THE Grand Concern Of ENGLAND EXPLAINED; IN SEVERAL PROPOSALS Offered to the Consideration of the PARLIAMENT.  

1. For Payment of Public Debts.  
2. For Advancement and Encouragement of Trade.  
3. For Raising the Rents of Lands.   
In Order whereunto, It is proved Necessary, 

I. That a Stop be put to further Buildings in and about London.  
II. That the Gentry be obliged to live some part of the Year in the Country.  
III. That Registers be settled in every County.  
iv That an Act for Naturalising all Foreign Protestants; and Indulging them; and His majesty's Subjects at home, in Matters of Conscience, may be passed.  
V That the Act Prohibiting the Importation of Irish , may be Repealed.  
VI That Brandy, Coffee. Mum; Tea, and Chocolata, may be prohibited.  
VII. That the Multitude of Stage-Coaches and Caravans may be suppressed.  
VIII. That no Leather may be Exported Vn-manufactured.  
IX. That a Court of Conscience be settled for Westminster, and all the Suburbs of London, and in every City and Corporation in England.  
X. That the Extravagant Habits and Expense of all Persons may be kerbed; the Excessive Wages of Servants and Handicraftsmen may be Reduced, and all Foreign Manufactures may be prohibited.  
XI. That it may be made lawful to Assign Bills, Bonds, and other Securities; and that a Course be taken to prevent the Knavery of Bankrupts.  
XII. That the Newcastle-Trade for Coals may be managed by Commissioners, to the Ease of the Subjects, and great Advantage of the Public.  
XIII. That the Fishing-Trade may be vigorously prosecuted, all poor People set at work to make Fishing-Tackle, and be paid out of the Money Collected every Year for the Poor, in the several Parishes in England.    
By a Lover of his Country, and Wellwisher to the Prosperity both of the King and Kingdoms.  
London, Printed in the Year, 1673.   

PROPOSALS humbly offered to consideration of the Parliament, etc.  

1. For discharging the Public Debts of the Kingdom.  
2. For Encouraging and Advancement of Tradc.  
3. The Increase of the Rents of Lands.   
THE Honour, Interest and Safety of a Kingdom lies in maintaining the Grandeur and Dignity of their KING, and the Prerogative of his Crown; The which can no way be better secured, than by providing him a plentiful Revenue wherewith to defray the Public Expenses of the Kingdom, encourage and help all his Friends and Allies, maintain Forces for his Own, his Subjects, and the Kingdoms Safeguard at home, and a sufficient Fleet at Sea for the Security of Trade abroad, and Defence of his Kingdom against all Foreign Princes and Potentates; and wherewith also to discharge such Public Debts as are justly owing to any person upon valuable Consideration.  
If the payment of Public Debts were provided for, the rest would be easily secured, without any great Charge to the People, and the King be freed from the necessity of calling for fresh Supply every year from his Subjects, which now comes very hard, and makes Parliaments uneasy to themselves as well as to those whose Representatives they are.  
The vast Debt contracted by his Majesty when beyond the Seas, the great Sums he hath since his happy Restauration given to relieve some of the many poor (yet Loyal) Subjects, that served him and his Royal Father faithfully, and lost their Limbs and Estates in their Service; The great Debts he found the Kingdom in to the Army and Navy when he came first home, which are all paid off, excepting about 150000 l. that hath been under consideration of the Parliament, which if not paid, will be the ruin of many thousands of poor Families, who advanced the same for his Majesty's Service, and it was all employed for the bringing him home.  
The great charge of the last and this present Dutch War, both which his Majesty hath been necessitated unto, for the preservation of the dignity of his Person, (which they so basely scorned and contemned) the Honour of his Kingdom, and the interest and security of Trade: these, together with the Money's expended in the reparations of his Ruined Houses, repurchasing his own Goods, and others for furnishing his Royal Palaces, and many other public affairs, have called for frequent and great Supplies.  
Which howbeit the Parliament have thought fit freely to grant when the King hath desired the same, and passed several Acts for Pole-money, Benevolence-money, Subsidies, Hearth-money, additional Excise, Taxes upon the Law, poundage upon Rents, and Land-Taxes, yet the public Debts are very great, and the reason of it is plainly because whatever hath been given (excepting Land-Taxes) was so overvalued in the granting thereof, the Grants so uncertain, the Collecting so troublesome and chargeable, the Payment so vexatious to the People, that the end of the Parliament hath not been answered, the King hath not had the Supply intended, nor the Subjects the benefit or ease designed; but the quite contrary events have happened.  
So that it's humbly conceived there's nothing can be more for the Interest and advantage of the King and Kingdom, than for the Parliament to examine what the public Debts really are, how contracted, and when; and to see where the King has been well or ill used, where Persons have made usurious or advantageous Contracts, and taken advantage of the King's necessities, to impose ill Commodities and at unreasonable rates upon him, and there to reduce the Debt to such a proportion, as the Commodity sold was (at the time of such Sale) really worth; and to see where the King hath been justly dealt with; which done, and the Accounts being brought to Balance, and the Debt stated and known; then at once to raise so much Money as may discharge the whole, and appoint Persons to see the money so to be raised, disposed to that and no other use; allowing them indifferent Salaries for their pains, that so they may mind the work, and receive no manner of Fees or advantage from the Creditor, whereby the public Debts may be lessened: for whoever hath trusted the King, had a respect (in setting his price on the Commodity's fold) to the time he thought he should stay for his Money, the uncertainty of ever receiving it, the vast Charge he must be at in Exchequer Fees, Gratuities, etc. when ever he should have obtained the same, insomuch that publiek Debts were and are frequently sold at sixty or seventy pounds per cent. And so, what hinders but that if this Business be prudently managed by Persons to be entrusted for that purpose, the public Debts may be lessened, and the more easily paid? which done, the Subjects may reasonably expect, and hope for the future to be at quiet and freed from the fears they are now under of a Parliaments meeting, lest still there should be fresh supplies for the purposes aforesaid demanded, and given, and no end be known of such Gifts; and yet to his Majesty and the Kingdoms great dishonour both at home and abroad, the public Debts still remain undischarged. And if Money for this purpose shall be by the Parliament thought fit to be given, It is humbly offered and submitted to their considerations, whether there can be any way in the World found, more certain, equal, and easy, to raise the same, than by a Land-Tax: for than they will know what it is they give, when and how certainly it will come in, and the time when the same will end, and may proportion their Contracts and Payments accordingly. Besides, a Land-Tax will be a certain Fond for to advance Money upon in a short time, at easy Interest, wherewith speedily to discharge and pay off those Debts, for which now great interest is to be paid.  
I know it will be Objected, that Land is a Drug, bears little or no Price to be let, or be sold; what Rend it is let for, Tenants are not able to pay; for to lay Taxes upon that, would utterly undo the Gentry, who have nothing to live upon but their Rents.  
To this I answer, that it is very true, Lands let poorly, Rents are ill paid, and yield very little, if sold. But let us examine the Reasons hereof, and see if some things may not be proposed to remedy those Mischiefs, and bring Land to its former value: which if we do, than every Man will certainly be of Opinion that a Land-Tax is the best way to raise Money, and be glad on that Condition to have it imposed.  
I am of Opinion, that gentlemen's being wanting to themselves, is the greatest occasion of the decay of their Estates, and lowering of their Rents. Now in Order to the bringing them to the same Rate and Value, if not to a better than they formerly bore, I humbly propose that these several Particulars following (which can only be done by Act of Parliament) may be enacted as Laws. And I shall endeavour to Demonstrate the Mischiefs we suffer for want of them, and the great Advantages we may rationally expect to receive by their being Enacted. 

1. I propose that a stop be put to any farther Buildings in or about the Cities of London and Westminster, Borough of Southwark, or in any place within the Weekly-Bills of Mortality, the Head being already too big for the Body. And that a years Value of all Houses Built upon New Foundations may by the Owners of such Houses be paid to the King towards payment of Public Debts, which would advance above 300000 l.  
2. That all the Nobility and Gentry of England who have Estates in the Country, and are not obliged to atterd on His Majesty by reason of their Offices, be enjoined with their Families to live where their Estates do lie, so many Months in each year as to the Wisdom of Parliament shall seem meet.  
3. That a Bill be passed for setting up of Registers in every County for Registering Sales, Mortgages, Leases for term of Years or Lives, and all other real Securities, and if possible all Bonds, etc. which Work may be done with little charge to the Subject, and yet a profit of above 50000 l. per annum arise to the Public.  
4. That an Act for a General Naturalising of all Foreign Protestants be passed, and an assurance of Liberty of Conscience given to all that shall come over into England, and place themselves and Families amongst us. And that the same privilege be given to his Majesty's Subjects at home.  
5. That the Act for prohibition of the Importation of Irish Cattle be repealed, and a Trade between the two Kingdoms Established, whereby his Mejesties' Revenue of Customs would be advanced above 80000 l. per annum.  
6. That Brandy and Mum, Coffee and Ten be prohibited, and Coffeehouses suppressed, which may be done without any dimunution of his Majesty's Revenue of Excise.  
7. That the multitude of Stage-Coaches and Caravans now travelling upon the Roads be all or most of them suppressed; especially those within forty or fifty Miles of London where they are into way necessary, and yet most numerous and mischievous; and that a due regulation be made of such as shall be thought fit to be continued. Which done, his Majesty's Excise would be worth above 30000 l. per annum more than it now is, and the Post-Office by 6000 l. per annum.  
8. That the Act for Transportation of Leather Unmanufactured be repealed, or so far discountenanced at least, that it be not renewed when the seven years is expired.  
9 That a Court in the nature of the Court of Request in London be established for Westminster, Southwark, and all parts within the Weekly-Bills of Mortality if possible, and in every City and Town Corporate in England, to determine differences between poor People, for small Debts, Words, or Trespasses, that so they may not be undone by Law Suits.  
10. That a Bound be put to the Extravagant Habits, and Expenses of all sorts of Persons, that Servants and Handicraft Tradesmens excessive Wages may be reduced, and that no foreign Manufactures, except from Ireland, be suffered to be worn in England, but that the importation and exposing of them knowingly to Sale be both made Felony.  
11. That it be made Lawful to assign Bills, Bonds and other Securities, And the Frauds of Men Breaking, with design to Enrich themselves out of their Creditors Estates may be prevented.  
12. That the Newcastle Trade for Coals may be managed by Commissioners for his Majesty, which would be a great advantage to the Subjects, and raise his Majesty above 300000 l. per annum.  
13. That the Fishing Trade be encouraged, all Poor set at Work to provide Tackle for that use, and be paid out of the Money Collected yearly in every Parish throughout England for relief of the Poor, which would be of vast advantage to the Public.    
In Order to the evincing of the necessity of Prohibiting any of further Building in and about London, and Westminster, and of the Gentry's being confined to live some part of the year upon their Estates in the Country, I desire every serious considerate Person, that knew London and Westminster, and the Suburbs thereof, forty or fifty years ago, (when England was far richer and more populous than now it is) to tell me whether by Additional Buildings upon new Foundations, the said Cities and Suburbs, since that time, are not become at least a third part bigger than they were; and whether in those days they were not thought and found large enough, to give a due reception to all persons that were fit, or had occasion to resort thither (whereupon all further Buildings on new Foundations (even in those days) were prohibited? Nevertheless, above thirty thousand Houses great and small have been since built, the consequences whereof may be worthy of our consideration. These Houses are all inhabited, considering then what multitudes of whole Families, formerly dwelling in and about the said Cities, were cut off by the two last dreadful Plagues, as also by the War abroad and at home, by Land and by Sea; and how many have transported themselves, (or been transported) into our foreign Plantations; and it must naturally follow, that those who inhabit these new Houses and many of the old ones, must be persons coming out of the Country; which makes so many Inhabitants the less there, where they are most needful and wanting. For, the occasion of the Rents of Lands falling every year, arises not so much from Lands growing worse, as because of the want of Tenants with good Stocks to manage the Farms they take. And this mischief hath been, and is in great measure occasioned by these additional Buildings; for, had they not been erected, those who inhabit them, would have been in the Country, living an Industrious and Laborious Life, improving their Stocks, and thereby advantaging gentlemen's Lands, and the Trade of the Nation. But now, if a Man get two or three Hundred pounds in his Pocket, up he comes to London, takes a House, pays a Fine, lays out the rest of his Money in furnishing it for Lodgers, thereby promising himself a lazy Life, free from care; or else he sets up an Alehouse, or Brandy House, (both tending to the debauching and destroying of Youth;) when as had there not been these Buildings to draw them hither, and give shelter, than those Men with their three or four hundred pounds a piece Stocks employed in the Country, might have made each of them a good Tenant, for a Farm of 100 or 200 l. per annum; which Farms by their removing to London, are thrown into the Landlord's hands so that by a moderate Calculation, it is judged, that there are 60000 Families at least now in and about London, more than would or could conveniently have been, if these Houses had not been Built; which Families if they had continued in the Country, would have kept up the value of Lands which fall only for want of Tenants: If therefore more Buildings should be hereafter erected; more Mischiefs in all probability will be done of this kind to the Country; And really, Gentlemen may thank themselves for the prejudice they receive by these means, they having given the example, and been the occasion thereof. For, they never thinking their Estates would have an end, weary of an honest and commendable Country-life, come up to London to see fashions, fall into ill company, learn how to run out of all their Estates in a short time, by extravagant Habits, gaming, drinking, and other debaucheries, destructive to their Healths as much as Estates; As if to have lived in the Country upon their own Estates and to have taken care of and managed them, and kept a handsome retinue of Servants, and a good House of Hospitality, and to have taken off their Tenants Provisions for their Family expenses, in part of their Rents, relieving and setting the Poor at work, and encouragement of Art, Industry and Labour, were not so commendable in them, or so much for their Advantage, and Honour, as to live idly in London, pursuing their lustful pleasures, paying, whilst their own houses stand empty, and go to ruin for want of being inhabited, more for their Lodgings than would maintain their Families handsomely in the Country, and increase the Consumption of the Provisions, and Manufactures of the Kingdom, than which nothing can conduce more to the Improvement of Land. I would desire to know of any sober Person, how far the many Gentlemen who have thus foolishly and idly run themselves out of their Estates, have done good with the same? who is the better for it? Is the Country, where their Estates lie, or their Tenants that rend them? or the poor Inhabitants about them? No, not at all, but all are the worse, and undone thereby, for when these Persons come first to London, they bring up all the Money they can get in specie, and no sooner do their Rents grow due in the Country, but they or their Bailiffs or Stewards rack the poor Tenants for the same, gather in all that they can get, and sue, or distrain where Money is not presently to be had, taking away Tenants , selling them for half their worth, and thereby ruin not only idle Persons or ill Husbands that have run out of their Stocks, but also many Industrious men and great husbands, who have Stock and Goods enough (if sold) wherewith to answer the Rent; and the want of a vent for the product of their Farms is the only reason why they could not raise present Money for their Landlords. How many persons by these means have been undone! forced to leave their Farms! which thereby have been thrown into their Owners hands; who have been forced both to abate Rents, and keep their Farms a year or two without making any thing of them, before they could dispose of them again. And I know none the better for these things but the Gentry's and Nobilities Bailiffs and Stewards, who being entrusted to Let and Set, Receive Rents and manage their Master's Estates, do by their neglecting to call them to account, or looking after and disposing their own Affairs, grow vastly Rich, and frequently in trusties names become Purchasers of their Master's Estates; whilst they in the mean time, by means as aforesaid, become greatly impoverished. The rather, for that frequently, when they receive their Master's Rents, they pretend the Tenants have them in their hands, and put their Masters thereby under necessity of borrowing Money for their present Supplies; which when they have done, they being employed to procure the same, do frequently furnish them with their own Money, making them pay Brocage, Procuration and Continuation-Money, and Interest for the same, which helps forward their Ruin.  
In short, these New Buildings are advantageous to none but to the Owners of the Ground on which they are built, who have raised their wont Rents from a hundred pound to five or six hundred pound per annum, besides the Improvements in Reversion; or to the Builders, who by slight building on long Leases, make ten or twelve pound per cent. of their moneys. But the advantage of these persons being the Country's great prejudice, Therefore in my poor Opinion, it seems agreeable to Reason that they ought to help to pay the public Debts of the Kingdom; and the Country (who are hurt by them) should be eased: And for them to pay one year, or a year and halfs Improved Rend to the King, would not be much, considering the greatness of the Improvement they have and are like to make. So that admitting that there are 30000 Houses Built upon New Foundations as aforesaid, and that each of those Houses (one with another) should pay but 10 l. per annum Rent, and the King should have but one years' Rent from each House, the same would amount unto above 300000 l. which would go a great way in the discharging the public Debts; But one years Rend from each of these Houses (it is conceived) would come to above 500000 l. and the enforcing them that have Built contrary to the Statute to pay such a Fine, would deter others from Building for the future; of which there can be no need; considering that there are above 3000 brave Houses which, for the Honour of the Nation, are at great charge, to the ruin of the Builders, rebuilt, stand empty within London Walls, and are like so to do, by reason that the Trade is drawn out of the City to the new Erected Buildings in the Suburbs, where the Inhabitants have these advantages following. 

1. They have Houses at easier rates, because built at lesser charge than those in the City, which were Built when all Materials were very scarce and dear, and Workmen's Wages extreme high.  
2. They are certain in most places to raise their Rents by letting Lodgings, especially near the Inns of Court, Whitehal and Westminster; the Gentry coveting to Lodge thereabouts, and they have not only Lodgings, but the advantage of their Customer also for such Commodities as they sell, and their Lodgers want. Which hinders the Trade of the City, where little or no benefit at all is made by Lodgings.  
3. They are not liable to a third penny of charges for Taxes and public Duties that they are who live within the City; whereby they can aford to sell at a lower rate than in London they can do. All which inevitably tends to destruction of the Trade within the Walls.    

III.  
THe Third thing proposed is, A Bill of REGISTERS; That in every County a Register may be settled, to Register all Bills of Sale, Judgements, Statutes, Recognizances, Bonds, Mortgages, Leases, and Conveyances of Land, than which nothing can be of greater advantage to Gentlemen, Security to Purchasers, or benefit to the public, without hurt to any, unless the professors of the Law, or such who intent and design to defraud Purchasers.  
Those therefore that shall oppose so excellent and beneficial an Act as this, must be either, first, such who live by the practice of the Law; or secondly, such as understand not their own Interest: or thirdly, such as design to live by defrauding others. The opposition arising from the practisers of the Law is not so much from their conviction that the thing in itself is not good, and beneficial to the public, as from self-Interest, which too much governs all sorts of Men in this Age, Men being apt to prefer private advantage before a general good. I confess, a Register may prove a great hindrance to those of that profession: For, in short time it would prevent the multitudes of Suits that yearly arise between his Majesty's Subjects occasioned by the Cheats that are committed for want of such a Registry as is proposed; and perhaps would save the Subjects at least two or three hundred thousand pounds per annum which now is spent in those Suits; which if prevented, and the Money saved to the People, would be employed in Trade, or spent upon the Manufactures and Provisions of the Kingdom; and so the number of Attorneys would not increase as of late they have done, there being at present about 6000 of them, besides Solicitors, who live scattered about the Country: most of whom could not subsist but by making it their whole study and business, to promote Suits and Controversies, and encourage quarrelsome persons to being Actions against their Neighbours, for small petty Trespasses, or a frivolous hasty passionate Word or two; those persons of that employment taking advantage thereby, of enriching themselves, by impoverishing the Subjects: whereas w●● it not for them, such differences might happily be composed in a friendly and amicable way.  
The second sort that I presume may oppose this Act are, Men not sensible of their own Interest and advantage, nor of that of the Public; for, if a Register were kept of all Sales, Leases for Years, or Lives, Mortgages, Judgements, Statutes, Recognizances, and of all other real Securities, that will or can lay hold on Lands, so that in every County where any Gentleman's Estate lieth, a Man may know by the Register, what Estate he hath in that County, and what encumbrances are upon it: therefore if it were declared by Law, that no Encumbrance shall be good, but such as if made or entered into before the Act for settling Registers be passed, shall be registered within one year after the passing thereof; or if made or entered into after the passing the said Act, shall be registered within one month or two after such Conveyances, or Securities, are entered into or made, or otherwise be void, it would highly be for the advantage of all Gentlemen, that either have or may have Land to sell, or would borrow Money upon Mortgages. For, than they shall not need to be beholden unto those Men, that make it their Trades to dispose of gentlemen's Money, to help Gentlemen to Purchasers for their Lands, or to take up money upon Securities; whom now they are forced to make use of, and pay great sums for Brokerage, Procuration, and Continuation-Money. Whereupon I desire every Gentleman to consider, when he comes to London, and wants Money, how difficult a thing he finds it to supply himself therewith, (though he offer good Land-Security.) What begging, entreating, running from place to place? What expenses is he put unto? And when all is done, let him consider whether he can be accommodated without City-Security, (which runs him into further obligations and expenses to procure;) and if he does get such, whether he be evertheless constrained to pay 3, 4, or 5 l. per cent. for procuring and sometimes viis & modis 10 l. per cent. for what he borrows; And then, it being lent but for a year, the Procurers thereof and their Emissaries being wont to contrive which way to make their further advantage of the Borrowers, do commonly at the nine months' end send them word, that the Persons whose Money they borrowed, have great occasions for the same and are forced to call it in, and must have it when due; but withal they usually advise them not to be troubled, or take any care; for if they cannot raise the Money themselves, they will furnish them elsewhere, having the like consideration for their pains as before; the which these Gentlemen are forced to agree unto, because perhaps they know not elsewhere to have it: And when they have thu● done, than they go to the Persons, whose Money they had lent to these Gentlemen the year before, and tell them, that the Gentlemen that borrowed the same, desire to pay it in when it shall be due; who finding and believing their security good, are loath to receive it, never having given any direction to call it in, nor knowing how better to dispose thereof when they receive the same; whereupon to please them also, they inform them that other good security is ready for them, so that the Money shall not lie dead; and so they get the advantage of the Gentlemen that had the Money, by procuring other sums for them, in lieu thereof, and of the persons to whom they lend the Money so called in; Insomuch that by frequent shifting the Loan-money from one hand to another, they sometimes receive to themselves from the persons borrowing, as much as the principal Sum lent amounted unto, for Procuration, Brokage and Continuation: whereby the Borrowers at last are brought to sell their Estates; and being reduced to such necessities by the Subtleties of these persons, are forced to be beholden to them to procure purchasers: which when they perceive, they usually play their game as followeth: the seller is by them persuaded that they can get no purchaser, but such as doth object against their Title; or their persons, using many frivolous delays, till they drive them to such distress, that they must sell at any rate: And then their living remote in the Country, or being under protections as Parliament-Men or Courtiers; or their Estates lying far from London, or the uncertainty of what Encumbrances may be thereupon, are Objections which they raise, pretending that all Men they propose their Estates unto (upon these or suchlike accounts) are afraid to deal with them, unless such as wait for good bargains, and will not purchase except they can buy below the Market-price. By which means they so contrive the matter with the Venders, that they enforce them to sell that for thirteen, fourteen or fifteen years' purchase, which really is worth twenty; And out of that Contract, their manner is to bargain for a good Gratuity for themselves; although they at the same time have agreed with the Purchaser that is to have the Land, for one or two years purchase more than they are to pay to the Sellers. And the better to manage their Designs, the Buyers are concealed, and the Land-Brokers and Jobbers of Land find other persons to personate the Purchaser, so that the Vender is never suffered to know or see them till the Writings be drawn; wherein the Considerations are frequently expressed to be a year or two's Purchase more than the Vender is to receive for the same. Which when they question the Reason of, they are informed that it is done, only to enable the Purchasers to demand better prices when they sell the same, and to keep up the reputed value thereof. Thus do they enrich themselves by imposing upon Gentlemen in extremity, through an artificial debasing the value of their Estates, exacting great Gratuities from the Purchasers also. This is the common Practice of your Land-Brokers and Jobbers and their Confederates: But if Registers were settled, and all Encumbrances registered, so that men might be secure, no dormant Securities, after they have lent their Money upon Mortgages, or purchased for valuable Considerations, could be started up to defeat them of their Interests; and then Gentlemen that have Money lying dead by them, would be as glad to lend it; at easy rates, to honest Gentlemen upon good Security, as those that want it would be to be supplied therewith; And Lands undoubtedly would come to be worth, as formerly, twenty years purchase, if Men could but be secured in their Titles. So that all persons that either have, or suppose they ever may have any Estate to sell, or Money to borrow, understand not their own Interest, if they oppose the settling of the Registers proposed.  
The last sort of people that I presume may be aggrieved at this Registry, are such who having lived high, and spent their Estates extravagantly, and perhaps entered into Judgements, Statutes, and Recognizances, to double the value thereof, and have mortgaged their Lands over and over, and then get Protections whereby they keep off Suits, or abscond themselves so that they cannot be found by their Creditors, and are wont thereby to keep their Estates in possession, and can no way for the future live but by doing further acts of dishonesty; which whilst their Estates remain in their possession, they have opportunity to do. Such unrighteous Actions will for the future be prevented, and the present Designs of this nature be defeated, if Registers be settled. So that such persons are concerned to oppose the same. But I hope such Creatures as these are, and their Designs, will easily be seen through, and have little respect given them by Parliament.  
In short, Were the Registry as desired, settled, and the Profit arising thereby brought into the Exchequer, the Work may be done, good Allowances appointed for those that shall be employed therein, and but a small sum would be imposed upon the Subjects for Registering their Claim, and yet by computation at least 50000 l. per annum be brought into the Treasury: which would be an additional help towards payment of the Public Debts.   

iv  
THe Fourth Thing Proposed is, That an Act be passed for a general Naturalisation of all Foreign Protestants, and for granting Liberty of Conscience to such of them as shall come over and Inhabit amongst us, and that the like Liberty be given to his Majesty's Subjects at home. There is nothing so much wanting in England as People; and of all sorts of People, the Industrious and Laborious sort, and Handycraft-men, are wanted to Till and Improve our Land; and help to Manufacture the Staple-Commodities of the Kingdom; which would add greatly to the Riches thereof.  
The two last great Plagues, the Civil Wars at Home, and the several Wars with Holland, Spain, and France, have destroyed several hundred thousands of Men, which lived amongst us; besides, vast numbers have Transported themselves, or been Transported into Ireland, and other our Foreign Plantations; who, when they were living amongst us, did Eat our Provisions, Wore off our Manufacturies; employed themselves in some Calling or other beneficial to the Nation; the want of which calls for a supply of People from some place or other; and it is, in my judgement, worthy our Observation, That the Men thus lost from amongst us, are of greater consideration, and the loss more mischievous to the Kingdom, than merely the death or removal of so many Persons, considering that they were Men in the prime of their years, in perfect strength, such, who had they not died, or been killed, or removed, might every year have begotten Children, and thereby increased the World; So that three times the number of Children might have been better spared than they. For instance, Say there be but 100000 Men, by these means, gone from amongst us; and instead of them 300000 Children had been taken away, and the Men left, it would have been much better; for they in two years and a half, or three years' time, might have gotten so many Children again; but the Men dying, or being gone, and the Children living, it may be ten or twenty years before they come to Marry and beget Children: And notwithstanding the great mischief this Nation hath sustained by the loss of these Men, yet so inconsiderate are the Inhabitants thereof, concerning their own Interest, (which, if possible, is to have the Kingdom full of People) that they are taking up another way to prevent the peopling thereof for the future, there being almost all over England a Spirit of Madness running abroad, and possessing Men against Marrying, rather choosing to have Mistresses, by whom very few ever have any Children: And many Married Women, by their lewd Conversations, prevent the bringing forth many Children, which otherwise they might have had. These Humours and Practices, if continued, will prove so mischievous, that unless Foreigners come in amongst us, in few years there will not be People to Manure our Lands, Eat our Provisions, Wear our Manufactures, or Manufacture the Staple-Commodities that are of the growth of the Kingdom; without which, it is no wonder if Lands yield little Rent, or Sell not for above 14 or 15 years' Purchase.  
And if Foreigners must come over, or our Estates here grow worse, there must then Encouragement be given them so to do; else they will think themselves Well-Seated where they are, following their Trades, increasing their Estates, Enjoying all the Liberties and Privileges of Freeborn Subjects, know how (and have Liberty and Encouragement) to improve their Estates; and when they have got them can keep them; therefore will never come themselves, nor bring over their Families or Estates amongst us here to be accounted of as Aliens and Strangers, such as may not purchase Estates amongst us; and if they do, shall not enjoy the same, nor their Children after them. That sort of people which we most want are such, who though they would come over, and dwell amongst us, yet cannot spare 50 or 60 l. out of their Stock to procure themselves naturalised by Act of Parliament; especially if they bring over Wife and Children with them (which would be more advantageous for us than for them to come over alone) Or if they should spare Money to Naturalise themselves; yet perhaps they may not have so much as to pay for the naturalising of their Wives and Children; who, as our laws are, cannot be permitted to Inherit, what their Father's purchase, unless they be naturalised also. So that an Act for a General Naturalisation is absolutely necessary, if we will be supplied with People from Foreign parts; But the passing such Act alone, will not be sufficient to encourage Foreigners to come and dwell amongst us; there must be Liberty of Conscience also granted unto them; and they must be assured that they shall not be Imprisoned, Banished, or have their Estates seized, and taken from them, and sold, only for differing from the Church of England, in the way of their Discipline, whilst they agree in the Fundamentals of Religion, live peaceably under the Civil Government, and disturb not the Government of the Church established: for they having such liberty abroad where they are, will not without assurance of the same here, be induced to come amongst us; How many thousands have left England, and gone to seek shelter in Foreign parts, for the persecution they were under for their Consciences, who otherwise, with their Families, would have Continued amongst us? How many have been forced to leave their Trades, by being kept in Prison, and having their Goods and Estates taken from them? How many, for fear of being undone, not knowing but that so soon as their Goods come into their Shops, they may be seized for their having been at Conventicles, have left their Trades, drawn off their Stocks, and keep up their Money (not knowing how soon they may have occasion to make use of it in the time of their distresses) which otherwise would have been employed in Trade to the benefit of the Kingdom; How many thousands of Farmers have been necessitated to leave their Farms, and come to dwell in London? or to live obscurely in the Country, for fear lest when they should have employed their Stocks, Ploughed and Sowed their Land, Reaped their Corn, and Stocked their Pasture-Land, all should be taken from them, and they imprisoned, and forced from their Families, for their Religion? Are not these great mischiefs to the Kingdom, and great reasons of the decay of Trade, and of Gentlemen their wanting Tenants for their Lands, (a thing so generally complained of all over England) that men are not suffered to live as they would do quietly, and employ and improve their Stocks, as they might do, to the advantage of Trade, and the Kingdom in General; which if they were permitted, would occasion the Consumption of more of the provisions, and Manufactures of the Kingdom, Employ more poor people at Work, and thereby Improve the Rent of Lands, and would send many of the Gentry, and Farmers who left the Country for the Reason's aforesaid and now live obscure in London and some other places, back to their Country-houses or to their Farms again; it would remove their Fears, quiet their Minds, and cause their Purses again to be opened, and every one would be putting himself upon some way of Improving his Estate, and not live upon the main Stock, as now they are forced to do. It were greatly to be wished, that there were more love and Charity amongst us; And that all men would Consider seriously what they do, when they take upon themselves thus to impose their own Principles upon all others, as such that are only right, and Condemn all others as Erroneous; this is to magnify themselves as Infallible, and despise all others.  
Upon all these Reasons I humbly submit to Judgement, whether an Act for a general Naturalisation, and Liberty of Conscience, be not absolutely necessary at this time? And whether the Passing thereof may not be of great advantage to the Kingdom, since it would increase Trade, Promote a vast Consumption of the Manufactures and Provisions of the Kingdom; make us more Industrious, Employ more of our Poor, Increase his Majesty's Revenue of Customs, and bring our Lands to let for greater Rents, and to sell for more years Purchase than ever heretofore they would have done.   

V  
THe Fifth Thing Proposed is, That the Act for Prohibition of the Importation of Foreign Cattle, so far as it relates to Ireland, and Westphalia-Hams, may be Repealed.  
This Act hath no way answered the end designed by the passing thereof, but on the contrary proved,  

First, Very prejudicial to his Majesty in his Revenue of Customs.  
Secondly, To all or most of the Land-Owners in England.  
Thirdly, To the Navigation and Trade of the Kingdoms.   
1. To his Majesty: for, before this Act passed, there were so many great Cattle and Sheep, Imported from Ireland, as (Computing the Custom paid for them and for the other Commodities exported out of England into Ireland in lieu of them) amounted yearly to 80000 l. besides the Customs of all Norway, Spanish, and Westphalia Hams; which sum the King loseth every year, and the Kingdom, to their Vast prejudice, have lost that Trade.  
2. To Land-Owners this prohibition must necessarily be a great prejudice, If it be considered, 

1. That the Breeding-Lands of England are not able to raise a sufficient Stock for the feeding, six months feeding being as much as four years' Breeding.  
2. That by reason of the scarcity of such Stock, the Breeders Impose a greater price on Lean Cattle than they will yield when fatted, whereby Feeding-Land becomes worth little or nothing.  
3. That for want of Irish Cattle, the Victualling both for Home-Consumption, and Foreign Trade, and Naval Provisions, (most of it) is transferred from England into Ireland: which is a great prejudice to the Consumption in England; So that Lean Cattle, though they be dearer, because of the scarcity of them, yet fatted  are cheaper for want of the Consumption we formerly had. The Consequence whereof is, That the Ends of the prohibition are not answered, Rents of Lands are not Raised; but on the Contrary, Feeding-Lands must and do fall for want of a Cheap Stock; and our former Consumption, and Breeding-Lands, through the decay of Trade, which this prohibition hath occasioned.    
3ly, This Prohibition is prejudicial to Trade and Navigation.  

1. Because those Foreigners, who formerly Victualled here, do Victual themselves in Ireland.  
2. And they have their Provisions for the fourth part of what we pay for ours; whereby they have a great advantage in point of Trade, and can Sail Cheaper than we: which forceth the English to Victual there also.  
3. All Irish Cattle which formerly came unto England, and for which they carried out no Money, but took of our Manufactures in return, are carried to other places beyond Seas, and from thence fetch the Commodities wherewith we before the prohibition supplied them. So that the Traders in Lancashire, Cheshire, and other Northern parts, where the Breeding-Lands lie, their Loss is greater for want of a Consumption of the Manufactures of those Countries which formerly were sent into Ireland, than the Advantage they receive by advancing the price of Lean-cattels doth amount unto.  
4. It hath enforced the Irish for to lessen their Herds of , and increase their breed of Sheep, having gotten of our largest and best Breeders: So that they have now Vast Flocks, and prodigious quantities of Wool, besides Hides and Tallow: which proves mischievous to England three ways. 

1. By their sending Wool beyond Seas unmanufactured; which notwithstanding the Prohibition, every day they do, which being manufactured by Foreigners, they grow rich thereby, whilst our poor in England starve for want of the work they had when they were Employed in manufacturing for a Foreign Consumption.  
2. By sending their Hides, Tallow, and Wool in great quantities into England: which, for want of a Consumption here, bring down the price of our own growth.  
3. By setting up the Woollen Manufacturies in Ireland, where having the Wool, Land, and all Provisions cheaper than in England, they must necessarily have their Workmen cheaper; and if so, they will be able to make enough, not only for their own use, but, to supply Foreigners also with that which England used to supply them with heretofore; which, in a short time, if not prevented, will undermine the Staple and most Advantageous Trade of this Kingdom. It is the Interest of England, being the Seat of Government, to maintain a preeminence in the Trade, and to see that the Manufacturies thereof be preserved entire within itself: Otherwise by how much the more Ireland is Improved, by so much the more England will be Impaired therein. For they, working cheaper, lying nearer Foreign Markets, and their freight being less, do what we can, will underfell us, where ever they come; whereby our Manufacturies will be destroyed, and Manufacturers, with their Families, be Ruined.     
It is observable, 1. That the Trade with Ireland kept three or four hundred ships in full employ; which were paid by the Irish Freighters there and occasioned the breeding many Seamen yearly; but now all those ships are laid aside, the breed of Scamen neglected, and that Trade managed in Foreign Bottoms.  
2. That the  and Sheep formerly imported, by Computation amounted unto a Million of Money per Annum.  
3. That they carried no Money out of England; but the effect of their  was all laid out in our Manufacturies, or other Commodities Imported into England, and from thence sent to Ireland: and the King had a Custom paid both upon the Importation and Exportation, and also for every head of Cattle brought over.  
The Irish being now Prohibited this Trade, are necessitated to send all their Victuals to Foreign parts, where they sell them for more than we paid for them, and buy what ever they want Cheaper than they had them from us; by which means they will be concerned to take no Commodities from England.  
Nor can they Trade with us, if they would, because they have no way to pay for what they buy, unless they bring over Money in Specie, to the mischief of that Kingdom; or by Bills of Fxchange, which cannot be had under 15 or 16 per Cens. which is double the profit gotten by those that Trade with them. That Exchange of moneys thence is very high, Gentlemen whose Estates are Returned over, do find, and by reason thereof are forced to retrench a fixth part of their Expenses here: which is a further lessening to the Consumption of the Manufacturies & Provisions of this Kingdom, and of Trade with them: which is further dangerous; for, if we send Goods, they having a new Trade to Foreign parts, we must send our Stocks thither; So that if any loss happen, it is the English that undergo it.  
Ireland's being peopled from England was at first a hurt to us, because it lessened the Consumption of our Provisions here. But to prohibit them Trade with us is ten times worse: for, that not only takes off the Consumption they used to make of our Manufactures, but destroys all those Families in England that used to be Employed for their supply: So that they can neither spend of the Provisions nor Manufacturies of this Kingdom as formerly they did.  
And besides these Handicraft-men, there are many Eminent Trades in London, as Mercers, Milliners, Haberdashers, &c, suffer greatly: for, when Fashions were out here, they used to send them into Ireland in return for their Cattle, and they went off as new there: for want of which utterance, many of those Tradesmen, by reason of the often changing of Fashions amongst us, have been, and are daily undone.  
There is one other high Inconveniency like to fall upon England by this Prohibition, which hath put Ireland upon Industry: For some part of Ireland lying nearer to France, Italy, and Spain than England doth; and so the Irish having Salt from France, and Cask, and men's Labour, and all Tackle for Fishing being cheaper there than we have here, do set up the Fishing Trade there, from whence they need but one Wind to carry them to their Markets; and they catch the Fish six weeks before they come into England. If so, than what hinders but that they may cure them, and supply Foreign Markets sooner and cheaper than we can? which in time will destroy the Fisheries of this Kingdom.  
Not but that Ireland should have its proper Advantages, and may, if they please; there being many additional Manufactures that both they and we want, to which the nature of that Soil, and the inclination of the People, giveth encouragement; particularly that of Linen, the greatest part of the Country being Turf-Land, and naturally proper for Hemp and Flax; and being employed to that use, (with due regulations) those Commodities may be had cheaper there, and from thence, than from any other part of the World; which would be a great encouragement to the setting up of the Manufactures thereof. It must necessarily be cheaper, because Land is far cheaper there, than in those Parts from whence we have our Hemp and Flax: and what we fetch, comes charged with great Freight and Customs: Which might be saved if the Commodity were fetched from Ireland. What then would there be wanting, but a method to manufacture this Commodity cheaper? Which done, that place may supply, not only England, but all Europe with Linnen-Cloth, at easier rates than now they pay for the same. And if so, what hinders but that they may engross the whole Linnen-Trade, and quickly grow rich? And that they may manufacture cheaper there, consider, that in this part of the World there cannot be found a place where people may live cheaper, have Lands at easier Rates than in Ireland; so then consequently, no place in the World where people work for less than there. If then the Commodity to be wrought, and the working of that Commodity be cheaper in Ireland than in any other Part, the Manufacturies, when wrought, may be sold from thence cheaper than from any other part; and this would bring Trade thither, take away no more of the Stock of this Nation, than is absolutely necessary for the supply of our Necessities. And it would be a great advantage to the Kingdom to be furnished with that within ourselves which we necessarily want, and are enforced to depend upon Foreigners for.  
In short, the Prohibition of Irish , puts them on a necessity, (for something they must do with their , and the product of their Lands, or be utterly destroyed) that necessity forceth them to Industry; which Industry, if not determined with us, but continued or encouraged with Foreigners, the more industrious they are, the more pernicious it will be to England in all its concerns. For, if the Irish, by reason of their Religion, and the sense of our conquering them, have (as some affirm, and I and all Englishmen have good reason to believe) a natural antipathy against us Englishmen, and as natural an Affection and Sympathy to and with Foreigners, who are of their own Persuasion and Religion; And if Nations grow Intimate, espouse Interest, and mix by Trade and Commerce, it is humbly submitted, whether for the security of England, both in its Government and Trade, it be not adviseable to annex Ireland as a Province to England, as our Islands abroad are annexed, whereby his Majesty's Revenue of Customs would be advanced at least 80000 l. per annum, which would help to pay the Public Debts, and do a public good to the Nation?  
Concerning the Importation of Westphalia-Hams, I have only this to say, That though Prohibited, yet they are Imported, the King loseth the Custom of them which formerly he had, the Merchants buy them far cheaper beyond Seas than ever they did; in England the Subjects pay twice as much as they might have bought them for before the Prohibition; and not any good is done to the Kingdom thereby.   

VI  
THe Sixth thing proposed, is, the Prohibition of Brandy, Mum, Coffee, Chocoletta and Tea, and the suppressing Coffe-Houses.  
These greatly hinder the Consumption of Barley, Malt and Wheat, the Product of our Land, and thereby bring down the prices of these Grains, consequently the Rents of Land; to the ruin of Tenants, who cannot sell their Corn, when they have it; and of Landlords, whose Rents Tenants are not able to pay, because they have no vent for the Product of their Farms.  
There is (as I am (upon strict Enquiry of the most knowing persons) informed) so vast a quantity of Brandy, Mum, Coffee, Ten and Spanish Chocoletta, every year imported into England, and consumed here, that reckoning the Brandy to be sold at two pence the Quartern, and no more (whereas most of it by retail is sold for three pence) the Mum at six pence a Quart, and the Coffee, Tea, Chocoletta, at the rates they are usually sold for, yet is there expended by the Subjects yearly in these drinks above 400000 l.  
If these Liquors were prohibited, then would there be made in England, with our Wheat, or Malt, such quantities of Brandy, or a Spirit equal to it, and of Mum also, as would, in all probability, occasion the Consumption of at least two or three hundred thousand Quarters of Wheat and Malt every year more than now is consumed; and that would raise the price of the Commodity, and thereby keep up the Rent of Lands, which every year falls for want of a Consumption of the Product thereof: And the Prohibition of Brandy would be otherwise advantageous to the Kingdom, and prevent the destruction of His Majesty's Subjects; many of whom have been killed by drinking thereof, it not agreeing with their Constitutions. How many instances have we had yearly of men's dying suddenly, after drinking of Brandy! How many after over-drinking themselves with this Liquor, have lain languishing till they have died thereof! Before Brandy (which is now become common, and sold in every little Alehouse) came over into England in such quanties as now it doth, we drank good Strong Beer and Ale; and all laborious people (which are the far greatest part of the Kingdom) their bodies requiring, after hard labour, some strong drink to refresh them, did therefore every morning and evening use to drink a pot of Ale, or a flagon of strong Beer: which greatly promoted the Consumption of our own Grain, and did them no great prejudice; it hindered not their work, neither did it take away their senses, nor cost them much money. But now this sort of people, since Brandy is become so common, and fold in every little house (a small quantity costing them three pence) do sometimes spend their days wages in this sort of Liquor, before they get home in an evening, and thereby impoverish their Families; and not only so, but frequently by their drinking to excess, they are bereft of their senses for two or three days together, so that they cannot work.  
In short, Brandy burns the hearts of His Majesty's Subjects out; in few years it hath been the destruction and death of some thousands, who if they had kept to Beer and Ale might have received better refreshment therefrom, and now been living to have served the King and their Country, and might have helped to consume the Manufactures and Provisions of the Kingdom. And if so, then what reason can any man give for the Importation thereof? For my own part I declare, I know of none, unless it he, because it pays a great Custom or Excise to the King And as to that, I answer and affirm. That if Brandy be prohibited, the Excise of the Beer and Ale that would be then consumed, more than is now, will more than answer the duty of Brandy that the King shall lose by such Prohibition as is desired (admitting that all the Brandy imported paid the duty imposed, when as not one half thereof is paid for, the same being stolm; insomuch, that when the duty to the King was four shillings per Gallon, Brandy was sold for three shillings, which was twelve pence less than the King's Duty:) But admitting that if Brandy should be prohibited, the additional Excise of Ale and Beer would not answer the Kings lose he shall sustain thereby; and taking it for granted, that our English Constitutions are now so accustomed to Brandy, that it is become absolutely necessary for them to use the same, or some Liquor like it: If it be so, then from our Malt and Wheat may be extracted a Spirit equally as good, if not for our Constitutions much better than Brandy: And then laying a small duty (as a penny a Gallon) upon low Wines, will more than answer what the additional Excise shall fall short of to the King, yea, and very much exceed what he shall lose by the Prohibition desired. And in as much as nothing is so much wanting in England as people; Therefore all means possible, in point of Prudence and Policy, aught to be used to preserve the lives and healths of those we have: But the Importing of Brandy hath destroyed many, is like to destroy more; ergo, it ought to be prohibited. And the rather, in regard that Brandy comes from France; and whatever we import from France, ready money is paid for the same, or for the greatest part thereof: For although we impose but between Four and Ten pound per cent. upon any of the Manufacturies or Commodities of the growth of France, except the duty upon Wine and Brandy; yet the French King either prohibits the Importation of the Manufactures of England into his Dominions, or the selling them there, unless they be sealed, for which Seal, a great duty is paid, or else he burns them if they are imported, and sold without such Seal (as he did the Silk Stockings) or imposeth upon the Importation thereof, a duty of 30, 40, or 50 l. per cent. which is double as muchas was imposed, till within these few years last passed; and is in effect a Prohibition: For, when we do Transport any thing thither of our Growth or Manufacturies, the French, by reason of the high duty imposed upon them, undersell us; whereby we are necessitated to keep our goods till spoilt, or bring them back. And if so, them plain it is, that whatsoever we have from France, ready money goes for the same: So that by a moderate computation, they have at least 400000 l. per annum in money from us▪ which is a vast prejudice to England, and a great enriching to France who impose upon us, not only vast proportions of their Brandy and Wines, but also of their Silks, Stuffs, Ribbons, Laces, Points, and divers other things, whereby our Manufacturers in England are ruined, and the Treasure of the Nation exhausted. I know it will be said, that we lay far greater Impositions upon their Wines and Brandy, than they do upon any of our Manufactures, and it is true, that we do so. But consider, that whatever duty we lay upon Wines, is laid upon the King of England's own Subjects, they pay it, and such duty doth not hinder the Importation thereof; for more comes in now then ever there did when the duty was not half so high, and the French force the English to pay more for their Wines than ever they paid before. But the Impositions laid by the King of France upon our Manufactures, have stopped us from sending any thing considerable thither, whereas before such duties imposed, we sent great quantities: So that in a few years, if not prevented, the very Commerce with France is like to destroy England. As for Brunswick Mum, I am sure we brew as strong in England as they do there, and yet afford to sell it for half the price they sell theirs for; therefore there is no necessity of the Importation thereof, to supply any defect we have here, consequently, 'tis not fit to be encouraged, because it hinders the Consumption of the Grain of this Kingdom.  
And for Coffee, Ten and Chocoletta, I know no good they do; only the places where they are sold are convenient for persons to meet in, sit half a day, and discourse with all Companies that come in, of State-matters, talking of news, and broaching of lies, arraigning the judgements and discretions of their Governors, censuring all their Counsels, and insinuating into the people a prejudice against them; extolling and magnifying their own parts, knowledge and wisdom, and decrying that of their▪ Rulers; which, if suffered too long, may prove pernicious and destructive. But say there were nothing of this in the case, yet have these Coffee Houses done great mischiefs to the Nation, undone many of the King's Subjects; for they being very great Enemies to Diligence and Industry, have been the ruin of many serious and hopeful young Gentlemen and Tradesmen, who before they frequented these places, were diligent Students or Shopkeepers, extraordinary husbands of their time, as well as money: but since these Houses have been set up, under pretence of good husbandry, to avoid spending above one penny or two pence at a time, have got to these Coffee Houses; where meeting Friends, they have sat talking three or four hours, after which a fresh acquaintance appearing (and so one after another all day long) hath begotten fresh discourse; So that frequently they have stayed five or six hours together in one of them: All which time their Studies or Shops have been neglected, their Business left undone, their Servants been trusted, and an opportunity given them thereby to be idle and deceitful; the taking of money in many of these men's shops hath been hindered, and their Customers gone away displeased: How many by these means have received great losses and disadvantages in their Trade! and by accustoming themselves to these houses, have made it so habitual to them, that they cannot forbear them, though, together with their Families, they are ruined thereby. These Houses being very many of them professed Bawdy Houses, more expensive than other houses, are become scandalous for a man to be seen in them; which Gentlemen not knowing, do frequently fall into them by chance, and so their Reputation is drawn into question thereby.   

VII.  
THe Seventh Proposal, That the multitude of Stage-Coaches and Caravans, now travelling upon the Roads, may all, or most of them, be suppressed; especially these within 40, 50, or 60 Miles of London, where they are no way necessary. And that a due Regulation be made of such as shall be thought fit to be continued.  
These Coaches and Caravans are one of the greatest mischiefs that hath happened of late years to the Kingdom, mischievous to the Public, destructive to Trade, and prejudicial to Lands.  

First; By destroying the Breed of good Horses, the Strength of the Nation, and making Men careless of attaining to good Horsemanship, a thing so useful and commendable in a Gentleman.  
Secondly; By hindering the Breed of Watermen, who are the Nursery for Seamen, and they the Bulwark of the Kingdom.  
Thirdly; By lessening of his Majesty's Revenues.   
For the first of these; Stage-Coaches prevent the breed of good Horses, destroy those that are bred, and effeminate his Majesty's Subjects, who having used themselves to travel in them, have neither attained skill themselves, nor bred up their Children to good Horsemanship, whereby they are rendered uncapable of serving their Country on Horseback, if occasion should require and call for the same; for, hereby the become weary and listless when they ride a few miles, and unwilling to get on Horseback; not able to endure Frost, Snow, or Rain, or to lodge in the Fields; and what reason, save only their using themselves so tenderly, and their riding in these Stage-Coaches, can be given for this their inability?  
What encouragement hath any Man to breed Horses whilst these Coaches are continued? There is such a lazy habit of body upon Men, that they, to indulge themselves, save their fine , and keep themselves clean and dry, will ride lolling in one of them, and endure all the Inconveniences of that manner of travelling rather than ride on Horseback: So that if any Man should continue his Breed, he must be one that is a great lover of them, and resolve to keep and please his own fancy with them; otherwise most certainly he (as most Breeders already have done) will give over his breeding.  
There is not the fourth part of Saddle-Horses, either bred or kept now in England, that was before these Coaches were set up, and would be again if they were suppressed. Nor is there any occasion for breeding or keeping such Horses, whilst the Coaches are continued.  
For, will any Man keep a Horse for himself, and another for his Man, all the year, for to ride one or two Journeys, that at pleasure, when he hath occasion, can slip to any place where his business lies, for two, three, or four shillings, if within twenty miles of London, and so proportionably into any part of England. No, there is no Man, unless some Noble Soul, that scorns and abhors being confined to so ignoble, base, and a sordid way of travelling, as these Coaches oblige him unto, and who prefers a public Good before his own ease and advantage, that will breed or keep such Horses. Neither are there near so many Coach-Horses either bred or kept in England now, as there were Saddle-Horses formerly, there being no occasion for them, the Kingdom being supplied with a far less number. For, formerly, every Man that had occasion to travel many Journeys yearly, or to ride up and down, kept Horses for himself and Servants, and seldom rid without one or two Men; But now since every Man can have a passage into every place he is to travel unto, or to some place within a few miles of that part he designs to go unto, They have left keeping of Horses, and travel without Servants; And York, Chester, and Exeter Stage-Coaches, each of them with forty Horses a piece, carry eighteen Passengers a week from London to either of these places; and in like manner as many in return from these places to London; which comes in the whole to 1872 in the year. Now take it for granted, That all that are carried from London to those places, are the same that are brought back, yet are there 936 Passengers carried by forty Horses; whereas were it not for these Coaches, at least 500 Horses would be required to perform this Work. Take the sort Stages within twenty or thirty miles of London, each Coach with four Horses carries six Passengers a day, which are 36 in a week, 1872 a year; If these Coaches were suppressed, can any Man imagine these 1872 Passengers and their Servants could be carried by four Horses? Then reckon your Coaches within ten miles of London, that go backward and forward every day, and they carry double the number every year; and so proportionably your shorter Stages within three, four, or five miles of London.  
There are Stage-Coaches that go to almost every Town within 20 or 25 miles of London, wherein Passengers are carried at so low Rates, that most persons in and about London, and in Middlesex, Essex, Kent, and Surry, Gentlemen, Merchants, and other Traders that have occasion to ride do make use of; some to keep Fairs and Markets; others to visit Friends, and to, and from their Country-houses, or about other business, who before these Coaches did set up, kept a Horse or two of their own, but now have given over keeping the same; so that by computation there are not so many by ten thousand Horses kept now in these Parts, as there were before Stage-Coaches set up: By which means breeding of good Pad-Nags is discouraged, and Coach-Horses that are bred, by cruelty and ill usage of Stagers are destroyed.  
2ly, Those Coaches hinder the breeding of Watermens, and much discourage those that are bred; for there being Stage-Coaches set up unto every little Town upon the River of Thames, on both sides the Water, from London as high as Windsor and Maidenhead, etc. And so from London-Bridg to and below Gravesend, and also to every little Town within a mile or two of the Waterside. These are they who carry all the Letters, little Bundles, and Passengers, which before they set up, were carried by Water, and kept Watermens in a full Employ, and occasioned their increase, (whereof there never was more need than now); And yet by these Coaches, they of all others are most discouraged and dejected, especially our Western and below-Bridg Watermens; they having little or nothing to do, sometimes not a Fare in a week; so that they dare not take Apprentices, the Work they have not answering the charge they are at in keeping themselves and Families. The consequence whereof is like to prove sad in a short time, unless speedily prevented, especially if these Wars continue, and we happen to lose so many yearly of those that are bred, as of late years we have done. But if these Coaches were down, Watermens as formerly would have Work, and be encouraged to take Apprentices, whereby their number would every year greatly increase.  
3ly, It prejudiceth his Majesty in his Revenue of Excise: For now four or five travel in a Coach together, and twenty or thirty in a Caravan, Gentlemen and Ladies, without any Servants, consume little Drink on the Road, yet pay as much at every Inn, as if their Servants were with them, which is the Tapster's gain, and his Majesty's loss: But if Travellers would, as formerly they did, Travel on Horseback, than no Persons of Quality would ride without their Servants: And it is they that occasion the Consumption of Beer and Ale on the Roads, and so would advance his Majesty's Revenue. I know it will be Objected, There are as many People now as will be when Coaches are down, and they drink where every they are; Therefore no matter whether they drink at Home or on the Road, since the Consumption will be the same; how can the King's Revenue then be advanced by Servants travelling with their Masters or Mistresses, more than it is already? The answer is plain; at home they drink small or strong drink brewed by their Masters that pay no Excise, but whatever they drink at Inns pays the King's duties: And all Innkeepers do declare, that they sell not half the drink, nor pay the King ½ the Excise they did before these coaches set up.  
2ly. These Coaches and Caravaus are destructive to the Trade and Manufactories of the Kingdom, have impoverished and ruined many thousands of Families, whose subsistence depended upon the Manufacturing of Wool and Leather, two of the Staple-Commodities of the Kingdom: For, before these Coaches were set up, Travellers road on Horseback, and men had Boots, Spurs, Saddles, Bridles, Sadle-clothes, and good riding Suits, Coats and Cloaks, Stockings and Hats; whereby the Wool and Leather of the Kingdom was consumed, and the poor people set at work by Carding, Combing, Spinning, Knitting, Weaving, Fulling: And your Cloth Workers, Drapers, Tailors, Saddlers, Tanners, Curriers, Shoemakers, Spurriers, Lorayners, Feltmakers, had a good employ, were full of work, got money, lived handsomely, and helped with their Families to Consume the Provisions and Manufactures of the Kingdoms: But by means of these Coaches, these Trades, besides many others depending upon them, are become almost useless▪ and they, with their Families, reduced to great necessity; insomuch, that many thousands of them are cast upon the Parishes wherein they dwell, for a Maintenance. Besides, it is a great hurt to the Girdlers, Sword-Cutlers, Gunsmiths and Trunk-makers; most Gentlemen, before they traveled in their Coaches, using to ride with Swords, Belts, Pistols, Holsters, Portmanteaus and Hat-cases, which in these Coaches they have little or no occasion for: For, when they road on Horseback, they road in one Suit, carried another to wear when they came to their journey's end, or lay by the way: But in Coaches, a Silk-Suit, and an Indian Gown, with a Sash, Silk-Stockings, Beaver-Hats men ride in, and carry no other with them, because they escape the wet and dirt, which on Horseback they cannot avoid; whereas in two or three journeys on Horseback, these  and hats were wont to be spoiled: Which done, they were forced to have new very often; and that increased the Consumption of the Manufactures, and the employment of the Manufacturers, which travelling in Coaches doth no way do. And if they were women, that traveled, they used to have Safeguards, and Hoods, Side-saddles and Pillions, with Strappins, Saddle or Pillion-cloths, which (for the most part) were either laced or embroidered; to the making of which there went many several Trades, seeing there is not one Side-Saddle with the furniture made, but before it be furnished, there are at least thirty several Trades have a share in the making thereof, most of which are either destroyed, or greatly prejudiced by the Abatement of their Trade: Which being bred unto, and having served seven years' Apprenticeship to learn, they know not what other course to take for a Livelihood. And besides all these Inferior Handycraftsmen, there are the Mercers, Silkmen, Lace-Men, Milliners, Linen and Woollen Drapers, Haberdashers, and divers other Eminent Trades, that receive great prejudice by this way of Travelling: For the Mercers sold Silk and Stuff in great quantities for Safeguards, Hoods, and Riding Clothes for women; by which means the Silk-Twisters, Winders, Throseters, Weavers and Dyers, had a fuller Employment, the Silk-men sold-more Lace and Embroidery, which kept the Silver-Wyre-Drawers, Lace-makers and Imbroyderers. And at least ten Trades more were employed: The Linen-draper sold more Linen, not only to Saddlers to make up Saddles, but to Travellers for their own use, nothing wearing out Linen more than riding. Woollen-drapers' sold more Cloth than now; Saddlers used before these Coaches were set up, to buy 3 or 400 l. worth of Cloth apiece in a year, nay some Five hundred and a Thousand pounds worth, which they cut out into Saddles and Pillion-Cloths; though now there is no Saddler can dispose of One hundred pounds worth of Cloth in a year in his Trade. The Milliners and Haberdashers, they also sold more Ribbons, Gloves, Hoods, Scarves, and other things belonging to their Trade; the dust, dirt and rain, and riding on Horseback, spoiling and wearing them out, much more than travelling in a Coach: And on Horseback these things were apt to be lost than in a Coach.  
Trade is a great Mystery, and one Trade depends upon another: Were it not too tedious, I could show you how many several Trades there are that go to the making of every one of the things aforementioned, and demonstrate, that there is scarcely a Trade in England, but what is one way or other concerned and prejudiced by these Stage-Coaches, especially the Countrey-Trade all over England: For, passage to London being so easy, Gentlemen come to London oftener than they need, and their Ladies either with them, or having the conveniencies of these Coaches, quickly follow them. And when they are there, they must be in the Mode, have all the new Fashions, buy all their  there, and go to Plays, Balls and Treats, where they get such a habit of Jollity, and a love to Gaiety and Pleasure, that nothing afterwards. in the Country will serve them, if ever they should fix their minds to live there again: But they must have all from London, whatever it costs.  
And there is one grand mischief happens to the Country thereby; for Gentlemen drain the Country of all the money they can get, bring it to London, and spend it there: Whereas if they stayed at home, bought their  and other Commodities, of their Neighbours, money would be kept circulating amongst them; and Chapmen that have served Apprenticeships, and set up near them, would have a good Trade, pay their Rents, and live handsomely, the Trade betwixt them and the City of London would be renewed, Country Ladies would be as well pleased (provided they be kept from London) as if they had all the rich Clothes, Modes and Fashions, vainly and extravagantly invented and worn in the City, assoon as they have them there; and Gentlemen would not only save the money they spend in Journeys to buy , but have as good as need to be worn in the Country, at easier rates than they must pay at London, if they buy when the Fashion comes first up.  
3ly. These Coaches and Caravans, hinders the Consumption of all sort of Provisions for Man and Beast, thereby bringing down the Rents of Lands. For instance, a Coach with four Horses carries six Passengers, a Caravan with four or five Horses, carries twenty or five and twenty: These, when they come to their Inn, club together for a Dish or two of Meat, and having no Servants with them, spend not above twelve pence, or sixteen pence apiece at a place; yet perhaps foul four, five or six pair of sheets. Horses they have none, but what draw them; and for those, the Coachmen agree with the Innkeeper before hand, to have their Hay and Oats at so low a rate, that he loseth by them, and is forced to beat down the price of them in the Market, yet must let the Coachman have them for what he pleaseth; otherwise he carries his Passengers to other Inns: by which means the Inholders get little or nothing, cannot pay their Rent, nor hold their Inns, without great Abatements; Two third parts of what they formerly paid, is in some places abated. Upon such accounts as these, Innholders where these Coaches do come, are undone: And if so, since most Travellers travel in Coaches, what must become of all the rest of the Inns on the Roads where these Coaches stay not? Believe it, they are a considerable number, take all the grand Roads in England, as, York, Exeter, Chester, etc. There are about 500 Inns on each Road, and these Coaches do not call at fifteen or sixteen of them; then what can follow, but that the rest be undone, and their Landlords lose their Rents?  
But were these Coaches and Caravans down, and travelling on Horseback again come into fashion, first, every Passenger that now travels in Coach, would have one Horse at least; many of them, one, two or three Servants with them, who now ride sneaking without any Attendants at all; whereby, in all probability, according to moderate Computation, there would be at least forty or fifty horses upon the Road, instead of nine or ten that draw the Coach and Caravan.  
2ly. These Travellers would disperse themselves into the several Inns upon the Road, each man where he could find the best Entertainment; whereby Trade would be diffused, Innholders be enabled to pay their Rents, and encouraged to provide accommodations fit for the reception of Gentlemen.  
3. Most Horses go to grass in the Summer time, which would raise the Rents of Pasture-Lands about Cities and Corporations, and other Towns upon the Roads, above what formerly they were; which of late years, by means of those Coaches, have fallen half in half, even in Middlesex, and other places adjoining to London itself: And n● other reason for it can be given but this, That Citizens and Gentlemen about the City, do not keep Horses as formerly they did: Neither doth there now come a fixth part of the Horses to London that used to do; but if Stage Coaches be suppressed, there will be a necessity for men to apply themselves to the breeding, keeping and using Horses as formerly they did; and it will necessarily occasion the Consumption of five times the quantity of Hay, Straw and Horse-Corn that now is consumed; whereby Farmers will have a vent for their Commodities, and be enabled to pay their Rents; for, not only will there then be four times the number of Horses travelling upon the Roads as there are now, but in the City of London, and all the great Towns in England, there would be great numbers of good Horses kept by Gentlemen, Merchants and Tradesmen for their own uses; and by others also, to let out to hire to such as shall have occasion to ride, and keep not Horses of their own.  
It is very observable, that before these Coaches were set up, what with the Horses kept by Merchants, and other Tradesmen, and Gentlemen in or near London, and the Traveller's Horses that came to London, That City spent all the Hay, Straw, Beans, Pease, and Oats, that could be spared within twenty or thirty miles thereof; And for a further supply, had vast quantities from Henly, and other Western parts, and from below Gravesend by Water; besides many Ships Lading of Beans from Hull, and of Oats from Lynn and Boston; and then Oats, and Hay, and other Horse-Meat, would bear a good price in that Market, which was the Standard for all the Markets in England; But now, since these Coaches set up, especially in such multitudes, and those so nigh London, London cannot consume what grows within twenty miles of it. But if they were down, the Consumption in London would quickly be as great as ever, and that would raise the price of the Commodities, advance the price of Lands, and cause Rents to be well paid again; Not only would every Traveller that now rides in a Coach, travel on Horseback, if Coaches were down, and some of them with two or three Servants, and so occasion a greater Consumption of the Provisions for : But further every of these several Travellers, who before clubbed together for a Dish or two of Meat, would have one, two, or three Dishes of Meat for himself and his Servants; which would occasion the Consumption of six times as much Beef, Veal, Mutton, Lamb, and all sorts of Fish, Fowl, Poultry, and other Provisions, as is now consumed on the Roads: And such Consumption would raise the price of Lands, and cause better payment of Rents; especially if it be considered, That not only will the Consumption be increased by those that travel the Roads; but ten-times more would be spent by those who would be employed in the making those things that Travellers must have when they ride; who, if they have work, and can earn Money, will Eat and Drink of the best, as formerly they did, when several Handicraft Tradesmen in London kept 20, 30, or 40 Journeymen at work, spent a quarter of Beef, and a Carcase of Mutton in a week in their Houses; who since these Coaches set up, have fallen to a couple of Apprentices; and though as eminent of their Trade as any about London, yet can hardly earn Bread to put into their heads. If it be so then, that Running Stage-Coaches and Caravans are so injurious to the Public, destructive to Trade, and the occasion of the fall of Rents, it would be worth time to consider what is in them worthy of their being countenanced and desired; And whether the Inconveniencies be not much greater than the Conveniencies men receive by them. If this way of travelling were the way that of all ways appeared most beneficial, least expensive, conducing to Health, advantageous to men in their business, absolutely necessary to some, useful to others, and imposed upon none; There were some reason for men's being in love with them; but if the contrary be apparent, then what madness possesseth men to court their Inconveniencies and Mischiefs? Let us examine these things.  
Men receive not the greatest benefit by travelling in these Coaches▪ For can that way be beneficial to any that hinders and destroys Trade, prevents the Consumption of the Provisions and Manufactures of the Kingdom, and thereby lours the Rents of Landlords?  
For First, Can a Gentleman receive benefit or advantage by saving 5 l. per Ann. in a journey, when by his manner of travelling he lours his own Rents three times as much in a year as he saves by his Journeys, by countenancing that kind of conveyance that hinders the Consumption of the products of his own Estate, and thereby makes his Tenants unable to pay their Rents?  
2ly, Is it to be believed, That a Tradesman arrives at any profit by these Coaches, though he should save a little Money when he rides in them, that he must necessarily expend if he travels on Horseback? No, for this manner of travelling hinders the Sale of those Commodities they deal in; of which much more would be consumed than is, if such Coaches were down, and by the Sale whereof they would get much more than they save by confining themselves to travelling as aforesaid; so that plainly it is their interest to promote that way of travelling, that tends to the greatest Consumption of the Manufacturies or Commodities wherein they deal.  
3ly, The Husbandmen, who live by the sweat of their Brows, in manuring the Estates of the Gentry, they are undone by this easy carriage; for it hinders their selling their Corn, Hay, and Straw, and other the products of their Farms, and brings down the price of what they sell, thereby rendering them unable to pay their Rents, or to hold their Farms without considerable abatements: which if not given them, their Lands are thrown up into the Landlord's hands, and little or no benefit made by them.  
4ly, The Graziers, they complain for want of a Vent for their , which they had before these Coaches were erected; Not that I do imagine Coaches to be the only reason of the want of that Consumption, though it be evident they go far in the promoting that mischief; for the want of People in England, the loss of many thousands from amongst us of late years, and the leaving of eating off Suppers by those that are left alive, go a great way therein. But these two may be easily remedied; The former by the General Act of Naturalisation, and Liberty of Conscience, proposed before, which would bring all Foreigners in amongst us; The latter, by men's spending less in Taverns, Plays, and Balls, and keeping up in lieu thereof, the ancient laudable Customs of England, of good House-keeping, and thereby relieving the Poor. Half the Money that Gentlemen idly spend in Taverns upon French Wines, for which the Coin of the Kingdom is exhausted, or upon Plays, Bills, treating Mistresses, fine Clothes, Toys from France, or other Foreign parts, would defray the charges of having good Suppers every night; whereby the product of our own Lands would be consumed, and that would raise Rents: Nay, I am verily persuaded, if it were duly considered, and that all men, as formerly, would fall to eating of Suppers, at least to dressing of them; and when dressed, if they eat not themselves, would give them to the Poor, the increase of the Consumption would raise the Rents of Lands, as much above what now they do go at (at least in most places of England) as would defray the charges of those Suppers; If so, would it not then be of great advantage to Men in their Estates, and to the Kingdom in general?  
But to proceed; If the Gentlemen, the Tradesmen, the Husbandmen, the Grazier, be not benefited by this travelling, I am sure the last sort of Travellers; To wit,  
The Poor, they cannot be profited thereby; For Wagons, or the Long Coaches first invented, and still in use, would be most for their interest to travel in, being far less expensive than the other; so that these Running Coaches are not most beneficial to every sort of Travellers.  
Secondly, Men do not travel in these Coaches with less expense of Money or Time than on Horseback: For, on Horseback they may travel faster; and if they please (all things duly considered) with as little, if not less charges.  
For instance, From London to Exeter, Chester, or York, you pay 40 shillings apiece in Summer time, 45 shillings in Winter for your Passage; and as much from those places back to London: besides, in the Journey they change Coachmen four times; and there are few Passengers but gives 12 pence to each Coachman at the end of his Stage, which comes to 8 shillings in the Journey backward and forward, and at least 3 shillings comes to each Passengers share to pay for the coachmen's Drink on the Road; so that in Summer time the Passage backward and forward to any of these places, costs 4 l. 11 s. in the Winter 5 l 1 s. and this only for eight days riding in the Summer, and 12 in the Winter. Then when the Passengers come to London, they must have Lodgings, which perhaps may cost them five or six shillings a week, and that in fourteen day's amounts unto 10 or 12 s. which makes the 4 l. 11 s. either 5 l. 1 s. or 5 l. 3 s. or the 5 l. 1 s. 5 l. 11 s. or 5 l. 13 s. besides the inconveniency of having Meat from the Cooks, at double the price they might have it for in Inns. But if Stage-Coaches were down, and men traveled again as formerly on Horseback, then when they came into their Inns they would pay nothing for Lodgings; And as there would excellent Horses be bred and kept by Gentlemen for their own use, so would there be by others that would keep them on purpose to Let; which would, as formerly, be let at 10 or 12 s. per week, and in many places for 6, 8, or 9 s. per week: but admitting the lowest price to be 12 s. if a Man comes from York, Exeter, or Chester, to London, be five days a coming, five days going, and stay twelve days in London to dispatch his business, (which is the most that Country Chapmen usually to stay) all this would be but three weeks; so that his Horse-hire would come but to 1 l. 16 s. his Horse-meat at 1 s. 2 d. a day, (one with another) which is the highest that can be reckoned upon, and will come but to 1 l. 5 s. in all 3 l. 1 s. so that there would be at least 40 or 50 s. saved of what Coach-hire and Lodgings will cost him; which would go a great way in paying for Riding-Clothes, Stockings, Hats, Boots, Spurs, and other Accoutrements for riding; and in my poor opinion, would be far better spent in the buying of these things, by the making whereof the poor would be set at work, and kept from being burdensome to the Parish, than to give it to those Stage-Coachmen, to indulge that lazy, idle, habit of Body, that men, by constant riding in these Coaches, have brought upon themselves: Besides, if thus their Money were spent, they would save a great deal, which now (if Men of any Estates) they pay for relief of those poor, who, for want of the work they had before those Coaches were set up, and might have again if they were put down, are fallen upon the several Parishes wherein they live, for maintenance: which charge would be quickly taken off if they were restored to their work. Thus in proportion may a Man save from all longer or shorter Stages. For instance, from Northampton men pay for passage in Coach to London 16 s. and so much back; from Bristol 25 s. from Bath 20 s. from Salisbury 20 or 25 s. from Redding 7 s. the like sums back, and so in proportion for longer or shorter Stages. Judge them, whether men may not hire Horses cheaper than 5 s. a day; I am sure they may for half the money, especially if Coaches were down, that men might receive encouragement; for, then there would be, as formerly, in all great Cities and Towns of England, good and sufficient numbers of able Horses kept to Let, and such a correspondency would be between all the places, that a Man in any Town shall have a Horse to ride to what place he pleaseth, and liberty to leave him when he comes to his Journeys end, without farther charge, till he have dispatched his business: which done, he may at the same place hire one to carry him back and be gone, without waiting a week or ten days after his Affairs are ended, at vast charges, merely for a passage in a Coach; as many of these Gentlemen are forced to do, who pretend it a point of good Husbandry to travel in them, which hazard nevertheless they run, and often find the smart of it: They never consider or account the charge thereof, if they did, they would easily perceive, that travelling in Coaches is not the way of travelling with least expense.  
Thirdly, Travelling in these Coathes can neither prove advantageous to men's Health or Business: For, what advantage is it to Man's Health, to be called out of their Beds into these Coaches, an hour before day in the morning, to be hurried in them from place to place place, till one hour, two, or three within night; insomuch that after sitting all day in the Summer time stifled with heat, and choked with the dust; or the Winter time starving and freezing with cold, or choked with filthy Fogs, they are often brought into their Inns by Torchlight, when it is too late to sit up to get a Supper; and next morning they are forced into the Coach so early, that they can get no Breakfast. What addition is this to men's Health or Business, to ride all day with strangers, oftentimes sick, ancient, diseased Persons, or young Children crying; to whose humours they are obliged to be subject, forced to bear with, and many times are poisoned with their nasty Scents, and crippled by the crowd of the Boxes and Bundles.  
Is it for a Man's Health to travel with tired Jades, to be laid fast in the foul Ways, and forced to wade up to the knees in mire; afterwards sit in the cold, till Teams of Horses can be sent to pull the Coach out? Is it for their health to travel in rotten Coaches, and to have their Tackle, or Perch, or Axletree broken, and then to wait three or four hours, sometimes half a day to have them mended again, and then to travel all night to make good their Stage? Is it for Man's pleasure or advantageous to their Healths and Business, to travel with a mixed Company that he knows not how to converse with; to be affronted by the rudeness of a surly, dogged, cursing, ill-natured Coachman, necessitated to Lodge or Bait at the worst Inns on the Road, where there is no accommodation fit for Gentlemen; and this merely because the Owners of the Inns, and the Coachmen, are agreed together to cheat the Guests?  
Is it for the advantage of Business, That a Man, when he sets out a Journey, must come just at their hour, or be left behind: so that often he is forced, when one hours staying would finish his Business, to go out of Town, leave it undone, and make a new Journey about it? Is it for advantage of a Man's Business, that though he have a Concern of great weight or moment to transact upon the Road as he goes along, yet if it lie but a stones-cast out of the Coach-way, the Coachman will not drive thither, nor stay for him at any place, except the Baiting or Lodging-places where he calls, where they change Horses; and there stay no longer than he pleases neither. To be forced, whatever accident of sickness or illness happens, to ride these coachmen's Stages, thought never so late in the night, or else to be left in the middle of a Journey in a strange place; is this for the conveniency or advantage of a Man's Healch or Business? rather the quite contrary; Yet this hath been many Persons of good Qualities case, though they have offered to pay the whole Coach-hire, all the Passengers charges, to have put into an Inn (late at night on this side the set-Stage) yet have they been denied, forced to ride, though in peril of their lives, till midnight: And it is not hard to instance in many that have lost their lives by such usage.  
All which Inconveniencies, if Stage-Coaches were suppressed, would be remedied, lazy humours be discountenanced; and a great conveniency indeed it would be, both to Travellers, and the Country through which they ride, for Men and Women to travel on Horseback again.  
For than they may, when their business is done at one place, presently take Horse and go to another, without loss of time, or staying for a passage in a Coach, set out as early in the morning, and take up as soon in the evening, and bait as long, and as often by the way, and in what places they please, make choice of their Company on the Road, avoid such as suit not with their tempers, go out of the Roads when, and travel as long or short Journeys as they please, keep out of Cold, Wet, or Fogs, and take into Inns, when the weather is not fit to travel in, and so preserve their Healths. And by this means great advantages would happen, for then all Towns, and every Inn, would have something to do, Trade would be more diffused, many poor Families in the Country would be maintained, that now are in a starving condition; Travellers would come into their Inns before Candlelight, stay in the morning till Shops open, understand the Trade of the place they are in, lay out moneys in buying things they find fit for their use, and which are of the Manufactures of the Town where they come; in some places, Silk or Worsted-Hose; in others, Lace, Gloves, Stuffs, Boots, or Shoes, Linen-cloth, and other things, which would be great relief and encouragement to the Manufacturers of those Commodities, as well as to those that buy them, and bring money to those places where they are made.  
4ly. These Coaches are not absolutely necessary to any persons whatever; for sick or aged people, or young children, if they have occasion to travel, may ride in the long Waggon-Coaches, which were those that first were set up, and are not now opposed, because they do little or no hurt: For, Gentlemen that are able to ride on horseback, keep Coaches of their own, or to hire a Coach, will not appear so sordid as to travel in them. And truly, if they be poor people that are to travel, it is not fit they should be encouraged in their pride or extravagancy, or suffered to ride amongst Gentlemen, or like persons of Honour in a Coach, with four or six horses; and for sick and aged people, and young children, these long Coaches are more convenient for them than running Coaches, if they were to be continued up; for, they travel not such long journeys, go not out so early in the morning, neither come they in so late at night; but stay by the way, travel easily, without jolting men's bodies, or hurrying them along, as the running Coaches do.  
5ly. Neither are these running Coaches useful to any, for, those that are fit to ride, or aught to be suffered to ride in them, are such, that if they have business requiring a Coach, may either keep one themselves, or hire one.  
6ly. But though these Coaches are neither absolutely necessary to some, nor useful to others, yet they are imposed upon many; for, since they set up in such multitudes, especially about London, men careless of keeping horses, knowing the certainty of passage in them, have sold them, and must therefore, when they travel, either ride in these Coaches, or not at all, there being few or no Horses kept now to let out to hire.  
If by what hath been said upon this point, it happen Gentlemen may travel on horseback, more to the advantage and benefit of Trade, and so to the public good, with more advantage to their healths and business, and less expense of money and time than they can in Stage-Coaches.  
If these Stage-Coaches be not absolutely necessary to some, useful to what other Coaches may be made to others, and yet this imposed upon many, what reason can be given why they should not all or most of them be suppressed?  
If they were not destructive to Trade, why should Petitions from almost all sorts of Tradesmen, come up from most Cities and Towns in England against them, as there hath been lately presented to His Majesty and the Council? Why should the Justices of Peace at their General Quarter Sessions, certify to His Majesty and his honourable Privy Council, under their hands (as they have done) that the great Mischiefs aforementioned, under which the Kingdom now suffers, have been greatly occasioned by these Coaches, and that many thousands of Families are ruined by them, as from London, Westminster, Salisbury, Middlesex, and divers other Cities, Counties and Towns, Certificates have come? Why should the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, at their Court at Guildhall, upon serious consideration and debate of the Petition of the several Companies of London, against the said Coaches, wherein most of these grievances are mentioned, allow of the same, and give leave that it should be presented, if they were not convinced, that they are destructive to Trade? For surely they understand Trade, and were not so weak as to be cheated into their consent and approbation (neither have they any time since repent of, or disowned the same) as the Stage-Coachmen in false and scandalous Pamphlets have presumed to print; notwithstanding which, they are ready to own the said Petition, and make good the Contents thereof: And the Drapers, Haberdashers and Milliners, (who, they pretend, would be prejudiced by their being superseded) are ready, with the other Tradesmen mentioned in that Pamphlet, to evince to the World, they are injured by their being kept up; so that the very Coach and Harness-makers' themselves petition against them, as being mischievous to their Trades, in regard they prevent the making of great Numbers of Coaches every year; which must have been made, if Gentlemen had traveled in their own Coaches, and thereby they hinder the Consumption of great quantities of Leather.  
If all these things be true, what can be said against their being suppressed?  
It is Objected, The Owners of these Coaches set them up for the conveniency of the Subjects; have betaken themselves to this painful way of living, and laid out their whole Stocks, merely to accommodate Gentlemen, and have now no other way to live, what shall become of them, if they be put down?  
Ans. It is the case but of very few, that the suppressing of them would hurt: for, if all Stage-Coaches were to be suppressed, I dare say five for one of those that keep them would receive advantage thereby, as clearly will be evinced, if it be considered, that when this business was before His Majesty in Council, where it depends undetermined, none of the Stagers opposed the being put down, except Exeter, Salisbury, Dorchester, Bristol, Southampton, Dover, Norwich, Lincoln, York, Westchester, Worcester and Shrewsbury, who call themselves, Stage-Coachmen upon the grand Roads of England; and there is not one Owner of any of these Coaches, but hath otherways to live, if he were prohibited driving them; for, they are all of them either Innholders, or Coach or Harness-makers, following those Trades, or Carriers, or licenced Coachmen in London; and may live as well as the Hackney Coachmen in London: The other Stage-Coaches, are all or most of them kept either by Innholders first, who (one in a Town) did set up a Coach, and so carried all the Guests to his own house. Then a second sets up another, and so a third and fourth in a Town: Which done, they run one against another, purposely to get the Guests from each other houses; whereby they not only destroy multitudes of horses, but are great losers themselves; so that themselves would be thankful to have them put down, and yet are forced to keep them up, until there shall be a general suppression, because otherwise they shall lose their whole Trades. Or else the said Stage-Coaches are kept by such, as before the late Act for reducing the number of Hackney Coaches in London to 400, were Owners of Coaches, and drove Hackney there: But when the number of 400 was full, and they not licenced, then to avoid the penalties of the Act, they removed out of the City, dispersing themselves into every little Town within twenty miles of London, where they set up for Stagers, and Drive every Day to London, and in the night time they drive about the City, pay no 5 l. per annum, yet take away both the Town and Country work from those that do pay it, and break and annoy the streets in the Cities and Suburbs thereof, hinder the 400 from the Jobs and small Journeys they depended upon, when they agreed to pay 5 l. a piece per annum for their Licences; whereby they are many of them ruined. But take it for granted it were so, that these Stage-Coachmen had laid out all their Stocks for the use aforesaid, and must be undone if put down, and there were at least 2000 of them, what is that? (of two evils the lesser is to be chosen.) Have they not already destroyed very many Thousands of Families? will not the continuing of them, in very short time, be the undoing of many Thousands more? is the interest of these snrley, rude, debauched Coachmen, to be put into the Balance with the many Thousands of Curriers, Shoemakers, Saddlers, Girdlers, Spurriers, Cutlers, Lorainers, Cloathiers, Cloath-workers, Cloath-drawers, Drapers, Tailors, and an hundred Trades more, to which men were bound seven years' Apprenticeship to learn their Trades, and are of great advantage to the public. Surely, they ought to be encouraged, being the Manufacturers of the Staple-Commodities of the Kingdom; by the manufacturing whereof, great profit doth arise to the Public: Yet of these, if occasion require, it will be made appear, above 100000, with their Families, are in great measure ruined by them. And I pray you, who are advantaged thereby? what persons are employed or set at work by them, save only a few Servant-Coachmen, Postilions and Ostlers? whom they pretend they breed up and make fit for the service of the Nobility and Gentry of the Land; a most incomparable School to train men up in! and to fit them for the Gallows, more likely than to live in sober Families; but in the mean time, while these are breeding up, the Price and Rents of Lands are so brought down by hindrance these Coaches do make of the Consumption of Provisions and Manufactures, that in a short time few Gentlemen will be in a capacity to keep Coaches; so that if all Running Stage-Coaches and Caravans were suppressed, it would do well. But if some few Coaches were continued, (to wit) one to every Shire-Town in England, to go once a week backwards and forwards, and to go through with the same Horses they set forth with, and not travel above 30 miles a day in the Summer, and 25 miles in the Winter, and to shift Inns every Journey, that so Trade might be diffused; these would be sufficient to carry the Sick and the Lame, that they pretend cannot travel on Horseback▪ and being thus regulated, they would do little or no harm; especially if all be suppressed within 40 or 50 miles of London, where they are no way necessary, and yet so highly destructive. But this, as well as the rest, I submit to judgement.   

VIII.  
THe Eight Thing Proposed is, That the Act for Transportation of Leather unmanufactured, may be repealed, or at least not renewed after the expiration thereof.  
There would never have been any necessity for this Act, had it not been that vast quantities of Hides are jimported from Ireland, which brings down the price of our English Hides. And for the Stage-Coaches, their hindering the Consumption of that Leather in England, which, before they set up, was used for Boots, Saddles, Portmanteaus, Hat-eases, Holsters, Belts, Girts, Reins, Stirrup Leathers, and many other things now, become almost useless.  
The making whereof, for Home-service and Foreign-Consumption, employed about 100000 Families, whose Livelihood depended upon the manufacturing of Leather, whereby they got Money, with which they maintained their Families, spent five or six good Joints of Meat in a week in their Houses, and wore good Clothes, thereby occasioning the Consumption of great quantities of the Provisions and Manufactures of the Kingdom, more than now are consumed. Till this Act passed, it was felony to transport Leather unmanufactured, and then France, Spain, Germany, and other parts, who could not be without our Leather, had vast quantities of Boots, Shoes, and Saddles, with their Appurtenances, Portmanteaus, Hat-Cases, Holsters, Trunks, etc. from England; by the making whereof many thousands of Families got a handsome subsistence, and grew rich; but Stage-Coaches hindering the Consumption at home as aforesaid; and Irish Hides being Imported into England, and also great quantities from Ireland, exported to Foreign Parts, our Hides fell in their price in England. The Question than arose, how to raise them to their ancient value; and it was by the Parliament conceived, that giving a liberty to transport the same unmanufactured, might answer the end proposed; therefore an Act for that purpose was passed.  
But sad hath been, and yet is, the consequence thereof: for, ever since that liberty given, the best of our Leather is constantly bought up, and transported beyond Seas unmanufactured, Foreigners who formerly were supplied with Leather wrought here, will not buy or carry over a pennyworth that is manufactured; so that all those poor people who served Apprenticeships to learn their Trades, and whose Trade depended upon manufacturing for Foreign Consumption, are undone; they that kept 20 or 30 Journeymen at work every day, cannot now (though eminent men of their own Trades) keep two; by means whereof, upon computation, at least 50000 Men and their Families Livelyhoods are wholly taken away, and they so impoverished, that they are ready to receive Alms of the several parishes wherein they live; whilst in the mean time Foreigners grow rich by manufacturing one of the Staple Commodities of this Kingdom; and whereas till this Act passed, all our old Boots and Shoes were bought up, mended here, and then sent beyond the Seas, and there worn.  
The case is now otherwise; for the best of our Leather is not only bought up and transported unmanufactured and wrought beyond Seas; but when it is wrought, it is then imported back, and vended here, to the great prejudice and discouragement of Manufacturers in England, who have many of them been forced (as great a want of People as there is in England) to transport themselves beyond the Seas for want of work at home, and there have taught their Art to Foreigners. What then doth naturally follow all these things? What Consequence can be drawn from hence, but this, that instead of 500 ls. worth of Leather formerly sent beyond Seas manufactured, we send now as much Leather, but it is not worth above 100 l. because the same is carried over unwrought: by which means our Manufacturers lose 400 l. which they should have gotten, if the Leather had been Cut and Wrought in England, and so thereby we grow poor; and Foreigners grow rich, by gaining that 400 l. which our Manufacturers lose.  
But this is not all; for, most of our Leather that is exported, goes into France, with whom we never were able to keep up a Balance of Trade, but have traded with them for ready Money, (they taking little or none of the Manufactures of England in exchange for their Commodities). By a moderate computation, from the best intelligence I can get, France receives from England 30000 ls. worth of our Leather every year, which they cannot be without (for, our Leather-Manufacture, was the only Manufacture that they were forced to be holden unto us for). 30000 ls. worth of our Leather manufactured, was worth in France 120000 l. then at least 70000 l. of that went into our Manufacturers Pockets, the rest to the Merchants, and what our Manufucturers got, was spent in the Provisions and Manufactures of the Kingdom; which being consumed, bore a better rate than now, and helped to keep up the Rents of Lands.  
This Money we not only now lose, to our Impoverishment, and the French get, to their Enriching; but considering that we now import as much (nay far more) of French Goods into England than we did formerly; and taking it for granted, that when we transported the most that ever we did, yet could not a balance of Trade be kept up between the two Kingdoms, but our ready Money went for a great part of the Goods imported; then must it naturally follow, that by sending our Leather unmanufactured, which formerly was mannfactured, we must send over nigh 100000 l. more in ready Money than formerly we did, (or need to do were it not for this Act) which furnisheth France with our Coin, to pay their Workmen for manufacturing of our Staple-Commodities, and greatly exhausteth the Treasure of this Kingdom; But if this Act be repealed, and Ireland's transporting of Raw Hides be prevented, than France and other Foreigners must have Leather from England manufactured, as formerly they had, whereby our Handicraft Tradesmen would be set at work, and having work, would live handsomely as formerly they did, to consume the Provisions and Manufactures of the Kingdom: So that to any rational man it must be apparent, that this Act hath not answered the end designed, nor raised the price of Hides, as expected, nor can it: for Ireland transporting vast quantities of raw Hides beyond the Seas, and Importing great quantities of their Hides into England, as aforesaid, hinders the sale of our Hides or Tanned Leather at any: considerable rates, either at home, or to Foreigners, because we want a Consumption at home; and Foreigners choose to buy their raw Hides rather than our Leather, by reason they can purchase them at a third part of the price we can afford to sell ours at, and by tanning of them employ their own Bark; which is a great mischief to the Gentry in England, whose Bark, by reason thereof, sells at very low rates.   

IX.  
THe Ninth thing proposed is, That a Court in the nature of a Court of Requests in London, be established for Westminster, Southwark, and all other parts within the Weekly Bills of Mortality; and, if possible, in every City and Town Corporate in England, to determine Differences between poor people for small Debts, not exceeding 40 s. and for Words, Trespasses, Assaults and Batteries (where the people pay neither Scot nor Lot) that so they may not be undone by Lawsuits.  
The Court of Requests in London is of excellent use, long continuance, and hath prevented the ruin of many thousands of Families, and might have done far more, had it not been limited to the Liberties of the City; whereby all Westminster, Southwark, Tower-Hamlets, Middlesex and Surry, within the Weekly Bills of Mortality's, wherein the generality of the poor inhabit, are excluded their Jurisdiction.  
Of these Poor (for want of this Court) many are every year undone by Law-Suits, commenced against each other for small debts, or trivial Actions, for Words, Assaults, or Trespasses, the poorest oftentimes proving the proudest, most quarrelsome and vexatious.  
These are such who maintain themselves and Families, by turning and winding 20 or 40 s. a week, which they take upon their credit, and employ in buying and selling Butchers-meat, Poultery-ware, and Fish, Herbs, Fruit and Roots, Boiled-Wheat and Oat-cakes, Butter and Eggs, and divers other things, which they cry about the streets, or sell at Tavern-doors, or in little Bulks, as Oranges, Lemons, Oysters, Tape, Thred-laces, Silk and Ferret Ribbon, children's Play-things, and such like small Commodities, whereby they keep their Families from burdening they Parishes wherein they dwell; and yet are so poor, that they are not rated to the Church and Poor where they trade.  
These people are (the greatest part of them) most commonly indebted 20, 30. or 40 s. apiece for the Stock they trade with; nevertheless have more owing to them, by the persons they sell their Wares to, than when received will pay such their Debts; but there are cunning Fellows belonging to the marshalsea, St. Katherine's, Whitechappel and Westminster (pretending to be Baillffs or other Officers) placed in every part of London and Westminster, and the Suburbs thereof, who make it their business to inquire out these Poor and their Creditors, and thereupon to contrive some stories whereby to incite their Creditors to make a demand of their Debts; and if not presently paid, then to arrest the Debtors: These Knaves also spend their whole time in promoting differences between the poorer sort of people, for frivolous words, slight trespasses, or pitiful small debts; which done, they are employed to arrest men; and the person arrested, must either presently pay and give satisfaction, or put in Bail; the which if he cannot do (as frequently it happens they cannot, they laying their Actions high (though the occasion of action be very small) than they are hurried over to the Knight Marshal's Prison, or to some other Goal, and put to great expense, lose their Credit and Trade, and very many of them are utterly ruined by the charge of Arrests, Prison Fees, and the Suits, though the verdict upon their Trials happen to be for them, as most commonly it is, there being not one Action in ten brought in those Courts for Words or Trespasses, that happens to be according to Law.  
Nevertheless, if the said Defendants Demur, because the words are not actionable, or the Plaintiff have a Verdict, and the Defendant move in Arrest of Judgement, and the Judgement be Arrested, yet in neither of these Cases hath the Defendant any Costs; so that both Plaintiffs and Defendants spend their money in vain; and the Parishes where the Defendants inhabit, are frequently forced to redeem them out of the Marshalseys, White Chapel, St. Katherine's, and other Goals, or otherwise they should lie and starve in Prison, though the Cause of Action were but a Trifle; the Charges and Fees oftentimes falling out to be four, five or six times as much as originally the Action was brought for; by reason whereof the recovering of 4 d. 6 d. or 12 d. sometimes costs 3 l. 4 l. or 6 l. Whereas if the Court desired were erected to end these Differences in a summary, less expensive, and more expeditious way, the utter ruin of some hundreds, if not thousands of Families, would be every year prevented, the Parish charges greatly lessened, and quarrelsome vexatious Suits for small Debts of 40 s. or under, or for Trespasses, Assaults, or words, would be prevented.  
In London, no Freeman within the Liberties dwelling, can be arrested or sued for any Debt under Forty shillings; the Court of Conscience or Requests sits at Guildhall Wednesday and Saturdays in every week, to hear Complaints, and take course therein: Upon any Complaint they first send a Summons to the party complained against, and that is served upon him by a sworn Officer, and costs 6 d. which done, the next Court day the Plaintiff must attend, and call the Defendant, and enter his own appearance; else is nonsuited, loseth his Summons, and must begin again; but the Defendant runs no hazard in not appearing the first day.  
If the Defendant appear the second Court day after Summons, he prevents an Attachment, and is ordered to pay his debt; for which the Plaintiff pays 4 d.  
If the Defendant fail to appear the second Court day, before the Court riseth, the Court grants an Attachment; which costs, being executed, amount to 1 s. 10 d.  
The Officer serves this Attachment, so soon as he can find the Defendant; which done, he gives the Plaintiff notice, that the Defendant will meet him next Court day, and that costs 4 d. more.  
If the Defendant appear, and is cast, he pays for the Summons and Attachment; which is but 2 s. eight pence in the whole.  
But if the Defendannt appear not the third Court day after Attached, than the Plaintiff comes and swears his Debt, and the Court order payment thereof at the Plaintiffs own house, if he pleaseth; which saves 8 d. that must be paid, if it be brought into Court, to take it out again, and this Order costs 4 d. more.  
Of this Order the Officer gives the Defendant notice, and that he must meet the Plaintiff in Court the third Court day after the making thereof.  
If the Defendant appear not the third Court day, then upon the Plaintiffs request, the Courts grants Judgement and Execution against him; which costs 2 s.  
So that the whole Charge of Summons, Order and Attachment;  
Second Order for Judgement, and the Judgement and Execution executed, comes but to 4 s. 8 d.  
And all is done in three week's time: but the Suit in the marshalsea, White Chapel, or St. Katherine's, or Westminster Courts, and Charges incident thereunto, costs 4 l. or 5 l. when the Debt or Cause of Action was not worth Five shillings.  
The erecting the Court desired, would give a great credit to the Poor.  
For, were such Courts erected, every Gentleman or person of any considerable estate would lend a poor distressed neighbour Twenty, Thirty, or Forty shillings, to put him in a way to live, or to prevent their being cast into Prison, if arrested for a small sum; whereas now poor men are forced to borrow of Brokers, pawn double the value of what they borrow, and pay above Cent. per Cent. interest; which eats out their profit, so presseth and grinds them, that they frequently are incapacitated to redeem the Pledges left for the money taken up (which is one other great mischief worthy the consideration of the Parliament, and fit to be redressed) whereas whilst the Law is thus costly, men are afraid to lend their Neighbours Thirty or Forty shillings to set them up with, or to prevent their being imprisoned, because if they repay it not without a Suit, the same may cost five or six times as much as the Original Debt; and when the Creditor hath Judgement, he is not sure of his Debt, but in danger, through the poverty of the Creditor, to lose both Principal, Debt, Interest and Charges, or undergo the hard Censures and Clamours of the poor, by confining them to Prison; which not ingenuous or generous soul can endure the thoughts of.  
By the erecting this Court, there is none can be prejudiced, excepting,  

First, Bailiffs, one of which fellows to arrest a poor man, though it be but for three pence, four pence, or some other very small sum, makes the man pay four or five shillings for the Arrest, hurries him into an Alehouse, and there runs him twelve pence or two shillings on the score; and if not able presently to pay the same, hurries him to Prison.  
Secondly, Several idle Persons, falsely calling themselves Attorneys, who are as active as the Bailiffs, to promote and carry on Suits begun, though but for trivial Matters, setting people together by the ears, and living upon the ruin of the poor, make them sell their very Beds from under them, or  from off their backs, to pay their pretended Fees, and the Fees of the Courts, which is too frequently done.  
Thirdly, Or the Judges of the marshalsea, Westminster, St. Katherine's, White-Chappel, and other Inferior Courts of Record, where small Debts under 40 s. may be recovered: but certainly, they having their places given them gratis, and being persons of generous education, will not oppose so charitable a work as this proposed, though they should lose some profit thereby, such profit coming from such miserable poor people, that it were charity in them rather to give them as much as their Fees comes to, than to exact any thing from them.   
And if they, by the Court desired, should lose a little profit, they will save much time that they now spend in trying these Causes, and being Lawyers, may certainly spend it to as great (if not better) advantage than what they will lose by setting up the Judicature proposed.  
Let these consider, that such Gentlemen, not being Lawyers, as shall be appointed Judges of the Courts desired, will be greater losers than they are, since they must sit and spend their Time and Money without any manner of Compensation at all, save the satisfaction they will receive in being instrumental of doing good to the Poor, which certainly they will do.  
For whereas now it costs 5 or 6 l. to recover 5 or 6 s. by the way proposed, 4 s. 8 d. is all the Charge (though the Suits be spun out to the utmost extremity) that any Suitor or Defendant can be put unto.  
So by the setting up of this Court, Justice will be had speedier and cheaper;  
The ruin of many poor People, by multitudes of vexatious Suits for small Matters, will be prevented;  
Love and Amity betwixt Neighbours will be preserved; Charges of the Parishes lessened; men's Liberties to follow their Callings, to their own and Families Comfort, will be continued; and the Debts they own, be more easily and speedily paid;  
And a Work very pleasing and acceptable to God will be done, who hath pronounced a blessing upon all those who consider the Poor, for whose relief alone this is proposed.   

X.  
THe Tenth Thing Proposed is, That a bound be put to the extravagant Habits and Expenses of all sorts of Persons; that Servants and Handicraft Tradesmen's expensive ways be reduced, and no Foreign Manufactures (except from Ireland) be suffered to be worn in England; but that the Importation and Exposing them to Sale, be made Felony.  
There is nothing ruins the Gentry and Tradesmen of England so much, as living above their Estates or Profit arising by their Trades. How much all sorts of men do this, I leave the World to judge, their Habits and other Expenses being more extravagant and vain than ever was known; and not only do Masters and Mistresses of Families run to excess in their own dresses, but suffer and encourage their Servants also to do the same, which costs them dear at last; for, all comes out of their Pockets, and it makes Servants so proud and scornful, as to neglect their Duties, slight their Superiors, and upon every little reproof to go from them.  
How many Gentlemen are there in England that spend their whole yearly Incomes upon clothing themselves, their Wives and Children? What way then have they to answer their other Family Expenses, but by spending upon the main Stock?  
How careless are Parents of their children's Education, bringing them up idly, putting them upon no manner of employment, unless to Music and Dancing; using them to Balls and Plays, and to keep vain Company; which they get such an habit of, that they very hardly (if ever) can be broken from it, but spend-most of their time in Gaming, Whoring, and Drinking; so that by that time they come to their Estates, whatever their Fathers leave them, by following their Examples, they quickly make it away, (if they have not run it out before they come to it). Their Clothes must be of the Mode, Gentlemen of 3 or 400 per annum, will be as fine, keep their Coaches, live as high as if they were Lords, and had great Estates; and nothing will serve them but what is Foreign made, whilst our own Countrymen starve for want of Work; insomuch now that our English Manufacturers, of Silk especially, and Point-Laces, and Ribbons, (which are become a general wear) cannot sell their Goods when they have made them; or if they do, it is at such pitiful low rates, that they lose by their work, and the Shopkeepers that buy them, when they come to show them to Customers, are forced to avouch them to be Foreign made, or else they cannot sell them; so that our Manufacturers are often necessitated to get Frenchmen to go with their Wares, and sell them to Shopkeepers as French. Thereupon the Gentry (though the Goods be English made) are so fond as to pay dearer for them than otherwise they need to do, because of the Brokage which the Manufacturer pays to those that sell them to the Shops, and so the Manufacturers get little or nothing by them. So great a truth there is in this, that I could instance where Persons of Quality have come into a Shop, seen a Commodity, liked it well, but being ingeniously told that it was English made, would not buy it. The very next day, the same Goods have been sent by a French woman to the Persons desiring to buy the same, and they have bought them as French Goods, and paid double as much for them as they might have had them for the day before in the Shop.  
Is not this a thing highly commendable in our Gentry, so to admire Foreigners, and undervalue, discourage, and hurt their Native Countrymen? Did they consider, or were they but sensible how they hurt and ruin them, themselves, and their own Estates, by such their vain fancies, hindering the Consumption of our Manufacturies, and impoverishing our Manufacturers, certainly they would give it over. A further mischief there is also, That Gentlemen and Ladies do fancy greatly to have their Servants that are about them, so fine and neat, that they must be in their Silk-Gowns, and Petticoats laced, Whisks, and Cuffs, fine Shoes and Stockings, that they will not do any ordinary Work; whereby they are necessitated to keep more Servants than they used or need to do. And what the Wages and Diet of every Servant comes to in a year, (especially about London, where it is that most people are grown so vain) let themselves compute.  
Come to the Citizens, who complain for want of a Trade, but without a Cause, (though so many Tradesmen fail yearly) for there never was a greater Trade than there is now. What reason is there then of their failing? It is high living, every Tradesman thinking now to have as great a Trade, and as quickly to grow rich, as those did that were of his Trade twenty or thirty years ago, never considering that there are five times as many of most Trades as were then, and that thereby Trade is more diffused, Shopkeepers of late years, through covetousness of a little Money, taking double or triple the number of Apprentices that formerly they kept, or indeed (if strictly looked after) than they ought to keep, (nothing spoiling any particular Trade, more than to have multiplicy of Traders in the same way); with these Apprentices they exact as much more money as formerly they used to have, so that perhaps half their Portion is gone to bind them Apprentices; which is a great madness, and no reason to be given for it, but because Apprentices must live high, and wear finer  than formerly they did, wait on their Masters abroad, do none of the servile Work that formerly they used to do; which kept them humble; and if they were now obliged to the same, it would keep them from growing so proud and scornful as they are, or taking the liberty they now do, of taunting at their Superiors, quarrelling with their Services, Usage, and Diet, and going from them, when fit to do them service; And if it happen that they do serve out their Time, and have a 1000 l. to set up with, it is very well, and a fair beginning, triple as much as many of their Masters had when they set up; who by close living, and diligence, and great industry, after many years care and pains, have arrived to an Estate of 30, 30, or 40000 l. and a good certain custom, so consequently are able to buy their Commodities with ready Money, cheaper than he that hath but a small stock, and trades upon credit, and thereby they are able to keep the custom from their Servants when they set up, because they can give Customers a greater credit, and a longer time for payment; yet a young Man, so soon as he comes out of his Time, not knowing whether ever he shall attain to a full Trade, will have as good a House as his Masters keep, as high a Table, lay out 4. or 500 l. out of his 1000 l. Stock, in furnishing his House, and the Fine of the same; his design being thereby to advance himself in a Match. And thereupon he gets a Wife, perhaps with a 1000 l. Portion; which, added to his own Stock, if the same had been kept together, would have made 2000 l. but of this, one half of his being gone for a Fine of a House and Furniture, as aforesaid, the Wife, out of Hers, will have fine , Laces, Cupboards of Plate, Necklace of Pearls, Jewels in her Ears, Diamond-Rings on her Fingers, Bulls-Locks, or Towers; Laced or Embroidered Petticoats, Shoes and Silk-Hose. So that in these Things goes 3 or 400 l. more, which might, most of it, have been saved.  
Add to this the vast Rent he sits at, and must pay whether he hath a Trade or not; If this had been spared, he might have had it of his own to have traded with: but this laid out, it lies dead, whilst he is forced for want thereof, to Trade upon Credit for so much, and pay Interest for the same. This Credit if he keeps not, he is lost; and being necessitated to trust, and trusting being dangerous, many men are undone; partly by that, and partly by the extravagancies of their good Wives; who being, through their Husband's vanity and indiscretion, made so fine, will not stir out of Doors without a Coach; and yet make such frequent and long visits, that they spend more in Coach-hire some weeks, than the gains of the Shop comes to; and abroad they get new Acquaintance, at Balls, Plays, or Dancing-Schools; and being young, pretty, and in fine , are so courted and gallanted, that oftentimes they are persuaded into such Inconveniencies, as prove fatal to their Husbands, as well as to themselves; but the Husbands may blame themselves, they being originally the occasion thereof, and o their own ruin thereby; for, nothing will serve them but to live at this rate, keep their Wives thus fine, expose them to Temptations, by setting them in their Shops, in tempting Dresses, thinking to invite Customers; and thereby very often they have that effect; but sometimes those Customers make bold with the Ware that should not be sold or lent; and once having attained that liberty, if both Parries agree, it is ten to one if that poor Man be not presently blown up, either by the charge his Wife will put him to in maintaining that Gallant, or by the Credit that good Gentleman shall have in the Shop, to take up what he pleases. And then when gone as far as the Owner can give credit for, he leaves the Shop and his Mistress to his care. Nevertheless, sometimes men are undone, and yet their Wives are virtuous, (as without doubt many thousands are, and more would be, were it not the Husband's fault); That is, when after their being a while set up, and a little Estate gotten, they grow high, keep their Coaches, must have their Country-houses, the Candles burning at both ends, never thinking they shall see an end of their Gains. And their Wives forsooth must not be Nurses, but send their Children abroad; so that reckoning the charge of keeping there, and frequent going to see them, and the Gifts and good things that are unknown carried to the Nurses; these high Expenses, accompanied with a decay and declination of Trade, occasioned by the multiplicity of Traders, (as aforesaid) go far in destroying young Beginners. Moreover, the keeping unnecessary Maid-Servants, giving them great Wages, and maintaining them idle in fine Habits and Dresses, (who with their vain and wanton carriages, oftentimes become snares to young men); this finisheth the work, and both Masters, Mistresses, and Servants, come all to ruin thereby.  
One other great mischief to the young Tradesmen, who are industrious, close husbands, and sober in their habits and expenses, is the great Rents they in the City, when the Trade is gone to the other end of the Town where Rents are low. Were all men of my mind, those who lived in London before the fire, and are Freemen, and now, to the destruction of the City, live in the Suburbs, merely to enrich themselves, they should starve before a penny should be laid out amongst them: Why should they not come into the City again, and make that the seat of Trade? which is the Metropolitan of England, and at such vast charge, in Compliance with the King's pleasure, is nobly rebuilt, and so many thousands are undone by the building thereof, by having their houses stand empty on their hands; such base treacherous men to the City, who no more value their Oaths they took when bound Apprentices and made free, ought not to be countenanced where they are, by buying any thing of them; there is not one of them but is forsworn, if he duly weigh and consider the purport of his Oath. And he that will make no Conscience of forswearing himself, merely to gain a little advantage in his Trade, I am sure will make no Conscience of cheating of me; therefore shall never have any of my custom.  
One other great mischief to young Tradesmen is, that they, being but beginners, are forced to keep Shops, in order to gain a custom, and thereby are constrained to pay great Rents and Taxes, which are very hard upon London, treeble as much in proportion, as upon any one County of England, and paid by these young men, whilst your cunning rich ancient Tradesmen, having a large Acquaintance, great Stock, and a full Trade, give over their Shops, and take a Countryhouse, where they live for a small Rent, pay not the sixth part of Taxes that are paid in London, and so carry on their Trade in London privately in Warehouses. I could name several of the Chief Magistrates that do so, but will not at present, though they deserve it. Have they, through God's blessing, arrived by their Trades in the City to great Estates, and to be the chief Magistrates thereof, only to be covetous and sordid, seeking to save a little money, when they have so much that they know not what to do with it, and thereby put all the Charges upon those young Shopkeepers, through their Avarice? And thus many of these young men fall to ruin, whilst the elder run away with all the Trade, and Engross the same into their own hands. It is a great shame this should be suffered, and such men ought not to have any manner of Government or Power in or over the City, who make use of it only to enrich themselves, by destroying those they govern.  
Moreover, Handicraft Tradesmens high wages, which they exact for their work, is greatly mischievous, not only to every man that hath occasion to use them, whose particular occasion cannot be served but at far greater rates than formerly, which, if that were all, would be little, but it is destructive to Trade, hinders the consumption of our Manufactures by Foreigners, and the exportation of those vast quantities that used to be transported, when the manufacturing of them was so cheap as formerly; for, now Wool and Leather being cheaper manufactured beyond the Seas than here, we are undersold in Foreign Markets, to our great prejudice; which if not prevented, in few years will tend to the total ruin and destruction of our Woollen and Leather Manufacturies. I can give no better account for this advancement of their wages, than our English people's foolishness, in encouraging Foreigners beyond their own Neighbours, wearing their Manufacturies, and neglecting the use of our own; by means whereof our Manufacturers work is carried away from them: so that whereas they had six days work formerly, they have not above three now, and having the same families, must either have double the wages they had when they had full Employ (which enhanceth the price of the Commodities) or let their families want bread three days in the week.  
So the Case thus stands in short: As for the loss of the Foreign Trade we had, and the want of the consumption that used to be of our Manufacturies in Foreign parts, no other reason can be given, but that Foreigners are able to make their work cheaper than we do, and thereby are able to undersell us wherever we come; and the reason of their working cheaper is, because they live not so high, neither are their expenses in wages and working so great as ours. If they were, how could Foreigners fetch our Wool and Leaher, pay Freight and Custom outward, manufacture it abroad, and then Import it back again, paying a second Custom, and yet sell it cheaper here than we do ours? If this be true, and thereby the Foreign Consumption of our Manufacturies be lost, the more reason there is then, in my poor judgement, to endeavour the reducing the wages of our Manufacturers, and themselves to a more sober, and less expensive way of living, that thereby, if possible, we may regain that Trade: Which if we do, we shall soon set our people at work (who now want bread.) And nothing can be more conducing to this end, than to enjoin all English men not to wear any thing but what is of our own Growth and Manufacturies; which will increase a Consumption at home, and set those at work who now live idle, and by giving them full work, would bring down their wages: so that then we having our Wool and Leather cheaper than Foreiguers have, and being able to manufacture them at as easy rates as they do, it will then necessarily follow, that we may undersell them in Foreign Markets; which if we can do, and will be honest, make good substantial and true work, that will hold out its weight, and the full length and breadth they formerly did, we may regain that Foreign Trade.  
And the better to effect this, all Foreign Manufacturies (except of Linen, which we cannot be without) ought to be prohibited, and the exposing them to sale made Felony (so as the person selling be privy to their being such) except what is manufactured in Ireland; which of necessity we must make ourselves Masters of, otherwise they having Wool, and Leather, and Workmen cheaper than we can have, will by supplying Foreign Markets at Lower rates than we can sell for, gain that Trade; and thereby destroy ours. But if these be imported into England, and bought by us, though we buy them cheap, yet when we have them, we may hold up and advance their price, so as to make them bear equal proportion with what we can afford our own for; (which we may do also with their  if Imported again) and being Masters both of their and our own, enforce Foreigners (especially if the Exportation of Wool and Leather be prevented) to be beholding to us for what they want, and can not where else have; whereby Trade will be increased, Consumption of the Products of our Lands promoted, and thereby the price of them will be raised, and consequently Lands yield better Rents: And by this increase of Trade, His Majesty's Revenue by a moderate Computation, would be advanced above One hundred thousand pounds per annum; which would be an additional help towards payment of the Public Debts, and no prejudice, but a great advantage to his Majesty's Subjects.   

XI.  
THe Eleventh Proposal is, That it may be lawful for any man to assign Bills, Bonds, or other Securities, to any person, or persons whatsoever; and that by virtue of such Assignment, the Interest in the said Debt due upon such Security, may immediately be vested in the Assignee. And to the end that the frauds by false Entries in Shop-Books may be prevented. That it be made unlawful for any person after three years to sue for a Book-Debt, and that the great Deceits used by many persons, who break merely to deceive Creditors, may (if possible) by some severe and strict Law be prevented: Than which,  

First, There is hardly any thing can be of greater advantage to Trade.  
Secondly, Of greater security to the Gentry; that they shall not for the future be wronged.  
Thirdly, Of more advantage to the Nation in general.   
For want of power to assign Securities, many Tradesmen and Gentlemen are every year undone.  
It is true, that men commonly make Letters of Attorney to their Creditors, to enable them to put Bonds, Bills, or other Securities, into suit, that are made to them; but those Letters of Attorney are revokeable; so that the men to whom they are made, are not secure, that the person that makes them, shall not afterwards revoke the same, or discharge any Suit brought upon any such Bill, Bond, or other Security, by virtue of such Letters of Attorney: and so no man will accept of any Bond entered into to another man, and a Letter of Attorney from the person to whom the same is entered into, as a Security for any debt due to himself from the person to whom such Bond is given. Tradesmen live upon Credit, buy much upon Trust, are obliged to pay on certain days; on which if they fail, their Credit is lost; and as they buy upon Credit, so they must sell upon Trust: And if the person trusted by them, pay not at the time limited, yet are they that trust them obliged to observe punctually their days of payment, because the Credit of those Merchants that trust them, depends thereupon. Nevertheless, many Tradesmen, because they cannot get in what is owing to them, are enforced to fail in point of their payments, which lessens their Credit, begets Suits; and those Suits occasion the ruin of many Families, although the persons sued have in other men's hands good Debts, which, when received, would be sufficient to answer all their Creditors.  
But if the Assignment of Debts due upon Bill, Bond, or other Securities, were, by Act of Parliament, made lawful, and it were Enacted, that such Assignments should be irrevocable; and that the Interest in the Debts due upon such Security, should by virtue of such Assignments, be actually vested in the Assignee, then if A. owed B. the Sum of 500 l. and B. owed C. 500 l. his time of payment were come, and he had no Moneys to pay the same, the Assignment of A. his Bond to C. would be accepted, if he were a person answerable, in discharge of B. his Debt. And if he had occasion to pay Money, and had it not by him, C. might presently assign the said A. his Bond to D, and D. to E, etc. And this would make all Bills, Bonds, and other Securities as good as ready Money; which will be of great use to the Subjects, and prevent the multiplicity of Suits that now happen; and thereby the ruins of many Families.  
2ly. It will be of great advantage and security to the Gentry; for, if their Bills, Bonds, or other Securities, be assignable, persons to whom they enter into such Securities, though they want Money, will not be hasty to put their Securities in Suit, or compel them (as now they are forced to do) frequently to shift and alter Securities; which is chargeable and difficult; because, than Bonds will be in the nature of ready money, and in Trade be equally as good, when Assignments shall be Enacted to be irrevocable; and that Suits brought thereupon by the Assignees, in their own Names, and to their own Uses, shall not be discharged, but by delivering up the Securities themselves, and that not without the consent of the person to whom by Endorsement on the back of such Securities, it shall appear to have been last assigned: And to Enact that no person shall be Sued for a Book-Debt after three years, would be of excellent use both to Buyer and Seller.  
For, frequently it hath happened, that Gentlemen who had taken up Goods upon Trust, living remote in the Country, have afterwards sent up Money, and paid for the same, but not seen the Book crossed; whereupon, many years after the Death of the Buyer and Seller, by the Executor of the Seller, the Buyer his Executor hath been Sued for the same, and the Plaintiff hath recovered against him, merely because such a Debt hath been found standing in the Book, and the delivering of the Goods proved; and so a Verdict hath passed against the Executor of the Debtor, because he hath not been able to prove payment for the same.  
How many, by letting Debts stand long in Shopkeepers Books, have when they came to account with them, found Entries made of Goods never bought by them, or of greater quantities than they had of such Goods as they did buy.  
But if no Book-Debt shall be sued for after three years standing, it will oblige the Shopkeepers to come to account once in three years, and get Bill or Bond for their Moneys whilst things are fresh in memory, or else to sue for the same, when if any thing be found unjust in their Books, the Creditor will be able, by his memory, to discover the same, and prevent payment thereof.  
Besides, it will prevent Perjury and other foul practices.  
3ly. This Act desired would be of great advantage to the Nation in general; for when passed, all Bills, Bonds, and other good Securities will be Tanta-mount to ready Money, so that there will be 20000 l. or as good as 20000 l. in England, instead of every 1000 l. that now is passing in Trade; which must necessarily be a great advantage to the public.  
This Course is practised in other Foreign Parts, and found of as great importance and benefit to Trade, as can be imagined.  
And for preventing the Mischiefs arising to Traders by the Knaveries of persons pretending to be Bankrupts, and who break with design only to defraud their Creditors, some further and stricter Act must be made than hitherto there hath been; otherwise there will be no trusting any man, it being frequent for men of wicked and cheating Principles, when they design to break, knowing themselves to be persons not suspected to fail, but of a good Credit, to take up great Parcels of Goods, or Sums of Money of several other Tradesmen; which so soon as they get into their hands, they dispose unto Friends in trust for them, and their Wives, and Children; which done, than they presently do some Act whereby they become Bankrupts; as such are prosecuted, Commissions taken out to declare them Bankrupts whereupon they withdraw and abscond themselves in the Country, till they can get releaseth from their Creditors, or compound for some small matter, or otherwise they take the King's Bench, lie within the Rules, and frequently go abroad; and all that time have the Money they break for, going in Trade in other Names; and from such their trusties, they receive the benefit thereof; wherewith they live high, whilst their Creditors are undone by them; and if they cannot bring their Creditors to Composition, they will continue all their life-time in the King's-Bench, and the Creditors get nothing; so that their Creditors are frequently brought to small Composition: Which done, than these Bankrupts immediately appear in their Shops again richer than ever they were when first set up; and this with other honest men's Stocks, who with their Families are undone through the Losses sustained by those men's knavish breaking. And this Trick some men have played several times over; therefore it's fit for the future, if possible, to be prevented.   

XII.  
THe Twelfth Proposal is, that the Newcastle-Trade for Coals be managed by Commissioners for the King, whereby the Subject may be supplied with Coals at easy Rates, and not be exacted upon, as they now are; and about 200000 l. per Annum be coming to the Crown; which would be a further help towards the payment of the public Debts.  
I need not declare how the Subjects are abused in the price of Coals.  
How many poor have been starved for want of Fuel, by reason of the horrid prices put upon them; especially in time of War, either by the Merchant, or the Woodmonger, or between them both.  
That which I shall propose is,  
That the whole Trade be managed by Commissioners for the benefit of the public.  
That those Commissioners take care to supply all parts of His Majesty's Dominions with Coals.  
That Coals be sold all the year long at 22 s. per Cauldron; at which rate they may very well be afforded:  
For at Newcastle they buy them for about 7 s. per Cauldron. which rate they may very well be afforded:  
The Newcastle-Chaldron makes five London-Chaldrons.  
The Freight of each Cauldron is not above 6 s.  
The Duty to the City for each Cauldron is but 3 s.  
Lighterage, Wharfage, and Cartage may cost per Cauldron 4 s.  
I compute the highest Rates that can be imagined.  
And at these Rates, each Newcastle-Chaldron will lie the Commissioners but in 20 s.  
If then three Newcastle-Chaldron computed at 3 l. make five London-Chaldrons, and they be sold for 5 l. 10 s. there is very nigh half in half gotten thereby: Considering then, how many hundred thousand Cauldron of Coals are spent every year, and by a moderate computation, it will appear that near 200000 l. per Annum advantage may arise hereby to the Public, and the Subject also receive a great benefit by the same.   

XIII.  
THe last Proposal is, That the Fishing-Trade may be set up and encouraged, all poor people set at work to make Fishing-Tackle, and be paid out of the yearly Rates laid upon the Subjects for maintaining of the poor.  
This would be of vast advantage to the Public.  
The Money yearly paid by the Subjects for the relief of the Poor, is nigh as much as an Assessment of 70000 l. a Month to the King.  
This is employed only to maintain idle Persons, doth great hurt rather than good, makes a world of poor more than otherwise there would be, prevents Industry and Laboriousness, Men and Women growing so idle and Proud, that they will not work, but lie upon the Parish wherein they dwell, for Maintenance, applying themselves to nothing but Begging or Pilfering, and breeding up their Children accordingly, never putting them upon any thing that may render them useful in their Generations, or beneficial either to themselves, or the Kingdom.  
But if instead of giving them Weekly Allowances for maintaining them in their Idleness, the Money collected were employed to set all of them that are able, at work to some kind of Employment or other, suitable to their Capacities, it would be of infinite Use and Advantage to the Nation: There are none except Bedridden or Blind, but some Work or other may be found, that they may be capable of doing; which, if they would not set unto when appointed them, they should have Correction, rather than any Encouragement, which now they have, by allowing them Weekly Maintenance. And thus, not only Men and Women would become useful and beneficial to the Kingdom, but their Children should all of them be employed and set at work, to do something or other that may keep them from Idleness; which becoming habitual to them in their youth, they are seldom broke off whilst they live.  
Industry and Labour ought to be countenanced and encouraged, and Magistrates and Gentry would do well to give Examples thereof to those amongst whom they live.  
If all the Poor now maintained in their Idleness, were set at work, and paid out of the Money raised as aforesaid, those that now have two Shillings, or three Shillings a Week, might by their Work earn so much; or suppose they could earn but one Shilling sixpence a week, and nevertheless receive three Shillings, it is half in half saved; so that a Moiety of what now is collected from the people, might be spared to them, and yet the Poor be as well, or better maintained than now.  
But if Men, Women, and Children were set at work, few Families that now receive two or three Shillings a week, but in all probability, would and might earn four or five Shill. a week, help to Manufacture the Staple-Commodities of the Kingdom at cheap Rates, and thereby bring down the Wages of Handicraftsmen, which now are grown so high, that we have lost the Trade of Foreign Consumption, because abroad Wool and Leather, and the Manufactures thereof, are sold at lower Rates than we can afford ours at. This Mischief of high Wages to Handicraftsmen, is occasioned by reason of the Idleness of so vast a number of people in England, as there are, so that those that are Industrious, and will work, make men pay what they please for their Wages; but set the Poor at Work, and then these men will be forced to lower their Rates, whereby we shall quickly come to sell as cheap as Foreigners do, and consequently engross the Trade to ourselves.  
There are many ways to set the Poor at work, both old and young.  
Women and Children, by Spinning of Linen, Woollen, and Woolsted, Carding, Combing, Knitting, Working Plain-Work, or Points, Making Bonelace, or Thred-or Silk-Laces, Brede, and divers other things.  
The Linnen-Trade, if well regulated, would employ some hundred thousands of People; and if brought to perfection, might save vast Sums of Money, within the Kingdom, which now are sent out for the same.  
The Woollen and Leathern-Manufactories would employ Multitudes of Men, and young youths, and vast quantities of Wool might be manufactured and consumed in England, more than now is, if all the Tapestry we now use, were made here, which is now imported from beyond the Seas. Also, if the Act for Burying in Flannel (as ridiculous as men make it) were put in Execution, seeing Flannel would be as good for that use, as Linen, abundance of our Poor would be employed in making these things. And the Money now paid for these Foreign Manufactures, would be kept in England, and defray the Charge of the Manufacturing of them at home.  
It is not to be imagined how many thousands of Men, Women, and Children the Fishing-Trade (which is that I principally aim at) would keep in employment. The making of the Nets, Sails, Cordage, and other Materials for that use, the Building of Fishing-Vessels, and the Catching and Curing of the Fish, when catched, would find work for above two hundred thousand People, and would increase the number of Seamen, Shipwrights, and many Handicraftsmen: A great Revenue, if well managed, would thereby arise to the Public; and the Fish taken would be as good to us, as so much Ready-Money; and be taken off beyond Seas, in Exchange for such Goods as we necessarily want, and have from Foreign Parts, and now pay Ready Money for.  
To conclude, Were the things Proposed as aforesaid done, as desired, Trade would be encouraged and increased, the Provisions and Manufactures of the Kingdom be in far greater quantities consumed, both at home and abroad, the Price of Lands would be raised, Tenants be enabled to pay their Rents, the Kingdom would be greatly enriched, and in a few years the Public Debts of the Kingdom might be discharged, without Imposing any considerable Tax upon the People.   
FINIS.