosecution of which proved in event the death and destruction of many Nob●● Men, by means of that famed strife then begun, an● called at this day the Barons War. True, the accidental Consequences proved fatal to many: But if unfortunate broils give to any Laws the denomination of evil▪ I know not but in time some may grow so presumptuously bold, as upon the like account profanely to bran● even the Christian Religion, which we have been assured at first from the divine Oracles, should prove th● occasion of much strife in the world, and the Experience of these latter times confirm it plain enough to our Understandings. Whether the forementioned Parliament justly and really deserves the opprobrious Title, th●● some have given it, I shall very willingly submit to the Judgement of any experienced Reader, who hath throughly perused, weighed, and considered the Equity, Justice, and reasonableness of the English Liberties and Privileges, contained in the grand Charter, sealed and given to the Nation by K. John, Father to this Hen. 3d, which was confirmed in this very same Oxford Parliament, according to Matthew Paris, as the chief thing then desired and insisted on by the Nobles, and whereon were likewise grounded the other Acts and Ordinances then, and there, made by the King and his Lords▪ For that the King, his Brethren, the Noblemen and Barons, took their Oaths to see the same observed, I appeal to Stow's Annals for proof.  
That these Acts might be kept firm and stable, we read of 12 Peers then chosen, to whom Authority was given, to correct all such as offended in breaking of these Ordinances and others, by the said Peers to be devised and ordered, touching and concerning the same matter and purpose. It was not long after the end of this Parliament, before strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, by reason of such Officers as the Earls had removed, and put others in their room. Amongst which John Mansell (of whom enough is mentioned above) was discharged of his Office, and Sir Hugh Bygot admitted for him. Upon occasion of this difference beginning to arise between the King and his Barons, we meet with an eminent Instance of the City's Power and esteem, for when the Peers heard of the murmur at Court, fearing that the King would be advised to alter his Promise, to make their party the stronger, they are said to have come about Maudlintide to the Guild-Hall at London, where the Mayor, aldermans, and Commonalty of the City were assembled, to whom they showed an Instrument or Writing, (at which hung many Labels with Seals, as the King's Seal, Edward his Son's Seal, with many others of the Nobles of the Land.) wherein were contained the Articles ordained and made at Oxford, willing (as saith the Book) the Mayor and Aldermen, (considering the said Acts were made to the Honour of God, Fidelity to the King, and profit of the Realm,) that they would also in upholding of the same set their common Seal of the City thereto. After this Request the Mayor and Citizens at first indeed desired to be excused, till they knew the King's Pleasure; but no excuse at that time being to be granted, at last, by the labour of the Lords, and such solicitors as they had within the City, the common Seal was put to the forementioned Writing, and the Mayor, with divers of the City, sworn to maintain the same, their Allegiance saved to the King, with preservation of their Liberties and Franchises.  
After this obtained we find the 12 Peers assembling day by day, (as if now they feared no colours, the City being on their side, and valued no ones Threats,) keeping their Councils and Courts for the Reformation of old grievances, removing from the King divers of his Menial Servants, and setting others in their places; and moreover a Proclamation comes forth, that none of the King's Takers should take any thing within the City without the owners will, (except a small customary matter therein excepted) upon which what the King's Officers took, was strait paid for within the City and Liberty of the same, and so continued to be for a while Can any one then desire a better proof of the City's repute in those days? Yet within few years following we shall meet with more Instances of her power in the History. In the 42d year Sir Hugh Bygot, with Rog●● Turkelay, and others, kept his Court at St. Saviour's, and held there the Itinerary Pleas, to the sore punishment ●● many convicted offending Officers. Though this Hugh Bygot was put in by the Peers to reform (as may be supposed) old grievances, yet power seems to have made him also go astray, or else corruption, or to colloque with another party. Whereof the City in General wa● like to have tasted deeply, could he have had his Will some of the particular Citizens scaped him not; for h● summoned the Citizens to the aforesaid Court, for Toll taken on the further side of the Water: And though it was answered, that they were taken lawfully, and they were ready to prove it in places and Court convenient within the Precinct of their Liberty. Yet notwithstanding he charged upon Inquest 12 Knights of Surry to inquire thereof, who acquitted the Citizens, and shewe● that the said Toll belonged to them of Right. Afterwards coming to Guild-Hall, he kept his Court an● Pleas there, (according to my Author) without all order of Law, and contrary to the Liberties of the City▪ infl●cting new punishments on the Bakers, and ordered many things at his Will.  
This year the Citizens had opportunity of showing their Respect to the King's Brother, Ricbard Earl ●● Cornwall, coming over from beyond Sea (where he had been dealing in the affairs of the Empire) unto London, where he was joyfully received, the City being richly hanged with Silk and Arras. In the 43d year John Gysours being Mayor, and John Adrian, and Robert Cornhill Sheriffs, Friday after Simon and Jude's day we hear of the reading in the Parliament kept at Westminster, in presence of all the Lords and Commonalty, at sundry times, of all the Acts and Ordinances made at Oxford, with other Articles added by the Peers. After which reading we find all those very solemnly accursed, that attempted in word or deed to break the said Acts, or any of them.  
The Form of the Curse which was most solemnly denounced against the Violators and Infringers of Magna Charta, is to be seen in Matthew of Paris; and this here intimated was in probability much like that, which I find in a modern Author thus Englished.  
BY the Authority of God Omnipotent, of the Son, and of the Holy Gh●st, and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary, and of the bl●ssed Apostles Peter and Paul, and of all other Apostles, and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas, and of all the Martyrs, and of the blessed Edward, King of England, and of all Confessors and Virgins, and of all the Saints of God: We excommunicate, and Anathematise, and sequester from our ●oly Mother the Church, all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right; and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate, diminish or change, secretly or openly, in deed, word or Counsel, by crossing in part or in whole, those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom, especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England, and the Forests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops, Bishops, Prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights and Freeholders. And all those who have published, or being published have observed any Statutes, Ordinances thing against them, or any thing therein contained, which have brought in any Customs to the contrary, or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in, and all Writers of such Ordinances, or Councils, or Executioners and all such as sh● presume to judge according to such Ordinances: All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are, or at any time shall be, knowingly guilty of any such matters shall, ipso facto, incur th● Sentence: & such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the sa●● if being admonished, they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Sea●  
Thus far the words of the Curse: Nor was the ma●ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament. 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes, and the Bishops in their Vestments, with bu●●ing Tapers in their Hands, standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read, and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read, and signed, all throwing down their Tape●● extinguished, and smoking, cry out, So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence, and go against this Curse, 〈◊〉 extinct, and have no better savour than these Snuffs: 〈◊〉 then the King, having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast, said with a loud voice, So 〈◊〉 me help, I will observe all these things sincerely and faithfully, as I am a man, as I am a Christian, as I am Knight, and as I am a King crowned and anointed.  
But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail, without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force? When as 〈…〉 known, that there lived in those days a Clergyman Rome, who pretended to dispense even with the Almighty's Laws, whose Power was at that time openly professed to be believed sufficient by the generality of E●rope, to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenants and from whom Dispensations more than a good ma● might be had for Money. The confirmation of the fo●mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament: For we read of a Tax called Scutage, that ●s, 40 s. of every Knight's Fee through England, then granted to the King, which extended to a large sum of Money, viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more▪ For upon occasion of this large Tax, I find the number of the Knight's Fees in England, at those days in possession of Spiritualty and Temporalty, summed up by my Author to 60000 l. and above. Upon supposition that ●he Clergy paid nothing, it is said that the Tax would ●ot have amounted over the sum of 64000 l. whereby we may guests what a deal of the Land, even almost ●ne half, was then belonging to the Clergy. Devotion▪ as the times went then) brought forth Riches, and the Daughter since devoured the Mother. Nou. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Paul's, and commanding a Folk-moot to be assembled, according to the for●er Ordinances made, asked licence of the Commonalty of the City to pass the Sea, and promised there in presence of a great multitude of People, that he would ●e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the ●outh of Sir Hugh Bygot, Chief-Justice, and to maintain their Liberties unhurt; whereupon the People for ●y made an exceeding shout. Observe here the turn of ●hings, the Courtiers seem to have sought, not long time ●●nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City, by a Folk-●oot of the Commons: Now the King to prevent the ●ffect of ill men's advice, hath bound himself to ask their ●ave, before he goes out of the Land for a season. ere while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to ●●rve for a property, to destroy their own Cities Liber●●es. Now the conservation of the whole Nations welfare is put into their hands. What greater Evidence can ●e demanded to prove this Honourable City's Power ●nd Influence, than to find the Citizens entrusted by ●ing, Lords and Commons, with so high a charge? We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant, as the Kin● could not pass the Sea without Licence first obtained of them, was to prevent the Evil and Mischief, th●● might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counsellor who might be persuading the King at every turn to g● out of the Realm, he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends, though to the People's oppression in his absence. What trouble, affliction and oppression the land suffered, under this King's Uncle Richard th● first's Imprisonment, at the Hands of the King's Officers who raked and peeled what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity, on pretence of raising Money for the King's Redemption, I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfy himself, where I have related somewhat of th● charge of the King's Ransom, than stay to repeat it ov●● again. A fuller description the curious may meet wi●● in Neubrigensis, l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly thereof. Some I believe may have observed in these unsettl●● times, that they have fared much better, and more easily avoided the malicious attempts of their Fellow Subjects, who have lived as it were in the Sunshine of th● King's presence, than such, who being many scores, ●● may be Hundreds of Miles distant, have lived (so ●● phrase it) in the shadow.  
I know not but 〈◊〉 presence of the head Governor 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉, as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army. Certain enough it is by the History, that 〈◊〉 this Kin● Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom, 〈…〉 ways in France, that Dissension arose'● Engla●d, between the King's Son Edward, and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucest●r, which might have immediately brought no small trouble to the Land, had not there been gre●● endeavours used to prevent it, wherein this Honourab●● City showed much of her care and vigilance. Wh●● the occasion of this difference was I have not yet read, ●ut to appease it I find a Counsel of the Lords called 〈◊〉 Westminster (Fabian gives it likewise the Title of a Parliament) which continued Three weeks and more. To this Council came the Lords with great companies, particularly the two contesting Parties, intending it seems 〈◊〉 have lodged within the City. So desirous, so ambitious of pretending to London's favour, that such seem 〈◊〉 have thought the bare lodging therein might have added to their strength. But upon the Mayor's consulting with such, as the King had left Rulers in his Absence's, and through the advice of the King's Brother, it ●as concluded that neither the said Edward, nor the said ●arl should come into the City there to lodge, nor any ●●at held upon either side. And further it was provided, that all within the City, of the Age of 15 years, ●nd above, should be in Arms, to watch and keep the ●ity day and night, and that the Gates should be kept ●ut by day, and certain men in Arms keep every Gate 〈◊〉 the City. For the further safeguard of the City, and 〈◊〉 keeping of the Peace therein, the aforementioned ruler's came into London, and there lodged with their company's, and such other persons as they assigned to strengthen the City, if need required. Do people 〈◊〉 mathematical Demonstration? Look here and see, ●hat cares taken to keep the City safe, and harmless, ●nd in Peace, as if then the Land must needs be in quiet too: Preserve the City and its just Liberties, and ●●en the Nations Quietness, Peace, and Safeguard is ●●rongly secured. Behold here the Eyes of the Nation 〈◊〉 upon the City of London, and her Actions, and ●here's the party that dare strike, while she Guards ●●eps and preserves the King's Peace, while he is ●●eased to busy himself in foreign Countries? Such as ●ill not believe, but what they see, and so know, let ●●em here credit their own Eyes, if they be not Popish Transubstantiators, or shut them to keep the light 〈◊〉 After the King was returned to London from 〈◊〉 the Sea, by his order, many of their lodgings 〈◊〉 altered, direction was taken between the aforesaid 〈◊〉 testing Parties, and a new Assembly of Parliament 〈◊〉 signed.  
Anno 44. William Fitz Richard being Mayor, 〈◊〉 Browning, Richard Coventre, Sheriffs, after Candl●●●● by the King's Command, a Folk-Moot was called 〈◊〉 Pauls-Cross, whither he came in person, with his B●●ther Richard, King of the Romans, and many oth●● Nobles, and commanded the Mayor, that every str●●ling of 12 Years and above, should before his aldermen be sworn the day following, to be true to 〈◊〉 King, and his Heirs, Kings of England, and that 〈◊〉 Gates of the City should be kept with armed Men, 〈◊〉 before was determined. Not long after this we 〈◊〉 of more suspicions of a breach between the King 〈◊〉 his Barons, which in few years broke out into an 〈◊〉 War.  
What did all this swearing then avail? Those amo●●● the Children of men, who look abroad into the world 〈◊〉 take notice of the common course of the Generality of 〈◊〉 living, or are much conversant with the Monuments 〈◊〉 the dead may find it no very difficult matter to observe that let men take never so many Oaths, make never so ●●ny Covenants, Promises, and Compacts, that if they 〈◊〉 come to have Apprehensions, that those, to whom th● have sworn themselves, endeavour to make use of th● religious Ties, and Obligations, designed at first 〈◊〉 mutual preservation, to encroach upon their Liber●● deprive them of their Privileges, their Properti●● their Birthrights, to the enslaving of them and th● whole Posterity, all former Subscriptions, Oaths, 〈◊〉 Promises, Pacts and Covenants, will scarce avail 〈◊〉 with the most. But if Experience should chanc● legitimate their doubts and Fears by the others actual endeavours in the open face of the World, it is rarely seen, but that, notwithstanding past transactions, they will make the greatest opposition, they can, against the others arbitrary pretences: And so all former religious Bonds are snapped asunder like Tow burnt by the Fire. They who imposed Oaths for such ill intents, might have considered, if they pleased, that many in such cases would not have scrupled at all to have broke them; Or if any of the more devout had been a little ●●icer, they could not doubtless be ignorant in those days, what Remedies might have been bought for Money out of the Pope's public Storehouse, if other common ways of Evasion would not have passed currant with them. How many of that nature have ●affed up and down in the World, it may not be unworthy of our consideration sometimes to revolve in our minds, if it be a thing feasible to bring them within ●hat compass. True indeed, (quoth the subtle Sophister) I have sworn Allegiance, but a latter lesser Tie 〈◊〉 invalid, when a greater Obligation lies upon me. True, an Oath lies upon me; but here's my Liberty, Life and Religion lying all at stake. I was born free, what can dispense with me to deprive me of my Birthright? Life is sweet, Self-preservation is near and ●ear to me, by the Instinct of Nature. 'Tis natural to ●reated Being's to defend their Lives against such as ●●ould destroy them: what then can oblige me to suffer my Life violently to be taken away by another's injury, whenas I dare not deprive myself thereof by my ●wn Endeavours, unless I will run into so foul an Offence, so unnatural a Fact, as to proclaim myself to ●●e World a Self-Murtherer, and so force my Soul to ●y out of my Body, before I know 'tis my Creator's ●ill she should? My Religion is to obey God above, ●●d before Man; my Soul is his that gave it me, and where's the Obligation that can empower me justly 〈◊〉 give away that which is not my own to bestow? 〈◊〉 my Religion, which I believe is according to the La● of the Almighty, stand or fall at another man's pleasure Must I take the matter, manner, and height of my Devotions from the imperious dictates of another's 〈◊〉 and that too upon the account of my Oath? Must destroy my Religion in effect, or else I cannot keep in show? Besides, know ye not that my Oath was conditional? Mutual Bonds make mutual Obligation Service was vowed, where Protection was promised an● expected. Can any but an Idiot be supposed to swe●● away himself to be destroyed instead of being defended Must I still pay Obedience upon account of former C●●venants, where I cannot get due Protection, and ha●● but little encouragement to expect it, though it was 〈◊〉 first promised, since that now thence I fear utter rui●● and infallible destruction instead thereof? With 〈◊〉 Inventions some may chance to be full, and it may 〈◊〉 to make them seem more authentic, they can produ●● them under the Printer's Hand. 'Tis in Print, an Argument which may sometimes weigh much with 〈◊〉 inconfiderate, inobserving Persons, who consider 〈◊〉 how easy, how usual a thing it is to print Lies, as 〈◊〉 as tell them. Nay, to make the deeper impression, the may happen to proceed so far, as to show us the common custom and practice of many Kings and Prince and endeavour to qualify their own, by repeated ●●●stances and Examples of the public Conscience, there be any such thing in nature, and it be not 〈◊〉 one of the fanciful Notions much in vogue, within th● few years, among some highflown English Clergy 〈◊〉 who ambitiously desired to glory in the Title (forsooth of Rational Divines. Hereto some may possibly further add instances out of other Countries, where Towns 〈◊〉 Cities, standing in the borders of Kingdoms and Principalities, are often won and lost, and so pass to and fro from one state to another: And pertly ask us, what we think in our Consciences of all those, who this year took Oaths of Allegiance to one Prince, and the next year, being subdued by another, were made swear themselves his Subjects, and yet, upon a new Recovery or Treaty of Peace, being returned to their first Sovereign▪ could as willingly as ever swear over again their first Oath: Are such perjured or no? A hard case, being under such straight inconveniences. They fought, they resisted, they opposed the Conqueror as long as they could, and when neither they could defend themselves any longer, nor was their Prince there with power to defend them, they yielded and submitted to the Almighty's Decree, and their own hard irresistible Fate. Such it may be, and much more might a man of a ●imble Wit urge upon the Gainsayer. But how many of these may fully satisfy a Conscience very tender and scrupulous, seems not to me so easily resolvable.  
If these suffice not your thinking Minds, your wand'ring roving Thoughts, take a turn or two in the Jesuits School, and ransack the secret recesses and retirements thereof, it's an hundred to one, but you will here meet with Jesuitical dissimulation, doubtful equivocation, mental reservation, and Papal dispensation, with much of the like trash.  
To these let be added that pretty new device, the Popish Doctrine of probability. So that when one at ●●rst dubiously propounds an unusual, uncouth Opinion, ●nother comes after him, and lays it down more consistently, upon supposition that the first broacher had a ●ood Reason in his view, although he has little or none; ●●en in comes a third with a more brazen faced boldness, ●nd positively affirms it good Doctrine, because the o●hers forsooth, in his Opinion learned men, must be supposed not to have wanted Reason for what they said, and then 'tis no matter whether he can see a glimpse of it or no, who can with so much facility pin his Faith upon another man's sleeve. How far this novel Doctrine may go, if fruitfully improved, to make the shadow of Religion fit for men's corrupt desires▪ (since that they refuse so many of them to be brought up to the truth of Religion) any one may easily consider, who has any consideration at all in him.  
But whosoever has so little Soul in him, as not to endure the Solitary Company of his own Thoughts, and is so enslaved to sense, as not to like any other Argument, let him apyly himself to the Book called, 〈◊〉 Provinciales, or The Mystery of Jesuitism, written at first by a Papist, of the Doctrines of some Modern, especially Jesuitical Casuists, and its truth confirmed by the reiterated Complaints of the French Church. In th●● Book the English Reader may see how fruitful a man of a corrupt wit (without Truth, Honesty, Religion, or Conscience,) may be in broaching novel Opinions, and raising strange Doctrines upon the new invented Foundation of Probability. What a new form of manners this new so●● of Morality produces, in what kind of Practices the●● Principles end, the Deportment of the late Jesuits 〈◊〉 Tyburn, hath already shown how far such debauched Principles have already went in debauching the manners of the Age; and how far further by degrees, they may bring us in time toward Popery and Slavery, ● humbly offer to the consideration of the thinking 〈◊〉 about Town.  
If the Society would be pleased to accept the Petition of an English Protestant, no Turk, Jew, 〈◊〉 Heathen, (as some would have us think the 〈◊〉 might import) but Christian, it should be requested that since this old World is so already filled with 〈◊〉 Doctrines of theirs and suitable Practices, they wou●● transport the rest of their Inventions to the new Worl● in the Moon, if they can find the place and the passage. I am pre●ty well assured, that World, if any be, is so much estranged as yet to the Jesuits and their Doctrines by reason of the distance, that there would be little room, and less likelihood for their reception, unless they beforehand transmit thither some of their new Divinity, to make way for gaining them some Renegado Proselytes, weary of a good old way, and desirous of a new one, be it what it will. Why may not the Jesuits be as fruitful in finding out new Worlds, as making new Morals, new Saints, new Merits? What if I had also added, a new way of Atonement, a new Saviour, new Gospel? When you walk along through St. Paul's Churchyard, or by any other noted Booksellers Shop, inquire for Clari Bonarscii Amphitheatrum Honoris. Or if you have no other than your English Mother-Tongue, ask for the Memoirs of Mr. James Wadsworth, a Jesuit that recanted, where in the second Chapter, besides many other Observations and collections out of Popish Authors, you may find pag. 23. part of a Poem taken out of the foresaid Book, good enough for the form, though sufficiently bad for the matter, wherein the profane Author at least equals the Virgin Mary's Milk to our blessed Saviour's Blood, if he does not rather seem to make the Milk exceed that most precious Blood in Virtue. You may there read it turned in part in English Verse, with remarks thereon, together with some more of their Doctrines, and also extractions out of the Romish Psalter: And further in the same Chapter, this Clarus Bonarscius (otherwise called Carolus Scribonius) is said to be a Jesuit living at Antwerp, and of much account amongst them, the Author and his Book standing enroled, approved, and commended for good and Catholic, in Possevines Volumes of Writers, set out with public allowance of the Romish State. If then this be not the bringing in of a new Religion, a new way of Salvation, what is? What think ye then? Do not these Jesuits for their new Principles and Practices deserve ●● meet with an harder Fate, than did the unfortunate▪ though ingenious Galileo, who for that famous Invention of his Glass, and hints given of looking after a World in the Moon, was made to suffer (as my Memory tells me I have somewhere read,) an hard Imprisonment, under the Notion of Heresy, on supposition th●● a new World would imply a new Saviour?  
Such having been the novel Inventions of these corrupt, i. e. Jesuitical Wits, what then remains, ye tr●● hearted English Men, but that abhorring their debauched Principles and Practices, though not hating the●● Persons, you endeavour to keep yourselves far enough off from men so much given to change? 〈◊〉 have been thus endeavouring to change the good 〈◊〉 Religion and Doctrines, by their new fangled Device and new Morals, to proselyte the more to Atheism 〈◊〉 Debauchery. Who have plotted to change your Religion and your Laws, to change Protestantism into Popery, a free Government into absolute Tyranny; 〈◊〉 change your Liberties into Slavery, and many of you● Freeholds into Tenant-Lands, to a vicious Clergy an● a Popish Church. What else meant a late Papist 〈◊〉 his Trial, who hath been reported, under the Liberty allowed by our Laws of excepting against Thirty Five of the Jury without Reason shown, to have ●●cepted only against one, and that as being an Impropriator, alias a Possessor of Church-Lands? If there 〈◊〉 not such a Report, than my Memory imposes on me if the Report was not true, Fame hath proved deceitful, or else I mistook her Relation.  
So much Atheism and Irreligion having already be●● introduced among us, and such the Tendencies to th● further debauching men's Minds and Manners, whether then it would not be much better (when it shall seem good to our Governors, to King, Lords and Commons assembled in the right Parliamentary way) to cashier all needless unnecessary Oaths, and reduce the too too common custom of swearing upon every trivial occasion into a far lesser compass, judge ye. What signifies so much swearing at every turn, whenas other ways might be doubtless found out in many cases, to search out the truth with as much, if not more certainty? Might not less swearing, and severer Penalties upon lying sometimes serve the turn? It is plain enough, our Neighbours the Hollanders are none of the least experienced People in the World: Among them have I read 'tis usual for the Judges, without giving Oaths, to search out the truth by sudden cross questions, wherein much practice hath made them very dextrous and skilful. And so they do as it were tr●pan the Trepanners, if I may use the Expression without offence. What esteem can any one think an Oath is with a man, that counts his words but breath, and his Soul Air? Will that man value the swearing of an Oath before a Magistrate, that profanely can rap you out an hundred upon any occasion in common Discourse, without the least Remorse; or else is of the Popish Priest's Opinion, that swearing upon an English Bible is no more than swearing upon Aesop's Fables, i. e. a story Book, containing Tales of Cocks and Bulls, and the like? So likely to be true is it, that some men play with Oaths as Children with Rattles, a saying or somewhat like to what I have heard imputed to Machiavelli. Let such sometimes seriously consider, who have had an hand in imposing so many Oaths of late Years, whether they may not one day be called to account for some of the many Perjuries others may have occasionally run into thereby. The huding up of so many ●orts of Creeds and Doctrines together into one Volumn, and then compelling men under great Penalties to make Declarations and Subscriptions to them, 〈◊〉 not been the least burden, needlessly laid upon 〈◊〉 Consciences, in some places of the World. Even 〈◊〉 Creed commonly called the Apostles, though one 〈◊〉 the most Authentic, clearest and shortest, is not 〈◊〉 altogether void of Scruples, witness the difference ●mongst the learned about Christ's descent into Hell. 〈◊〉 far shorter Creed ushered in the Aethiopian Eunuch Baptism. I could name, in fitting time and place, so●● of the most common Oaths among us, and which man● of the most serious would not probably scruple to 〈◊〉 on good account, which nevertheless are not so accurately, exactly, and cautiously composed, but a Conscience very scrupulous and tender, might be liable●● doubts and fears in taking and keeping them. Is 〈◊〉 all this ado, so much fathered upon Religion, too 〈◊〉 often really designed to turn men out of beneficial Employments, that others may be let in, and sometime proves a Snare to many tender Consciences? If 〈◊〉 matter be honest and lawful, a truly serious good 〈◊〉 will do it without an Oath: If he esteems it otherw●●● he will not take it, nay, he will rather throw up●● than wrong his Conscience. And I think he has 〈◊〉 son besides Scripture on his side, though he should ●●pen to be in an Error: For he that for Interest, 〈◊〉 or favour does any thing wittingly against his 〈◊〉, in itself erroneous, and he not knowing it to 〈◊〉 so, seems to me plainly to manifest, that he would the same, though his Conscience were in the right. 〈◊〉 for an ill man, a profane man, an Atheist, what 〈◊〉 he how many Oaths he takes, after he is once in 〈◊〉 Head and Ears, over Shoes, over Boots, so it be his secular advantage? When Oaths, Covenant Subscriptions, Declarations, and such like, at 〈◊〉 turn and change of the times come thick and three ●ne upon another, thwarting and crossing each other, what shall the real honest hearted man do but refuse ●hem, and so turn himself out, to the letting in men ●any times of ill Principles, and worse Practices, into places of public Trust? How then are things likely 〈◊〉 go in any Land, when they fall into the Hands of ●●ch profane Debauchees, who are too too often thus introduced over better men's Heads, and sometimes it ●ay be designedly to serve turns? Have we never ●eard nor read of a time, when men of debauched practices and Principles were sought purposely after? When it was a sufficient Objection against a man's preferment, that he was serious and religious, a little more perhaps than ordinary? Thus the wicked oft plotteth ●gainst the Righteous, who feareth an Oath, much ●ore Oaths upon Oaths, lest he should be entangled 〈◊〉 ensnared by the words of his Mouth. For breaking ●●lawful Oath, solemnly taken before God and Man, to 〈◊〉 English Ears sounds Perjury, in whatsoever De●●ee, Rank, and Quality, of any Nation, Country, ●●ct, or Faction, from the King that sitteth upon his ●hrone, to the Captive in the Dungeon, not to vary ●●om a Scripture Expression in another Case. I doubt 〈◊〉 but an Oath is very lawfully imposed in some cases, 〈◊〉 is of good avail oftentimes between Man and Man; 〈◊〉 whether to find out the truth thereby, is so sure 〈◊〉 safely practicable among the Men of these days, I ●●mbly propose to the better Judgement of more experienced Heads to determine.  
How happy might the times prove, were all men as 〈◊〉 servant of their Oaths, as Joshua and the Princes of 〈◊〉 were of the League they solemnly made with 〈◊〉 Gibeonites! And yet they were plainly ●●apanned ●●●reunto with a great-deal of Guile, Fra●d, and lying 〈◊〉. What plausible pretences to have broken this 〈◊〉 Covenant, might they have raised from a former Command of their God, not to spare any of the Cana●●ites, nor league with them, from the notorious 〈◊〉 these fraudulent Gibeonitish Ambassadors put upon the● by their lying words, and from the murmuring of th● whole Congregation against them? Notwithstanding all this, we find they let them live, lest Wrath shoul● have been upon them, because of the Oath they 〈◊〉 sworn unto them. And that they did well in keeping this so solemn a league and Covenant, though obtain●● by Fraud and hastily made, we have divine Authority to assure us from the Lord, in the Three Years Famine he sent upon the Land in King David's Days fo● Saul, and his bloody House, because, in his Zeal to th● Children of Israel and Judah, he sought to slay the Gibeonites, and so violated the Oath made by their 〈◊〉 Father's hundreds of years before. We cannot, with out the greatest breach of Charity, suppose, that 〈◊〉 holy a Man as David, one after Gods own Hea● made use of this only as a pretence to ruin and ex●●pate Saul's Family, and settle the Crown the faster 〈◊〉 his own Head, and to fix it the surer to his posterity a●ter him. If any of us were so Atheistical, as from th●● instance to look upon Religion as only a piece of 〈◊〉 Policy, our Suspicious Thoughts and Censures woul● be soon answered from David's own manner of acti●● in this particular, who is recorded to have spared 〈◊〉 Son of Jonathan, Saul's eldest Son, and that too up●● account of the Lord's Oath, that was sworn between them many Years before. As the Scriptures plain●● show us, that Joshua and the Princes of Israel did we in keeping the Oath, they had sworn, though draw into it by Fraud and Deceit, so in them we find, 〈◊〉 ill it fared with Zedekiah, the last King in Jerusal●● after he had broken the Oath, which Nebuchadnezz● had made him swear by God. We doubt not but the there was force enough upon him to compel him, 〈◊〉 it may be the price of a Kingdom likewise induced him thereto, for the benefit of his present occasions; but how ill went it with Judah for his breaking that Oath, by whatsoever force at first gained of him, even to the destruction of the chief City, solitary desolation of the Land for many Years, and utter ruin of the Monarchy for ever after? For af●er the Captivity we find it reduced back again into a kind of Commonwealth, under Rulers, (and but one of them of David's Line mentioned in the Scriptures, that I remember) Governors, the high Priests, the Maccabees, the Sanhedrim unto the coming of Shilo. So fatal to the Jewish Nation was their Prince's Irreligion. There is no respect of Persons with the Almighty, at whose Tribunal all must once stand to be judged, High and Low, Rich and Poor, Noble and Ignoble, Kings, Princes, and People, as sure as the Scripture, which we esteem the word of the great God, is infallibly true. But whither has the overflowing of my thoughts carried me?  
To go back again therefore into the way, from whence I have so far deviated: In this same 44th year of King Henry, (wherein he commanded all of Twelve Years and upwards in London to swear to be true to him and his Heirs) we read of further grudge and displeasure beginning to kindle between the King and his Lords. The occasion is related to be, for that the Barons, with consent of the Peers, discharged one, and admitted another for Justice unwitting the King. The displeasure hence arising and increasing more and more, was however a little appeased for a while, by the Policy of the King's Brother, and some Prelates of the Land. ●n this Year the Chronicler thought it worthy remark ●o make mention of the variance, that fell out between ●he Londoners and the men of Northampton, at a Fair ●here held, for a man of that Town there slain, which occasioned a long Suit and Plea between them, to 〈◊〉 great vexation and trouble of both Parties, wherein 〈◊〉 the end the City had the better. That City, that 〈◊〉 able to make a Contest with the King's whole 〈◊〉 is likely enough to match a particular Town.  
In the 45th, shortly after Alhallontide, the Baro● admitted and made Sheriffs of divers Shires, naming them Guardians and Keepers of the Counties and Shi●● and discharged such as the King had before admitt●● Neither would they suffer the Justices, but such as 〈◊〉 of their own admission, to keep the Itinerary 〈◊〉▪ The Law allowed them power, and they were 〈◊〉 it seems to use it. The King, as any may easily suppose, was grievously discontented therewith, insomuch (as saith the Chronicle) that after that Season, he ●●boured what he might to disannul the former Ordinance and Statutes, and cause them to be broken. To th● end on the second Sunday in Lent was read by th● King's Command at Paul's Cross, a Bull of Pope 〈◊〉 the 4th, as a Confirmation of another Bull, before p●●chased of his Predecessor Alexander the 4th, to absolve the King, and all others, that before had sworn 〈◊〉 maintain the Articles made at Oxford; and afterwards the said Absolution was showed throughout Engl●●● Wales, and Ireland, straight charge being given to 〈◊〉 that none be so hardy to withstand or disobey the 〈◊〉 said Absolution: And if any were found disobedi●● to this Commandment, that he should be put in Pris●● without Ransom or Deliverance, till the King's Pleasure were further known. The Pope could pretend 〈◊〉 absolve on either side, if he were well paid. 〈◊〉 then could any Oaths be supposed to avail without s●●able Power to compel their Observance? Yet hitherto the Commons of the City held their Power forme● granted them: For we read of another Licence ●●ven to the King at a Folk-Moot to sail into 〈◊〉 according whereunto he departed the morrow following from London.  
Anno 46. Tbomas Fiz Thomas being Mayor, Phi●●● Walbrook, Richard Taylor Sheriffs, about Martintide ●he Jews felt the People's Fury to some of their costs: ●o odious was that Nation grown in many parts of ●he World since our Saviour's Crucifixion, which had been formerly the darling of Heaven, that it must have been a very small matt●●, that would not easily have ●●rred up the common People of the Land, where they lived, against them. In this Year is unkindness ●oted to have arisen between the Londoners and the Constable of the Tower, for that contrary to the City's Liberties he took certain Ships, passing by with Wheat and other Victuals, into the Tower, and made ●he Price at his Pleasure. Hence might great harm have ensued, had not, by the Policy of wise men, the matter been committed to the Chief Justice and others, by direction of the King's Council, to set an order and Rule between the said Parties. The effect whereof was, that after Evidences and Privileges produced to ●he advantage of both, it was firmly adjudged, that ●f the Constable, or any other Officer of the Tower, would at any time take any Wheat or Victuals, to the ●●se of the King, or the Tower, he should come into the City Market, and have it two Pence in a Quarter within the Mayor's Price, and other Victuals after the ●ame rate: And if he, or any of his Officers would 〈◊〉 contrary to that Ordinance, that then the Sheriffs ●hould make report to the King's Council, and withstand him in all that they might, so that the King's ●eace were kept. Here was Authority given to act ●gainst some commissionated by the King. What fol●y is it for every mean petty Officer to think to thwart ●●is powerful City, and hope to be too hard for her Citizens, when their Liberties, Privileges, and Franchises 〈◊〉 concerned?  
This year silent murmurs passed up and down th● Land of War, that was too too likely to ensue between the King and his Lords in short process of time for the Bull of Dispensation before showed in 〈◊〉 Realm: But the mediation of good and wise men appeased and stilled those Emotions for a while, that 〈◊〉 King agreed again to the maintenance of the aforesaid Statutes, and sent his Writs, wherein the said Article were comprised, into all the Shires of England, giving strict Commandment to all men, to observe and ke●● the same, and such other as were to them joined 〈◊〉 the discretion of some appointed to that end. 〈◊〉 this again was shortly after revoked and denie● What Change in Councils, what Uncertainty 〈◊〉 Fickleness of Mind was this? Give, and grant, an● then recall: What could be thought the end of 〈◊〉 variableness but Strife and Contention? Hereupon the Archbishop of Canterbury, a Star in that conjuncture of the first Magnitude in the English Firmament. proves erratic: For fearing what might e●sue, like a cunning, subtle, worldly Politician, 〈◊〉 makes an Errand to Rome, and by Licence of bo●● Parties departs the Land, and so keeps himself out 〈◊〉 the trouble was over. He had been a main Instrument a few years ago in Cursing the Breakers of th● aforementioned Acts. Should he have sided with th● King's Party, he had openly contradicted his forme● Actions, and in effect declared all his so solemn Curs●● to signify nought. Had he sided with the Barons, 〈◊〉 must have shown himself an Assenter to their dee● partaken of all the Changes and Chances of War, 〈◊〉 publicly slighted and contemned the Pope's Dispens●●tion. A crime in those days of very dangerous Consequence to the offending Party. Upon Midlent Sund●● the Mayor and Commons being present at a Folk-Mo●● held at Paul's Cross, before Sir Philip Basset, and other of the King's Council, the Mayor was sworn to be ●rue to the King, and his Heirs Kings. Upon the morrow at Guild-Hall every Alderman is said to have taken the same Oath in presence of the Mayor: And so likewise upon the Sunday following, we read that every Stripling, of the Age of 12 Years and above, was a●ew charged with the same Oath before his Alderman in his Ward.  
Then (according to my Author) the Displeasure between the King and his Barons, which a long while ●●d been kept secret, began to appear, insomuch that divers of them assembled in the Marches of Wales, gathered unto them strong Power, and sent a Letter ●nto the King, under the Seal of Sir Roger Clyfford, beseeching him to have in remembrance the Oath, and manifold Promises that he had made, for the observing of the Statutes made at Oxford, with other Ordinances made to the Honour of God, for Faith and Allegiance to his Person, Weal and Profit of all his Realm, willing him further to withstand and defy all ●uch Persons, as will be against the said Acts, saving ●he Queen and her Children. After this Letter thus ●ent, and no Answer received, we read of the said Barons going with Banners displayed against such, as they ●new held against the Acts so often before mentioned. The effect of their Fury at Hereford, the Bishop, and ●any of his Canons, Aliens born, soon felt to their great cost and damage. Hence we hear of their going to other places, where they supposed to find their Enemy's, keeping their course towards London, (this was the place, it seems, they desired so much to fix to ●heir Party) bearing before them a Banner of the King's Arms, and increasing with the access of much People, as they held on in their Journey. In this March, as they found any that they knew to be against ●he Maintenance of the aforesaid Acts, they imprisoned them, and spoiled their Habitations, were they Spiritual or Temporal Men, all the case to them at th● time. In divers of the King's Castles they set in 〈◊〉 Persons as they pleased, (putting out such as were placed in by the King) and gave to them an Oath, th● they should be true and faithful to the King, 〈◊〉 keep those Castles to his Use, and to the Weal of 〈◊〉 Realm. Here they seem to have outdid the Courti●● in their own way. The Mayor, aldermans, and others of London, were made of late to renew th● Oaths of Allegiance to the King and his Heirs, as if 〈◊〉 weaken the Baron's Party, by a crafty sly insinuati●● that they went about to deprive the King and 〈◊〉 Heirs of their Right. But as for those suggestions 〈◊〉 hold the Barons disappointing them, by giving 〈◊〉 like Oaths to these of their own Party put into 〈◊〉 of public Trust, and thereby in effect declaring, 〈◊〉 'twas not against the King, but against the ill Minist●● of State about him, whom they deemed the Auth●● of iil Advice, that they thus took up Arms, either 〈◊〉 remove them, or deliver the King out of such 〈◊〉 men's hands.  
About Midsummer, when they drew near to Lond●● the Chronicle tells us, that they sent a Letter unto 〈◊〉 Mayor, and Aldermen, under the Seal of Sir 〈◊〉 Mountfold, willing to know of them whether th● would observe the Acts and Statutes made in the P●●liament called at Oxford or not, or else would aid 〈◊〉 assist such persons as intended the breach of the sa●● and sent to them a Copy of the said Acts, with a Proviso that if any there specified, were to the hurt of 〈◊〉 Realm, or common-Weal of the same, that they th● by discreet Persons of the Land should be altered, 〈◊〉 amended. See here the Influence the City had up●● the Land, the esteem the Barons had of London's 〈◊〉 and Authority, and how desirous they were to 〈◊〉 it to their side and Interest. The forementioned Copy was by the Mayor carried to the King, then being at the Tower, accompanied with his Queen, his Brother Richard, Edward his Son, and others of his Council. Then the King, intending to know the City's Mind, asked the Mayor what he thought of those Acts and Ordinances, who, being refused time and leave to con●●er with his Brethren the Aldermen, and his Judgement demanded at that present season, stands upon Record to have boldly answered the King, that before-times he, with his Brethren, and the Commonalty of the City, by his Commandment, had been sworn to maintain all Acts made to the Honour of God, to the Faith of the King, and Profit of the Realm; which Oath, by his licence and most gracious favour, they intended to observe and keep. One of the Ingredients ●hat, according to the Royal Psalmist, goes to the composure of a Citizen of Zion, who shall abide in the Lord's Tabernacle, and dwell in his Holy Hill, is, that ●e changeth not, though he sweareth to his own hurt. ●nd moreover (continued the Mayor) to avoid all occasion, that might grow, of grudge or variance between him and his Barons within the City, they would ●ut all Aliens and Strangers out thereof, if he were so contented. The King showed as if he was well plea●●d with this Answer, so that the Mayor, with his favour, departed, and sent Answer to the Barons, according to the same, their Liberties always upholden, ●id saved. The Barons lying so near London, and ●ith so considerable a strength, 'twas time for those ●obles, who were against those Statutes, to be packing, as fast as they could, for fear of the associated ●ords; But the King is said to have sent after them ●●vers Persons of his Household, and of the Citizens of ●●ndon, to induce them to return, and tarry with him. 〈◊〉 that season, according to the Mayor's former words, all Aliens, suspected of any favour owing to the one Party or the other, were put out of the City. Impartiality is rarely found among the Children of men, though it is so commendable a Virtue not to have respect of Persons. But not long after we hear of their being placed in Offices, many of them in Winds●● Castle, by Edward the King's Son. So usual is it for contesting Parties to receive and prefer one another's outcasts. No wonder then if we sometimes see the same done in private Families, when at variance among themselves, which is so oft acted over and over again in public differences.  
Then Watch and Ward was kept daily in the C●ty, and in the night certain assigned to ride about the Town, with some Footmen allotted to them, to search all the Town over: But hence harm ensuing▪ by reason that evil disposed Persons, under colour o● Watchmen, seeking for strangers, robbed and spoile● many Houses in one part of the City, while the riding Watch was in another place, a standing Watch was ordained in every Ward. The mind of the City being made known by their public Mouth, the Mayor, 'twas time for men of a different Interest to endeavour to draw the King further off from it. Accordingly we find the King departs from the City, when ●● heard the Barons were coming into it. The Baro●● enter the City the Sunday before St. Margaret's day and the King shortly after returns to Westminster wi●● the Queen, and ohers of his Council. Soon after 〈◊〉 Hugh le Spencer is made Chief Justice, and Keeper 〈◊〉 the Tower, by consent both of the King and the Barons. Upon the morrow following, Maudlin Day was a Writ directed to the Mayor and Alderm●● charging them that the King's Peace be firmly 〈◊〉 within the City, for in the same it was expressed, th● the King and his Barons were lovingly agreed. Furthermore in the same Writ it was commanded, that if within the Precincts of the City were any person or persons known, that would withstand the foresaid Ordinances and Statutes, that all such should be attached and put in Prison, and their Goods also attached for the King, till they knew his further Pleasure. Well had it been for many great persons, if this agreement had lasted longer; but, like other Worldly things, this new peace was also transitory. However here we meet with another instance of the Cities Concern, of the City's Power, of the City's Influence. 'Twas the Citizens concern to keep the Peace thus happily and quietly made. 'Twas their Power you here find engaged to see to it. And their Influence upon either party you may guests by the due care taken to inform them of the late mutual Agreement. In these days of Misrule, and time of the Barons residing in the City, we are given to understand, that many Robberies were committed by divers therein, and much harm done, but little corrected, they were so born out and maintained by their Masters. Such is the too too common effect of Civil broils. The Commons of the City were far out of Rule by the incensing of riotous Persons, so that in the Assemblies and Courts kept at Guild-Hall, or other places, Worshipful men were little or nothing regarded, and simple, indiscrcet persons carried away the voice.  
As the City was in those days powerful, so the Lords seem well to have known it, when, to obtain the more favour of the Citizens, they willed them to show them, if they had any of their Liberties withdrawn, that they might again to them be restored, and also to think of some new ones to their Weal and Profit, and they would labour to the King to have them granted. Can any one desire greater Evidence than Ocular Demonstration? The City had a great many good and beneficial Liberties and Franchises already granted, to the Emulation and Envy of many of her ill-willers. Yet here our own Eyes may easily certify us of a large offer voluntarily made to her Citizens, by such as had Power to increase them, had they had the discretion at that time to have made a good use of it. For the Mayor having upon this kind offer assembled the Commons at Guild-Hall, and willed the Officers to devise such things as might be beneficial to the City, they counselling together, are said to have made such a note of Statutes, Provisions, and Ordinances, to their own singular Profit, and so prejudicial to all other Foreign Merchants coming to the City, to all other Fairs, and Markets of England, and the universal Weal of the Realm, that upon overseeing them the Heads told them, they were neither lawful nor charitable, and such as they knew would not be admitted. So common is it in too too many concerns for private Interest to be brought up in the Van, while the public is left lagging behind, as it were a loof off, in the Rear. The Heads of the City willing the Commons to devise other Ordinances, their first being so uncharitably ordered, and they,. I know not upon what account, nor upon whose Incitation, proving refractory and refusing, both those and others, right necessary for the Common-Weal of the City, were rejected and put off, saith my Author. For men to go to logging of Bills, when they cannot otherwise hinder their passing, is a known Practice.  
After St. James' day we hear of the Baron's departure from London towards Windsor, where they turned out the Aliens, before placed therein by the King's Son Edward, who thereupon, with other associates, rode to the King with Complaints in their Mouths against the Barons, for spoiling them of their Goods: But these being then put off by the King with a promise of Justice, till more of his Council were with him, he, with other Attendants, sailed into France, whence being returned after Michaelmas to London, there passed an Inquest of Twelve Knights of Middlesex, sworn upon a Jury, between the Abbot of Westminster and the City, for certain Privileges the Citizens of London claimed within Westminster, where, by the said Jury, it was found before the Chief Baron of the King's Exchequer, that the Sheriffs of London, at those days, might lawfully enter into the Town of Westminster, and all other Tenements, that the Abbot had within Middlesex, and unto the Gate of the said Abbey, and there to make Summons, and distrain, for lack of Appearance, all and every Tenant of the said Abbot. 'Tis not now adays only that the Londone's stand so strong for their Privileges, whatsoever some may think of it, as if out of stubbornness and opposition. Their Forefathers were like-minded, and stood up courageously in defence of their just Rights and Liberties against Arbitrary Encroachers above Four Hundred years ago, Anno 1262. After this the former Complaint of the Aliens, and others, was declared before the King and his Lords in the Parliament at Westminster. This is the Term Fabian gives it, but whether on the same account as he did before, when he expounded a Parliament by a Council of Lords in the 43d Year, pag. I am not so certain as positively to determine. Here the Chronicle tell us it was at last sentenced, (but by what means and Inducements is not there set down) that the Barons should restore all such Goods, as they and their Company had taken from all Persons before that day, as well to Aliens as other men, both Spiritual and Temporal, and also that such Menial Servants as should be daily in the King's House, and about his Person, should be such as the King would choose and admit himself: But the dissenting Barons utterly rejected these Articles, whereupon the Fire of Dissension was again kindled between the King and those his Lords.  
In the 47th Year, by procurement of the Barons, we are told that the Commons of London chose unto their Mayor for that Year Thomas Fiz Thomas, [Robert Moumphere and Robert de Suffolk were Sheriffs] and without Counsel of the Aldermen swore him at Guild-Hall upon Simon and Jude's day, and made no presentment of him the morrow following to the King, nor to the Barons of the Exchequer, as had been the custom: For which we may easily suppose the King was much discontented with the City. Whereupon the King perceiving the City would take the Baron's part, having caused his Son to seize Windsor Castle by a Train, early in a Morning, a little before Christmas, he road thither from Westminster, whither shortly after came also many of the Lords that were upon the King's party. As fast likewise the Lords and Knights on the Earl of Leicester's side drew towards London: so that on either part was much People assembled. In the mean time some well disposed Mediators endeavouring a Concord between the King and his Lords, it was finally agreed by both parties, that all matters concerning the foresaid Articles of the Statutes and Ordinances made at Oxford, and afterwards by the 12 Peers, should be referred to the French King, to judge which should be held, and which not. Upon this Agreement were Copies made of the said Statutes, with Letters showing the ●ffect of the former Agreement, and sent unto Lewis the French King. Over sails the King, with his S●n Edward, and others of his Council on one side: On the other were sent Sir Peter de Mountford, and others, as so many Solicitors for their mutual Parties: So that the Statutes were strongly argued before the French King by both sides. In the end, the French King Lewis, calling before him both Parties on January the 24th, and sitting in Judgement, gave express Sentence, that all and every of the said Statutes and Ordinances should be from that day forward utterly void and set at nought, and all such Bonds and Promises, that the King or any other had made for the maintenance of the same, should be annulled and canceled, and the King and all others, for any matter concerning those Statutes, set at Liberty.  
After this Sentence thus given, the King returned into England, and so to London, February the 15th. This King Lewis is named a Saint, for that he was not (I suppose) so bad as other Princes too too commonly are, or more probably for some deeds of his pleasing to the Popish Clergy, as his sending to destroy the (then accounted) Heretical Albigenses, his taking a Voyage once into the Holy Land, and undertaking a second towards the same place at the Pope's request: For at that time the Holy War (as 'tis generally called) was cried up in these Western parts of the World, as a high piece of Devotion. But whatever esteem Lewis had got in the World, the Barons (it seems) continued not to have the same Veneration for him, but were contrary wise much moved with his Sentence, noting great Partiality in him, thus to disannul all the foresaid Acts, which were at first made in Parliament, the King agreeing to them, and had been variously confirmed, by the Kings Grant, his Oath, and manifold Promises, together with a solemn Curse denounced against such as would attempt in word and deed to break them. It may be 'twas the Fame of this King Lewis' Goodness, that made the Baron's consent to have him the Umpire, as one concerned on neither party. But what could be expected in the Case? Could it be supposed, that he, a King, would not favour his Brother King what he might, rather than by confirming these Acts, pretended so prejudicial to all Royal Prerogative, give Example to his own Subjects to require the like at his hands, or attempt to compel him thereto by force? Had the Lords gotten an Umpire from among some disinterested Subjects of some other Land, he perhaps would have adjusted the business wholly in their favour. So hard had it been to have met with a just Arbitrator in the case, who would not have declined to one or the other Party, for fear nor favour.  
King Henry having thus got a Verdict on his side, and the Barons noting Partiality, and therefore refusing to stand to the Judgement, (though the Chronicle intimates to us, that they had promised assuredly to abide the French Kings Arbitration:) For King Lewis expressly excepting King John's Charter before granted, the Barons persisted in defence of the Oxford Statutes, as founded on that Charter. What then remains, but to commit all to the last Decision of the Sword, and so the whole Arbitrement shall be cast more immediately into the hands of Providence? Away from London go the Lords Westward, into the Marches of Wales, where drawing to them great Power, they war upon the Lands and Castles of Sir Roger Mortimer, to whose aid Edward the King's Son coming, his People were distressed, and he himself almost taken. To redress these grievances a new Parliament was appointed at Oxford, which Fabian says never came to effect: Yet he mentions another Chronicle, which affirms this Parliament to have been there kept, and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord. Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side, The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King, Lords, and Commons (for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days) to fight for, which to observe the King, and many others had been sworn, besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them. The King with his Party had the Pope's Bull of Absolution, the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster, and the Judgement given on the King's side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement. Such then being the cause contended for, these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side, the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided.  
All things in a manner thus tending to War, the Barons drew towards London, that's their Place of Rendezvous: where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City, without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof. Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets, I find not, or thinking they had most to lose, they feared to be the greatest Sufferers, if the chance of War should fall cross, or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons, who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes, and were in probability likely to get more, if the Barons should prevail, or at least keep what they had gotten. Hence 'tis plain, that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts: Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared. Wherefore the Commons, as men enraged, made to themselves Two Captains, Thomas de Pywelden, and Stephen Bukkerel, whom they named Constables of the City. At whose Commandment, by tolling the great Bell of St. Paul's, all the City should be ready in Arms, to give Attendance upon the said Captains.  
About the beginning of Lent, the Constable of the Tower, Sir Hugh Le Spencer, came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City, and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables, who commanded the said Bell to be tolled. By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes, who, after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains, without knowledge what to do, or whither to go, followed them unto Thystleworth, beyond Westminster, and there spoiled the Manor of the King of the Romans, (Richard the King's Brother) setting it on Fire; and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London. This Richard, King of the Romans, appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties, but after this outrage, what else could be expected, but that he should become the Baron's Enemy to the utmost of his Power? Though 'tis commonly seen, that from War most come home by Weeping Cross, yet there are still too too many found, that desire to fish in troubled Waters. Would any, but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds, have counselled such a Fact as this, in the midst of Civil broils, thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace, likely to prevail, to become a man of War, and which was worse, an Enemy, a powerful Enemy, instead of a peaceable Friend?  
In the time of these intestine Jars between Men of the same Country and Religion, 'twas much if the Jews should have escaped free, who were strangers, of different Rites and Customs, and so odious to the Common People. That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury, we find, by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London, on Palmsunday week. The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings. This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews, by the King's Grant: According to which rate they might take i● any Sum lent, greater or lesser. A reasonable man would have thought, this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners, Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound, Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred: Usury unconscionable enough of any sense. While the Land stood thus divided into Parties, the Jews felt the People's rage in the City, and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars; King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex, with a strong Power, whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him.  
Accordingly in the end of April, the Barons, with many of the Citizens in the vaward, departed from London, taking their Journey towards the King, and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power, by common consent drawing up a Letter, sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King: But the Answers were so rough, and in such a stile, that it plainly showed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel, and final determiner of the Contest, so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other, though of the same Nation and Kindred.  
The Barons well perceiving by these Answers, that there was no other way, but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword, they went forward towards the King. Wednesday May the 24th, 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters, for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon, in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons, wherein by the Will of Providence, the Victory sell to the Barons, with such a total rout to the other Party, that they took Prisoners the King, his Brother, his Son, with many other Noblemen, to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets, above Twenty Thousand being slain, according to my Author's Account. After this so complete a Victory, the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere, the Barons kept the King, his Brother, and Son, till they came to London. This was the place wherein they had found Shelter, and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners, that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them, and it implied somewhat of a Recompense due to the City, there to show the Trophies of their Victory. Now we may easily conclude, that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the King's Consent. And so accordingly we find a Grant made, and an Agreement, that if any were thought unreasonable, they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm, Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty: And if the four accorded not, the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Britain were to be Judges in the case. To continue this accord the firmer, the King's Son, and his Brother, were to remain the Baron's Prisoners till it was completed. A Parliament was also appointed to be held at London within a short space, though my Author writes, that this never came to purpose. So it seems, that in those elder times a Parliament was the Subjects desire, and as it were the last Refuge, and means of Reconciliation, to establish Peace and quietness in the Land.  
Tuesday before Ascension-Day is the time named, whereon the acceptable news of Peace were proclaimed between the King and his Barons in London, and next day thither they came with the King, his Brother, and Son, and the Two Princely Pledges were sent into safe Custody, first to the Tower, afterwards to Dover Castle. In the time of these civil Distractions, and before the Battle, we find that the Wardens of the Cinqueports kept the Sea with Ships, that no Stranger might enter the Land, to the King's aid against the Barons. Sometime after the Battle we hear of Soldiers coming in great numbers unto Dover, there to land: But King Henry was induced to ride thither, with a great power, and force those Strangers to go back again, and the King's Brother sent Prisoner to Berkhamstead Castle, till those Aliens were returned. It stands upon Record in my Author, that he and the Queen had sent over the Sea for them. So that hence it had been manifest, though the Relation of King John's Reign had not been extant, that it is no late Device, nor new Practice, for Persons of Arbitrary Pretences to call in outlandish Soldiers, when they fear they cannot raise assistance enough at home, in their own Native Country, to support and bring to effect their ill intended designs. The Baron's side stood firm for the Observation of the Parliament Acts: The King's party desired to have infringed them. The Barons grew powerful and formidable, the other side seem fearful that they should not be able to compass strength enough at home, suitable to their Designs and desires, and therefore sent abroad. There being idle men enough to be had for money in most places, Soldiers were waged, but there was a Sea to pass, (which required much time, and a suitable Sail of Ships to waft them over,) and a considerable strength lay in the way to intercept them, if they came not well provided for an attaque. So that it was a day as it were after the Fair before they came, and that was many hours too late, whereupon they were compelled to return again without, and against their first Intent.  
This is the inconvenience, some may think, the great advantage, others may conclude of an Island's situation, that it cannot easily be overrun with foreign Forces, as Lands upon the continent often are, and with more facility. If the shooing of themselves and their Horses with Cork would do the feat, than they might happen more easily to pass the Sea, but as things go in this Age of the World much time as well as a great Navy is requisite to transport an Army, though little or no opposition be made. Yet how difficult would it be to preva●● where among One Million Two Hundred Thousand, One Million One Hundred and Fifty Thousand are on one side, and Fifty Thousand on the other. i e. In Twenty four Twenty three parts against one part: What could it avail, if on some other fine, neat pretence, a good store of Foreigners might possibly happen to be introduced, suppose Fisty Thousand: Above Eleven to One would still be great odds. If we should grant One Hundred Thousand could silently be let in under another Notion, into how many little small Parcels must they be minutely divided, at how many several Port● must they arrive, what charge to keep and maintain them, unless put upon present service? And yet there's still hazard enough in the World, and to spare, One Million one Hundred and Fifty Thousand against One Hundred and Fifty Thousands, to every man an opposite and Ten-over: Odds sufficiently at Football, if in a lesser number. Were it not for the Law of the Land, in how many places d'ye think the 9 Lay Sheaves would not devour the Parson's Tenth Sheaf? England stands firm upon its old bottom of Freedom; but France hath had Experience more than enough of the aforesaid truths. 'Tis well known the present French King keeps his poor enslaved Subjects under with a strong Force, composed most of other Country Soldiers, and by their assistance, with some other● connivance, and the help of French Money, is become the Terror of Europe. I doubt not but much of this his present greatness sprung at first from a successful attempt made in his younger days, to introduce foreign forces upon his less wary Nobility and Gentry, in hehalf and by the Guidance of a great Minister of State, whom some of them had desired to be discarded from sitting at the Helm of Government. Whereof his present Majesty I believe had no very pleasing nor desirable Experience. 'Twas in the time when Providence permitted our King to be injuriously kept out of his right by an Usurper, that the French Nobleses were urgent to have their King exile Mazarine, and the better to effect it were ready to have appeared in Arms: But their King in show granting their desires, (and it may be through the mediation of our Gracious Prince who had too sad an Instance of his own to urge from his Father's unfortunate Fate) the Princes grew secure and laid aside their combined strength: whereupon the exiled Mazarine comes out of Germany (so have I heard) with a strong Army of many Thousands up to Paris, and then ordered things at his own Pleasure, and the Kings. The deceived Princes could never vindicate themselves since, and our, then almost friendless, King shortly after thought good to leave the Country, though the Place of his Mother's Original, lest he should have been bid to depart, and that disgusted Statesman (as may be suspected) causes the K. to close with England's usurping Power, and desert a poor distressed, overpowered Prince with no more regard to him or his, till his Protestant (what if I had also added Presbyterian?) Subjects recalled him to possess his Father's Throne, wherein long may he live and flourish to the Nations good, and his own continued Welfare.  
An. 48. Thomas Fiz Thomas Mayor, Osbert Winter Phil, Taylor being Sheriffs, The Lords of the Marches about Christmas assembled, and did much harm ● the Manors of the Earls of Leicester and Glocest●● (the two noted Chiefs of the Baron's Party) thereabouts, which occasioned the King to ride shortly after to Gloucester, where, by a Council there called, ●● was enacted, that such of the Lords, that did not come in and yield to the King by the Octaves of Hilary, should be exiled. Let the question here be, whether these Lords, known to have been of the KS Party, both before and after this Transaction, were guilty of Treason or Disloyalty in not coming in 〈◊〉 the King's Call, & yielding, as the Baron's party doubtless cordially desired, & with whom the K. was the● personally present? Had they straightways obeyed, and come in all upon Summons, the Barons had obtained their design; but how would the change succeeding have been brought to pass, so much to the Courts advantage, and the other sides prejudice? Where's the politic Casuist, that can here slit a ha● between loyal and disloyal deeds, Obedience and Disobedience, the duty of subjection and open refusal thereof? According to an Agreement there made▪ in the said Octaves a Parliament was held at Westminster, where met (as Fabian hath left upon Record) the King with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of the Land, to begin that Parliament. Here was it enacted, the King being present, that he, nor Edward his Son, nor none of them▪ should after that day grieve, nor cause to be grieved, the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, the Barons, Banerets or Knights, the Citizens of London, and Barons of the Five Ports, nor any other Person o● Persons of high or low Degree, that was upon th● Party of the said Earls, for any matter of displeasure done against the King and his Son Edward, 〈◊〉 any time before that day.  
To uphold this, the King's Sworn before his Lords. After that was showed and Read a Charter of Pardon concerning the said Cause, and a confirmation of the Statutes of the Forest, with many other Acts and Statutes before granted by the King. Here was an Act of Oblivion strong enough one would have thought to have indemnified the offending Parties; but before the end of the Year we find the Tide quite turned, through variance and difference arising between the Two thieves of the Baron's Party, and then the King's side prevailing Cashiers what was done before, Oaths held them not, and another Parliament ●●peals and disannuls the former Pardon. So that the 〈◊〉 Pardoned Offenders soon became the (reputed) Guilty Prisoners upon the old Scores, Cancelled and forgiven as was thought a little before. The longest Sword will make and mar Laws at pleasure, let people say what they will. This Party's Might commonly bears down, what the other Party calls his Right. Edward the King's Son having likewise Sworn to perform the promises, which the King had before made in Parliament, was delivered at liberty, and the other Pledge his Cousin, upon assurance made ●● abide in the King's Court, and not depart without licence of the King, and some of the Barons. What care do the Barons seem here to have taken, to strengthen and confirm their Party against any future afterclaps? How solicitous do they appear to have ●een to prevent an after-Reckoning, and all Tendencies thereunto? Nay, how conformable to them, did the King and his Son show themselves likewise ●herein? Witness the many Instruments and Bonds ●ade by them, for the performance of Covenants and Pactions before agreed on. And yet all was soon destroyed and brought to none effect: One of the 〈◊〉 Chiefs helping Penelope-like to unravel the Web, they had been so long a Weaving▪  
The Ordering the former Statutes made at Oxford▪ which had hitherto so fast united them, was the occasion of dissension between the Two Potent Earls ●● Leicester and Gloucester, to the ruin of the Baron's Party; the difference arose (as Stow tells us) between them, for that Leicester not only kept the King an● others as Prisoners, but also took to himself the Revenues of the Kingdom, which it seems should have been equally divided amongst them. So that it wa● the Golden-Apple, that seems to have occasioned th●● so fatal Discord. The King indeed and his Lords laboured for an Union, but it fell out well for the King's side, and ill for the others, that they succeeded not. This happened between Easter and Whits●●tide. In the W●●tsun-Week, we hear of Edward th● King's Son secretly departing from the Court at Hereford without Licence, and associating himself wi●● the Earl of Gloucester and other Lords at Chester, fro● whence he hasts to Gloucester, breaking the Bridge's a● he went, that he might not be followed, till he had Assembled his Power. The Earl of Leicester was to● wife not to guests at his Intent, and therefore in all ha● sends to his Son to Assemble his Forces. Simon his So● with his Forces Assembled, draws towards Winchest●● and was at first kept out by the Citizens, because the● knew not whether he came as the King's Friend, an● for that they had also received a Letter from Edwa●● to that purport. But it was not long ere the Ci●● was yielded, and then the Castle Besieged, after th●● the City had been spoiled, and many of the Je●● therein Inhabiting Slain. They were so odious generally to the People, that they should be sure to hav● their share to the purpose in the public Calamity if the Commons might have their Will. The Papist● after all their discovered Plots, known Practices, an● destructive Principles, are not in a vast degree much more hateful to the generality of the English Nation in these Days, than where the griping Jews in those Elderly Times.  
At Kenelworth the Baron's Party received the first ●●ow under this Simon, where they were shamefully defeated by Edward and his Host, and many Eminent Prisoners taken without the shedding of much Blood. At E●yshum in Worcestershire were the Barons discomfited, with such a total overthrow, and the destruction of so many Men of Note on that side, that ●is no wonder that their Interest among the People so visibly decayed for the future, and in time was fully lost. Soon after this Victory the King and his Son Edward met, by whose Authority, the Prisoners then in hold were released, and many others accused, and put in for them. Not long after was held a Parliament at Winchester, where by Authority of the same, the Statutes and Ordinances before made at Oxford were Repealed, and all Bonds and Writings before made by the King, or any other, Cancelled and Broken, and all such as had favoured the Barons, disinherited. A Rout indeed. A Rout first to the Men that would have had the Laws have been kept, and then a Rout to the Laws themselves, to Parliament Acts and Statutes. So destroy first of all the Protestant Men and Women, the Subjects of Religion, and then the Protestant Religion falls of course. What could it at that time avail the defeated Party, to plead a former Obedience to the Power then Regnant, since the present Powers were otherwise resolved? If the Parliament in Being will have Obedience paid to a former Parliament esteemed Treason, who dare gainsay it? Little boots it the poor weak Beast to cry the Bunch in his Forehead is no Horn, when the more powerful Lion says it is. After these Parliament Transactions, we hear of the King's re●●ming into his hands all grants before made and give● to any Person. After his Son's Victory the King calls not a Parliament at Westminster, least possibly it might have been over awed by the City of London, but assembling it at a place far enough distant, and things having there been carried according to the Courts intent and desire, now have at London.  
Accordingly, after the Parliament was ended, we read of King Henry's coming to Windsor with a great Power, intending (as the Fame than went) to destroy the City, for the great Ire and Displeasure he had unto it. We need but guests to know, with what a wonderful fear the Mayor and Aldermen were th●n stricken at this Report. Yet we are told that many of the Commons were in full purpose to have defended the City against the King. So it seems there we●● then many and divers opinions among them. The City being in those days Inhabited with Men of many Nations, who were then, according to Fabian, admitte● for Citizens. At last the Citizens condescended to make a supplication to the King, and send it by some Religious Person. Many are said to be sent by sundry Persons; but to little avail: The King being so grievously incensed by some of his Counsel against them, that he would not look upon their Supplications, and if any spoke in their behalf, he soon would make such countenance, that even Men in his Favour feared to speak for them. Now was the time for their Ill-willers to vent the utmost of their Spleen against this Honourable City, formetly their Terror, and hops to complete their full Revenge by working its Destruction. We doubt not but Men of Arbitrary desires have always hated such sree constituted Corporate Towns and Cities, and have little reason to believe, but that there are Men of the like ill Principles and Practices still alive in the World, who would heartily rejoice in their Minds to meet with the like opportunity to work out their corrupt designs. Have you never heard of such a saying, as that the Corporations will prove England's Destruction? Out of what Mint d'ye think this come●? Where was it first forged, but in some such men's Brains? We now look upon one of these Corporations, as one of the principal Bulwarks of the Protestant Religion, and the English Liberty: And that it may long so continue, in defence of their just Privilege, and true Religion, in spite of all Arbitrary endeavours and Popish designs, is the hearty Prayer and Desire (I doubt not) of every good Protestant and Loyal Englishman. While the cautionary Protestant Towns in France stood firm and fix, and uninjured in their just Liberties and Privileges; how gloriously, and with what safety did the Protestant Religion flourish in that Land? But when through the Force and Violence of Arbitrary Pretenders, and treacherous connivance of some corrapt English Statesmen, Rochel was reduced in the last age under absolute power, what foundation was thereby laid for the Protestants future Ruin, and present greatness of the French Monarchy? How well the Papists designs have there succeeded, since the utter subversion of the Protestant Towns, is not unknown to their Neighbours: Such sad Reports have not long since pierced our English Ears of the Barbarous usages the Protestants there have lately undergone, whereof some sorrowful Spectacles may have possibly presented themselves of late to some of our Eyes. What further Progress the Jesuits may haply make in their cursed designs, by sending into England bloody Papists, in the form of distressed Protestants; We have but too just Cause to fear. Especially if all be true, that hath been Reported, of the going of some of these suspected Strangers to a Popish Habitation, and of others being seen going to Mass. How well would it be for the Land, were all these Reports undoubtedly false, and our Fears, Jealousies and Suspicions, altogether causeless.  
When the Citizens Supplications were thus rejected at Court, the History tells us, that they were counselled by their Friends to make a Writing, and Seal it with their Common-Seal, whereby they should offer to put themselves wh●lly in the King's Grace and Mercy, touching their Lives and Goods. This we may easily suppose, much more Irksome, than a bar● Surrender of their Charter, yet this was at length done, and Eight Persons of the City, who had Friends at Court chosen and sent towards Windsor; But up, on the way encountering with Sir Roger L●yborn, on● of the King's Knights, he turned them unto the City▪ Riding with them till he came near it, and then departing from them Road upon the back side of the Town unto the Tower. But at his departing from them, he willed them, to warn the Mayor with certain of the City to meet him to morrow at Berki●● Church, standing near unto the Tower. Upon thei● meeting next morning, Sir Roger, after a long preamble, showed them the King's grievous Displeasure, which he bore towards the City, and the means that had been used by their Friends, to obtain Grace for it. In fine he expressed, that no Grace for them might be had, except they would by their Common-Seal bi●● themselves fully and wholly to stand at the King's Grace, and to put in his Mercy their Lives and Goods▪ This being in the end granted by the Citizens, and the foresaid writing delivered to Sir Roger, with entreaty that he would be a good mean for them to the King▪ He departed upon the morrow to the King, and returned again in Six Days, and willed the Mayor and Aldermen to meet him again at the foresaid Church. There he showed them, that the King▪ by great Instance of their Friends, had received their writing, and would f●●st, for the beginning of the content of his mind▪ That all the Chains, which stood in every Street and ●●ne's ●nd within the City, should be loosed from their Posts, and the Posts also drawn out of the Earth, & all be brought into the Tower So belike upon apprehensi●● of great danger, to set up Posts & Chains in the 〈…〉 an ancient Custom▪ He also further ordered, That thi● being done, the Mayor with about Forty of the 〈◊〉, should the Day following be at Windsor, to 〈◊〉 the Grant of their Writing▪ And that they ●ight come and go in safe and sure wise, he delivered them the King's Letter and Seal for the term of Four Days.  
All this being done, the Mayor with other Person● were ready at Windsor on the morrow, being Sunday▪ 〈◊〉 One of the Clock, ar● tarried there till Four; At which season the King coming from his Disport, (as says my Author) enters the Castle without countenance or casting his Eyes upon the Londoners. The king and his People being entered, the Londoners would have followed, but they were warned to abide without▪ Then in short time after the King caused a Proclamation to be made, that no man of high or low degree should make any sayings of displeasure or quarrel to the Londoners. In the Evening Sir Roger and another Knight came to them, and brought them into the Gastle, and said, The King's pleasure was not to speak with them that Night; And after delivered them to the Constable of the Castle, who Lodged them all that Night in a large Tower, to their small Cheer and worse Lodging: Upon the morrow being Monday, toward Night, they were taken out of the Tower, and delivered to the Bailiff of the Castle, and Lodged by his Assignment, except these five Persons, viz. T●●mas Fizt Thomas Mayor, Michael Tony, Steven Bukker●● Thomas Pywellyson, and John D●flete. These five 〈◊〉 the King given to his Son Edward, at whose commandment they remained in the said Tower long ●●ter, notwithstanding the King's safe Conduct to 〈◊〉 before made. What became then of the King's wor●▪ But who durst oppose a waking Lions. The 〈◊〉 Hunter in the fable liked not to deal roughly wi●● him, till his long Teeth were broken out, and his 〈◊〉 cut off. When, upon the bruit of Queen Mary'● 〈◊〉 with Child, King Philip of Spain her Husband 〈◊〉 to be chosen the Child's Guardian, if the 〈◊〉 should Decease, and offered the Parliament great ●●surances and Bonds of Security for his redelivery 〈◊〉 the Kingdom at the appointed time, that Gentlem●● showed himself no Fool; who, when the assurance were likely to find acceptance, stood up and inq●●●ed who should 〈◊〉 the Bond; And the Parliament enough approved him, when they immedintly the●● upon rejected the King's specious offers. 'Tis very disadvantageous, and often injurious to the Weak, to 〈◊〉 making of bargains with the more Powerful, who 〈◊〉 strong enough to break their Promises and Covenant with Impunity, or keep them but even as they please▪ When the tidings of the usage of the Mayor and th● rest at Windsor came to London; whereas many 〈◊〉 fear had absented themselves before, upon this new● many more conveyed away themselves and their good secretly into divers parts of England, so that many of them are said never to have returned after.  
In the 49th. Year, November the 6th. We find tha● the King came to Westminster, and shortly after gave to divers of his Houshold-Servants, near about sixty Houses and Households within the City, so that the Owners were compelled to redeem their Houses and Households, with all the goods in them, or else to depart and suffer such Persons to enter to whom th●●nd Houses were given. This grant is said to have ●●●ended likewise to all the Lands, Tenements, Goo●● 〈◊〉 Chattels, which the said Citizens had in any other ●●●ces of England. Riches have often made Persons 〈◊〉 singled out for offenders, while the poor Man ●● the mean time escapes free, few envying him his Poverty. After this was 〈◊〉 Constable of the Tower ●●de Custos or Guardian of the City, who chose 〈◊〉 Adrian and Walter Hervy Citizens to be Bailiffs 〈◊〉 him, and to him to be accountable to the King's 〈◊〉▪ Then took the King pledges of the best Men's 〈◊〉 of the City, that 〈◊〉 peace should be surely kept 〈◊〉 th● same. These were put into the Tower, ●nd 〈◊〉 kept at their Parent's cost. Shortly after 〈…〉 Labour and S●it made, the foresaid Londoners, ●● the keeping of the Bailiff of the Castle of Windsor, 〈◊〉 delivered and came to London, except 〈…〉, viz. Richard Bonaventure, Simon De'Had●st●k, William De Kent, and William De Gloucester, who with 〈◊〉 other five afore excepted were still kept in the Tow●r of Windsor. Then daily Suit and Labour wa● made to the King, to have his Gracious Favour, and ●o know his Pleasure, what fine he would have of the City for their Transgressions, and Displeasure by them ●o him done. The former Transactions seem to bea● a Tendency hereunto. The Citizens were prevailed upon to resign up themselves, their Lives and Goods, into the King's hands▪ submitting all to his Mercy, that a good large fine might be the easier levied of them, and the Nation the better made to believe, that the City was well dealt with for paying no more, when as the King might have seized upon all, they having surrendered in a manner wholly upon discretion. To what else tend the many preparatives before rehearsed, but to make this bitter Pill go down, 〈◊〉 smother and quieter with them? The Book acquaints ●● that the King asked 40000l. and 〈◊〉 stood at ●0000 Marks▪ I But the City alleged 〈◊〉 themselves, that the poor Commons of the City, 〈◊〉 of many were gone away, were the Trespassers, 〈◊〉 that the best of the City by these riotous People were robid and spoil●● and had lost a great part o● their Substance in this 〈◊〉 some time, by the R●vers of the Sea; as the Wardens of the five Ports and others. For these and many other considerations 〈◊〉 Citizens besought the King, of his most Gracious 〈◊〉 your and Pity, to take of them as they might ●ear.  
This matter thus, depending, the King depart●● 〈◊〉 Westminister to Northampton, having a little 〈◊〉 his departure Ordained Sir John Lynd, and M●▪ John 〈◊〉 Clerk to be Guardians of the City and Tow●● they ●eing named in the King's Writing, 〈…〉 Stewards of the City▪ Upon the Day after th● King was gone, these Two Stewards sent for Tw●●ty Four of the most notable Men of the City, an● warned them to appear the Day following before th● King's Council at Westminster. At their appeara●●● it was shown unto them by Sir Roger Leyborn, that t●● King's mind was, That they should have the Rule o● the City in his absence under the foresaid Seneschal and for to see good Rule kept in the City, they should be sworn there before his Council. They were there▪ upon sworn and countermanded unto the City. The City's fine was inagitation till about Christmas, 〈…〉▪ End was made with the King, by such friend's a● the City had about him, for the Sum of 20000 Marks for all transgressions and offences by them before done, some Persons excepted, whom the King had given to his Son Edward, being those afore named kept in the Tower of Windsor. For the payment of this Sum at Days by agreement set, where Sir. 〈…〉 and Mr. Robert Wareyn Clerk assigned to take 〈…〉▪ After Surety by them received, and sent to 〈◊〉 King at Northampton▪ the King sent immediately 〈◊〉 to th● Citizens a Charter under his Broad 〈…〉 may be seen in Eabian my Author in these 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 needless to make many comments 〈…〉 upon this affair. Through the whole it is ●●●ifest, that the City was of considerable Power and 〈◊〉, so that the King thought not good to exasperate the Citizens too much, least evil should have 〈◊〉 of it. To make a Bridge of Gold for a flying 〈◊〉 is no mean Policy. Doubtless it was well 〈…〉 Court that they used not the 〈◊〉 violence, 〈…〉 Baron's Party was not wholly destroyed as yet in 〈◊〉 hand, though it was very much crushed▪ How 〈◊〉 the whole City joined therewith, might ha●e 〈…〉 poised, if not turned the Scales, had sh● been 〈◊〉 ●ar●hly dealt with, I rather crave leave to 〈…〉 the Readers consideration, than hastily presume 〈…〉. 'Tis certain enough, that within less than 〈◊〉 Years, the Cause was in great likelihood to have 〈◊〉 revived to purpose, had not convenient course 〈◊〉 taken to ●ush it a sleep again, without rashly ●●●ceeding to the highest extremities, as you may find 〈◊〉 the sequel of the History. After the aforesaid 〈◊〉 was received by the Citizens, the pledges in the 〈◊〉 of London, and the Four last mentioned to be 〈◊〉 in the Tower of Windsor were delivered. The 〈◊〉 renamed Stewards were also discharged, and the 〈◊〉 chose of themselves for Mayor, William Fiz 〈◊〉, and for Sheriffs Thomas de la Founde, and Grego●● de Rokis●y, as Fabi●n acquaints us. For Levying of 〈◊〉 foresaid Fine were set as well Servants, and Cove●●nt-men, as Householders, and many refused the Liberties of the City to be quit of that charge▪ 〈◊〉 which we may give some part of a guess at the 〈◊〉 of the fine, what a considerable summ● 〈…〉 marks was in those days, before the ●●dies were 〈◊〉 into Europe, some hundreds of years.  
This controversy with London being thus 〈◊〉 towards an end, the King had leisure to mind 〈◊〉 suppressing the remains of the Baron's Party. 〈◊〉 de Mountford upon certain conditions was 〈…〉 be at large in the King's Court, and so 〈◊〉 a Season. But when the King was come to London▪ suddenly departed to Winchelsea, where he accompanied with the Rovers of the Sea, till after some 〈◊〉 taken he departed from them into France, and 〈◊〉 himself into the Service of the French King. So 〈◊〉 an end of the Potent Earl of Leycester's Family in E●●land: This Powerful Earl bid fair for the Rule of 〈◊〉 whole Kingdom, but had he revived the Battle 〈◊〉 a Conqueror, how much further he 〈◊〉 have gone, I may think but not positively 〈◊〉 mine.  
Another Act of the Kings this year, in order to 〈◊〉 total rooting out of the Barons remains, was his ●●ing a Siege to Kenelworth-Castle with a mighty 〈◊〉, but this proved a task not quickly at an end. Now 〈◊〉 time comes to revenge old slights and neglects. 〈◊〉 sides Strangers prepared to come over into Engl●●● the Queen had also purchased a curse of the 〈◊〉 (a woman's aid) to accurse all the Barons, their 〈◊〉 and helpers; & Commissions were directed to 〈◊〉 Bishops of England to execute, but they for fear 〈◊〉 the Barons, are said to have denied, and deferred 〈◊〉 Execution and Sentence of the said curse. Wherefo●● she made new labour to the Pope, and had it gran●●● that the said Bishops should be corrected for their disobedience. Whereupon Octobon the Pope's Legate, 〈◊〉 Council by him and the Clergy held this year at Paul's ●●ch in London, suspended those Bishops, and sent 〈◊〉 to Rome to be absolved of the Pope. A pretty 〈◊〉 to go nine Miles with Waltham's calf to Suck a 〈◊〉.  
In the 50th year about Christmas was Kenelworth 〈◊〉 yielded, after near half a years Siege, upon 〈◊〉 of life, Limb, Horse, Arms and all things 〈◊〉 in the Castle to the defendants belonging, and 〈◊〉 to carry them away, and not to be disinherited 〈◊〉 is it any wonder, that they had such 〈◊〉 granted them, if that be true, which Stow relates, 〈◊〉, that at the King's coming to besiege the Castle, 〈◊〉 force was so great, and those in the Castle so 〈◊〉 daunted at their Enemies presence, that they 〈◊〉 ●pen their Gates, and never closed them day no● 〈◊〉, and come whoso would, they came to their 〈◊〉▪ Thus you see the King found it no easy matter 〈◊〉 to suppress the remainders, though he had 〈◊〉 powered the heads of the Baron's party. About 〈◊〉 were the Wardens of the five Ports reconciled to 〈◊〉 King by favour of Edward the King's Son. Observe 〈◊〉 by the way his policy. In his Father's time he 〈◊〉 to crush that power, which might have 〈◊〉 him in his own Reign, and having pretty well 〈◊〉 it, he after seems a pretender to Popularity, 〈◊〉 mediating with his Father in behalf of many, that addressed themselves to him for reconciliation. It much ●ails to apply ourselves to a fit Intercessor. So have known a Stepmother, when requested, prevail with 〈◊〉 Father her Husband in her Son in Law's behalf, 〈◊〉 he himself could not.  
The Conditions of this reconciliation of the Barons ●●que Ports are not unworthy of the remark. We 〈◊〉 that in Anno. 47. these Wardens of the five Ports 〈◊〉 the Sea with Ships, that no Strangers should enter the Land to the King's Aid. In 48, we are told 〈◊〉 they robbed and spoilt all men that they might 〈◊〉 sparing neither English Merchants nor others, 〈◊〉 which preys, as the Common Fame-went, the 〈◊〉 of the Land had a good part. In 49. we find 〈◊〉 Londoners alleging for themselves, in mitigation 〈◊〉 the great Fine required of them, that they had 〈◊〉 great part of their Substance by the Rovers of 〈◊〉 Sea, among whom are named the Wardens of 〈◊〉 Cinque Ports. And yet notwithstanding all these 〈◊〉 Harms done, they are Recorded to have had all 〈◊〉 former Privileges confirmed to them, and 〈◊〉 was Granted, That if any Englishman, or 〈◊〉 would Sue for Restitution of Goods, by them 〈◊〉 taken, or for the Death of any of their Friends ●●fore Slain, that all such Complaints should 〈◊〉 Sued in their Courts, there to have their 〈◊〉 determined, and not elsewhere. What grea● Assurance could these Barons desire for their own security? They might well promise themselves impunity, when they were in such fair probability to 〈◊〉 their own Judges in their own Cause, unless we 〈◊〉 suppose Juries were to be chosen elsewhere. 〈◊〉 we might in good reason, that the King would 〈◊〉 to such Terms of Accommodation, had we it not up●● Record, that the common Fame at that Day ran, 〈◊〉 the said Wardens of the Five Ports had then the Dominion of the Sea: Whereupon the King was after sort compelled to follow their Pleasures. When Man is to take an unpleasant Potion, after he 〈◊〉 drunk up the greatest part thereof, it not rarely ha●pens, that the Remains in the bottom are harder 〈◊〉 get down than was all the rest.  
About the Feast of Philip and Jacob we hear of 〈◊〉 King's holding a Parliament at Northampton● 〈◊〉 which were confirmed the old Franchises and Libert●●● by the King's Progenitors before Granted in the City ●f London, with a new Grant for the Shire of Mid●lesex. 'Tis good to make things as sure as we 〈…〉 this Parliament were likewise disinherited many Noblemen of the Land, who before-time had taken the Baron's Party. For which cause they accompanied together, Rob in divers parts of the Land, ●ook Lincoln and spoiled it, and after Ransomed many of the Rich Burgesses of the Town: And taking the ●sle of Ely, so strengthened it, that they held it long 〈◊〉.  
Anno 51, At the choosing of the Mayor of London, ● Controversy arose between the Rulers and Commons' of the City. Wherefore by advice of the Lord Mayor and aldermans Sir Roger Leyborn (a Courtier plain enough by his Actions related before) with others ●ame to Guildhall, being Armed under their Gowns, ●nd upon Friday following Alhallon day, called the Commons to the Election of the new Mayor. How ●●ee was this Election likely to be, whither men came secretly Armed to assist their Party? Fabian tells us ●hat the best of the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn ●●wch, and divers of the others cried upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas, at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle, ●herefore the said Sir Roger, with the Assistance of ●he Mayor and others, took those Persons, and sent ●●emun to divers Prisons. So that what they could not ●o well get by fair means, some seem resolved to obtain by force. And yet 'tis not unlikely, but they ●ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that ●uch was a free Election. The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections (wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture, that no man by force of Arms, nor by ●alice or menacing, shall disturb any to make Free ●lection) was not at that time dreaded, as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted (for it is placed in the third of Edward the First, the following King) wherefore the Disturbers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side, as 〈◊〉 must have had since, as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently, as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the la●h of that standing Law. Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem, that usually accompanie● 〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honourable City, since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 'tis, that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs, when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them? But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive? Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen, who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely, and lived there like Outlaws, broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk, Suffolk, 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire, took Norwich, and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men, 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony. This 〈◊〉 occasion, the story says, to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 disposed People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land, and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen. Then the Pope's Legate labour's with the King, that those disinherited Gentlem●● might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some. Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value, some 〈◊〉 excepted, and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Council. 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author.  
Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor, Thomas ●●sing● and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists, we read of an●ther broil beginning, which was like to have crea●● no little disturbance in the Land, had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeased, and brought to an end by the intercession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare, Earl 〈◊〉 Gloucester, formerly a powerful Man among the, Barons' Party, by reason of difference and disgust ●●ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉, of the same Party, having turned to the King's side, adding to it such considerable strength, that it soon over poured the weakened Barons; but ●●w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not, he refused the King, and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales. To him likewise drew▪ Sir John Eyvile, and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉. So that after Christmas; he comes with a ●ear Host near unto London. When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls ●●ming with so strong a Power, and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the King's Friend, they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders. And for that neither 〈◊〉 King, nor any of his Council were then near 〈◊〉 City, they went unto the Legate, at that time ●●dged in the Tower, and required his Council, ●hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the ●ay or not, whereunto the Legate answered, that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary, for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the King's true Subject and Friend. Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the ●ayor, to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark, where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People: which was granted, and so the Earl ●●ssed through the City, and was lodged in South●ark: To him came shortly after by Surry-side, 〈◊〉 John Eyvile, with a great Company. Then the ●ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut, watch●●g it daily with armed Men, and every night 〈◊〉 the Drawbridge to be drawn, and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise, that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City: By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it, so that finally many things were ordered by him, and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen.  
The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford, as appears before in the Meeting of the Fol●moot at Paul's Cross; they had been lately fined, after the Baron's overthrow, for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts, and but the last year had been disturbed by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor, by force of Arms, and therefore now we may believe it all remembered▪ What, shall we lose so seasonable an opportunity, (we may suppose they might then think) if not to regain our former power, yet at least to vindicate ourselves against future affronts? Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy. After he had gathered together his People, he comes away to London, and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces, he settles himself as near the City, as he might, in Southwark, and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City▪ hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him, which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded. Is not this a plain instance of the City's Power, Esteem, and Influence in these days? If any can produce plainer proof hereof, let them as soon as they please. I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration: matter of Fact not of Fancy.  
In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge, and of the Gates, from the officers of the City, and delivered them to such as pleased him, and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons, and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night. Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King, who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk, and made hasty speed towards London. In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and ●●●bicanes between the Tower and the City, casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof, and forfeited it wonderfully saith my Author. Then many of the Citizens, fearing a new Insurrection, debarred from the City as secretly as they could, whose goods the Earl seized to his own use, or suffered his men to spoil them at his pleasure. Then the Commons forgetting their late punishment, or rather too much remembering it and intending revenge, without fear or dread of their King took certain of the Aldermen, and cast them into Prison, sequestering their Goods, and spoiling much thereof: And thereupon ran to Guildhall, and chose for their Mayor, 〈◊〉, or Ruler of the City (take which name you please) Sir Richard de Culworth Knight, and for Bailiffs Robert de Lynton and Roger Marshal, and discharged the old Mayor and Sheriffs. These the fruits of Civil Broils. This being done, we read in the next place, that all such Prisoners, that were in Newgate, Ludgate and Cripplegate, or in any other Prisons within the City, because of the Baron's War before passed, were delivered and set at liberty. Thus each Party when in Power, strives to weaken and suppress their opposites, and strengthen the●● own side. What avails Laws, Customs, and Ordinances in the midst of Armies? How suddenly ● how unexpectedly is the wheel turned? who kno●● how soon the Baron's War had been anew revived had not Powerful Mediators interceded to the prevention of more blood shedding. The Oxford Statutes stood in deed repealed by the Winchester Parliament, but who can divine what new devices the wit of men backed with Power might in time ha●● found out, to retreive their late overthrown cause had not Providence so disposed men's minds to peaceable Counsels, as to bring these new troubles to 〈◊〉 quicker end.  
When the Legate beheld all this Discord, we are told, he repented him of his former Council given to the Mayor, which we may easily belie●● without looking for any proofs thereof. For th● Legate might well think himself accused in man● men's thoughts, as one of the occasional Causes 〈◊〉 much of this disorder, though it may be they mig●● not be so uncharitable, as to believe him any othery than an accidental not designed Causer thereof. 〈◊〉 seems by the History to have endeavoured somewh●● to vindicate his Reputation, when he saw he coul● not reform the Earl, by threatening him with 〈◊〉 Censures of the Church, and to accurse him as th● Disinherited were. For that was always one o● the best Weapons the Popish Clergy were most dextrous at. If any grievously displeased them, no ma●ter what the cause was, good or bad, allowable by the Divine Laws or not, to Curse him with Bell, Book and Candle, was their usual accustomed Practice. Whosoever believes me not, let him go to the Martyrologies, & see whether he can then believe his 〈◊〉 eyes. Yet I do not find (let the instance here 〈◊〉) that this their Cursing had so general an 〈◊〉 upon all men, as they would have had it, 〈◊〉 they got it well backed by the Civil Magistrates ●●thority. Therefore their common use was, as 〈◊〉 had opportunity, to inch out the Spiritual 〈◊〉 with the Temporal. What did many value 〈◊〉 have their Souls given away to the Devil, if they 〈◊〉 keep their Bodies out of Prisons from being ●●livered over to the Secular Power by the Clergy, 〈◊〉 seem thus as it were by craft to call the Magistrate the Devil? A plain case, when Men to exalt ●●eir own Worldly grandeur, or out of Animosity to ●●venge a particular private peek or quarrel, under ●●●tence of Religion, usurp a Power over Men's 〈◊〉 and Consciences, which belongs not at all to 〈◊〉, or else turn the Edge of it to a use quite ●●●trary to the Primitive Institution, it quickly 〈◊〉 its Ancient Vigour and Esteem, and from a ●●error it becomes a scorn to persons of understanding, able enough to discern men's wicked prevarication from true Religion. Were it not for the 〈◊〉 De Excommunicato c●piendo in some Cases Men 〈◊〉 little value Excommunication, or look upon 〈◊〉 otherwise than a Scarecrow to fright Children and Fools, what's hanging, were it not for choking.  
To proceed after this menace and threat of the 〈◊〉, we are told that he commanded Divine Service to be said without Note, and the Church doors to be shut in time thereof, and that no Bell ●●ould be rung unto it, to the Intent that the disinherited, who stood accursed, should not enter the Churches to hear it. Upon three Weeks after Easter we hear that the King came to Ham, a few miles from London, whether likewise came the Legate soon after. Then the King's host made divers assaults upon the City, but it seems with little or no hur●to the Town, it was so strongly fortified. My Author makes mention of Guns and other Ordinances, but I question whether he speaks not rather after the fashion of the Age he lived in, than after the true use of arms in those more elderly times. For the first invention of Gunpowder by Bertholdus Swart, the G●rman Monk, is placed by Chronologers a considerable time after.  
In this time of variance the Legate upon his Party, and the King of Romans upon the other party▪ for alliance between him and the Earl of Gloucester, laboured so to the King, that Peace was spoken of During the Treaty the Soldiers lying in Southwark made many Robberies in Surry and other places. Neither did the King's Palace at Westminister escape, for we hear that some of them rowed over thereto, and Spoiled it, drunk up the King's wine, broke the glass of the Windows wasting and destroying other Necessaries thereunto belonging, and came likewise sometimes into London and Robbed there. Disorderly unruly Soldiers little regard any one, unless they be kept under Strict discipline. Sacred or Propha●● much the sameto many of them. Some of these ravenous Spoilers being taken, are recorded to have had a severe Punishment inflicted on them, through the Earl of Derby's means, whose. Body or C●g●zance they bore viz. bound hands and legs, put into a Sack and ●o cast into Thames. About 〈◊〉 day was the Peace between the King and the Earl concluded. After this Conclusion the Earl removed out of the City and was lodged again in Southwark. The King entered the City the Sunday before Midsummer day according to the Book: And forthwith the King's Proclamation were made through it, of the peace made between the King and the Earl. Af●●r was liberty given to the disinherited Persons of Eleven Days respite to shift for themselves, either to depart to such Places, where they might be in some Surety, or else to agree to the former Composition made by the Legate, viz. To pay the Fifth part of the Yearly Value of their Lands, certain Persons only excepted, as is before related. As touching the Earl, and such other as before were not disinherited, together also with the Citizens of London, they were clearly to be forgiven and Pardoned. Then were restored to their Offices Aleyn Sowch Mayor, Thomas Basin and Robert de Cornhill Sheriffs. And the Aldermen, before deposed, were again likewise restored to their Wards and Offices. A happy Reconciliation.  
Next comes the relation of the Legate's interdicting all the City the Wednesday following, which endured from six of the clock in the Morning, till three the next day in the Afternoon, and then was discharged upon the Oath of two Commons sworn in the name of the City, that the City should stand to the Ordinance and Judgement of the Church. So Eabian informs us, but he likewise telis us of another Chronicle which affirms, that this Interdiction should have continued longer, had it not been for the sternness of the Londoners, who held the Legate so straight, that they enforced him to withdraw that sentence upon the foresaid Condition. So that is seems the Legate had not strength enough to 〈◊〉 with the Londoners so roughly and harshly, yet securely, as otherwise he might perchance have do●● with lesser Places and Parties. His reverend Legateship seems not here to have went so cunningly 〈◊〉 work; as did a Legate much of the same Name, i● not the same Man, in the twenty first of this Kin●● Reign, with the Oxford Scholars. He first got 〈◊〉 enough off from them to Wallingford, and then accused the misdoers, that had put him into such a 〈◊〉, that for his Safeguard he took the Belfry of Osney, 〈◊〉 abode there, till the King's Ministers coming fro● Abbington, with strength mixed with fair words, de●●vered him, and conveyed him away, as is in 〈◊〉 before shown. No, no, the Londoners were too stron● and stern, so to be fooled and used. They would ●●ther, we perceive by the story, compel him, th●● sawningly crouch to him.  
After this the Bulwarks, and Barlicarnes, made by the Earl in the City, were plucked clean up, and Ditches filled, so that no part of them was see● Good to destroy all the Monuments of civil Broils and Discord. When the Citizens should have had their new Pardon granted, an obstacle was mad● for so much as they as yet had not recompensed the King of the Romans, for the Subversion of hi● Manor of Thistleworth. Well remembered and as seasonably put in. A good convenient opportunity to put in for his share; when he knew all the other differences were pretty well quieted in the L●●d, and might reasonably conclude, the City would rather wisely part with a little Money, than begin a new trouble for a small matter, and so hazard all. For his Reparation was asked (we find) six thousand 〈◊〉. But finally, with great Labour and Friendship 〈◊〉 was made, to give him for amends one 〈…〉 ma●ks to be paid in two years. Thus you 〈◊〉 observe, some will be sure however to ask 〈◊〉, where they know there is good Ability to 〈◊〉, though they take at last much less: Like the 〈◊〉, that requested five hundred Oaks of the King 〈◊〉 ●uild him an House, when as one hundred was enough, and it may he too much.  
After these Transactions, the King accepted and 〈◊〉 to his Grace, Sir John Eyvile, and several 〈◊〉, some of them named before among the 〈◊〉 Party. Accord was also made between 〈◊〉 the King's Son, and the Earl of Gloucester. Ther● 〈◊〉 all Fortresses and other Defences, before made 〈◊〉, and the places adjoining, pulled up (〈◊〉 my Author) and destroyed, and the Earl with all other Soldiers departed After things thus set 〈…〉 and Rest, except that some yet kept the 〈◊〉 of Ely, the King Rides to Shrewsbury, and 〈◊〉 there a Season to commune of matters between him and Lewellin Prince of Wales. While he there 〈◊〉, I find that a Writ was directed to Sir Aleyn 〈◊〉, Mayor of London, eight days before Michaelm●●, from the King, charging him that the Citizens should not proceed to Election of new Sheriffs, till 〈◊〉 coming to London, but to suffer the old to abide still in Office. By this we may guests at the honourable Sheriff's Power, even in those days, and believe that the Court thought it convenient for their interests in those unsettled times, to influence the Election what they might. What else means the Kings command to defer the Election till his coming to Town? And indeed we may perceive by the History, th●● there was meddling to the purpose the following year, for the King himself, instead of permitting 〈◊〉 free Election, did in effect put in two Sheriffs, of 〈◊〉 own nomination. For the Mayor was commande● to present to the King six Persons able to be 〈◊〉 (it may be it was also privately intimated to hi● whom they should be) and out of them the 〈◊〉 chose two to be Sheriffs,, William de Durham, 〈◊〉 Walter Henry, and caused them to be sworn, 〈◊〉 they should gather the profits of the City, and give a true Account before the Barons of the Exchequer▪ But for this, the Court seem to have had a 〈◊〉 plausible pretence from some disorders lately committed in the City. As indeed they appear by th● History of this King's Reign very ready, either ●● find occasion for pretences, or else to make 〈◊〉 that they might seize the City's Charter, and ●fter restore it again for a good round sums of Money.  
The Disorders in London above mentioned wer● occasioned, through variance falling out between the Fellowships of Goldsmiths and Tailors in November▪ in the fifty third year of this King, reckoning with my Author from the usual time of the Mayors e●tring into his Mayoralty. This variance was so grea●, that it grew to the making of Parties, so that with the Tailors held the Craft of Stainers, with the Goldsmiths held another Fellowship or Craft. By means whereof much people nightly gathered together in the Streets in Arms. At length, as if before appointed, there met one night of the said Parties upon the number of five hundred Men on both sides, and ran together with such violence, that some were slaim and many wounded: To this purport I find it related. Then upon outcry made the Sheriffs with a strength of other Commons came to them, and took certain of them, and sent them to the Prisons: Upon the Morrow such search was made, that most of the chief causers of that Fray were taken and 〈◊〉 into Ward. Upon the Friday following Katherine's 〈◊〉, at the Sessions kept at Newgate by the Mayor, 〈◊〉 de Broke Justice and others, were many of 〈◊〉 Persons Arraigned of Felony, and and some of them cast and hanged. Among them was likewise 〈◊〉 one Godfrey de Beverlay, who had helped to 〈◊〉 of them. Thus the Accessary is not seldom thought a● guilty as the Thief.  
On the Morrow after St. James' day, the King discharged (as writes my Author) Sir. Aleyn Souch ●●yor, and made Stephen Edworth Constable of the T●wer, and Custos of the City of Londrn▪ Fabian (after whom I most write) hath left us the Names of a Mayor, and Sheriffs, affixed to every year of this Henry's Reign, yet he likewise gives us to understand, that of these Rulers of the City, after the year that Thomas Fytz Thomas was Mayor, there are divers opinions. For after some Writers (continues he) from that year, viz. forty eight till the fifty fifth of King Henry's Reign, in which year. John Adrian, Draper, was Mayor, they were all Guardians and no Mayors, and who so was then Constable of the Tower, the same was also Custos of the City. So that, according to this Account, there passed about seven years, wherein the Londoners had not the full and free use of their Privileges and Franchises. If this be allowed for a Truth, we have but little Reason to marvel, that we find the Commons so ready to adhere to such, as they might hope would vindicate their former Liberty, and the Rulers so averse from joining with such, in diminution of that Regal Power, to which they seem wholly to have owed theirs, and not to any Interest and Favour they had among the Commons of the City. Who knows, if those Writers words be granted, but this might be some Reason of the Earl of Glocester's stirring again against the Court designs, (with a little perhaps of Jealousy, of the King's Son Edward's overmuch familiarity with his Wife, in a Court hinted to us by Stow, but played by him an year later, In Reg. 53.) when 〈◊〉 saw the City, which had formerly took part with the same side he once was of, deprived of their ●●berties and Franchises, with little hopes of 〈◊〉 them, much through his means, by his late 〈◊〉 with Edward the King's Son, to the weakening and overthrow of the Baron's Party, to which the City had so firmly adhered? In this year, by Mediati●● and means of the fame Edward, all such difinne●ited Persons, as kept the Isle of Ely, are said to be reconciled to the King, and all Fortresses and De●ence● therein by them made, plucked away and destroyed.  
In July, Octobon the Pope's Legate, who had interested himself so much in the late Transactions▪ departed towards Rome, but not without a great Treasure, Levied, we hear, of the Church. My Author intimates, That he made many good Rules therein; if they were not only Rules, but an● good Rules, why should he not be well paid ●or them? I don't think these kind of Men did very often Ordain such extraordinary good Rules, unless you will call those good, which tended to the satisfying the Pope's Avaricious Mind, and exalting his, and the Clergies Temporal Grandeur. Other might be their Pretences, but Money doubtless was 〈◊〉 of their aim, when they sent their Legates 〈◊〉 this Land, or into other Countries owning the Pope's Jurisdiction: and the Event proves it too 〈◊〉. Without all Peradventure, it was not for nothing, that England was called the Pope's Packhorse. Annals, Peterpences, Tenths, F●rst-Fruits, and the like, were good Pickings, that were drawn hence, to Rome: And that the Popish Clergy know full well, and therefore their fingers are Itching to be Trading here again. If the Pope's Mule could once more set his Foot safely on English Ground, there 〈◊〉 doubt but they would make us pay for old 〈◊〉 new, it should scape them hard else.  
'Twas about Four Years before, even in 49, that the Citizens of London compounded with the King 〈◊〉 a Fine of Twenty Thousand Marks, and yet in this Year 53, there is another mention made of it, as it were hinting to us, that it was not yet all Raised, or at least, that all such, that were Assessed towards it, had not returned in their demanded Assessment, but to avoid that and other Charges, had rather chosen to depart from the City with their Households and Goods, and Inhabit in divers other places of the Land. Whence we may without doubt well and truly conclude the scarcity of Coin in those Days, and greatness of that Imposed Tax, or elf the Paucity of the Inhabitants of London, and smallness of the City, in comparison with what it is at this present time. If then the City was of such Power and Esteem in those Days, as the former passages seem strongly to prove, how great and considerable an Influence, have we reason to believe it hath at present upon the rest of the Nation now it is grown by far more Populous, and 〈◊〉 more Splendid in Riches, Trading, and Buildings Though many of the Citizens thus fled the City, thinking thereby to be acquitred of the Charge of the aforementioned Imposition, yet find not that this availed them aught. For the others of the City remaining made (we are told) Instant labour to the King, and had it Granted, That all such, as for the aforesaid cause had carried their Goods out of the City, should be Distrain●● by the Sheriff of the Shire, where they than dwelled, and forced to pay all such Sums, as they ●●fore were Assessed at. Why should not Men 〈◊〉 the Bad with the Good? If they desire to enjoy the City's Privileges in the Day of her Prosperity, there is but little reason, why they should not likewise partake with her in the common Calamity and Adversity.  
In September, The Five Citizens, viz. Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas, etc. spoken of before in the Forty 〈◊〉 Year, who had hitherto remained Prisoners in Windsor-Tower, made an end with Edward the King's Son, for great Sums of Money, and were delivered. It would have but little availed them, to ha●● pleaded the King's safe Conduct before sent the● under his Seal. 'twas money it seems that must b●y their Deliverance, Money they had doubtless, and therefore 'tis money they must produce, and so they were ●ain to do; or at least agree to pay it, before they could get quit out of Edward's Power.  
The 54th year began (according to the Chronicle) with so hard a frost, that the frozen Thames was passable for men and Beasts in divers places, and Merchadize was thereupon brought to London by Land. This Forced was not so prejudiaial to their Trading, 〈◊〉 the rising and flowing of Thames sometime after 〈◊〉 as injurious and hurtsul about London, to the ●●owning of Cellars by the waterside, and spoiling 〈◊〉 much Merchandise lying in them. But these are ●●●asters we know Commonly happening in this tran●●●ry World, witness the late Inundations through ●he great Rains this Spring, and the damage sustained ●●ereby in Fleet-ditch, Hockly in the Hole, and many ●●her places. In this year about the beginning of 〈◊〉 we find that the King gave the Rule of the City 〈◊〉 London to his Son Edward, with all Revenues and Profits thereto belonging. Whereupon he made Hugh 〈◊〉 son of Othon Constable of the Tower, and Custos 〈◊〉 the City, About the End of April he commanded ●he Citizens to present to him six Persons able to be ●●●riffs; Of whom he admitted to that Office William 〈◊〉 Haddystoke, and Anke●yl De Alvern, and swore them to be Accountants, as their Predecessors were. These we read presented in May following at the Guild-hall, and there charged a new. At these days a new Custom or Toll used to be paid the King by ●he Citizens, which having been let to farm to a Merchant Stranger by Edward the King's Son for 20. ●arks yearly, the Citizens unwilling to be under a ●●●angers Rule, upon great suit made to the same Ed●ard, agreed with him to buy the said Toll free for ●000 Marks.  
In this year the King had granted towards his ●oyage into the Holy Land (which was the name ●hen usually given to Canaan the Land of Promise, wherein our blessed Saviour was Crucified, to complete the works of our Redemption) the 〈◊〉 penny of every man's Substance movable throu●● out the Land, of the lay fee, and of the Spiritualty by the Pops Assent three dimes to be 〈◊〉 three years. A politic pretence used in those days get money, An invention somewhat suitable here 〈◊〉 to have latter ages found out, and sometimes as beneficial, viz. To pretend war with a neighbour N●tion, and then get money towards the raising an 〈◊〉 to carry it on. If they could afterwards compass 〈◊〉 take money on both sides to lay it again, that 〈◊〉 good advantage; but to get money twice to 〈◊〉 it was double gain, Much about this time 'tis, that 〈◊〉 read in Stow's Annals of a Quo Waranto set on foot, 〈◊〉 an Assembly of Nobles met at London by the Kin● Command, where, by many, to their no small 〈◊〉, were called before the Justices to show by 〈◊〉 right they held their Lands. But it was thought 〈◊〉 afterwards, to cease any further prosecution there●● After that, John Warren Earl of Surry, (being demanded on that writ, what right he had to his Land● boldly drew out his Sword, and said, that there●● he held his Grandfather's Lands, and by that 〈◊〉 keep them, Wherein doubtless he would not 〈◊〉 failed of many Powerful Abettors and assistants, 〈◊〉 the King's Justices too, rigorously proceeded in 〈◊〉 a●●air. We find it cost the Lord Chief Justice of 〈◊〉 Allen dela Z●nch his life, and the Earl only a 〈◊〉 of money, notwithstanding that he made that alla●● upon the other before the other Justices of the 〈◊〉 He having affirmed by the Oath of 25. Knights at Wi●chester, that he committed not that Fact upon any p●●tended malice, nor in contempt of the King, this 〈◊〉 the Issue of the Quo Warranto in those days.  
55 was the year, wherein my Author acquaints 〈◊〉 that the Citizens so well contented Prince Ed●●rds mind, that he laboured to the King his Father for them, and procured their Charter in such 〈◊〉 confirmed, that they should after their Ancient privileges choose of themselves a Major and two Sheriffs, which Sheriffs were to have the Offices thereunto belonging to farm, as before had been accustomed, except that instead of 350 l. paid aforetimes, for the Fee-farm, they should then pay 450 l. But that a quam diu placuerit was then thought of, I don't find. After this Confirmation thus granted and passed by the King's broad Seal, upon July the 14th. we find the Citizens assembled at Guildhall, where they chose for their Major, John Adryan 〈◊〉, and for Sheriff, Walter 〈◊〉 and John 〈◊〉▪ And upon the 16th. Presented them to the 〈◊〉, at Westminster, Edward being present, 〈◊〉 ●●ey were admitted and Sworn, ●nd Hugh Son of Othon discharged of the Rule of ●he City. Then the Citizens of their free Will ●o writeth Fabian) gave unto the King an 100 Marks, ●nd to Edward 500 Marks, which the King well accepted. And soon after they received their Char●●er of Confirmation bearing date July 21st. and ●5th of the King's Reign.  
The Annals of this year my Author ends with 〈…〉 mischance happening in London, viz. The fal●●ng down of Saint Mary Bow Steeple in Cheapside, ●o the slaying of Women and Children.  
In the next year 56 he gives us the Relation of ●n other unfortunate accident, that fell out in Nor●ich, through occasion of a fray between some Ser●ants of the Monastery there standing, and some of ●he Citizens. This was carried on to such an height ●● violence and fury, that many of the Town were wounded and slain, and the Abbey with all its buildings, except a little Chapel, burnt down and destroyed. But this afterwards cost the place the death of near upon 30 young Men of the Town, who were Indicted, Judged, Cast, Hanged and Burnt as Occasioners and Executors of that Deed, to the great sorrow of the Citizens, and so much the rather, for that they thought, the Prior of the place was the Occasioner of all that mischief, but he was born out, it seems, and defended by the B●shop of Norwich. Hard meddling in those times with any of the Churchmen, they were grown so powerful and high Crested: What, destroy goods of the Church? hah! In days much later what a difference arose between Pope Paul and Fumed the Commonwealth of Venice, upon their Imprisoning an offending Churchman, guilty 〈◊〉 less an offence than Murder? The Thunderbolt o● Excommunication had been but a small matter had his Popeship but had power to have vented his Rage in an higher manner. If the Romish Clergy so domineer over those Countries, which have for many ages continued in Popery, can we Englishmen rationally hope to be free their utmost revenge, if they can but once get such an head over us, as they have long desired and hoped for? No, No, th● thinking part of the Nation are all pretty we● satisfied of their purposes, Plots, and designs. Le● them do their worst, gnash upon us with their teeth and think to eat us up as bread: Let them begin a Massacre, if they durst, as soon as they please it's much but they'll find, to their cost, free English Spirits in English bodies, who will not so easi● be brought to their lure, as they may perhaps ha● foolishly persuaded themselves, from their conver● with a few debauched unthinking men amongst 〈◊〉  
King Henry dies in the 57th. year of his 〈◊〉 while his Son Edward was absent in th● 〈…〉▪ But upon notice hereof he returns for 〈◊〉 and in Augu●t comes to London, where of the Citizens he is received with all Joy and hono●●, and so conveyed to Westminster. He had newly got for the Citizens their Privileges restored in his Father's days; let us now see how matters were carried in his Reign between the City and the Court. We shall find the City a powerful match still, though she met with many troubles and Enemies, yet she weathered them out in spite o● all attempts. In the second year of this King Edward there was a great contest at Guildhall about the Major. Certain attempts we hear of made the year before by some of the Citizens, to have made such a Major as they listed, but being then disappointed of their Accessaries, it was hindered for that time, but in this years' beginning took further effect. On Simon and Jude's day, when Philip le Taylor, before chosen Major, should have taken his charge at the Guildhall, divers Citizens put him beside the Major's seat, and set therein Sir Walter Harvy, who the year before had been Major. This contention being brought before the King, upon hearing the reasons of both parties, when he could not bring them to an agreement, he took occasion to put both the Candidates aside, and chose Henry For●ick for Custos of the City, who so continued for a time. So ready were some always to deprive the City of the use of her Liberties upon her Citizen's disagreement. But if such was the effect of the Citizens' contest, what then may we think of those who purposely create those differences, and stir up dangerous animosities among them, upon slight, trivial, ●orn out pretences, that from the like cause or occasion the like effect may follow?  
At Candlemas, by discreet and wise peaceable means, the forenamed Sir Walter Harvy was set in Authority as Major, and so remained the whole year after. In the third year the King confirmed the Liberties of the City, and granted some new.  
Thus you see after a storm comes fair weather. In this year we meet with a Relation concerning Walter Harvy, how that in the first year of this King, after long controversy and strife with the Aldermen, he was made Major of London, at a Folkmoot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross, and so continued that year; but in this third year occasion was found to remember, and (as the event seems to intimate) revenge it. For being accused of divers perjuries and other detestable deeds contrary to his Oath, for them and for making Assemblies of the Commons, who favoured him, he was deprived of his Aldermanship, and turned out of the City Council for ever, and for keeping the King's peace within the City for the term of his life, was bound to the good behaviour upon the suretyship of twelve persons. 'Tis not unusual for the Commonalty and heads of the City to be at difference each with other. Here's one, who seems a promoter of the Commons power, overpowered himself by his Enemies, for making assemblies of the Commons, and other Crimes objected to him, true or feigned I know not, however thence was taken a pretence to thrust him out of his former power. These Folkmoots or Assemblies of the Commons seem to have been very unpleasing t● the chief Rulers of the City, and their power disgusted, as may be guessed from the forepassed transactions in King Henry's days, where we may remember that the Commons were the men, wh● had power allotted them by the Parliament, at their Folkmoot or Common-hal, to grant the King Licence to depart out of the Land for a Season: 'Twere they, who most firmly adhered to the Barons standing up in defence of those Parliament Statues made at Oxford, but few of the chief Rulers of the City comparatively are noted to have appeared openly in that famed contest of the Barons War.  
In the fourth year occasion was taken against Michael Tony, upon some demeaours of his in the Welsh War, to accuse him of Treason, of which he was arraigned, judged and condemned, and after drawn, hanged and quartered. This man doubtless had been a noted stickler in the Baron's War, for I find one of that Name among the five persons so long kept in Prison in Windsor Tower after the Baron's overthrow, till money bought them out, as is before related. Princes once highly offended may openly profess to forgive the offending party, but they do not however so soon forget him. Tho David pardoned Shimei during his life, and swore to him not to put him to death with the Sword, yet as good a Man as he was, he charged his Son Solomon to bring down his hoary head to the grave with blood; and so accordingly we find an occasion was afterwards taken by Solomon to revenge his former cursing his Father David, by commanding Benaiah who went out and fell upon him that he died. This year was the famous Statute of Mortmain first enacted, that no man should give Lands or Rents to the Church without the King's Special Licence, which Statute had afterwards many additions annexed to it to make it the stronger. For the Lay-fee was in great danger to be devoured by the Spiritualty, such Arts did the Clergy use on men's minds to augment their power and Riches. Tho now our Courts of Law are fixed at Westminster, yet in these Ancient times it was not so, for we read that this King in his sixth year removed his Courts of Kings-Bench, Chancery, Common-Pleas and Exchequer, to Shrewsbury, and afterwards returned them back again, to the no small damage of the Records thus carried to and fro. This King held his Parliament at London, in his seventh year, for Reformation of his Coin, much clipped and diminished. This storm fell chiefly upon the Jews, by reason of the Inquest charged in London to inquire of this matter. Whereupon were cast two hundred and ninety seven persons before the Major and other Justices sitting at London, and afterwards Executed at sundry times and places. My Author hath left upon Record, that among these there were but three Englishmen, all the rest were Jews or Jews born in England. Famous is the 12th. year for the Conquering and sub●●●●ing of Wales to the English Sceptre, and division of it b● King Edward into Shires, whereupon were ordained Sheriffs and other Officers therein, as were then used in England. David Brother to lewelyn, late Prince of Wales, who was condemned to be drawn hanged and quartered, as a chief stirrer and beginner of the Welsh War, in time of a Parliament held at Shrewsbury, was shortly after Executed, and his head sent to London to be s●t by his Brothers, which had been ordered to be placed the ●ear before on London-Tower. In this year was Edward of Carnarvan born, the first of our English Kings, since William the first, that I read of publicly unking'd, and deposed by his own Subjects. The great Conduit standing against Saint Thomas of Acres in Cheapside owes his foundation to this year.  
The 13th. year may be noted for the Kings seizing the Franchises and Liberties of London into his own hands, on the day kept in Memory of Saint Paul's Conversion, so that he discharged the Major Gregory Rokisle, and admitted for Custos or Guardian of the City, Stephen Sandewich, who continued till the Monday following the Purification of the Virgin Mary, when being discharged, Sir John Breton s●ands upon Record charged for the residue of the year. My Author writes that the cause of this displeasure, the King bore to the City, is not shown of a certainty. He mentions an old Pamphlet, whereby it appears that the Major took bribes of the Bakers, and suffered them to sell bread lacking six ounces in a penny Loaf, for which the King was sore displeased, but to him this seemed no convenient cause, that the Liberties of the City should be seized for one man's offence: Wherefore he rather supposeth it was for a more grievous cause. However it is observable from History, that it was a Common thing in Elder times to seize the City's Charters on pretences slight enough of any sense, till the Citizens grew so wise, as at convenient seasons to procure new grants and graces, to prevent such seizures for the future: And that it is not still so feasable and practicable, is the grief, I believe, and heartburning of some in the world.  
The 14th. year of this King may be accounted famous for the Statutes, called Additamenta Gloucestriae, made at a Parliament holden at Westminster. But in these present papers I think it may be more noted, for what I am going now to relate verbatim out of Fabian. In this year a Citizen of London, Named Thomas Pywelysdon, (the which in the time of the Baron's War, before in the story of King Henry showed, had been a Captain and a great stirrer of the Commons of the said City, for to maintain the Baron's party against the Kings,) was newly accused, that he, with others of evil disposition, should make Conventicles and Assemblies to the new disturbance of the City, whereof Report was made unto the King, the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Ralph Sandewych, then Custos or Guardian of the City. Then the said Thomas with others was put in sure keeping, till the matter was duly enquired of. After which Inquisition made and found, report was made unto the King. Then the King sent down a Writ, and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the City, whereof the Effect was thus, that the said Thomas Pywelysdon, William de Heywood, Richard de Coundris, Richard le Cofferre, Robert de Derby, Albyne de Derby, William Mayo Mercer, and Ivo Ling Draper, with divers others, to the number of fifty Persons, should be banished out of the City for ever. And if any of the said fifty eight Persons were at that time of the Proclamation voided the City, for fear or otherwise, that they should so remain, and not return unto the City upon pain of Life losing. These being thus discarded, and exiled the City, who it may be would have stood firm to the City's old Liberties and Privileges, the rest of the Chief remaining might perchance hope the eafier to keep the Commons in awe, whatsoever new Customs they should introduce for their own lucre and advantage, th● to other men's damage. Here you may perceive, ●ow jealous Governors are of all Meetings and Assemblies, but what are of their own constitution and ordering. The Caviliers doubtless can relate many Stories of their own experience hereof in oliver's days. Neither are many of our Coffeehouses, and Cl●b meetings (I believe) very grateful to some persons in the World, though their open business there is mostly to drink, smoke, talk, trade and the like. By the aforesaid relation we may likewise observe; Once counted an Offender and ever thought so. Here Thomas Pyweldon or Pywelysdon (for his name I find diversely Written, though the same man be meant) a noted man in the Baron's War, for which he had suffered deeply after their overthrow, by long imprisonment, and the charge of redeeming his Liberty for a great Sum of money of this same King Edward, then only Prince, was nevertheless, after about sixteen years' respite, banished the City for ever, on an accusation of attempting a new disturbance. That any thing was proved against him, I have not read, besides the mention here of making Assemblies or Meetings. Had there been any thing material found against him, I scarce believe he should have 'scaped so well with his Life, seeing old Crimes seem to have been remembered, though new faults were pretended. An Act of Oblivion is a very good Plaster in a public Universal Offence. But whatever Offender of Note, thus pardoned, outlives the greatest number of those qually reputed guilty with him, and times be so much turned, that the balance of the Nation leans very much on the governing side, I think that man's life hangs but by a very slender thread, whose safety and security depends only upon Pen, Ink, and Paper, and not upon the Governors natural inclination to justice and honesty, in the constant keeping and observing of his word and promise. When in the late Wars on this side the World, Messina in Sicily was reduced under the Spanish government, by the French's forsaking it, to whom the Messineses had before subjected themselves, though a general pardon was by the Spaniards publicly granted, whereupon many returned to the City● yet, if my memory deceive me not, there passed no long time, before the public news told us of the accusing and (I think) condemning of a Principal Man of that City, for a new endeavour to stir up another Rebellion and Revolt therein. New accusations and new offences pretended, how unlikely soever, may sometimes serve to blind the unthinking vulgar Herd, but a man of thought doubtless will be apt to suspect, that the old grudge lies at the bottom. How easy and usual it is to suborn false Witnesses against a Man, Jezabel● practice, and the endeavour of the Chief Priests, Elders, and Council of a much later date may inform a Protestant Reader, if he hath no experience in the world to instruct him.  
The Citizens were accustomed, before this year, to make good advantage to themselves by lodging Merchant strangers, and selling their Merchandise for them, for which they received so much in the pound. But at this time, by means of those Merchant strangers, it was brought to pass, that they hired Houses for themselves and their Wares, so that no Citizen should intermeddle with them, which was to the damage of many particular private men, as well as to the hindrance of the King's Custom, and prejudicial (as affirms the Book) to the Realm in general by many deceits and frauds used by them. Here was a new Custom disadvantageous to many of the Citizens introduced, but for what reason at first permitted, whether to advance Trade by drawing more Foreigners to the City, or else to weaken their power, and bring down lower the Citizens high stomaches, by cutting off some of their gain, and parting their Trade with others, I pretend not to deliver, until I meet with better Information myself, than hitherto I have in the point. Certain it is from the story, that the King much advantaged himself by searching into their fraudulent and deceitful dealings, and punishing them for those offences by a considerable fine. The 15th. year was chargeable to the Jews, who were fain to pay great sums of money to the King, which they were assessed at, saith the Chronicle; but out of an other Author it is recorded, that the Commons of England granted to the King the fifth part of their movables, to have the Jews banished out of the Land, which to prevent, the Jews of their own Wills gave the King great sums of money. Here then was taking money of both sides: A subtle Court way of Trading. This year there was such a plenty of Wheat, that (according to my Author's Computation) it was sold at London for Ten Groats the Quarter, five pence the Bushel: But the next year, through distemperature of the weather, we find the price raised up to 14 d. the Bushel, after to 18 d. and increasing yearly du●ing this King's Reign and his Sons, so that it stands upon Record to be sold at last for 40 s. the Quar●er and above. The 18th. may be remarked by ●s for the King's Honourable reception at London, ●nd the punishment of divers offending Justices, Sir Thomas Weyland, Adam Stretton and others, who being by the King's order Examined, and found guilty of the Trespasses laid to their Charge, were ●ither outlawed and lost their goods, or else long ●mprisoned and deeply Fined. A large Catalogue ●f them and their Fines are to be seen in Stow's 〈◊〉, whence 'tis observable how suddenly vengeance over-takes Oppressors, let them be never so Rich, High, and Mighty in Office, Power, or Authority, as soon as ever the King's mind is inspired from above to inspect their actions, and punish their crimes. Remarkable is the 19th. Year for the Jews Banishment, which we find bought of th● King by the Commons at the price of a Fifteen.  
In the 21st year we hear of a Parliament held at London, and of the King of Scot's coming thither with divers of his Lords. The punishment inflicted on three men, for rescuing a Prisoner from an Officer belonging to the Sheriffs of London, by striking off their right hands at the wrist in Cheapside, is noted for one of this years actions. Hence let us leap to the 24th. year, and there, among tha● years deeds, we find mention made of a new subsidy, levied by the King upon Wool, going out o● England, Fels, and Hides, for his War with th● French King; of his Commanding the Money, before granted by the Clergy towards the defence o● the Holy Land, to be brought into his Treasury upon the Report he had from Rome of Pope Boniface the 8ths' manners; of the grant he got of th● Clergy of half their Spiritual and Temporal Lands from a Benefice of 20 Marks and upwards, to b● paid in three years: And of the Tax he had also granted him by the Lay-fee, viz. the Tenth penny of their moveables to be paid in two years' time▪ If any one be desirous to certify himself, wha● Relation Scotland stood in towards England fo● many ages before, let him read through the Relation of this years actions in Fabian's Chronicle and there he may be satisfied, if it will conduce to his satisfaction, to find, that Scotland, even in Elder times, in a sort depended on England, and wa● so far from giving Laws, or an Example and Pattern thereto, that its Nobles were fain to submit themselves to the King of England's Judgement and decree, and do him Homage and Fealty in effect by the submission of their King, whom King Edward had appointed and set over them. Memorable is the six and twentieth year, for that there●n the Londoners obtained of King Edward (new●y come from beyond Sea into England and so to Winchester) a grant of their Liberties and Franchises, which had in some part been kept from them by ●he term of twelve years and more, so that they ●gain chose a Major of themselves, whereas in ●he aforesaid time their Custos or Guardian was appointed by the King, or by such as the King would assign. But we are to understand by the Chronicle, that this was not redeemed without a great Sum of money. Some Writers it seems fixing it at three thousand marks. As this King had many Wars, especially with Scotland, which put him to great charges, and had much money granted him by his Subjects, so he ceased not to devise other ways to raise more, and get what was denied him. For as much as divers men, richly beneficed in the Land, refused to aid him with their Goods, as others had, and for that end had purchased from the Pope an Inhibition, that they and their goods should be free from the King's Taxes, he put them this year out of his protection, a strain of State policy beyond some other Kings, and seized their Temporalties, permitting them to enjoy their Spiritualties, till they agreed with him. Though this was a warlike Prince, and oft successful in his undertake, yet the Clergy's power so over-toped the Laity's, that he chose rather to make use of his Wits, than his Arms in dealing with them. So have I read in William the Second days, how when his Uncle, being both a Bishop and an Earl, grew troublesome to him, he seized upon the Earl and clapped him in hold, whereby he caught and revenged himself on the Bishop too, without openly pretending to meddle with a Clergy Man. An offence esteemed piacular in those days; to such an height of Pride were the Popish Clergy grown. An other practice of King Edward, was his sudden Condemning certain Coins of Money called pollard's, Crocardes and Rosaries, in his twenty seventh year, and causing them to be brought to a new Coinage to his great advantage, as testifies the Historian▪ Among others may be also numbered that Inquisition, he caused to be made throughout the Land in the twenty eighth year, which was after named Trailbaston. This we find made upon Officers, as Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Escheators and many others, who had misborn themselves in their Offices, and had used Extortion, or treated the people otherwise than was according to the order of their Offices. So vigilant appeared this Prince, and careful of his people, that they might not be abused nor oppressed by their fellow Subjects, when got into power, under pretence of being his Majesty's Officers, a thing we know common enough in the world.  
In the twenty eighth year, we have mention made of the City of London's Splendour and Magnificence, upon the account of their receiving the new Queen Margaret, Sister to the French King. Thus runs my Authors short Relation hereof. The Citizens to the number of six hundred Road in one Livery of Red and White, with the Cognizance of divers Mysteries broidered upon their sleeves, and received her four Miles without the City, and so conveyed her through the City, which then was garnished and hanged with Tapestry, and Arras, and other clothes of Silk, and Riches in most goodly wise, unto Westminster. This is the year, wherein Fabian makes the first mention of Pierce of Gaviston in his Chronicle, upon Occasion of the Bishop of chester's complaining to the King of him, his Eldest Son Edward, and others, for breaking the Bishop's Park, and riotously destroying the Game therein. For this was the aforesaid Edward and his Accomplices Imprisoned. So that under this famous King, the very next Heir apparent scaped not the Lash of the Law, when he had offended, even to an actual Imprisonment; so far were men in those days from asserting him to be above the Law, and not Liable to condign punishment, because the next Heir. Afterwards the King Banished the aforesaid Gaviston out of England, for fear lest he should debauch his Son: But this Banishment was after his death annulled by his Son Edward, when King, to the great trouble and vexation of the Land afterwards. The twenty ninth may be esteemed not unworthy of remark, for the Kings giving to Edward his Son the Principality of Wales, whereunto he likewised joined the Earldom of Cornwall, newly Vacant, and returned to the Crown.  
In the 33d. year we read of the taking, arraigning, drawing, hanging, and quartering of William Waleys, who, of an unknown low birth, became the head Leader of the Scots against the King's Power, and had Created him no little trouble in Scotland, but now in revenge was his head set upon London-Bridge, and his four quarters sent into Scotland to be set upon the Gates of some Towns in that Land. About this time we hear likewise of several Nobles of Scotland coming to the King's Parliament, at Westminster, and there voluntarily Sworn, in the Presence of the King and his Lords, to be true to the King of England, and to keep the said Land to his use against all other Persons. Among these is named Robert le Bruce, who not long after sends to the Pope for a dispensation of his Oath, raises more Commotions in Scotland, and gets to be Crowned King thereof at Saint johnston's: Anno Thirty four. But when King Edward had overthrown the Scots Army, and taken many of the Nobles, he sent the Bishop of Saint Andrews, and Bastoon, with the Abbot of Scoon, to the Pope, with report of their Perjury, and how they were taken Armed in the field to shed the blood of Christian men. And the Temporal Lords he sent into England to the Tower of London, who were afterwards Arraigned at London, and put to death, and their Heads set upon London-Bridge. The longest Sword carries away the Bell. If the Scots had prevailed in the like sort against King Edward, it's a question whether they would not have done much after the same manner. How would they have then vaunted themselves and their Cause for the most rightful, whereas being Conquered they suffered as Rebels? That the weakest goes to the Wall, is a known saying. Yet as strong, powerful, and successful as this King Edward was, we find he cared not to meddle himself with the Spiritual Lords taken in the field fight against him, but rather chose publicly to send them to the Pope, with an high offence laid to their charge, to be punished at his pleasure. Whereby we may presume he gratified the Pope's Ambition, in making him as it were the sole Judge of their offences, and yet thereby doubtless sufficiently secured himself against those men of the Church, his late Enemies, for the future. Could the Pope in Civility and Gratitude refuse to revenge the King in punishing these Clergymen for fight against him, who had thus highly mounted the power, and Authority of the Triple Crown above his own, in this matter, to the public view of the world? If the Popish Clergy in those times were grown so formidable, that this Triumphant King, in the midst of his Victorious Arms, thought it safer to remit these Clergy-men's offences to the Pope's Correction, than punish them himself, (for I think it was policy more than zeal that made him act thus) what weak matches were the other Puny Princes to them in those days of their worldly Prosperity Pomp and Grandeur? Now their wings are pretty well clipped, by the escape of so many people, Nations, and Countries out of this Popish House of Bondage, let Crowned Heads and free States be careful, that they suffer not the Pope's wings to grow again, or permit their Sworn Vassals the Jesuits to imp them anew with fresh Feathers, lest they mount up again over their heads to their Ancient greatness, or take a flight higher than ever they did. Now the French King through the base connivance of some, others Treachery, and many great men's careless negligence, is become Europe's Terror, if Popish Plots and designs should ●nce so far take effect, as treacherously to deprive our present King of his life and Crown, and introduce a Popish Successor into the English Throne, how far they might in time proceed towards the extirpation of that pestilent Northern Heresy (as Mr. Coleman out of his Extraordinary ●●ndness to the Religion, from which he himself ●postaliz'd, has been pleased to term the Protestant Religion) o●t of these parts of the world, I submit ●o the better Judgements of more able Politicians.  
Hast we now hence from this Edward the first (who died in the five and thirtieth year of his Reign, after a charge given to his Son in divers points upon his blessing, and Oaths taken of some of his chief Nobles to keep the Land for his Sons use, and to Crown him King as soon as they conveniently could after his death, at Burgh, upon the Sands beyond Carlisle, in his return into England) unto Edward the Second, where I could find matter enough to exercise my Pen, were I minded to describe all the disorders and troubles, that happened throughout the Land, under his unprosperous Reign. We need not wonder, that this Prince met with so unhappy a fate at his End, when as we find him at the very beginning immediately transgressing his dead Father's commands, by recalling Gaveston from his Banishment, (contrary to his Father's charge on his Death Bed, he entailing his curse on him, if he should presume it, as Stow tells us) governing himself wholly by his advice, affecting him so much, as to affirm, that he should succeed him in the Kingdom, if he could effect it. If I should endeavour perfectly to delineate th● many Crosses, Losses, Battles, and Bloodshed, tha● fell out in the Land under this King, and to Writ● in a stile and manner suitable to the matter, ● know not but I might well dip my Pen in Bloo● instead of Ink, such were the misfortunes of th● Land, and unfortunate fates of many Noblemen thereof. For in his Reign there were Beheaded an● put to death by Judgement upon the number of eigh● and twenty Barons and Knights, (as Fabian Co●putes) besides the Noble men slain in Scotland▪ The number whereof one Author expresses to ● mount to two and forty, besides sixty and sev●● Knights and Barronets; and two and twenty 〈◊〉 over that of name taken in that one Battle of Bannocksborn. Unsteadfastness of manners, and vileness of Conditions, the refusing the Company of Lords and men of honour, and haunting the Society of Villains and vile Persons: The being given to great drinking, and lightly discovering therein things of great Counsel, with many other disallowable Conditions related by Historians, were blots in this King's Scutcheon. Scarce was old Edward's Obsequies fully finished, according to my Author, but the young King sends in all haste for his old Companion Piers of Gaveston, receiving him with all joy and gladness, and advances him to much honour, gives him the Earldom of Cornwall and Lordship of Wallingford, rules all by his wanton Council, and follows the appetite and pleasure of his body, not guiding things by order of Law or Justice. Then he Revenges himself, and his favourite Gaveston, on the Bishop of Chester, (who had before complained of them and their Outrages in his Father's Reign) by commanding him to the Tower of London, and keeping him there strictly many days after. When by the means, motions, and words of many potent Lords of the Realm, Gaveston was again sent out of the Land, though contrary to the King's pleasure, and banished into Ireland: Yet thither we hear of the Kings sending him oftentimes secret Messengers, and comforting him with many rich gifts, and the next year we read of his being fetched home again to still the grudges springing up between the King and his Nobles, and continue amity amongst them, which proved but so much the more mischievous to the Realm: For this exorbitant Favourite's power more and more increasing, he, having the keeping of the King's Treasure and Jewels, conveyed many of them, some of great value, out of the Land, and brought the King by means of his wanton Conditions to manifold Vices, as Adultery and others, whereupon by the Lord's Counsel and Resolution taken at Lincoln, he was shortly after exiled into Flanders to the King's great displeasure. In comes Gaveston again, though he had before abjured the Realm, with this condition by the Barons added, that if he were found again in any Lands subject to the King's dominions, he should be taken as a Common Enemy and Condemned. But being recalled by the King, he ventures on his favour, and afterwards demeans himself worse and worse. In so much that we read, that he disdained the Lords of England, and of them had many spiteful and slanderous words, so that there's the less wonder, that the Queen and the whole Court were sorrowful, because they saw the King (as Stow words it) not very sound, so great was his Joy and Jollity for his receiving him in safety. Whereupon the Lords of one mind (saith my Author) consented to put him to death, which they soon after effected by taking the Castle wherein he was, and so having him in their hands smote off his Head. For this was the King grievously displeased with those Lords, and vowed, we hear, to revenge his Death, so that after this he sought occasion against them, to grieve and displease them. If the foremention'd disorders, with many before expressed by Authentic Writers to have fallen out under this King: If Treachery, Robberies, Rapes, Extortions, Divisions, Civil discords at home, slights, contempts, and losses abroad, and much bloodshed in Battles, fought and lost, both at home and abroad: If murrain of Beasts and scarcity of Grain, dearness of Victuals, sickness and mortality of Men, ravages and outrages of cruel insulting Enemies, and almost a general desolation, in several places of the Land, be glories, that can eternize a Man's memory to succeeding Generations, I know not whether this King's Name and Reign may ever be forgotten, as long as England stands a fixed Island in the midst of the Ocean. In the midst of these troubles and crosses, you are not to suppose, the City of London scap't free from partaking in the Common misery of the Land. In the first of this King's Reign, I find that he, and his new Married Bride were received joyfully by the Citizens, and so conveyed to Westminster, but the times afterwards grew so cloudy, and full of storms, that I don't think they had over much reason to rejoice, more than the rest of their poor distressed fellow Subjects. Yet Providence in good time delivered the City out of these troubles, and with advantage too, as may be observed and remarked in the end of this, and beginning of the next King's Reign. Twice more particularly, in this King's Reign, do we read of a breach made on the City's Privileges, by constraining the Citizens, at their own charges, to raise and maintain a certain number of Soldiers, and send them whether they were appointed, but the last time, it seems, it was conditionally, that it should not be made a Precedent, which possibly was to appease them, when they refused to go out of the City to fight, unless they might according to their liberties (as Stow says) return home again the same day before Sunset. For 'tis plain, how great soever their respect was towards their Sovereign, that they had no great kindness for some about him: And therefore, when aid and assistance was requested of them against the Queen, who with her Son Edward was newly Landed, and pretended Reformation of abuses, they made this plea or excuse, as favouring rather Reformers than makers of Grievances, yet with profession of due obedience and Honour to the King, the Queen, and their Son, who was after his Father the Right and Lawful Heir to the Crown.  
At the Parliament of Whitebands, held in the twefth of this King, whether the Barons came in Arms, the Citizens were the Keepers of the King's peace in the City; a thousand of them well Armed, by the Major's order, watching by day, and as many by night, in divers Wards, and at several Gates thereof, under the inspection of two Aldermen, with Officers assigned to Ride about every night to oversee them, and the rest of the Citizens were enjoined to have their Arms in readiness upon a very short warning for more surety. And what pray now was the effect of all this, but that the peace was kept, the City guarded it, and no disturbance happened that I read of, notwithstanding there was so great an Army then on foot? Ill men were removed, several things were ordained for the good of the Realm, Transactions were carried on without violence, or bloodshed, the Parliament was peaceably dissolved, and every one returned home in quietness, safety and security. But on the contrary, afterwards, in the later end of this King's Reign, when the Courtiers were much disgusted in the City, by reason of many violences committed, and much harsh dealing used by some towards their fellow Subjects, in the time of their power, under the wings of Authority, and pretence of Law and Justice, the Citizens were so far from keeping the King's peace, as before, that they soon showed openly their favour, good will, and kindness for the Queen, who, under the glozing pretence of reforming the ill Government, was come into the Land with a considerable force of Soldiers, and had sent to the Mayor and Commonalty for their aid, help, and assistance in carrying on this her pretended Reformation; A work generally highly acceptable to all such, as think themselves oppressed, and glorious in the Eyes of the people; but such is the misery, fate, and infelicity, the frailty and imperfection incident to all sublunary attempts, that it very seldom, if ever, fully answers the expectation of every one concerned. Neither was the Citizen's affection to the Queen, and her Party, barely shown in words and expressions, but it went much farther, and was publicly brought into Act by beheading such, as they took to be the Queen's enemies, not so much as sparing the Bishop of Exeter himself, a great man among the spiritualty, who had been there left by the King to have the Rule of the City in his absence. The occasion is said to have sprung from his stiff and peremptory demanding of the Keys of the City Gates by virtue of his Commission, which highly exasperated the Commons against him, and so much the more, because (as was the saying) he had raised an Army to withstand the Queen, a fault than thought unpardonable by the Londoners, who in words and deeds espoused the Queen's Cause, seized on the Tower of London, and kept it for the Queen's use, and not long afterwards received her into their City with great Joy and Honour. A demonstrative evidence in my opinion of the City's strength and power. For if London, when she pleased, could maintain the King's peace in the midst of Arms (as was shown above) so inviolably, as that none dared in opposition to break it, and afterwards, in the very same age, and within the compass of half a dozen years, did actually assert the Qeens' cause, and assist her in her proceedings (as was pretended) for Reformation of the Realm, though the Consequence thereof was in truth the unfortunate King's resignation, what greater instance can there be, to show her great influence upon the whole Nation in those unsettled times?  
London having so visibly appeared in favour of the Queen, the Prince, and his party, and contributed so much towards this notable revolution of affairs, we have no reason to think, but that, out of Common gratitude, her Citizens were to be abundantly rewarded, and that they themselves, out of self interest and natural Prudence, would so well and wisely look to their own affairs, as to make hay while the Sun shines, to the procuring new grants and Graces, and so accordingly we find the event. For in the first year of Edward the third, Fabian tells us, he confirmed the Liberties and Franchises of the City, making the Major Chief Justice in all places of Judgement within the same, next the King, every Alderman, that had been Major, Justice of Peace in London and Midlesex, and such, as had not been, Justice in his own Ward: Granting them also the Fee-farm of London for three hundred pounds, and that they should not be constrained to go out of the City to ●o fight, or defend the Land for any need. A privilege greater, than what was claimed, as their liberty, in his Father's days, when unwilling to engage against the Queen and Prince, they refused not to go out, on condition of returning the same day, as is related before. But the most beneficial of all the grants was, that the Franchises of the City should not be seized into the King's hands, but only for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City. It having before been a Common thing to have their Liberties seized on, (as hath been plainly manifested in the Precedent Relation) on almost every petty disgust, conceived by the Court against them, were it but for the pretended offence of a particular Officer, or for money alleged to be owing by the City to some great ones at Court, or some such like small trivial pretence. But now at this time they took such care, to have their Liberties settled and secured by this Royal Grant, that it may be thought almost, if not wholly, a thing impossible for the City to forfeit her Charter, and have it justly, according to that grant, taken from her. The bringing of Southwark under the Rule of the City, and the power allowed their Major to appoint such a Bailiff there, as liked him best, was a very advantageous favour, at the same time, by this King Edward bestowed on London, but not comparable with the former grant, which may most deservedly be esteemed Paramount to all others. A particular Officer may offend, and oftentimes does, nay many may; but for a City, a whole City, so great and glorious a City, as London, Traitorously to Rebel, and so forfeit all her Liberties, Privileges, and Franchises at one clap, seems to me so great a contradiction, as to imply little less than an Impossibility in Nature, not to go a step or two higher.  
This King being one of the most powerful Princes of his time, and in the strength of his age very successful in his Wars against the French King, 'tis not for us hastily to imagine, there was any occasion given for so wise and good a King to contest with his Subjects, much less with his Loyal Citizens. We are rather to expect to hear of the City's Triumphs and glory, the Joy and rejoicing, wherewith she often received her Victorious King returning Conqueror from France, the frequent Justings, Tilt, and Tournaments shown thereat for his Recreation and entertainment, the Wealth, Riches, and Ability of her head Officers, (whereof one, to London's great glory, is said to have sumptuously feasted four Kings at once, in the thirty first of this King's Reign, besides the famous Black Prince, many Noble Knights and others, to whom with the King he gave many Rich Gifts) the splendour of the Citizens in general o● public occasions, and the harmonious concord of all in their own private and particular concerns, relating more especially to the Cities good order and Government. This King may be supposed too great and too good, either to create, or to permit differences and discord at home. He had wherewithal to exercise his Wisdom and valour abroad in foreign Countries, and such success too in his Erterprises, as might make him, both feared, and beloved, by his Subjects, at one and the same time. Yet notwithstanding, such still was London's power, strength, and resolution to maintain her Liberties, that this Victorious Prince, Conqueror over others, having sent out Justices into the Shires, to make enquiry about his Officers offences, and delinquences, and the City of London not suffering (as Stow tells us) any such Officers to sit, as Justices, in their City, as Inquisitors of such matters, contrary to their Liberties, he thought good rather to appoint those Justices their Sessions in the Tower, for Inquisition of the damages of the Londoners, and they refusing, unless conditionally, to answer there, and a tumult thereupon arising among the meaner sort, claiming their Liberties, he esteemed it greater prudence, to wave the Justice's sitting, as to that place, and forgive all offences, than to enter into a contest with such powerful, though Loyal Subjects, as the Londoners were, and such undaunted assertors of their own rights, privileges, franchises and liberties. For as 'tis plain the City was very potent, so we may, as certainly perhaps, conclude the Citizens no less suspicious of any thing done, under the shadow of this King's Authority, if but looking towards the least breach of their Privileges, as the Commons of England in general seem to have appeared jealous of their Common liberty, when, upon this Kings laying claim to the Kingdom of France, they procured a Law, whereby it was enacted, that the King should not Rule England as King of France, and so Subject them to the insolences of a fellow-Subjects Deputyship.  
Would you know, what esteem and respect the house of Commons, in this King's reign, had for ●he City? Look in Cotton's abridgement of the Records ●n the Tower, and there you may find the Commons, ●ver and anon, petitioning the King, that the City ●f London may enjoy all her Liberties, and the King's answers generally to such petitions seem rather to ●rant, than deny, such their important Requests. ●o glorious and gracious did the City appear in the ●●ght of the good people of the Land, or rather ●●ch was the influence she had upon the Nations re●resentatives. As to the Common's Desires, that 〈◊〉 the Counties might conform themselves to the ●eights and Measures made in London, and the ●●der there made against Usury might be observed ●●oughout the Realm, as if they would have this so famous a City more particularly give Law, as well as example, to all England, I pass them over, without pretending from thence to draw an Argument of the City's Grandeur; and likewise Wave the privilege, by this King, granted the Citizens, that the Officers of the Mayor, and Sheriffs should, from that day forward, use Maces of Silver parcel gilt, as not intending to insist thereon, as a more especial mark of honour designed the City above the rest of the Nation in those days; And choose rather to pass on to the last part of this King's reign, wherein, I must needs acknowledge, there was a strong, though short, contest between the King and the Court. But when was that, and how happened it? 'Twas when the King was grown old, near to dotage, after his good Queen Philippe was dead, and he himself, amidst the Infirmities of sickness and old age, indulged his own lustful pleasures in the lascivious Embraces of a wanton Miss, leaving the guidance of his Realm, and all things about him, to so ambitious a spirit, as, under the Wings of his Authority, durst aspire so high as to the hopes of the Crown, against the good Will of the people, and the Title of a person much more affected and beloved at London. The contest was short and sharp, as may be seen in Stow's Annals, where it is placed in the fifty first, i. e. the last year of the King's Reign: So short, as not taking up the whole space of time, between Christmas and the latter part of June, wherein the King died; and yet so sharp, that the City's Privileges were in great danger, menaces there were of deposing the Major, (which was at length actually done,) and of Creating a Captain in his Room, with many other things threatened against their Liberties: And all by the arts▪ devices, and contrivances of the aspiring Uncle, who would fain have mounted up into the Throne of the Kingdom, over his young Nephew's head, but that the Londoners opposed him in his designs, both honourably, and successfully too. So far were they from being Hectored, or trapan'd, into a base Compliance with this Ambitious pretender, and his flattering favourites desires, who thought to have carried all before 'em, because they esteemed themselves sure of the King's Authority, and so looked upon the principals of the opposite party, if not under a Cloud, at least under a great disadvantage comparatively, such were their fond hopes and pretensions.  
In the good Parliament, (as it was commonly called) held in the fiftieth of this King's Reign, several Reformations had been made, and divers, at the Commons suit, removed from about the King, as evil Counsellors, by the Mediation of the Black-Prince; but the Parliament being ended, and he dying, the old King, contrary to his promise, soon recalled the former persons, before removed, and Committed the Government of the Realm again to his third Son; John of Gaunt, that aspiring Duke of Lancaster, whereby the Tide being turned at Court, the storm fell heavy upon some Patriots of the late Parliament, who had been the greatest promoters and occasioners of ●he before mentioned change, so lately made, of the Ministers of State. Now was the time to remember, ●nd revenge, all things about the King being managed by the Duke's order, who, making use of the King's Authority, turned out ●nd put in at his pleasure, the more easily to bring ●bout his designs, (by his own Creatures now ●rought in again into the Government and management of the affairs of State) which tended to no less, than the putting his Nephew, the young Prince Richard, (an Orphan by the Father's side though not the Mothers) from the Crown, and settling himself in the Throne, upon the old weak King's decease. This it seems had been intended by the Duke for some time, but now carried on more vigorously with all the art imaginable.  
A Parliament is summoned to meet at Westminster after Christmas, honour is openly shown to the young Prince, and his name made use of, by his crafty Uncle, to further and promote his own privy intentions and intrigues; The name and power of the French, (as that they had raised great Armies, and made new Confederacies to blo● out the English Tongue and Nation) is likewise made use of, for a stale, to induce the Commons the more readily to part with a good round sum of Money, to put the King into a good posture of defence, to speak and act as a King; And the old Knights, who in the last Parliament had stood up so courageously in behalf of the Commonalty, are by the Duke's means for the most part removed, and Creatures of his own are made the chiefest managers of Parliament-business; so that now he seem● ready to carry almost all things before him: Bu● only there lies a rub or two in the way, that might spoil his bowling, if they were not timely removed. London was not, nor would be at the Duke● beck, and therefore 'twas thought dangerous to attempt publicly, what was privately and principally intended, as long as the Laws and Customs o● the City were in force. Moreover the Church o● England, it seems, in those days was looked upo● by the Duke, as none of his best friends (thought I don't find but he might have been before, an● was a Churchman good enough afterwards, as to outward appearance, whatever he was in his heart) and therefore (if Stow may be Credited, who writes after Walsinghams' Pen) he attempted to overthrow it, for that end favouring Wickliff and his Disciples, who went then under the name of L●llards among the Commons, and were as much hated in those days, for pretended Heresies laid to their charge, (for at that time you must know the Nations Religion was Popish) as the Papists are now adays for repeated Plots, and Conspiracies proved upon them. Whether or no it was to pull down the English Bishops, the better to facilitate his own intents and purposes, that he was a favourer of the famed John Wickliff, (as Walsingham, a great Papist, and also a Monk, affirms) Providence out of the Duke's sinful Ambition raising Protection for the Maintainers of the true Religion, or else that being convinced of the Conformity of Wickliffs' Doctrine to Truth and Godliness, He, like Herod, heard John gladly, and did many things at his instance, I shall not now pretend to determine. But most certain it is from the story, that 'twas London, not the English Clergy, that put the greatest stop to the Duke's aspiring designs, and dashed all his Ambitious Intrigues in pieces, to his, and his Favourites no small Disappointment.  
For the Londoners being enraged at the Duke's threats, and their fury increased against him, for that in the Parliament, the Duke being Precedent, a motion had been made in the King's name, (over whom at that time 'tis well known how great an ascendant the Duke had) that there should be no more Major of London, according to the Ancient Custom, but a Captain appointed over it, and the Marshal of England might therein arrest Offenders, as in other places, (so that 'twas in the Military Officers that the Duke seems to have placed most of his Trust and Confidence, as doubtless his Creatures and Favourites in esse aut posse) with many other things manifestly contrary to the City's Liberties, at the encouragement of the Lord Fitzwalter (who claimed to be their Standard Bearer by inheritance) they put themselves in Arms, and acted with such an excess of rage and violence, that had it not been for their own Bishop, who pacified them for the time, the Duke and his great favourite Piercy had that day (saith the book) lost their lives. But they having timely notice, fled from the people, and applied themselves for safety to the young Prince, and his Mother, who undertook the business, and sent to the Londoners, to make peace with the Duke; so kind and gracious was the good Princess, as to mediate in his behalf, who desired in his heart to dispossess her own Son of his right. To her Messenger Answer was returned by the Citizens, that for her honour, they would perform her Commands, but as to what concerned the Duke, injunctions were laid on them to will him, that he should suffer the Bishop of Winchester to come to his answer, and to be tried by his Peers, and also permit Peter de la More [Speaker of the last Parliament] then by the Duke's means imprisoned to answer for himself, after the Custom of the Law; and as for the third, they said they would account a Traitor, wheresoever he should be found. So run the words in Stow, which being to the Duke reported, he became not a little troubled, and not without reason in my opinion, at the Citizen's Answer, and their indignation conceived against him, since that he interpreted, what they had spoken of a Traitor to be meant by them of himself, though as to that particular he denied himself to be one. He had been mad, I should have thought, or foolish, if he had presently confessed, and owned the imputation. However, from the Citizen's message, and the Duke's interpretation thereof, 'tis easy to conclude, how little they loved him, and he soon found it to his trouble and vexation. Jealousies and suspicions generally go a great way among the common people, and are almost as prevalent as proofs, especially when there is a great man in the Case, whom they dare not openly accuse and impeach, and cannot try for lack of safety and a good opportunity, and he himself is not very willing to put himself upon a fair trial, and thereby wipe-off all aspersions in the common legal way of his Country. All his Tergiversations do foment, rather than diminish, the Heats of the people, who have but the more opportunity and occasion to think, (and will commonly too think scurvily) the less they have to act.  
The rough Message, the Londoners sent the Duke, we have heard, but that was not all: They would away to the King too, and acquaint him with the late proceedings. And so accordingly, upon a Council held thereabouts, they sent some of their chief Citizens, either to justify (saith the Annalist) or excuse what had happened. Long were these a suing to come to the King's prescnce, the Duke keeps them back: For they might be apt to ●o tell Tales, or at least remove the prepossessions, wherewith the Duke and his party doubt-less had filled the credulous King's Head. The Duke would fain have stopped their entrance, and put them off, but they would not be so served. The Duke tells them, that the King was very ill at ease, and his sickness might be increased, if he were moved to anger by their Speech. A fine excuse, but 'twould not pass. The Londoners were resolved on't. They were not come to increase, but mitigate his grief, and their Commission from their fellow Citizens, they said, was not to be Communicated to any, but to their Liege Lord the King himself. They were for no Proxies, Advocates, nor Attorneys-general of the Duke's providing: They would be their own Spokesmen. Well then, at last after much ado they gain access, and show the King, what had been published in Parliament, as his Will, against their Liberties and privileges: They excused likewise themselves of some of the Commonalties behaviour in the late Commotion, as being the effect of some ill men among the rabble, whereto they were, neither privy, nor consenting; whereupon the King, a little cheered up with their coming, answered, that he would not the diminishing of their Liberties, No, he was rather ready, if need were, to augment them, neither did any such Resolutions ever come out of his Mouth, and therefore willed them not to fear, but to return and appease the Citizens, and to keep them in Peace. The Duke's faction would have made use of the King's Name and Authority, to deprive the City of her Charter of Liberties, and endeavoured to persuade the Parliament Men, that it was the King's good Will and pleasure to have it so; but, upon the Citizen's application to the King, they hear an other tale, the King owned no such thing, never any such thing came out of his Mouth, he tells them expressly. Set a mark here. Observe likewise the consequence of the Citizens coming to the King, he was alittle cheered, somewhat better in mind possibly, when he heard the truth of the matter. Before perhaps he had heard strange tales of seditious meetings, Insurrections, Riots, Tumults, and the like, as if none were for keeping the King's Peace but the good Duke's good party, such stories had they buzzed i● the ears of this weak, old, infirm, sickly King, and he as ready to believe all, till disproved by the different Relations of as Credible witnesses. To hear one side only, and stop one's ears to the others defence, is not only a manifest sign of extreme partiality, but also the ready way to be imposed ●pon by the deceit of lying Tongues, and to be kept always from the knowledge of the truth, where those near us think it their interest to have ●t so.  
About the time of the late uproar, it's said that, ●he Duke's arms were hanged up reversed in sign ●f Treason, in the principal streets of the City, ●●ch was the hatred the Londoners had conceived ●gainst him; but 'twas in those days as unknown ●ho did it, as 'tis at this time uncertain, who cut ●e Picture of his Royal Highness the Duke of 〈◊〉, the other day at Guildhall. Whether there ●ere any Proclamations, with promises of re●ard, emitted, to find out the Author and Actor ●f that deed, I know not of a certainty, as not ●●ding it mentioned in the History: Possibly there ●ere none, or at least they proved very ineffectual, ●hich I the rather conclude, because that, when 〈◊〉 had made malicious Rhymes upon the Duke, 〈◊〉 fastened them up in divers parts of the City, ●●other remedy was found out against them, but haply as inefficacious, viz. a Sentence of Excommunication, at the Duke's request to the Bishops, pronounced against them publicly by the Bishop of Bangor, the Aldermen of the City assisting him. To be Excommunicated did carry somewhat of terror with it, in England, in those Popish times, among the vulgar, and might probably again, should Providence, for our offences, ever suffer Popery to be brought back into the Land; but among Protestants, and knowing understanding men, Excommunication upon every slight account, and trifling pretext, is of little value, esteem, or regard, and no more dreaded perhaps by some, than 'twas by Rabelais, when he begged it as a great boon of the Pope, because the poor Country Woman thought her Faggot Excommunicated, when she could not make it burn. Besides these Indignities put upon the Duke at London, in, at, and after the aforesaid Tumult of the Common people, we are told also, that all such, as wore the Duke's Sign or Colours, were fain to hide them, conveying them into their bosoms, so great a fea● and dread had seized upon their Spirits. Whether these Colours were Parsons Black, True Blue Flourishing Green, Orange Tawny, or Blood Red the Historian hath not so far gratified us, a● punctually to set down in his Relation of the●● transactions. But if I might have leave to pas● my Verdict herein, I should be apt to conjecture them to have been, at least for the most part, 〈◊〉 by the Red-lettered people. What sad Prognostics may we think our Almanac-makers a● stargazers than gave of the times, when the saw England so likely to fall into such Feuds, Faction● and disorders as those of the Guelphs and Gibeline● But one good turn 'tis, that Astrogolers Prognostications use commonly to be, like the Popish Oracles old Almanacs, soon out of date. The City could much sooner influence the Nation, than they could make the Stars influence the City, in favour of the Duke's cause.  
How the Citizens of London opposed the Duke, we have seen, but he is resolved it seems to show his bitter resentments upon the next opportunity, and accordingly, after the Duke had obtained his desires of the two Houses of Parliament, viz. A Poll-Bill or Tax of all the heads in the whole Realm, he caused the King to send for the Major, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of London, who soon came before him, than very ill at ease, as they were ordered, into his Chamber of Presence; where, after the usual Ceremonies over past, a certain Knight of the Court endeavoured, by his Ciceronian Rhetoric, and the Eloquence of his Oration, to persuade the Citizens, to confess their great and heinous offences against the King ●nd Duke, and to submit themselves to their Mercy. See here the King's Name must be brought ●n, right or wrong, or else the Duke's cause, and pretensions, would signify little. But the Londoners were not so to be caught. For they answered, they had not Conspired against the Duke, nei●her had there been any shameful thing spoken or done against him, that they did know of, or con●ent unto, which they were ready to prove before their Sovereign Lord the King, and the Duke himself. The folly of the Common people they affirmed they could not stay, and therefore requested of the King, that he would not punish those ●hat were innocent, and ignorant of the Fact, but withal promised the Duke, for Reverence of the King, (observe this) that they would endeavour to bring in the Common people, and compel them by Law to make due satisfaction, and more (said they) we are not able to do for the Duke, that may be to his Honour. Not able to do more, why? What would his faction have had them to have done? Was his favour to have been purchased at no less a price, than an entire Resignation of all they had, Bodies and Souls, Lives, Liberties, and Estates at Discretion? Must they have denied their senses, and their reason too, in charging themselves with what they neither said, nor did, felt, heard, nor understood, to avoid Scandala Magnatum's and the Arbitrary Fin●● of biased Juries? Leave we such Terms of accommodation to the insulting power and Pride o● Prelatical Consciences, to impose upon their underling Curates. Such is the continued cause of difference between the Molinists and Jansenists in France, while one side fairly offers, to disallow certain displeasing Propositions, either by themselves, or as Jansenius', if shown to them in hi● works, and the other party, as pertinaciously▪ insists upon their rejecting them as his, because the Pope hath so condemned them.  
Glad we may easily suppose the Londoners were▪ when dismissed upon their aforesaid Answers But it seems the Court was not yet satisfied: 〈◊〉 afterwards we read of the Kings sending them 〈◊〉 Command secretly, to call all the Citizens together, and, having made a Wax Candle with th● Duke's Arms in it, to carry it solemnly in Procession to Saint Paul's, there to burn continually 〈◊〉 the City's charges, which was accordingly performed by the chiefest and richest of the Citizens, the meaner commonalty disdaining to be present at such a procession, and therefore with indignation departing home, when they heard the business, and knew the occasion of their being called together. But neither did this condescension of the greatest give the Duke content; he threatened them, looked upon it as a reproach, and took it in great scorn, that they had offered thus his Arms in a Wax Taper while he was alive, and in good health; notwithstanding they affirmed, they had expressly done that which his Father, the King, had Commanded them, and would have done any thing, that might have pleased him, i. e. in reason. For peace and quietness sake possibly, and out of respect to the King's Majesty, they would not have refused the trouble of putting forth a few honorary Proclamations, nor denied him the Compliment of a volley or two of Holla's and Huzza's, if that would have pleased. But this did not answer the Duke's Expectations, nor satisfy his Ambitious desires, they knew, he said, his mind, and were not ignorant how to make satisfaction. Ay; there 'twas: He would have us, said the troubled Citizens amongst themselves, Proclaim him King, but this shall never be done, and so they parted worse friends than they were before. So much ado was there with one proud, haughty Duke, most injuriously aspiring to the Crown, to the prejudice of his better belov'd Nephew, whose claim, title, and right had been sometime before (if I mistake not in my reckoning) settled expressly by the Parliament, or at least he had been declared by his Grandfather his Heir and Lawful Successor; Yet this the Ambitious Uncle thought probably easily to have evaded and deluded, though besides the affections, and contrary to the inclination of the rest of the Nation, could he but have prevailed upon the Londoners, by threats, or fair words, to have sided with him; But their opposition quite spoiled the Game, and kept the Duke off the Cushion, a Duke still, so Triumphant were they in Power, Prudence, and Loyalty. Wherefore to satisfy his restless reven geful Spirit, the Duke ceased not, till he had got the old Major put out, and a new one Elected, the Aldermen deposed, and others set in their places: So little did their late Complicance, and humble Procession, avail them, while the Commonalty remain stiff, firm, and unshaken, as well by the Duke's power and greatness, as by his Threats and Menaces. He had gained a great Ascendent over the weak King's affections, but yet for all that could not sway this Honourable City to his Interests, and the Interest of his, then prevalent, Faction at Court.  
The Citizen's Loyalty is plainly shown, beyond denial, in Courageously adhering to the Juster claim and Title of the abused Nephew, and preferring his Birthright before the Pretensions of his Uncle, who, Ruling the King and those about him, thought also to have overruled the City too. Their Prudence is manifest, in that they wisely chose to yield many things to the times, for peace sake, but when neck and all was in danger, they would not budge a foot, nor stir one step further, to humour all the Dukes in Kent or Christendom: Neither is their power less conspicuous, who not only dared, but did oppose this high minded Duke in the Days of his Visible Grandeur, and proved a match by far too hard for him. For in a short time comes the News of the Old King's ●●ing at the point of Death, and presently we have the Londoners sending the chiefest, and worthiest, of their Citizens to the young Prince, and his Mother, than Resident not far from the City, declaring their ready minds, and good wills, to accept him for their true and Lawful King, upon ●is Grandfather's Decease, beseeching him, on the behalf of the Citizens, and City of London, that he would have the City Recommended to his good Grace, submitting themselves only to ●is Rule, and bowing to his Will and Pleasure, ●nder his Dominion to serve, in Word and Deed, as being known to be so much at his Devotion, as not only ready to spend their Goods and Estates for his sake, but also to jeopard their lives ●n his behalf, as Stow expresses it in John Phil●●ts Oration, in the beginning of the life and Reign of King Richard the second, who was thus ●o undeniably settled in the Throne of his Forefathers, by the City's apparent interest, and visible influence upon the Counsels of the Nation, in that great turn and change of affairs.  
The City's power seems plainly demonstrated, give me therefore leave to bring one instance more of their wisdom, caution, and prudence in these dangerous, because unsettled, times, before I pass ●n to other particulars. The young King being ●hus entered upon the Government, it was thought good by the King, or those about him, to have ●ome care taken to accommodate former differences, especially such as had happened between this potent Duke and the more powerful City. Wherefore several persons of Eminency were speedily sent to London, to salute the Citizens in the new King's name, and acquaint them, how the Duke in all things had submitted himself to the Kings will, ('twas time, for 'tis certain he had lost the day, though not perhaps his high-tow'ring Ambition) and that they should do so in like manner, and then the King would endeavour a Reconciliation to the City's honour and advantage. Fair words and large promises. But the worthy Citizens were not Birds to be caught with chaff, much less to be hampered in a Noose of their own making. They were for no Resignations it seems at Discretion, though to the dearest Friend alive. They knew the King to be but young, and weak to help them in such a troublesome business, if they should so heedlessly desert their own Cause, and put the staff out of their own hands, by their own Consent. They had enemies enough still, they might think, at Court, as long as the Duke was there, and his flattering favourites, who might possibly overrule at least, (if not over-aw) the King to their prejudice, should they render all they had at pleasure into his hand, by their own voluntary Act and Deed, when as they knew themselves well able to defend their liberties and properties in a legal way, without hazarding them upon so entire a submission, as was required, without Reserve. Wherefore, upon consultation, this Medium was at length found out, that if the noble persons, sent to them with that message, would be bound to the Citizens, that their submission should not redound to the temporal loss or bodily harm of any Citizen, or prejudice of their City, they would gladly obey the King's Commandment. This those eminent persons of quality undertook by Oath, and upon their Knighthood: And so, upon this surety, away go the Citizens to Court, and being soon brought before the King, besought him (as the Annalist words it) to reform the peace betwixt the Duke and them, affirming that they were ready in all things to submit themselves unto his will and pleasure, not as though they confessed they had made any fault against the Duke, (consider this) but as men that came at this time for the benefit of peace, and honour, as well to the King, as the Duke, to pacify the hearts, and mitigate the pleasure of both. That this was their intent is evident enough from their own request before made to the King, that he would vouchsafe to make a good and profitable end of this discord. For that they feared not the Duke, is most certain from the precedent passages, and that they were all of a sudden fallen deeply in love with him and his party, I can hardly believe. No, no, They love the Nephew too well, to dote upon the Uncle; and may they always be so minded upon a good account. The Citizens having thus prudently (though we see not without great caution) referred themselves to the King, the Duke readily accepted of this form of peace (as not hoping possibly for such an other opportunity, nor expecting so honourable Conditions a second time, if refused the first); and upon his knees became Intercessor to the King, to take the cause in hand under the form by the Londoners expressed, and so a Reconciliation was made between these two contesting Parties, the Duke with an Oath promising them his friendship for the future, and in token thereof bestowing a kiss of peace upon each of them before the King at the same time: Whereupon the Citizens returned home with joy and gladness, rejoicing that the Duke was brought to such humility, who a little before had, in great Pride, demanded of them, for his favour, an hundred Hogsheads of Wine, and an infinite number of precious Stones. So great a value did this highflown Duke set upon his grace and favour, till the Citizens of this honourable City, by their power and prudence, had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower: and that visibly too▪ For we don't find him, as ambitious as he still continued, so openly aspiring to England's Crown for the future, how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Prince's Reign, under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accrueing to him from his Mother. We read indeed, I confess, in Cotton's Abridgement of the Records, that, in the seventeenth of this King, the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Duke's charge, as not honourable for the King to suffer in him, nor fit for him to do, being a Subject, as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did, (which seems to show much of Arrogancy, and Ambition, to say no more) besides some other Objections, but herein he was so far justified by the King himself, that the Earl was ordered to crave the Duke's Pardon in full Parliament, in a certain form of words appointed him. In Stow's Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him, in the seventh of this King's Reign, tending to prove his intent and design suddenly to oppress the King, and take upon himself the Kingdom, but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself, who was to have lost most, had it been attempted Successfully, and doubtless as little believed; otherwise surely the Schedule, containing the time, place, and other Circumstances, had not been presently delivered into the Duke's hands, nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman, nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards. The Duke was not so powerful, nor so great a Terror, but the City was as well able still to deal with him, and his whole party, and make as vigorous opposition, as ever, in defence of their Sovereign Lord the King, if occasion should have offered itself. This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation, much more to the Duke himself, from former experience, who therefore may be supposed not any more to have aspired openly, whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast; whether or no he designed and attempted aught by unseen Plots and Conspiracies, I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not, as he pleases, without speaking to or for in the case. Besides the decree of an overruling Providence, Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title, natural humanity in defending the young and weak, and a well grounded affection to the Prince, for his Father and Grandfather's sake, (one the famous Black Prince, the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign,) we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction, because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines, (whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design, I shall not determine in this place) and so looked upon perhaps as little better than another Juli●n the Apostate. For we are to know, that London's Religion, and consequently the Nations, was at that time Popish, and the generality of the People in Town and Country Rome's Votaries, who had Wickliffs' Doctrine in as great detestation then, under the Notion of Heresy, as we Protestants have it now in esteem, under the Seal and assurance of Truth. As indeed for many of the ages past, from our ever-blessed Saviour's Birth, through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse, and under the succeeding Kings, for above an hundred years, Popery continued the National Religion, under the power and prevalency of which persuasion was the body of the Citizens bred up, who proved so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation, in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation: And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration, the City's Power, Strength, and Esteem remained the same in effect, as ever, the change of her Religion introducing no change therein, unless for the better, she increasing proportionably in every age in Wealth, Riches and Honour, as the Nation grew stronger and stronger: And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism, as before under the Romish Faith; a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place.  
How influential the City's actions were upon the Nations affairs, and her Love advantageous to the Orphan Prince, in securing his Claim, Right, and Title to the Crown in his Grandfather's life time, and settling him quietly on the Throne at his Death, in spite of all the opposition, the deep designs, and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle, John of Gaunt, and his faction could make, when they had got the reigns of public Government into their own hands, through the Old King's Connivance, hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages. The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe, how this Honourable City of London behaved herself, after she had lent her assistance to raise this Young Prince, from the ●eanness of a Subject, to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King, under the Name of Richard the Second; what place she held in his affections, ●nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of ●he people. But where shall I begin, and when ●hall I end? Sooner may I be wearied with reading, and tired with writing, than fail of matter ●o exercise my Pen, so copious is my Subject and ●o full of Variety. For, in my searches into the Histories of this King's Reign, I find it plain to a ●emonstration, that the City carried a great sway ●mongst all Ranks and Degrees, from the Prince ●o the Subject, from the King, the Supreme, to ●is subordinate Magistrates, and Ministers, and was highly Honoured, Revered, and Respected ●mong the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty ●f the Land, both in the calm of peace, and the ●oisterous storms of civil distractions.  
I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons, the known representative of the Commons of England, and concerning them observe, out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, revised by William Prynne Esq;, that, in the first Parliament of this King in his first year, among other Petitions of the Commons, there is to be found one particular division, under the Title of Petitions for the City of London, wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners (so great was the City's influence over their Debates, and so high a respect had they for her) to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens, and to them very advantageous and beneficial: As that all their Liberties may be confirmed with a Non obstante: That they attend upon no Commandment of any of the King's Officers, but only at the King's Suit, Sealed with the Great or Privy Seal, except the King's Justices, according to their Charter: That they shall by themselves inquire of Customs and impositions happening or arising within the City: That the Major and Chamberlain for the time being shall have the keeping of the City Orphans Lands and Goods; [No small advantage in those times, when the Court of Wards was in being, and greatly beneficial still, by reason of the Deceits many poor Orphans meet with from Cheating, or Insolvent Guardians and trusties, whereas the City's security is unquestionable and her Credit not in the least to be doubted of:] That the Interpretation of any word or Sentence touching their said Liberties, which may severally be taken, may be taken according to the intent and Claim of the said Citizens: That the City may enjoy all such Liberties as any other Town in the Realm, if they have any other than the Citizens have; That no protection Royal be allowed in Debt, Account or Trespass, wherein a Freeman of London is ten pounds, with several others: By the Answers whereunto we find the King's Will was, that the Citizens of London should in no wise be restrained of any of their Liberties or ancient customs approved: Such as were most useful, and advantageous at the present time, were by his Majesty granted, and if any appear to have been denied, the denial seems rather conditional, than plain and direct in down right terms: So cautious was the King in his Answers, so careful not to displease this powerful Coporation, and so well advised, as not to show himself Ungrateful at his first coming to the Crown, to those, who had so Cordially erewhile espoused his interest, and so stoutly defended his cause but a little before.  
In the sixth of this King, at the request of the Commons the Abridgement tells us, it was enacted, that the City of London should enjoy all such Liberties, as they had in the time of King Edward the third, or as were to them confirmed by the King now; and that Victuallers particularly should be ●under the Mayor's Rule, and have no particular liberties by themselves. In the seventh we find it among the Commons Petitions enacted, that the Citizens of London shall enjoy all their whole Liberties whatsoever, with this Clause, licet usi non fuerunt, vel ●busi fuerunt, notwithstanding any Statute to the Contrary. Whether then 'tis possible for any Corporate body, endowed with so transcendent Privileges by the public Act and Deed of the known Legislators of the Land, to forfeit and lose them all of a sudden, Judge ye. At the same time we read of a grant made by the same Authority, that the Mayor and Aldermen should take no other Oath in the Exchequer, than they did in the time of King Edward the third. How careful were the Commons, do we see in this Age, to prevent the Citizens from being enslaved in either their Bodies or their Souls? They shan't be imposed upon, by their good Wills, in so much as an Oath, much less have Creeds, Articles and Oaths, by the dozen thrust upon them to Swear and subscribe to. In the same year we have the Commons petitioning the King again in the City's behalf, (so Solicitous were they for her good and welfare) That free choice may be made of the most able men for Aldermen, as well of such as were the year before, as of others yearly. See we here the House of Commons pleading for a free choice, an Election without disturbance, threats, or menaces, and that particular Citizens should not be imposed upon, nor overawed: And if they had formerly chosen good Men, and found them so by experience, that they should not be obliged next year to pass them by, and choose others, such as possibly might prove friends to them the backward way, and over the left shoulders. The Electors might pick and choose as they please, which is the benefit of a free Election. And as the Commons pray, so the King grants, as long as there is good Government in the City thereby▪ What could be desired more? As long as the Aldermen were liable to be passed by every year, as well as the Common-Council-Men, 'tis very unlikely that they should displease the City, much less thwart and contradict the Common voice o● her Citizens for a few sprinklings of Court Holy Water. Observe, this was at the Parliament hel● at Salisbury, some scores of Miles from London, yet 'twas not the distance of place that could breed distance of affection. Remove the national assembly to the other end of the Land, to the utmost Coasts of Great Brittian, yet London's Name reaches thither. 'Tis not the place that makes our Westminster Conventions so mindful of her, but her Merit, her Power, her Influence, the respect and esteem they have for her Glory, Honour and Renown, to see her ever continue, the fixed unmovable Defendress of the Protestant Religion, under the Defender of the Faith.  
In the Ninth, the Commons require, at the petition of the Mayor and Commonalty of London, that the Patent lately made to the Constable of the Tower may be Revoked. The reason is plain, 'twas prejudicial to the City, to have the Victuals brought to her, upon her dearest and best beloved Thames, made to pay Toll and Custom to another. How Glorious and Gracious must we needs think that City to be in the people's Eyes, when we find their Representatives, not once nor twice, but so constantly, almost at every 〈◊〉, pleading her Cause, vindicating her Liberties, and asserting her Rights? And these we know are part of the Legislative power. A general act of Oblivion is a Royal Grant not every day bestowed upon the Subject, and a grace not often obtained without much importunity and intercession. We have reason therefore to believe the Londoners looked upon it as no small favour, that at the Common's request the King granted a Pardon to the Citizens of London, in the Eleventh of his Reign, of all Treasons, Felonies, and other offences of loss of life. For so Pardons run, whether the parties were guilty of such crimes and delinquences, or not; and 'tis a salvo that Wise men disdain not sometimes to make use of, and why should they not, unless a Pardon must of necessity imply a Crime?  
We have heard how careful the House of Commons were, under this King, to secure the City's Liberties, ascertain her Rights, defend her Privileges, and keep off encroachments, that she might not be abused nor imposed on: Let me next have leave, before I pass forwards, to give a hint or two to intimate, how ready the Commons were to free the City from Annoyances, in order both to the Citizen's health and the City's Ornament, that nothing offensive, either to the Eyes or the Nostrils, might be found therein. 'Tis to be seen Enacted, among the Commons Petitions in the sixteenth of this King, that all the filth upon Thames side, in a certain place there mentioned, be utterly removed against a short time particularlized: That the Butchers of London build convenient Houses, to hold whatsoever they had noisome in their Calling, thence in due time to be carried in Boats into the middle of the Thames at high-water, there to be cast at its beginning to Ebb, so to be born away with the Tide. And that no Rubbish or the like be cast into Thames between Westminster and the Tower on a considerable forfeiture. Small slight trivial matters some may haply think these to be, and not worth perhaps a remark: Yet to me it seems a manifest sign of the Citizen's care and esteem, the House of Commons respect for them, and the influence the City had upon their debates, that they showed themselves so willing and ready, at all times, to take into more especial consideration the slightest and minutest things, so it came recommended to them from the City of London, or appeared in their Eyes advantageous to her Inhabitants: And that these had an equal share in making Laws with the Lords, or even with the King himself, is as evident as the shining of the Sun in a hot Summers-day.  
From the Commons let us pass to the King and Lords jointly considered. For the esteem the Lords had for the City, when looked upon as single in themselves, and not expressly united with the King, may best be shown either when we come to touch upon the Civil distractions of these times, whereof the whole Nation were partakers, or the more immediate afflictions of the City in particular, (as some we may be sure they had in a General Del●ge of miseries) my Subject being as yet principally of Proceedings and Transactions carried on in a Parliamentary way, that is or aught to be, in meekness and calmness. What I have chiefly to observe here is in plain words out of the Abridgement of the Records Relating to the Parliament of the seventeenth of this King, where we read it enacted, that it is not the King's meaning or intent, nor meaning of the Statute made in the twenty eighth of Edward the third, (touching Errors and misprisions in the City of London) that the Mayors, Sheriffs and Aldermen of London, that now are, heretofore have been, or hereafter shall be, should incur, or bear the pain contained in the said Statute, for any erroneous Judgement given, or to be given in the said City. This is one of the three Acts there noted, to be enacted by the King, by the assent of the Lords only: And therefore makes good my assertion of the respect shown the City by the King and Lords, as may be made to appear more obvious by giving the Reader the substance of the forecited Statute, still to be seen, among the Printed Statutes, in the twenty eighth of Edward the third, Chapter tenth, where we find it ordained and established, that the Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen, which have the Governance of the City of London, shall cause to be redressed and corrected the defaults errors and misprisions above named, and the same duly punish from time to time upon a certain Pain: That is to say, at the first default a thousand Marks to the King, and at the second default two thousand Marks, and at the third default that the Franchise and Liberty of the City be taken into the King's hand: And it is likewise enacted, that inquiries shall be made of these defaults by Inquests of people of these Foreign Counties, Kent, Essex, Sussex, Hertford, Buckingham and Berks: And the receiving and execution of the Writs, as well Originals as Judicials, is committed to the Constable of the Tower, or his Lieutenant, in place of the Sheriffs of London; so runs the Statute: Whence occasion might seem likely enough to be taken, one time or other, by the Cities designing adversaries, to Hector the Mayor Sheriffs and Aldermen into compliance, by threatening to sue that Act upon them, or opportunity given to treacherous friends, (fostered within her Walls, bred up under the shadow of her wings, raised and enriched through the benefit of her Franchises and Privileges, and crept into Authority by the overflowings of her favour) for a lick or two at the public honeypot, wilfully to incur the forfeitures, that her Liberties might be seized, and her good old Charter, as far as in them lies, wholly lost. But such an Honourable respect had both the King and his Nobles at that season for this most deserving City, and so glorious appeared she in their Eyes, that they seem in a manner resolved, as well as highly desirous according to their power, to prevent the very possibility of such ill consequences by this favourable interpretation, that after-ages might not rue for the oversights of former times, if they could help it. For this rather looks like an explanation of the Statute than a Repeal, an Act Declaratory of their good Will and intentions, more than a result of the whole Legislative power of the Nation; here being only the King and his Lords assent mentioned, and not a word of the Commons. And yet possibly this Declaration may amount to little less than a virtual, though not a formal repeal, if it be jointly considered with what hath been before related, in the seventh of this King's Reign, concerning the Clause, licet usi non fuerunt, vel abusi fuerunt, notwithstanding any Statute to the contrary, to be found enacted among the Commons Petitions of that year, in favour of the City's Liberties. So that upon this account we find Authority in every part of it concurring in the point. And that it was in favour of the City in General, as well as in behalf of particular persons, is plain from the sense and substance of the original Statute, and the consequential adjuncts thereto belonging. But if any one shall think this conclusion will not clearly follow from the premises, I don't think but I am able to prove it undeniably (as to the part at least of several of the Lords) from Statute Law: As strong an assurance, as we Englishmen can expect, as being the boundary of our Lives and Liberties, and giving us the security of all we enjoy, or can properly call our own. The Statute is to be found in the first of Henry the fourth, Chapter 15th. where after a recital of the beforementioned Statute of 28 Edward 3. (though through a mistake or misprint, it is said there to to be made in the seven and twentieth year) we find as follows; Our Lord the King considering the good and lawful behaviour of the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Aldermen, and all the Commonalty of the City of London towards him, and therefore willing to ease and mitigate the Penalty aforesaid by the Assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Commons aforesaid, hath ordained and established, that the penalty aforesaid, as well of the thousand Marks, and of the two thousand Marks, and of the Seizure of the Franchises comprised in the same Statute, shall not be limited in a certainty, but that the Penalty in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned. To mitigate it doubtless, not enhance it at pleasure, to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties, by pretending the loss of her Charter.  
How respectful King, Lords and Commons, in Parliament assembled, showed themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declared, proved, and made manifest, I presume, already in the foregoing Relation. Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point, and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument, highly demonstrative of the City's power, drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders, insurrections and Outrages of unruly people. There having passed an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King, to empower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land, and many exactions thereupon, and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers, (some of the Courtiers having procured the King's Commissions for a review, and a more exact Collection, under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers) the Commons thought themselves so abused and oppressed, that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance, and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers, to the no small disturbance of the Land. Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckoned the greatest bodies, gathered together under such heads, as Wat Tyler, Jack Straw, and the like obscure Fellows. These we find quickly coming to London, where they soon obtain entrance, notwithstanding the Mayor's intended opposition, and then quickly carry all before them, behead whom they thought good, do what they would, burn great men's Palaces at their Pleasure, the Gates of the Tower are set open to them, the King rides to'm in fear, unarmed, and ill guarded, at their sending for, and grants them as large Charters as they desired, none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolences, so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power, Direction, and Command, as remaining Masters of the Field, without a stroke stricken by any opposite Party: such a terror did their numbers and boldness strike into men's minds at the first, and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London: either through the joint assistance of many Commons there inhabiting, or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck. But when the first brunt was over, and it was visible, that the greatest, best, and most of the Citizens joined not with the Country Commons, to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences, the tide was soon turned, and deliverance brought, both to the King and Court, by the courage of this Loyal City. The Mayor himself, as their Head, made the first open beginning, was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen, and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens. He being a man of great boldness, by the King's permission, first arrested, and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebels, Jack Straw, saith Fabian, Wat Tyler, saith Stow, to the great encouragement of those about the King, (among whom this Arch Rebel received his death) and daunting of the Rebellious Commons; to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworth's Dagger, some say, inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only (the Annalist tell us) into the City, and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the King's assistance, raises a considerable strength, who well armed, under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles, came in good time into the Field, where the King was, among the tumultuous Commons, not so well attended, but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor, and the armed Citizens, is expressly said to have caused rejoicing in the minds of the King, and those few Knights and Esquires then about him; and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof, when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately, falling also themselves upon the ground, and beseeching pardon, who but a little before gloried, that they had the King's life in their own power, and so possibly might have continued boasting, had not the Citizens thus roused up themselves to the King's relief, and timely dispersed these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride. That this was a piece of Loyalty, as well as valour, most timely and seasonably shown, is evident, from the great influence what was but barely done at London, though without London's consent, had upon the Country. For from the Annalist we are given to understand, that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told, that these overthrew House and Manors of great Men, and of Lawyers, slew the Students of the Law, etc. according to the manner of them at London, having for their Captain an ungracious Priest, named John Wraw, who had been at London just before, had seen what was done there, and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler. So that what's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Country. A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City, and committed many unsufferable Outrages, and several parts of the Country were resolved to follow the Fashion, and do the like. The Citizen's courage quelled these Tumultuous Commons in London, and then they were quickly suppressed, we hear, in other Places. Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor, and several Aldermen, with the honour of Knighthood and other recompenses, and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London, to guard him, till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law, which was quickly done, thanks to the worthy Londoners, who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right, defended his Royalty, rescued his Person, and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power, well near lost before, through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons, and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers; Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board, and talk high upon the Bench, under the shelter of the King's Authority; but when they were to come into the Field of War, to fight for their Prince, they proved mere Courtiers, all words and no deeds. The Citizens were the Men of valour. They lay still, the King was like to be undone, and the Court ruined. They appeared to oppose the vaunting Enemies, they fled before them, and the King regained his own.  
This one famous City, the terror of her Enemies, the joy of her Friends, cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the British world, or else such attempts, for the most part at least, if not always, prove vain, fruitless, and insignificant. And where's the wonder of this? The whole City, as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united, may well be esteemed most amiable, and counted highly powerful, since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness (under which comprehend the large Riches, Power and Spirit) of particular Citizens incorporated into Her. For the first, let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume, who, upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King, providently took care to have Corn brought to L●●don from foreign Parts, to the relief of the whole Realm; and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen, who, for the furtherance of so good a Work, laid out each of them a sum of money, in those days very considerable, to the same purpose, and bestowed the Corn thus procured in convenient places, where the Poor might buy at an appointed price, and such, as had no ready money, upon Surety to pay the year following, besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphan's Chest in Guildhall for the same intent. In Proof of the later, viz. The Greatness, Riches, Power and Spirit of particular Citizens, I challenge all the Cities in the world besides, to show me such another Example, as that of John Philpot Citizen of London, the Citizen's Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign, who in the second year, observing the young King's inability, the Nobles neglect, and the oppressions of the poor Commons; voluntarily hired Soldiers with his own money, rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge, and hazarded his own Person, to defend the Realm from Pirates, Robbers, and incursions of Enemies, and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships, which he had before violently taken from Scarborow, and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches, which came to his Aid. Can Rome herself show me a like Parallel? As for the Fabiuses, they were a whole Family among the Patricians, and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the height of that Commonwealth's Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors, whereas this public-spirited Person lived still a Subject, under a limited Monarchy, none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World. This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation, and so it had among the Common People, but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction, as being a manifest reproof of their carelessness and negligence, and he himself was endangered thereby, they speaking openly against it, as done unlawfully without the Council of the King and his Realm▪ though his design could not be denied to have been very honest in the general. Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act, because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law, the Statesmen of the times, therein instrumental, without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons, as some of the chief Episcopal Clergymen, in a Protestant Country, within the Memory of Man, would have made themselves obnoxious to the People's Censure, should they have publicly burned Vindiciae Pietatis, i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy, (which I have heard intimated as if thought of) because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded, and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgement.  
But to pass on, If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago, to what an height of Wealth, Greatness and splendour must we needs think the City to have arrived at this day, some Centuries of years since that time? If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayor's Estate heretofore, we may give a shrewd guess at the City's advancement and increase in Riches since, now that the same is made the limited sum, for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth, who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour, and Honourable charge, of the Shrievalry. Nay, to go a step or two further, now adays we find her Sheriff's Revenue commonly reputed at double the value, and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores. What if I had also added, that some are esteemed so wealthy, as not to know an end of their Riches? Certainly such, if any, must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods. So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with, if not outvie, the Quondam Mistress of the World, Rome herself. She exceeds her in Antiquity, as being founded (in Fabian's Compute) above four hundred years before her, and hath this advantage of her now, that whereas Rome is confessed and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness, both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority, London still continues on the rising hand. Rome 'tis visible hath suffered a considerable diminution, as to her former extent and Jurisdiction, in both capacities, whether she be looked upon, as, once head of the world, or now pretended head of the Church, but London plainly appears to be daily getting ground both in Fame and Reputation, as well as building: And whereto she may come in time, belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare. She is already become the Famed Metropolis of this our little World, and Rome was but Empress in a greater: Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that, how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion, as London is known to be at present over all ours.  
Having thus shown the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders, and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her, I should now proceed to disengage myself of an obligation, I presume, lying on me, from part of a promise before made, to declare the esteem the Lords, when singly considered, had of her strength and power. But before I pass on more immediately thereto, I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King, within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record, viz the nineteenth and twenty second, wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority, sometimes oftener, and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running, wherein it is ordained and established, that a Parliament shall be holden once every year, and more often if need be, which being omitted but one year in twenty one, and not observed in the twenty second, we may easily think it proved fatal to the unfortunate King, that in the next Parliament he should be deposed by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon another's head. And is it any wonder, to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies, when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other, as was done in this King's time? For we find parties mutually clashing in public, and what was ordained in one Parliament for the Commons good (as was then pretended) by an other repealed in favour of the other side, former Laws Annulled, Pardons revoked, Grants recalled, and new punishments inflicted for o●d offences. And yet in an other Revolution, within a very small space of time, the last Parliaments Acts were cashiered and thrown out of doors to make room for the revival and Establishing the Elder Parliament Statutes. Such changes were then Rung, and so much contesting between Privilege and Prerogative, as if the differences were wh●lly and altogether irreconcilable, or at least made to seem so by some men's poli●ies, the better to carry on their own more particular Intrigues. And therefore, when fair words were feared not likely to prevail, Arms were prepared to force, and there was danger o● h●ving Swords drawn, Bows bended, and Arrows shot for the promoting the designs on foot.  
But of all Statutes, Acts, Ordinances, Laws, and Grants, most memorable and observable is the Petition of the Commons, and the Answer thereto given, in the Parliament begun at Westminster, April 25th. in the second of this King's Reign. The Petition is to be seen among the Commons Petitions in Cottons Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, so often mentioned, and Printed 1657. pag. 169. Tit. 28. in these words, That Answer reasonably may be given to all their Petitions now, or hereafter to be moved; and that Statutes be thereupon made before departure of every Parliament. The Answer hereto runs thus, such Bills as Remedy cannot otherwise be had but in Parliament, reasonable Answer shall be thereto made before such Departure. Now we are to understand, that Petitions, in the old, are Bills, according to the new Style, which in this Parliament were thus ordained to be produced at least for the Royal Assent, if not to be passed formerly into Laws. So that if the Houses were so minded, by straining this grant to its utmost bounds (though perhaps further than was designed at the first) 'twas no hard matter for them to sit e'en as long, in a manner, as they pleased; and the old King of late Memory, his present Majesty's Royal Father, may hereby very easily be vindicated from the Censures of those undutiful Subjects, who pretend to blame his conduct, and Arraign, if not condemn, his Judgement for passing the continuing Act in the Parliament of forty, whereby he more plainly and immediately put the dissolution thereof out of his own hands; whereas before he had been haply liable to have been tricked out of it, with greater affront to his Prerogative, by the quirks that nimble wits would have been apt enough at that conjuncture, to have started out of this Grant. For what would not they have attempted in that posture of affairs, who actually did so much afterwards by the noise of an Ordinance, a term new to the vulgar, but weil enough known (though possibly never in that use and extent before) to the Learned Lawyers, who can easily inform the Questionist, out of the Records in the Tower, that in the thirty seventh of Edward the third they met with the name and nature in a demand of the Chancellors to the whole Estates, whether they would have such things as they agreed on, to be by way of Ordinance, or of Statute; and in the Answer thereto made, by way of Ordinance, with this reason then and there given, that they might amend the same at their pleasure.  
If we wonder at this grant, which seems to trail after it such inconveniencies to the Regal Power, as were before hinted, or at least might be made an Inlet to pretences, as prejudicial to the Royal Prerogative, we are to understand, that this was obtained in the King's Nonage, though not perhaps in times absolutely factious, for I don't read but that things were carried then calmly and quietly enough. But when the King came to full Age, than we may observe that he or his bosom Favourites, were not well pleased with this or other Grants, that confined the Regal Power within stricter Boundaries, than their own desires permitted them to like, and therefore there was striving amain to remove the ancient Landmarks, and the Court effected it at last for a short space, but with so ill an event, that the issue proved as fatal to the King himself, as th●s counterplotting had been destructive to many others before. People hereupon may say what they think fit, and pass their Verdicts as they please: But can any blame that man's Will and Desire, to disentangle himself from Fetters and Chains, who thinks himself born free, and so would fain live according to his own pleasure and good liking? 'Tis his Judgement rather, that is to be quessioned, when it suggests to him, that he may command, and aught to be obeyed, in such things where no obedience was before due, by nature, or consent; and the goodness of his Intellectuals are liable to be doubted of, when they make him to fancy he may be absolute, where known Laws and long continued Custom hath authorised the contrary.  
Such seems to have been England's Case of old, where the Subjects have oft put on Arms to prevent encroachments upon their dearly beloved, and many times dea●ly bought, Liberties. And such the Nations State under this King, he being come to his full Age, when several of the Barons, headed by the Duke of Gloucester his Uncle, thought it their main interest and concern, to speak high and look big, with Armour on their backs and Swords by their sides, though it subjected them to much ob●●quy and displeasure at Court, and brought themselves and all theirs into much hazard and danger. But this it seems they little thought of, or as little valued: That the Court highly resented the actings of such, as endeavoured in Parliament time to bring some o● the Prime Favourites to Judgement ●or Crimes laid to their Charge, is evident, in that they had laid a Plot to invite the Principal Lords to a Supper in London, and there murder them, as such who crossed the King's cours●s: But the present Lord Mayor utterly refused to do it, though moved thereto (saith my Author) by the King himself, and thereupon this design miscarried. But then other Rodds were laid in Lavender, and contrivanc●s secretly carried on, to entrap and suppress the Country Lords. The King calls all the High Sheriffs of the Counties before him, and demands, what strength they could make for him against the Lords, if there should be occasion? But they answered, that the Common People did so favour the Lords, as believing them to be loyal and true to the King, that it was not in their power to raise any great Force against them. Then they were commanded to take care, that no Knight nor Burgess should afterwards be chosen to any Parliament, but those whom the King and Council should name; whereto they replied, It was an hard matter, in those times of Jealousy and Suspicion, to deprive the People of their ancient Liberties in choosing their representatives. Then were the Judges consulted, (Men, as my Author writes, learned chiefly in one point, that is, without considering Truth or Falsehood, to please those in high places) who gave several extrajudicial opinions in favour of the Prerogative upon some Queries propounded to them, by one of which, viz. Whether the King might not at his pleasure dissolve the Parliament, and command the Lords and Commons to depart, we may guests what Exceptions and Resentments were taken against the Commons Request, in the Second of this King before mentioned, that the Parliament should not be dismissed before a reasonable Answer was given to all their Petitions.  
After this was my Lord Mayor of London required to give an account, how many able men he could raise in the City? who answered, that he thought they could make fifty thousand men at an hours warning: But when he went about it in good earnest, the Citizens cried out, they would never fight against the King's Friends, and the Defenders of the Realm. Then were there endeavours privily to apprehend the opposing Lords singly by themselves, but this design was disappointed, and the Lords were quickly up in Arms to defend themselves. When these devices would not hold water, by the interposition of Mediators it was ordered, that the Lords should come to Westminster to the King upon a day appointed them, some Persons of Quality and Credit taking Oaths on the King's part, that no fraud or deceit should be used, whereupon the Lords prepared themselves to come up according to agreement, but soon stopped their Journey, upon notice given them of an Ambusment laid for them in the Mews, which made the King ready almost to tax them of breach of Covenant, till he was told the reason, viz. the Ambusment laid for them, and then to clear himself (as Stow relates it) swore he knew of no such thing. He might possibly be as innocent as the Child unborn, as to any particular knowledge of this matter, but certainly his Courtiers were much to blame, and very bold, thus to act in direct opposition to the former Agreement; for that there was such a treacherous piece o● Service intended, the Annalist assures us, but that any of the prime Engineers and designing Actors were punished, for acting thus without the Kings more especial Warrant, Knowledge, or Commission, I do not find.  
When these tricks would not do, then fair words and promises were come in fashion again, to soothe up the angry Lords, who at last were come to Westminster with a sufficient Guard of Attendants, and in the upshot the speedy calling of a Parliament was concluded on, where the Accusers and Accused might meet face to face. But the favourite Lords durst not attend the consequence of such a Meeting, and therefore the Duke of Ireland, and the rest of the Faction, left the Court to be out of the way, and an Army was after raised to conduct the Duke up to Court, with which he hasted as fast as he could towards London, but was miserably overthrown at Radcoat Bridge in Oxfordshire by the contesting Lords, and so e●ded all his glory, and a few years after his life. Upon this defeat the Lords thought they had matter enough to justify their Arms; with forty thousand men up come they to London and were there received, the King then keeping his Christmas in the Tower, to whom they show the Letter he had sent to the aforesaid Duke to raise an Army for their destruction, and the Letters the French King had written to him to come into France, there to do acts to his own dishonour and the Kingdoms. These things we may well conclude bred a great deal of ill blood between the King and his Lords, and that their Pulses beat extraordinary high is plain from the peremptory message they sent the King, when they understood his mind was altered as to keeping his promise before made to them, That if he came not according to his word, they would choose another King, who should hearken to the faithful Counsel of his Lords. This, 'tis easy to be thought, touched the King to the quick, but being not then strong enough to oppose, he esteemed it his safest and securest course to condescend to the Lords desires, and order the calling of a Parliament. A Parliament comes and then it wrought wonders.  
In Stow we meet with a Story, coincident with these times, concerning the Londoners, how that they understanding, that the French King had got together a great Navy, assembled an Army, and set his purpose firmly to come into England, trembling like Leverets, fearful as Mice they sought starting holes to hide themselves in, even as if the City had been ready to be taken, and they, that in times past, bragged they would blow all the French men out of England, hearing a vain Rumour of the Enemies coming, ran to the Walls, broke down the houses adjoining, destroyed and laid them flat, and did all things in great fear, not one Frenchman having then set foot on Shipboard. But there's not one word of the Author, whence this was extracted, which we commonly find in the Margin in other Relations. What ground now there was for this panic fear, I cannot devise, or rather reason, for the relating of such a heedless story, looking more like a conjectural report, than an historical relation, as if the Writer himself had been frenchified, or imposed upon by some French Translator, who was desirous to render his Country m●n terrible to the English by the Pen of an English Historian since they have been so ill able to do it by their own Swords. For that the English neither overmuch loved nor feared the French Nation, is evident from the Histories of ancient times, and th● occurrences of later days and from the Commons Address to the Purb●ck Alarm. How then the Londoners should come to be afraid of them so all of a sudden is a Riddle to me. 'Tis certain enough of late years, that, when they were burnt out of house and home, and had little more perhaps to lose besides their lives, upon an Alarm of the French coming and Papists rising, they were like enraged Bears, robbed of their young Ones, much more ready to fall on than the others to set upon them, so far were they from standing in fear of the whole power of France, though it should have been united with all their Popish Friends, Favourers, and Pensioners in England. And that they had little or no grounds for such fear in those elderly times, the long train of Victories gained heretofore in France puts us out of doubt. Besides methinks the Instances in this Story, which the Writer sets down as Arguments of fear, are rather proofs of a provident care and foresight. For what else can the running to the Walls, and breaking down the Houses adjoining import, but a design and resolution to stand upon their own Guard, which is the property of Courage not of Cowardice. That there were intentions, suitable to men of valour, of standing up vigorously in their own defence against the foreign Enemy, may be proved out of the s●me Author, from the great numbers of armed men by the Nobles brought to the Parliament then at London, and the Lord Chancellors calling men of Arms, out of almost every part of the Realm, to the Marches about London, to beat back the Frenchmen with their King, had they come. Let this therefore serve to disprove the Annalists suggestions out of his own mouth, and show the Nobles care for the City's safeguard, in drawing such forces thitherward, and their hopes of considerable assistance from the City to help them in the Common cause of self-preservation.  
But suppose, without granting it, that there were some sparks of fear amongst them, 'tis questionable, whether they did not spring from the mistrust of their principal Magistrates, not out of any diffidence and distrust of their own strength, or dread of a Foreign Enemy's power and puissance. For to me 'tis an Argument that the Major of London this year looked Courtward, since that we read of an endeavour to engage him in such an horrid design, as hath been before spoken of, to destroy the principals of the opposite party at a private Supper in London. Certainly the King would not have uttered a syllable of an intrigue of this importance to so powerful a Magistrate; as my Author affirms he did, had there not been hopes of prevailing on him in Reverence at least to the King's word and desire: But upon the Trial it seems he proved himself an honester man in that point; (whatever his principles and inclinations otherwise were) than his Predecessor, whom we read of as deeply concerned in that Plot. Much about this time 'tis likewise that a Modern writer tells us, that the Londoners incurred much obloquy, for that having before been Pardoned by the King of some Crimes laid to their charge, (but what nor when committed I find not by him mentioned) they were ready to comply with his d●sires, and a Jury of them being Impannell'd, indicted some Lords of many Crimes objected against them. But this also is to be imputed to the Magistrates influence and power in calling out men fit for the purpose, and not to the whole body of the Citizens. For we read just after, that when the Mayor thought to have raised them against the contesting Lords, they resolutely, refused, and absolutely rejected the Motion as is before related. So that 'twas not having the Mayor at their Beck, nor the Power, they thought, they had among the high Sheriffs of the Counties to procure such men returned up to serve in Parliament, as were nominated by the King and his Council, that could shelter the guilty favourites at Cor from the censure of that August Assembly, well known afterwards by the name of the Parliament that wrought wonders.  
For on the very first day thereof all the Judges, but one, were Arrested as they sat in their places, questioned for their extrajudicial opinions and Arbitrary actings, and severely punished by Banishment and Confiscation of their Estates: The Lord Chief Justice Tresilian lost his Life at Tyburn, and the rest, my Author says, had all died, had it not been for the Queen's intercession. As the Judges were thus brought under the Lash of those Laws, which before they had so much abused to humour Arbitrary men's designs, the better thereby to secure to themselves their own Stations and Offices of Judicature, so the Patrons themselves, and reputed promoters of these Arbitrary and illegal Actings, were reduced into the same Predicament, Several of the chief were impeached of no less than High Treason in open Parliament, the absent for ever banished, and many of them in hold either Hanged, or Beheaded, upon Tower-hil, or at Tyburn, notwithstanding they had been ere while Men of Name, Power and Authority, and in great favour at Court but just before. So uncertain is the State of Mortality, and so slippery is walking in high places.  
But amongst all those, who fell under the stroke of an angry Deity, and so shamefully lost their lives by the hands of Justice, most memorable is the fate, that befell Sir Nicholas Brember Grocer, late Lord Mayor of London, who, for many oppressions, and seditions by him caused in the City, was Beheaded (as Stow informs us) the Morrow after the Execution of the Lord Chief Justice Tresilian, and, which is more remarkable, with the same Axe, he had before prepared for others of his fellow Citizens. So just is Providence to suffer the wicked to be ensnared by the devices of their own hearts, and to fall headlong into the Pit they had digged for others. Stow tells us the King had ofttimes made him Mayor of London against the mind of the Citizens. But in Fabian (who methinks, being once Sheriff of this Honourable City, should know best what had been formerly Transacted in that City, of whose good order, Policy, and Government he hath expressly Treated in his Chronicle) I don't find but that he was Elected and Chosen. Possibly there might be an order made at Court, Present the King, and sent into the City to further and promote his Election, which by the one might be esteemed an imposing him on the City, while the other only took notice of the meeting of the Citizens in order to an Election, without relating how the matter was carried, or whether he came in fairly by a Majority, or else by a strong hand, through the working of Court Favourites, who influencing the Judges might make that pass for Law, which was contrary thereto, let the difference of voices be never so great on the other side. So have I heard of a place, where it was carried by thirteen against twenty one, and when the business came to be scanned over anew, it was adjudged by vote against the Majority: But this was rather the effect of Greatness and Power, overruling, than the result of Equity and Justice dividing to every one his right.  
That this Man, when Mayor, met with great opposition from the most eminent of the Citizens, I presume concludable from his Resentments, and what is in plain words delivered of him by the Annalist, how that, whilst he was in the full Authority of his Mayoralty, he caused a Common pair of Stocks in every Ward, and a Common Axe to be made, to behead all such, as should be against him, and had Indicted eight thousand and more of the best and greatest of the City, so resolved was he to carry on the design right or wrong to please his Masters and Abettors. What kind of principled Man he was we may easily guests, as from the aforementioned passages, so from the Historians Relations before hinted of him, as being deeply concerned in the Plot, before intimated, to assassinate the contesting Lords, and also afterwards one of the Chief Men, that had a hand in laying the Ambuscade, spoken of above, unwilling the King, (as he swore) to entrap them, who, upon promise of safe conduct, confirmed by the Oaths of some persons of Quality, were coming up to Westminster to the King, which he and Sir Thomas Trivet privately sent away to London upon the discovery thereof. That he was a suitable Tool to carry on great men's intrigues, or at least thought fit enough to be made a Property to work upon, why may we not conclude, in that we find him elected, at the latter part of the last King's Reign, and admitted at the Tower of London into the Mayoralty, when the proud haughty Duke of Lancaster had got the other Mayor put out of his Office, as not quick enough it seems to run along with that aspiring Dukes designs, who aimed at that time to have put by his Nephew from the Throne, and have intruded thereunto himself, contrary to right, reason and justice, and the public interest of the Nation? Who knows likewise by whose influence, and for what intents, he was kept in the Office of Mayor for three years together,, in the seventh, eighth, and nineth of this King? What a vast difference was there, as to Principles and Practices, between this man and the famed John Philpot, his fellow Sheriff in the forty sixth of the precedent King? The one proved as great a Patriot to his Country before, in, and after his Mayoralty, as the other showed himself an ambitious Courtier under a Gold Chain in the City. But what great wonder is this, to see men once join Partners in an Office, vastly differing each from other in their Judgements and Actions, when raised to places of higher Dignity and Preferment? I don't think but 'tis easy enough to find an instance at present, if there were any great occasion or necessity thereof.  
'Tis said of this Sir Nicholas Brembar, that if he had lived, he had been created Duke of Troy, or of London by the name of Troy. What a pity 'twas that he had not had a Patent, ready signed and sealed lying by him, to have shrouded himself and all his old crimes, under this new Dignity upon Occasion? But this I Fancy would never have passed upon that Parliament, either Lords or Commons, to have sheltered him from the Law of the Land, though he had become really, in act, as well as desire and design, a Peer of the Realm. However this intention of his, if truly related, sufficiently shows us his Ambition to become a Titulado, unless we shall venture upon a conjecture, that some of the Courtiers shamed upon him, with the empty promise of this titulary honour, when they wheadled him out of the directions they had before sent him, for the better management of their designs, which they were unwilling to let remain in his hands, (after they had made as much use of his Place and Power, as opportunity would permit) that they might not be produced as Evidences against them in a day of Trial, which they, probably feared, might one time or other come upon them, and did it seems in this Parliament with a Vengeance. For I will take the boldness to conclude, that it was some other more skilful hand, hid behind the Curtain, that ordered the Scenes, and managed the Machine's, though he was made the public stalking horse, to deceive the vulgar Herd, the Screen, to shelter other men's heads from the violence of popular fury, the open Actor in the face of the world, the common Engine, to set the Wheels of more politic men's contrivances a going, though against Water, Wind, and Tide: It being very unbecoming the Ape's subtlety to put her own foot into the fire, when she may make use of the Cats. But if the Worshipful Sir Nicholas suffered himself thus impolitickly to be trepanned, whom had he to blame but himself, if he were made at la●● to pay so dear for his own folly and imprudence? And that such is the ominous fate of less wary men, who venture upon Actions, not warranted by Law, to serve a present turn, and humour their own ambitious desires, or other men's greatness, is evidently demonstrable, as in general from History and Experience, so more particularly from an instance in Spain, under one of the Philips, of a certain Officer of that Kings, who having by the King's Order done an Act, for which he was afterwards questioned and thrown into Prison, and upon fair words and promises parted with the King's Letter, which he could have produced for his Warrant, was soon after left in the lurch, and suffered to fall a Sacrifice to his own imprudent Credulity, and the Law of the Land. Whether I have been exact, as to all circumstances of the story, I shall not positively affirm, as not being fully sure, but my Memory may deceive me in twelve or thirteen years' space, and being uncertain in what Book to look for it now, or where I read it at first, unless in some of the famous Fuller's works, perhaps in his holy or profane State; but as to the substance and truth hereof, I dare aver it from Historical Relation, and leave the Application to more Philosophical Logicians, that I may press further forwards towards the mark, the end, intention and scope of this my present undertaking, viz. To show the respect and esteem several of the Nobles in particular had for this honourable City, and their solicitous care for her welfare under this King Richard.  
How that, before the Parliament, that wrought wonders was ended, particular care was taken expressly to have the Citizens of London included in ● general Pardon, (to prevent doubtless new exactions upon old pretences) hath been before related amongst the Commons requests as a sign of their good will, and therefore now to be waved, though it would not be impertinent in this Point to show the Lords affection, if that be a truth, which is delivered by a modern Writer, that in our Ancestors time, most of the Members of the house of Commons thought it an honour to retain to some great Lord, and to wear his blue Coat, to make up his train, and wait upon him from his own house to the Lords, and make a Lane for him to enter thereto; which argues how much the Lords did, or might, overrule them, in their frequent Petitions on the City's behalf. But I shall pass over the consequence of this Conclusion, as an Argument depending on the Readers Will and Choice, which he may grant or deny at pleasure, and produce an instance or two less dubitable, and not left so much at discretion.  
How hard a matter it hath generally proved, to bring Offenders, if great in Power, Place and Authority, to Justice, is plain from History and Experience: As evident likewise is it, that the Offences, to such imputed, have been Exactions, Extortions, oppressions, corrupt Abuses of the Law, Illegal Principles, Arbitrary Designs, Unjust Actions, and the like National Grievances (ordinarily comprehended under the name 〈◊〉 ill Government) daily heaped up under wea● or negligent Princes by the exorbitant Power o● headstrong Favourites, who, through the excess of their Sovereign's kindness, the easiness of his Nature, the mildness of his Disposition▪ weakness of his Judgement, or fondness of 〈◊〉 Affection, (grounded mostly on humour an● fancy) having grasped all public affairs in, Church and State into their own hands, too too oft make no better use thereof, than to Hector over those, who were before their Superiors, suppress their Equals, oppress their Inferiors, and enslave the poor Commons, the easier thereby to raise themselves and their own Families upon other men's ruins. When these things happen, and the reins of Government fall into such men's hands, the rich are sure to be the greatest sufferers, and such, as have most of this World's goods, are certain to be most watched and carped at, and all opportunities greedily laid hold on to bring them under the Lash, that they may be squeezed like Sponges, and large sums exacted of them to buy out their Pardons, and procure forgiveness, till another occasion offer itself to make them be thought Offenders anew: of this London sufferings in the fifteenth of this King are attesting proofs.  
For the Londoners having refused to lend the King money, as was requested, and some abuses being offered to the Merchant Stranger, that proffered to lay it down, Stow tells us the King was marvellously enraged hereat, and, calling a Council of his Nobles at Stamford, causes the Mayor, Sheriffs, and best of the Citizens to be Arrested, and afterwards (the Mayor and Sheriffs being deposed) sends them to several Prisons there to be kept, till he and his Council had considered and decreed, what should be done with them, and it was also further determined, that from thenceforth the Londoners should not choose, nor have any Mayor, but that the King should appoint one of his Knights to be Ruler of the City; their Privileges were revoked, their Liberties disannulled, and their Laws abrogated. Neither was this all; The Terms likewise, and the Courts of King's Bench, Common-pleas, Chancery, etc. Were removed from London to York, such was the displeasure conceived against them by the King, or the ill Offices done them by some busy Courtiers about him. For Fabian gives us another account of this affair, and says the occasion arose from a contest, between the Citizens and the Bishop of Salisburies' Servants, about one of their fellow Servants (who had taken a Loaf out of a Baker's basket, openly in the streets, and then broke his head with his Dagger for attempting to regain it) which grew so high, the Citizens striving to have the offender seized on and Committed to Ward, and the Bishop's Servants rescuing him, and shutting up their Gates, that the Mayor, aldermans, and Sheriffs had much ado, by their persuasion, presence, and Authority, to stop further outrages, and contain the multitude within bounds, though at last they effected it, and dismissed the people home in peace and quietness: But the angry▪ Bishop so highly resented this business, notwithstanding the fault sprung Originally out of his own House, that he and the Archbishop of York incensed the King all they could against the Londoners, even so far, that one expressly affirms, he was once resolved to have utterly ruined and destroyed the whole City. A very sharp punishment certainly for such an offence, and for a City, publicly endowed with such transcendent Grants and Privileges, as not to be liable to a just legal seizure of her Liberties and Franchises, unless for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City, as hath been before observed in the first of Edward the third, and the seventh of this present King. Now how Treason or Rebellion could be justly charged upon the whole City, at this time, and in these instances, which soever of them we give credit to, I cannot well conceive. The most methinks that could be made of it, in the worst construction, could amount no further than a Riot, notwithstanding the great and heinous matters laid unto the Mayor's charge, though not a syllable proved that I read of, as that he no otherwise Ruled the City, but suffered the Citizens to make such assaults upon the King's head Officers, to the King's great dishonour, and hazard of the King's Treasure then in his Custody. The Statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third, which makes it Treason to slay the Treasurer, must surely have been very far stretched, to have brought the whole City within the compass thereof, because some of the meaner Citizens assaulted the Treasurer's House, (upon an injustice first done by one, and ●n affront afterwards offered by others of his own Servants, in refusing to deliver the Offender, or ●uffer the Constable to enter to seize him) he himself being as many Miles distant at that time, as Windsor is from London, and so not capable of receiving then the least injury in his own person, ●uch less to be killed outright, without which no Treason lies in the Case upon this Act. But if ●he King and Council would have it so, or at least ●ct, as if it were so, contrary to an established ●aw, and his own Grandfather's grant, who ●ould, who would, who durst contradict? Here ●as no Parliament then Sitting, that I read of, ●o House of Commons in Being, nor Lords erough present, their Friends, to stave off the first brunt, though at length we hear of a Reconciliation depending before a Parliament was called, and that too by the mediation of powerful Friends, some of them no less than the Principal Lords, besides the Queen herself.  
Baker and Stow name the Duke of Gloucester the King's Uncle, who was ever reputed by the Commons a great Friend and Patriot to his Country, and his untimely end afterwards severely revenged on the Actors and Contrivers thereof, and made the occasional cause of enraging the People against the King himself, who, within few years after the aforesaid Duke's violent Death, was publicly dethroned by such, as, under the popular pretence of reforming ill Government, aimed at their own Advancement to the chiefe●● Honours, Preferments and Dignities in Church and State. Through this Noble Peer's Suit and Mediation, among others, we hear the King was somewhat pacified, and by little and little abated the rigour of his purpose, calling to mind the divers honours, and great gifts he had received of the Londoners, (as certainly the securing his right to the Crown against the ambitious pretensions of his aspiring Uncle, and th● defending his Life and Person from the furious Outrages of his mutinous Commons, were no mean pieces of Service done him by them) whereupon he determined to deal more mildly with them, and gives them hopes of Grace and Pardon.  
Fabian tells us of a Reverend Bishop, a Spiritual Lord, that joined with the Queen 〈◊〉 procure the King's favour for them, and 〈◊〉 their Liberties restored them again, That the Queen did successfully interceded in their behalf; we may perhaps, not without some show of reason, conclude from the many great, rich and costly Presents made her by the Citizens, at the King's public entrance into the City, about the latter end of August in the same Summer. Nay, one Writer goes so far as to acquaint us, that even the Duke of Lancaster, John of Gaunt, appeared likewise in their favour, an Intercessor unto the King. Whether out of respect to them, or secret dislike of his Nephews proceedings, forgetfulness of London's past opposition, or his desire at last to become Popular, and to ingratiate himself with the Citizens, whose power he had before tried to his loss, I dare not venture to resolve, upon such unsure grounds as my own bare surmizes. But this I presume may easily be granted me, that he was then grown ancient, and the burning fires of his Ambition were much ●abated, if not altogether quenched, through for●●er disappointments, length of time, and the visible increase of years, old age growing fast upon him. So that, the first heats being over, he might probably be inclined to try his fortune in foreign Countries, and content himself with the titulary ●onour of a King abroad, now that he had long 〈◊〉 the smart of a frustrated expectation at ●ome.  
London having then such powerful Friends, of ●ame and note, in the time of her adversity particularly expressed in History, how many more may 〈◊〉 presume she had, not expressly mentioned, of 〈◊〉 same, or somewhat inferior rank and quality, ●ho, either out of their own affection and particular respect, or through the prevalency of these great Examples, engaged themselves in the City's interest, and became Reconcilers and Repairers of her late Breaches? But if the Readers candour will not yield me this, not irrational, supposition, these doubtless in themselves are enough to make out the truth of my assertion, and free me from the undesirable imputation of a vain pretender, when I offered to show the esteem the Lords, singly considered in themselves, had for this great and honourable City. The aforementioned passages show their good will, yet, all this notwithstanding somewhat else was expected at Court, which the City's Enemies mainly drove at, and seem resolved by one means or other to compass and bring about. The City was Rich in Privileges, Rich in Glory, Rich in Coin, besides the Spirit and Courage of her Citizens; all which conjoined made her powerful at home and abroad, famed in Foreign Countries for Trade and Commerce, and highly honoured within the Circle of the Brittish-Isle, through which she was known I lanet-like to dart her overruling influences. Among Arbitrary Designers these have been generally looked upon as Malign, and therefore no wonder if at Court illaffected. Their Liberties and Privileges are thought too great, let's then have 'em lessened now time serves: And so they were. For the Londoners being Commanded to come to Windsor, there to show them, and product then Charters, both old and new, some of them ar●●atified, some condemned, some restored, others detained. Their Glory likewise is to be made to suffer, if possible, a diminution in the eyes of the world, and therefore almost all the Lords are gathered together at Windsor, against their coming thither, and also a great Army, that the people might think them terrified thereby, and frighted into submission, and so have the less esteem for them hereafter, as such as may easily be accused of offences, and as easily be made to undergo grievous penalties for them, whoever was originally in fault. These Preparations must needs occasion considerable charges, but the Londoners must pay the shot, if they are Covetous of peace and quietness: And so they did at last, to their no small expenses.  
'Twas not the Honourable Cavalcade of principal Citizens sent out in one Livery, to meet and Conduct the King and Court through the City; 'Twas not the Triumphant Reception of him in his passage, through a lane of Livery-men loudly echoing forth his Name, the running of Cheapside Conduit with more than one sort of Wine, the adorning the Windows and Walls of the Streets with Tapestry, Cloth of Gold, Silver and Silk, nor other gaudy shows, to entertain him; 'Twas not the Rich and Chargeable Presents made to him and his Queen, as they passed along, or afterwards the next day, (the Costly Crowns and Tables of Gold, Horses with their Noble Trappings, Plate of Gold and Silver, Cloth of Gold, Silk, Velvets, Buttons, and Ewers of Gold, Gold in Coin, Precious Stones, and Jewels so Rich, excellent and Beautiful, that the value and price was inestimable) that could fully appease the Angry King, or rather satisfy the ravenous Courtier's Covetuousness, until they had laid▪ down also Ten thousand pounds in ready money: And this did the feat for that time. And but for that time as far as I can find. For new Lords new Laws: New Favourites produce new Changes, and old ones being cast out of Doors, they are for finding out new Crimes, Pretences and Devices, to empty other men's Purses and enrich themselves, under the common notion of levying Fines and Amercements for the King.  
King Richard had received Royal Gifts, and Noble Presents, of his truly Royal Chamber of London in the sixteenth year of his Reign: Yet within less than half a dozen years' space, this was forgotten and quite out of memory, or else so well remembered, as to make some heartily desirous of more such Boons, as hoping that some of Da●ae's showers might descend also into their own laps. These being the true Chemical Drops to restore, enliven, and invigorate the tired spirits of such hunger-starved Expectants. And where, throughout the whole British World, are they to be had in greater plenty than at London? And by the sequel of the story, we may believe this was an approved Recipe in those days. For some Informations had been given in against the Londoners, which incensed the King to such a degree, that the Commonalty, Fabian tells us, was indicted with other Sheriffs, and therefore consequently their own likewise, which might have brought great damage afresh to them, but that Providence then raised them up two Potent Friends and Favourers among the Spiritual Lords, by whose advice they made an humble supplication to the King, and so by their aid and assistance, with help of other Lovers of the City, the King's anger was much appeased; But yet nevertheless Blank Charters were brought into the City, and many of the most substantial me● thereof forced to seal them, highly to their disadvantage, which was likewise soon after put in practice in many other Counties. So fatal was the Citizen's Example to the rest of the Land, and so little gained they themselves in these Conjunctures by their Submissions, Resignations, and other like compliances to the Court, besides expense, charge, and much trouble, and the continual fears of greater molestations for the future.  
But when was this and how was it brought about? If we trace the Serids of times and affairs a little backwards, by the unerring Clue of Authentic History, we shall find these transactions to bear date some years after the end of the Parliament, that wrought wonders, when possibly 'twas almost forgot, and its Statutes, by some Mens Artifices, slighted through disuse and inexecution. Neither were indeed these latter proceedings attempted, till after that, by several tricks and devices (as naming Sheriffs fit to serve turns, and imposing such Representatives on the Borough Towns, as would be biased to betray their Country, besides a violent seizure of the Country Lords likely to oppose) the Court had got a Parliament to their minds, that would do their own business, not the Nations, and prefer the private gain of some few, before the public benefit of the whole Commonwealth.  
What sort of Parliament this was, and how fairly things were carried, we may inform ourselves out of Stow's Annals, where we find it upon Record, in the twenty first year of this King, how that all of a sudden, in the midst of a great calm and outward serenity, the King caused the principals of the party, thought most opposite to Court designs, to be seized on and imprisoned, and among the rest his own Uncle, as Chief, (so unsecure is Kindred and Alliance among Kings and Princes,) tells the Commons by Proclamation that their apprehension was founded on new Transgressions not old Crimes, (though these afterwards were the great offences laid to their charge) procures their Indictment at Nottingham, suborns several Nobles to impeach them in the next Parliament, Assembles many Malefactors of the County of Chester in the nature of a Guard, and then summons the Parliament▪ Thither came the Nobles with an Armed Retinue, for fear of the King, such Knights are chosen Prolocutors, as are described to be void of all manner of goodness, as in whom nought was to be found, but a natural Covetuousness, unsatiable Ambition, Intolerable Pride, and Hatred of the truth, and the Clergy, upon pain of losing their Temporalties, enjoined to choose them a Common Proctor, who thereupon appointed Sir Henry Percy, Steward of the King's Household, to assent in their Names to all things done in the Parliament. How then things were likely to be ordered in the two Houses, 'tis no hard matter for us to guests, especially when we remember, that the Annalist tells us, the Parliament House was compassed about with four thousand of the King's Archers, who seem to have been ready prepared on all occasions for an Onset, and once more particularly, mistaking the noise, usually made at the Parliament's Men coming out of the House, for a Tumultous Broil and Contention, with their Bows bend, Arrows fitted, and drawing, they were upon the point of shooting, to the terror of all present, till the Kings coming rectified their mistake and pacified them.  
To tell of recalling of Pardons, disannulling of Charters, making void of Commissions, revoking former Judgements, impeaching, arraigning, condemning, and actually punishing the opposite Party, some with loss of Estates, Lives and all, others with forfeitures of all worldly Goods and perpetual irrevocable imprisonment, I esteem a needless labour. Suffice it therefore to remark, how solicitous the Court was, at this juncture, to render their own Party as Saints, and the others as most guilty Criminals, to take off the contesting Lords, as disloyal Traitors, and restore in the Eye of the Law the Reputation of Courtiers formerly condemned, in the eleventh year of this King, as if they had been the honestest and loyallest Subjects in the Nation, and undo, as much as in them lay, what ever was then done in the Parliament that wrought wonders, not withstanding that in many things they imitated that Assembly, when they thought it for their peculiar advantage, as in Lords Appellants, Oaths to make all the Judgements, Ordinances and Statutes unrepealable, and Excommunication of the Breakers or Impugners of them, but in others far out did it, as in revoking all Pardons pleaded by the opposite Lords, (under the notion of being unlawfully made, or so by the King granted unto them as not to be against himself) and excusing those equally guilty of the same actions, because looked on at that time as useful Instruments in carrying on the Court Intrigues, viz. suppressing the principal Assertors of Liberty and Property, in passing a general Pardon with the Exception of fifty Persons not expressed by name, (whereby any one at pleasure might be made liable to censure, as one of the Persons excepted, if thought a Favourer of the contrary side) and conferring the whole Power of the Parliament upon certain Lords and Commons, fully to answer all Bills, and wholly to determine all other matters moved in Parliament, and not determined, with all their Dependants (as mischievous a Precedent as Sylla's Proscription, though 'tis hoped not as practicable) besides the prejudging and confining of Parliament Debates by the Judge's Opinions, That when Articles are propounded by the King to be handled in Parliament, if other Articles be handled before those be first determined, that it is Treason in them that do it.  
Such being the Acts of this Assembly, and the consequences of the Courts present success (in taking off the Heads of the other Party, who durst at every turn contest therewith in behalf of those freeborn English Twins Liberty and Property) under which the Nation with silent murmurs languished and lamented, when they so soon, after the end of this Parliament at Shrewsbury, and the King's Progress into the West, saw no less than seventeen Counties in East England indicted by the King's command, and as a grievous offence laid to their charge, that they had been against him with the Duke of Gloucester, Earls of Arundel and Warwick (the late Principals amongst the contesting Lords, but now secured fast enough, the two first under the undissolvable Bonds of Death, the other, under the Chains of a perpetual Imprisonment in the Isle of Man) and several honourable Persons sent to induce the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, to make a Submission by Writing, sealed with their own Hands, acknowledging themselves Traitors to the King, though they never offended him in Word or Deed: Besides the compelling all the Religious Gentlemen, and Commons, to set their Seals to Blank-Charters, that they might be oppressed severally, or all at once, at pleasure, some being made to pay a thousand Marks, some a thousand Pounds: And an Order issued out, through every Shire in England, that all Gentlemen and Men of Substance should be sworn firmly to maintain, according to their power, all the Statutes, Articles, and Constitutions ordained in the last Parliament. We may easily conclude the Court, thought the Citizens of London were not over much in love with these enslaving Statutes, unaccustomed Oaths, ensnaring Blanks, and enforced Submissions, and suspected them ready enough, upon occasion, to oppose, and withstand these manifest encroachments of Antinomian Prerogative upon the Liberty of the Subject, and strive to strike off these Fetters, and Shackles of Slavery upon the next opportunity, before they were thoroughly riveted by Time and Prescription, and therefore esteemed it their wisest Course to begin with them first, by the usual Method of Indictments, while they had the Reins of Government in their own hands, and so consequently power enough to manage the Law, as they themselves pleased, to wind and turn it about to their interests, and bend it to their own irregular Desires and Designs, since that they liked not to have them confined within the limits and bounds thereof.  
This manner of acting however, by the by appears to me the most beaten Path to Destruction, and the high way to the Actors unavoidable Ruin, and I think I have reason, History and Experience all on my side. This the City seems well to have understood, and therefore with Prudence chose rather to yield to the times for a season, than presently to strive against the running stream, and immediately to fall a rowing against high wind and Tide; but as soon as ever the flowing waters began to Ebb, and the tide was a turning, the City Barge struck in with the returning waves, and assisted to steer the Ship of the Commonwealth to a quite different Haven from that, whither the Court was furiously driving her before. And then for the most favourable of the Citizens to show themselves but faint Regardless friends, was far less beneficial to the desolate forsaken King, than for others of them to appear earnest Enemies in so critical a Juncture, was disadvantageous to this unfortunate Prince, as he may well be termed, either for having none but ill Councillors and faithless Trencher-friends about him, and harkening so much to their pernicious and destructive advice, or else for the defect of his Judgement in not discerning between their private self ends, and his own special and particular interest, viz. Impartiality in doing Justice to all States and Persons, from the highest to the lowest, squaring all his own actions by the known Rules of the Law of the Land, to the pleasing of his people, not by the compass of other men's unstable fancies and anomalous Plat-forms, to the loss of his Subjects love and affection, and the unhappy fate, that attended him upon this his ill conduct, when he was violently thrown out of the Chair of State into a profound Abyss of miseries and infelicities, and irrecoverably cast out of a Regal Throne into an unavoidable Prison, between which and his grave he had but few steps to make.  
For we are to know that, as in the tuming of fortune's wheel the spoke, that is got upermost, presently begins to decline, and so runs downwards, till it comes to be the under-most of all, or like as Sisyphus stone forced up; even almost to the very top of the Hill, presently tumbles down again to the bottom with a swiftness and violence not to be stopped, by the strength of art or nature, so this Prince, arrived in a manner to the height of his desires, by the Caprice of fortune, or rather by the overruling power of a superior Being, was suddenly, and unexpectedly, beyond Recovery hurled down, from the Grandeur of a Potent King, into the lowest Station among Men, the Confinement of a Prison, and that too occasioned by the very same way and means, whereby he thought to have secured to himself amore fixed and settled enjoyment of his greatness, as comes now of course to be shown in manner following.  
After the suppression of the opposite Party, under the shadow of Law, and Justice, diffention happening between the two Dukes of Norfolk and Hereford, both then great at Court, to the mutual accusation of each other, the King greedily lays hold on the opportunity, and instead of permitting them, according to the Custom of those times, where clear proofs were wanting, to make good their accusations by the Sword in a single Combat, as had been also before appointed, unadvisedly banishes them both the Land, the first for ever, and the latter for a term of years, with this hard measure into the bargain, that they should not sue for a release of their Judgements on pain of Treason, whereby he made both his Enemies, and the latter so much the more dangerous, the nearer he stood Related to the Crown, and the more inveterate, in that the King had procured the Letters Patents, before granted him, to sue by Attorney for Lands descended to him, to be revoked by Assent of Parliament, and declared to be against Law, and had afterwards, upon his. Father John of Gaunts death, violently seized on all his Estate, whereto Hereford was Heir. Then, amidst the murmurs of the People for misgovernment and ill guidance of the Realm, away goes the King for Ireland with a puissant Army (when he thought he had left all things secure in England, by the advantage he had made of the last Parliament, by engrossing whatever he pleased into his own hands, by the tricks found out to raise Money of the Subject by Blanks, etc. and the Subsidy he had gained in Parliament, during his Life, upon the continuance whereof without molestation he openly declared his general Pardon should stand and no otherwise) and managed his Arms therewith success enough, but ill news out of England, that the Duke of Hereford (by his Father's death Duke of Lancaster) was landed in England under colour of claiming his Inheritance, and raised people as he went, alarmed him, and bad advice afterwards, which detained him longer than his promise in Ireland, (so loath were his Counsellors to spare his company, under the shelter of whose Person and presence lay their greatest hopes of protection) quite ruined him. For coming over and finding the Army gone away, which the Earl of Salisb●ry had raised against his coming, and had newly voluntarily disbanded itself, upon the Kings tarrying too long behind the Earl in Ireland, his courage failed him, and he trusting more to flight than fight the treachery of his Principal Officers deceived him, and he himself also, by soothing words and fai● promises, was decoyed into the Duke of Lancaster's hands, who soon secured him fast enough, without any intent to let him lose again in haste.  
Now the King is in hold, let us see how the Citizens behaved themselves in this great Turn and Change of the Times. They had in this King's Nonage, in his Grandfather's days, appeared the undaunted Assertors of his Right and Title; and in the beginning of his Reign contributed much to his Security and Settlement on the THRONE: But a new Generation being sprang up in Twenty Years space, and their old Services at last so ill requited, by new attempts on their Liberties, by Inditements and blank-Charters, instead of standing up with their Lives and Fortunes in the King's Defence and Vindication, they openly devoted themselves to another's Service, and became the known Favourers of that Party, which assisted to Depose this unhappy Prince, and set up in His Room the Duke of Lancaster, under the Name and Title of Henry the Fourth. As is provable, both from Statute-Law (viz. the Act made in the First of this New King, to be seen in the Statute-Book, Cap. 15. An. 1. H. 4. Where we find express mention of the good and lawful behaviour of the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Aldermen, and all the Commonalty of the same City of London towards him) and Stow's general Chronicle of England, wherein we read, at the latter end of the Life and Reign of King Richard the Second, That after the Duke was come from Coventry to St. Alban, about five or six Miles before his coming to London, the Mayor, and the Companies in the Liveries, with great Noise of Trumpets, met the Duke, doing more Reverence to him, than to the King, Rejoicing that GOD had sent them such a Prince that had Conquered the Realm, i. e. the Court-party, within one months' space: Whereupon, when the Duke was come within two Miles of the City, he stopped his Army, as if out of Reverence, and Acknowledgement, and in Submission thereto, and asked Advice of the Commons thereof, what they would do with the King; who Answered, they would He should be led to Westminster; upon which, to them He was delivered, and they led him accordingly to Westminster, and from thence by Water to the Tower. Nay, some of the Londoners publicly showed themselves so much His Enemies, as to Assemble together with an intent to have met Him without the City, and there to have Slain him for his former Severities: But the Mayor, and Rulers, and best of the Commonalty, upon Information hereof, with some difficulty reclaimed them therefrom. After the Citizens had thus received the King into their Custody, and in effect thereby made a public Declaration of their Minds and Opinions, as to the great Change succeeding the Duke, we are told, entered London by the chief Gate, and Road through Cheapside to St. Paul's, and there Lodged for some time; so secure was he of the Cities good Will and Affection to him, and afterward in October held a Parliament in Westmimster-Hall, where the old King's Deposition, and the new King's Election were completed.  
I shall not stay to make a long Paraphrase upon the Cities proceedings in this Affair, it being Matter of Fact, and undeniable, that the City consented hereto, from the aforesaid passages, which may be likewise thought very much to have influenced the Nation in their Elections to that Parliament, if, from the Annalists Computation, we may safely and truly aver, that the Parliament-Men were chosen after these Transactions at London, because Forty days at least intervened between this time and the first Wednesday in October, whereon he says the Parliament began. If any be desirous of another Observation, I leave them to their own Liberty to infer, from History and the Premises, that it much conduced to facilitate the King's Deposition, that he had no known, and generally acknowledged Heir, of his own Body lawfully begotten, boldly to stand up for Him, and strongly plead his Cause in Armour, for his own particular Interest, as well as out of a due sense of his Duty. Neither indeed do I well see how he could have any, since that he had none by his first Wife, that I read of, his second Queen was too young, another Heir was publicly pointed out to the Nation, and he himself was also loosely addicted, as seems plain beyond dispute. His Lascivious living being hinted to us in Burton's Historical Remarks of London, among the Articles drawn up against him; and we have great reason to think it was an imputation too true, when we read of several Ladies expelled the Court in the Eleventh of his Reign, by the Procurement of the contesting Lords; and a little before the sitting of the Wonder-Working-Parliament; and take Notice, out of Cotton's Abridgement, of the House of Commons Request in the Twentieth Year, for the avoiding the outrageous Expenses of the King's house, and namely of Bishops, and Ladies, and the King's Answer thereto made, That he would be free therein; and that the Commons thereby had offended against him, his Dignity, and Liberty: Such was his Indignation against them for desiring to control him in this Point; and so highly incensed was he thereat, that, to Appease him, the Exhibiter of the Bill was adjudged to die as a Traitor, though, upon some great Ones importunity, his Life was for that time spared, and he himself at length restored in Blood, and to the recovery of his Goods, Livings, Lands, and Tennements, at the next King's coming to the Crown. But how, I trow, come the Bishops to be complained of by the Commons among the Misses? Were they such Courters of Ladies, as, instead of rebuking, to follow, or rather give bad Examples to the King and Country? Yet now I think on't, these were Popish, not Protestant Bishops: Though I scarce believe, every one of them, that, to the view of the World, gives himself a Protestant Title, is able well and truly to plead not Guilty: If Noli-fet-ole-chery, be a Motto rightly fathered upon one of our Western Diocesans.  
How all things in a manner concurred to further King Richard's Deposition, and that he was actually deposed, hath already been spoken of, which nevertheless barely did not content the Party, but they would needs have it done in a formal and solemn way: First, the King must make a public Renunciation of all Right, Title and Claim to the Crown, than Commissioners are by the States appointed in their Names to pronounce the Stentence of his Deposition from the Throne, and make to him a Resignation of their homage and fealty; for their Loyalty seems plainly enough to have been gone before. Neither did they think this enough, but were resolved over and above to leave Articles against him upon Record, wherein are expressed the ill things done by others in his Reign, and as they say, by his Authority, whereby they designed to justify what they had done towards the unhappy King's Deposition, which visibly paved the way to his Grave. So pernicious is it for Princes to suffer their Authority to be abused, to shelter other men's Crimes, or their Names to be made use of, without a Present Resentment, to carry on Designs hateful to the People, though they never consent thereto themselves as their own Act and Deed. For I hope we may charitably Conclude what the worshipful Knights, Sir Mayor and Sir Haughty, the other-ill belov'd wight, did, in laying a trap to catch the Contesting Lords in the 11th. year of this King, was without the King's privity because he swore it, as in page 〈◊〉, though possibly they shrouded themselves under the shelter of his Authority, and pretended his Warrant and Command for what they designed and endeavoured. And perhaps they had (as Sir Richard Baker words it) a warrant Dormant, to prosecute the King's Ends without the King's Knowledge.  
The Articles and Objections laid against the King are to be found in Cotton's Abridgement. 1. H. 4. whence I trust I may securely transcribe them, without hazarding the Courteous Readers Displeasure, to show him the grievances of the age, as they are there expressed in this form of words; Besides the King's Oath made at his Coronation,  
First, for wasting and bestowing of the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons, and overcharging the Commons with Exactions. For that the King by undue means procured divers Justices to speak against the Law, to the Destruction of the Duke of Gl●ucester, and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewscury. For that the King against his Promise, procured the Duke of Ireland sundry Rebels about Cheshire, where divers Murders by him were committed. For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon, at the Solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Gloucester, and sent him to Calais, there to be choked and murdered, beheading the Earl of Arundel, and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham. For that the King's Retinue, and rout gathered out of Cheshire about the apprehension of those Nobles, committed divers Murders, Rapes, and other Felonies, besides refusing to pay for their Victuals. For that the King condemned the Nobles aforesaid, for divers roads made within the Realm, contrary to his open Proclamation. For that the King doubly Fined Men for their Pardons. For that the King to oppress his whole subjects, procured in his last Parliament, that the Power thereof was committed to certain Persons. For that the King being sworn to Minister right, did notwithstanding enact in the last Parliament, that no mediation should be made for the Duke of Lancaster, contrary to his said Oath. For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope, and all other foreign Power, the King notwithstanding procured the Pope's Excommunication on such as broke the last Parliament, in derogation of the Crown, Statutes and Laws of the Realm. For that the King banished the Duke of Lancaster for 10 years, without any Cause, as the same King openly affirmed. For that the King unlawfully revoked the Letters Patents made to the said Duke of Lancaster, in An. 21. For that the King contrary to the Laws and will of the Justices, suffered Sheriffs to continue longer than one year, and placed such therein, as were unfit. For that the King repaid not to his Subjects debts of them borrowed. For that the King in the time of Truce and Peace, exacted great Subsidies, and wasted the same about frivolous matters. For that the King refused to execute the Laws, Saying that the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast. For that the King, by procuring by Statutes that he might be free as any of his Progenitors, did under colour thereof subvert Laws according to his Will. For that the King procured Knights of the Shires to be made to serve his own will. For that the King enforced Sheriffs to be Sworn to execute all Commandemen, under the Great Seal, Privy Seal, or Signet, contrary to their accustomed Oaths. For that the King to wrack money from his Subjects, procured 17 several Shires to submit themselves to his Grace, whereby great sums of money were Levied. For that the King being Sworn to observe the Liberties of the Church, notwithstanding, at his Voyage into Ireland, enforced divers Religious Persons to give Horse, Armour, and Carts. For that the Justices, for their good Council given to the King, were with evil Countenance, and threats rewarded. For that the King of his own Will, in passing into Ireland, carried with him, the Treasures, Relics, and other Jewels of the Realm, which were used safely to be kept in the Kings own Coffers from all hazard: and for that the same King canceled, and razed sundry Records.  
For that the King by writing to Foreign Princes, and to his own Subjects, is reputed universally, a most variable and dissembling man. For that the King would commonly say among the Nobles, that all Subjects, Lives, Lands, and Goods, were in his hands without any forfeiture. For that the King suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Marshal-Law, contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm. For that the Subjects being only bound by their Allegiance, were yet driven to take certain New Oaths, for serving the folly of the King. For that the King by his private Letters, would charge the Ecclesiastical Ministers in any new Canonical matter, to stay, contrary to his Oath. For that the King by force in his Parliament, banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury, without any good Ground. For that the King by his last Will passed under the Great Seal, and Privy Signet, gave unto his Successors, certain Money and Treasure, upon Condition to perform all the Acts and Orders in the last Parliament, which being ungodly and unlawful, he meant as ungodlily to die in. For that the King in the 11th. of his Reign, in his Chapel, in the Manor of Langley, in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster and York, and others, received the Sacrament of the Lords Body, that he would never impeach the Duke of Gloucester his Uncle, for any thing before done; and yet to the Contrary procured him to be murdered. For that the King most fraudulently and untruly against his own Oath, Banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury, and wasted his Goods: in which Article▪ in private Conference between the said Arch Bishop, the King in a manner prophesied, and doubted that the like would happen of himself; and thereupon showed a special Token to the Arch Bishop, That if he sent the same at any time, that the Arch Bishop should look that the King would come to him.  
These were the Imputations laid to his charge, and that they were then thought true, or at least not contradicted, is self-Evident, all seeming highly desirous of a Change, and few disposed to espouse the deposed King's Cause and Interest, so furious and violent was the Current of the Times, as to bear away well nigh all before it: That Parliament being so full of the new King's Favourers, and so empty of the old Kings true and cordial Friends, that I remember to have read of but one, viz. the Loyal Bishop of Carlisle; who, after a little Demur of a few day's time, upon a Motion made in Parliament about the disposal of King Richard, stood up boldly, and undauntedly, for his old Lord and Master, in the midst of his professed, and declared Enemies, and known Deserters. His Speech (as a rare Example of Fidelity giving us the very Quintessence of Loyalty) I shall venture to set down out of Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle, with the Consequents as follows.  
My Lords, The Matter now propounded, is of marvellous Weight and Consequence, wherein there are two Points chiefly to be considered; The First, whether King Richard be sufficiently put out of his Throne; The Second, whether the Duke of Lancaster be lawfully taken in. For the First, How can that be sufficiently done, when there is no Power sufficient to do it? The Parliament cannot, for of the Parliament the King is the Head; and can the Body put down the Head? You will say, but the Head may bow itself down; and may the King resign? It is true; but what force is in that which is done by force? And who knows not that King Richard's Resignation was no other? But suppose he be sufficiently out, yet how comes the Duke of Lancaster to be lawfully in? If you say by Conquest, you speak Treason; For what Conquest without Arms? And can a Subject take Arms against his lawful Sovereign, and not be Treason? If you say by Election of the State, you speak not reason; for what Power hath the State to Elect, while any is Living that hath Right to Succeed? But such a Successor is not the Duke of Lancaster, as descended from Edmund Crouchback, the Elder Son of King Edward the Third, though put by the Crown for deformity of his Body; for who knows not the falseness of this Allegation? Seeing it is a thing Notorious, that this Edmund was neither the Elder Brother, nor yet Crook-backed (though called so from some other reason) but a goodly Personage, and without any deformity. And yourselves cannot forget a thing so lately done, who it was that in the Fourth Year of King Richard was declared by Parliament to be Heir to the Crown, in case King Richard should die without Issue. But why then is not that Claim made? Because silent Leges inter Arma, What disputing of Titles against the stream of Power? But however it i● extreme Injustice, that King Richard should be condemned, without being heard, or once allowed to make his Defence. And now, My Lords, I have spoken thus at this time, that you may consider of it before it be too late; for as yet it is in your Power to undo that justly, which you have unjustly done.  
Much to this Purpose was the Bishop's Speech; but to as little purpose as if he had gone about to call back Yesterday. The Matter was too far gone; and scarce a Person there present, that had not a Hope of either a private or public Benefit by that which was done. Yet against this Speech of the Bishop, there was neither protesting nor excepting: It passed in the House as but one Man's Opinion: And as for the King, it was neither fit he should use much Severity against any Member of that Parliament, which had so lately showed so much Indulgence towards him; nor indeed safe, to be too hot in his Punishment, when he was yet scarce warm in his Government. Yet for a warning to use their Liberty of Speech with more Moderation hereafter; the Bishop was Arrested by the Marshal, and Committed to Prison in the Abbey of St. Alban; but afterwards, without further Censure, set at Liberty, till upon a Conspiracy of Lords, wherein he was a Party; he was Condemned to Die, though through Extremity of Grief he prevented Execution. Thus far the Chronicle.  
King Henry is now got into the Throne, (Richard being thrust into a Prison, and afterwards into his Grave) and yet I don't find him so secure and well settled, but that he had many 〈◊〉 Enemies ever and anon to Contest with, and 〈◊〉 a few secret disguised Ones to fear and suspect, with so many prickly Thorns was his new-gotten Crown lined. Therefore we have little reason to believe, he would ever wilfully disoblidge that City, whose Power and Strength he so well knew. The Mummery designed by some discontented Lords to be acted upon him at Twelfthtide at Windsor, in the First of his Reign; The Battle fought between him and Sir Henry Hotspur, at Shrewsbury in the Third: The Rising about York in the Sixth: And the Battle of Bram●am Moor in the Eighth, besides several other secret Attempts and Conspiracies, were as so many Admonitions to him to Fortify himself, what be could, with the Citizen's love and affection, as his surest earthly Bulwark and Defence, next to his prosperous Success in the aforesaid Contests, which prevented the discontented from coming near enough to London, to attempt the raising there of new Broils and Commotions to disturb his Repose, and the City's Peace, if he had any Evil-willers therein capable of receiving ill Impressions. As perhaps he had but few there, such Care he took to oblige them, and scarce any occasion given to breed Murmurs and Complaints among them. For He, who merely at the Commons request, in the Fifth of his Reign, removed Four of his Menial Servants out of his House, when he openly declared in Parliament, he then knew no cause thereof, but only for that they were hated of the People; and so often gratified his House of Commons in their Petitions about his prime and principal Officers, and privy Councillors, must needs be thought more ready to increase the Number of his Friends, than to make himself more Enemies, especially in a City of such 〈◊〉 Riches, Power, and Strength, as London was 〈◊〉 known to be beyond denial, dispute, or contradiction.  
The City flourished under this King in the Renovation of old, the Guildhall of London, and the Erecting of new public Structures, the Conduit upon Cornhill, and the Stocks-Market-House; was famous abroad for the abundance of her Traffic, and number of her Traders; and increased at home in Repute and Renown, by the prevailing of her Mayor, and Commonalty, in their Contest with the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other Lords, and Knights, about pulling up the Wares in Thames, (over which by their Charter they claimed a large Power as Conservators of that their beloved River) besides the many grounds and reasons the King had to Glory in his confidence of the Love and Loyalty of her Citizens, and rejoice in the continuance of their Affection to him and his Family. As is evident from the timely Advertisement the Mayor brought him, in the First of his Reign, of the Conspiracy of the discontented Lords (who, under the colour of Christmas Pastimes, as Mumming, etc. designed Treacherously to have Slain him) to the forcing him very seasonably, as incredulous as he was before, into a belief of the reality of the Plot, and accompanied him the same Night from Windsor to London; whereby he purchased to himself Security, disappointed the Conspirators, and got time and opportunity to punish the Plotters. And may also be inferred from the successful care the Mayor, Sheriffs, and other Citizens took in stilling the midnight difference happening in Eastcheap on Midsomer-Eve, in the Twelfth of his Reign, when two of his youn●●● Sons Supped there late at Night, and might 〈◊〉 have been greatly endangered, had the 〈◊〉 lasted any time. These are Instances I 〈◊〉 expressly mentioned in History; and who knows ●ow many more there might be, that were never so ●uch taken Notice of by the Writers of that Age, ●s to be carefully transmitted to Posterity by their 〈◊〉? Peradventure there were many more Evidences. But I will not so much insist upon an Argument, ●hat is but barely possible and probable, nor, with ●●lly and impertinence enough, stay to beg the ●oint of the Reader upon an uncertain surmise and conjecture. Though it would be as absurd in him 〈◊〉 affirm, That all things ever done in the World, 〈◊〉 the Invention of Letters, have been committed to Paper, as it would be monstrously Ridiculous 〈◊〉 to pretend, to have seen and read all things remarkable, that ever were Wrote of this Honourable City, and her praiseworthy Actions. 'Tis enough for my weakness and inability if I can tolerably make out what I have here designed, concerning the Honour and Renown of this so famous and powerful a City, without offering at all the attesting Proofs, and confirming Evidences, that are to be found on Record. And if this Attempt shall be well accepted, it may haply be an encouragement to some more Learned, more Able, & more Skilful Pen, to produce the other more convincing Arguments, scattered up and down in the Annals, Chronicles, and other Monuments of Historians, and by gathering together all the divided fragments of Remark, reduce them into one solid, firm, and lasting Peice, or make better improvement of the Arguments and Evidences here produced.  
Come we now to Henry the 5th. A Prince not so wild in his Youth, when a Subject, and by his Father supsected of ambitious designs, (thought Causelessly, and on no better grounds and reason's than the Calumnies, Slanders, and detractions o● evil disposed persons about the Court) as celebrated, when King, for the prudent Reformation o● his own Person, wise Conduct of his affairs, and happy Government of the Realm, for his Valour▪ Magnanimity, and Heroical Actions, and the 〈◊〉 Glorious Achievements of his Reign, being one o● the most Martial Princes, that ever sat upon th● English Throne, and beyond all his Predecessors Successful in his French Expeditions. So that 〈◊〉 Cressy and Poitiers have highly advanced 〈◊〉 Name and Renown of the famous Black Prin●● Agincourt shall eternize Henry of Monm●●●● through all Generations, and with this addition 〈◊〉 unparallelled Glory, That he lived and died in th● height of Grandeur, and his Victories were not sullied with after Reproaches. Under therefore so Renowned a Conqueror, and so Good a King, 'tis no marvel that we read of no troubles in our English Jerusalem, nor hear of Complaints in her Streets. We may expect rather to hear of the Gallantry of Rareeshews and fine sights, Pageants and Presents, the harmonious consent of Trumpets and Drums, and the tuneable Music of Bells, the loud sounding Acclamation of People, and the unaccountable Number of Bonfires, and fireworks, the Common consequents of Victories, and Triumphs, and the usual Entertainment of conquerors.  
Wherefore I should now pass on of course to the next King's reign, but that by the way I shall venture to trespass a little upon the Readers Patience, and to make an Observation or two upon the grounds and occasional Causes of reviving the War with France, which was under this King attended with such a Train of Victories. We are to know then from such Authentic Authors, as ●abian, Baker and the like, that the Commons ●arping upon the same string, they did in Henry the 4th. days, viz. the Clergies Temporaltyes, by bringing in a Bill to take them away, the Bishops, to divert the storm, put the King upon claiming France as his Right, and offered him considerable sums of money to engage and assist him ●herein, whereby the Cloud, before hanging over ●heir heads, was made to break upon the French Coasts, & they, who by their Office should have approved themselves the Peacemakers of the world, 〈◊〉 up the Furies of War & destruction, and inci●●d their Countrymen to sheathe their Swords in their Neighbour's Bowels, to preserve to themselves ●●eir large Revenues and worldly grandeur, their much envied Lands, Honours, and Preferments.  
Another advantage they likewise laid hold on, to Promote their own Earthly advancement, by making use of this opportunity, to suppress the growth and increase of the Wicklivists, the Puritans and Presbyterians of the age, whose Numbers began now more and more to increase in City and Country, and grew formidable to the whole Popish Hierarchy. These men, whom they could not vanquish by dint of Argument, so conformable were their Doctrines to the Scriptures, they thought it easier to oppress by the Civil Authority, and the Power of the Magistrates Sword, whereon they had of late set a keener Edge, by procuring some laws to be made against them, under the Name and Notion of Lollards. And yet, such was the ill fate of opposing the spreading of the Gospel, that these Assertors of its verity, like the Primitive Christians of old, daily increased in Numbers and Repute under their oppressions, and grew every age more mumerous in spite of all the malice and opposition of their cruel and blood thirsty Enemies: and much too by the same way and methods, the Evidence of truth, and influence of good lives and Exemplary Conversations. Like the ancient Christians they were driven into holes and secret places, into private Conventicles and separate Assemblies. And though they were not, like them, at every turn called upon to be cast to the Lions, for disobeying the Emperor's Edicts and Commands, yet away with them to the fire, and to burning of the Heretics, or in a little softer phrase, to putting the King's Laws in Execution, were the common outcries made against them.  
But because the diversity of their Religion and their difference in opinion from the rest of the Nation, were not thought Incentives strong enough to stir up the popular Rage & Fury, a more Compendious way was found out, instead of charging on their account all the Mischiefs, Miseries, and Disasters of the Times, to lay the detestable Crimes of Treason and Conspiracy at their doors. Hence may we conclude sprung the Informations, given into the King, of some, that had conspired suddenly to have Slain Him and his Brethren, and of numerous Assemblies meeting in St. Giles' Fields to that End. Hereon possibly may we ground the Rumour spread abroad of great offers made of Money by Sir John Oldcastles Favourers to the Scots, to invade the Realm in the King's absence in France, of the meeting of Sir John himself (who was a known Wicklivist) with Douglas the Scot at Pomfract, on the same Errand, and of Indentures and other Writings made betwixt him and the Duke of Albany, containing Instructions to the Scots to besiege Roxborough and Barwick. Such Stories may we look upon, as Reports likely enough to have been purposely spread abroad, to stir up the People's Animosities against the Dissenters of the times: Hitherto likewise haply may we impute the Original of the Schedules, said to be nailed upon the Church doors in London, with threats of an hundred thousand Men, ready to rise upon Occasion. Stow indeed, out of Walsingham the Monk, charges them upon Wicklists favourers; yet have we reason to suspect the first Author, as too partial in the Case, and question whether these were not Popish sham's put upon the Nation by the Wicklivists Enemies, to raise a colour for an Outcry against them. For at the Parliament of the Fifth of this King, we read, in Cotton's Abridgement, of an heinous complaint against Insurrections; & in the end (mind this) they suspect they were Lollards & Traitors; which made a way for a Request that Commissions at all times be granted to inquire of them. Whoever was Originally in fault, we may see from this where the blame should light, and the severest Prosecution too, could the Popish Prelates have had their Will, notwithstanding the slightness of their thin-spun pretences, and weakness of their groundless Imputations. A pretty device, to make Riots and Insurrections; and then accuse the contrary Party of them, as if they had been so Fanatical, as tumultuously to meet together, vi & armis, without any Arms about them, or Weapons in their hands, to disturb the King's Peace; and with no worse design, than the Warrant of annual Customs, whereon some, in an unheard of manner, without Law or Reason, and contrary to common sense, intruded, to deprive them of the benefit thereof.  
Out of the forementioned Monkish Writer, Stow tells us of an Army of Twenty Five Thousand, that were to have met Sir John in St. Giles' Fields; and yet for all this great Cry we find not One Hundred taken, though he affirms Sixty Nine of them to be condemned of Treason (upon such kind of proofs perhaps, as these, whereon the Composer of Sir Walter Raleighs Life makes him to have been found Guilty of Treason in the First of King James, for which he had the honour to be Beheaded about Forty Years after, upon his Return from his unsuccessful Guyana Voyage) and Thirty Seven Hanged. But the Record out of the Kings-Bench, the most authentic Evidence, mentions only, That Sir John Oldcastle, and others, to the number of Twenty Men, called Lollards, at St. Giles, did conspire to Subvert the State of the Clergy (this it seems then was the principal Offence; the rest Aggravations, without which the Scales could not have been well weighed down) and to Kill the King, and his Brother, and other Nobles, as any English Reader may see in Cottons Abridgement at the aforecited Parliament of the Fifth of this King. Where now are any good grounds for this malicious Outcry upon the Dissenting Wicklivists for Traitorous Plotters and Conspirators: And what's become of the great Army that Fame and Report had Raised? But perhaps the Innkeepers, in the adjacent Hamlets, and neighbouring Villages, were not only their familiar Friends, but intimate Acquaintance; as Mr. Bags ingenuity (to the elevating, and surprising of our Minds) hath taught us to express it; how otherwise this Achilles, and his dreadful Army of Myrmidons, could have continued thus unseen, and slipped away in Disguise, seems not reconcileable to Sense and Reason. And yet how such great Numbers could have lain hid within the compass of a Readmote, or have been put like Homer's Iliads in a Nutshell, is a thing that passeth all my understanding to conceive. If ever such a thing was, as doubtless it never happened in Europe, nor amongst either our ancient or modern Reformers; certainly then this unconceivable Wonder must have fell out in the Reign of Queen Dick, King of no Lands, upon the Terra incognita of some other of the Fairy Islands, bordering upon Utopia; where Prince Oberon and Queen Mab lived in daily dread and fear of King Arthur, Sir Lancelot, and Sir Tristram, and the rest of the Knights of his round Table, or miserably perplexed themselves every hour and minute with needless Scruples, Jealousies, and Suspicions, about the unimagined Designs of the Noble Duke Ogier, to advance himself and his little Mervine, who afterwards did such heroic Exploits upon the Sultan of Babylon, and his bloody cutthroat Army of Saracens, when he turned to the Assistance of the famous C●arlemain and his Peers.  
But laying aside these idle Stories of the Monkish Romancers, I pass on, from our famous win-All, Henry of Monmouth, to the unfortunate English lose-All, Henry of Windsor, a far better Man than King, as being more intentive upon the Devotions of the Times, than the Government of his Realm; and better skilled in his Beads, than his Sceptre: and therefore seems rather cut out for a Priest than a Prince. In this King's Minority, while such great Statesmen and Patriots, as his most renowned Uncles, Bedford and Gloucester, sat at the Helm, and steadily Steered the Ship of the Commonwealth, one by his Arms, the other by his Arts, Honour, and Renown attended upon the English Banners in France; and the Land at Home in peace and quietness Flourished under the benign Influence of their successful Counsels, for the most part free from civil Broils and Commotions; King Henry being in actual Possession of both Crowns, under the conduct of such noble and worthy Directors. But when Death had snatched away one from his Regency in France; and the other was dismissed from his Protectorship in England through the course of time: The King being grown in Years, and come to ripeness of Age, though not it seems to such a degree of understanding, as might capacitate him to act the part of a King, further than in Name and Show; his Affairs in foreign Parts soon went miserably to wrack; and being turned out of almost all beyond Sea, deadly Feuds and Annimosities (the usual attendants of ill Success abroad) increased so fast at Home, between the Nobles and great Persons of the Realm, and such intestine Jars sprung up in the Nation, that after many Battles fought, and much Royal Blood spilt, the York Party prevailed over the Lancastrians; and the poor King himself, though the Miracle of Age for Devotion, lost his Crown, Life, and All at last.  
Whether 'twas purely the ill success abroad, or the ill management of the State at home, the unhappy Fate attending the Kings Matching with Queen Margaret, to the breach of a former Contract, or the unseasonable stirring of her and her accomplices to Suppress, Ruin, and Root out the other Party, whereby they were compelled for their own Security to link themselves together in the strictest bonds of Confederacy, and stand continually upon their own Guard: Whether the weakness of the King, or the restless Spirit of the Queen (too Active for her Sex), The much resented Death of the Duke of Gloucester, or the subtle Arts and Devices of the Duke of York (into the particulars whereof I will not now descend, as being the Subject of a distinct Treatise by itself) and the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick. Whether 'twas any of these single, or all of them jointly concurring, or rather the overruling Providence of an Almighty Being, that made this strange Alteration in the Face of things, to the dethroning of one Prince (the most devoted of his time to religious Exercises) and exalting of another, as much given to Women, as the former to Religion, whereby the White Rose overtopped the Red: Certain it is, the City of London had a great Influence upon these Transactions, and the favour the Citizens bore to the Duke of York, and his Party, contributed highly to the advancing of his Interest above the King Regnants, if they were not the only grand causes under Heaven, that produced such wonderful and stupendious Effects. This the more clearly to demonstrate, I shall not oblige myself exactly to trace the whole Series of State affairs, through the following Princes Reigns, nor over-scrupulously confine myself to the Life of this or that King distinctly and apart. But design to view the differences between York and Lancaster in the lump, considering them under the Notion of one particular Contest, though of a long and large durance, and throughout with all plainness and perspicuity, I can lay claim to, show what powerful Rays of Influence from London were shed abroad upon the Face of the Land. For I intent not to Write an Abridgement of England's general History, as having only undertaken a particular Argument relating to this Honourable City's Fame, Renown, and Glory abroad; Strength, Riches, and Power at home within herself; and the various Influences she cast all over England in the more special turns and changes of Affairs: For the rest, the Curious may peruse the laborious Works of our English Historians.  
Therefore, choosing my own Method, I shall make a division of what I have to produce in this place, into two Parts or general Heads, under which I hope to comprehend the most material Passages I meet with suitable to the design and purport of this Attempt: The first containing Instances of Lon●ons affection to the Red Rose; and the other showing the solicitous care and regard she had for the preservation, growth, and advancement of the White.  
First then and foremost, to begin with the Citizens respect to the House of Lancaster, who bore the Red Rose for their Badge, of their continued Favour and Affection thereto, in the prime of its flourishing condition, while the many and great Victories gained in France were yet fresh in their Memories, and Henry the Sixth enjoyed the Fruits of his Father's Labours, and retained the English Conquests therein; there is no doubt to be made. But I presume I have a much stronger proof to produce, from no less convincing an Argument than Statute Law (as authentic an Evidence in the Case, as the Subject is capable of) to be found Anno octavo Henrici sexti. cap. 11. where we have express mention made of the entire affections and great kindnesses done, and showed to the said King, in all his Affairs, by the Citizens of the City of London; which to reward, and for the future the more to encourage, the King was induced by Authority of Parliament to give them leave to put and take in Apprentices according to their ancient manner, form, or custom; of which they had some time before been abridged by a former Statute, to the great hindrance and damage likely thereby to redound to them.  
If any shall require further Instances hereof, let them but have recourse to the Annals of this King's Reign; and there I doubt not but they'll have their Expectations answered, and their Curiosity highly satisfied, when they shall have carefully and thoroughly boserved the Noble Equipage of the Mayor, aldermans, and Citizens in the Tenth Year, when they road forth to meet the King upon his return out of France, the Pomp and Gallantry, wherewith they received him at London, and entertained him in his passage through it, and the costly Present they made him afterwards at Westminster: And take Notice of their splendid appearance in Scarlet, blue Gowns, broidered Sleeves, and red Hoods, to convey his Princely Bride, Queen Margaret, through the City in the Twenty-Third of his Reign.  
But, when this daisy Flower of France being thus linked to the Red Rose of England, the Queen, and her Creatures ruled all about the King at home, and things went every day worse and worse abroad, through Envy and Emulation among the Nobles, and negligence of the King's Council, ill conduct and management of State Affairs by the new Favourites at Court; and the good Duke of Gloucester, greatly beloved and adored among the Commons, was privily taken out of the way in a clandestine manner, to the great and bitter resentments of the People; the Citizens soon began to alter in their affections and inclinations, and look with favourable Eyes upon the opposite Party, then springing up under Richard Duke of York, the chief and principal Head thereof, whose Sails, upon the aforesaid Duke's death, being full blown with fresh Gales of Ambition, He became a secret pretender to the Crown, and privately among his Familiars whispered a more plausible Right and Title thereto, than the King Regnant himself had, though in actual Possession. Yet they did not so soon forget their old Love, as presently to side with the Yorkists against the Lancastrians, but seem for a while to have continued, as it were, in a state of indifferency, sometimes favouring the one, sometimes the other, as if uncertain with whom to side, till the Number of public Grievances being greatly increased, or else more eagerly and plainly remonstrated to them by the other Party; they more openly at length shifted all their Sails, and with fixed Resolutions espoused the Yorkist Interest, and so that Family got Possession of the Throne thereby. Then which, what greater Evidence can there be of the City's Power and Influence in those Times? And yet in this interval and space of time, which I venture, and I hope with truth enough, to term the State of her indifferency or neutrality, several other Instances of her Power are produceable for the further illustration of the Point in hand, to demonstrate beyond dispute, that the variation, alteration, and change of the Citizen's Minds overruled the Affairs of the State in each turn and change of Things, though as mutable for a season, as the ebbing and flowing of the Sea; yet likewise as successful as the turning, or returning of the Tide, in bearing all before them.  
The first Instance that comes to my hand, shall be that of Jack Cade, Captain Mendal, who calling himself Mortimer Cousin to the Duke of York, upon the specious promises of reforming grievances, and freeing the Commons from immoderate Taxes and Impositions, the fame of keeping good Orders among his people, and his successful overthrow of the Staffords with other Hotspurs of the Court, at Seven-Oke-Wood, had so strengthened himself, (the City of London being at that time saith Stow full favourable to him) that, upon the King and Queens remove from the City to Killingworth Castle, distrusting their own Servants and Soldiers, he came to Southwark and marched over the Bridge in good Order into the City, with such Confidence and assurance that passing along by London-Stone, he struck it with his Sword and said, Now is Mortimer Lord of London; and so possibly might have continued (he had so won the Hearts of the Commons by his orderly behaviour, and got such an increase of Power, as to give the Mayor Order how he would have his People disposed of, they coming and going freely as they pleased) had he but followed the Mayor's Advice, who bade him take ●eed, he attempted nothing against the Quiet of the City, and made good his own Reply; Let the Wor●●●ake notice of our honest Intention by our Actions.  
But when he once grew so inconsiderately Insolent, as to fall a robbing the Citizens themselves, he presently lost their Favour and good Will; the honest and wealthy Commons disliking such extravagant Proceedings, and then the Mayor and Aldermen, with their Assistance took Council together, to drive him and his Adherents out of the City, and oppose his further entrance thereunto. The effect whereof in the Issue was, that, After a sharp bickering and contest upon the Bridge, the Mayor and the Citizens got the better, the Kentish-Men were worsted, a truce for a few hours was concluded on, whereof the Lord Chancellor took the Advantages by a general pardon to disperse the malcontent, and Cade himself was within a little time after Slain in a Garden in Sussex, So fatal was it to him by this his Robberies thus to have displeased the Citizens. For Fabian tells us expressly, that had it not been for that, he might have gone far, and brought his purpose to good effect, if he had intended well. And so Prejudicial might it have been to the Court, had he not by these extravagancies forfeited that favour and respect, which had before been shown him at London to such a degree, that the Commons were very highly incensed against Alderman Horn, for opposing the admission of him and his company thereinto, at a Common-Councel held by the Mayor a● Guild-Hall, and speaking vehemently against such as were for his entrance, and ceased not, saith th● Annalist, till they had him committed to Newgate▪ But now the tide is turned again, and the King himself is joyfully received by the Citizens of that very same place, from whence erewhile he thought it his best security to depart. As the Citizens Favour ebbed and flowed, such was the posture of his affairs, in the wane or the full, so stoo● his fortune, either increasing or decreasing: where of here is a demonstration, that no body can deny tha● has but an Historial Faith, unless he woul● have us believe, that the many Historians, th●● writ hereof, could join altogether in an unusual confederacy, at several times and from several place● to impose a manifest falsehood upon posterity. An Opinion almost as absurd, (pardon the comparison) though not to that degree, as theirs, who ●s foolishly as profanely fancy the original Penmen of the Scriptures made a mutual agreement (though in several ages and from different parts of ●he Universe) to obtrude those writings ●pon the World for the Word of the Eternal God, 〈◊〉 of I know not what design of State-Policy to keep 〈◊〉 Common People in greater awe and subjection to ●●eir Governors.  
How fair a Cast the Yorkists lately had for the ●ame through the City's Favour, till their own 〈◊〉 management lost it, we have seen. But that as not all. It left such a rub in their way, that may be supposed to have spoiled their bowling up●● the next open adventure. For in the thirtieth 〈◊〉 the Duke of York in Person having raised an ●●my, upon disgusts and pretences, and the King ●●ing in the Head of another to oppose Him, He 〈◊〉 out of the way, and eschews the King's 〈◊〉, and hastens as fast as he could up to London, ●●ping doubtless for assistance or recruits thence, 〈◊〉 being deceived in his expectations, upon notice ●●en him that the Londoners would not admit his ●rance, to refresh himself or his People, he ●●ightwayspasses away from London over the Thames 〈◊〉 Kent, and what pray now was the event 〈◊〉? Not according to his wishes successful we may 〈…〉. For from the History we may easily 〈◊〉, he thought it his greatest interest to come 〈◊〉 terms of accommodation with the King (had 〈◊〉 such been his apprehensions, doubtless he would 〈◊〉 have yielded thereto) dismisses his Army, and 〈◊〉 in Person into his Majesty's Presence, where 〈◊〉 with the Duke of Somerset, he 〈◊〉 was accused of conspiring the King's Death, and usurpation of the Crown, and sent before the King as a Prisoner to London, where he was kept a while, till upon a Report of his Sons coming with another Army towards London, the Queen and Her Council thought it convenient to set him at Liberty, upon taking openly his Oath of Submission and Allegiance, at the High-Altar in St. Pauls-Church, before the King and great part of His Nobility.  
To what a plunge was the Duke and his party here driven, and with how many difficultyes did the King and his side likewise contest, while neither of them were absolutely sure and certain of the City, that she would cordially assist the one against the other. York was disappointed in his Hopes and Confidence of the Cities' favour, and thereupon had run himself into great danger, for which he knew at that Instant no better remedy, than to swear over again his Allegiance to him, whom he had intended and designed for a long time to depose. The King's Party heard of an Army marching up towards London against them, and rather than venture to throw themselves upon the hazard of a battle, without better assurance of the Cities' Love and affection, they consented to set at Liberty the Head of the opposite Party, then in their Hands a Prisoner, and permi● him to go whither he pleased, notwithstanding they had so much reason to fear and dread his Designs And possibly they esteemed it greater wisdom to Temporise for a Season, till they had made their Party visibly stronger in London, and more able to cop● with that secret reserve of favourers, which they might fear the Duke of York had still in the City, as concluding him and his party a little better advised, than to break out into open Arms against the present established Government, without som● probability of help and assistance thence, or at leas● some suggestions thereof before they put on thei● Armour. This seeming not an irrational supposal, appears to me to carry the face of another argument of the Cities' Power. For 'tis undeniably plain, that the Yorkists carried the day, when she afterwards within a few years declared herself openly for them, as I shall come by and by to show, when I have produced two or three passages more, as further evincing proofs of this Honourable Cities' Strength and Influence.  
One is noted in Fabian in the Thirtyfifth year, upon occasion of dissension and unkindness happening between the young Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Salisbury's Son, both at that time lodged within the City. For the Mayor, having notice hereof, is expressly said to have ordained such Watches and Provisions in the City, that if either had stirred, he was able to have subdued both Parties, and kept them in duress till he had known the King's further Pleasure. And the Event was answerable to his Intent. For the Friends on both sides, being well aware of the strict Watch and Ward, and the Consequents thereof, laboured so effectually for an Accommodation, that they concluded an Agreement between them for that time, without any further disturbance for the present that we read of: So well able were the Citizens to keep and preserve the King's peace, whether they would or no. They durst not provoke each other to open Hostilityes in that City, whose Power and Arms they had most assuredly raised about their ears, to their mutual disadvantage, had they been guilty of such unadvised rashness and daring presumption, as to slight and contemn her Magistrate's Order and Resolution. An other stands on Record, in the same Author and other Writers, among the next years transactions, under the Mayoralty of Godfery Boleyn and Shrievalries of William Edward and Thomas Reyner. For upon the Kings Calling of a grand Council at London, to accommodate differences, and the Lords of each Party coming up thereto with great Retinues, they having from Four-hundred to One-thousand-Five-hundred in a Company, & lodging some within & some without the City, holding their Consultation apart each from other, as if at mutual defiance, and ready to put all to the decision of the Sword, the Mayor kept Five-thousand Citizens (as Fabian Numbers them) daily in Arms, riding about the City and Suburbs to preserve the peace, and for the night Watch provided Two-thousand to give Attendance upon three Aldermen till Seven a clock next morning, that the day Watch was set, by reason whereof (continueth my Author) good order and rule was kept, and no man so hardy once to attempt the breaking the King's peace. The Council was held in quietness, and a Reconciliation patched up for the time. For who durst move when the City says nay?  
Several such Instances are to be seen in the Chronicles, and have been hinted before in the precedent Relation: And if need were I might produce the Disturbance likely to have happened in the Fourth year of this King, by the Bishop of Winchester's means, then at Variance with the Protector the Duke of Gloucester, when upon strict Commandment given to the Mayor, he set a sure Watch by night, that kept out the Bishop's Servants by force, and would not permit them to enter the City over the Bridge, whereupon a pacification was at length concluded between these two great Men, their differences in time amicably adjusted, and the City seems to have protected the Protector himself: But that I hasten to the fecond general Head, before proposed, under which I am to make out the visibility of the City's affection to the house of York, distinguished from that of Lancastor by the white Rose, their particular badge, and thee ffect thereof her influencing the nation in their favour, in behalf of the Yorkists Interest, to the raising it up above the Lancastrians. And this may be demonstrated, beyond contradiction, both from the suspicions fears, and jealousies of the Queen and the Court, that in their Hearts the Citizens bore too great Respect to the other side, and would assist them upon Occasion, and from their actual joining at last openly with the Yorkists in word and deed, to the visible exaltation of that Family above the other: whereby the White Rose grew up amain, and flourished not only above the rest of the flowers of the field, but also above the Red, though its whiteness was first tinged with a Scarlet dye, and the Red had lost much of it's, before lovely, ruby Colour, so much blood was there shed in this unhappy Contest. It being related out of Philip de-Comines, that, within his Remembrance, in the Civil-Wars of England died above Eighty Persons of the Blood Royal.  
For the proof of the Queen's Suspicions, or others Apprehensions, Instances more than one or two, and a triumvirate of Witnesses may be brought. Stow tells us before the battle of St. Alban, how that the King having assembled his Power to oppose the Duke of York, then marching towards London at the Head of an Army, his meaning was rather to meet the Duke in the North parts, than about London, where it was thought he had too many friends, and therefore departs with speed from Westminster on the same ●ntent: And afterwards acquaints us, that upon the difcharging of York and Salisbury of their high Offices and Places of Government about the King, This change among the Nobility caused sudden alterations and attempts (which he calls Seditious) to spring in the Commonalty, especially in the City of London. Fabian informs us that the Queen caused the King to remove in his Thirtyfifth from London to Coventry, and their held him a long season, as suspecting the City of London, and deeming it to be more favourable to the Duke of York's Party, than to Hers. Baker gives us much the same Story, under the Notion of the Queens persuading the King, for his Health and Recreation, to make a Progress into Warwickshire, as finding the little Respect the Londoners bore to Her Party, or the Kings. And Stow shall here bring up the Rear, to back their Informanions, with this expression, that, because the Duke was had more in estimation among the Citizens, than either the King or Queen, she caused the King to make his Progress, as perceiving she could attempt nothing against him near to the City of London.  
If we consider Actions, and respect Matters of Fact, we shall find the Yorkists often received at London, when the Lancastrians were either expressly refused, or at least compelled to get further off into other parts, for their better security and safeguard. After the Yorkists had won the Battle at St. Alban; London was the place whereto they presently removed, carrying the King along with them, and kept there their Whitsuntide with great Joy and Solemnity. When an Assault was made at Court upon the Potent Earl of Warwick, a great Yorkist, as he was coming from the Council Table, by the King's Servants with Intentions to have Slain him, London was the place, whereto he Rowed in all haste, as soon as got into his Barge; and thereby escaping the danger intended, he Consults with the Principals o● his Party, and retires afterwards to Calais. Thi● was the place, to which the Chronicle saith the Earl of Salisbury, his Father, was coming up with some Thousands of Men, when he was necessitated to Fight his Way through his Enemy's i● Bloreheath Field.  
Here likewise was Warwick received, encouraged, and refreshed, in the 38th. of Hen. 6. before the Battle of Northampton, when the Lord Scales, appointed by the other side with some Troops to go and secure the City, was directly refused admission by the Mayor, and being received into the Tower, he was besieged by Land and Water, and they of the City planted great Guns against it, and break the Walls in divers places: And, after the fatal overthrow of the Lancastrians at the aforesaid Battles, hitherto was the King conveyed by the Party, (a Prisoner in effect, tho' in show a King) as if eager there to show their Triumphant Success, or else further to secure to themselves the Londoners good will, love and affections, by their Presence. For Fabian tells us, they returned hither in haste, upon their obtaining this Victory, the Duke of York comes out of Ireland to them, and after a Report banded about the City, that King Henry was to be Deposed, and the Duke to be made King, (to make Trial doubtless of the people's mind, and sound the Citizen's temper and inclination) he lays Claim to the Crown in open Parliament, and had it at last Entailed upon himself and his Heirs, King Henry to retain the Name and Honour of King during Life, if he did not voluntarily Resign, and the Duke of York to be Declared Heir Apparent to the Crown, and Protector of the King's Person, Lands and Dominions, with some other Conditions, Exceptions, and Reservations.  
This we may suppose was as much as they then ●ound the Citizens willing to agree and consent to ●or the present. For we have it from Stow on the ●ne hand, that the Duke of York when he Challenged ●he Kingdom as right Heir, (which Cotton's Abridgement fixes upon the 16th. of October) purposed to have ●een Crowned on Allhollan-day next following: and, ●n the other side, that the King was very much favoured, and highly honoured by the common People for his Holiness of life, and abundant Clemency. Whether the Citizens would have yielded to more or not, I cannot be positive, but this I am sure of, that they so far gave way, that now the York Party had got much the better end of the Staff by an Act of Parliament, as well as by Arms, Title, and the City's Affections, and made use of it accordingly to the Old Kings actual Deposition, and the setting up of a New one at London, before the next Spring was over, by the concurrent consent of many substantial Citizens thereof.  
This the Yorkist Faction had reason enough, notwithstanding their prosperous success in the Country, to acknowledge as a great favour of the Commonalty of London, and impute the following success to their Corstancy, in adhering to their Party, after a double overthrow given the Yorkists by the Lancastrians, when the Magistracy seemed, in part, at least, to have altered Opinions and Resolutions, if not their Affections. For, would but the Commons have sat still, and continued Neutral in the Contest, the other side was in a fair way to have made their Party good against the Yorkists: but the Commons opposition to their Mayor's Proceedings, stemmed the Current, to the others benefis, and the manifest disadvantage of the Queen and the Court. Whereby we may observe where lies the orength of the City, and who are likeliest in the end, to carry the day, the Mayor, or the Commons; when they vary in their Sentiments, and as different Parties pull two contrrry ways.  
The whole Story, the Occasion and the Consesequences are to be seen in our English Historians; who, among the diversity of their Relations in many things, and wont variety in expressing the Transactions of the Times, concur nevertheless in the Issue and Event of the Actions than i● hand: For let any of them write never so partially out of Favour and Affection, the Truth will out at last, and shall prevail against all opposition.  
The Queen with her Northern Army had overthrown and slain Richard Duke of York, and routed his Party at Wakefield, and afterwards discomfitted the Earl of Warwick and his Power at Saint Albon, upon Bernard Heath, and so delivered King Henry out of their hands, who pretended to be his Life Guard, but were in reality his Keepers, Observes, Overseers, and Governors, or, in an yet harsher term though as true a sense, his Jailers, upon which important Successes, the Queen sent to the Mayor of London, willing and commanding him in the King's Name speedily to send her Victuals without delay, for her Army: which Command the Mayor strove presently with great diligence to put in Execution, by preparing several Cart-Loads of Lenten Provision, and sending them to Cripplegate, towards the Lancastrians Camp at Saint Alban. But there the Commons unanimously withstood their further passage, and by strong hand kept the Carts from going out of London, saying, It did not behoove them to feed their Enemies, who intended to Rob the City, and having repulsed the Northern Horsemen robbing in the Subberbs, upon their attempt to enter that way into the City, and slain three of them, continued so firm and fixed in their Resolutions, that let the Mayor do what he could by Exhortation and Arguments, to show them the danger, that might ensue by stopping the Carts, he could neither reclaim nor alter their minds, nor by any means prevail upon them, but in the end was fain to send the Recorder and some of the Aldermen to the King's Council, to request the Northern men's Dismission, besides two Female Mediators to interceded for him to the Queen, and excuse his not using force in those dangerous and doubtful times, against the Commons opposition, lest their fury being once stirred it might not so easily have been allayed again. Whereupon the Queen was sending some of the Lords, with 400 Soldiers to the City, to take a view of the people's demeanour, but having her hands full, upon certain notice that the Earl of March, Yorks Eldest Son, and the Earl of Warwick with joint Forces were coming up in all haste to London, she departed with the King, her Husband, and Son, into the North, her only refuge, having little trust in Essex, less in them of Kent, but least of all (saith Stow) in the Londoners; so little availed it to have the Mayor and some of the chief Commoners on her side, (as Fabian intimates) when the Commonalty, i. e. the vast majority, held with the Duke of York and his party, wherefore, upon the Court's departure from St. Alban, the Earl of March with his Yorkists entered the City in Lent, with a great Attendance, and was joyfully received, the people resorting to him in great numbers out of Kent, Essex, and other parts, to see, aid, and assist this lusty Prince, (as the Annalist words it) in whom the hope of all their joy consisted, as soon as his coming thither was known, where he was quickly Proclaimed and acknowledged King by consent, in the beginning of March, and after eight or ten Battles, actually Crowned in June with great Royalty, and a splendid appearance of Lords and Commons, Mayor, aldermans, and Citizens. In so high a degree did the City's actions sway the Country, and such an advantage was it to the Yorkists, to have gained her over to their Party.  
I need not here remark the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Temporizing Mayor, and his time-serving Interest, (the event plainly she wing in these particulars, Vox Populi to have been Vox Coeli) because I have touched upon this string already. But this however I am warranted from History to observe, that the Londoners, after they had once throughly placed their hearts upon the House of York, they continued so fixed and firm to their Interest, that no shocks of Fortune, nor the Troubles and Commotions about the middle of King Edward's Reign, could shake the firmness of their adherence to him, so fast was he Riveted in their Affections: nor yet the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick himself, so much greater than a King, as that which makes is greater than that it makes: whose Hospitality may be supposed to have redounded so much to his own advantage, and the Interest of the York Family, which he had for a long time before espoused, by the favour he gained thereby among the Commons of the Realm in general, and of the City in particular: For when he came to London, the Analist informs us he kept such an House, that six Oxen were eaten at a Breakfast, and every Tavern was full of his Meat, and whoso had any acquaintance in his House might have had as much Sodden and Roast, as he might carry upon a long Dagger. All this notwithstanding, when upon disgust and discontent he had turned to the other side, and became a favourer of the Lancastrians, he was never the less disappointed in his aims and expectations from the Londoners. For though by his turning sides the York Party had been once routed, King Edward taken Prisoner, and King Henry resettled once more on the Throne, and he had in a manner the whole power of the Land in his hands, besides the general Love and Affection the Commons bore to him, and the dread and terror the sound of his Name oft struck into his Enemy's Hearts, it having in effect altered the Fortune and turned the Scales in two Battles, one in King Henry's days for the Yorkists, another in King Edward's for the Lancastrians, yet upon the return of King Edward from beyond Sea (whither he had some time before escaped out of Custody) into England, to recover his Inheritance, and regain his Crown, and the News of his Marching up to London, both sides (saith Baker) seeking to make the City their Friends, the Citizens backwardness to take up Arms in Defence of Old King Henry, his Crown and Dignity, and inclination to Young King Edward, was so apparent, that Warwick's, own Brother, the Archbishop of York, distrusting the Event, secretly sought King Edward's Favour; he himself was received into London, King Henry was redelivered unto him, and the Great Warwick slain not long after at Barnet in a pitched Battle, to the utter Ruin of the Lancastrian Party for that Age, the consequence of this overthrow being enough to read them their succeeding ill Fate at Tewksbury: they themselves having sufficient Cause to be daunted, with the loss of their most powerful friends and favourers, and the Yorkists to be flushed with their Success in gaining so important a Victory.  
As the Citizens continued thus favourable to the King, so I don't find them them changed and altered in their Inclinations to the other side, till some of the Yorkists themselves, by their own hands, began to lose and untie those Bonds of Amity, Friendship, and Fidelity, the Late King's Children being dispossessed by his own Brother, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl of Richmond, the surviving hopes of the Lancastrians, had openly declared his Intentions, and solemnly Sworn, to marry King Edward's Eldest Daughter, the rightful Heir of all the Yorkists Greatness, which afterwards was as honourably as honestly performed: whereby both Families became united in one Line, and the two Roses happily inoculated each upon the other. The expression I hope the ingenious Society of gardiner's and Florists will pardon me, if harmlessly guilty of an absurdity in translating the term from fruits to flowers.  
Did the Citizens of London appear so zealously on the Yorkists behalf, and yield such powerful assistance to carry on their designs? What other than can we expect with reason, but that King Edward behaved himself very gratefully towards that City, which Espoused his flaughtered Father's Cause, against even the Governing Party, and contributed so considerably to his own Restauration. Though it is but too commonly seen that as mean services are but meanly recompensed, or else wholly ' slighted add forgotten, so an excess of merit too great to be rewarded, brings oftener danger than advantage to the party concerned. Evident examples whereof our own and Foreign Histories can abundantly afford us, and it is well if the City of London could produce no experience of her own in confirmation of their verity and validity, while some others having gotten well by their services, to the facilitating their ascent into high Places, have no better improved them in the Eyes of the World, than in keeping their Coaches, their Horses, and their Misses, and made little other returns of thanks and gratitude to the City, but some small slight acknowledgements and concessions, and perhaps a few verbal promises and assurance, or else forgetting their former needs and necessities, have endeavoured, most ungratefully, to turn their power upon her, which they may be thought to have gained chiefly and principally by her means. But King Edward it seems, or those about him had honester Principles in them, or were better tempered: For we find in Baker, that he furnished his Council Table for the most part with such as were gracious among the Citizens; and we Read in Stow of no less than eleven Aldermen, besides the Lord Mayor and Recorder, Knighted by him at one time in the Highway betwixt Islington and Shoreditch, upon his return from the Battle at Tewksbury, in reward of the good service the Londoners had done him. As for the jovial Entertainment of the Mayor, aldermans, and Commons in Waltham Forrest, by the King's express order and appointment, in his presence, about an year before he died, 'tis a Subject Treated on by more English Historians than one, with the circumstances and consequents thereof, the pleasant lodge of Green boughs set up on purpose for them, the Complimental condescension of the King, in refusing to go to his own Dinner till he had saw them served, the Hunting sport he showed them, the plenty of Venison he gave them at their departure, and the noble Present of two Hearts and six Bucks, with a Tun of Wine, he sent to the Lady Mayoress, and her Sisters the Alderman's Wives, to make merry with, which they did afterwards at Draper's Hall: where without all peradventure, the King's Health went all round the Table, if it was then in Fashion, but for this I will not put one finger in the fire.  
If we dive into the reasons of the variation of the Pole at London, and search into the occasional Causes of the manifest change and alteration of their Affections, from thr Family of Lancaster to the House of York, we may impute it partly to the losses, crosses, and unsuccessful management of Affairs, under a weak King and a self seeking Court of Lancastrians, but chiefly to the increase of National grievances, without timely care taken to redress them, and the fixed Resolution of the Court Party to oppress their opposites, the Yorkists, any manner of ways, by right or by wrong; for we may easily observe from History and experience, such to have been the usual motives to disgusts, and the common incitements to discontent. Therefore I presume I may draw hence better grounds and reasons of the City's Love to King Edward, than those alleged by Baker out of Comines, (viz. that he got the Love of the Londoners by owing them Money, and the good will of the Citizens, by lying with their wives) as looking at first appearance too Comical and Jocular to be sound, when sifted to the bottom. Why else did this Experiment never succeed before nor since? I don't think but there have been other Princes, besides this Amorous Yorkist, sitting upon the English Throne, whose Consciences would never have boggled at borrowing Money, and then Cornuting their Creditors, if this Recipe could have shown its Probatum est. But whatever Reason's History or Fancy suggests, this is most undeniably certain, as being matter of fact, that the City was visibly engaged in the Yorkists Interest, before ever that Family could attain to the height of their desires. From whence I doubt not to conclude, that had the Citizens been otherwise inclined, and continued firm and fixed to the House of Lancaster, the Duke of York might indeed have laid his Claim, and pleaded Title, with many other fair-spun pretences, (as the Prerogative of Birth, Privilege of Law, the impossibility of altering a Native Right by previous Contracts, Vows, Oaths, or Prescription, and the Injustice of breaking the Thread of an Orderly Succession) but, all this notwithstanding, he might still have remained for aught we can be sure of, far enough off from compassing his Ambitious Desires, or from the possibility of coming within view of his Journeys End, the City standing between him and the wished for Haven. The Observation is obvious from several passages aforegoing. The City in itself is too great to be overawed, and her influence over the Country consequently too powerful, to have it long quietly overruled by any Party whatsoever, with whom she refuses to concur.  
Another Observation give me leave to make en passant, and that shall be upon the time and season, not of the Citizens manifesting their Affections, but of their actual appearance in behalf of the Duke and his Party. This I observe to have been, not presently and immediately in the forefront, and the very first beginning, but upon the coming up of the Yorkists to London with Swords by their sides, and resolution in their minds: So that they seem first to have been approvers, and then Seconds to the Duke's Party in their designs upon their open Declaration. Before that the Commonalty so openly and resolutely refused to let Provisions pass to the Lancastrians Camp at St. Alban, the Duke of York had declared himself in the midst of his Friends and Adherents at London ready to assist him, and though he was then dead, having been slain in Battle, and the Lancastrians so near the City at that very same time, yet his Eldest Son being in the Head of an Army in the Country, was soon come to London, received, Elected, approved, and set up for King by their approbation, consent, and good liking. This likewise may be observed to have been the common custom and usage of the City, as an ordinary English Reader may easily find in several places of this Relation upon a review, or careful recollection of what hath been before set down: or else to satisfy his Curiosity, without trusting to this Transcription, he may search after the passages himself in such Authentic Authors, as Fabian, Stow; Speed, Baker, or the like Chronicles of the English Affairs, which being easier met with than the Original Writers of these times, he will be put to the less trouble, upon any doubt occurring in any things here delivered for matter of Fact, in that I have chose to draw up this Treatise for the most part out of these laborious Collectors. Where it is observable that the City's inclinations being by some one or other overt act, as manifestly declared, or else plainly perceived, or shrewdly guessed at, by the industry and vigilence of the discrning Spirits of the Age, the discontented Nobleses were quickly encouraged thereupon, and inclined to withdraw into the Marches of Wales, or the Borders of Scotland, and there gathering together their Party, and Raising as great Forces as time and opportunity would permit, away they come in all haste, as fast as they can, up to London, where being joyfully and gladly received, with great applause and approbation, the Courtiers were often compelled to fly for their safety, and the Governing Party desperse elsewhere, to try it out by dint of Sword, (at which they were commonly worsted) or else quietly yield to such conditions, as would be approved in the City, and were acceptable to the Party, the result whereof generally was the calling of a Parliament, as the desire of the Subject, though the dread and fear of the Court. But for the better illustration of this remark, I shall produce modern experience, and instance in what hath happened within the memory of thousands yet living.  
That under the late Usurpation the City was very desirous of a Free-Parliament is not to be doubted of. And yet we find she sat still quiet, and pretty well contented to outward appearance, (amidst the various changes from an Old Protector, to a New one, from that to the Rump, and thence to the Committee of Safety) as if over ridden, or like a wearied Beast, silently couching down under her heavy burdens, almost wholly insensible, and as one unconcerned. But as soon as General Monk, out of Scotland, had openly declared his dislike of the Armies extravagancies, and was come up from Coldstream, amidst the Visits of the Gentry, and Acclamations of the people, so near the City as Harbrow, we hear presently of Commissioners come thither to him from the City, and their proposing a readmission of the Secluded Members, that the Parliament might be made full and free. This was the first Public Address I meet with looking that way, but after this we read of many from various parts of the Land, and almost all Counties of the same Nature with that from the Capital City of the Nation, as if all had been animated by the influential Rays of her Inclinations, and her Results were the superior faculties of the Soul, ove-ruling the inferior Members of the Body. But the City stayed not here, for as she addressed, so she was resolved for a full house, before she would pay any public Taxes. And tho' Monk upon stricter declared Resolutions put her into a great Consternation for a time, by pretending to over-aw her with his Soldiers, which was not in any wise expected at his hands, yet upon his application to her Common-Council, when he returned the next day with his Army to regain their almost lost favour, (and what then might not they have done of themselves, when their amazement, sprung from the suddenness of the unexpected surprise, was abated?) they approved of his Intentions to have the House of Commons filled up, demonstrated it with Bells and Bonfires, persuaded and procured his continuance amongst them; whereby his own Security was consulted, and those Designs most successfully carried on, which laid the way open to his present Majesties Peaceable Restauration. For this Concurrence of the City with General Monk's Resolutions, brought about the Restitution of the Secluded Members, that procured a free and fuller meeting of the Lords and Commons, and soon after the King was recalled from his forced Exile, to the open Exercise of his Royal Power and Authority over these his Three Nations, and made his Public Entrance in the greatest Calm of Peace and Tranquillity imaginable. Thanks to the Honourable City for concurring so unanimously to the Revival of the remaining part of the Old Parliament, which brought forth so Miraculous Effects, as to have an Injured and Exiled Prince fully restored to his Throne, and yet the Glory of the Action not tinctured with Blood. Such was the Influence of London's concurrence, of London's Power, of London's Prayers.  
If then the many instances hitherto related, being conjoined, rise not up to a demonstration, as much Mathematical, as the subject can bear, I know not what will. As for the truth of them, I defy any one to disprove me, who hath but the least grain of sense and reason in him, and as much Historical knowledge as may amount to the sixtieth part of a scruple. The particular reasons of the City's Potency have been shown, and the general ground thereof is as plainly evident. For how can it otherwise be, but that a City endowed with such Royal Grants, fortified with so many and so great Privileges, and exalted to the height of Grandeur, by the vastness of her Trade; multitude of her Merchants, Wealth and Riches of her Inhabitants, Spirit and Courage of her Citizens, Stateliness of her Buildings, Preheminances of her Antiquity, Conveniency of her Situation, and Regular Order of her Government, so Ennobled with the highest Courts of Judicature for the Law, adorned with numerous Churches for the Gospel, and frequented by Strangers from all parts of the habitable World, the Receptacle of all Arts and Sciences, the Haunt of the Commonalty, the Delight of the Gentry, the Habitation of the Nobility, the Residence of the King, and Glory of the whole Nation; so pleasant to Admiration; and so populous to a Wonder, where many Scores, if not Hundreds of Thousands, can be Raised and Armed in a few Hours Warning. How, I say, can it otherwise be, but that such a City must needs highly influence, overrule and over-awe the Counsels of the Nation, and turn the Inclinations of the People whithersoever she please? For Nature generally uses the common ordinary means and methods, and I do not see that the All-powerful God of Nature often diverts her Course, or works Wonders and Miracles in every Age and Season. Now that London is such a City, I appeal to History and Experience for my Witnesses.  
These are the Observations I had to make concerning the Glories of the City of London and the Influences she had upon the grand Concerns of the Nation, in that great and famous Contest between the two Houses of Lancaster and York (through the most considerable part whereof I have hitherto traced her Actions) wherein finding her most triumphant, amidst the great variety of the public Transactions of these times, I think it not much material to give so distinct a Relation of her private Affairs, though among them I might likewise find many things most worthy of Remak, as hastening apace towards the Conclusion of this Treatise, that it may not swell into too great a bulk, to the Reader's Discouragement, and the wearying out of his Patience, I fear, already almost tired. Wherefore, as to what concerns the private Troubles of the City, the Tumults, Riots and Insurrections sprung up out of her own Bowels in these perilous Times, and happily suppressed by the Power of her Magistrates, and the accidental Casualties happening within her Liberties: or else the many Benefits accrueing to her, by the Care and Vigilance of her chief Officers, the good Rule and Order of her Government, the strict Observation of her particular Ordinances, and putting in Execution her Injunctions: Or as to what relates to the external Augmentation of her Honour, her Splendour and Renown, by the Reparation of her Walls, Renovation of her public Structures, founding and erecting of new Fabrics, I pass them all over without a more particular mention, (sending the curious and inquisitive to the Chronicles, Baker's especially, who hath treated purposely of such remarkables in distinct Sections, at the end of the King's Lives) as not so pertinent to my present design, tho' in other Kings Reigns I may have here and there touched upon some such Remarks: And shall direct the Reader with an Instance of the Courage of some bold spirited women of the City, having hitherto entertained him with the Heroic and Illustrious Acts only of the other Sex. The Relation I have out of Stow, who places it in the Seventh of King Henry the Sixth, Anno 1428. where, after mention made of a Parliament Asiembled at Westminster that Year, he gives it us in these words.  In this Parliament there was one Mrs. Stokes, with divers other stout Women of London, of good reckoning, well Apparelled, came openly to the upper-house of Parliament, and delivered Letters to the Duke of Gloucester, and to the Arch-Bishops, and to the other Lords there present, containing matter of Rebuke, and sharp reprehension of the Duke of Gloucester, because he would not deliver his Wife Jaqueline out of her grievous Imprisonment; being then held Prisoner by the Duke of Burgundy, suffering her there to remain so unkindly, and for his public keeping by him another Adultress, contrary to the Law of God, and the honourable Estate of Matrimony. 
Bold words and bold women. For this Duke was then Lord Protector of the Realm, and so confequently of great Power, Place, and Dignity therein. But these were Londoners that durst be so courageous, as to say, to Princes, Ye are Wicked, and then the wonder is not altogether so great, on one hand, that they dared to reprehend the great ones of the Age, and on the other, that we still find such Heroical Spirits in the City, since they spring from such a Race both by the Father's side, and the Mothers. The Roman Historians celebrates the Memory of that Noble Matron, who came into open Court, and with so undaunted a spirit of boldness, pleaded her own Cause, to the great amazement of the Senate for the present, that they made an Order to forbid the like for the future. What Viragoes then were these English Matrons of London, that in open Parliament durst reprove the Nobles to their faces, and were not afraid to attempt to teach our Senator's wisdom? wherein they may seem to have outdid that famed Roman Matron, in that what she did may be thought to have proceeded from self-love and self-defence, whereas these with a greater Courage espoused another Cause, an excess of Charity and Humanity, and, instead of staying for an opportunity of defending their own Interest upon occasion or necessity, durst voluntarily make an onset on the more powerful with sharp rebukes, for neglecting the distressed, and refusing to assist the poor, weak, and disconsolate. So that the Royal City of London appears emulous of the Old Imperial City of Rome, both in the Courage of the Women, and valour of her men: as if resolved not to yield to her Fame on any account in Glory and Merit, nor come behind her in the Heroic Acts of either of the Sexes, while one continues as potent in the British World, by the Spirit of the Citizens and influence of her Actions, as the other once was famous for her Arms all over Europe, Asia and Africa. And who knows whitherto she may come in time, as how far the Fates, or rather Providence, have decreed to advance her? Was she so powerful so many Ages since, what is she now, since that she's very much increased in the Strength and Number of her Inhabitants, and her private Buildings are reformed from Wood and Earth into Brick, and public into Stone, low humble Cottages into stately Edifices, and who dares be so positive to aver, that they may not in time, be changed into Marble?  
Hitherto have I treated the Reader with variety of Proofs and Evidences sufficiently (I hope) demonstrative of the Repute, Fame, Honour, Glory, and Renown, Magnificence, Grandeur, Strength, Power and Influence of this so Triumphant a City, whose Approbation and Assistance, hath settled Kings upon their Thrones, and the dissatisfaction of whose Inhabitants hath sometimes left the way open to the ruin of Princes; In the Examples and Instances whereof, the Concurrence of her Citizens was, for the most part, general and universal, at least so far as concerned the Majority. But now I shall produce an Instance (and not easy perhaps to be paralleled, from either Divine or profane Writings,) to show, how influential the bare shadow of her Name hath been in State-Affairs, and how contributory to the transforming of a Subject into a King, without any apparent assent of the Main Body of this ancient Corporation; which I am so far from thinking a diminution of her Glory, that I rather look upon it, as here circumstantiated, to be an Argument of the City's great Power, Reputation, and Esteem, under this Consideration;  
That if that aspiring Protector, the bloody Duke of Gloucester, better known by the Name of Crook-backed Richard the Third, could do so much by the shadow, what might he not have done, could he have but enjoyed the substance? As in Divinity, Circumstances make many an Action good or bad: so in History, the Design and Event not seldom ennobles or debases an Enterprise. 'Tis not so much the bare Act, or thing done, in this particular, that is to make good my Assertion, as the Deduction from the Consequences thereof, whether real or designed, which come now to be related in this manner following:  
When that ambitious, Crook-backed Duke, upon his Brother's Death, had got his eldest Son and Heir, and the rightful King, into his hands, and by treacherous Plots, devised Crimes, and false Calumniations, taken away the Lives of those true and trusty Friends of the old King, that were most likely to continue faithful to his young Son and Heir in his Minority, and loyally stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes, against the open Attempts or secret Designs of his Treacherous Uncle, and thereby removed many of the Rubs out of the way to his aspired greatness. His next Care was to get the People's Consent to the turning of his Ducal Coronet into a Regal Crown, and their Concurrence to acknowledge him for their King, whereas before he was but Protector. But how should this be done? A Pretence must be found to cajole them, seeing that he had so little Equity and Justice on his side to confirm them to him. The City of London was known to be powerful and populous, and their Example was thought to do much with the rest of the Nation, to make them, if not approve, at least connive at his Nephew's Deposition, and his own Exaltation, therefore the Citizens were to be Caressed, and their Approbation to be sought. Whereupon he seeks for and procures Instruments fit for his turn, that, to honour his ambitious Desires, stuck not openly to turn Renegadoes to Truth, Honesty and Loyalty, so that they might get Worldly Honour and Preferment thereby. Among whom none of the less noted, nor least useful, are reckoned the present Lord Mayor of London, (a Man of a proud Heart, and highly desirous of Advancement, how little soever he deserved it) and two brazenfaced Sons of the Church, both great Preachers, of more Learning than Virtue, of more Fame than Learning. So useful hath the Pulpit in the Church been always thought to carry on Intrigues in the State. The Contrivance was first to prepare the People and break the Matter at Paul's-Cross, and then Motion it to the Citizens at Guildhall, to accomplish which, and bring his purpose to perfection, the Duke cared not, so his dead Father were thought, or called, a Cuckold; his Mother, a Whore; his Brethren, Bastards; and his Nephew, illegitimate; to the shame of the whole House of York, such Fires of Ambition ruled and raged in his Heart. The flattering Clergymen readily did their Parts in the Pulpit, as far as they were able, but with so ill success to the Duke's Cause, and their own Reputation, that he was wholly disappointed of the desired Acclamations, and they lost their Credit and Estimation among the People ever after. One lost his Life after his Sermon, the other his Voice in the midst of his Preaching, and so was forced to leave off and come down.  
From Paul's Cross away go we, the Tuesday following the Doctor's Sermon, to Guildhall, and there we find the Mayor upon the Hustings, and all the Aldermen assembled about him, and the Commons of the City gathered before them. To whom the Duke of Buckingham, newly come thither, attended with divers Lords and Knights from the Court, makes a long and large Oration about the Grievances under the late King, his many unnecessary Taxations, great Severities, and the looseness of his Life, (to cast dirt thus upon the late King's Government, was thought then, it seems, an effectual Means, to make way for this Popish Successor) 〈◊〉 them of the Doctor's Sermon, and desires them to join with him, and others, in a Petition to the Duke, to take upon him the Name and Office of a King, hoping by his many Arguments and Persuasions, with the volubility of his Tongue, to obtain the Citizen's Concurrence in a full Cry of of King Richard, King Richard. But they were, it seems by the story, very deaf of hearing on that Ear, to his no little wonder and amazement. Wherefore, upon further consultation with the Mayor and others privy to the Design, Buckingham resumes his Discourse, and rehearses the same over again with a louder Voice, as if the Citizens had not all heard, or not well understood the meaning of his former Speech. But neither did this move their Affections, nor produce a Word in favour of the Motion from the Auditors. Then Mr. Recorder, by the Mayor's Advice, was pitched upon to second the Duke, upon hopes that it might be better accepted from him, as the public Mouth of the City. Full loath, we may well think, was he, an honest Man, and newly come to his Honour and Preferment, having never spoken to the Citizens before from that place, to begin upon so harsh and unpleasing a Subject▪ But however the Mayor's Commands must be obeyed. He therefore makes a Rehearsal of the Duke's Words, but so far from being transposed▪ altered, or augmented, that he plainly showed wha● he did was in Obedience to the Lord Mayor's Commands, not out of affection or good will to th● Cause, or the Duke. What then could it avail th● Mayor and his Party, that Mr. Recorder was compelled to be their Mouth, when 'tis plain from hi● Speech, that he spoke others Sentiments, not hi● own? And this was easily perceived on all hand● For the Citizens stood still as mute as Fishes, or dea● as Adders, that would not hearken to the Voice of the Charmer, nor tune their Pipes to the Son● of a base flattering Courtier. Well then, conse●● they could get none? Hitherto not a word of approbation, what must be done next? Why? when we despair of Citizen's Words and Wishes, we'll even pretend to reject them, as useless and unnecessary, seeing they will not be modelled to our minds. And therefore at last the Citizens are plainly told, that all the Nobles of the Realm are resolved already upon the Point, (a thing as true, as the Mayor was Honest, or the Duke Loyal) and their ultimate Answer was demanded. Upon which followed secret Whisper, and a confused Burr, among the People, till at last some of the Duke's Servants, and others of their procuring, (Prentices, and other Lads, thrust into the Hall among the Press) set up their Notes at the lower end, threw up their Caps in token of Joy, and loudly cry out upon King Richard. This the Duke and Mayor, seeing they could have not better, take advantage of, and would have it forsooth pass for an unanimous Consent, and the universal Approbation of the City, though the whole multitude of Citizens answered them not a word, only cast back their heads, and marvelled what those meant behind them, with their whooping and hollow. A goodly Cry, quoth the Duke, and thanks them, and so departs.  
The next News we hear is of a Petition immediately made, the Morrow after, to the Protector at Baynard's Castle, to take upon him the Rule and Government of the Realm, as rightful King, to which, with much ado and entreaty, (poor Man!) he at last yielded, as if altogether compelled, through mere necessity, and others importunity, the Duke of Buckingham coming in the Name of himself, the Lord Mayor and his Brethren, as indeed we find them there amongst others, to see this notorious piece of dissimulation acted over. So slips this dissembling Yorkist into the Throne, over his young Nephew's head (whom afterwards he cruelly caused to be murdered) is Crowned, and Reigns as King for a time, the Holla's and Huzza's of a few Courtiers and Prentices being imposed upon the Nation, for the Universal Consent of the City of London, though the Duke's Party could not obtain so much as that Compliment from the Citizens themselves. Seeing therefore they could not embrace the Substance, they were resolved, I would say, to grasp at the Shadow, were I sure the Critics would not Censure the Expression. For being not able to prevail upon the Masters, they endeavoured to try Experiments on the Apprentices, and failing of the Majority of the Men, are content to be playing with the Boys: And if this now may be called the Concurrence of the City, 'tis easy doubtless to be had at any time with Feasting and Fuddling. Let the distrustful, or evil thinking person, consult Mr. Stow, about the Life and Reign of King Edward the Fifth, and then he may see Authority enough for the precedent Relation.  
Thus we see the Duke is mounted at last up into the Saddle, and from a Protector, that might have been legal, he becomes a King most unlawfully, by very unjust Means and indirect Methods, by defrauding his poor innocent Nephew of his Birthright, and afterwards depriving him of his Life, aspersing his own Mother with Adultery, imputing Bastardy to his Brethren, and bringing a dishonourable Reflection upon his Father. But can we think such an ill-gotten Crown could ever prosper with him? No sure: 'Twas improbable, and impossible. The Furies are stirred up to torment him, for Providence sleeps not, nor could Vengeance lag long behind. The City never gave her full consent, notwithstanding all the endeavours of that false Knave her Mayor, therefore she had reason and occasion enough for the deepest Resentments, to see her Name without her Authority basely abused by Treachery and Deceit, to promote other men's corrupt Designs, and the Duke so lately transposed into a King, sufficient Grounds for continual Fears, Jealousies and Suspicious, about the fickleness and unsetledness of his own State and Condition, being so insecure and uncertain of the City's hearty good will and affections, as knowing the Cheat he had newly put upon the Nation, and the Affront he had offered to the whole Body of the Citizens, in making use of their Names without their Consent and Concurrence, to settle himself in his intended Usurpation. Bosworth-field also is drawing nigh a pace, where he shall be forced to pay Nature her last Debt, Justice shall have her due, and a full period shall be put to all his villainous Acts and Erterprises, after a short Reign or Usurpation of two Years, two Months, and a Day or two, the shortest Term by far of any King's Reign since the first William, unless we admit Edward the Fifth, for Method and Customs sake, into the Number of our Kings, who for Ten Weeks space bore the Name, though it may be more properly called the Tyranny of the Duke, than the Reign of the King.  
Enter next the Earl of Richmond, a Lancastrian, (a Family directly opposite to the House of York, till now in Combination against Crook-back Richard, that did endeavour to destroy them all, and on a design of a union of both Interests, in the persons of the Heirs on both sides) with a few Friends and foreign Mercinaries, at Milford-Haven in Wales, and the hopes of a considerable Number of Auxiliaries ready to join and assist him in his March up directly towards the City of London. For this seems to have been his main aim, and intended purpose, from his Letters sent to his Friends, to come in with all speed to his Assistance, as in whose Affections doubtless he put much trust and confidence; neither was he deceived therein, in that, after his successful Victory over his Enemies at Bosworth, (where we date the first beginning of his Reign, under the Name of Henry the Seventh) upon his remove towards London, and his near approach to the City, we find the City so far from the least shadow of opposition, that on the contrary, they prepared to receive him with Demonstrations of great Joy and Gladness, for his safe and happy arrival there. The Habit of the Mayor, aldermans, and Citizens, were either Scarlet or Violet, and his Reception was in great State and Pomp, they meeting him in orderly Array without the City, and so conveying him through it to St. Paul's. Neither may we think him insensible of their Favours, if Baker records the truth, as indeed I am not able on any good grounds to contradict him, when he says, that the City of London was this King's Paradise, nor provably confute the Reasons he gives for his Assertion, viz. That what good Fortune soever befell him, he thought he enjoyed it not, till he acquainted them with it. And can we fancy he had not good Grounds and Inducements, for this honourable Acknowledgement of their Kindness and Goodness shown him by them, besides the first Expressions thereof in the beginning of his Reign, when he was so far from being well warmed in his Seat, that he was not yet entered upon the Throne by the Solemnity of a Coronation, nor had taken possession of the Government with the usual Ceremonies and Customary Formalities?  
Certain it is, that I read in Fabian, Sh●riff of London in his days, that he had considerable Sums of Money of the City, more than once, twice, or thrice, an Assistance as requisite often times, as Men in Arms, and not seldom more difficult for Princes to obtain: There being idle men enough generally at all times ready to come in at the Sound of Trumpet or Drum, if there be but an Assurance or Probability of good Pay: which to compass, is commonly a difficulty not so easily surmounted, even by great Kings and Princes, so scarce a Commodity is Gold and Silver Coin. Neither do I find the City at any time complaining, or opposing, or joining with his Enemies: For notwithstanding his settlement on the Throne, and his uniting the two Families into one, by marrying Edward the Fourth's eldest Daughter, he had a Lambert and a Perkin to disturb his Quiet and Repose, about Title. A Favour therefore doubtless this was not inconsiderable in those days. For the City of London is known to have been able to do much, had she been so inclined. Whereof we may well believe the King was very sensible, and so were the opposers of his peaceable tranquillity, were it only from this consideration, that when, in the Second of his Reign, it was bleared about by his Enemies, that the Earl of Warwick, George, Duke of Clarence's Son, was escaped out of the Tower, and a counterfeited Earl was provided to act the part of the true one, to draw People to their Assistance, (which might have created no little trouble to the King, and greatly endangered his Person and Dignity) to disappoint and frustrate their Designs, and fully lay open the Cheat, of all Parties and Places of his Kingdom, he chose London, to show therein the right Earl of Warwick to the People, though the principal Scene of those Affairs were then laid in Ireland. And the other side appeared so fearful of the Effect thereof upon the Londoners, and their Influence doubtless upon the rest of the Nation, even Ireland itself, though so far distant, that to buoy up the Spirits of their own Party, they thought it most effectual to report about the Island, that that was a Counterfeit purposely trained and taught by King Henry, and showed by him in London, to blind the Eyes of the Simple and Ignorant. So solicitous were both to increase the number of their Adherents, and draw the People of the Land to a belief of the honesty and sincerity of their Intentions, and Equity of their Actions, among whom the City of London is certainly the greatest Body, fitly joined together by good Laws and Constitutions, greatly confirmed by an orderly succession of her Magistrates, and much strengthened by a long and large train of continual Successes. But the City continued fix to the King's Interest, and therefore the others Devices and Pretences worked little or nothing upon the Citizens. They were rather ready to rejoice on all occasions for his victorious Success, than pron● to take part with his Enemies against him, whereof they gave him sufficient Testimonies at several times and seasons, when they had opportunity to express their Affections, in a more free and open way, at such glorious Solemnities, as Coronations, Installations, public Receptions, and Royal and Princely Marriages.  
'Tis confessed, that, towards the latter end of this King's Reign, some of her principal Officers, her Mayors and Sheriffs, were sore troubled and vexed in the King's Courts, and large Sums of Money demanded of them, for things pretended to be done by them illegally in their Offices, and such of them imprisoned, as refused to pay those Arbitrary Fines, as may be seen in Stow's Annals; but these were Troubles only of particular Men, and common also to many others of the King's Subjects, when Empson and Dudley were got into Authority, and, to humour the old King's covetous itch after Riches, (a Vice incident mostly to Old Age) revived old forgotten Laws, and raised large Sums of Money upon Offences against Penal Statutes; wherein they acted so exorbitantly, and took such arbitrary, illegal and unjust Ways, (many whereof Baker reckons up in his Chronicle) to compass their Ends, that they themselves at length were become the principal Grievances of the Nation, and suffered accordingly in the beginning of the next King's Reign, both of them by the hands of Justice, being made to pay their Heads for satisfaction to the People, and their Promoters most shamefully Pillory'd and Imprisoned. So little did it avail them, to pretend they put the Laws in Execution, or to call themselves the King's Promoters or Informers. King Henry the Eighth, as soon as he came to the Crown, more regarding the Commons Cries, and the Complaints of his People, than he valued the pretended Loyalty of such profligate Villains, as had no other way to pick up a Livelihood, than by raking it out of other men's Miseries and Troubles.  
This Prince in his youth was so much addicted to Pleasures, and Pastimes, fine Sights and Shows, Masks, Justs, and Tournaments, and in his elder years to Cruelty and Tyrannical Oppression, that one might be apt to expect, and perhaps with some colour of reason, that little was to be found in London, in the beginning of this King's Reign, but Jollity, Joy, and Rejoicing, gaudy Shows, and pleasing Objects, delightful to the Eye, and grateful to Sense, a King's Example commonly drawing along with it his Subject's Imitation; and that in the latter end, scarce any durst presume, to make opposition to a Man of so domineering a Spirit, as, by his own deathbed Confession, never spared Woman in his Lust, nor Man in his Anger: And yet notwithstanding we meet with, under this Prince, Instances of the City's Power, Boldness, and undaunted Resolution, and of the King's Favour to the Citizens.  
The last may haply be concluded, even from the Effects of evil May-day, when we read of the King's pardoning the many hundreds Indicted for that day's Riot and Insurrection, at the three Queen's intercession, upon Cardinal Woolsey's Advice, and perchance in Complaisance to the City. Not to mention that eminent Instance, of the King's Charity, Love, and Affection to the City, when, in so great a scarcity of Bread therein, that many died for mere want, he freely and frankly sent thither, out of his own Provisions, 600 Quarters of Corn, which served for a very seasonable Supply, till more could be brought from other Parts. But as to the former, I dare aver it from the consequence of the Contest, between the City and the Cardinal, in the 17th year of this King, out of Stow, and thence prove, beyond denial, how like herself the City always continued, in opposing the Arbitrary Power and Exorbitances of over grown Favourites.  
Commissions were sent forth, by Order of the Council, into every Shire, to Levy the Sixth Part of every Man's Substance, towards the King's passage into France, but this was so vehemently opposed by the People, as contrary to ancient Laws and Customs, and not granted by the Parliament, that the King thought good to deny, that he ever knew of that Demand, and, by soothing Letters, sent to London and elsewhere, he requested only his Subject's Benevolence. This was a Term more plausible, than a set Demand, and a fixed Contribution, and the Cardinal forsooth would needs undertake personally to induce the City's consent thereto, and therefore sent for the Mayor, the Almen, and the most substantial Common-Councel-Men, to Westminster, thinking by fair Speeches, good Words, and large Promises, to have overperswaded them. To him indeed they lent their Ears, but we don't find them over hasty to part with their Purses. However they sent Deputies to him, Four aldermans and Twelve Commoners, to return him their thanks, and every Alderman assembles his Ward, and makes a Motion for a Benevolence, which was openly denied them by the Commonalty. Then the Cardinal sends again for the Mayor, and his Brethren, who informs him what they had done. Whereupon he would have examined them apart, and demands a benevolence of them in the King's Name: But for Answer, was told, by a City Councillor, that the Motion was against an Act of Parliament, which could not be disproven, though it was in part gainsaid. Thereupon the Mayor resolutely denies to grant any thing; so that upon his coming home to London, all public endeavours were laid by, and it was declared, that every man should come to the Cardinal, and grant privily what he would. This was so little grateful to the Citizens, and upon the Mayor's endeavours to qualify them, by promising they should be gently treated, and exhorting them to go when sent for, they were so highly offended thereat, that in their fury, they would have had several expelled the Common-Councel, and so without further answer, angrily departed home. Whereby we may be well assured of the truth of Hall's Observation, that though the Mayor and Aldermen had granted the Demand, the Common-Councel would never have assented; For we must know, this was done at the Common-Councel called the next day after my Lord Mayor came from Court. The Result therefore of all was in the Issue, that the King openly protests, in a great Council, called at York-place, now Whitehall, that his mind was never to ask any thing of his Commons, that might sound to the breach of the Laws, and so this Project was rejected, and laid aside, by order of the King's Letter sent into all Counties. For seeing that the City refused, how was it possible to persuade the Country, who look upon London as their principal Guide and Directress, and so generally square their Actions by the Citizen's Rule? Doth not then this seem a clear Example of the Londoners constant fixedness to their old Principles of Liberty? And if the Reader likewise please, it may pass for an Instance of the Citizens disclaiming their Mayor's Resolves, and the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Magistracy, when resolute in their just opposition.  
As an Overplus, I shall cast in a Passage out of Baker's Chronicles, where we find it upon Record, under the Title of King Henry's Taxations, how that, when in the Fourteenth Year, a Tenth Part of all men's Substance was required by the Cardinal, towards the Charges of the King's Wars, and he would hav● had every Man sworn to tell what he was worth. The Londoners thinking this very hard, they were thereupon excused for taking the Oath, and allowed to bring in their Bills upon their Honesties: from whence may be argued, either the Strength, Greatness and Power of this honourable City, whom the Court, nor the Cardinal, durst not displease, or the great respect then shown her, in regard of those many glorious Rays of Influence she sheds all over all the Land, when the Word of a Citizen went as far, and was as well accepted, as another Man's Oath.  
If such than was the Honour and Respect of the City heretofore, what may we think it to be, now that London hath since received so considerable an Addition, and Augmentation, in several respects, by the happy concurrence of many more Circumstances to render it eternally famous.  
Was this City able to hold a Contest with so grand a Favourite and potent a Courtier, as Cardinal Woolsey, and at last to come off with flying Colours, to the vindicating her own Rights, and the Liberties of all the Nation besides, and the forcing King Henry in the strength of his Age, as stout as he was, to so great a Compliance, as hath been hinted before? 'Tis plain then, she was strong, and her Citizens not destitute of Spirit. Did the King, as cruel as he was to others of his Subjects, show himself favourable to London? 'Tis evident, he had great cause and reason so to do, unless he was desirous to be taxed with ungratitude, so un-Prince-like a Crime. For we may observe the Citizens were ready enough to please him in any thing, wherein their All was not concerned, and in that I never yet found them ever prone to humour the Follies of any King living. Witness their readiness on all Occasions for the Honour of the King, to appear in the most splendid Equipage on public Solemnities.  
Among which, the most remarkable, in my Opinion, were the Coronation of Queen Ann, Mother of the never to be forgotten Queen Elizabeth, of blessed Memory, with the Preparatives thereto, the Celebrity of her Attendance by Water, from Greenwich to the Tower, and her honourable Conveyance from thence through the City, amidst the great variety of pleasing Shows, and delightful Objects, to Westminster, particularised in Stow, and the glorious appearance of the Citizens, at the great Muster in St. Iames's-Park, May the 8th, Anno 31. to the Number of Fifteen Thousand, in bright shining Armour, with Coats of white Silk or Cloth, and Chains of Gold, where the Citizens strove in such sort to exceed each other in bravery of Arms, and forwardness of Service, as if the City had been a Camp, and they not Men of the Gown, but all professed Soldiers, which they performed to their great Cost, but greater Commendation, saith Sir Richard Baker. But the greatest Inducement may be supposed to have been, that they never appeared prone to join with the King's Enemies, of which he had good store abroad, besides Domestic Troubles and private Insurrections at home, especially towards the latter end of his Reign, when he had taken away the Pope's Supremacy, excluded his Authority, and suppressed the Abbeys and Monasteries, the chief Fortresses and Pillars thereof, either by force of an Act of Parliament, or by virtue of the Resignations of their Governors, either overawed by fear, or bribed with Pensions: Not long after which there were several Commotions in the Land, which might have much shaken the Throne, had the Citizens openly showed any inclination to join with these disturbers of the King's rest and repose, but they continuing quiet, th●se troubles were quickly composed, and so the foundation, undesignedly doubtless, was laid for a public Reformation, which was more vigorously carried on in the next King's Reign, though I hardly think it hath yet arrived to such perfection, as to render it so complete, as might be piously desired.  
Short was the Reign of this pious Prince Edward the sixth, yet not so short, but that it gave such an Addition of strength to the Protestant Religion, by removing out of the way many of the Relics of Popery, and openly encouraging the Preaching of the Gospel, that hitherto it could never be rooted out of the Land, notwithstanding the damage it sustained under the next Successor, a most violent and rigid Papist, and the many secret Plots and practices of Popish Emissaries, to undermine it, and introduce Popery again into England, proved upon them.  
Thus was the outward face of Religion visibly changed in the City, under this Religious King, but yet her power we find not in the least diminished, nor the esteem our great men had thereof, of which we meet with an evident instance in History, on account of the difference arisen between the potent Earl of Warwick, and some of the Privy Council, on the one hand, and the Lord Protector Seymour, the King's Maternal Uncle, on the other. The Privy Counsellors, having designs upon the Protector, and withdrawing themselves from Court, got to London with their attendance, and taking possession of the Tower, made it their business to secure the City to their side, by sending for the Lord Mayor and aldermans to Ely house in Holborn, where they were assembled, and entertaining them with a long Oration, about the ill government of the Protector, and the many mischiefs, that came thereby (as they affirmed) upon the Kingdom, attended with a request of their joint assistance, to help them to remove him, wherein they were so successful, that, upon the arrival of two Letters almost at the same instant to the Common Council held at Guildhall, one from the King and Lord Protector for a thousand of the City to be armed in defence of the King's Person, and the other from the Lords to have two thousand men to aid them, with the same Plea, for defence of the King's Person, and that the City should be well kept with Watch's day and night, the Citizens showed themselves so inclinable to the Lords, that they armed an hundred horse men, and four hundred foot men, in defence of the City, suitable to the motion of the Lords, and sent no Assistance to the Protector, though it had been desired in the King's Name, but rather suffered a Proclamation, containing divers Articles against him, to be made in several Parts of the City, and the Lords were entertained with a Dinner at one of the Sheriffs, the eighth of October after they had been themselves in Person at Guildhall, and on the tenth they dined at the other Sheriffs; after that by a Common Council the same day, in Stow's Computation, five hundred men of the City had been granted to be ready on the next morning. Evident marks, signs, and tokens doubtless which way the City bended, and the event is a sufficient confirmation thereof. For the next News, we hear, is the removal of the Protector from about the King, and the sending him to the Tower, within two or three days after, where an humble Confession and Submission was his best security for that time, by which he got his Liberty some time after, and was sworn again a Privy Counsellor, but no more a Protector.  
Had the City sent him the Aid requested, he would possibly have had little reason to have stood infear of the combined Lords, or had but her Magistrates continued Neuters in the Case, and not been so openly favourable to his Enemies, he might perhaps have been able enough to have coped with them, with little or no bazard, for he had raised much People about Hampton Court in the King's Name, and conveyed him to Windsor with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen; But the Strength and Authority of the City was not to be contradicted, much less opposed. Thus the Protector lost his Place, and well it might have been haply for the King and Nation, if that had been all. For his Enemies having removed him from his Protectorship, and thereby gained the greater access of Power to themselves, and the Principal of them the politic Earl of Warwick, lately created Duke of Northumberland, advanced in Title and Honour equal with, and in Authority and Power above the highest, whereby his aspiring thoughts were grown ripe to be put in execution, they were resolved to have the other touch with him for his Life, wherein they made use of the City's Power to secure them for his Trial, by ordering every Housholder in London to take care of his own Family, keep his house, and have one ready in arms upon call for the day time, and that by Night a sufficient Watch of substantial Householders should be kept in every Ward. So little durst they attempt without engaging the City therein, and so frail and transitory had been their projecting designs, had she refused. But with her concurrence what could they not do? So then at last tried the late Protector was, acquitted of Treason, and condemned for Felony, and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill, much against the King's Will, the Constables of every Ward in London (by virtue of a Precept directed from the Council to the Lord Mayor) strictly charging the Citizens not to stir out of their houses before a prefixed hour, for fear perhaps of a Rescue, for 'twas known he was well beloved generally by the People, and plainly evidenced, when, upon a mistake thinking him acquitted, they gave so great a shout for joy, that it was heard (Stow tells us) from Westminster-Hall to Long-Arce, to the Lords astonishment. So fell Somerset by the malice of his Enemies and weakness of his Friends; and we may easily believe 'twas not designed the King should be long lived, if some could prevent it, For they, that shot off his good Uncle's Head, would hardly stick at attempting secretly upon his health and security, who otherwise might have lived to avenge the Protectors Death.  
But the chief Projector Northumberland had but little joy of his ambitious designs, though King Edward was dead and he had got his two Sisters put by, and the Lady Jane his Daughter in Law proclaimed Queen of the Realm, by sound of Trumpet, through London. For when he might have thought himself most secure, then was he most disappointed, and he, that could do so much in the City with the Magistracy, either for fear or love, quickly lost that branch of his Power, when he was gone from the City, though at the head of an Army, and thereby, in effect, his Life. The same Mayor who had before consented in appearance to secure the City for the Lady Jane, a little after, upon a motion from the Council, going strait ways and proclaiming the Lady Mary Queen: And then she was quickly acknowledged for such all over the Land. So that here we see two Queens proclaimed in London within a very short space of time; but she, who was last proclaimed and the Citizens stuck to, continued Queen, and the other was laid by as useless, and afterwards brought to the Block as a guilty Criminal. Had the City stuck to the first, the other probable had still been counted the Offender, and might perhaps have suffered accordingly: But the Stream was turned with the Tide, and it was hard rowing against the Current. Queen Marry at first had addressed herself by Letter to the Lord Mayor to proclaim her, and the City's affections may be thought inclinable from the beginning unto her, be it only from Northumberland's expression of his thoughts to the Lord Grace, in his passage through Shoreditch with his Army against her and her Forces, who observed that the People pressed to see them, but could not hear one that bid them God's speed. Is it so considerable to have the Voice of the Citizens, how much more than their Hearts? Thus came in Queen Mary, and with her Popery upon the Protestants shoulders. For the Suffolk men were the first, that espoused her Interest, upon Condition, that she would make no alteration in Religion, which she then most readily promised, but kept it afterwards like a Papist, i. e. broke it; and 'tis somewhere observed, that many more of that Country suffered for Religion in the Marian Persecution, than of any other. So suitable she acted to that avowed Principle of her own Religion, that no faith is to be kept with Heretics, a position publicly authorized by the Council of Constance, and often since confirmed by many undeniable Instances and Examples. But 'twas well for her that the City of London (whose concurrence with the rest of the Nation first mounted her up into the Throne, and from whose Citizens she received so great respect the day before her Corononation by costly Pageants, those dumb shows, of respect and other honorary expressions of their affections) continued firm in their Allegiance, otherwise she might perchance have paid dear enough for the breach of her promise upon Sir Thomas Wyat's insurrection. For could he but have got into the City, either by the Bridge or by Ludgate, how much of his purpose he might have brought to effect, is easier to be guessed, than declared in so uncertain a matter. But he was repulsed at both places, and deceived in his expectations and hopes of aid from London, he himself was taken, his party routed, and all his designs vanished into smoke, to the loss of his own life and ruin of many of his principal Friends and Followers. So unsuccessful is an enterprise (on what grounds soever and appearing likelihood of success at first undertaken) wherein the Londoners refuse to engage themselves; whereas had but the City joined her Forces to Wyat's, let him in within her Walls, and not stood firm to the Quens Interest, he might perhaps have been able to have commanded what Conditions he pleased. Of this we may well believe the Queen and Court were extremely sensible. For we find the Queen herself, her Lords, and her Ladies, came from Westminster to Guildhall, where the Commons of the City were assembled in their Liveries, before Wyatt drew near to the City, and by fair words and promises endeavoured to confirm the Citizen's minds, and satisfy them of the sincerity of her own intentions, and the insolent behaviour of her Enemies: Which I think was no more than the case required, and the necessity of her affairs obliged her to for her own security. The five hundred Men, which the City, at the Lord Treasurer's request, had sent out ready Armed to oppose that insurrection, having turned to the other side at the persuasion of their Captain and Leader, and there being so great a Consternation at Westminster upon Wyat's approach, that the Sergeants at Law, and other Lawyers pleaded in their harness. But the Queen's Speech having secured the generality of the Citizen's affections, strict Watch and Ward continued to be kept in London, the Mayor and Sheriffs Commanded each Man to shut down their Shop-windows, and stand ready Armed at their Doors, they themselves being likewise in Armour, the drawbridge was cut down, the Bridg-gate shut, and convenient forces sent to keep it, and others set in fit places of the City, whereby Wyat's purpose was defeated, and his expectations of assistance frustrated, as he himself complained in the Message he sent the Londoners by Merchant Dorell, upon his March out of Southwark toward Kingston. For before he came with such confidence towards London, that he hoped for present entrance. An eminent instance doubtless of the Cities great power and the influence it had on that bold undertaking, which seems to have stood and fallen even as London stood affected and influenced.  
But though the Queen prevailed thus upon the Londoners, yet death could not be bribed, nor shamed, by any promises or pretences, for die she must, and die she did, after a short, though bloody Reign, of five years and somewhat better, and so way was made for the famous and ever Renowned Queen E●izabeth, of blessed Memory, in whose entrance into the Throne we find the Londoners interesting themselves, notwithstanding she was publicly known, to be of a quite different Religion from that at present Established; she being forthwith Proclaimed in London, upon knowledge and notice given of her Sister Queen Mary's Death, and coming from Hatfield within three or four days after, Stow tells us, she was very dutifully and honourably met by the Lord Mayor, and the whole estate of London, and so conducted to the Charter-house; and some time after Road through the City in great Majesty to Westminster to her Coronation: At which Solemnity the Citizens gave her ample demonstrations of their affections, by the stately Pageants and sumptuous Shows, wherewith they entertained her. Her settlement caused the Reduction, increase, and progress of the Protestant Religion in England, and under the auspicious influence of her Reign the City flourished to such an height of Grandeur, whether we respect the concourse of Foreign Merchants from abroad, or the stateliness of her public buildings at home, the freedom and security of Traffic, and the flowing in of Riches and Wealth thereby, the famous exploits performed by her Citizens in other Countries and Climates, and the foundation in those times laid for much greater achievements, by the necessary preparatives of skill and knowledge in Military affairs, gained by the more frequent Musters, and Warlike exercises of her Inhabitants, than in former times, or learned at that Grand Nursery of Soldiers, the Artillery Garden, that 'tis easy to conjecture how secure her Majesty was in the Ctiizens' love and loyalty, and how happy they thought themselves in the favour and protection of so good, great, and gracious a Princess.  
'Tis not therefore to be expected, that such turns and changes should occur in her days, wherein the City might have occasion to interpose her Authority, to settle and secure the Nation against the furious attempts of arbitrary Pretenders, or lie under any unavoidable necessity of showing her Power and Influence over it, in contradiction to other men's aspiring and ambitious Designs. However I am not destitute of an Instance, to demonstrate the consequence of her Example, and how much all England was influenced thereby to the manifestation of their zeal, love, and duty to their Sovereign. In 88 a year so famous for the Spanish Invasion, the Queen's Counsel had demanded, what the City would do for her Majesty and their Country, and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had referred it to their Honours to make their Proposals; whereupon fifteen Ships and five thousand Men being required, and two days respite at the Cities desire granted for Answer, they returned in convenient time and season, and entreated their Lordships, in sign of their perfect love and loyalty to their Prince and Country, (they are Stow's words) kindly to accept ten thousand Men, and thirty Ships amply furnished, double the number of what was asked, and even as London (saith my Author) gave Precedent, the whole Nation kept rank and equipage; so ready were the other Cities, Counties, Towns and Villages to follow where London went before. A plain instance of her powerful influence, deny it who can.  
As to what concerns the frequency of the visits the Queen made to London, and the great splendour, wherewith they commonly welcomed her home at the end of her Country progresses, I pass them all over, though undeniable demonstrations of the present content and satisfaction they took in Queen Elizabeth's good Government: Neither shall I take notice of the many Companies of Soldiers she several times raised at her own charges for her Sovereign's Assistance, it having been commonly done before, under Princes in whom she took delight, because I would hasten to King James, the first Monarch of great Britain, in whose Person England and Scotland were first united, though his present Majesty, King James' Grandson, was the first born Heir of that happy Union, that was Crowned King of both Realms, and the first English King by Birth of the Scottish race, that ever sat upon the English Throne that we read of.  
To tell how this City flourished under this Prince in wealth and riches, in a general increase of trade, by foreign Merchandizes and home-made Manufactures: The great ornament she received from her public and private buildings, the strength that accrued to her by the numerousness of her Inhabitants, and the enlarging her borders, the conveniences procured her for water by Midleton's River, for Recreations by morefield's, and pleasantness by pa●'d Streets, and the various expressions she made of her glory in the many noble Entertainments of King James and other great personages, Foreigners and Natives, and the rich presents she frequently gave, besides the renown she got abroad by sending greater Numbers of her Ships, than formerly, into all trading Parts of the World, and planting Colonies of her own people in Ireland and Virginia, would be tiresome perhaps to the Reader, and needless for the Writer; since that in Stow's Chronicle, continued by How, these particulars have been so largely treated of, whether the curious and inquisitive may apply themselves for further satisfaction. Neither shall I trouble myself with making large remarks upon the great honour and dignity, for the City's sake, belonging to the Lord Mayor thereof, of which we seem to have an Instance in the beginning of this King's reign, when Sir Robert Lee, than Lord Mayor of London, subscribed in the first place to the invitation sent the King to come into England, before all the great Officers of the Crown, and all the Nobility; This great Magistrate, upon the King's death, being said to be the prime person of England, than which what greater honour can there be appertaining to a Subject? I have indeed read in Cotton, that upon a Poll Bill the Lord Mayor paid four pound as an Earl many years ago, in King Richard the second days, when but few of the Nobility, if any besides the blood Royal, bore any higher title: And find since at our King's Coronations that he hath had a principal place and part assigned him, particularly at his present Majesties, April 23d. 61. and in the honourable Cavalcade made from the Tower to Westminster the day before, in order thereunto, where the Supplement to Baker's Chronicle, out of Elias Ashmole the Windsor Heralds Copy, hath placed him between the principal Officers of the Crown and the Duke of York, a place doubtless designed him as most suitable to his Dignity, and the high Office he bore; and yet I count none of these Honour's comparable to that before mentioned, which seems paramount to all others. To be the highest by place in the Kingdom of course for a season sounds greater, than to be a Second, a Third, or a Fourth, and is more doubtless to the Honour, Credit, and Reputation of the City, that conferrs this place as she pleases.  
But the chiefest point I intent here to insist on, with all convenient brevity and perspicuity, is the Declaration of the City's love and affection to King James, and the requital made her by him in return. The first I know not how it could be better expressed, than by the wonderful readiness, and hearty gladness (as the Annalist words it) of the great City of London, where the Magistrates, and all other inferior Citizens showed all possible signs of perfect joy and contentment, amidst the general applause of the whole English Nation, when he was first proclaimed King of the Realm; and we have further demonstrations thereof from the King's honourable Reception, when he came near to London, by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet Robes, and five hundred grave Citizens in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold, all very well mounted like the Sheriffs and their train, one of which had threescore men attending him in fair livery Cloaks. Another instance may be the care taken in London to watch and guard the Gates, upon the first discovery of the Gunpowder Treason, and the great joy and rejoicing manifested therein soon after, upon its further detection, by filling the Streets with Bonfires, and the Solemn Assemblies with public praises and thanksgiving to the Almighty for the King's happy Deliverance. This Gunpowder Treason (so to observe by the way) was one of the seven particulars the Intelligencer tells us were sometime since set up in a Table in St. Martin's Church at York, under this Title, Things never to be forgotten by Protestants. The other six were, The bloody Reign of Queen Mary. The many Plots in Queen Elizabeth's Reign. The Massacre in Ireland in Forty one. The horrid Murder of King Charles in One thousand Six hundred and Forty eight. The burning of London in One thousand Six hundred and Sixty six. And the horrid Popish-plot in One thousand Six hundred and Seventy eight. An Inscription, that some harmless well meaning persons would have been apt doubtless to have thought very honest in its self, and deservedly written in Letters of Gold, till an Order came to one of the Church Wardens to take it down, or appear at the Spiritual Court to answer the Contempt: For 'twas above the ordinary Capacity of a Common lay-Protestant to apprehend any thing ill or offensive therein, till such wits among the Clergy, as had far more sagacious intellects, perceived the drift and design thereof, and judging it perhaps to be part of the Presbyterian Plot, might think fit to have it thrown down, that the Vulgar might be no more amused with the dreadful remembrance of such things.  
But to return to the City's Love and Loyalty to King James, another remarkable proof thereof may be deduced from the double Guards set in all places about London, the Precept issued out by the Lord Mayor to the Wards to raise the Train Bands, and the unexpressible distraction of men's minds, upon a flying rumour suddenly spread about the City March 22d. (somewhat above four Months after the Powder Plot was discovered) of the Kings being slain that morning at Oking, some twenty Miles from London, which occasioned great weeping and wai●ing and much lamentation in old and young, rich and poor, till in three or four hours' time all these Clouds were happily dispersed by better and more certain news brought of the King's safety, and his return to Whitehall thereupon the same afternoon, where the people's hearts were as much raised with joy, as before they had been drowned in grief, and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen went to congratulate his Majesty upon the assurance of his continued Health and Security.  
Such were the expressions of the City's affections, let us now see the return of Kindness on the King's part, and his Princely acknowledgement of their singular love and loyalty to him. Much doubtless of the King's mind in this particular may be guessed at from the frequent Visits he made the City, but I presume by no one Act of his better known, than by his repaying the Citizens of London, in the seventh of his Reign, the Threescore thousand pounds they had lent Queen Elizabeth three years before her death. An Act of the greatest Justice and Equity, and whereby likewise he got more love, saith the Chronicle, than he paid money. This may pass both for an Example of the King's Goodness and Prudence, and an Instance of London's Power and Esteem, since his Majesty thought it good to be at such charges to oblige her. For to pay their Predecessors Debts is so rare among Princes, that many of them hardly ever pay their own.  
Hitherto have I presented the Reader with variety of passages out of our English Chronicles, to demonstrate the Glory, Honour, and Renown of the City of London, and the Courage of her Citizens, the Power of her Magistrates, the Strength of the Commonalty, and the undeniable Influence of the whole Corporation upon the rest of the Kingdom; and have given him here and there the words and expressions of private men, as so many illustrative Arguments on the Points. Wherefore now I shall produce no less than what I account a Royal Testimony, in confirmation of the many demonstrative Evidences already brought, and that of no less a Prince than his present Majesties Royal Father, King Charles' the First, and out of an Author so little partial to the City, that the very name of Peter Heylin, and the diligent perusal of Archbishop laud's Life, by him writ, may sufficiently convince an indifferent Reader, that he was none of London's greatest Favourers or Admirers, since 'twas looked on as the Retreat and Receptacle of the Grandees of the Puritan faction, as he is pleased to style all those he thought contrary to that Party of Men, he will needs call the Church of England. A Proof therefore out of such an Adversary's mouth, as Heylins, seems a very convincing Argument, when he himself is forced, merely by truth and matter of fact, to confess and acknowledge the influence of London on all parts of the Kingdom, in that passage, where he intimates it to have been generally looked upon as the compass, by which the lesser Towns and Corporations were wont to steer their course, and to plead its practice on all occasions.  
What I conceive to be the King's Testimony by that writer delivered, is by him brought in, as the reason of his Majesty's preferring Laud to the Bishopric of London, viz. For that he was a Man of a more active Spirit than the former Bishop, and so fitter to carry on the design of rendering the City conformable to that proposed Model of Church Government, which was intended for the whole Nation, and therein therefore principally to be promoted, because of the Influence it had, by reason of its wealth and trading, on all parts of the Kingdom, and that upon the correspondence and conformity thereof the welfare of the whole depended. This Testimony doubtless is of great authority, because proceeding from so Judicious a Prince, and related by an Author not to be supposed over ready to write any thing in favour of this City, to which he seems to have born a very great animosity, because the Citizens would not be so thorough-paced Episcopal, as his Reverend Doctorship would have had them to have been. But now methinks it should be of greater prevalency than ever, since that King Charles himself, before he died, out of his own experience knew much more of the City's strength and Power, than many of his Predecessors did for some ages before. For 'tis plain beyond denial, dispute, or contradiction, out of the memory of Man and the everlasting Records of time, that in the late Wars between him and his two Houses of Parliament, 'twas the City's power and influence, that raised them to that height of Grandeur, which made them so formidable to all the Royal party. Whereas, without her help and assistance, how little able they had been to have long subsisted, or held up their heads above ground, is evident from the many supplies they had from London, of Men, Money, and Arms, the frequent applications they made to her on all extremities, and the constant endeavours they used to cultivate her friendship, and preserve her affections. But over these Transactions I shall choose rather to cast a vail of silence, than industriously endeavour to lay open the bleeding wounds of the Nation in those days, as being fully assured of the impossibility of guiding my pen so dextrously in delivering the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, as not to subject myself to censure, nor incur the anger, displeasure, and indignation of any one. Suffice it then to say, that, in the long Vacation of Parliaments under King Charles the first, such seeds of discontent were sown, in City, as well as Country, that upon the first opportunity, they sprung up into bitter herbs, and sour fruit, and who tasted most thereof, I think all the European world knows sufficiently by this time of day.  
But if any in this age is so ignorant as to wonder how it was possible for the two Houses in forty one to bear up against the King, without being dismissed from Westminster by virtue of the King's Prerogative, the usual method of ancient times, and the known practice of later days, he is to know and understand, that his late Majesty had formally passed away his grand Power of Prorogations, Adjournments, and Dissolutions by an Act of Parliament, and so put the staff out of his own hands, that he could never recover, as long as he lived, by force nor entreaty. An act of Grace this was, that is hardly to be paralleled, and yet perhaps it may be likened to the Statute made in the second of Richard the second, of which I have made mention before, against abrupt and untimely dismissions, only that this is plainer worded, and seems enlarged to a further extent. Otherwise, considering the use that might have been possibly made of the former, it might have looked like the same book with additions new Printed in Octavo, which before was bound up in decimo sexto. Neither of these are to be found in our New Printed Statute books, they pretending not to set down all the Antiquated, Repealed, or expired Statutes, that ever were in being. Therefore if any one desires to humour his curiosity, he must apply himself to Cottons Abridgement of the Tower Records for the one, and search after the other in some of those books, that treat of the affairs of the late times. Now the Observator in such a case tells us of Scobel and Husbands Collections: Upon which so Authentic an Authority, as some esteem it, if we have recourse to Scobels Collections of the best Edition, 'tis ten thousand to one but we shall there find the Statute in this manner following. Whereas great sums of money must of necessity he speedily advanced and provided for the relief of His Majesty's Arm● and People in the Northern parts of this Realm, and for preventing the imminent danger t●●s Kingdom is in, and for supply of other His Majesty's present and urgent occasions, which cannot be so timely effected as is requisite, without Credit for raising the said moneys, which credit cannot be obtained, until such obstacles be first removed, as are occasioned by fears, jealousies, and apprehensions of divers his Majesty's Loyal Subjects, that this present Parliament may be Adjourned, Prorogued, or Dissolved, before Justice shall be duly executed upon Delinquents, public grievances redressed, a firm Peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded, and before sufficient provision be made for the repayment of the said moneys so to be raised: All which the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, having duly considered do therefore humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty, that it may be declared and Enacted; And be it declared and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord, with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That this present Parliament now Assembled shall not be dissolved, unless it be by Act of Parliament to be passed for that purpose, nor shall be at any time or times during the continuance thereof, Prorogued, or Adjourned, unless it be by Act of Parliament, to be likewise passed for that purpose: And that the House of Peers shall not at any time or times during this present Parliament, be Adjourned, unless it be by themselves or by their own Order: And in like manner, that the House of Commons shall not any time or times during this present Parliament be Adjourned, unless it be by themselves or by their own order: And that all and every thing and things whatsoever, done or to be done, for the Adjournment, Proroguing o● Dissolving of this present Parliament contrary to this Act, shall be utterly void, and of none effect.  
This Act in General proved the destruction of that branch of the Royal Prerogative, which related to calling or dissolving Parliaments; and that particular clause in the end that all and every thing and things whatsoever done or to be done, for the Adjournment, Proroguing or dissolving of this present Parliament contrary to this Act, shall be utterly void, and of none effect, was, we may believe from subsequent passages, a Plea, the wits of the age durst have ventured to have stood by, against any attempts to discontinue, disappoint, or frustrate the meeting of the two Houses of Parliament, if they had Spirit and Courage enough to have owned any thing of the Law. So that upon a ground work so firm, and a foundation so sure, the Parliamentarians valued not all the subtle Arts and devices of their Enemies, nor stood in ●ear of those Mercurial Engines, Pen Ink and Pap●r, so they could b●t defend themselves against those Martial Arguments, the bright-shining Sword, and the thundering Cannon. By virtue of this Clause we may conclude, that, after the House of Commons was violently deprived of many Members thereof, the House of Lords wholly put down, and that small remainder of a Parliament forced out of Doors by O●iver and the Soldiers, after two Protectors, and several Assemblies, that took on them the venerable Name of Parliaments, and some of them too chosen by the People, part of the Commons House nevertheless again got into power, and being once more thrust out by the Army, afterwards Recovered possession, and the whole House was in a fair likelihood to have been filled up by the Readmission of the secluded Members, till they, to make way for a greater turn, did all, that lay in the power of a single House, to dissolve the Parliament, which with us consists of the King and his two Houses.  
Treating now of the late times, and having drawn a vail over the Transactions in the last Wars, wherein the City was more particularly concerned, (though 'tis well known, that her power and Influence was very considerable in the many turns and changes, through which the State was then hurried) I shall not stand to show, how much she was Courted by Oliver and the rest of the Usurping powers on all emergencies, and the great care was taken to secure her to their interest and party, though both are touched upon in the supplement to Baker's Chronicle; but passing all over I come now to demonstrate, the great influence she had upon the Nation in that remarkable turn of the times, which produced so unparallelled a wonder, as the peaceable Restauration of an exiled Prince to his Father's Crown and Kingdom without blood: Which to prove I need go no further than the aforesaid supplement, where several evidences and convincing circumstances are to be found, (besides matters of fact already else where related) and I doubt not but sufficiently demonstrative. These to Marshal in their order, I begin first of all with the Citizen's discontentedness at the Committee of safety, and Fleetwoods' doubtfulness of them, and proceed to General Monk's Letter sent to the Lord Mayor and Common Council (some time after he had declared his Resolution to reduce the Military power under the Civil, though principally intending, we are since told, the King's Restauration) to heighten their differences, wherein, upon a Declaration of his open intentions, he expresses his Expectation of their Assistance, lest it should be too late for them by their own strength to assert their freedom, if he miscarried through the want of their timely aid, and dishonourable, if he succeeded, for so Famous a City and so much concerned, that its Liberties should be asserted without its own help. In the next place comes the encouragement, the Letter sent from some of the old Council of State privately met at London, (among whom we find Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, that Famed Earl of Shaftsbury, a Principal Agent through the whole course of those affairs, and an active Instrument in bringing in the King) to Monk, brought his Officers in Scotland, and the reason given thereof, viz. That the wisest of them did conclude from these appearances of action at London, that their party was increased in England, imagining that otherwise they durst not have so openly acted. Then follows the Intelligence he received, when at Coldstream, from his Brother Clarges, that there were many great differences in London, between Fleetwood and the City; that the Prentices, and several others in favour of him, had many Consultations to make disturbances, and were framing a Petition to the Lord Mayor and Common Council, to press their interposition for the restoring the Parliament, and preservation of Magistracy, their rising in a Tumultuous manner, upon a Proclamation emitted by the Committee of Safety to prohibit all gathering of hands to Petitions, and the shutting up of Shops upon Hewson's coming to suppress them, the affronts put upon his Soldiers by scornful reproaches and Hissing to that degree, that they were ashamed to March, and many Officers, when they went into the City, durst not wear their Swords, for fear of the like; and, which was as material as any▪ that the Lord Mayor and several Alderm●n had had many ineffectual Treaties with Fleetwood and the Chief of the Army, and Committee of Safety; the City demanding the mannagement and conduct of their own Militia, and the instant Restauration of the Parliament, or the calling another, which being refused, much augmented their discontents. These were Preparatives to the resitting of part of the Commons house, which soon after was invited to reassume their former power. Enter next to General Monk at Morpeth, the Sword bearer of London, with a very respectful Letter from the Lord Mayor and Common Council. After this we hear of Clarges' Advice to Monk, to get the Parliament Soldiers removed out of London, and to march his own men in thither, so to be Master of the City, with the reason laid down, that otherwise he could never expect to do any good for his Country; since in all those times it had been experienced, that to whatever was done at London, where they h●d nine or ten thousand men to justify their actions, all the rest of the Regiments submitted. Now follow Commissioners from the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common Council of London to the General, and their Proposition for the readmission of the secluded Members that the Parliament might be made full and free. Then the discontented carriage of 〈◊〉 City, the high debates in the Common Council about the Government, and their resolution to pay no public Taxes, till the House were filled up with equal Representatives. After this the General's intercession to those then of the Commons House for a mitigation of their Commands laid on him, among other severities, to take down London's Gates and Portcullises, for this reason, that such s●v●re acting would highly incense the City, and the Compliment of thanks, to please the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, sent them from the House for their moderation in that time of disorder in the City. But to close all with a suitable instance, Clarges' Counsel to General Monk▪ to endeavour the speedy recovery of the City's good opinion, almost lost by his rough actings therein just before, brings up the rear, wi●h the effectual representation he made him of the ill Consequences of his proceedings in London, and the prevalent motives, urgent reasons, and good grounds laid down by him, to back his Advice. As, that the influence the City had by commerce, and other Occasions, all over England, would quickly diffuse the Infamy of the Fact: And all the Cities and Towns would be alarmed, believing, if that great City should be made a Village, that all their Franchises and Privileges would be quickly subverted. So that he had no way to redeem his Reputation, but the very next morning to return into the City with his Army, and declare for a free Parliament. This Counsel presently followed terminated in a successful event, and very happy to King and Kingdom, by the Miraculous Restauration of his most gracious Majesty, Charles the Second, to his Patrimonial inheritance, and the Throne of his Father.  
Thus have I mustered up my Evidences in Rank and File, all which conjoined, like the old Country-man's rods in the Fable bound up together in one bundle, will make doubtless a very convincing Argument of the great power and influence London had upon the Nation in this grand turn of the Times. I shall therefore leave it to the Reader to make suitable remarks thereon, it being so obvious to an unprejudiced Person, that great was the encouragement General Monk and his Officers received from London, considerable was the hope and confidence he put therein, when he undertook so Heroic an Enterprise, as the freeing his poor Country from the Tyrannical exorbitancies of the unruly Soldiers, and thought of marching up thither in Arms with all convenient speed to that end; and most highly advantageous to his Designs was the unanimous concurrence of this great, honourable, and powerful City, which was not so furiously rash, presently to attempt to run down the encroachers upon their dearly belov'd Liberties, when they might with greater ease, and as effectually, gently walk them down, as a certain Person is said to have expressed it on a much later Occasion. The City petitioned and addressed, and she was followed by the Country: She waited a while with patience, and the secluded Members, that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine, for almost twelve years' space, were restored in peace and quietness, though under some few Obligations; And so there was again the face of a House of Commons: Being restored, they dissolved themselves in a short time after, to make way for another assembly, called a Parliament, though some thought in th●se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolved long before by his late Majesty's death, and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony. It being most certain, that that Parliament owed its beginning to the King's Writ, although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act, as long as the King lived. Yet, notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolved themselves, and it was become the received opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolved before upon the old King's death, the next Assembly, Stylo Communi Parliament, would not barely stick to either of these ways, but thought good likewise themselves, by virtue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolved. Whether or no they thought, that the bare Act of a single house of Commons, without King and Lords, could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act, made by King, Lords, and Commons jointly, and so rejected it, as really insignificant in its self, though made use of for the time; and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the received opinion, [of the long Parliaments being dissolved by the King's death, whether or no the continuing Act were formally repealed by as good Authority as made it] lest thence in time, no body knows when, occasion might be taken to argue, that if a King's death repeals one unlimited Act, it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made, and so, by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William, a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power, when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity, I pretend not to determine. For I remember myself to be a Relater of matters of Fact, not a Reader of Law Cases.  
Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader, that that Assembly (though called without the King's Writ, yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously owned and acknowledged for a Parliament) thought it fitting and convenient, to declare and enact, that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November, in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory, is fully dissolved and determined. They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book, Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesty's actual Restauration, towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty of the Land, and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City: Whose public Reception, and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable, for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him, the Gallantry shown by them on so acceptable a Solemnity, and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him, worthy themselves, and that glorious day, which they had so long expected, and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten. For which I have a passage or two more to produce, besides what hath been already brought. For the first, out of the supplement to Baker, I quote his Majesty's most Gracious Letter, To his Trusty and well beloved, the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common Council of the City of London, wherein he Honourably acknowledges the public and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him, and the Encouragement and good Example ●hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government, and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City, to the Renewal of their Charter, Confirmation of all privileges granted by his Predecessors, and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter, and the King's Declaration enclosed in it, as it was was expressed by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council, who immediately, upon the reading of them, ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty, and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers: And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City, with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgements for his Clemency and Goodness towards them. So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return, and Judiciously Wise, as well as Loyal, to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return. Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all. For the City of London, as being the first, the richest, and most Honourable, and the Seat of Kings for many ages, might Judge itself obliged (as the Supplementer insinuates) in point of duty and Reputation, to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Sovereign. But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side, certain enough it is, that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable, and Meritorious to the highest degree. For to the splendour of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance, they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guildhall, (for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned) whither the King, his two Brothers, the Lords of the Privy Council, the two Houses of Parliament, and the chief Officers of State were conducted (July the fifth, 1660.) in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor, and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies, with excellent Music, and whatever else could be thought on, or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly. As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King, but for his sake were resolved to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty. Where's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto? General Monk appeared, and London concurred, and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately revived, a face of the Ancient Government restored, a new Parliamentary Assembly called, the King sent for home to enjoy his Father's Throne, and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War, or the cries of the wounded in our streets. A Miraculous effect of the City's influence. For what parts of the Land are so inconsiderate to oppose, when London is engaged and resolved? Former Examples may teach them future wisdom.  
These having been the necessary preparatives, in sixty one, on Saint George's day, April the 23. comes the King's Coronation, (the fairest day except the Preceding, in which he made his Cavalcade through London, the Nation enjoyed both before and after, if the supplementers Observation be well grounded, notwithstanding it began to Thunder and Lighten very smartly towards the end of Dinner time,) and soon after that another meeting of King, Lords, and Commons at Westminster, whither the King's Writs had Summoned them to make a New Parliament, the former Assembly having been dissolved the December before by his Majesty's Order and Command. How acceptable the Actions of that Assembly were to City and Country hath been hinted before, and the concurrence of the King, when restored, was not wanting to Authorise their proceedings; yet this new Assembly, notwithstanding, thinking the manner of its Assembling not to be drawn into Example, and that therewas some defect, as to the necessary point of Legality, in the Statutes then made, or at least desirous to remove all doubts, fears and scruples about them, would not let several of those Acts pass without being formally ratified, and confirmed anew by its own Authority. And therefore consequently, not trusting to the received opinion of the dissolution of the Parliament of forty by the late King's Death, nor relying on the House of Commons Act to dissolve themselves in fifty nine, nor the dissolution of the Lords and Commons in sixty, another Declaration was made in the point, in these word. To the end, that no Man bereafter may be misled into any seditious or unquiet demeanour, out of an opinion that the Parliament begun and held at Westminster, upon the third day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred and forty, is yet in being, which is undoubtedly dissolved and determined, and so is hereby Declared and Adjudged to be fully Dissolved and Determined. And it was further Enacted, by the same Authority, That if any Person or Persons at any time after the four and twentieth day of June, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred sixty and one, shall Maliciously and Advisedly, by Writing, Printing, Preaching, or other Speaking, Express, Publish, Utter, Declare or affirm, that the Parliament begun at Westminster upon the third day of November, in the year of our L●rd, one thousand six hundred and forty, is not yet dissolved, or is not yet determined, or that it ought to be in being, or hath yet any continuance or Existence, that then every such Person and Persons so as aforesaid offending shall incur the danger and penalty of a Praemunire mentioned in a Statute made in the sixteenth year of the Reign of King Richard the second.  
Thus then were all disputes upon this point effectually styled and suppressed by this Authority and Command of King, Lords and Commons, and the greatness of the penalty incurred by the person offending, which amounts to no less than to be put out of the King's Protection, and have his Lands and Tenements, Goods and Chattels, forfeited to the King, and his Body Attached, if to be found, and brought before the King and his Council, there to Answer the premises, or that process be made against him by Praemunire facias, and if returned non est inventus, than to be Outlawed.  
Next I proceed to observe, that 'twas Petitioning and addressing, that prepared the way for His Majesty's Restauration, and therefore doubtless the remembrance thereof should be always grateful and acceptable to the Loyal. Such preparatories to great turns and changes being always preferable to the other rougher methods of drawn Swords and loaded Pistols, which are the general effects of Civil Broils and Commotions, while these are the rational results of Wisdom and Prudence.  
With the King was that part of the English Clergy likewise restored, which appropriates to itself the name of the Church of England. A Term much gloried in by many, as if none but themselves were the constitutive parts thereof, and which some now adays pretend freer from Ambiguity than the more general Name of Protestants. What we understand▪ by that Term we know very well, and are not ashamed thereof. Yet, by the way, I don't think but 'tis as liable to exceptions, where Cavils take place, as the other title of Protestants, so much of late turned into ridicule by some few pretenders to wit and sense above the vulgar. For if by Church we understand barely an Assembly of Men met together in one place, then doubtless, without any incongruity, it may be applied to many a civil meeting of Men together about their own private concerns. If by Church we mean a society of Men conjoined in Spiritual duties, or the Ordinances of Divine Worship, than I hope it will be no Solecism in common Speech to affirm, many of the Dissenters meetings may reasonably lay claim to the Name. And if a due Celebration of the Sacraments will make a Church, why then may not the Denomination as well belong to some private Conventicles, as to the public Oratories? If it should denote only the Association of many distinct Assemblies under the same Ecclesiastical Government, what should hinder the Presbiterians from enjoying the Title in those places, where they are allowed to exercise their power in Classical, Provincial, or National Synods? Which Power they once exercised in England publicly within the Memory of Man. But if the Law of the Land makes the difference, and the established Government of the Country, in Ecclesiastical affairs, as with us in England, than I am apt to believe this Expression, the Church of England, is not without its Ambiguities, and may be a denomination comprehensive of Men of as many different modes and forms, as some would fain have us think the word Protestant admits of.  
Heretofore at the first planting of the Gospel in this Isle among the Britain's, we may call it the British Church. When Austin the Monk came in, bringing with him the Customs and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, and introduced them among the converted Saxons, than we may term it the Romish Church. When the Monks and Friars, like the Frogs in Egypt, had overspread the whole face of the Land, than we may give it the Epithet of Monkish. In succeeding Generations, when Popery was arrived to its height, we may name it the Popish Church. In King Edward the sixth days it may properly be called Reform. Under the Marian Persecution 'twas certainly Popish. Queen Elizabeth brought back the Reformed Religion under an Episcopal Government, and therefore I venture to give it the Name of the Reformed Episcopal Church. A little before the late Wars, when the Hierarchy was arrived at its highest pitch of Pomp and Grandeur by the Laudean principles and practices; It was certainly then Prelatical. In the late times 'twas once the Presbyterian, than the Independent Church, and other Sectaries were putting in a pace for a share, and then, had they succeeded, it might have been, without much impropriety, entitled to the Epithet of Fanatical. King Charles brought back the Bishops, and so now 'tis again Episcopal. Should Popery come in, it would be Popish. Were there any likelihood of so great an Impossibility, as the prevalency of Judaisme, than it would be the Jewish Church. If Mahomet's Religion, which hath been publicly professed in the Pulpit preferable to Presbiteriansm, why might it not be allowed the Title of Mahometan? And if we should revert to the Ancient Barbarity, where would the impropriety be, should we term it the Heathenish Church? For the Heathens heretofore had the thing, though not the Name, Temples instead of Churches, and bloody Sacrifices to make up the greatest part of their Devotion.  
What a fine Company then of different Epithets, of different signif●cations, would these be for an impertinent Caviller to prefix before that so much applauded expression, the Church of England, in reply to his impertinence, that would persuade simple ignorant people, that they know not what they say, when they call themselves Protestant's? British, Romish, Monkish, Popish, Reformed, Episcopal, Prelatical, Presbyterian, Independent, Fanatical, Jewish, Mahometan, Heathenish, and what not? To such a fine pass would people once be brought, when they fall to wrangling about words and terms, at the same time, that they know one another's meaning well enough, yet will pretend not to understand each other: We may have haply reason enough to approve of, and glory in the Name of Church of England men, though not perhaps in such a restrained sense, as some do, yet our grounds, without all peradventure, are as good to apply to ourselves the glorious Title of Protestants, and we can as properly distinguish ourselves thereby from Papists, as if we termed ourselves only Sons of the Church of England; under this consideration, that Protestants at first were such, Baker tells us, as made a Protestation in defence of their Doctrine, and now we are such as protest▪ against Popery and Slavery.  
But to return, how contributory this Honourable City was to his Majesty's Restauration, and how Loyally affectionate her Citizens showed themselves to him before and after, hath been already instanced: Let us then in the next place take a short transient view of her actions, and the accidents happening to her, under King Charles the second, and see whither she hath not continued still the same, as of old, a City of high Renown, Fame and Power, and of great sway and influence all over the Kingdom.  
First then let us consider her misfortunes, that we may the better contemplate her glories. In sixty two her Parishes lost many of their beloved Pastors in that great ejection of public Ministers, among whom were some that had declared in Print against the pretended high Court of Justice in the time of his Late Majesty's Trial. In sixty five the great Plague swept away her Citizens by thousands, ten of thousands, and scores of thousands. In sixty six the fire burned almost all the Remainder out of House and home, and laid in a manner the whole City in Ashes: So that, if ever, she seem'd then near to a very dismal Catastrophe. And yet we see now Providence hath delivered her out of these her Calamities, and she is become more glorious than ever in the Eyes of the Nation. The number of her Citizens is so increased, and her streets filled with such multitudes of people passing to and fro, that those who died in the sickness are neither missed nor wanted. The fire hath made such a Reformation within her Walls, and the new buildings, public and private, have been raised up, to the admiration of all, in so small a space of time, and in so pompous and stately a form, that she may be thought, like the old Phoenix burning in her nest of odoriferous Spices, only to have shaken off her old decayed feathers by the fire, and out of her own Ashes, Phoenix like, to have risen up with more Splendour and Gallantry than ever.  
Come we now to the late Discovery of the Grand Popish Plot, and the times succeeding, and therein also we meet with instances of London's influence and Authority with the rest of the Nation. She guarded herself with her own Arms, and how soon was she followed in other places? After the dissolution of some of the National Assemblies, (which we English men call Parliaments, and firmly believe the greatest liberty of the subject to consist therein) upon a new choice, when her Citizens made a public promise to their chosen Representatives, that they would stand by them with their lives and fortunes: Such a Copy was set the Nation, that most places strove to imitate it, and the Example was as influential, as when before, upon the Cities Petitioning for the sitting of one of those before mentioned Parliaments, Petitions of the same nature came thronging in amain from several parts of the Land in imitation.  
Look we now upon the City, and see how intent the eyes of the Nation are fixed upon her actions, and the great contest about the Sheriffs. How all the Land seems concerned on one side or the other, and think their own welfare wrapped up in her security. Such solicitousness of a whole Nation for one particular City must certainly denote some what extraordinary therein: And what is it, can more interest the Nation in her concerns, than the great Influence 'tis known she has upon all their grand affairs, be they more or less public? Even the very business of the Quo Warranto, now depending, will administer an instance of her Power and Greatness. How do all now stand ready waiting the Event, depending upon her success, or ready to follow her fate? When the Writ was brought against her Charter, how great was the Expectation of the people, and their longings to know what would be the Issue? Some Resigned, but when London appeared to Stand up in her own Vindication, what a stop was there put to Resignations, and how rare have been surrenders since? Most seem now ready to defend themselves by Law; Nay, Oxford hath pitched upon the same way and method with London: Whereas had this Honourable City, but surrendered calmly and quietly, 'tis a question whither any would have stood out, or whether rather all Towns and Corporations would not have striven to have out run each other to the Throne of Majesty, there to have made an entire Resignation of all their Charters, Liberties, Privileges and Franchises, notwithstanding the hazard they might have run, by dissolving their Ancient Corporations, to have lost back all the Estates, given to them as Corporate bodies, to the Donors' Heirs, suitable to the Reply said to be made to the Burgesses of a Certain Corporation, when they asked advice in the Case.  
Such having been the influences of the City of London all along upon the Nation, and such the undeniable proofs thereof, what then remains, but that we must needs acknowledge and confess her to be a City most Triumphant? Triumphant in the Antiquity of her Foundation, the continuance of her ancient renown, and the Glorious Acts of her Citizens: Triumphant in the Freedom of her Privileges, the Honourable respect shown her Magistrates, and the Combined strength of her Commonalty: Triumphant in the Prevalency of her Power, Victorious success of her Arms, and unavoidable Destruction of her Enemies. Let us therefore with an united consent prostrate ourselves before the Throne of Grace with this Petitionary request, that she may continue ever fixed and unmovable in her Duty to the Almighty, firm in her Loyalty to the King, and secure in an uninterrupted enjoyment of her just Rights, Liberties, Privileges and Franchises: A Prayer, whereto I doubt not but every Loyal English Man, and honest well meaning Citizen will readily from his heart say, Amen.  
FINIS.   

The Courteous Reader is desired to pardon the faults, that have escaped through inadvertency, either in pointing or spelling, and with his pen to men the following Errata, as the more material ones.  
PAg. 2. l. 21. r. hundreds. p. 14. l. 32. r. more frequently. l. 35. r. repelled. p. 15. l. 30. r. it's. p. 29. l. 9 r. lines. p. 44. l. 4. r. of l. ult. r. called. p. 48. l. 4. r. elder. p. 68 l. 4. r. might go. p. 69. l. 31. r. placed under. p. 7●. l. 2●. del. in. p. 73. l. 2. r. digest. l. 18. r. Fabian's. p. 75. l. r. came. 76. l. 1. r. it is. l. 7. r. let them. p. 77. l. 6. r. bay. p. 79. l. ●. r. 40000. p. 83. l. 26. r. Englishmen. l. 32. r. came only. p. 89. l. 29. r. are. p. 97. l. 11. r. we may. p. 101. l. 6. r. held. l. 21. r. his. p. 110. l. 15. ad. 43. p. 112. l. 27. r. yet. p. 116. l. 5. r. of a. l. 24. r. How. p. 117. l. 27. r. into. p. 124. l. 4. r. hold. p. 132. l. 27. r. clogging. p. 133. l. 27. ad. 111. p. 140. l. 18. r. Brothers. p. 143. l. 27. r. his. p. 145. l. 10. r. chiefs. p. 147. l. 3. r. were. p. 152. l. 8. r. jyon. l. 20. r. immediately. p. 155. l. 1. r. were. p. 156. l. 31. ad. it. p. 157. l. 33. ad. of the. l. 34. r. our remark. p. 159. l. 33. r. great forfeiture. p. 161. l. 6. r. added. p. 163. l. 10. r. his. p. 164. l. 15. r. quieter. l. 18. r. with. l. 32. r. badge. p. 167. l. 6. r. was. p. 168. l. 11. r. accursed. l. 20. r. ha●bicanes. p. 170. l. 8. r. who. p. 172. l. 10. r. sort. l. 11. r. placed. p. 173. l. 8. r. annates. p. 175. l. 2. r. prejudicial. l. 22. r. In. p. 176. l. 28. r. Zouch. p. 178. l. 15. the famed. p. 181. l. 10. demeanours. p. 185. l. 24. r. equally. p. 203. l. 13. r. than. p. 21. 5. l. 33. r. in. p. 241. l. 2. r. old. p. 242. l. 1. r. formally. l. 27. r. meet. p. 248. l. 8. and from. d, and. p. 250. l. 7. r. culling. p. 252. l. 32. r. unwitting. p. 253. l. 26. r. joint. p. 255. l. 24. r. for an. p. 262. l. 23. r. Planet-like. p. 263. l. 28. r. Basins. p. 265. l. 11. r. series. p. 266. l. 30. 31. r. Parliament men's. p. 273. l. 8. r. sprung. p. 277. l. 11. ad. 246. p. 284. l. 33. r. wears. p. 288. l. 12. r. suppre●●. p. 290. l. 2. made a. d. a. l. 2●. r. those. l. 30. r. fourteen. p. 291. l 13. r. Poet Bayes's. l. 28. r. one or other. p. 293. l. 5. r. the Age. p. 294. l. 5. r. all the. p. 298 l. 11. r. Robbery. l. 34. r. Historical. p. 304. l. 10. r. Informations. l. 13. r. this. p. 305. l. 8. r. brake. l. 10. r. Battle. p. 306. l. 13. r. their opinions. l. 25. r. benefit. l. 27. r. strength. p. 307. l. 12. r. Observers. p. 308. l. 29. r. after Yowton Battle. p. 311. l. 13. r. and. p. 312. l. 14. d. had. p. 314. l. 33. r. chosen. l. 36. d., as. p. 315. l. 1. r. vigilance of the discerning. l. 10. r. depart. p. 316. l. 11. r. these her declared. p. 119. l. 7. r. divert. p. 320. l. 1. r. Historian. l. 14. r. another's cause. l. 21. r. he●. l. 29. r. or. p. 322. l. 27. r. humour. p. 325. l. 3. ad. the. l. 11. r. Bu●. p. 329. l. 26. r. blazed abroad. l. 34. r. Parts. p. 340. l. 3. r. little. p. 355. l. 3. r. at any. p. 363. l. 21. r. neither then. p. 365. l. 20. r. Declaration.  
There may possibly be found here and there a word or Letter redundant and deficient, which upon the review have been let pass without a Mark, but 'tis hoped none have passed unobserved, which may prove injurious to the sense, or justly occasion any mistake, but what an ordinary Reader may easily see and Correct, a confidence in whose candour and good nature is doubtless a far better Apology in this case than to lay the blame at other men's doors.