Natural and Political OBSERVATIONS Mentioned in a following INDEX, and made upon the Bills of Mortality.  
By JOHN GRAUNT, Citizen of LONDON.  
With reference to the Government, Religion, Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the several Changes of the said CITY.  
— Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro,  
Contentus paucis Lectoribus—  
LONDON, Printed by Tho: Roycroft, for John Martin, James Allestry, and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCLXII.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JOHN Lord ROBERTS, Baron of Truro, Lord Privie-Seal, and one of His majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.  
My Lord,  
AS the favours I have received from your Lordship oblige me to present you with some token of my gratitude: so the especial Honour I have for your Lordship hath made me solicitous in the choice of the Present. For, if I could have given your Lordship any choice Excerptions out of the Greek, or Latin Learning, I should (according to our English Proverb) thereby but carry Coals to Newcastle, and but give your Lordship Puddle-water, who, by your own eminent Knowledge in those learned Languages, can drink out of the very Fountains yourself.  
Moreover, to present your Lordship with tedious Narrations, were but to speak my own Ignorance of the Value, which his Majesty, and the Public have of your Lordship's Time. And in brief, to offer any thing like what is already in other Books, were but to derogate from your Lordship's learning, which the World knows to be universal, and unacquainted with few useful things contained in any of them.  
Now having (I know not by what accident) engaged my thoughts upon the Bills of Mortality, and so far succeeded therein, as to have reduced several great confused Volumes into a few perspicuous Tables, and abridged such Observations as naturally flowed from them, into a few succinct Paragraphs, without any long Series of multiloquious Deductions, I have presumed to sacrifice these my small, but first published, Labours unto your Lordship, as unto whose benign acceptance of some other of my Papers, even the Birth of these is due; hoping (if I may without vanity say it) they may be of as much use to Persons in your Lordship's place, as they are of little or none to me, which is no more than the fairest Diamonds are to the Journeyman Jeweller that works them, or the poor Labourer that first digged them from the Earth. For with all humble submission to your Lordship, I conceive, That it doth not ill-become a Peer of the Parliament, or Member of his majesty's Council, to consider how few starve of the many that beg: That the irreligious Proposals of some, to multiply People by Polygamy, is withal irrational, and fruitless: That the troublesome seclusions in the Plague-time is not a remedy to be purchased at vast inconveniencies: That the greatest Plagues of the City are equally, and quickly repaired from the Country: That the wasting of Males by Wars, and Colonies do not prejudice the due proportion between them and Females: That the Opinions of Plagues accompanying the Entrance of Kings is false, and seditious: That London, the Metropolis of England, is perhaps a Head too big for the Body, and possibly too strong: That this Head grows three times as fast as the Body unto which it belongs, that is, It doubles its People in a third part of the time: That our Parishes are now grown madly disproportionable: That our Temples are not suitable to our Religion: That the Trade, and very City of London removes Westward: That the walled City is but a one fifth of the whole Pyle: That the old Streets are unfit for the present frequency of Coaches: That the passage of Ludgate is a throat too strait for the Body: That the fight men about London, are able to make three as great Armies as can be of use in this Island: That the number of Heads is such, as hath certainly much deceived some of our Senators in their appointments of Pole-money, etc. Now, although your Lordship's most excellent Discourses have well informed me, That your Lordship is no stranger to all these Positions; yet because I knew not that your Lordship had ever deduced them from the Bills of Mortality; I hoped it might not be ungrateful to your Lordship, to see unto how much profit that one Talon might be improved, besides the many curiosities concerning the waxing, and waning of Diseases, the relation between Healthful, and fruitful Seasons, the difference between the City and Country Air, etc. All which, being new, to the best of my knowledge, and the whole Pamphlet, not two hours reading, I did make bold to trouble your Lordship with a perusal of it, and by this humble Dedication of it, let your Lordship and the world see the Wisdom of our City, in appointing, and keeping these Accounts, and with how much affection and success I am  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient, and most faithful Servant, JOHN GRANT. Birchen-Lane, 25 January 1661/2.   

To the Honourable, Sir ROBERT MORAY, Knight, One of His majesty's Privie-Council for His Kingdom of Scotland, and Precedent of the Royal Society of Philosophers, meeting at Gresham-College, and to the rest of that Honourable Society.  
THe Observations, which I happened to make (for I designed them not) upon the Bills of Mortality, have fallen out to be both Political, and Natural, some concerning Trade, and Government, others concerning the Air, Countries, Seasons, Fruitfulness, Health, Diseases, Longevity, and the proportions between the Sex, and Ages of Mankind. All which (because Sr. Francis Bacon reckons his Discourses of Life and Death to be Natural History; and because I understand yourselves are also appointing means, how to measure the Degrees of Heat, Wetness, and Windiness in the several Parts of His majesty's Dominions) I am humbly bold to think Natural History also, and consequently, that I am obliged to cast in this small Mite into your great Treasury of that kind.  
His Majesty being not only by ancient Right supremely concerned in matters of Government, and Trade, but also by happy accident Prince of Philosophers, and of Physico-Mathematical Learning, not called so by Flatterers, and Parasites, but really so, as well by his own personal Abilities, as affection concerning those matters, upon which Account I should have humbly dedicated both sorts of my Observations unto His most Sacred Majesty; but to be short, I knew neither my Work, nor my Person fit to bear His Name, nor to deserve His Patronage. Nevertheless, as I have presumed to present this Pamphlet, so far as it relates to Government, and Trade, to one of His majesty's Peers, and eminent Ministers of State: so I do desire your leave, to present the same unto You also, as it relates to Natural History, and as it depends upon the Mathematics of my Shop-Arithmetique. For You are not only his Majesty's Privy Council for Philosophy, but also His Great Council. You are the three Estates, viz. the Mathematical, Mechanical, and Physical. You are his Parliament of Nature, and it is no less disparagement to the meanest of your number, to say there may be Commoners as well as Peers in Philosophy amongst you. For my own part I count it happiness enough to myself, that there is such a Council of Nature, as your Society is, in being; and I do with as much earnestness inquire after your Expeditious against the Impediments of Science, as to know what Armies, and Navies the several Princes of the World are setting forth. I concern myself as much to know who are Curatours of this or the other Experiments, as to know who are Mareschals of France, or Chancellor of Sweden. I am as well pleased to hear you are satisfied in a luciferous Experiment, as that a breach hath been made in the Enemy 's works: and your ingenious arguings immediately from sense, and fact, are as pleasant to me as the noise of victorious Guns, and Trumpets.  
Moreover, as I contend for the Decent Rights, and Ceremonies of the Church, so I also contend against the envious Schismatics of your Society (who think you do nothing, unless you presently transmute Metals, make Butter and Cheese without Milk; and (as their own Ballad hath it, make Leather without Hides) by asserting the usefulness of even all your preparatory, and luciferous experiments being not the Ceremonies, but the substance, and principles of useful Arts. For, I find in Trade the want of an universal measure, and have heard Musicians wrangle about the just, and uniform keeping of time in their Consorts, and therefore cannot with patience hear, that your Labours about Vibrations, eminently conducing to both, should be slighted, nor your Pendula, called Swing-swangs with scorn. Nor can I better endure that your Exercitations about Air should be termed fit employment only for Airy Fancies, and not adequate Tasks for the most solid, and piercing heads: This is my Opinion concerning you, and although I am none of your number, nor have the least ambition to be so, otherwise then to become able for your service, and worthy of your Trust: yet I am covetous to have the right of being represented by you: To which end I desire, that this little Exhibition of mine, may be looked upon as a Free-holder's Vote for the choosing of Knights and Burgesses to sit in the Parliament of Nature, meaning thereby, that as the Parliament owns a Freeholder, though he hath but forty shillings a year to be one of them; so in the same manner and degree, I also desire to be owned as one of you, and that no longer, than I continue a faithful Friend, and Servant of your Designs and Persons,  
J. G.   

An INDEX of the Positions, Observations, and Questions contained in this Discourse.  
1. THe Occasion of keeping the Account of Burials arose first from the Plague, Anno 1592., page 4  
2. Seven Alterations, and Augmentations of the published Bills, between the years 1592., and 1662., pag. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10  
3. Reasons, why the Accounts of Burials, and Christen should be kept universally, and now called for, and perused by the Magistrate, p. 12  
4. A true Account of the Plague cannot be kept, without the Account of other Diseases, p. 13  
5. The ignorance of the Searchers no impediment to the keeping of sufficient, and useful Accounts, p. 14  
6. That about one third of all that were ever quick die under five years old, and about thirty six per Centum under six, p. 15  
7. That two parts of nine die of Acute, and seventy of two hundred twenty nine of Chronical Diseases, and four of two hundred twenty nine of outward Griefs, p. 16  
8. A Table of the Proportions dying of the most notorious, and formidable Diseases, or Casualties, p. 17  
9 That seven per Centum die of Age, p. 18  
10. That some Diseases, and Casualties keep a constant proportion, whereas some other are very irregular, p. 18  
11. That not above one in four thousand are Starved, p. 19  
12. That it were better to maintain all Beggars at the public charge, though earning nothing, then to let them beg about the Streets; and that employing them without discretion, may do more harm, then good, pag. 20, 21  
13. That not one in two thousand are Murdered in London, with the Reasons thereof, p. 21  
14. That not one in fifteen hundred dies Lunatic, p. 22  
15. That few of those, who die of the French-Pox, are set down, but coloured under the Consumption, etc. pag. 23, 24  
16. That the Rickets is a new disease, both as to name, and thing; that from fourteen dying thereof, Anno 1634, it hath gradually increased to above five hundred Anno 1660, p. 24, 25, 26  
17 That there is another new Disease appearing; as A Stopping of the Stomach, which hath increased in twenty years, from six, to near three hundred, p. 26  
18. That the Rising of the Lights (supposed in most Cases to be the Fits of the Mother) have also increased in thirty years, from forty four, to two hundred forty nine, p. 27  
19 That both the Stopping of the Stomach, and Rising of the Lights, are probably Relics of, or depending upon the Rickets, p. 28  
20. That the Stone decreases, and is wearing away, p. 28  
21. The Gout stands at a stay, p. 29  
22. The Scurvy increases, p. 29  
23. The Deaths by reason of Agues are to those caused by Fevers, as one to forty, p. 29.  
24. Abortives, and Stilborn, to those that are Christened are as one to twenty, p. 29  
25. That since the differences, in Religion the Christen have been neglected half in half, p. 29  
26. That not one Woman in an hundred dies in Childbed, nor one of two hundred in her Labour, p. 30  
27. Three reasons why the Registering of Children hath been neglected, p. 31  
28. There was a confusion in the Accounts of Chrysoms, Infants, and Convulsions; but rectified in this Discourse, p. 32  
29. There hath been in London within this Age four times of great Mortality, viz. Anno 1592., 1603, 1625, and 1636, whereof that of 1603 was the greatest, p. 33, 34  
30 Annis 1603, and 1625, about a fifth part of the whole died, and eight times more than were born, p. 34  
31. That a fourth part more die of the Plague then are set down, p. 35  
32. The Plague Anno 1603 lasted eight years, that in 1636 twelve years, but that in 1625 continued but one single year, p. 36  
33. That Alterations in the Air do incomparably more operate as to the Plague, than the Contagion of converse, p. 36  
34. That Purples, small-Pox, and other malignant Diseases forerun the Plague p. 36  
35. A disposition in the Air towards the Plague doth also dispose women to Abortions, p. 37  
36. That as about ⅕. part of the whole people died in the great Plague-years, so two other fifth parts fled, pag. 37, 38, which shows the large relation, and interest, which the Londoners have in the Country. ibid.  
37. That (be the Plague great, or small) the City is fully repeopled within two years, p. 38  
38. The years, 1618., 20, 23, 24, 32, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54, 56, 58, and 61, were sickly years, p. 40  
39 The more sickly the year is, the less fertile of Births, p. 40  
40. That Plagues always come in with King's Reigns is most false, p. 40  
42. The Autumn, or the Fall is the most unhealthful season, p. 41  
41. That in London there have been twelve Burials for eleven Christen, p. 41  
43. That in the Country there have been, contrariwise, sixty three Christen for fifty two Burials, p. 42  
44. A supposition, that the people in, and about London, are a fifteenth part of the people of all England, and Wales, p. 42  
45. That there are about six Millions, and an half of people in England, and Wales, p. 42  
46. That the people in the Country double by Procreation but in two hundred and eighty years, and in London in about seventy, as hereafter will be shown; the reason whereof is, that many of the breeders leave the Country, and that the breeders of London come from all parts of the Country, such persons breeding in the Country almost only, as were born there, but in London multitudes of others, p. 42  
47. That about 6000 per Annum come up to London out of the Country, p. 43  
48. That in London about three die yearly out of eleven Families, p. 43  
49. There are about twenty five Millions of acres of Land in England, and Wales, p. 45  
50. Why the proportion of breeders in London to the rest of the people is less than in the Country, p. 45  
51. That in London are more impediments of breeding, then in the Country, p. 46  
52. That there are fourteen Males for thirteen Females in London, and in the Country but fifteen Males for fourteen Females, p. 47  
53. Polygamy useless to the multiplication of Mankind, without Castrations, p. 48  
54. Why Sheep, and Oxen out-breed Foxes, and other Vermin-Animals, p. 48  
55. There being fourteen Males to thirteen Females, and Males being prolifique forty years, and Females but twenty five, it follows, that in effect there be 560 Males to 325 Females, p. 49  
56. The said inequality is reduced by the latter marriage of the Males, and their employment in Wars, Sea-voyage, and Colonies, p. 49  
57 Physicians have two Women Patients to one Man, and yet more Men die then Women, p 49  
58. The great emission of Males into the Wars out of London Anno 1642 was instantly supplied, p. 50  
59 Castration is not used only to meliorate the flesh of Eatable Animals, but to promote their increase also, p. 51  
60. The true ratio formalis of the evil of Adulteries, and Fornications, p. 51  
61. Where Polygamy is allowed, Wives can be no other than Servants, p. 52  
62. That ninety seven, and sixteen Parishes of London are in twenty years increased from seven to twelve, and in forty years from twenty three to fifty two, p. 53  
63. The sixteen Parishes have increased farther than the ninety seven, the one having increased but from nine to ten in the said forty years, p. 53  
64. The ten Out-Parishes have in fifty four years increased from one to four, p. 54  
65. The ninety seven, sixteen, and ten Parishes have in fifty four years increased from two to five. p. 54  
66. What great Houses within the Walls have been turned into Tenements, p. 55  
67. Cripplegate-Parish hath most increased, etc. p. 55  
68 The City removes Westwards, with the reasons thereof, p. 55  
69. Why Ludgate is become too narrow a throat for the City, p. 56  
70. That there be some Parishes in London two hundred times as big as others, p. 56, 57  
71. The natural bigness, and Figure of a Church for the Reformed Religion, p. 57, 58  
62. The City of London, and Suburbs, being equally divided, would make 100 Parishes, about the largeness of Christ-church, Blackfriers, or Colmanstreet, p. 58  
73. There are about 24000 Teeming women in the ninety seven, sixteen, and ten Parishes in, and about London, p. 60  
74. That about three die yearly out of eleven Families containing each eight persons, p. 60  
75. There are about 12000 Families within the walls of London, p. 61  
76. The housing of the sixteen and ten Suburb-Parishes is thrice as big as that of the ninety seven Parishes within the walls, p. 61  
77. The number of souls in the ninety seven, sixteen, and two out-Parishes is about 384000 p. 61  
78. Whereof 199000 are Males, and 185000 Females p. 61  
79. A Table showing of 100 quick conceptions how many die within six years, how many the next Decad, and so for every Decad till 76, p. 62  
80. Tables, whereby may be collected how many there be in London of every Age assigned, p. 62  
81. That there be in the 97, 16, and ten Parishes near 70000 Fight Men, that is, Men between the Ages of 16, and 56, p. 62  
82. That Westminster, Lambeth, Islington, Hackney, Redriff, Stepney, Newington, contain as many people as the 97 Parishes within the Walls, and are consequently ⅕. of the whole Pile, p. 62  
83. So that in, and about London are about 81000 Fight Men, and 460000 in all, p. 63  
84. Adam and Eve in 5610 years might have, by the ordinary proportion of Procreation, begotten more people, then are now probably upon the face of the earth, p. 63  
85. Wherefore the World cannot be older than the Scriptures represent it, p. 63  
86. That every Wedding one with another produces four Children, p. 64  
87. That in several places the proportion between the Males and Females differ, p. 64  
88 That in ninety years there were just as many Males as Females Buried within a certain great Parish in the Country, p. 64  
89. That a Parish, consisting of about 2700 Inhabitants, had in 90 years but 1059 more Christen, than Burials, p. 64  
90. There come yearly to dwell at London about 6000 strangers out of the Country, which swells the Burials about 200 per Annum, p. 65  
91. In the Country there have been five Christen for four Burials, ibid.  
92. A Confirmation, that the most healthful years are also the most fruitful, p. 65  
93. The proportion between the greatest, & least mortalities in the Country are greater than the same in the City, p. 67  
94. The Country Air more capable of good, and bad impressions, then that of the City, p. 68  
95. The differences also of Births are greater in the Country, then at London, p. 69  
96. In the Country but about one of fifty dies yearly, but at London one of thirty, over and above the Plague, p. 69  
97. London not so healthful now as heretofore, p. 70  
98. It is doubted whether increase of people, or the burning of Sea-coal were the cause, or both, p. 70  
99 The Art of making of Gold would be neither benefit to the World, or the Artist, p. 72  
100 The Elements of true Policy are to understand throughly the Lands, and hands of any Country, p. 72  
101. Upon what considerations the intrinsic value of Lands doth depend, p. 73  
102. And in what the Accidental, p. 73  
103. Some of the few benefits of having a true Account of the people, p. 73  
104. That but a small part of the whole people are employed upon necessary affairs, p. 74  
105. That a true Account of people is necessary for the Government, and Trade of them, and for their peace, and plenty, p. 74  
106. Whether this Account ought to be confined to the Chief Governors, p. 74   

THE PREFACE.  
HAving been born, and bred in the City of London, and having always observed, that most of them who constantly took in the weekly Bills of Mortality, made little other use of them, then to look at the foot, how the Burials increased, or decreased; And, among the Casualties, what had happened rare, and extraordinary in the week currant: so as they might take the same as a Text to talk upon, in the next Company; and withal, in the Plague-time, how the Sickness increased, or decreased, that so the Rich might judge of the necessity of their removal, and Tradesmen might conjecture what doings they were like to have in their respective dealings:  
2. Now, I thought that the Wisdom of our City had certainly designed the laudable practice of taking, and distributing these Accounts, for other, and greater uses than those abovementioned, or at least, that some other uses might be made of them: And thereupon I casting mine Eye upon so many of the General Bills, as next came to hand, I found encouragement from them, to look out all the Bills I could, and (to be short) to furnish myself with as much matter of that kind, even as the Hall of the Parish-Clerks could afford me; the which, when I had reduced into Tables (the Copies whereof are here inserted) so as to have a view of the whole together, in order to the more ready comparing of one Year, Season, Parish, or other Division of the City, with another, in respect of all the Burials, and Christen, and of all the Diseases, and Casualties happening in each of them respectively; I did then begin, not only to examine the Conceits, Opinions, and Conjectures, which upon view of a few scattered Bills I had taken up; but did also admit new ones, as I found reason, and occasion from my Tables.  
3. Moreover, finding some Truths, and not commonly-believed Opinions, to arise from my Meditations upon these neglected Papers, I proceeded further, to consider what benefit the knowledge of the same would bring to the World; that I might not engage myself in idle, and useless Speculations, but like those Noble Virtuosos of Gresham-Colledge (who reduce their subtle Disquisitions upon Nature into downright Mechanical uses) present the World with some real fruit from those airy Blossoms.  
4. How far I have succeeded in the Premises, I now offer to the World's censure. Who, I hope, will not expect from me, not professing Letters, things demonstrated with the same certainty, wherewith Learned men determine in their Schools; but will take it well, that I should offer at a new thing, and could forbear presuming to meddle where any of the Learned Pens have ever touched before, and that I have taken the pains, and been at the charge, of setting out those Tables, whereby all men may both correct my Positions, and raise others of their own: For herein I have, like a silly Schole-boy, coming to say my Lesson to the World (that Peevish, and Tetchie Master) brought a bundle of Rods wherewith to be whipped, for every mistake I have committed.   


CHAP. I. Of the Bills of Mortality, their beginning, and progress.  
THe first of the continued weekly Bills of Mortality extant at the Parish-Clerks Hall, begins the 29. of December, 1603, being the first year of King James his Reign; since when, a weekly Account hath been kept there of Burials and Christen. It is true, There were Bills before, viz. for the years 1592., 93, 94. but so interrupted since, that I could not depend upon the sufficiency of them, rather relying upon those Accounts which have been kept since, in order, as to all the uses I shall make of them.  
2. I believe, that the rise of keeping these Accounts, was taken from the Plague: for the said Bills (for aught appears) first began in the said year 1592. being a time of great Mortality; And after some disuse, were resumed again in the year 1603, after the great Plague then happening likewise.  
3. These Bills were Printed and published, not only every week on Thursdays, but also a general Account of the whole Year was given in, upon the Thursday before Christmas Day: which said general Accounts have been presented in the several manners following, viz. from the Year 1603, to the Year 1624., inclusiuè, according to the Pattern here inserted.  

1623. 1624.  
The general Bill for the whole Year, of all the Burials and Christen, as well within the City of London, and the Liberties thereof, as in the Nine out-Parishes adjoining to the City, with the Pest-house belonging to the same: From Thursday the 18. of December. 1623. to Thursday the 16. of December, 1624. According to the Report made to the King's most Excellent Majesty, by the Company of the Parish-Clerks of London.  
BUried this Year in the fourscore and seventeen Parishes of London within the walls. 3386. Whereof, of the Plague, 1. Buried this Year in the sixteen Parishes of London, and the Pest-house, being within the Liberties, and without the walls, 5924. Whereof, of the Plague. 5. The whole sum of all the Burials in London, and the Liberties thereof, is this Year, 9310. Whereof, of the Plague, 6. Buried of the Plague without the Liberties, in Middlesex, and Surrey this whole Year, 0. Christened in London, and the Liberties thereof, this Year, 6368. Buried this Year in the Nine out-Parishes, adjoining to London, and out of the Freedom, 2900. Whereof, of the Plague. 5. The Total of all the Burials in the places aforesaid, is 12210. Whereof, of the Plague. 11. Christened in all the aforesaid places this Year 8299. Parishes clear of the Plague, 116. Parishes that have been Infected this Year. 6.   
4 In the Year 1625, every Parish was particularised, as in this following Bill: where note, That this next year of Plague caused the Augmentation, and Correction of the Bills; as the former year of Plague, did the very being of them.  

1624. 1625.  
A general, or great Bill for this Year, of the whole number of Buria's, which have been buried of all Diseases, and also of the Plague in every Parish within the City of London, and the Liberties thereof; as also in the nine out-Parishes adjoining to the said City; with the Pest-houfe belonging to the same. From Thursday the 16. day of December, 1624. to Thursday the 15. day of December, 1625. According to the Report, made to the king's most Excellent Majesty, by the Company of Parish-Clerks of London.  
LONDON, Bur. Plag. Albans in Woodstreet 188 78 Alhallows Barking 397 263 Alhallows Breadstreet 34 14 Alhallows the Great 442 302 Alhallows Hony-lane 18 8 Alhallows the less 259 205 Alhal in Lumberdstreet 86 44 Alhallows Staining 183 138 Alhallows the Wall 301 155 Alphage Cripplegate 240 190 Andrew-Hubbard 146 101 Andrews Undershaft 219 149 Andrews by Wardrobe 373 191 Annes at Aldersgate 196 128 Anne's Black Friars 336 215 Antholins Parish 62 31 Augustine's Parish 72 40 Barthol at the Exchange 52 24 Bennets Fink 108 57 Bennets Grace-Church 48 14 Bennets at Paul's Wharf 226 131 Bennets Sherehog 24 8 Botolps Billingsgate 99 66 Christ's Church Parish 611 371 Christopher's Parish 48 28 Clements by Eastcheap 87 72 Dyonis Black-Church 99 59 Dunstan's in the East 335 225 Edmund's Lumberdstreet 78 49 Ethelborow in Bishopsg 205 101 St. Faiths 89 45 St. Fosters in Foster-lane 149 102 Gabriel Fenchurch 71 54 George Botolphs-lane 30 19 Gregory's by Paul's 296 196 Helen's in Bishopsgatest. 130 71 James by Garlickhithe 180 109 John Baptist 122 79 John Evangelist 7 0 John Zacharies 143 97 James Duke's place 310 254 Katherine Coleman 263 175 Ratherine Cree-church 886 373 Laurence in the Jewrie 91 55 Laurence Pountney 206 127 leonard's Eastcheap 55 26 leonard's Fosterlane 292 209 Magnus' Parish by Bridge 137 85 Margaret's Lothbury 114 64 Margaret's Moses 37 25 Margaret's new Fish-street 123 82 Margaret's Pattons 77 50 Marry Ab-church 98 58 Mary Aldermanburic 126 79 Marry Aldermary 92 54 Mary le Bow 35 19 Marry Both●w 22 14 Marry Colechurch 26 11 Mary at the Hill 152 84 Mary Mounthaw 76 58 Mary Somerset 270 192 Marry Staining 70 44 Mary Woolchurch 58 35 Mary Woolnoth 82 50 Martin's Ironmonger-lane 25 18 martin's at Ludgate 254 164 Martin's Orgars 88 47 Martin's Outwich 60 30 martin's in the Vintry 339 208 Matthew Fridaystreet 24 11 Maudlin's in Milkstreet 401 23 Maudlin's Oldfish-street 225 142 Michael Bassishaw 199 139 Michael Corn-Hill 159 79 Michael Crooked-lane 144 91 Michael Queenhithe 215 157 Michael in the Quern 53 30 Michael in the Ryal 111 61 Michael in Woodstreet 189 68 Mildred's Breadstreet 60 44 Mildred's Poultry 94 45 Nicholas Acons 33 13 Nicholas Cole-Abby 87 67 Nicholas Olaves 70 43 Olaves in Hartstreet 266 195 Olaves in the Jewry 43 25 Olaves in Silverstreet 174 103 Pancras by Soperlane 17 8 Peter in Cheap 68 44 Peter in Cornhill 318 78 Peter at Paul's Wharf 97 68 Peter's poor in Broadstreet 52 27 Stevens in Colemanstreet 506 350 Stevens in Walbrook 25 13 Swithins at Londonstone 99 60 Thomas Apostles 141 107 Trinity Parish 148 87 Buried within the 97. Parishes within the Walls of, all Diseases. 14340.  Where of, of the Plague.  9197. Andrews in Holborn 2190 1636 Bartholomew the Great 516 360 Bartholomew the less 111 65 Brides Parish 1481 1031 Botolph Algate 2573 1653 Bridewell Precinct 213 152 Bottolph Bishopgate 2334 714 Botolph Aldersgate 578 397 Dunstanes the West 860 642 George's Southwark 1608 912 Giles Cripplegate 3988 2338 Olaves in Southwark 3689 2609 Saviour's in Southwark 2746 1671 Sepulchers Parish 3425 2420 Thomas in Southwark 335 277 Trinity in the Minories 131 87 At the Pesthouse 194 189 Buried in the 16 Parishes without the Walls, standing part within the Liberties, and part without: in Middlesex, and Surrey, and at the Pesthouse. 26972  Whereof, of the Plague  17153 
Buried in the nine out-Parishes.  Clement's Templebar 1284 755 Giles in the Fields 1333 947 James at Clarkenwell 1191 903 Katherins by the Tower 998 744 leonard's in Shorditoh 1995 1407 martin's in the Fields 1470 973 Marry White-chappel 3305 2272 magdalen's Bermondsey 1127 889 Savoy Parish 250 176 Buried in the nine out Parishes, in Middlesex, and Surrey 12953  Whereof, of the Plague  9067 The Total of all the Burials of all Diseases, within the Walls, without the Walls, in the Liberties, in Middlesex and Surrey: with the nine Out Parishes and the Pest-house. 54265. Whereof, Buried of the Plague, this present year, is 35417 Christen this present year, is 6983 Parishes clear this year, is 1 Parishes infected this year, is 121   
5. In the Year 1626. the City of Westminster in imitation of London, was inserted. The gross account of the Burials, and Christen, with distinction of the Plague being only taken notice of therein; the fifth, or last Canton, or Lined-space, of the said Bill, being varied into the form following, viz.  
In Westminster this Year, Buried 471 Plague 13 Christen 361  
6. In the Year 1629. An account of the Diseases, and Casualties whereof any died, together with the distinction of Males and Females, making the sixth Canton of the Bill, was added in manner following.  
The Canton of Casualties, and of the Bill for the Year 1639. being of the some form with that of 1629.  

The Diseases, and Casualties this year being 1632.  ABortive, and Stilborn 445 Affrighted 1 Aged 628 Ague 43 Apoplex, and Meagrom 17 Bit with a mad dog 1 Bleeding 3 Bloody flux, scouring, and flux 348 Bruised, Issues, sores, and ulcers, 28 Burnt, and Scalded 5 Burst, and Rupture 9 Cancer, and Wolf 10 Canker 1 Childbed 171 Chrisomes, and Infants 2268 Cold, and Cough 55 Colic, Stone, and Strangury 56 Consumption 1797 Convulsion 241 Cut of the Stone 5 Dead in the street, and starved 6 Dropsy, and Swelling 267 Drowned 34 Executed, and pressed to death 18 Falling Sickness 7 Fever 1108 Fistula 13 Flocks, and small Pox 531 French Pox 12 Gangrene 5 Gout 4 Grief 11 Jaundice 43 Jawfaln 8 Impostume 74 Killed by several accidents 46 King's Evil 38 Lethargy 2 Livergrown 87 Lunatic 5 Made away themselves 15 Measles 80 Murdered 7 Over-laid, and starved at nurse 7 Palsy 25 Piles 1 Plague 8 Planet 13 Pleurisy, and Spleen 36 Purples, and spotted Fever 38 Quinsy 7 Rising of the Lights 98 Sciatica 1 Scurvy, and Itch 9 Suddenly 62 Surfeit 86 Swine Pox 6 Teeth 470 Thrush, and Sore mouth 40 Tympany 13 Phthisic 34 Vomiting 1 Worms 27 Christened Males 4994 Buried Males 4932 Whereof, of the Plague-8 Females 4590 Females 4603 In all 9584 In all 9535 Increased in the Burials in the 122 Parishes, and at the Pesthouse this year 993 Decreased of the Plague in the 122 Parishes, and at the Pesthouse this year, 266  
7. In the year 1636, the Account of the Burials, and Christen in the Parishes of Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, were added in the manner following, making a seventh Canton, viz.  
In Margaret Westminster Christened 440 Buried 890 Plague 0 Islington Christened 36 Buried 113 Plague 0 Lambeth Christened 132 Buried 220 Plague 0 Stepney Christened 892 Buried 1486 Plague 0 Newington Christened 99 Buried 181 Plague 0 Hackney Christened 30 Buried 91 Plague 0 Redriff Christened 16 Buried 48 Plague 0 The total of all the Burials in the seven last Parishes this Year 2958 Whereof of the Plague 0 The total of all the Christen 1645  
8. Covent Garden being made a Parish, the nine out-Parishes were called the ten out-Parishes, the which in former years were but eight.  
9 In the year 1660. the last-mentioned ten Parishes, with Westminster, Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, are entered under two Divisions, viz. the one containing the twelve Parishes lying in Middlesex, and Surrey, and the other the five Parishes within the City, and Liberties of Westminster, viz. St. Clement-Danes, St. Paul's - Covent-Garden, St. Martin's in the Fields, St. Mary-Savoy, and St. Margaret's Westminster.  
10. We have hitherto described the several steps, whereby the Bills of Mortality are come up to their present state; we come next to show how they are made, and composed, which is in this manner, viz. When any one dies, then, either by tolling, or ringing of a Bell, or by bespeaking of a Grave of the Sexton, the same is known to the Searchers, corresponding with the said Sexton.  
11. The Searchers hereupon (who are ancient Matrons, sworn to their Office) repair to the place, where the dead Corpse lies, and by view of the same, and by other inquiries, they examine by what Disease, or Casualty the Corpse died. Hereupon they make their Report to the Parish-Clerk, and he, every Tuesday night, carries in an Account of all the Burials, and Christen, happening that Week, to the Clerk of the Hall. On Wednesday the general Account is made up, and Printed, and on Thursdays published, and dispersed to the several Families, who will pay four shillings per Annum for them.  
12. Memorandum, That although the general yearly Bills have been set out in the several varieties aforementioned, yet the Original Entries in the Hall-books were as exact in the very first Year as to all particulars, as now; and the specifying of Casualties and Diseases, was probably more.   

CAP. II. General Observations upon the Casualties.  
IN my Discourses upon these Bills I shall first speak of the Casualties, then give my Observations with reference to the Places, and Parishes comprehended in the Bills; and next of the Years, and Seasons.  
1. There seems to be good reason, why the Magistrate should himself take notice of the numbers of Burials, and Christen, viz. to see, whether the City increase or decrease in people; whether it increase proportionably with the rest of the Nation; whether it be grown big enough, or too big, etc. But why the same should be made known to the People, otherwise then to please them as with a curiosity, I see not.  
2. Nor could I ever yet learn (from the many I have asked, and those not of the least Sagacity) to what purpose the distinction between Males and Females is inserted, or at all taken notice of; or why that of Marriages was not equally given in? Nor is it obvious to every body, why the Account of Casualties (whereof we are now speaking) is made? The reason, which seems most obvious for this latter, is, That the state of health in the City may at all times appear.  
3. Now it may be Objected, That the same depends most upon the Accounts of Epidemical Diseases, and upon the chief of them all, the Plague; wherefore the mention of the rest seems only matter of curiosity.  
4. But to this we answer; That the knowledge even of the numbers, which die of the Plague, is not sufficiently deduced from the mere Report of the Searchers, which only the Bills afford; but from other Ratiocinations, and comparings of the Plague with some other Casualties.  
5. For we shall make it probable, that in Years of Plague a quarter part more dies of that Disease then are set down; the same we shall also prove by the other Casualties. Wherefore, if it be necessary to impart to the World a good Account of some few Casualties, which since it cannot well be done without giving an Account of them all, then is our common practice of so doing very apt, and rational.  
6. Now, to make these Corrections upon the perhaps, ignorant, and careless Searchers Reports, I considered first of what Authority they were in themselves, that is, whether any credit at all were to be given to their Distinguishments: and finding that many of the Casualties were but matter of sense, as whether a Child were Abortive, or Stilborn; whether men were Aged, that is to say, above sixty years old, or thereabouts, when they died, without any curious determination, whether such Aged persons died purely of Age, as for that the Innate heat was quite extinct, or the Radical moisture quite dried up (for I have heard some Candid Physicians complain of the darkness, which themselves were in hereupon) I say, that these Distinguishments being but matter of sense, I concluded the Searchers Report might be sufficient in the Case.  
7. As for Consumptions, if the Searchers do but truly Report (as they may) whether the dead Corpse were very lean, and worn away, it matters not to many of our purposes, whether the Disease were exactly the same, as Physicians define it in their Books. Moreover, In case a man of seventy five years old died of a Cough (of which had he been free, he might have possibly lived to ninety) I esteem it little error (as to many of our purposes) if this Person be, in the Table of Casualties, reckoned among the Aged, and not placed under the Title of Coughs.  
8. In the matter of Infants I would desire but to know clearly, what the Searchers mean by Infants, as whether Children that cannot speak, as the word Infans seems to signify, or Children under two or three years old, although I should not be satisfied, whether the Infant died of Wind, or of Teeth, or of the Convulsion, etc. or were choked with Phlegm, or else of Teeth, Convulsion, and Scouring, apart, or together, which, they say, do often cause one another: for, I say, it is somewhat, to know how many die usually before they can speak, or how many live passed any assigned number of years.  
9 I say, it is enough, if we know from the Searchers but the most predominant Symptoms; as that one died of the Head-Ache, who was sorely tormented with it, though the Physicians were of Opinion, that the Disease was in the Stomach. Again, if one died suddenly, the matter is not great, whether it be reported in the Bills, Suddenly, Apoplexy, or Planet-strucken, etc.  
10. To conclude, In many of these cases the Searchers are able to report the Opinion of the Physician, who was with the Patient, as they receive the same from the Friends of the Defunct, and in very many cases, such as Drowning, Scalding, Bleeding, Vomiting, making-away themselves, Lunatics, Sores, Smallpox, etc. their own senses are sufficient, and the generality of the World, are able pretty well to distinguish the Gout, Stone, Dropsy, Falling-Sickness, Palsy, Agues, Pleurisy, Rickets, etc. one from another.  
11. But now as for those Casualties, which are aptest to be confounded, and mistaken, I shall in the ensuing Discourse presume to touch upon them so far, as the Learning of these Bills hath enabled me.  
12. Having premised these general Advertisements, our first Observation upon the Casualties shall be, that in twenty Years there dying of all diseases and Casualties, 229250. that 71124. died of the Thrush, Convulsion, Rickets, Teeth, and Worms; and as Abortives, Chrysoms, Infants, Livergrown, and Overlaid; that is to say, that about ⅓. of the whole died of those Diseases, which we guess did all light upon Children under four or five Years old.  
13. There died also of the Smallpox, Swine-Pox, and Measles, and of Worms without Convulsions, 12210. of which number we suppose likewise, that about ½. might be Children under six Years old. Now, if we consider that 16. of the said 229 thousand died of that extraordinary and grand Casualty the Plague, we shall find that about thirty six per centum of all quick conceptions, died before six years old.  
14. The second Observation is; That of the said 229250. dying of all Diseases, there died of acute Diseases (the Plague excepted) but about 50000. or 2/9 parts. The which proportion doth give a measure of the state, and disposition of this Climate, and Air, as to health, these acute, and Epidemical Diseases happening suddenly, and vehemently, upon the like corruptions, and alterations in the Air.  
15. The third Observation is, that of the said 229. thousand about 70. died of Chronical Diseases, which shows (as I conceive) the state, and disposition of the Country (including as well it's Food, as Air) in reference to health, or rather to longaevity: for as the proportion of Acute and Epidemical Diseases shows the aptness of the Air to sudden and vehement Impressions, so the Chronical Diseases show the ordinary temper of the Place, so that upon the proportion of Chronical Diseases seems to hang the judgement of the fitness of the Country for long Life. For, I conceive, that in Country's subject to great Epidemical sweeps men may live very long, but where the proportion of the Chronical distempers is great, it is not likely to be so; because men being long sick, and always sickly, cannot live to any great age, as we see in several sorts of Metal-men, who although they are less subject to acute Diseases than others, yet seldom live to be old, that is, not to reach unto those years, which David says is the age of man.  
16. The fourth Observation is; That of the said 229000. not 4000 died of outward Griefs, as of Cancers, Fistulaes', Sores, Ulcers, broken and bruised Limbs, Impostumes, Itch, King's-evil, Leprosy, Scald-head, Swine-Pox, Wens, etc. viz. not one in 60.  
17. In the next place, whereas many persons live in great fear, and apprehension of some of the more formidable, and notorious diseases following; I shall only set down how many died of each: that the respective numbers, being compared with the Total 229250, those persons may the better understand the hazard they are in.  

Table of notorious Diseases.  Apoplex 1306 Cut of the Stone 0038 Falling Sickness 0074 Dead in the streets 0243 Gout 0134 Headache 0051 Jaundice 0998 Lethargy 0067 Leprosy 0006 Lunatic 0158 Overlaid, and starved 0529 Palsy 0423 Rupture 0201 Stone and Strangury 0863 Sciatica 0005 Suddenly 0454 
Table of Casualties.  Bleeding 069 Burnt, and Scalded 125 Drowned 829 Excessive drinking 002 Frighted 022 Grief 279 Hanged themselves 222 Killed by several accidents 1021 Murdered 0086 Poisoned 014 Smothered 026 Shot 007 Starved 051 Vomiting 136  
18. In the foregoing Observations we ventured to make a Standard of the healthfulness of the Air from the proportion of Acute and Epidemical diseases, and of the wholesomeness of the Food from that of the Chronical. Yet, forasmuch as neither of them alone do show the longaevity of the Inhabitants, we shall in the next place come to the more absolute Standard, and Correction of both, which is the proportion of the aged, viz. 15757 to the Total 229250. That is of about 1. to 15. or 7. per Cent. Only the question is, what number of Years the Searchers call Aged, which I conceive must be the same, that David calls so, viz. 70. For no man can be said to die properly of Age, who is much less: it follows from hence, that if in any other Country more than seven of the 100 live beyond 70. such Country is to be esteemed more healthful than this of our City.  
19 Before we speak of particular Casualties, we shall observe, that among the several Casualties some bear a constant proportion unto the whole number of Burials; such are Chronical diseases, and the diseases, whereunto the City is most subject; as for Example, Consumptions, Dropsies, Jaundice, Gout, Stone, Palsy, Seurvy, rising of the Lights, or Mother, Rickets, Aged, Agues, Fevers, Bloodyflux, and Scouring: nay some Accidents, as Grief, Drowning, Men's making away themselves, and being Killed by several Accidents, etc. do the like, whereas Epidemical, and Malignant diseases, as the Plague, Purples, Spotted-Feaver, Smallpox, and Measles do not keep that equality, so as in some Years, or Months, there died ten times as many as in others.   

CHAP. III. Of Particular Casualties.  
1. MY first Observation is, That few are starved. This appears, for that of the 229250 which have died, we find not above fifty one to have been starved, excepting helpless Infants at Nurse, which being caused rather by carelessness, ignorance, and infirmity of the Milch-women, is not properly an effect, or sign of want of food in the Country, or of means to get it.  
2. The Observation, which I shall add hereunto, is, That the vast numbers of Beggars, swarming up and down this City, do all live, and seem to be most of them healthy and strong; whereupon I make this Question, Whether, since they do all live by Begging, that is, without any kind of labour; it were not better for the State to keep them, even although they earned nothing; that so they might live regularly, and not in that Debauchery, as many Beggars do; and that they might be cured of their bodily Impotencies, or taught to work, etc. each according to his condition, and capacity; or by being employed in some work (not better undone) might be accustomed, and fitted for labour.  
3. To this some may Object; That Beggars are now maintained by voluntary Contributions, whereas in the other way the same must be done by a general Tax; and consequently, the Objects of Charity would be removed, and taken away.  
4. To which we Answer; That in Holland, although no where fewer Beggars appear to charm up commiseration in the credulous, yet no where is there greater, or more frequent Charity: only indeed the Magistrate is both the Beggar, and the disposer of what is gotten by begging; so as all Givers have a Moral certainty, that their Charity shall be well applied.  
5. Moreover, I question; Whether what we give to a Wretch, that shows us lamentable sores, and mutilations, be always out of the purest charity? that is, purely for God's sake; for as much as when we see such Objects, we then feel in ourselves a kind of pain, and passion by consent; of which we ease ourselves, when we think we have eased them, with whom we sympathized: or else we bespeak aforehand the like commiseration in others towards ourselves, when we shall (as we fear we may) fall into the like distress.  
6. We have said, 'Twere better the Public should keep the Beggars, though they earned nothing, etc. But most men will laugh to hear us suppose, That any able to work (as indeed most Beggars are, in one kind of measure, or another) should be kept without earning any thing. But we Answer, That if there be but a certain proportion of work to be done; and that the same be already done by the not-Beggars; then to employ the Beggars about it, will but transfer the want from one hand to another; nor can a Learner work so cheap as a skilful practised Artist can. As for example, A practised Spinner shall spin a pound of Wool worth two shillings for six pence; but a learner, undertaking it for three pence, shall make the Wool indeed into Yarn, but not worth twelve pence.  
7. This little hint is the model of the greatest work in the World, which is the making England as considerable for Trade as Holland; for there is but a certain proportion of Trade in the world, and Holland is prepossessed of the greater part of it, and is thought to have more skill, and experience to manage it: wherefore, to bring England into Holland's condition, as to this particular, is the same, as to send all the Beggars about London into the West-country to Spin, where they shall only spoil the Clothier's Wool, and beggar the present Spinners at best; but, at worst, put the whole Trade of the Country to a stand, until the Hollander, being more ready for it, have snapped that with the rest.  
8. My next Observation is; That but few are Murdered, viz. not above 86 of the 22950. which have died of other diseases, and casualties; whereas in Paris few nights scape without their Tragedy.  
9 The Reasons of this we conceive to be Two: One is the Government, and Guard of the City by Citizens themselves, and that alternately. No man settling into a Trade for that employment. And the other is, The natural, and customary abhorrence of that in humane Crime, and all Bloodshed by most Englishmen: for of all that are Executed few are for Murder. Besides the great and frequent Revolutions, and Changes of Government since the year 1650, have been with little bloodshed; the Usurpers themselves having Executed few in comparison, upon the Account of disturbing their Innovations.  
10. In brief, when any dead Body is found in England, no Algebraist, or Vncipherer of Letters, can use more subtle suppositions, and variety of conjectures to find out the Demonstration, or Cipher; then every common unconcerned Person doth to find out the Murderers, and that for ever, until it be done.  
11. The Lunatics are also but few, viz. 158 in 229250. though I fear many more than are set down in our Bills, few being entered for such, but those who die at Bedlam; and there all seem to die of their Lunacy, who died Lunatics; for there is much difference in computing the number of Lunatics, that die (though of Fevers, and all other Diseases, unto which Lunacy is no Supersedeas) and those, that die by reason of their Madness.  
12. So that, this Casualty being so uncertain, I shall not force myself to make any inference from the numbers, and proportions we find in our Bills concerning it: only I dare ensure any man at this present, well in his Wits, for one in the thousand, that he shall not die a Lunatic in Bedlam, within these seven years, because I find not above one in about one thousand five hundred have done so.  
13. The like use may be made of the Accounts of men, that made away themselves, who are another sort of Madmen, that think to ease themselves of pain by leaping into Hell; or else are yet more Mad, so as to think there is no such place; or that men may go to rest by death, though they die in self-murder, the greatest Sin.  
14. We shall say nothing of the numbers of those, that have been Drowned, Killed by falls from Scaffolds, or by Carts running over them, etc. because the same depends upon the casual Trade, and Employment of men, and upon matters, which are but circumstantial to the Seasons, and Regions we live in; and affords little of that Science, and Certainty we aim at.  
15. We find one Casualty in our Bills, of which though there be daily talk, there is little effect, much like our abhorrence of Toads, and Snakes, as most poisonous Creatures, whereas few men dare say upon their own knowledge, they ever found harm by either; and this Casualty is the French-Pox, gotten, for the most part, not so much by the intemperate use of Venery (which rather causeth the Gout) as of many common Women.  
16. I say, the Bills of Mortality would take off these Bars, which keep some men within bounds, as to these extravagancies: for in the aforementioned 229250 we find not above 392 to haved died of the Pox. Now, forasmuch as it is not good to let the World be lulled into a security, and belief of Impunity by our Bills, which we intent shall not be only as Death's-heads to put men in mind of their Mortality, but also as Mercurial Statues to point out the most dangerous ways, that lead us into it, and misery. We shall therefore show, that the Pox is not as the Toads, and Snakes aforementioned, but of a quite contrary nature, together with the reason, why it appears otherwise.  
17. Forasmuch as by the ordinary discourse of the world it seems a great part of men have, at one time, or other, had some species of this disease, I wondering why so few died of it, especially because I could not take that to be so harmless, where of so many complained very fiercely; upon inquiry I found that those who died of it out of the Hospitals (especially that of King's-Land, and the Lock in Southwark) were returned of Ulcers, and Sores. And in brief I found, that all mentioned to die of the French-Pox were retured by the Clerks of Saint Giles', and Saint Martin's in the Fields only; in which place I understood that most of the vilest, and most miserable houses of uncleanness were: from whence I concluded, that only hated persons, and such, whose very Noses were eaten of, were reported by the Searchers to have died of this too frequent Malady.  
18. In the next place, it shall be examined under what name, or Casualty, such as die of these diseases are brought in: I say, under the Consumption: forasmuch, as all dying thereof die so emaciated and lean (their Ulcers disappearing upon Death) that the Old-women Searchers after the mist of a Cup of Ale, and the bribe of a two-groat fee, instead of one, given them, cannot tell whether this emaciation, or leanness were from a Phthisis, or from an Hectic Fever, Atrophy, etc. or from an Infection of the Spermatick parts, which in length of time, and in various disguises hath at last vitiated the habit of the Body, and by disabling the parts to digest their nourishment brought them to the condition of Leanness above mentioned.  
19 My next Observation is, that of the Rickets we find no mention among the Casualties; until the year 1634. and then but of 14 for that whole year.  
20. Now the Question is, whether that Disease did first appear about that time; or whether a Disease, which had been long before, did then first receive its Name?  
21. To clear this Difficulty out of the Bills (for I dare venture on no deeper Arguments:) I enquired what other Casualties before the year 1634, named in the Bills, was most like the Rickets; and found, not only by Pretenders to know it, but also from other Bills, that Livergrown was the nearest. For in some years I find Livergrown, Spleen, and Rickets, put all together, by reason (as I conceive) of their likeness to each other. Hereupon I added the Liver-growns of the year 1634, viz. 77, to the Rickets of the same year, viz. 14. making in all 91. which Total, as also the Number 77. itself, I compared with the Livergrown of the precedent year, 1633, viz. 82. All which showed me, that the Rickets was a new Disease over and above.  
22. Now, this being but a faint Argument, I looked both forwards and backwards, and found, that in the year 1629, when no Rickets appeared, there was but 94 Liver-growns; and in the year 1636. there was 99 Livergrown, although there were also 50 of the Rickets: only this is not to be denied, that when the Rickets grew very numerous (as in the year 1660, viz. to be 521.) then there appeared not above 15 of Livergrown.  
23. In the year 1659. were 441 Rickets, and 8 Livergrown. In the year 1658, were 476 Rickets, and 51 Livergrown. Now, though it be granted that these Diseases were confounded in the judgement of the Nurses, yet it is most certain, that the Livergrown did never but once, viz. Anno 1630, exceed 100 whereas Anno 1660, Livergrown, and Rickets were 536.  
24. It is also to be observed, That the Rickets were never more numerous than now, and that they are still increasing; for Anno 1649, there was but 190, next year 260, next after that 329. and so forwards, with some little starting backwards in some years, until the year 1660, which produced the greatest of all.  
25. Now, such backstarting seem to be universal in all things; for we do not only see in the progressive motion of the wheels of Watches, and in the rowing of Boats, that there is a little starting, or jerking backwards between every step forwards, but also (if I am not much deceived) there appeared the like in the motion of the Moon, which in the long Telescopes at Gresham-College one may sensibly discern.  
26. There seems also to be another new Disease, called by our Bills The stopping of the Stomach, first mentioned in the year 1636, the which Malady from that year to 1647, increased but from 6 to 29; Anno 1655 it came to be 145. In 57, to 277. In 60, to 214. Now these proportions far exceeding the difference of proportion generally arising from the increase of Inhabitants, and from the resort of Advenae to the City, shows there is some new Disease, which appeareth to the Vulgar as A stopping of the Stomach.  
27. Hereupon I apprehended, that this Stopping might be the Green-sickness, for as much as I find few, or none, to have been returned upon that Account, although many be visibly stained with it. Now whether the same be forborn out of shame, I know not? For since the world believes, that Marriage cures it, it may seem indeed a shame, that any Maid should die uncured, when there are more Males then Females, that is, an overplus of Husbands to all that can be Wives.  
28. In the next place I conjectured, that this stopping of the Stomach might be the Mother, for as much as I have heard of many troubled with Mother-fits (as they call them) although few returned to have died of them; which conjecture, if it be true, we may then safely say, That the Mother-fits have also increased.  
29. But I was somewhat taken off from thinking this stopping of the Stomach to be the Mother, because I guessed rather the Rising of the Lights might be it. For I remembered that some Women, troubled with the Mother-fits, did complain of a choking in their Throats. Now as I understand, it is more conceivable, that the Lights, or Lungs (which I have heard called The Bellows of the Body) not blowing, that is, neither venting out, nor taking in breath, might rather cause such a Choking, then that the Mother should rise up thither, and do it. For methinks, when a woman is with child, there is a greater rising, and yet no such Fits at all.  
30. But what I have said of the Rickets, and stopping of the Stomach, I do in some measure say of the Rising of the Lights also, viz. that these Risings (be they what they will) have increased much above the general proportion; for in 1629 there was but 44, and in 1660, 249, viz. almost six times as many.  
31. Now for as much as Rickets appear much in the Over-growing of children's Livers, and Spleons (as by the Bills may appear) which surely may cause stopping of the Stomach by squeezing, and crowding upon that part. And for as much as these Choaking, or Risings of the Lights may proceed from the same stuff, as make the Liver, and Spleen to overgrow their due proportion. And lastly, for as much as the Rickets, stopping of the Stomach, and rising of the Lights, have all increased together, and in some kind of correspondent proportions; it seems to me, that they depend one upon another. And that what is the Rickets in children may be the other in more grown bodies; for surely children, which recover of the Rickets, may retain somewhat sufficient to cause what I have imagined; but of this let the learned Physicians consider, as I presume they have.  
32. I had not meddled thus far, but that I have heard, the first hints of the circulation of the Blood were taken from a common Person's wondering what became of all the blood which issued out of the heart, since the heart beats above three thousand times an hour, although but one drop should be pumped out of it, at every stroke.  
33. The Stone seemed to decrease: for in 1632, 33, 34, 35, and 36. there died of the Stone, and Strangury, 254. And in the Years 1655, 56, 57, 58, 59, and 1660▪ but 250, which numbers although indeed they be almost equal, yet considering the Burials of the first named five Years were but half those of the latter, it seems to be decreased by about one half.  
34. Now the Stone, and Strangury, are diseases, which most men know, that feel them, unless it be in some few cases, where (as I have heard Physicians say) a Stone is held up by the Films of the Bladder, and so kept from grating, or offending it.  
35. The Gout stands much at a stay, that is, it answers the general proportion of Burials; there dies not above one of 1000 of the Gout, although I believe that more die Gouty. The reason is, because those that have the Gout, are said to be Long-livers, and therefore, when such die, they are returned as Aged.  
36. The Scurvy hath likewise increased, and that gradually from 12. Anno 1629. to 95. Anno 1660.  
37. The Tyssick seems to be quite worn away, but that it is probable the same is entered as Cough, or Consumption.  
38. Agues and Fevers are entered promiscuously, yet in the few Bills, wherein they have been distinguished, it appears, that not above one in 40, of the whole are Agues.  
39 The Abortives, and Stil-born are about the twentieth part of those that are Christened, and the numbers seem the same thirty Years ago as now, which shows there were more proportion in those Years then now: or else that in these latter Years due Accounts have not been kept of the Abortives, as having been Buried without notice, and perhaps not in Church-Yards.  
40. For that there hath been a neglect in the Accounts of the Christen is most certain, because until the year 1642, we find the Burials but equal with the Christen, or near thereabouts, but in 1648, when the differences in Religion had changed the Government, the Christen were but two thirds of the Burials. And in the year 1659., not half, viz. the Burials were 14720. (of the Plague but 36) and the Christen were but 5670, which great disproportion could be from no other Cause, than that abovementioned, for as much as the same grew as the Confusions, and Changes grew.  
41. Moreover, although the Bills give us in Anno 1659. but 5670 Christen, yet they give us 421 Abortives, and 226 dying in Childbed, whereas in the year 1631, when the Abortives were 410, that is, near the number of the year 1659., the Christen were 8288. Wherefore by the proportion of Abortives Anno 1659., the Christen should have been about 8500, but if we shall reckon by the women dying in Childbed, of whom a better Account is kept then of Stil-borns, and Abortives, we shall find Anno 1659., there were 226 Child-beds; and Anno 1631, 112, viz. not ½. Wherefore I conceive that the true number of the Christen Anno 1659. is above double to the 5690 set down in our Bills; that is about 11500, and then the Christen will come near the same proportion to the Burials, as hath been observed in former times.  
42. In regular Times, when Accounts were well kept, we find that not above three in 200 died in Childbed, and that the number of Abortives was about treble to that of the women dying in Childbed, from whence we may probably collect, that not one woman of an hundred (I might say of two hundred) dies in her Labour; for as much as there be other Causes of a woman's dying within the Month, than the hardness of her Labour.  
43. If this be true in these Countries, where women hinder the facility of their Childbearing by affected straightening of their Bodies; then certainly in America, where the same is not practised, Nature is little more to be taxed as to women, then in Brutes, among whom not one in some thousands do die of their Deliveries: what I have heard of the Irish-women confirms me herein.  
44. Before we quite leave this matter, we shall insert the Causes, why the Account of Christninos hath been neglected more than that of Burials: one, and the chief whereof was a Religious Opinion against Baptising of Infants, either as unlawful, or unnecessary. If this were the only reason, we might by our defects of this kind, conclude the growth of this Opinion, and pronounce, that not half the People of England, between the years 1650, and 1660, were convinced of the need of Baptising.  
45. A second Reason was, The scruples, which many Public Ministers would make of the worthiness of Parents to have their Children Baptised, which forced such questioned Parents, who did also not believe the necessity of having their Children Baptised by such scrupulers, to carry their Children unto such other Ministers, as having performed the thing, had not the Authority or command of the Register to enter the names of the Baptised.  
46. A third Reason was, That a little Fee was to be paid for the registry.  
47. Upon the whole matter it is most certain, that the number of Heterodox Believers was very great between the said year, 1650, and 1660, and so peevish were they, as not to have the Births of their Children Registered, although thereby the time of their coming of Age might be known, in respect of such Inheritances, as might belong unto them; and withal by such Registering it would have appeared unto what Parish each Child had belonged, in case any of them should happen to want its relief.  
48. Of Convulsions there appeared very few, viz. but 52 in the year 1629, which 1636 grew to 709, keeping about that stay, till 1659., though sometimes rising to about 1000  
49. It is to be noted, that from 1629 to 1636, when the Convulsions were but few, the number of Chrysoms, and Infants was greater: for in 1629, there was of Chrysoms, and Infants 2596, and of the Convulsion 52, viz. of both, 2648. And in 1636 there was of Infants 1895, and of the Convulsions 709, in both 2604, by which it appears, that this difference is likely to be only a confusion in the Accounts.  
50. Moreover, we find that for these later years, since 1636, the Total of Convulsions and Chrysoms added together are much less, viz. by about 400 or 500, per Annum, than the like Totals from 1626. to 36, which makes me think, that Teeth also were thrust in under the Title of Chrysoms, and Infants, in as much as in the said years, from 1629 to 1639, the number of Worms, and Teeth, wants by about 400 per Annum of what we find in following years.   

CAP. IU. Of the Plague.  
1. BEfore we leave to discourse of the Casualties, we shall add something concerning that greatest Disease, or Casualty of all, The Plague.  
There have been in London, within this Age, four Times of great Mortality, that is to say, the years 1592., and 1593., 1603, 1625, and 1636.  
There died Annno 1592. from March to December, 25886 Whereof of the Plague 11503 Anno 1593. 17844 Whereof of the Plague 10662 Christened in the said year 4021 Anno 1603 within the same space of time, were Buried 37294 Whereof of the Plague 30561 Anno 1625, within the same space, 51758 Whereof of the Plague 35417 Anno 1636, from April to December 23359 Whereof of the Plague 10400  
2. Now it is manifest of itself, in which of these years most died; but in which of them was the greatest Mortality of all Diseases in general, or of the Plague in particular, we discover thus. In the year 1592., and 1636, we find the proportion of those dying of the Plague in the whole to be near alike, that is about 10 to 23. or 11 to 25. or as about two to five.  
3. In the year 1625. we find the Plague to bear unto the whole in proportion as 35 to 51. or 7 to 10. that is almost the triplicate of the former proportion, for the Cube of 7. being 343. and the Cube of 10. being 1000 the said 343. is not 2/5. of 1000  
4. In Anno 1603. the proportion of the Plague to the whole was as 30 to 37. viz. as 4. to 5. which is yet greater than that last of 7 to 20. For if the Year 1625. had been as great a Plague-Year as 1603. there must have died not only 7 to 10. but 8 to 10. which in those great numbers makes a vast difference.  
5. We must therefore conclude the Year 1603. to have been the greatest Plague-Year of this age.  
6. Now to know in which of these 4. was the greatest Mortality at large, we reason thus,  
Anno 1592. Buried 26490 or as 6 Christened 4277 1  There died in the whole or as 8 Anno 1603. Year of all 38244   Christened 4784 1   Died in the whole or as 8 1. to 8. or Anno 1625. Year 54265  1.1/4. to 10. Christened 6983 1 Anno 1636. There died, ut suprà 23359 or as 5 Christened 9522 2  
7. From whence it appears, that Anno 1636. the Christen were about ⅖. parts of the Burials. Anno 1592. but ⅙. but in the Year 1603. and 1625. not above an eighth, so that the said two Years were the Years of greatest Mortality. We said that the year 1603. was the greatest Plague year. And now we say, that the same was not a greater year of Mortality then Anno 1625. Now to reconcile these two Positions, we must allege, that Anno 1625. there was error in the Accompots, or Distinctions of the Casualties; that is, more died of the Plague than were accounted for under that name. Which Allegation we also prove thus, viz.  
8. In the said year 1625. there are said to have died of the Plague 35417. and of all other Diseases 18848. whereas in the years, both before and after the same, the ordinary number of Burials was between 7. and 8000. so that if we add about 11000. (which is the difference between 7. and 18) to our 35. the whole will be 46000. which bears to the whole 54000. as about 4. to 5. thereby rendering the said year 1625. to be as great a Plague-year as that of 1603. and no greater, which answers to what we proved before, viz. that the Mortality of the two Years was equal.  
9 From whence we may probably suspect that about ¼. part more died of the Plague then are returned for such; which we further prove by noting, that Anno 1636. there died 10400. of the Plague, the ¼. whereof is 2600. Now there are said to have died of all diseases that Year 12959. out of which number deducting 2600. there remains 10359. more than which there died not in several years next before and after the said year 1636.  
10. The next Observation we shall offer is, that the Plague of 1603. lasted eight Years. In some whereof there died above 4000, in others above 2000, and in but one less than 600: whereas in the Year 1624. next preceding, and in the year 1626. next following the said great Plague-year 1625. There died in the former but 11, and in the latter but 134. of the Plague. Moreover in the said year 1625. the Plague decreased from its utmost number 4461 a week, to below 1000 within six weeks.  
11. The Plague of 1636. lasted twelve Years, in eight whereof there died 2000 per annum one with another, and never under 300. The which shows, that the Contagion of the Plague depends more upon the Disposition of the Air, then upon the Effluvia from the Bodies of Men.  
12. Which also we prove by the sudden jumps, which the Plague hath made, leaping in one Week from 118 to 927: and back again from 993 to 258: and from thence again the very next Week to 852. The which effects must surely be rather attributed to change of the Air, then of the Constitution of men's bodies, otherwise then as this depends upon that.  
13. It may be also noted, that many times other Pestilential Diseases, as Purple-Feavers, Smallpox, etc. do forerun the Plague a Year, two, or three, for in 1622; there died but 8000. in 1623.; 11000: in 24. about 12000: till in 1625 there died of all Diseases above 54000.   

CHAP. V. Other Observations upon the Plague, and Casualties.  
1. THe Decrease, and Increase of People is to be reckoned chiefly by Christen, because few bear children in London but Inhabitants, though others die there. The Accounts of Christen were well kept, until differences in Religion occasioned some neglect therein, although even these neglects we must confess to have been regular, and proportionable.  
2. By the numbers and proportions of Christen, therefore we observe as followeth, viz.  
First, That (when from December, 1602, to March following, there was little, or no Plague) than the Christen at a Medium, were between 110, and 130 per Week, few Weeks being above the one, or below the other; but when from thence to July the Plague increased, that then the Christen decreased to under 90.  
Secondly, The Question is, Whether Teeming-women died, or fled, or miscarried? The later at this time, seems most probable, because even in the said space, between March, and July, there died not above twenty per Week of the Plague, which small number could neither cause the death, or flight of so many Women, as to alter the proportion ¼ part lower.  
3. Moreover, we observe from the 21 of July to the 21 of October, the Plague increasing, reduced the Christen to 70 at a Medium, diminishing the above proportion, down to ⅖. Now the cause of this must be flying, and death, as well as miscarriages, and Abortions; for there died within that time about 25000, whereof many were certainly Women with child, besides the fright of so many dying within so small a time might drive away so many others, as to cause this effect.  
4. From December 1624., to the middle of April 1625, there died not above 5 a Week of the Plague one with another. In this time, the Christen were one with another 180. The which decreased gradually by the 22 of September to 75, or from the proportion of 12 to 5, which evidently squares with our former Observation.  
5. The next Observation we shall offer, is, The time wherein the City hath been Repeopled after a great Plague; which we affirm to be by the second year. For in 1627., the Christen (which are our Standard in this Case) were 8408, which in 1624. next preceding the Plague year 1625 (that had swept away above 54000) were but 8299, and the Christen of 1626. (which were but 6701) mounted in one year to the said 8408.  
6. Now the Cause hereof, for as much as it cannot be a supply by Procreations; Ergo, it must be by new Affluxes to London out of the Country.  
7. We might fortify this Assertion by showing, that before the Plague-year, 1603, the Christen were about 6000, which were in that very year reduced to 4789, but crept up the next year 1604, to 5458, recovering their former ordinary proportion in 1605 of 6504, about which proportion it stood till the year 1610.  
8. I say, it followeth, that, let the Mortality be what it will, the City repairs its loss of Inhabitants within two years, which Observation lessens the Objection made against the value of houses in London, as if they were liable to great prejudice through the loss of Inhabitants by the Plague.   

CHAP. VI Of the Sickliness, Healthfulness, and Fruitfulness of Seasons.  
1. HAving spoken of Casualties, we come next to compare the sickliness, healthfulness, and fruitfulness of the several Years, and Seasons, one with another. And first, having in the Chapters aforegoing mentioned the several years of Plague, we shall next present the several other sickly years; we meaning by a sickly Year, such wherein the Burials exceed those, both of the precedent, and subsequent years, and not above 200 dying of the Plague, for such we call Plague-Years; and this we do, that the World may see, by what spaces, and intervals we may hereafter expect such times again. Now, we may not call that a more sickly year, wherein more die, because such excess of Burials may proceed from increase, and access of People to the City only.  
2. Such sickly years were 1618., 20, 23, 24, 1632, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54, 56, 58, 61, as may be seen by the Tables.  
3. In reference to this Observation, we shall present another, namely, That the more sickly the years are, the less fecund, or fruitful of Children also they be, which will appear, if the number of Children born in the said sickly years be less, then that of the years both next preceding, and next following; all which, upon view of the Tables, will be found true, except in a very few Cases, where sometimes the precedent, and sometimes the subsequent years vary a little, but never both together. Moreover, for the confirmation of this Truth, we present you the year 1660, where the Burials were fewer than in either of the two next precedent years by 2000, and fewer than in the subsequent by above 4000 And withal, the number of Christen in the said year 1660 was far greater than in any of the three years' next aforegoing.  
4. As to this year 1660, although we would not be thought Superstitious, yet is it not to be neglected, that in the said year was the King's Restauration to his Empire over these three Nations, as if God Almighty had caused the healthfulness and fruitfulness thereof to repair the Bloodshed, and Clamities suffered in his absence. I say, this conceit doth abundantly counterpoise the Opinion of those who think great Plagues come in with Kings reigns, because it happened so twice, viz. Anno 1603, and 1625, whereas as well the year 1648, wherein the present King commenced his right to reign, as also the year 1660, wherein he commenced the exercise of the same, were both eminently healthful, which clears both Monarchy, and our present King's Family from what seditious men have surmised against them.  
5. The Diseases, which beside the Plague make years unhealthful in this City, are Spotted Fevers, Small Pox, Dysentery, called by some The Plague in the Guts, and the unhealthful Season is the Autumn.   

CHAP. VII. Of the difference between Burials, and Christen.  
1. THe next Observation is, That in the said Bills there are far more Burials, then Christen. This is plain, depending only upon Arithmetical computation; for, in 40 years, from the year 1603, to the year 1644, exclusiuè of both years, there have been set down (as happening within the same ground, space, or Parishes) although differently numbered, and divided, 363935 Burials, and but 330747 Christen within the 97, 16, and 10 out-Parishes, those of Westminster, Lambeth, Newington, Redriff, Stepney, Hackney, and Islington, not being included.  
2. From this single Observation it will follow, That London hath decreased in its People, the contrary whereof we see by its daily increase of Buildings upon new Foundations, and by the turning of great Palacious Houses into small Tenements. It is therefore certain, that London is supplied with People from out of the Country, whereby not only to repair the overplus difference of Burials abovementioned, but likewise to increase its Inhabitants according to the said increase of housing.  
3. This supplying of London seems to be the reason, why Winchester, Lincoln, and several other Cities have decreased in their Buildings, and consequently in their Inhabitants. The same may be suspected of many Towns in Cornwall, and other places, which probably, when they were first allowed to send Burgesses to the Parliament, were more populous than now, and bore another proportion to London then now; for several of those Burroughs send two Burgesses, whereas London itself sends but four, although it bears the fifteenth part of the charge of the whole Nation in all Public Taxes, and Levies.  
4. But, if we consider what I have upon exact enquiry found true, viz. That in the Country, within ninety years, there have been 6339 Christen, and but 5280 Burials, the increase of London will be salved without inferring the decrease of the People in the Country; and withal, in case all England have but fourteen times more People than London, it will appear, how the said increase of the Country may increase the People, both of London, and itself; for if there be in the 97, 16, 10, and 7 Parishes, usually comprehended within our Bills, but 460000 souls as hereafter we shall show, than there are in all England, and Wales, 6440000 Persons, out of which subtract 460000, for those in, and about London, there remains 5980000 in the Country, the which increasing about 1/7 part in 40 years, as we shall hereafter prove, doth happen in the Country, the whole increase of the Country will be about 854000 in the said time, out of which number, if but about 250000 be sent up to London in the said 40 years, viz. about 6000 per Annum, the said Missions will make good the alterations, which we find to have been in, and about London, between the years 1603 and 1644 abovementioned. But that 250000 will do the same, I prove thus, viz. in the 8 years, from 1603 to 1612, the Burials in all the Parishes, and of all Diseases, the Plague included, were at a Medium 9750 per Annum. And between 1635 and 1644 were 18000, the difference whereof is 8250, which is the Total of the increase of the Burials in 40 years, that is about 206 per Annum. Now, to make the Burials increase 206 per Annum, there must be added to the City thirty times as many (according to the proportion of 3 dying out of 41 Families) viz. 6180 Advenae, the which number multiplied again by the 40 years, makes the Product 247200, which is less than the 250000 above propounded; so as there remains above 600000 of increase in the Country within the said 40 years, either to render it more populous, or send forth into other Colonies, or Wars. But that England hath fourteen times more People, is not improbable, for the Reasons following.  
1. London is observed to bear about the fifteenth proportion of the whole Tax.  
2. There is in England, and Wales, about 39000 square Miles of Land, and we have computed that in one of the greatest Parishes in Hampshire, being also a Market-Town, and containing twelve square Miles, there are 220 souls in every square Mile, out of which I abate ¼ for the overplus of People more in that Parish, then in other wild Counties. So as the ¾ parts of the said 220, multiplied by the Total of square Miles, produces 6400000 souls in all London included.  
3. There are about 100000 Parishes in England, and Wales, the which, although they should not contain the ⅓ part of the Land, nor the ¼ of the People of that Country-Parish, which we have examined, yet may be supposed to contain about 600 People, one with another, according to which Account there will be six Millions of People in the Nation. I might add, that there are in England, and Wales, about five and twenty Millions of Acres at 16 ½ Foot to the Perch; and if there be six Millions of People, than there is about four Acres for every head, which how well it agrees to the Rules of Plantation, I leave unto others, not only as a means to examine my Assertion, but as an hint to their enquiry concerning the fundamental Trade, which is Husbandry, and Plantation.  
4. Upon the whole matter we may therefore conclude, That the People of the whole Nation do increase, and consequently the decrease of Winchester, Lincoln, and other like places, must be attributed to other Reasons, then that of refurnishing London only.  
5. We come to show, why although in the Country the Christen exceed the Burials, yet in London they do not. The general Reason of this must be, that in London the proportion of those subject to die unto those capable of breeding is greater than in the Country; That is, let there be an hundred Persons in London, and as many in the Country; we say, that if there be 60 of them Breeders in London, there are more than 60 in the Country, or else we must say, that London is more unhealthful, or that it inclines men and women more to Barrenness, than the Country, which by comparing the Burials, and Christen of Hackney, Newington, and the other Country-Parishes, with the most Smoky, and Stinking parts of the City, is scarce discernible in any considerable degree.  
6. Now that the Breeders in London are proportionally fewer than those in the Country arises from these reasons, viz.  
1. All that have business to the Court of the King, or to the Courts of Justice, and all Countrymen coming up to bring Provisions to the City, or to buy Foreign Commodities, Manufactures, and Rarities, do for the most part leave their Wives in the Country.  
2. Persons coming to live in London out of curiosity, and pleasure, as also such as would retire, and live privately, do the same, if they have any.  
3. Such, as come up to be cured of Diseases, do scarce use their Wives pro tempore.  
4. That many Apprentices of London, who are bound seven, or nine years from Marriage, do often stay longer voluntarily.  
5. That many Seamen of London leave their Wives behind them, who are more subject to die in the absence of their Husbands, then to breed either without men, or with the use of many promiscuously.  
6. As for unhealthiness it may well be supposed, that although seasoned Bodies may, and do live near as long in London, as elsewhere, yet newcomers, and Children do not, for the Smokes, Stinks, and close Air are less healthful than that of the Country; otherwise why do sickly Persons remove into the Country Air? And why are there more old men in Countries then in London, per rata? And although the difference in Hackney, and Newington, abovementioned, be not very notorious, yet the reason may be their vicinity to London, and that the Inhabitants are most such, whose bodies have first been impaired with the London Air, before they withdraw thither.  
7. As to the causes of Barrenness in London, I say, that although there should be none extraordinary in the Native Air of the place, yet the intemperance in feeding, and especially the Adulteries and Fornications, supposed more frequent in London then elsewhere, do certainly hinder breeding. For a Woman, admitting 10 Men, is so far from having ten times as many Children, that she hath none at all.  
8. Add to this, that the minds of men in London are more thoughtful and full of business then in the Country, where their work is corporal Labour, and Exercizes. All which promote Breed, whereas Anxieties of the mind hinder it.   

CHHP. VIII. Of the difference between the numbers of Males, and Females.  
THe next Observation is, That there be more Males then Females.  
There have been Buried from the year 1628., to the year 1662., exclusiuè, 209436 Males, and but 190474 Females: but it will be objected, that in London it may indeed be so, though otherwise elsewhere; because London is the great Stage and Shop of business, wherein the Masculine Sex bears the greatest part. But we Answer, That there have been also Christened within the same time, 139782 Males, and but 130866 Females, and that the Country Accounts are consonant enough to those of London upon this matter.  
2. What the Causes hereof are, we shall not trouble ourselves to conjecture, as in other Cases, only we shall desire, that Travellers would inquire whether it be the same in other Countries.  
3. We should have given an Account, how in every Age these proportions change here, but that we have Bills of distinction but for 32 years, so that we shall pass from hence to some inferences from this Conclusion; as first,  
I. That Christian Religion, prohibiting Polygamy, is more agreeable to the Law of Nature, that is, the Law of God, than Mahumetism, and others, that allow it; for one man his having many women, or wives by Law, signifies nothing, unless there were many women to one man in Nature also.  
II. The obvious Objection hereunto is, That one Horse, Bull, or Ram, having each of them many Females, do promote increase. To which I Answer, That although perhaps there be naturally, even of these species, more Males then Females, yet artificially, that is, by making Geldings, Oxen, and Wethers, there are fewer. From whence it will follow, That when by experience it is found how many Ewes (suppose twenty) one Ram will serve, we may know what proportion of male-Lambs to castrate, or geld, viz. nineteen, or thereabouts: for if you emasculate fewer, viz. but ten, you shall by promiscuous copulation of each of those ten with two Females, (in such as admit the Male after conception) hinder the increase so far, as the admittance of two Males will do it: but, if you castrate none at all, it is highly probable, that every of the twenty Males copulating with every of the twenty Females, there will be little, or no conception in any of them all.  
III. And this I take to be the truest Reason, why Foxes, Wolves, and other Vermin Animals that are not gelt, increase not faster than Sheep, when as so many thousands of these are daily Butchered, and very few of the other die otherwise then of themselves.  
4. We have hitherto said there are more Males, than Females; we say next, That the one exceed the other by about a thirteenth part; so that although more men die violent deaths than women, that is, more are slain in Wars, killed by mischance, drowned at Sea, and die by the Hand of Justice. Moreover, more men go to Colonies, and travel into foreign parts, than women. And lastly, more remain unmarried, then of women, as Fellows of Colleges, and Apprentices, above eighteen, etc. yet the said thirteenth part difference bringeth the business but to such a pass, that every woman may have an Husband, without the allowance of Polygamy.  
5. Moreover, although a man be Prolifique forty years, and a woman but five and twenty, which makes the Males to be as 560 to 325 Females, yet the causes above named, and the later marriage of the men, reduce all to an equality.  
6. It appearing, that there were fourteen men to thirteen women, and that they die in the same proportion also, yet I have heard Physicians say, that they have two women Patients to one man, which Assertion seems very likely; for that women have either the Green-sickness, or other like Distempers, are sick of Breed, Abortions, Childbearing, Sore-breasts, Whites, Obstructions, Fits of the Mother, and the like.  
7. Now, from this it should follow, that more women should die then men, if the number of Burials answered in proportion to that of Sicknesses: but this must be salved, either by the alleging, that the Physicians cure those Sicknesses, so as few more die, then if none were sick; or else that men, being more intemperate than women, die as much by reason of their Vices, as the women do by the Infirmity of their Sex, and consequently, more Males being born, than Females, more also die.  
8. In the year 1642 many Males went out of London into the Wars than beginning, in so much, as I expected in the succeeding year, 1643, to have found the Burials of Females to have exceeded those of Males, but no alteration appeared; for as much, as I suppose, Trading continuing the same in London, all those who lost their Apprentices had others out of the Country; and if any left their Trades, or Shops, that others forthwith succeeded them: for if employment for hands remain the same, no doubt but the number of them could not long continue in disproportion.  
9 Another pregnant Argument to the same purpose (which hath already been touched on) is, That although in the very year of the Plague, the Christen decreased, by the dying and flying of Teeming-women, yet the very next year after, they increased somewhat, but the second after, to as full a number as in the second year before the said Plague: for I say again, if there be encouragement for an hundred in London, that is, a Way how an hundred may live better then in the Country, and if there be void housing there to receive them, the evacuating of a ¼th, or ⅓ part of that number, must soon be supplied out of the Country; so as, the great Plague doth not lessen the Inhabitants of the City, but of the Country, who in a short time remove themselves from hence thither, so long, until the City for want of receipt and encouragement, regurgitates and sends them back.  
10. From the difference between Males and Females, we see the reason of making Eunuches in those places where Polygamy is allowed, the latter being useless as to multiplication, without the former, as was said before in the case of Sheep and other Animals, usually gelt in these Countries.  
11. By consequence, this practice of Castracon serves as well to promote increase as to meliorate the Flesh of those Beasts that suffer it. For that Operation is equally practised upon Horses which are not used for Food, as upon those that are.  
12. In Popish Countries where Polygamy is forbidden, if a greater number of Males oblige themselves to Caelibate then the natural overplus or difference between them and Females amounts unto; then multiplication is hindered; for if there be eight Men to ten Women, all of which eight men are married to eight of the ten Women, than the other two bear no Children, as either admitting no Man at all, or else admitting Men as Whores (that is more than one) which commonly procreates no more than if none at all had been used: or else such unlawful Copulations beget Conceptions but to frustrate them by procured Abortions or secret Murders, all which returns to the same reckoning. Now, if the same proportion of women oblige themselves to a single life likewise, than such obligation makes no change in this matter of increase.  
13. From what hath been said, appears the reason why the Law is, and aught to be so strict against Fornications and Adulteries, for if there were universal liberty, the Increase of Mankind would be but like that of Foxes at best.  
14. Now forasmuch as Princes are not only Powerful but Rich, according to the number of their People (Hands being the Father, as Lands are the Mother, and Womb of Wealth) it is no wonder why states by encouraging Marriage, and hindering Licentiousness, advance their own Interest, as well as preserve the Laws of God from contempt, and Violation.  
15. It is a Blessing to Mankind, that by this overplus of Males there is this natural Bar to Polygamy: for in such a state Women could not live in that parity, and equality of expense with their Husbands, as now, and here they do.  
16. The reason whereof is, not, that the Husband cannot maintain as splendidly three, as one; for he might, having three Wives, live himself upon a quarter of his Income, that is in a parity with all three, aswell as, having but one, live in the same parity at half with her alone: but rather, because that to keep them all quiet with each other, and himself, he must keep them all in greater awe, and less splendour, which power he having will probably use it to keep them all as low, as he pleases, and at no more cost than makes for his own pleasure; the poorest Subjects (such as this plurality of Wives must be) being most easily governed.   

CHAP. IX. Of the growth of the City.  
1. IN the year 1593. there died in the ninety seven Parishes within the walls, and the sixteen without the walls (besides 421 of the Plague) 3508. And the next year 3478, besides 29 of the Plague: in both years 6986. Twenty years after, there died in the same ninety seven, and sixteen Parishes, 12110, viz. Anno 1614, 5873; and Anno 1615, 6237: so as the said Parishes are increased, in the said time, from seven to twelve, or very near thereabouts.  
2. Moreover, the Burials within the like space of he next twenty years, viz. Anno 1634, and 1635, vere 15625, viz. as about twenty four to thirty one: he which last of the three numbers, 15625, is much more than double to the first 6986, viz. the said Parishes have in forty years increased from twenty three to fifty two.  
3. Where is to be noted, That although we were necessitated to compound the said ninety seven with the sixteen Parishes, yet the sixteen Parishes have increased faster than the ninety seven. For, in the year 1620, there died within the walls 2726, and in 1660 there died but 3098 (both years being clear of the Plague) so as in this forty years the said ninety seven Parishes have increased but from nine to ten, or thereabouts, because the housing of the said ninety seven Parishes could be no otherwise increased, then by turning great Houses into Tenements, and building upon a few Gardens.  
4. In the year 1604, there died in the ninety seven Parishes 1518, and of the Plague 280. And in the year 1660, 3098, and none of the Plague, so as in fifty six years the said Parishes have doubled: Where note, that forasmuch as the said year 1604 was the very next year after the great Plague, 1603 (when the City was not yet repeopled) we shall rather make the comparison between 2014, which died Anno 1605, and 3431 Anno 1659., choosing rather from hence to assert, that the said ninety seven, and sixteen Parishes increased from twenty to thirty four, or from ten to seventeen in fifty four years, then from one to two in fifty six, as in the last aforegoing Paragraph is set down.  
5. Anno 1605, there died in the sixteen out-Parishes 2974, and Anno 1659., 6988, so as in the fifty four years, the said Parishes have increased from three to seven.  
6. Anno 1605 there died in the eight out-parishes, 960, Anno 1659., there died in the same scope of Ground, although called now ten Parishes (the Savoy, and Covent-Garden being added) 4301, so as the said Parishes have increased within the said fifty four years, more than from one to four.  
7. Moreover, there was Buried in all, Anno 1605, 5948, and Anno 1659. 14720, viz. about two to five.  
8. Having set down the proportions, wherein we find the said three great Divisions of the whole Pyle, called London, to have increased; we come next to show what particular Parishes have had the most remarkable share in these Augmentations, viz. of the ninty seven Parishes within the Walls the Increase is not very discernible, but where great houses formerly belonging to Noblemen before they built others near Whitehall, have been turned into Tenements, upon which Account Alhallows on the wall is increased, by the conversion of the Marquis of Winchester's house, lately the Spanish Ambassadors, into a New street, the like of Alderman Freeman, and La Motte near the Exchange, the like of the Earl of arundel's in Loathbury, the like of the Bishop of London's Palace, the Dean of Paul's, and the Lord River's house, now in hand, as also of the Dukes-Place, and others heretofore.  
9 Of the sixteen Parishes next without the Walls, Saint Gile's Cripplegate hath been most enlarged, next to that, Saint Olave's Southwark, than Saint Andrews Holborn, than White-Chappel, the difference in the rest not being considerable.  
10. Of the out Parishes now called ten, formerly nine, and before that eight, Saint Gile's, and Saint martin's in the fields, are most increased, notwithstanding Saint Paul's Covent-Garden was taken out of them both.  
11. The general observation which arises from hence is, That the City of London gradually removes Westward, and did not the Royal Exchange, and London-Bridg stay the Trade, it would remove much faster, for Leaden-Hall-street, Bishopsgate, and part of Fan-church-street, have lost their ancient Trade, Grace-Church-street indeed keeping itself yet entire, by reason of its conjunction with, and relation to London-Bridg.  
12. Again, Canning-street, and Watlin-street have lost their Trade of Woollen-Drapery to Paul's Churchyard, Ludgate-hill, and Fleetstreet; the Mercery is gone from out of Lombardstreet, and Cheapside, into Pater-Noster-Row, and Fleetstreet.  
13. The reasons whereof are, that the King's Court (in old times frequently kept in the City) is now always at Westminster. Secondly, the use of Coaches, whereunto the narrow streets of the old City are unfit, hath caused the building of those broader streets in Covent-Garden, etc.  
14. Thirdly, where the Consumption of Commodity is, viz. among the Gentry, the vendors of the same must seat themselves.  
15. Fourthly, the cramming up of the void spaces, and gardens within the Walls, with houses, to the prejudice of Light, and Air, have made men Build new ones, where they less fear those inconveniencies.  
16. Conformity in Building to other civil Nations hath disposed us to let our old Wooden dark houses fall to decay, and to build new ones, whereby to answer all the ends abovementioned.  
17. Where note, that when Ludgate was the only Western Gate of the City, little Building was Westward thereof. But when Holborn began to increase Newgate was made. But now both these Gates are not sufficient for the Communication between the Walled City, and it's enlarged Western Suburbs, as daily appears by the intolerable stops and embaresses of Coaches near both these Gates, especially Ludgate.   

CHAP. X. Of the Inequality of Parishes.  
1. BEfore we pass from hence, we shall offer to consideration the inequality of Parishes in, and about London, evident in the proportion of their respective Burials; for in the same year were Buried in Cripple-gate-Parish 1191, that but twelve died in Trinity-Minories, St. Saviour's Southwark, and Botolph's Bishopsgate, being of the middle size, as burying five and 600 per Annum; so that Cripplegate is an hundred times as big as the Minories, and 200 times as big as St. Bennets Grace-church, Matthew-Friday-street, and some others within the City.  
2. Hence may arise this Question, Wherefore should this inequality be continued? If it be Answered, Because that Pastors of all sorts, and sizes of Abilities, may have Benefices, each man according to his merit: we Answer, That a two hundredth part of the best Parson's learning is scarce enough for a Sexton. But besides, there seems no reason of any differences at all, it being as much Science to save one single soul, as one thousand.  
3. We incline therefore to think the Parishes should be equal, or near, because, in the Reformed Religions, the principal use of Churches is to Preach in: now the bigness of such a Church ought to be no greater, then that, unto which the voice of a Preacher of middling Lungs will eafily extend; I say, easily, because they speak an hour, or more together.  
4. The use of such large Churches, as Paul's, is now wholly lost, we having no need of saying perhaps fifty Masses all at one time, nor of making those grand Processions frequent in the Romish Church; nor is the shape of our Cathedral proper at all for our Preaching Auditories, but rather the Figure of an Amphi-Theatre with Galleries, gradually overlooking each other; for unto this Condition the Parish-Churches of London are driving apace, as appears by the many Galleries every day built in them.  
5. Moreover, if Parishes were brought to the size of Colman-street, Alhallows-Barking, Christ-Church, Blackfriars, &c▪ in each whereof die between 100 and 150, per Annum, than an hundred Parishes would be a fit, and equal Division of this great charge, and all the Ministers (some whereof have now scarce forty pounds per Annum) might obtain a subsistence.  
6. And lastly, The Churchwardens, and Overseers of the Poor might find it possible to discharge their Duties, whereas now in the greater out-Parishes many of the poorer Parishioners through neglect do perish, and many vicious persons get liberty to live as they please, for want of some heedful Eye to overlook them.   

CHAP. XI. Of the number of Inhabitants.  
1. I Have been several times in company with men of great experience in this City, and have heard them talk seldom under Millions of People to be in London, all which I was apt enough to believe, until, on a certain day, one of eminent Reputation was upon occasion asserting, that there was in the year 1661. two Millions of People more than Anno 1625, before the great Plague; I must confess, that, until this provocation, I had been frighted with that misunderstood Example of David, from attempting any computation of the People of this populous place; but hereupon I both examined the lawfulness of making such inquiries, and, being satisfied thereof, went about the work itself in this manner: viz.  
2. First, I imagined, That, if the Conjecture of the worthy Person aforementioned had any truth in it, there must needs be about six, or seven Millions of People in London now; but repairing to my Bills I found, that not above 15000 per Annum were buried, and consequently, that not above one in four hundred must die per Annum, if the Total were but six Millions.  
3. Next considering, That it is esteemed an even Lay, whether any man lives ten years longer, I supposed it was the same, that one of any 10 might die within one year. But when I considered, that of the 15000 aforementioned about 5000 were Abortive, and Stilborn, or died of Teeth, Convulsion, Rickets, or as Infants, and Chrysoms, and Aged. I concluded, that of men, and women, between ten and sixty, there scarce died 10000 per Annum in London, which number being multiplied by 10, there must be but 100000 in all, that is not the 1/60 part of what the Alderman imagined. These were but sudden thoughts on both sides, and both far from truth, I thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer, thus: viz.  
4. I considered, that the number of Childbearing women might be about double to the Births: forasmuch as such women, one with another, have scarce more than one Child in two years. The number of Births I found, by those years, wherein the Registries were well kept, to have been somewhat less than the Burials. The Burials in these late years at a Medium are about 13000, and consequently the Christen not above 12000. I therefore esteemed the number of Teeming women to be 24000: then I imagined, that there might be twice as many Families, as of such women; for that there might be twice as many women Aged between 16 and 76, as between 16 and 40, or between 20 and 44; and that there were about eight Persons in a Family, one with another, viz. the Man, and his Wife, three Children, and three Servants, or Lodgers: now 8 times 48000 makes 384000.  
5. Secondly, I find by telling the number of Families in some Parishes within the walls, that 3 out of 11 families per an▪ have died: wherefore, 13000 having died in the whole, it should follow, there were 48000 Families according to the last mentioned Acccompt.  
6. Thirdly, the Account, which I made of the trained-bands, and Auxiliary Soldiers, doth enough justify this Account.  
7. And lastly I took the Map of London set out in the year 1658 by Richard Newcourt, drawn by a scale of Yards. Now I guessed that in 100 yards square there might be about 54 Families, supposing every house to be 20 foot in the front: for on two sides of the said square there will be 100 yards of housing in each, and in the two other sides 80 each; in all 360 yards: that is 54 Families in each square, of which there are 220 within the Walls, making in all 11880 Families within the Walls. But forasmuch as there die within the Walls about 3200 per Annum, and in the whole about 13000; it follows, that the housing within the Walls is ¼▪ part of the whole, and consequently, that there are 47520 Families in, and about London, which agrees well enough with all my former computations: the worst whereof doth sufficiently demonstrate, that there are no Millions of People in London, which nevertheless most men do believe, as they do, that there be three Women for one Man, whereas there are fourteen Men for thirteen Women, as else where hath been said.  
8. We have (though perhaps too much at Random) determined the number of the inhabitants of London to be about 384000: the which being granted, we assert, that 199112 are Males, and 184886 Females.  
9 Whereas we have found, that of 100 quick Conceptions about 36 of them die before they be six years old, and that perhaps but one surviveth 76, we, having seven Decades between six and 76, we sought six mean proportional numbers between 64, the remainder, living at six years, and the one, which survives 76, and find, that the numbers following are practically near enough to the truth; for men do not die in exact Proportions, nor in Fractions: from whence arises this Table following.  
Viz. of 100 there dies within the first six years 36 The next ten years, or Decad 24 The second Decad 15 The third Decad 09 The fourth 6 The next 4 The next 3 The next 2 The next 1  
10. From whence it follows, that of the said 100 conceived there remains alive at six years' end 64.  
At Sixteen years' end 40 At Twenty six 25 At Tirty six 16 At Forty six 10 At Fifty six 6 At Sixty six 3 At Seventy six 1 At Eighty 0  
11. It follows also, that of all, which have been conceived, there are now alive 40 per Cent. above sixteen years old, 25 above twenty six years old, & sic deinceps, as in the above Table: there are therefore of Aged between 16, and 56, the number of 40, less by six, viz. 34; of between 26, and 66, the number of 25 less by three, viz. 22: & sic deniceps.  
Wherefore, supposing there be 199112 Males, and the number between 16, and 56, being 34. It follows, there are 34 per Cent. of all those Males fight Men in London, that is 67694, viz. near 70000: the truth whereof I leave to examination, only the ⅕. of 67694, viz. 13539. is to be added for Westminster, Stepney, Lambeth, and the other distant Parishes, making in all 81233 fight Men.  
12. The next enquiry shall be, In how long time the City of London shall, by the ordinary proportion of Breeding, and Dying, double its breeding People. I answer in about seven years, and (Plagues considered) eight. Wherefore since there be 24000 pair of Breeders, that is ⅛. of the whole, it follows, that in eight times eight years the whole People of the City shall double without the access of Foreigners: the which contradicts not our Account of its growing from two to five in 56 years with such accesses.  
13. According to this proportion, one couple viz. Adam and Eve, doubling themselves every 64 years of the 5610 years, which is the age of the World according to the Scriptures, shall produce far more People, then are now in it. Wherefore the World is not above 100 thousand years, old as some vainly Imagine, nor above what the Scripture makes it.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Country Bills.  
WE have, for the present, done with our Observations upon the Accounts of Burials, and Christen, in, and about London; we shall next present the Accounts of both Burials, Christen, and also of Weddings in the Country, having to that purpose inserted Tables of 90 years for a certain Parish in Hampshire, being a place neither famous for Longevity, and Healthfulness, nor for the contrary. Upon which Tables we observe,  
1. That every Wedding, one with another, produces four Children, and consequently, that that is the proportion of Children, which any Marriageable man, or woman may be presumed shall have. For, though a man may be Married more than once, yet, being once Married, he may die without any Issue at all.  
2. That in this Parish there were born 15 Females for 16 Males, whereas in London there were 13 for 14, which shows, that London is somewhat more apt to produce Males, than the country. And it is possible, that in some other places there are more Females born, than Males, which, upon this variation of proportion, I again recommend to the examination of the curious.  
3. That in the said whole 90 years the Burials of the Males and Females were exactly equal, and that in several Decades they differed not 1/100 part, that in one of the two Decades, wherein the difference was very notorious, there were Buried of Males 337, and of Females but 284, viz. 53 difference, and in the other there died chose 338 Males, and 386 Females, differing 46.  
4. There are also Decades, where the Birth of Males and Females differ very much, viz. about 60.  
5. That in the said 90 years there have been born more, then buried in the said Parish, (the which both 90 years ago, and also now, consisted of about 2700 Souls) but 1059, viz. not 12 per Annum, one year with another.  
6. That these 1059 have in all probability contributed to the increase of London; since, as was said even now, it neither appears by the Burials, Christen, or by the built of new-housing, that the said Parish is more populous now, then 90 years ago, by above two or 300 souls. Now, if all other places send about ⅓ of their increase, viz. about one out of 900 of their Inhabitants Annually to London, and that there be 14 times as many people in England, as there be in London, (for which we have given some reasons) than London increases by such Advenae every year above 6000: the which will make the Account of Burials to swell about 200 per Annum, and will answer the increases. We observe it is clear, that the said Parish is increased about 300, and it is probable, that three or four hundred more went to London, and it is known, That about 400 went to New-England, the Caribe-Islands, and Newfoundland, within these last forty years.  
7. According to the Medium of the said whole 90 years, there have been five Christen for four Burials, although in some single Years, and Decades, there have been three to two, although sometimes (though more rarely) the Burials have exceeded the Births, as in the case of Epidemical Diseases.  
8. Our former Observation, That healthful years are also the most fruitful, is much confirmed by our Country Accounts; for, 70 being our Standard for Births, and 58 for Burials, you shall find, that where fewer than 58 died, more than 70 were born. Having given you a few instances thereof, I shall remit you to the Tables for the general proof of this Assertion. Viz. Anno 1633. when 103 were born, there died but 29. Now, in none of the whole 90 years more were born then 103, and but in one, fewer than 29 died, viz. 28 Anno 1658. Again Anno 1568, when 93 were born, but 42 died. Anno 1584., when 90 were born, but 41 died. Anno 1650, when 86 were born, but 52 died. So that by how much more are born, by so much (as it were) the fewer die. For when 103 were born, but 29 died: but when but 86 were born, than 52 died.  
On the other side Anno 1638, when 156 died per Annum, which was the greatest year of Mortality, then less than the mere Standard 70, viz. but 66 were born. Again Anno 1644, when 137 died, but 59 were born. Anno 1597, when 117 died, but 48 were born. And Anno 1583, when 87 died, but 59 were born.  
A little Irregularity may be found herein, as that Anno 1612, when 116 died (viz. a number double to our Standard 58 yet) 87 (viz. 17 about the Standard 70) were born. And that when 89 died 075 were born: but these differences are not so great, nor so often, as to evert our Rule, which besides the Authority of these Accounts is probable in itself.  
9 Of all the said 90 years the year 1638 was the most Mortal, I therefore enquired whether the Plague was then in that Parish, and having received good satisfaction that it was not (which I the rather believe, because, that the Plague was not then considerable at London) but that it was a Malignant Fever raging so fiercely about Harvest, that there appeared scarce hands enough to take in the Corn: which argues, considering there were 2700 Parishioners, that seven might be sick for one that died: whereas of the Plague more die then recover. Lastly, these People lay longer sick than is usual in the Plague, nor was there any mention of Sores, Swellings, blew-Tokens, etc. among them. It follows, that the proportion between the greatest and the least Mortality's in the Country are far greater than at London. Forasmuch as the greatest 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the least, whereas in London (the Plague excepted, as here it hath been) the number of Burials upon other Accounts within no Decad of years hath been double, whereas in the Country it hath been quintuple not only within the whole 90 years, but also within the same Decad: for Anno 1633. there died but 29, and Anno 1638 the abovementioned number of 156. Moreover, as in London, in no Decad, the Burials of one year are double to those of another: so in the Country they are seldom not more than so. As by this Table appears, Decad greatest least number of Burials 1 66 34 2 87 39 3 117 38 4 53 30 5 116 51 6 89 50 7 156 35 8 137 46 9 80 28  
Which shows, that the opener, and freer Airs are most subject both to the good and bad Impressions, and that the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches of London do so medicate, and impregnate the Air about it, that it becomes capable of little more, as if the said Fumes rising out of London met with, opposed, and justled backwards the Influences falling from above, or resisted the Incursion of the Country-Airs.  
10. In the last Paragraph we said, that the Burials in the Country were sometimes quintuple to one another, but of the Christen we affirm, that within the same Decad they are seldom double, as appears by this Table, viz.  
Decad greatest least number of Burials 1 70 50 2 90 45 3 71 52 4 93 60 5 87 61 6 85 63 7 103 66 8 87 62 9 86 52  
Now, although the disproportions of Births be not so great as that of Burials, yet these disproportions are far greater than at London: for let it be shown in any of the London Bills, that within two years the Christen have decreased ½. or increased double, as they did Anno 1584., when 90 were born, and An. 1586, wherein were but 45: or to rise from 52, as Anno 1593., to 71, as in the next year 1594. Now, these disproportions both in Births, and Burials, confirm what hath been before Asserted, that Healthfulness, and Fruitfulness go together, as they would not, were there not disproportions in both, although proportional.  
11. By the Standard of Burials in this Parish, I thought to have computed the number of Inhabitants in it, viz. by multiplying 58 by 4, which made the Product 232, the number of Families. Hereupon I wondered, that a Parish containing a large Market-Town, and 12 Miles compass, should have but 232 Houses, I then multiplied 232 by 8, the Product whereof was 1856, thereby hoping to have had the number of the Inhabitants, as I had for London; but when upon enquiry I found there had been 2100 Communicants in that Parish in the time of a Minister, who forced too many into that Ordinance, and that 1500 was the ordinary number of Communicants in all times, I found also, that for as much as there were near as many under 16 years old, as there are above, viz. Communicants, I concluded, that there must be about 27, or 2800 Souls in that Parish: from whence it follows, that little more than one of 50 dies in the Country, whereas in London, it seems manifest, that about one in 32 dies, over and above what dies of the Plague.  
12. It follows therefore from hence, what I more faintly asserted in the former Chapter, that the Country is more healthful, than the City, That is to say, although men die more regularly, and less per Saltum in London, then in the Country, yet, upon the whole matter, there die fewer per Rata; so as the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches abovementioned, although they make the Air of London more equal, yet not more Healthful.  
13. When I consider, That in the Country seventy are Born for fifty eight Buried, and that before the year 1600 the like happened in London, I considered, whether a City, as it becomes more populous, doth not, for that very cause, become more unhealthful, I inclined to believe, that London now is more unhealthful, then heretofore, partly for that it is more populous, but chiefly, because I have heard, that 60 years ago few Sea-Coals were burnt in London, which now are universally used. For I have heard, that Newcastle is more unhealthful than other places, and that many People cannot at all endure the smoke of London, not only for its unpleasantness, but for the suffocations which it causes.  
14. Suppose, that Anno 1569 there were 2400 souls in that Parish, and that they increased by the Births 70, exceeding the Burials 58, it will follow, that the said 2400 cannot double under 200. Now, if London be less healthful than the Country, as certainly it is, the Plague being reckoned in, it follows, that London must be doubling itself by generation in much above 200: but if it hath increased from 2 to 5 in 54, as aforesaid, the same must be by reason of transplantation out of the Country.    

The Conclusion.  
IT may be now asked, to what purpose tends all this laborious buzzling, and groping? To know,  

1. The number of the People?  
2. How many Males, and Females?  
3. How many Married, and single?  
4. How many Teeming Women?  
5. How many of every Septenary, or Decad of years in age?  
6. How many Fight Men?  
7. How much London is, and by what steps it hath increased?  
8. In what time the housing is replenished after a Plague?  
9 What proportion die of each general and particular Casualties?  
10. What years are Fruitful, and Mortal, and in what Spaces, and Intervals, they follow each other?  
11. In what proportion Men neglect the Orders of the Church, and Sects have increased?  
12. The disproportion of Parishes?  
13. Why the Burials in London exceed the Christen, when the contrary is visible in the Country?   
To this I might answer in general by saying, that those, who cannot apprehend the reason of these Inquiries, are unfit to trouble themselves to ask them.  
2. I might answer by ask; Why so many have spent their times, and estates about the Art of making Gold? which, if it were much known, would only exalt Silver into the place, which Gold now possesseth; and if it were known but to some one Person, the same single Adeptus could not, nay, durst not enjoy it, but must be either a Prisoner to some Prince, and Slave to some Voluptuary, or else skulk obscurely up and down for his privacy, and concealment.  
3. I might Answer; That there is much pleasure in deducing so many abstruse, and unexpected inferences out of these poor despised Bills of Mortality; and in building upon that ground, which hath lain waste these eighty years. And there is pleasure in doing something new, though never so little, without pestering the World with voluminous Transcriptions.  
4. But, I Answer more seriously; by complaining, That whereas the Art of Governing, and the true Politics, is how to preserve the Subject in Peace, and Plenty, that men study only that part of it, which teacheth how to supplant, and overreach one another, and how, not by fair out-running, but by tripping up each other's heels, to win the Prize.  
Now, the Foundation, or Elements of this honest harmless Policy is to understand the Land, and the hands of the Territory to be governed, according to all their intrinsic, and accidental differences: as for example; It were good to know the Geometrical Content, Figure, and Situation of all the Lands of a Kingdom, especially, according to its most natural, permanent, and conspicuous Bounds. It were good to know, how much Hay an Acre of every sort of Meadow will bear? how many cattle the same weight of each sort of Hay will feed, and fatten? what quantity of Grain, and other Commodities the same Acre will bear in one, three, or seven years communibus Annis? unto what use each soil is most proper? All which particulars I call the intrinsic value: for there is also another value merely accidental, or extrinsic, consisting of the Causes, why a parcel of Land, lying near a good Market, may be worth double to another parcel, though but of the same intrinsic goodness; which answers the Queries, why Lands in the North of England are worth but sixteen years' purchase, and those of the West above eight and twenty. It is no less necessary to know how many People there be of each Sex, State, Age, Religion, Trade, Rank, or Degree, etc. by the knowledge whereof Trade, and Government may be made more certain, and Regular; for, if men knew the People as aforesaid, they might know the consumption they would make, so as Trade might not be hoped for where it is impossible. As for instance, I have heard much complaint, that Trade is not set up in some of the South-western, and North-western Parts of Ireland, there being so many excellent Harbours for that purpose, whereas in several of those Places I have also heard, that there are few other Inhabitants, but such as live ex sponte creatis, and are unfit Subjects of Trade, as neither employing others, nor working themselves.  
Moreover, if all these things were clearly, and truly known (which I have but guessed at) it would appear, how small a part of the People work upon necessary Labours, and Callings, viz. how many Women, and Children do just nothing, only learning to spend what others get? how many are mere Voluptuaries, and as it were mere Gamesters by Trade? how many live by puzzling poor people with unintelligible Notions in Divinity, and Philosophy? how many by persuading credulous, delicate, and Litigious Persons, that their Bodies, or Estates are out of Tune, and in danger? how many by fight as Soldiers? how many by Ministeries of Vice, and Sin? how many by Trades of mere Pleasure, or Ornaments? and how many in a way of lazy attendance, etc. upon others? And on the other side, how few are employed in raising, and working necessary food, and covering? and of the speculative men, how few do truly study Nature, and Things? The more ingenious not advancing much further than to write, and speak wittily about these matters.  
I conclude, That a clear knowledge of all these particulars, and many more, whereat I have shot but at rovers, is necessary in order to good, certain, and easy Government, and even to balance Parties, and factions both in Church and State. But whether the knowledge thereof be necessary to many, or fit for others, than the Sovereign, and his chief Ministers, I leave to consideration.  

THE TABLE OF CASVALTIES.                         1629 1633 1647 1651 1655 1629 In 20                        1630 1634 1648 1652 1656 1649 Years.                        1631 1635 1649 1653 1657 1659.  The Years of our Lord 1647 1648 1649 1650 1651 1652 1653 1654. 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659. 1660 1629 1630 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1632 1636 1650 1654. 1658   Abortive, and stilborn 335 329 327 351 389 381 384 433 483 419 463 467 421 544 499 439 410 445 500 475 507 523 1793 2005 1342 1587. 1832 1247 8559 Aged 916 835 889 696 780 834 864 974 743 892 869 1176 909 1095 579 712 661 671 704 623 794 714 2475 2814 3336 3452 3680 2377 15757 Ague, and Fever 1260 884 751 970 1038 1212 1282 1371 689 875 999 1800 2303 2148 956 1091 1115 1108 953 1279 1622 2360 4418 6235 3865 4903 4363 4010 23784 Apoplex, and suddenly 68 74 64 74 106 111 118 86 92 102 113 138 91 67 22 36  17 24 35 26  75 85 280 421 445 177 1306 Bleach   1 3 7 2    1               4 9 1 1 15 Blasted 4 1   6 6   4  5 5 3 8 13 8 10 13 6 4  4 54 14 5 12 14 16 99 Bleeding 3 2 5 1 3 4 3 2 7 3 5 4 7 2 5 2 5 4 4 3   16 7 11 12 19 17 65 Bloody Flux, Scouring, and Flux 155 176 802 289 833 762 200 386 168 368 362 233 346 251 449 438 352 348 278 512 346 330 1587. 1466 1422 2181 1161 1597 7818 Brunt, and Scalded 3 6 10 5 11 8 5 7 10 5 7 4 6 6 3 10 7 5 1 3 12 3 25 19 24 31 26 19 125 Calenture 1   1  2 1 1   3          1 3  4 2 4 3  13 Cancer, Gangrene, and Fistula 26 29 31 19 31 53 36 37 73 31 24 35 63 52 20 14 23 28 27 30 24 30 85 112 105 157 150 114 609 Wolf    8                    8     8 Canker, Sore-mouth, and Thrush 66 28 54 42 68 51 53 72 44 81 19 27 73 68 6 4 4 1   5 74 15 79 190 244 161 133 689 Childbed 161 106 114 117 206 213 158 192 177 201 236 225 226 194 150 157 112 171 132 143 163 230 590 668 498 769 839 490 3364 Chrisomes, and Infants 1369 1254 1065 990 1237 1280 1050 1343 1089 1393 1162 1144 858 1123 2596 2378 2035 2268 2130 2315 2113 1895 9277 8453 4678 4910 4788 4519 32106 Colic, and Wind 103 71 85 82 76 102 80 101 85 120 113 179 116 167 48 57     37 50 105 87 341 359 497 247 1389 Cold, and Cough       41 36 21 58 30 31 33 24 10 58 51 55 45 54 50 57 174 207 00 77 140 43 598 Consumption, and Cough 2423 2200 2388 1988 2350 2410 2286 2868 2606 3184 2757 3610 2982 3414 1827 1910 1713 1797 1754 1955 2080 2477 5157 8266 8999 9914 12157 7197 44487 Convulsion 684 491 530 493 569 653 606 828 702 1027 807 841 742 1031 52 87 18 241 221 386 418 709 498 1734 2198 2656 3377 1324 9073 Cramp   1              1 0 0 0 0 0 01 00 01 0 0 1 2 Cut of the Stone  2 1 3  1 1 2 4 1 3 5 46 48    5 1 5 2 2 5 10 6 4 13 47 38 Dropsy, and Tympany 185 434 421 508 444 556 617 704 660 706 631 931 646 872 235 252 279 280 266 250 329 389 1048 1734 1538 2321 2982 1302 9623 Drowned 47 40 30 27 49 50 53 30 43 49 63 60 57 48 43 33 29 34 37 32 32 45 139 147 144 182 215 130 827 Excessive drinking   2                      2   2 2 Executed 8 17 29 43 24 12 19 21 19 22 20 18 7 18 19 13 12 18 13 13 13 13 62 52 97 76 79 55 384 Fainted in a Bath     1                     1   1 Falling-Sickness 3 2 2 3  3 4 1 4 3 1  4 5 3 10 7 7 2 5 6 8 27 21 10 8 8 9 74 Flox, and small pox 139 400 1190 184 525 1279 139 812 1294 823 835 409 1523 354 72 40 58 531 72 1354 293 127 701 1840 1913 2755 3361 2785 10576 Found dead in the Streets 6 6 9 8 7 9 14 4 3 4 9 11 2 6 18 33 26 6 13 8 24 24 83 69 26 34 27 29 243 French-Pox 18 29 15 18 21 20 20 20 29 23 25 53 51 31 17 12 12 12 7 17 12 22 53 48 80 81 130 83 392 Frighted 4 4 1  3  2  1 1    9 1   1    3 2 3 9 5 2 2 21 Gout 9 5 12 9 7 7 5 6 8 7 8 13 14 2 2 5 3 4 4 5 7 8 14 24 35 25 36 28 134 Grief 12 13 16 7 17 14 11 17 10 13 10 12 13 4 18 20 22 11 14 17 5 20 71 56 48 59 45 47 279 Hanged, and made-away themselves 11 10 13 14 9 14 15 9 14 16 24 18 11 36 8 8 6 15  3 8 7 37 18 40 47 72 32 222 Headache  1 11 2  2 6 6 5 3 4 5 35 26       4 2 0 6 14 14 17 46 051 Jaundice 57 35 39 49 41 43 57 71 61 41 46 77 102 76 47 59 35 43 35 45 54 63 184 197 180 212 225 188 998 Jaw-fallen 1 1   3   2 2  3 1   10 16 13 8 10 10 4 11 47 35 02 5 6 10 95 Impostume 75 61 65 59 80 105 79 90 92 122 80 134 105 96 58 76 73 74 50 62 73 130 282 315 260 354 428 228 1639 Itch  1                 10    00 10 01    11 Killed by several Accidents 27 57 39 94 47 45 57 58 52 43 52 47 55 47 54 55 47 46 49 41 51 60 202 201 217 207 194 148 1021 King's Evil 27 26 22 19 22 20 26 26 27 24 23 28 28 54 16 25 18 38 35 20 2● 69 97 150 94 94 102 66 537 Lethargy 3 4 2 4 4 4 3 10 9 4 6 2 6 4 1  2 2 3  2 2 5 7 13 21 21 9 67 Leprosy   1         1  2 2      2  2 2 1  1 3 06 Livergrown, Spleen, and Rickets 53 46 56 59 65 72 67 65 52 50 38 51 8 15 94 112 99 87 82 77 98 99 392 356 213 269 191 158 1421 Lunatic 12 18 6 11 7 11 9 12 6 7 13 5 14 14 6 11 6 5 4 2 2 5 28 13 47 39 31 26 158 Meagrom 12 13  5 8 6 6 14 3 6 7 6 5 4   24     22 24 22 30 34 22 05 132 Measles 5 92 3 33 33 62 8 52 11 153 15 80 6 74 42 2 3 80 21 33 27 12 127 83 133 155 259 51 757 Mother 2     1 1 2 2 3  3 1 8 1       3 01 3 2 4 8 02 18 Murdered 3 2 7 5 4 3 3 3 9 6 5 7 70 20   3 7  6 5 8 10 19 17 13 27 77 86 Overlaid, and starved at Nurse 25 22 36 28 28 29 30 36 58 53 44 50 46 43 4 10 13 7 8 15 10 14 34 46 111 123 215 86 529 Palsy 27 21 19 20 23 20 29 18 22 23 20 22 17 21 17 23 17 25 14 21 25 17 82 77 87 90 87 53 423 Plague 3597 611 67 15 23 16 6 16 9 6 4 14 36 14  1317 274 8  1  10400 1599 10401 4290 61 33 103 16384 Plague in the Guts    1  110 32  87 315 446  253 402         00 00 01 142 844 253 991 Pleurisy 30 26 13 20 23 19 17 23 10 9 17 16 12 10 26 24 26 36 21  45 24 112 90 89 72 52 51 415 Poisoned  3  7               2   2 00 4 10 00 00 00 14 Purples, and spotted Fever 145 47 43 65 54 60 75 89 56 52 56 126 368 146 32 58 58 38 24 125 245 397 186 791 300 278 290 243 1845 Quinsy, and Sore-throat 14 11 12 17 24 20 18 9 15 13 7 10 21 14 01 8 6 7 24 04 5 22 22 55 54 71 45 34 247 Rickets 150 224 216 190 260 329 229 372 347 458 317 476 441 521      14 49 50 00 113 780 1190 1598. 657 3681 Mother, rising of the Lights 150 92 115 120 134 138 135 178 166 212 203 228 210 249 44 72 99 98 60 84 72 104 309 220 777 585 809 369 2700 Rupture 16 7 7 6 7 16 7 15 11 20 19 18 12 28 2 6 4 9 4 3 10 13 21 30 36 45 68 21 201 Scal'd-head 2    1    2                2 1 2  05 Scurvy 32 20 21 21 29 43 41 44 103 71 82 82 95 12 5 7 9  9  00 25 33 34 94 132 300 115 593 Smothered, and stifled   2             24       24  2   2 26 Sores, Ulcers, broken and bruised Limbs 15 17 17 16 26 32 25 32 23 34 40 47 61 48 23  20 48 19 19 22 29 91 89 65 115 144 141 504 Shot             7 20              07  Spleen 12 17     13 13  6 2 5 7 7           29 26 13 07 68 Shingles             1      1     1    1  Starved  4 8 7 1 2 1 1 3 1 3 6 7 14         14  19 5 13 29 51 Stitch    1                     1    1 Stone, and Strangury 45 42 29 28 50 41 44 38 49 57 72 69 22 30   58 56 58 49 33 45 114 185 144 173 247 51 863 Sciatica              2    1 3  1 6 1 4      Stopping of the Stomach 29 29 30 33 55 67 66 107 94 145 129 277 186 214        6  6 121 295 247 216 669 Surfeit 217 137 136 123 104 177 178 212 128 161 137 218 202 192 63 157 149 86 104 114 132 371 445 721 613 671 644 401 3094 Swine-Pox 4 4 3    1 4 2 1 1 1 2  5 8 4 6 3  10  23 13 11 5 5 10 57 Teeth, and Worms 767 597 540 598 709 905 691 1131 803 1198 878 1036 839 1008 440 506 335 470 432 454 539 1207 1751 2632 2502 3436 3915 1819 14236 Phthisic 62 47             8 12 14 34 23 15 27  68 65 109   8 242 Thrush           57 66   15 23 17 40 28 31 34  95 93   123 15 211 Vomiting 1 6 3 7 4 6 3 14 7 27 16 19 8 10 1 4 1 1 2 5 6 3 7 16 17 27 69 12 136 Worms 147 107 105 65 85 86 53        19 31 28 27 19 28 27  105 74 424 224  124 830 Wen 1  1  2 2   1  1 2 1 1   1  4    1 4 2 4 4 2 15 Suddenly               63 59 37 62 58 62 78 34 221 233    63 454                             34190 229250  
Place this Table after Fol. 74.  

The Table of Burials, and Christen.  Anno Dom. 97 Parishes 16 Parishes Out-Parishes Buried in all Besides of the Plague Christened 1604 1518 2097 708 4323 896 5458 1605 2014 2974 960 5948 444 6504 1606 1941 2920 935 5796 2124 6614 1607 1879 2772 1019 5670 2352 6582 1608 2391 3218 1149 6758 2262 6845 1609 2494 3610 1441 7545 4240 6388 1610 2326 3791 1369 7486 1803 6785 1611 2152 3398 1166 6716 627 7014  16715 24780 8747 50242 14752 52190 1612 2473 3843 1462 7778 64 6986 1613 2406 3679 1418 7503 16 6846 1614 2369 3504 1494 7367 22 7208 1615 2446 3791 1613 7850 37 7682 1616 2490 3876 1697 8063 9 7985 1617. 2397 4109 1774 8280 6 7747 1618. 2815 4715 2066 9596 18 7735 1619 2339 3857 1804 7999 9 8127  19735 31374 13328 64436 171 60316 1620 2726 4819 2146 9691 21 7845 1621. 2438 3759 1915 8112 11 8039 1622 2811 4217 2392 8943 16 7894 1623. 3591 4721 2783 11095 17 7945 1624. 3385 5919 2895 12199 11 8299 1625 5143 9819 3886 18848 35417 6983 1626. 2150 3286 1965 7401 134 6701 1627. 2325 3400 1988 7711 4 8408  24569 39940 19970 84000 35631 62114 1628. 2412 3311 2017 7740 3 8564 1629 2536 3992 2243 8771 0 9901 1630 2506 4201 2521 9237 1317 9315 1631 2459 3697 2132 8288 274 8524 1632 2704 4412 2411 9527 8 9584 1633 2378 3936 2078 8392 0 9997 1634 2937 4980 2982 10899 1 9855 1635 2742 4966 2943 10651 0 10034  20694 33495 19327 73505 1603 75774 1636 2825 6924 3210 12959 10400 9522 1637 2288 4265 2128 8681 3082 9160 1638 3584 5926 3751 13261 363 10311 1639 2592 4344 2612 9548 314 10150 1640 2919 5156 3246 11321 1450 10850 1641 3248 5092 3427 11767 1375 10670 1642 3176 5245 3578 11999 1274 10370 1643 3395 5552 3269 12216 996 9410  23987 42544 25●21 91752 19244 80443 1644 2593 4274 2574 9441 1492 8104 1645 2524 4639 2445 9608 1871 7966 1646 2746 4872 2797 10415 2365 7163 1647 2672 4749 3041 10462 3597 7332 1648 2480 4288 2515 9283 611 6544 1649 2865 4714 2920 10499 67 5825 1650 2301 4138 2310 8749 15 5612 1651 2845 5002 2597 10804 23 6071  21026 36676 21199 78896 10041 54617 1652 3293 5719 3546 12553 16 6128 1653 2527 4635 2919 10081 6 6155 1654. 3323 6063 3845 13231 16 6620 1655 2761 5148 3439 11348 9 7004 1656 3327 6573 4015 13915 6 7050 1657 3014 5646 3770 12430 4 6685 1658 3613 6923 4443 14979 14 6170 1659. 3431 6988 4301 14720 36 5690  25288 47695 30278 103261 107 51502 1660 3098 5644 3926 12668 13 6971 1661. 3804 7309 5532 16645 20 8855  
The Table following contains the Number of Burials, and Christen in the seven Parishes here under-mentioned, from the year 1636 unto the year 1659. inclusive; all which time the Burials, and Christen were jointly mentioned: the two last years the Christen were omitted in the yearly Bills. This Table consists of seventeen Columns, the Total of all the Burials being contained in the sixteen Columns: which Number being added to the Total in the precedent Table of Burials, and Christen, makes the Total of every yearly, or general Bill.  
Note, where there follows a second Number under any year, it denotes those, who died that year of the Plague.  
Westmin. Islington, Lambeth, Stepney. Newing▪ Hackney, Rear. Tot. 7. Par. Tot. 7. Par. An. Do. Bur. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. 1636 1107 556 99 56 213 137 1895 881 584 155 68 77 90 62 4056 1924  442  30  45  909  242  14  20  1702  1637 963 496 94 72 173 137 952 838 183 172 68 70 74 51 2507 1836  301  17  18  153  16  6  10  521  1638 1021 563 116 49 221 140 1209 908 255 146 101 69 74 78 2997 1953  126    8  11        145  1639 546 543 88 53 195 132 970 956 187 159 84 53 81 52 2151 1948  4  2    2      1  9  1640 754 665 94 54 187 142 1106 983 189 194 76 54 53 77 2459 2159  62  3  6  117      1  189  1641 697 625 92 76 168 137 1250 1037 170 137 82 73 69 64 2508 2149  40  5  9  70    4    128  1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262  37  4  12  20  17  5  4  99  1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038  25  3  45  83  86    2  244  1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750  35  8  8  269  44  3  17  384  1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753  62  6  3  150  18  7  1  256  1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868  76  8  5  97  14  9  2  203  1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688  40  5  9  70    4    128  1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262  37  4  12  20  17  5  4  99  1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038  25  3  45  83  86    2  244  1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750  35  8  8  269  44  3  17  384  1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753  62  6  3  150  18  7  1  256  1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868  76  8  5  97  14  9  2  203  1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688  114  12  25  155  28  16  4  434  1648 561 384 68 46 87 57 837 767   57 42 45 59 1635 1305  41  4    31    6    82  1649 558 333 90 44 131 55 838 625   90 49   1807 1106    1    3        4  1650 470 413 78 54 88 50 748 572 55 65 61 48 50 62 1550 1264 1651 580 345 107 51 127 49 961 634 172 59 60 30 84 45 2091 1213 1652 649 432 99 36 179 50 1212 657 198 85 72 33 74 37 2483 1330      1          1  1653 567 394 69 46 120 54 1064 620 195 76 71 48 69 21 2155 1250 1654. 657 401 96 65 166 76 1252 803 236 106 88 31 75 46 2570 1526 1655 676 414 95 86 134 128 1199 859 172 120 68 37 62 57 2406 1701 1656 761 498 139 89 176 152 1255 963 248 127 67 46 66 45 2701 1920 1657 705 473 112 67 231 137 1213 876 204 123 96 42 51 31 2612 1749 1658 890 440 113 36 220 32 1486 892 181 99 91 30 48 16 2958 1645 1659. 822 415 116 56 193 103 1392 695 138 86 83 50 84 13 2828 1418 1660 783  108  183  1151  114  65  33  2437  1661. 983  102  330  1561  340  102  87  3505   
Place this Table after fol. 76.  

The Table of Males and Females for London.  An. Dom. Buried Christened  Males Females Males Females. 1629 4668 4103 5218 4683 1630 5660 4894 4858 4457 1631 4549 4013 4422 4102 1632 4932 4603 4994 4590 1633 4369 4023 5158 4839 1634 5676 5224 5035 4820 1635 5548 5103 5106 4928 1636 12377 10982 4917 4605  47779 43945 39708 37024 1637 6392 5371 4703 4457 1638 7168 6456 5359 4952 1639 5351 4511 5366 4784 1640 6761 6010 5518 5332 Total 73451 65293 60664 56549 1641 6872 6270 5470 5200 1642 7049 6224 5460 4910 1643 6842 6360 4793 4617 1644 5659 5274 4107 3997 1645 6014 5465 4047 3919 1646 6683 6097 3768 3395 1647 7313 6746 3796 3536 1648 5145 4749 3363 3181  51577 47185 34804 3275 1649 5454 5112 3079 2746 1650 4548 4216 2890 2722 1651 5680 5147 3231 2840 1652 6543 6026 3220 2908 1653 5416 4671 3196 2959 1654. 6972 6275 3441 3179 1655 6027 5330 3655 3349 1656 7365 6556 3668 3382  44005 41333 26380 24085 1657 6578 5856 3396 3289 1658 7936 7057 3157 3013 1659. 7451 7305 9209 2781 1660 7960 7158 3724 3247  29925 27376 13186 1233 Total 198952 181187 135034 12675  

The Table by Decades of years for the Country-Parish.     Christened.  Buried.  Decades ●f years Married Males Fem. Both Males Fem. Both ●5 69 190 312 302 614 214 221 435 78 ●5 79 185 328 309 637 287 302 589 88 ●5 89 175 342 274 616 337 284 621 98 ●● 599 181 366 377 743 249 219 468 608 ●6 09 197 417 358 775 338 386 724 18 ●6 19 168 368 373 741 305 306 611 28 ●6 29 153 418 413 831 317 319 636 38 ●6 39 137 351 357 708 375 383 758 48 ●6 49 182 354 320 674 218 220 438 58   1568 3256 3083 6339 2640 2640 5280  

The Table of the Country-Parish.   Communicants Weddings Christened Euried Years M. F. Both M. F. Both 1569  14 38 30 68 23 21 44 1570  19 29 32 61 21 25 46 1571  18 28 26 54 23 27 50 1572  23 32 32 54 20 14 34 1573  21 34 36 70 24 13 37 1574  16 21 29 50 28 38 66 1575.  24 37 29 66 15 19 34 1576  22 33 37 70 16 18 34 1577  13 29 26 55 19 21 40 1578  20 31 35 66 25 25 50   190 312 302 614 214 221 435 1579  15 35 36 71 27 27 54 80  21 43 31 74 38 41 79 81  29 20 33 62 34 24 58 82  22 28 29 57 18 21 39 83  22 32 27 59 35 52 87 84  15 46 44 90 22 19 41 85  15 26 21 47 15 27 42 86  18 22 23 45 24 37 61 87  13 34 31 65 43 36 79 1588.  15 33 34 67 31 18 49   185 328 309 637 287 302 589 1589  20 31 27 58 28 16 44 90  16 40 29 69 36 21 57 91  12 37 28 65 35 30 65 92  14 40 25 65 28 19 47 93  20 32 20 52 33 32 65 94  24 34 37 71 16 22 38 95  16 32 28 60 33 28 61 96  9 36 26 62 42 29 71 97  23 23 25 48 53 64 117 98  21 37 29 66 33 23 66   175 342 274 616 337 284 631 1599  19 45 31 76 21 22 43 600  16 26 34 60 20 26 46 601  16 39 32 71 18 12 30 602  14 31 32 63 29 18 47 603  12 31 38 69 32 39 71 604  21 42 35 77 26 27 53 605  19 47 34 81 21 12 33 606  19 29 41 70 28 23 51 607  27 36 47 83 33 19 52 608  17 40 53 93 21 21 42   181 366 377 743 249 219 468  

The Table of Males and Females.    Christened Buried Years Weddings M. F. Both. M. F. Both 1609 23 30 31 61 24 41 65 10 19 46 30 76 33 40 73 11 25 40 41 81 41 32 73 12 20 55 32 87 53 63 116 13 24 41 33 74 47 41 88 14 25 50 35 85 27 36 63 15 22 35 48 83 28 36 64 16 14 38 36 74 27 41 68 17 17 45 31 76 35 28 63 1618. 8 37 41 78 23 28 51  197 417 358 775 338 386 724 1619 21 37 43 80 26 28 54 20 20 34 51 85 18 30 48 21 21 31 37 68 28 36 64 22 23 45 38 83 20 26 46 23 14 40 36 76 56 31 87 24 19 30 33 63 29 35 64 25 7 37 41 78 36 20 56 26 9 30 35 65 21 29 50 27 18 45 23 68 24 29 53 1628. 16 39 36 75 47 42 89  168 368 373 741 305 306 611 1629 22 53 38 91 46 28 74 30 8 58 45 103 26 27 53 31 20 42 29 71 26 33 59 32 16 43 50 93 15 21 36 33 12 38 65 103 18 11 29 34 23 30 45 75 18 26 44 35 11 39 32 71 18 17 35 36 15 50 37 87 42 48 90 37 13 35 36 71 25 35 60 1638 13 30 36 66 83 73 156  153 418 413 831 317 319 636 1639 18 24 31 55 48 66 114 40 11 44 41 85 35 39 74 41 21 34 29 63 34 36 70 42 21 48 39 87 32 29 61 43 8 30 42 72 59 28 87 44 16 33 26 59 65 72 137 45 10 43 41 84 28 29 57 46 11 32 35 67 24 32 56 47 12 28 46 74 25 21 46 48 9 35 27 62 25 31 56  137 351 357 708 375 383 758 1649 9 22 37 59 46 34 80 50 9 55 31 86 25 27 52 51 7 25 27 52 11 21 32 52 14 34 28 62 20 25 45 53 9 47 24 71 21 14 35 54 15 34 37 71 14 25 39 55 38 35 34 69 28 19 47 56 28 40 30 70 18 15 33 57 37 23 43 66 22 25 47 58 16 39 29 68 13 15 28  182 354 320 674 218 220 438   

Advertisements for the better understanding of the several Tables: videlicet, Concerning the Table of Casualties consisting of thirty Columns.  
THe first Column contains all the Casualties happening within the 22 single years mentioned in this Bill.  
The 14 next Columns contain two of the last Septenaries of years, which being the latest are first set down.  
The 8 next Columns represent the 8 first years, wherein the Casualties were taken notice off.  
Memorandum, That the 10 years between 1636 and 1647 are omitted as containing nothing Extraordinary, and as not consistent with the Incapacity of a Sheet.  
The 5 next Columns are the 8 years from 1629 to 1636 brought into 2 Quaternions, and the 12 of the 14 last years brought into three more; that Comparison might be made between each 4 years taken together, as well as each single year apart.  
The next Column contains 3 years together, taken at 10 years' distance from each other; that the distant years, as well as consequent, might be compared with the whole 20, each of the 5 Quaternions, and each of the 22 single years.  
The last Column contains the total of the 15 Quaternions, or 25 years.  
The Number 229250 is the total of all the Burials in the said 20 years, as 34190 is of the Burialsin the said 3 distant years. Where note that the ⅓ of the latter total is 11396 and the 1/20 of the former is 11462; differing but 66 from each other in so great a sum, videlicet scarce 1/200 part.   

The Table of Burials, and Christen, consisting of 7 Columns.  
IT is to be noted, that in all the several Columns of the Burials those dying of the Plague are left out, being reckoned all together in the sixth Column. Whereas in the original Bills the Plague, and all other diseases are reckoned together, with mention how many of the respective totals are of the Plague.  
Secondly, From the year 1642 forwards the account of the Christen is not to be trusted, the neglects of the same beginning about that year: for in 1642 there are set down 10370, and about the same Number several years before, after which time the said Christen decreased to between 5000 and 6000 by omission of the greater part.  
Thirdly, The several Numbers are cast up into Octonaries, that Comparison may be made of them as as well as of single years.   

The Table of Males, and Females, containing 5 Columns.  
First, The Numbers are cast up for 12 years; videlicet from 1629, when the distinction between Males and Females first began, until 1640 inclusiuè when the exactness in that Account ceased.  
Secondly, From 1640 to 1660 the Numbers are cast up into another total, which seems as good for comparing the Number of Males with Females, the neglect being in both Sexes alike, and proportionable.  
The Tables concerning the Country-Parish, the former of Decades beginning at 1569, and continuing until 1658, and the latter being for single years, being for the same time, are so plain, that they require no further Explanation than the bare reading the Chapter relating to them, etc.  
FINIS.   

Errata.  
Pag. 8. lin. 22. read 1632. pag. 21. lin. 19 r. 229250. p. 26. lin. 27. r. 314. p. 29. lin. 28. r. seemed. lin. 29. in proportion. p. 32. l. 14. r. which in p. 35. l. 29. r. Other. p. 40. l. 26. r. calamities. p. 41. 33. r. should have. p. 43. l. 17. r. II. p. 44. l. 6. r. 10000 p. 48. l. 16, 17. deal all within the Parenthe ●●●● 7. l. 22. r. difference. p. 65. l. 12. r. It. pag. 78, and 79 r. Country-Parish.