THE HISTORY of the WAR of CYPRUS THE HISTORY OF THE WAR OF CYPRUS. Written Originally in Latin. With a New Map of the Island. LONDON, Printed by J. Rawlins, and sold by Randal Taylor, near Stationers-Hall, 1687. Licenced, November 26. 1686. RO. L'ESTRANGE. TO THE Right Honourable GEORGE Lord JEFFREYS, Baron of WEM, Lord High Chancellor of ENGLAND, and One of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council. My Lord, YOur Lordship, I hope, will pardon the Boldness of this Dedication, and permit the Presenter of it, to pay that Honour and Veneration, which is due from All to your Lordship's Eminent Character, and most Illustrious Merits. To which, nothing can do greater Right, than what has come from the Mouths of the late flagitious Rebels themselves, who were so highly sensible of your Lordship's Wisdom and Courage, in opposing their Hellish and Damnable Designs, that their Principal Leaders were used to please themselves with nothing more, than with the Thoughts and Wishes of making your Lordship a Sacrifice to their Malice and Revenge. I will not attempt to speak here of what you suffered for your Inflexible Loyalty from a Seditious Cabal, nor of our Obligations to your Auspicious Conduct, which nipped the growing Faction in the Bud, and stopped the Torrent of Enthusiastic Frenzy, and by a bold Stroke of Justice, set at Liberty those who were condemned, unheard, to a perpetual Confinement. It were a Task too hard for me, to undertake a particular Description of these, and other Instances of your Lordship's Goodness and Courage, which will be the chief Subject of the most lasting History of our Times. All that I pretend to, is, to make some public Acknowledgement of the just Sense I have of your Lordship's Great and Exemplary Virtues, and to testify in all Sincerity, that I am, My Lord, Your Lordship's most Obedient and humbly Devoted Servant, Robert Midgley. TO THE READER. THE Title of this Book seems to promise but a narrow History; and those that only like great Revolutions, and variety of several Events, which have happened in a long Sequel of Time, will not perhaps be much prepossessed in its Favour: The Conquest of an Island, altho' honoured with the Title of a Kingdom, which was completed in the second Campaign, will appear to them too short to furnish an Historian, with choice Materials. But supposing the Interest which all Europe had in this Affair, did not make it, as indeed it did, one of the most famous Accidents of the preceding Age; yet the taking of Nicosia, and desolation thereof, being the Capital City of the Island of Cyprus, the Siege and Surrender of Famagusta, which capitulated not till after a four Months vigorous Resistance, and the memorable Victory of Lepanto, deserve the exact Care, which the Bishop of Amelia has taken in Publishing them. The Republic of Venice, never saw herself so threatened by the Ottoman Empire, as when Selim the Second, formed the Design of snatching from her this Kingdom; and never Enterprise was carried on in the Divan, with more dexterity and secrecy. The Church then governed by Pope Pius the Fifth (who was since Canonised) was at the same time attacked by several Reformers, authorised by Secular Powers; and the Infidels, who always make advantage of the Disunion of Christians, improved so favourable an opportunity to the enlargement of their Territories and Religion. The Pope alarmed by the foresight of these Misfortunes, dispatched Nuncio's, sent Legates to all the Princes of Europe; and not content with these his good Endeavours, set out a Fleet at his own Charge, and offered to conduct it in Person for the Venetians. Every Prince consented or refused to enter into the League proposed by his Holiness, according as he was interessed to break off, or keep in with the Port, and the Advantage he found in the Ruin or Preservation of the Republic. But the Course which the King of Spain, Philip the Second, held, is a Piece of the most refined Policy. The Legate had no sooner represented him with the danger, wherein the Republic lay, but he undertook to send a great Force, to its Assistance, and gave Orders at the same time, for the equipping of a considerable Fleet. All Christendom could expect no less from a Monarch, who wore so many Crowns, and honoured himself with the Title of Most Catholic King. But his Design was only to merit this Title in appearance; seeing the slowness which he used in making ready this Fleet, and the secret Orders he gave to Requiescens, Chief of the Council, to Don John of Austria, tended only to ruin the Republic, and by this means reduce Italy under his Power. The Ministers, and Venetian Generals happily penetrated into the secret Designs of Philip, and gave speedy Notice to their Masters. The Venetians, justly grieved to find how unsincerely they were dealt with, made no scruple to accommodate themselves with the Turk, without the participation of the Confederates, altho' this was expressly forbidden by the Treaty, they made with the Christian Princes. It is in the summing up of this variety of Interests, that our Author dives into, and discovers the Intrigues and Motions of the principal Courts of Europe; and we may well credit his Abilities and Faithfulness, from the Part which Cardinal Commendon gives him in all these important Mysteries of State. THE CONTENTS OF THE FIRST BOOK. A Description of the Isle of Cyprus. The Manners of its Inhabitants. The Dryness of the Territory. It's Abundance. Malignity of Ayr. Its different Possessors. Conquered by the Romans from the Kings of Egypt. King Peter massacred by his Subjects. The Genoeses take Famagusta. Catharine Cornaro espouses King James. Demits his Crown to her at his Death. She retires to Venice, and delivers the Kingdom into the hand of the Senate; who fortify Nicosia, the Capital City of the Island. Solyman the Father of five Children. Selim, the youngest, succeeds him. His Inclinations. Mahomet Chief Visier. Jealousy of Mustapha, and Piali, touching the Favour of Mahomet. Selim despised by the Soldiers. Blind Obedience of the Musulmans. Unhappy State of the Jews. They retire from Spain into Portugal. Their Obstinacy. Selim excites the taking of the Isle of Cyprus. Hospitals and Moscs built by the Sultan's with the Spoils taken from the Christians. Selim designs the Conquest of Cyprus for the building of an Hospital and a Mosc▪ Discourse of Mustapha to engage him in this Enterprise. Mahomet endeavours to divert him from it. He advises him to succour the Moors in Spain. A great Dearth in Italy. The Arsenal of Venice is burnt. The Disorder which this Fire causes. The Senate mistrust some Conspiracy. A Jew called Miches, is suspected. The News of this Fire carried to Constantinople. The Artifice of Mahomet to deceive the Venetians. The Ambassador of Venice discovers this Minister's Secret. The Grand Signior sends a Denunciation of War to the Republic. The Doge returns his Answer in Writing. The sudden Death of Lauredon, Doge of Venice. Mocenigo succeeds him. The Epirots treat with the Venetians. The City of Supoto besieged and taken by the Venetians. The Plague destroys their Navy. The Birth of Cardinal Granvil. His Aversion to the Venetians. The Firmness of Cardinal Commendon. Mark Anthony Colonni, General of the Pope's Army. Contest between the General's touching the Means of succouring Cyprus. Reasons of the Distrust the Venetians had of John Andrew Doria, General of the Spanish Galleys. CYPRI INSULA THE HISTORY OF THE WAR of CYPRUS. The First Book. MOst of the Ancient Geographers and Historians, have mentioned the Isle of Cyprus with Commendation. Some of them have divided it into Nine Kingdoms, altho' the whole Island scarcely deserves such a Title. She is situated in that part of the Mediterranean Sea, which lies nearest Asia, between Cilicia and Syria. The Seas of Pamphylia and Egypt, with the Gulf of Lajazzo, anciently called the Sein Isique, surround her, lying from the Continent about sixty Miles over against Cilicia, and eighty distant from Syria. 'Tis thought she was heretofore a Peninsula, joining on that side of Asia, being separated by the violence of a Flood, which overran all those Parts. She contains about two hundred Miles in Length, and sixty five in Largeness; and is in Circuit near five hundred. 'Tis said there were heretofore fifteen considerable Cities: But at present there are only reckoned five, which are well inhabited, Nicosia, Famagusta, Baffo, Lamisso, and Cerines'. The rest are Towns to the number of eight hundred and forty; and Villages, divided into eleven Regions or Quarters, named Baffo, Andimes, Limisso, Massota, Sasines, Mesarea, Crusso, Pendengia, Cerines', Carpasso, Visconti; This Island is reckoned at present to contain about two hundred thousand Inhabitants, a small number in comparison of that with which 'twas peopled under the Reign of the Emperor Trajan: seeing that according to the Report of Di●n Cassius, in the Life of this Prince, the Jews massacred in one day two hundred and forty thousand Cypriots, to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Roman Empire. The Inhabitants of this Island were separated into four different States, the Nobility, Commonalty, the Freedmen and Slaves. The two last were only employed in Husbandry, and the others lived in Cities, and accustomed the Countrypeople (contrary to Right) to Servitude and Slavery. They afterwards enfranchised the greatest part of these, whom they called Francomates. Those who not yet enjoyed their Liberty, called themselves Paresiens. They all mortally hated the Nobility; and especially these latter, being worst used by them. The Militia of the Country was drawn from the Freedmen, and consisted of a certain number of Regiments and Companies. The Heat of the Climate is the Cause why the Cypriots are ordinarily of a mean stature, and approach rather to Leanness than Fatness. They are more dexterous and nimble, than strong and vigorous: They are of the same Complexion as most Greeks; their Hair is black, and their Wits delicate and surpassing; but their Plenty has made them soft and debauched, and subject to Wine and Women. He was not counted a considerable man among them, who was not commonly served in Silver; & the Peasants had each of them a Cup, a Spoon, a Knife, Handle and Fork of the same Metal. The Gentry lived in as great splendour as Princes: Their Houses were filled with Officers and Domestics. They were magnificent in Householdstuff, as well as in clothes The Furniture of their Tables was equal to the Richness of their Cupboards of Plate; and the Expense they were at in Dogs and Horses, was answerable to this their Profusion and Luxury. The Incontinency and Looseness of their Women, has given occasion to Poets to feign, That assoon as Venus came out of the Sea, of whose Froth they say she sprang, she first Landed at Cyprus, and was thereupon first named Cypriana, and Paphienna, because of a magnificent Temple built in Honour of her, in the famous City of Paphos. This Isle abounding in all sort of things, yet suffers oft times by the great scarcity of Water. We read in the Annals of this Country, that the Inhabitants were driven out by an extraordinary drought, and that for seventeen years together there was no Rain. She is watered with no River. The Rain sometimes in the Winter causes Torrents, which fall from the Mountains with great swiftness, but are soon dried up by the excessive heat of the Summer. There are several Wells and Fountains, but they are subject to the forementioned Inconvenience: Yet does the Earth bring forth of itself a prodigious quantity of Fruits. A Third part of Wheat, and other Grains which they gather, is more than what's sufficient for the Inhabitants. Their Wines are so delicious, that they are counted the best of all Greece; and the Isle produces so great abundance thereof, that it is thought Selim, who was more addicted to Wine than any of the Ottoman Emperors, had no greater Motive to conquer it, than that of possessing so delicious a Vineyard. They made so much Salt, that the Venetians yearly drew three hundred thousand Crowns, as a Tax on that quantity which Strangers bought up there. Silk and Sugar make up another great part of its Revenues. She is no less fertile in Olives, Honey, Wax, Saffron, Flax, and several other necessary Commodites; but especially in choice Medicinal Herbs and Drugs. They have also Mines of different Metals. There is likewise to be found several Precious Stones; and in general, whatsoever the Earth contains thats rich and rare in the depth of its Bowels. It's Air, in truth, is not answerable to the goodness of its Soil; immoderate heats rendering the whole Island unhealthy, and in some parts contagious, so that it seems as if its Malignity would ravish from the Cypriots the pleasure of a long enjoyment of Nature's Favours; few of them arriving to great maturity of Years. This Country was first invaded by Tyrants; from whose hands the Kings of Egypt rescued it. Publius Clodius, as well known by the hatred which Cicero's Banishment drew on him, as by his Boldness and Birth, took it from the Kings of Egypt. This young Roman falling into the hands of Pirates, sent to Ptolemy for Money to pay his Ransom; who offering only a small Sum to the Corsary's, they freely gave Clodius his Liberty; who, after that, sought means to revenge himself of the slight value the King of Egypt set on him. Assoon as he saw himself Tribune of the People, he made a Decree, by which the Isle of Cyprus was declared a Province of the Roman Empire; and Mark Cato was presently ordered to take possession of it, and transport its Riches to Rome. He found such vast Treasures, as gave cause to think they had tempted the Romans covetous humour. Ptolemy was so ashamed and enraged to see himself stripped of this State by a Citizen of the Republic, that he ended his Life with Despair and Vexation. After the Fall of the Roman Empire, that of Constantinople possessed this Isle to the Year 1190, when Richard King of England, took it from Isaac Comnenus, who had made himself the Tyrant of it; and drove him thence, for refusing the use of his Havens to the Fleet, which he conducted to the Recovery of Jerusalem. He sold it sometime after to the Templars, whose Order was then most rich and flourishing: But their Establishment in this Island, having excited several Seditions, they yielded their Purchase to Guy de Lusignan, King of Jerusalem, whom the Infidels had despoiled of his Crown. Guy died two years after his Possession, and left the Isle to his Brother Amaury; under whose Government, she was repeopled, and rendered more fertile than heretofore, having drawn thither several Families of Strangers, by virtue of Immunities, Exemptions and Privileges. He sent a famous Embassy to Rome, to obtain of the Pope the Title of King. Hugo, his Son, succeeded him; who left his Crown to his Son Henry: He was the Father of Hugo the Second, who died young, and without Children. Another Hugo, his Cousin-German, Son to the Prince of Poville, and Isabel, Henry's Sister, was placed on the Throne, as his nearest Relation, and took the Surname of Lusignan, to make himself more agreeable to the Cypriots. John, his Son, inherited his Crown, and likewise left it to his Son, Henry the Second. This Prince being troubled with the Falling-Sickness, was declared unfit to succeed; and his Brother Amaury, having caused him to be taken by force, sent him to Aiton, the King of Armenia, his Brother-in-Law; who shut him up in Prison. This Treason remained not long unpunished; for the Usurper was assassinated in his Bed by one of the Officers of his Chamber, named Simonnet. Henry was afterwards established; to whom succeeded Hugo, his Nephew. This Hugo, the Third of that Name, was Father of Peter, who merited by his rare Valour, the Surname of Courageous. This Kingdom had never been so flourishing as it was under the Reign of this brave Prince. He settled a Commerce in the City of Famagusta, with all the Neighbouring States; which enriched his Subjects, and yielded him also an infinite Treasure. He set out a Fleet of Fifty Galleys, with which, the King of Spain, and those of the Isle of Rhodes, having joined their Forces, he took the City of Alexandria, and carried his Conquests as far as Syria. After these glorious Exploits, he intended to go to Rome, to pay his Respects to that See; but during his Absence, the Count de Rocas, to whom he had left the Government of his State, debauched the Queen, his Wife, and usurped the Sovereign Authority. Peter advertized of this on his way, returns speedily to Cyprus, seizeth on the Traitor, and delivers him into the Hands of his Justices, to be punished according to the Laws of the Country: But his great Estate, his Credit, and the Protection of the Queen, having corrupted his Judges, he was discharged as innocent; and Visconti, Master of the King's Household, his Accuser, condemned to a perpetual Banishment: This Prince being rendered furious and cruel by the unjustice of this Proceeding, extended his Revenge so far, as made all the Cypriots suffer: He loaded 'em with Irons, and condemned 'em to die on the least complaint, and meanest appearance of the smallest Crime. He ravished the Honour of their Wives and Daughters, and exposed them moreover to the Brutality of the Ministers of his Passion, not suffering them to spare any. To increase the Terror and Confusion of his Subjects, he caused a new Prison to be built in the most public part of the City, and forced whom he pleased of the Inhabitants, of both Sexes, to work at it: But a courageous bold Woman animated them to a Revolt, in this manner; Being a Gentlewoman born, and finding herself forced to serve Brick-layers and Masons, held up her Coats and Shift to her knees, and remained in this immodest posture in expectation of the King, who was to come to see the Workmen, attended by all his Court. So soon as he was over against her, she let down her Coats, and sat on the ground; but she arose presently after he was past, with such Impudence as scandalised the Beholders. Every one surprised with this Spectacle, and being not able to guests at the Reason, some asked her, why she was not ashamed of her Nakedness save only in the presence of the King? She answered coldly, that she and the Women with her, did not look so exactly about 'em; for having seen no Man but the King, she thought she should not offend against Modesty, but only in regard of him: These People nettled by this sharp Reproach, fell on the Prince, and massacred him. His Son, named Petrin, or Petrote, was set up in his place. This new King, having done the Ambassadors of Venice and Genoa, the honour to eat at his Table, these Ministers could not agree about Precedency; but he decided it in favour of the Venetians. The Genoeses, to be revenged of the Affront which they pretended to have received, conspired against him: But their Conspiracy being detected, all the Genoeses about the Palace, were seized on; who were thrown immediately down from an high Tower on the points of the Halberds. All of that Nation were used throughout the whole Island in the same manner. The Republic of Genoa, concerned at this Usage, declared War against the King of Cyprus; and for that end, set forth a Fleet of Ships, under the Command of Peter Fregosa. This Captain made himself Master of Famagusta, being of intelligence with the Queen-Mother, whose Treason reduced her Son to such an extremity, that he consented to yield the Place to the Genoeses, and pay them a yearly Tribute; and for the surer Payment thereof, gave Prince James, his Uncle, and his Cousin-germen for Hostages. His Death put his Uncle in possession of the Crown, being then a Prisoner at Genoa: but he demitted it into the hands of his Son John the Second, otherwise Janus, being thus called from the City of Genoa, where he was born; the Mamelucs made War against him, and overthrew him in a Combat, wherein he was taken Prisoner, and thence carried into Egypt: These Barbarians restored him not to his Liberty, till they had drawn great Sums from him, and engaged him to pay eight thousand Crowns yearly Tribute; whereunto his Successors should be also bound for ever to the Kings of Egypt, This Tribute was punctually paid, and the Venetians become Masters of the Place, thought themselves obliged to send it every year to Constantinople, since the extinction of the Mamelucs, from whom Selim conquered Egypt. Janus had only one Son, named John, a Prince of a weak Constitution both of Body and Mind, whom the Queen, his Wife, governed at her Will: Their only Daughter, named Charlotta, was first married to a Prince of the Family of Portugal, who having been poisoned, she espoused Lewis, Son to the Duke of Savoy. He reigned not long after the Decease of John, his Father-in-Law. James, Bastard-Brother to the Queen, who was designed for the Archbishopric of Nicosia, could not suffer a Stranger to bereave him of the Crown; so renouncing his Ecclesiastical Profession, he had recourse to the Protection of the Mamelucs, by whose Assistance, he drove out the Queen Charlotte, and Prince Lewis, her Husband, recovered Famagusta from the Genoeses, and made himself Master of the whole Island. He considered he needed the Assistance of the Venetians, to confirm him in the Throne; and therefore sent Ambassadors to the Republic, to desire a Venetian Lady, chosen by the Senate, to make her Queen of Cyprus. The Venetians cast their Eyes on Catharine, the Daughter of Mark Anthony Cornaro, being of one of the most ancient Families in Venice. She was adopted by the Senate, and afterwards conducted to the Isle of Cyprus, to King James. This Prince died some time after his Marriage, and left the Queen pregnant; whom he made by his Will Heiress with the Child which she was to bring into the World: She was delivered of a Boy, who was likewise named James, and lived not above ten Months. The Grand Signior, and the King of Syria, considered the Isle of Cyprus as a State very commodious for them. On the other hand, Ferdinand, King of Naples, looked on Queen Catharine, as a Person well qualified for him. Which alarming the Venetians, who thought themselves to have most Right to the Island, they sent George Cornaro, the Brother of this Princess, to pre-engage her in favour of the Republic. His Reasons and Entreaties met with such prevalency in the Mind of his Sister, that she demised her Estate in the year 1489. sixteen years after the death of the King her Husband; and Francis Prioli, Admiral of the Venetian Forces, went and took possession of it in the Name of the Republic. Catharine at the same time retiring to Venice, the Seniory gave her a small Town in the Mountains de la March Trevisanna, where she confined herself all the rest of her days, and lived there in much tranquillity to a great Age. This Acquisition gave as great trouble to the Senate, as it did yield honour to the Republic; for if it were glorious to 'em to reduce a Kingdom into a Province, and to extend their Dominion as far as Asia, whence by this means they might draw great Advantages, it was on the other hand troublesome to them to have a State environed with those of the Grand Signior, and continually threatened by this formidable Power. That which heightened the more their inquietude, was, That there was no fortified place in the whole Island except the City of Famagusta, which was too weak to resist the Invasions of the Infidels. Selim, who since declared War with the Venetians, was then Governor of Cilicia, and learned them by his Conduct, that he earnestly intended the Conquest of this Island. These Suspicions obliged the Senate to send thither Julius Savorniani, with a plenary Power. He was a Person of Noble Birth, whose long Services, together with those of his Father, had rendered him deservedly famous. He was ordered to fortify the Island as he thought fit, but with all possible diligence, lest he should be prevented by Solyman the Sultan, who was then at War with the Emperor Maximilian in Hungary, and commanded his Army in person. Savornianis, who was a man of a lively and undertaking Spirit, took Shipping assoon as ever he had his Dispatches. Scarcely was he arrived on the Island, but he began to surround it, and view those Places which most needed to be fortified, with such an exact diligence as answered the good Opinion the Senate had of him. He thought at first to build new Walls, and raise new Forts to the City of Nicosia, being the Capital of the Kingdom, situated in the midst of the Island, and was then about four Miles in compass. The Nobility made their usual Residence there; the Riches of the Inhabitants rendered her the most wealthy and important place of all the Country; and had she been put in a capacity to sustain a Siege, might have proved, by reason of its greatness, most commodious for a Retreat to the Countrypeople in a time of War. Neither did the Charge, nor Difficulty of the Enterprise, which had always deterred the preceding Governors, discourage Savorniani. Having assembled the Nobility, he showed them the interest they had to fortify their City, to secure their Possessions from the Rapine and Avarice of the Barbarians; and that it was of great Consequence to their particular preservation, and that of the whole State, these Works should be finished before the end of six Months. These Gentlemen comprehending the danger wherewith they were threatened, returned Savorniani their Thanks, approve his Design, and offer him all that in them lay to facilitate it. He then caused several Workmen and Slaves to come to Nicosia, he pulled down the ancient Walls and adjoining Houses, and drew a new Line in a round Figure, less than the former, which beginning from an Eminency Northward, near the old Walls, ended at 400 paces near the first Circumvallation: He fortified it with twelve Bastions in such a manner that each defended the other with its Cannon. He chose as many of the best qualified Gentlemen; to every one of which he committed the care of carrying forward a Bastion, and permitted them for a recompense, to call them after their Names. He thought he ought thus to engage them to advance these Works, and edge 'em on by this little point of Honour to spare no cost nor pains to hasten forward so important a Matter. He encouraged them himself by his vigilancy and diligence, going about incessantly from one Work to another, and not losing a moment the Workmen out of his sight. This Enterprise was carried on with such a diligence as surprised all People: for these Bastions and the Wall were in a short time brought on to a reasonable height, and the Ditch made deep enough to defend itself against a great Army. The Noise and Reputation of this Work gave the more joy and hopes to the Republic, because it cost her but little, and because one of her Magistrates had so happily and speedily finished it. But the Turks took offence at it, and seemed strangely out of humour to see an Island fortified against 'emselves in the heart of their Empire, which they had always looked on with discontent in the hands of the Venetians, altho' without defence, and exposed as a prey 'Tis certain that Solyman conceived an extreme spite at it: He fancied the Venetians showed by this precaution a great contempt of his Age, and expected he would never return from his expedition in Germany, where he than made War with that vigour and resolution as became a young Victorious Prince. 'Tis thought he would have stripped them of it, had he lived longer: but dying in Hungary, at the Siege of Sigeth, Mustapha, one of the Generals of his Army, inspired his Son Selim, who succeeded him, with his Father's Hatred and Resentment. This new Emperor believing likewise the Venetians had fortified this Isle against him, resolved on the Design which he had long premeditated, of conquering it. And being come to the beginning of his Reign, 'tis not amiss to show the Reader his Humour, his Genius, and Conduct; having first in few words given an Account of the Princes his brethren's Destiny. Solyman had five Sons, whose Birth could no less contribute to the happiness and honour of his Reign, than the Victories he had gained, had not Ambition and Jealousy stifled in his Heart the Sentiments of Nature. Mustapha, his eldest Son, whose Mother was a Circasian Slave, had acquired by his excellent Qualities, the Love and Esteem of the whole Ottoman Empire. He was especially adored by the Soldiery. His excellent Virtues, instead of rejoicing his Father, excited his Jealousy and Defiance; so that suspecting him to design the bereaving him of his Crown, he raised an Army, under pretence of carrying the War into Persia, & causing him to be seized on in his Camp, made his Eunuches strangle him in his presence. Gengirus, surnamed Crump-Back, by reason of his Deformity, affrighted at the barbarous usage of his Brother, ended his Life in Rage and Despair, vomiting out a Thousand Curses at the Cruelty of his Father. Bajazet the Third, being likewise suspected by Solyman, as being no less beloved by the Army than his brother Mustapha, was forced by the ill usage he received, to preserve himself by open force, and lost unfortunately a Battle; after which, flying for Protection to Tammas, the King of Persia; this cruel and Perfidious Prince, affrighted by Solyman's threatenings, or corrupted by his Money, delivered him to Executioners, who accompanied the Ambassadors which the Grand Signior had sent him. Mahomet died in the Flower of his Age; and Selim, Roxalana's Son, thus became, by the death of his four Brothers, Solyman's only Heir. He was born in 1520, the same Year wherein died his Grandfather Selim, and was educated in the Art of Government according to the Turkish Maxims. Assoon as he was at Age, he had the Charge of Adrianople, and took on him after the Death of his Brother Mahomet, the Government of Cilicia, which he ruled during Solyman's Life. This Prince was very happy, if we compare his Fortune with the sad Disaster of his Brethren, who left him sole and peaceable Heir of a mighty Empire; But on the other hand, very unlike in his manner of Governing, to his Predecessor. He showed from his Infancy no inclination to War, nor Quality befitting a Prince; but on the contrary, degenerating from the Sobriety of his Ancestors, he plunged himself into all kinds of Debauchery, and especially in Drunkenness, against the express Prohibition of his Law. His Table, which, according to the Custom of the Seralio, should be mean and frugal, was covered with the most delicious and costly Meats, and always surrounded with Dwarves, Buffoons and Parasites. He usually made one of his Bashaws to dine with him, called Achmet, a gluttonous, drunken Fellow, who rendered himself acceptable to his Prince, by drinking with him whole days together; they usually held on their Debaucheries till Midnight, and were commonly carried away from the Table de●●● drunk. This Excess in Eating and Drinking, made Selim so gross and unwieldy, that together with the Redness which the Wine gave the Whiteness of his Complexion, he resembled very well the Poet's Bacchus, when leaving the Table, he reposed himself crosslegged on Carpets, according to the Turkish manner. He was addicted to all those Vices which attend excessive Drinking. He was much in the Seralio, amongst the Ladies; and yet this Passion could not keep him from a more brutish and abominable one, which is too common amongst filthy wretches, who know no Measure nor Rule in their Sensualities. He caused to be brought up with great Care, several youths, the comeliest of which, served about his Person; on whom he would sometimes bestow great Pensions, and considerable Employments, according to their Capacity. He took much delight in seeing them wrestle, draw the Bow, and perform their other Exercises in the Gardens of the Seralio: But this was always in private, lest he should abase the Majesty of so great an Emperor; and therefore appeared but seldom at these Spectacles. When he went forth to take the Diversion of Hunting, on the side of Asia, with his Dogs and Falcons, he passed over the Channel in covered Boats, instead of riding on Horseback out of Constantinople. He minded as little the enlarging his Territories, as depriving himself of the Pleasures he enjoyed in a shameful Repose. Softness and Flattery had so corrupted his Mind, that he thought ●●mself above all humane Greatness. Had he followed his own Inclinations, and not been led by his Ministers, he would have been content with the Conquests of his Ancestors, and languished in the soft Life of the Seralio, suffering all the Princes in Europe to live in Peace. Piali, and Mustapha, who had long commanded his Father's Armies, were two of his greatest Confidents; and the Favour of Piali was grounded on the Honour of his Alliance. Solyman returning victorious from the Siege of Belgrade, found him lying exposed in the Fields; where, his Mother, frighted by the March of the Army, had left him. This Prince, in his Passage, took the Pleasure of Hunting, and seeing the Child, whom the Dogs were about to devour, gave order it should be taken up, and carried to Constantinople. He was educated in the Seralio with great Care; and his towardly Inclinations, joined to the progress which he made in his Exercises, recommended him so greatly to the Grand Signior's Affection, that he gave him his Son Selim's Daughter in Marriage. The Ottoman Princes acknowledge no other Nobility of Extraction in their Empire; giving their Daughters in Marriage to such of their Slaves, whom they believe merited this Honour by their Services. Piali, having long commanded the Sultan's Land-Forces, was made Captain Bassa of the Sea. Mustapha had attended Selim from his Infancy, and corrupted his few good Inclinations through too much Mildness and Indulgence. But that which acquired him greatest Favour, was the signal Service, he did him in the Fight betwixt him and his Brother Bajazet; for these two ambitious Princes were in dispute about the Empire, in Solyman's Life-time. Selim's Army was routed, and he himself was put to flight; when Mustapha rallying his Troops, made him return to a second Charge; and falling on Bajazet with an incredible Valour, he won the Victory from him, and wholly defeated him; But Mahomet was he, who of all the Ministers of the Port, most absolutely possessed his Master's Favour, and had also given him the greatest and most important Mark of Fidelity and Affection: For assoon as Solyman expired in Hungary, he was so prudent, as to keep his Death secret, and pressed forward the Siege of Sigeth, with as great vigour, as if the Grand Signior had been yet alive; so that he carried the Place by Assault, maugre all the Efforts of the Germane Empire. He at the same time dispatched Couriers to Selim, to advertise him of his Father's Death, advising him to hasten to Constantinople, before this News were known there. Mahomet well knew the Soldiers contemned Selim, because of his averseness to Wars; loudly talking during his Father's Life, That he was not of the Ottoman Race, but that Roxalana, his Mother, pretending a big Belly, had Fathered on Solyman the Child of a certain Jewish Woman; and therefore they stuck not to call him according to his supposed Birth. And to make this Calumny pass the better, they added, he was a Favourer of the Jews, who are more abominable and odious amongst the Turks, than amongst any other People; and therefore to gratify one John Miches, a Fugivive from Spain, for his Judaisme, he obtained of his Father Solyman, one of the ancient Cities of Palestine, and several Countries round about, to establish a Colony of those wretched People. These Rumours made the greatest part of the Army to prefer Amurah, a Prince of Twenty years of Age, whose Inclinations were answerable to his Birth. But thus Mahomet settled the Crown on Selim's Head without opposition; and for a Reward of this Service, the new Emperor gave him the Seals, with the Quality of Grand Visier, which is the first Minister in the Ottoman Empire: He was already his Son-in-Law; so that Selim committed the Government to his Care, and gave himself over to the Pleasures and Softness of the Seralio. Mahomet was too quicksighted, not to perceive, that a Favour like his, must draw on him much Envy: That Princes oft change their Favourites, and suffer with regret, those, to whom they believe they are much obliged, respecting them as importunate Creditors, they endeavour to get rid of them assoon as any specious Pretence offers itself to colour their Ingratitude. The Example of Ibrahim, a Favourite of Solyman's, whom a Sultaness ruined, without letting the World know the Occasion, made him wary and solicitous to strengthen himself in his high Places. He began by freeing Selim from the perplexity of Affairs, which might disturb his Pleasures. He afterwards removed all those who were not his Friends, from the Prince's Presence, and brought into their Places such as were affectionated to his Service; and by this means ruled all at his will. The Bassas and other Viziers acted only by his Directions, and each of them made their Court to him in the same manner as if he had been their Emperor. Since the renewing of the Treaty, and Alliance between the Port and the neighbouring States, and confirmation thereof between Solyman and the Republic of Venice, signed three years after, the Ottoman Empire enjoyed a profound Peace; the Continuation of which seemed to be lasting, by means of Selim's sluggish and luxurious humour. But the Soldiers being accustomed under the preceding Reigns, to Pillage on the neighbouring Countries, tired with Ease, murmured at the Grand Visier's conduct of Affairs; saying, he abused his Interest in the Grand Signior; and instead of bringing him off from his Debauches, rather enticed him to continue them; dissuading him from following the Example of his Father and Grandfather, who had conquered so many Kingdoms, and carried their victorious Arms to the Ends of the World. They added, That this Lethargy brought shame to the Majesty of the Ottoman Empire; and that the Idleness wherein so many brave Men were suffered to spend their days, was no less dishonourable than the Softness of their Sovereign; That his Grandfather, whose Name he did bear, had not thus reigned, who by several Conquests acquired with immortal Honour, by the entire Defeat of the Mamelucs, had made himself Master of all Egypt; That the Sultan's were not set up to enjoy peaceably what their Predecessors had left them, but to enlarge their Empire by new Conquests, and reduce the Universe to the Mahometan Law: That it belonged only to private persons to busy themselves in conserving their Possessions; but Sovereign's should have no other End than to benefit their Country: That tho' Selim wanted Gourage and Conduct to tread in his Ancestors steps, yet ought he to maintain his Empire by the same ways it was established; and that as great Motions, and the noise of War, keep men in breath, and stir up Valour and Ambition, so Rest and Luxury serve only to abase and depress them: That their Emperors did not get their Possessions by Drunkenness and Luxury, but by Labour and Hardship: That Selim, not contented to frustrate them of the Largess which the new Emperors usually bestowed on the Soldiery, at their first coming to the Crown, would also deprive them of the only means to defend themselves against Poverty and Misery, although the flourishing State of the Empire was the effect of their Labour and Faithfulness; and, That, in fine, 'twas very hard to buy thus dear the Friendship of the Prime Visier, whose covetous Humour could not be satisfied, tho' the whole World should drain itself dry to fill it. The Soldiers were discontented at Selim's Advancement to the Empire, and not following the Custom of distributing Money amongst them, which the Sultan's are wont to do; and especially the Janissaries, who were persuaded that Mahomet was the Author of this Retrenchment. Mustapha and Piali, whose Favour this Chief Minister endeavoured to ruin, secretly entertained and cherished these Complaints and Murmurs. Piali had been disgraced, and thrown out of his Office, but the Tears and Prayers of his Wife regained his Re-establishment from the Emperor, this Princess' Father. Mustapha, having been sent against certain People who inhabit along the Coasts of the Red Sea, had met with bad Success in his Expedition, by the Treachery of Synam, Bassa of Egypt: he was accused, not only for making War with a kind of indifferency, but treating underhand with the Revolters, to dismember Egypt, and share it betwixt them. Synam, who sought all ways to procure Favour from the Prime Visier, became his Accuser, and Mustapha's Crime appeared more plainly, by having espoused the Daughter of King Tomonbeius, when Selim I▪ exterminated the Mamelucs. Mahomet, who knew the jealous Temper of the Prince, represented to him this Affair, as a matter that required a most severe Chastisement; and thereupon obliged him to send an Executioner into Egypt, to bring him Mustapha's Head. 'Tis a Custom established by these Barbarians, from the Tyrannical Power of the Sovereigns, and blind Obedience of the People, that assoon as the Grand Signior requires the Head of one of his Generals, tho' he then commanded all the Forces of the Empire, he submissively offers himself to the Will of the Executioner. Mustapha having notice of his Disgrace and Sentence, parts immediately from Egypt to Constantinople; where Amurah, the Grand Signior's Eldest Son, persuaded of his Innocence, took him under his Protection, and presented him himself to his Father; Mustapha casting himself at Selim's Feet, told him with great Freedom, I will obey without the least Repugnancy your Highness' Orders, if I am sentenced to Death; but if my Enemies, abusing their Power, and your Bounty, overwhelm me by the blackness of their Calumnies, I shall have at least the Consolation, that it shall be my Sovereign, and not they that shall pronounce my Doom. He afterwards justified himself in all things alleged against him, and showed so clearly his Innocency, that he obtained not only his Grace, but Places of greater Trust. These Ministers being jealous of the Favour and Credit which Mahomet enjoyed during the Peace, earnestly desired War, to secure themselves against so dangerous and potent a Rival. Mahomet alarmed by the Complaints of the Soldiers, and Murmurs of the Janissaries, which grew every day louder and more frequent, believed he ought, for the averting of this Storm, to undertake some Military Exploit. This being the only means for the quieting the Janissaries Spirits, who thirsted after Mischief and Pillage, and remove at the same time from the Court his Enemies, in sending them away, to expose their Lives in the Gra●● Signior's Service: And thus the chief Ministers of the Port, altho' with different Interests, concurred in promoting a War. Miches, whom we have already mentioned, was one of Mustapha's Confidents, by means of his frequent Access to the Grand Signior. He was a Jew by Birth, a wand'ring Nation, eve● since their committing the worst of Murders, namely, that on the Son of God, whose Blood is on them and their Children to this day. These People are hated, and distinguished by Marks of Infamy in all places where they traffic; not being suffered to bear the least Office in any place whatsoever. They were greatly multiplied in Spain, and acquired great wealth there by their false Dealings and Usury. Their way of lending Money, appeared at first very profitable to the People; but when it was perceived in the Sequel, that this facility of borrowing, gave occasion to Luxury and Prodigality, and that People of Quality, as well as the ordinary sort were near ruined by prodigious Sums of Interest-money; the Kings of Spain thought it necessary to remedy so great an Abuse. This People being exceedingly increased, as I afore mentioned, by means of their Averseness to Celibacy, esteeming Barrenness a Curse; the Kings of Spain would suffer them no longer in their Territories; commanding them to depart thence, or abjure their Judaisme. The greatest part of them loving their Commerce better than their Religion, chose rather to quit that than their Country; and the rest withdrew themselves to Portugal; which, yet received them on condition, They should remain their Slaves, if they departed not the Kingdom after a certain time, altho' they had given them a great deal of Money to be suffered amongst them. They designed to pass over to Mauritania; but finding no Vessels, on the day marked for their Passage, by the falseness of the Portugueses, they lost their Liberty, according to the Agreement made betwixt 'em. After the Death of John the Second, Emanuel, who succeeded him, drew them out of Slavery, to obtain the Reputation of a merciful Prince: But finding, that kindness prevailed nothing on the hardheartedness of these People, he took from them their Children, and caused them to be Baptised; driving out their Parents from his Dominions. The horror of so cruel a Separation, converted more than the Confiscation of their Estates did in Spain. But the outward Profession of Christian Religion, changed not their Minds; practising no less secretly their Judaish Superstitions. The King of Portugal set up a severe Inquisition against them. The Relapsers convicted, were burnt alive, and their Posterity declared for ever infamous. This Tribunal consists still in Portugal. It's Rigour causes many to withdraw into several parts of the World; who being privately brought up in the ancient Belief of their Fathers, although born amongst Christians, remain fixed to the Dreams of their Rabbis, by the horror they are inspired with from their Infancy against our Religion. These People are called by the Spaniards, Marani; and Miches was one of the most considerable amongst them. They had sent him to Venice, to obtain, if possible, from the Republic an Habitation, in some of the Neighbouring Islands: But the Senate having refused to gratify his Request, he retired out of humour, to Constantinople; where he married a rich Widow, by whose means he arrived from a miserable Condition, to great Wealth, and became the eminentest Jew in that Country. Being a Person of great insinuation and address, he soon found means, by Presents, and Flatteries, to have access to Selim, who was then Governor only of Cilicia, Solyman his Father, at that time reigning; and by force of Presents, was admitted by this Prince into a near familiarity, and knowledge of his most private Occasions. This man was no stranger to the State of Affairs in most Parts of Christendom, but especially in the Interests of those of Venice, and therefore employed all his Skill and Interest with the Grand Signior, to be revenged on that Republic, for the Denial he lately received from them. He often entertained the Sultan, with the Fertility of the Isle of Cyprus, the Excellency of its Fruits, and especially, the Delicacy of its Wine, which this Prince usually tasted to Excess. He moreover asserted some kind of Right to this unjust Invasion; that the Venetians had usurped it; that it belonged lawfully to his Highness, seeing it made a part of the Kingdom of Egypt; and that it was in quality of the Mamelucs Successor, the Republic paid him an annual Tribute. When the Wine, Sugar, and other Fruits, which the Governors of Cyprus were wont to send every year to Selim, were presented; Miches derided these Presents, telling the Emperor, to set him against the Republic, that they were more becoming the mean spiritedness of the Merchants that sent them, than the greatness of the Prince that received them. He added, That the Venetians made continual infractions in the last Treaty of Peace, in receiving into their Ports such as were Pirates, and Enemies to his Highness: That the Spaniards and Knights of Malta, made not a Prize on the Turks, but under the intelligence of the Republic; and, That, if he suffered the Mediterranean Sea to be infested with these Robbers, all his Subjects must give over Trading; which would be as disadvantageous to his Reputation, as contrary to his Profit: That the Mahometan Religion was no less interessed, seeing by this means the Accesses to Mecca were blocked up, and all Liberty taken away of visiting Mahomet's Tomb, whither so many devout Turks went on Pilgrimage: That under pretence of chase the Corsary's, they pursued his Subjects with so great rage and fury, that they cut the Throats of those who surrendered without fight. He at the end flattered him on the immense extent of his Power; and assuring him that the Venetians would abandon to him the Island, assoon as ever his Army should set footing in it; he confirmed this Prince, who otherwise slighted the Republic of Venice, in the Design of invading this Kingdom, assoon as Solyman should leave him the Empire. Some have affirmed, he gave the possession of it to this Miches, and that in the midst of a great Debauch, he had called him King of Cyprus: But whether he really designed to set the Crown on the Head of this profligate Jew, which is very contrary to the usual Genius of the Turkish Policy and Customs, or only to gratify his Appetite to delicious Wines; he in regard to this Project, fortified that part of Cilicia, which is over against the Island, and divided only by a space of sixty Miles. The pains the Turks took to fortify a Place so long neglected, gave great Suspicions to the Venetians: But Selim being become Emperor, forgot this Enterprise; the remembrance of which was not to be offered to a Prince, languishing in effeminate Pleasures. Yet did Miches and Mustapha spend whole days and nights in projecting, how to bring him handsomely to undertake the old Design; and they thought no way could be better than to rouse him by the Murmurings of his Soldiers, who loudly demanded a War. They made use also of some of the Women-Favourites, who hated Mahomet, to give him this Advice; and Selim, disturbed with this troublesome Relation, would know this Minister's Opinion: Mahomet counselled him to yield to a War; telling him, what a happy opportunity offered itself for it; the Moors of Spain having sent to entreat assistance from his Highness, against the Tyranny of King Philip the Second. The Novelty of this Enterprise, surprised the more the Grand Signior, being ignorant why the Moors would revolt against Spain, and what Forces they were able to raise against their Sovereign: But he willingly received the Proposition of turning his Arms on the side of Cyprus; whereupon, Mahomet having showed him he could not declare a War against the Venetians, without violating the Oath he had taken; the Council thereupon broke up, without determining any thing, tho' Selim mattered not much the Scruples which were offered him. The Ottoman Emperors believe nothing so great, nor magnificent, whereby to eternize their Names, as to be the Founders of Mosques and Places of Religious Worship. These Edifices are lightened within by an infinite number of Lamps, which are always burning during their Ceremonies, and they have Priests, and particular Ministers belonging to each of them; the Porches, and several other parts of these Churches, are paved with Marble, enriched with quantity of Precious Stones, and wrought by several skilful Italian Architects, who, for Gain-sake, make no scruple to be hired by these Heathens. But this Magnificence reaches further; they build Hospitals near these Mosques, called Kervansarai, of as beautiful Structure as the other, in which are put all poor and sick People, who are as neatly, as carefully looked after. All Travellers may remain there three days, without distinction of Country or Religion. Slaves are therein received, as well as those that are Free, and the greatness of their Number makes no man refused. There are also several Children brought up in them. Selim had a Design to build one of these Hospitals, with a Mosque, which should surpass, not only in Largeness and Richness, the Kervansarai of Solyman his Father, but likewise all those which had been raised by his Predecessors. The Mufti, who is (as it were) the High Priest amongst them, showed him, 'twas an ancient Custom, established by God's Appointment, to employ in these fort of Foundations, the Booty gained from the Enemies of his Empire; and especially from the Christians, who most contemn the Prophet, and his Law. Selim, well pleased to hear the Mufti thus deliver himself, resolved, from that time, on the Conquest of the Kingdom of Cyprus; and determined the Revenues to the building of a new Hospital. Mustapha, whilst these things were in agitation, found a seasonable time, which he had long sought, of enteraining the Sultan in private. He remembered him, That the Turkish Emperors began their Reign with some Military Enterprise, and valued more the Respect and Submission paid them by their Subjects, on the account of a Victory, or some Conquest, than from their Right of Sovereignty. That Selim, his Grandfather, whose Memory will be precious to all Ages, came no sooner to the Throne, than he carried his Arms to Persia, and having won a signal Victory in the Plains of Calderana, from the Sophi Ishmael, a Prince renowned for his Valour, he made himself Master of Tauris, than the Capital City of that great and famous People: and that this Advantage was only a Prelude to the Glory he afterwards acquired by the same Arms. That Solyman, his Highness' Father, burning with Zeal to his Religion, made War with the Christians, Enemies to the Alcoran, and signalised his first Campaign by the taking of Belgrade, from which the Emperors Amurah and Mahomet had shamefully raised the Siege with considerable loss; and by this Conquest, bereft the Hungarians of their Reputation of being the best Soldiers in Europe: He afterwards took the Isle of Rhodes from the Jerusalem Knights, the Turks sworn irreconcilable Enemies, with the same valour and speed: That the Venetians had likewise felt the effort of his victorious Arms; and being straightened sometimes by Hunger, otherwhiles by his Troops, they were forced, for the saving of the Isles of Zant, Cephalonia, and Corfou; to consent to a shameful Peace, and to yield him Naplousia and Malvasia, Places of Consequence, and great Strength, with all the Morea: That the Venetian State, being destined to furnish the Ottoman Empire with Conquests, they ought to reckon on a certain Victory, in declaring War against this Republic: That, he justly drew it upon her, by fortifying a Tributary Kingdom, as if she would maintain by Force what she held only at his Highness' Pleasure: That Solyman would not have suffered this Insolency, but driven out the Venetians from the Isle of Cyprus, as a punishment, for putting themselves into a posture of Defence, whilst he made War in Hungary, and thus profiting by his Absence; he having been often heard to say, some time before his Death, in a great Passion, That if he returned Conqueror to Constantinople, he would turn all his Forces toward that Island, attacking it both by Sea and Land: That his Highness should the rather enter into this his Father's Resentment, seeing God had permitted the Venetians to fail of their respect towards him at his coming to the Crown, by protecting such as pillaged his Frontiers, and exercised their Rapines as well by Land as Sea: That the Ports of the Isle of Cyprus served for a shelter and place of Retreat to the Christian Pirates, who continually chased the Turkish Vessels; and to have satisfaction for all this, there needed only a Design to be undertaken, whose Success, tho' sufficiently honourable, was neither perilous, nor impossible: What Consternation, added he, will it be to all Christendom, to see the Venetians driven out of this Isle, when they are most confident on their Strength, having fortified the Capital City in the midst of the Country; which, notwithstanding its deep Ditches, and new Ramparts, cannot long hold out against an Army, which has been ever successful? That the Conjuncture was favourable, by reason of the Christian Princes Divisions, being almost all of them perplexed with Domestic Wars, disunited by Differences in Religion, and consequently not in a capacity to assist the Venetians: That the King of Spain was busied in reducing the Moors, and pacifying the Troubles in the Low Countries: That, besides the League made between his Highness and the King of France, this Prince was too young, and his Kingdom too much weakened by intestine Wars, to interest himself in this Quarrel. As for the Emperor Maximilian, it was not to be expected he would break the Peace lately made; having experienced his Weakness, and so expose himself a second time with such small Forces, in hopes of the assistance of the Princes of the Empire; whose Troops are seldom in a sufficient readiness to do any good Service. As to the King of Poland, being instructed by his Father's Example, and made wise at his Neighbour's Cost, he must understand his own Interest too well, to break the Peace he made with the Ottoman Port; so that the Venetians, forsaken on all sides, must inevitably lose the Isle of Cyprus, before the News of it can come to the Senate. Should Fortune moreover (adds he) favour this Enterprise, a man might set on foot still greater Designs against this Republic, to the Ruin of the Naval Forces of all Christendom; and by this means open a way to invade all Italy: a thing not unthought of by your Predecessors: That the Idleness wherein the Venetians had languished this thirty years' last passed, by means of the Peace Solyman had granted them, rendered the Conquest of their whole State very easy; having forgotten the Art of making War, there being but few left of the ancient Officers and Soldiers; so that seeing themselves in a manner lost, they must submit to such Conditions as would please his Highness to impose, and yield their Necks to the Yoke, rather than undergo all the Calamities of War. So that in fine, his Army enriched and laden with Spoil, would return in Triumph to Constantinople, followed by a prodigious number of Slaves and Captives, making Vows and Wishes for the continuance of his prosperous Reign; which would presage him a continual Series of Victories and Conquests, and an immortal Glory, by the Defeat of the Christians, the most averse People to the Mahometan Law Piali, who seconded Mustapha and Miches in their Arguments with the Emperor, helped to confirm him in the Design of this Conquest. And Selim, whose natural Pride was increased by the Representation of his Grandeur, the Confidence he had in his Power, and the Respect of his Subjects, which extends even to Adoration, esteemed himself as the most mighty Monarch on Earth; and despising other Sovereigns, supposed there could be no Fleets opposed, nor Land Armies able to resist his; so that this War, in his opinion, must be finished from the moment Mustapha proposed it; had not Mahomet, who would avert this Tempest from falling on the Republic, brought some difficulties; for whether he feared the taking of the Isle of Cyprus, would increase his Enemy's Credit, or was willing to keep the Pension he received from the Venetians, to keep up the Peace, he made use of the pretence of Religion; and told the Grand Signior, he would do well to consult the Mufti on so important an Undertaking, and know his Sense touching the infraction of a Treaty so solemnly sworn. And being not well assured of the Mufti, how his Answer would be, he undertook himself to show the Grand Signior, That 'twas more advantageous and honourable to carry the War into Spain, to succour there a Nation that was of the same Religion, and implored his Protection, and in hopes thereof, had already taken Arms against the Tyranny of Spain, and alarmed the whole Country by their vigorous Resistance; That this Enterprise would draw no new Enemies upon him; for the Venetians would not assist the Spaniards; but on the contrary, if the Republic was Assaulted, the Spaniards would infallibly assist them: That the Spanish Militia were not so valiant, and brave in their own Country as out of it: That all Christendom was lost when Spain should be subdued: That France, betwixt whom and Spain, there are ancient Hatreds, and Jealousies, edged on by the Disgraces she received in the last War, and engaged by an Alliance, and several good Offices from the Port, would be glad of this opportunity of Revenge, and take part against the Spaniards; there being also as much, or more Honour in protecting unfortunate Believers, related to him by the Sacred Bond of Religion, than Profit in making himself Master of all Spain: whereas, should he abandon the Moors to the Executioners of Spain, to set upon a State, with which he lived in Peace, he must undergo an universal Reproach of breaking his Word to his Allies, and wanting Compassion for miserable Wretches, forced to renounce their Mahometan Religion, and embrace the Christian, by the violence of Torments. These Reasons moved not Selim; and if he appeared less hot on the War of Cyprus, 'twas rather because he would not disoblige the Prime Visier, whose Opinion he disliked, than to determine what he was resolved to do; for believing every thing just which he pleased to undertake, his greatest Concern was to put it in speedy Execution. The Riches of the Isle of Cyprus, and the Work in which he would surpass all the former Emperors, made such an Impression in his Mind, that he had not the power to resist it. Yet had this Undertaking been further put off by the Address of the Grand Visier, had not such News arrived from Italy to Miches and Mustapha, as hastened the Execution of it. In the Year 1569. Italy was affiicted with such scarcity, as made all the Cities thereabouts feel the smart of it, and expect a terrible Famine. Sicily and Poville, which are, as it were, the Storehouses of Italy, were as empty of Corn as other Places. Yet the Triumvirs thought on an Expedient, which much helped the City: They issued out an Order, by which they promised a great Price to such Merchants as should bring Grain; which brought so many Vessels laden with it to Venice, that the People scarcely felt the Scarcity, with which other parts were afflicted. But that which was worse than this, and hastened the War which the Infidels projected against the Republic, was, That on the 13th. of September at Night, in the same Year, the Powder took Fire in the Arsenal of Venice, and blew up the Magazines, with such a dreadful Blow, that all the Inhabitants, dismayed at the Noise, came out into the Streets, and public places, lest they should be overwhelmed in the Ruin of their Houses. The Sky seemed in a light Fire, which caused such a terrible Consternation, that several imagined Venice was threatened on all Parts; and such as were most fearful, reckoned the Day of Judgement was now come. The violence of this Fire, made itself felt to the most solid Edifices of the City; and the very Boats in the Channels were lifted up in the Air by it. But that which surpasses all Belief, was, that the neighbouring Isles were shaken by it; and it was known afterwards that the Inhabitants of Trevisa and Padua, and those of some Towns at greater distance, saw at that time, their Windows, as it were, all on Fire, and heard such a noise under ground, as made 'em fear a terrible Earthquake. The Houses near the Arsenal, buried several Persons of both Sexes under their Ruin. This terrible Disturbance being somewhat abated, and the public Consternation lessened, they began to suspect some secret Conspiracy. The Senate put the Noble Venetians in Arms; whose Rendezvouz was in the Place of St. Mark, whence were sent to all the Quarters of the Town such as were able to do Service. These Suspicions were increased, assoon as it was known the Arsenal was burnt; this being the Part by which the Republic might receive its Death's Wound. Paul Troni was sent by Order from the Senate to the Arsenal, to be more perfectly informed. He found all the Gates of it open; but not one of those which followed him, had the boldness to enter: And had not Trony himself showed them an Example in his own person, they would have all abandoned him. Some Nobles assisted him in an exact view of all places; of which he made his Relation to the Senate; and assured them he saw no Remains of Fire, nor the least appearance of a new Flame. He found the Walls and Towers on the side of the Isle of Muran, overthrown from top to bottom, without the Magazines, or Sea-Equipages being any ways damnified. The Convent of the Religious, called Celestins, and all the Houses round about, underwent the same Misfortune as the Towers and Ramparts. The Nobility, which were up in Arms, guarded the Town several days and nights, and equipped two Galleys for their Security without. But forasmuch as it appeared in the Sequel, this Disaster could not be a mere Accident, the Fire having taken several Magazines at the same time,' though far distant from one another: There were great Rewards promised to those who could discover the Authors; and a Discourse ran, that the villainous Miches had secretly sent some Turks to Venice, who committed this horrible Fact; a dreadful stroke without doubt, and the worst humane Malice could invent, and which would have caused a greater desolation, if some days before this Mischief happened, there had not been taken from the Magazines, by the Senate's order two hundred thousand weight of Powder, to be sent to Corfou, and other places dependant on the Republic: For what a Devastation would not so great a quantity of Powder have made, if Forty Thousand weight only which remained in the Arsenal, overthrew so many houses and so terribly shocked the Town? Venice, without doubt, according to the opinion of the most knowing persons, must have been laid in Ashes, and the most flourishing and beautiful City in the World, committed wholly to the Flames, by the Treachery of Barbarians, whose Perfidiousness cannot inspire all Christian Nations with too much horror. This sad Misfortune was quickly bruited over all Europe, and Report made, as is usual, That the Loss was greater than it was. A Rumour was spread that the Arsenal of Venice was entirely consumed; that the Fire had not spared the Artillery, and all the Guns were melted down. Yet did the Loss amount only to forty thousand weight of Powder, and what they must disbursed to build up the Walls and Towers, which were re-edified with great diligence. This News coming to Constantinople, neither the Favour nor Address of the Prime Visier, could prolong the Denunciation of War against the Venetians: Miches showing Letters brought him by certain Jews from Venice; on Receipt of which, he spread a Report, that the Republic was reduced to such a Condition, whence they would not be able to raise themselves in several years; and withal, that they were so greatly afflicted with Scarcity, that the common sort were ready to starve for want of Bread. Mustapha, on his side, affirmed, that so favourable an opportunity was not to be neglected, which seemed to be offered them by Heaven; the Signiory wanting Ammunition and Equipage for a Naval Army, they might not only possess themselves of the Isle of Cyprus, but extend their Conquests to the Republic; which, being busied to defend itself from Famine, would less mind the preserving of an Island so far distant, and the City wanting Bread, she could not be in a capacity to furnish a Fleet with Provisions and Ammunitions; especially since the firing of the Arsenal: That they needed not scruple the Execution of a Treaty of Peace made with God's Enemies and his holy Prophets; there being nothing so worthy a Muselman, as his undertaking the entire destruction of Christians: This being the sense of all their Priests of the Law, especially, considering the Venetians, as the first Breakers of the Peace: That other reasonings were the more weak and suspicious, by being offered by ●uch who received underhand considerable Sums from the Republic: That there could be nothing worse advised, than the carrying the Ott●man Forces to the farthest part of the West, when they were attacked by an Enemy, placed in th● Bowels of the Empire: That the Enterprise must be rash, to march to the conquering of a State situated in another World, and defended by all the Forces of Germany and Italy; seeing this could not be done, but by hazarding the Honour of the Former Acquisitions of the Ottoman Emperors; when, on the other hand, they might by an easy Conquest chastise the Venetians for their Insolency and Falsehood: That the establishment of an Empire, consisted not in extending the sovereignty of it to far remote countries, but in enlarging its Limits through the Neighbouring States: That a Conqueror, who would assure his Conquest, should rather consult what's commodious and proper, than what answers his own covetous and ambitious Humour: And as to what concerned the Moors Revolt, this tended rather to the incapacitating of the King of Spain, to make any Engagements with the Venetians: That the whole Force of the War should fall upon them, whereby this famous Republic, whose Forces by Sea, serve as a shelter to all Italy, and Christendom, being subdued, and its Capital City made Tributary, Spain might thenceforward be easily invaded, together with all the Western Principalities. Selim puffed up with Pride, and big with hopes at the hearing of this flattering Discourse, resolved on War against the Venetians; but for a show of Equity, he made the Mufti be consulted; who returned an Answer agreeable to the Grand Signior's Designs. He afterwards caused Mahomet to be sent for into his Presence; to whom he showed his Resolutions; which this Minister had still the boldness to oppose. This Contradiction so provoked the Sultan, that he reproached the Grand Visier with being in the Interests of the Republic; calling him Christian and Unbeliever. Mahomet, astonished at this sharp Reprehension, held down his Head, and kept himself in an awful silence: Whereupon, Selim becoming sedate, and repenting his severe Treatment of the Prime Officer in his Empire, to whose Fidelity he had openly professed he owed his Establishment, by way of Reparation, told him in soft terms; That 'twas to no purpose to endeavour to dissuade him from a Design which he was fully resolved on; and therefore he required only of him to order the Preparations for this War, according to the Place he exercised under him. Mahomet being strangely mortified, and fearing moreover the ill Offices which his Enemies had done him, endeavoured only to re establish himself in his Master's Favour, by the diligence he used in his Preparations for this Enterprise; and advised the Grand Signior to keep it Secret, assuring him, he would so order the Matter, that the Venetians should be surprised, and their Isle conquered before they were in a capacity to defend it. Mahomet, the better to deceive them, imparted to the Venetian Ambassador, as a Secret, that the Sultan was setting forth a great Fleet against the King of Spain. He built several Vessels to transport the Army, and listed great numbers of Sea men, made Provision of Arms, Victuals, and Money, and at the same time ordered the Bassa's of Greece, and Anatolia, to get their Horse and Foot, in a readiness to be at the place of Rendezvouz appointed by his Highness; giving out to all Persons, that this Armado was designed against the Spaniards, and those of Arabia, who had, it seems, lately rebelled. He assigned this Army to meet at a Seaport Town of Cilicia, called Finicia. Mark Anthony Barbaro, than Ambassador to the Republic at Constantinople, who spared neither his Money, nor his Person, to discover the secret Designs of the Visier, had learned the real intent of these Preparations: Whereupon, he sent word to the Senate to take care of the Isle of Cyprus; advising them to send Forces thither immediately, without which, the Turks would soon become Masters of the Place; giving them likewise a full Account of whatsoever he had observed; and that the Prime Visier had sent for him, to assure him there were no Designs on their parts against the Republic; the Grand Signior resolving to keep the Peace made Thirty years since, in the time of Solyman, his Father: The Fleet putting out to Sea, being intended for the Assistance of the Moors, who had taken up Arms in Spain, to maintain their Liberties and Religion against the Tyranny of King Philip; and might therefore assure, the Senate from him, that they needed not to be alarmed, and save the Charge of setting out a Fleet; but that they ought not to trust to his Word, whose drift it was (as far as he could perceive) to hinder the sending of an Italian Garrison to the Island; knowing the Cypriots were not able of themselves, to resist the first Attack of the Turkish Army: That they would do well therefore to put the Place in a posture of Defence before the War was declared; seeing the Reports as touching Spain, for which they levied Soldiers, in Sicily, and the Neighbouring Parts of Cyprus, was too gross an Artifice for one not to see through it. Mahomet stopped most of those Couriers in the way, which Barbaro dispatched to Venice; so that the War broke out before the Venetians, amused by the false News of the Enterprise against Spain, could send them any Forces to defend the Island. But all things breathing War at Constantinople, and the neighbouring Provinces; and it being impossible to hide any longer the Grand Signior's real Design: the Chief Visier sent therefore for their Ambassador, to tell him, his Highness intended to take Possession of the Kingdom of Cyprus, as having a just and ancient Right to that Crown: That this State served only for a Haven to Corsary's, and Enemies to the Ottoman Empire: But if they would surrender it by fair means, the Peace and Agreement should continue: Whereas, on the other hand, should they make the least show of Resistance against the Emperor's Will, and oblige him to seize on it by force, he could not pass his Word for his Moderation, and resting satisfied with this Conquest. After this Discourse, made in the Name of the Sultan, Mahomet spoke of his own Head to Barbaro, and counselled him as a Friend, to try how far he could prevail with the Senate to gratify Selim; seeing 'twas impossible they could hold it out long against so formidable a Strength; it being to be feared lest their Endeavours to preserve a Country so far distant, should expose the whole State to a manifest danger. This seemed rather a Declaration of War to the Venetian Ambassador, than a telling him they intended such a thing; and he seeing no likelihood of averting the Tempest which had so suddenly gathered, he sought, only to gain time, that the Venetians might make some Preparations: And to this end, he used great Instances with Mahomet, to oblige him to show the Grand Signior, That the Republic had ever faithfully kept the Treaties of Peace, never failing in the least respect to his Highness: Remembering him also, the Almighty had ever punished those who violated the public Faith, and solemn Oaths. He, in fine, assured the Visier, that if he rendered this good Office to the Signiory, the Republic would not fail to make Acknowledgements suitable to the greatness of the Benefit. Mahomet answered him, he would not do well to cherish the least Thought of continuing the Peace on any other condition, than that of surrendering the Isle of Cyprus; and thereupon Barbaro, who sought only for Delays, desired, before any Acts of Hostility broke out, that some person might be sent from the Grand Signior to Venice, to see whether the Senate could not find some other means to satisfy him, without breaking the Peace; whose Treaty should be executed on both sides, to prevent any Scuffle on the Frontiers of the two States, which might perhaps produce an open Rupture. 'Tis certain, Selim had some cause of Complaint against the Venetians; but it was not of that weight as to excuse the troubling of all Christendom for it. Mahomet easily comprehended the Ambassador's Design, and what he required, no ways hindering his Preparations, which he advanced during the Winter; and it looking better for Selim to declare War against the Senate, before he sent an Army into the Field, he promised to send Notice of it; hoping the Venetians, on serious consideration, would sacrifice the Isle of Cyprus to the Good and Quiet of their State; which obtained, he might employ these Forces in the so much mentioned Enterprise against the King of Spain. He chose one Abraham to declare the War to Venice; the same that was sent thither some years before, to renew the Treaty. He was a Polonian born of the House of the Strassis, a Family considerable enough in the Province of Russia. He lost his Liberty from his Infancy; and becoming Turk, followed the Military Profession, and was made a kind of Knight at Arms. The Knowledge he had of the most usual Tongues in Europe, procured his being employed by the Infidels in several important Negotiations. Barbaro caused him to be accompanied by Lewis Bonrici, one of the Secretaries belonging to the Senate; a Person skilled and faithful in Business, and also by his eldest Son, under pretence of greater Credit and Security amongst the Venetians; but in effect, to inform the Senate of the present State of Affairs, by Bonrici, and to preserve his Son from that Servitude with which all the Venetians at Constantinople were threatened. 'Tis said the Prime Visier ordered the Chiaus, when when he was to receive his Dispatches, after he had declared the Grand Signior's Will to the Senate, to give out privately some Words of Accommodation, and promised him to second his Project with his Favour and Credit. The Venetians received continually Advice, as well from those whom they had sent to learn the Motions of the Infidels, as the Governors of the Cities of Dalmatia and Illyria, That the Turks not only prepared themselves for War, but already began it; and that these Barbarians, thirsting after Spoil, knowing the Sultan's Design, made every day Incursions on the Republick's Countries, having burnt and pillaged several Villages, and filled all the Country with Terror. Great and considerable Garrisons were immediately sent to these Parts, to hinder this Vastation; and Savoriani was ordered to get into Zara, the Capital Town of Dalmatia, a Place of great Strength and Consequence, by reason of its situation, and which the Turks would certainly attack, considering the advantages and Commotities they might draw thence, in becoming Masters of it. To this Magistrate was committed also the Care of preserving the whole Province. Jerom de Martiningo, of the Family of the ancient Lords of Bresse, have heretofore exercised a Place of good Command in the Venetian Army, came and offered his Service to the Senate. He was ordered to transport himself with Three Thousand choice Men into the Isle of Cyprus; a small Number, in comparison of the dreadful Multitude of the Barbarians, with which the Island was to be overrun; but who might have valiantly defended it, had they met with a happy Passage. Martiningo had four Ships appointed him, to conduct these Succours to Famagusta. Savoriani advised the Senate to send over at least Eight Thousand Men into the Island, which could not be kept with a less Force: But Martiningo, being jealous lest Savoriani envied his Reputation, and desirous to show his Capacity and Bravery, would needs undertake to defend Famagusta with Three Thousand; and the Senate approving his Zeal and Forwardness, imprudently consented to so hardy a Proposal. Those who are Chief Officers in a Commonwealth, do many times manage the public Treasury with the same Thrift and Sparingness they use in their own Domestic Affairs; and think they thus mightily oblige the Republic. But the Venetians perceived too late their Folly in sending Three Thousand Men, against an innumerable Army. In the Senate's Deliberations, about the Conduct of this War, some were for strengthening the Garrisons every where, and keeping only on the Defensive side. Others were for setting out as great a Naval Army as was possible, and fight the Infidels on the first occasion, and thereby decide at one stroke the Fate of the Kingdom of Cyprus. This last Advice was approved as the most profitable and honourable: The Senate hoped the King of Spain, who was equipping a great Fleet, would come to their assistance, and likewise expected, that Pope Pius V. whose Zeal and Courage were well known to them, would assist them in so urgent an occasion. Jerom Zany was made General of the Sea-Forces. This Employ is of the number of those which have no Authority but out of Venice; but the Power of it is then of Sovereign Extent, and there is no Appeal allowed from the Sentence of this Supreme Magistrate. The Senate made choice of several vigorous and resolute Gentlemen from amongst the Nobility, to make Commanders of their Frigates and Galleys; and Seamen and Slaves were sent for from the other Cities of the Republic, to Venice. They proceeded on the setting forth fourscore and ten Galleys; whose Furniture and Equipage could be supplied from the Arsenal. They built twenty two at Candia, which were joined with thirty six others that were armed against Corsary's, and to keep the Sea open along the sides of this Island. They likewise equipped twelve Vessels called Galleasses, by reason of their prodigious Greatness. These are moved both with Sails and Oars, and appear on the Sea like so many floating Castles. The weight of these Bulky Vessels braves the violence of the Waves, and fears no Storm nor Tempest. They moreover equipped twenty Vessels laden with Men and Ammunition; not to mention the Galliots, and several other lesser Boats; the Conduct of which, they gave to Hermolaus Tripoli, a careful and active Commander. Such a considerable Fleet so soon made ready, notwithstanding the disadvantages the Senate then lay under, surprised with astonishment the neighbouring Nations. 'Tis certain the Pope permitted great Transportations of Corn from Anconia to Venice, and a great Subsidy to be raised from the Clergy. In the mean time, the Senate read Bonrici's Letters, by which they were informed of the coming of the Chiaus, the occasion of his Voyage, and all that past between Barbaro and the Chief Visier. Bonrici having learned at his Departure from Constantinople, that Acts of Hostility were already began on the Frontiers, became afraid lest Mahomet's Son, (who was Bassa of Epirus, and had stopped those whom the Governor of Cataro had sent to carry Presents on his part) should oblige the Envoy to return back the same way he came. In this Apprehension he proposed the dispatching of one of his People to Ragusa, charged with Packets of Advice to Venice, to the end they might have a Galley sent them for their readier and surer Passage. The Envoy approving this Expedient, Bonrici wrote his Sense in Characters, lest his Packets should be intercepted. The Senate well satisfied of the Care and Diligence of Bonrici, ordered Francis Troni to attend them with a Galley at Ragusa. They arrived after some days, and returned safe; but Troni was forbid to enter Venice: which obliged him to lie at Anchor at the Ports Mouth, till further Order. In the mean while Bonrici Landed, and having confirmed by word of Mouth, what was contained in his Letters, he was ordered the next day to fetch the Chiaus in a Gondollo, and bring him to the Senate. He was brought up the Channel, and Landed at St. Mark's; which Place was so crowded, that it was no small difficulty to make way for him. The murmurings of the People, who gnashed their Teeth with rage and indignation against the breaking of the Peace, struck the Chiaus with such Terror, that he took Bonrici by the hand, the better to secure his Life; for he saw himself in no small danger. Assoon as he entered the Senate-House, after a short Preamble, he presented Selim's Letter, and that also of the Prime Visier. The Grand Signior complained in his, That, the Uscots', who were Christians, and Allies of the Republic, continually molested his Subjects; and, that the Venetians, instead of hindering these Violences, encouraged the Robbers underhand to commit them: That, animated with mortal hatred against the Turkish Pirates, they gave no Quarter to those that fell into their hands; cutting their Throats at the time they cried for Mercy, and yielded without Resistance. But that which was most insupportable to his Highness, was, the Isle of Cyprus' becoming a shelter for Pirates, which disturbed the Commerce of the Mediterranean Seas: That, being Master of all the Countries, which surrounded this Isle, it lay on him to secure the Navigation to those Parts; and therefore if they designed the continuance of the Peace which they had so often broken, they must yield him this Island, chastise the Uscots', and treat his Subjects henceforward with more humanity: That, if they liked these Terms, they should receive kind Remarks of his Gratitude and Favour; but if on the contrary, they refused these reasonable Conditions, he was in a capacity to do himself speedy Justice, and make them repent of their Folly. The Prime Visier's Letter contained only Matters treated of between him and the Venetian Ambassador; exhorting the Senate to grant freely what the Grand Signior desired. They had already resolved what to answer the Envoy; and the Doge was of opinion to give it him in Writing. The Venetians affirmed in their Reply, That, notwithstanding the ill usage which the Subjects of the Republic had received, that Peace had been ever of their part most religiously observed: That, the Uscots' were a poor sort of People, who living on Robbery, fell indifferently on both Turks and Christians: That, it was allowable by right of War, to give no Quarter to Pirates; and, as to the Kingdom of Cyprus, it belonged to the Republic: That, the Corsary's were so far from being entertained in their Ports, that there were four Galleys constantly kept to hinder their Entrance: But if the Grand Signior made use of these Pretences to colour the breaking of the Peace, the Senate was resolved courageously to defend themselves; hoping the Divine Justice would revenge their Quarrel, and protect their Innocency. The Chiaus being dismissed, was carried in a Gondolo to the Galley in which he came, which tarried for him at the Haven's Mouth; which immediately hoisted Sail on his coming on Board, and transported him to the Frontiers of the State; having received no Civilities or Presents from the Republic. But Mark Anthony Barbaro's Lady sent him, by the permission of the Senate, some Refreshments and a Silk Vest, to the end her Husband might be the less rudely used at Constantinople, where the Chiaus returned without any likelihood of an Accommodation. The Declaration of War made the Nobility and Commonaly pass over from their Consternation to Choler and Boldness; and the young People, irritated at the perfidiousness of Selim, conceived a great Contempt at his Dissoluteness and want of Sense of Honour, against whose Forces they hoped to maintain their Right; provided Heaven declared itself not against them; whereas the ancienter sort, more experienced, foresaw the Danger of breaking off at any time with so formidable a Power: But fearing on the other hand, that in granting his Demands, this would be an encouragement to them to ask more, and that the State weakened by degrees with these Compliances, would at length grow contemptible to her Allies, as well as to her Enemies. On these Considerations, they resolved themselves into a War, without harkening to any Proposal of renewing the Peace. Politicians found this Resolution more generous than prudent; for by amusing the Enemy with some sort of Negotiation, a stop might be put to their Army; its heat might be abated; and Time gained to provide for the Defence of Cyprus: Moreover, perhaps the Storm might have been laid with Money, which oftener prevails than Arms on these Barbarians, whose Avarice inclines them to hearken to any such kind of Proposal. But the Ardour of both the Nobility and Commonalty, who strove to give Testimonies of their Fidelity, hindered them from making these Reflections. All the neighbouring Cities belonging to the Republic, showed the same Earnestness; sending Offers to the Senate, each according to their Ability. People came from all parts to Venice; some proffered their Estates, others their Persons; and the greatest part to serve in the Wars at their own Charge. So many offered to embark themselves, that the Senate fearing to expose at one time such Numbers of Illustrious Persons, sent several of them home, having first praised their Zeal and Courage. All the other Cities of Italy gave Marks of the same inclination, to defend the Republic; and the time being appointed, when the Fleet should set forth for the Isle of Corfou, the General Zany weighed Anchor, and sailed to Zara, to order the Affairs of Dalmatia, whilst all the Forces got themselves in a readiness. Lauredon, Doge of Venice, Aged fourscore and ten, died suddenly in coming from the Senate, in the midst of the Gonsultations for the War; and it being feared, lest the different Interests of Parties, should draw out in length the Choice of a new Doge, and those who had right of Election, being far distant, should abandon their Posts in so perilous a Conjuncture, the Senate ordained that the number of Electors should be reduced to Forty. 'Twas necessary, for the satisfaction of the People, and the exigency of the present Affairs, to choose a Person of extraordinary Courage and Prudence; not following the ancient Custom of peaceable times, which was to elect one of a common Capacity, and of a Humour rather to be governed than govern. Amongft all those who stood conspicuous, none appeared more fit and worthy than Lewis Mocenigo, both by his Nobility, his Alliances, and great Place, being a Procurator of St. Mark. He had acquired an high Esteem, by a faithful discharge of several Employs; and the establishment of the ancient Discipline was expected from a Person of his Wisdom and Experience. The Forty Electors shut up in the Palace to make this Choice, were not long in their Deliberations. In short, Mocenigo had all their Suffrages, and took possession of his new Dignity. The same day he was elected, he made a thankful Speech, which confirmed the advantageous Opinion of his Capacity; he protested that he would endeavour to merit by his Services the Honour conferred on him. Sebastian Venieri, who, tho' very ancient, felt none of the Infirmities of old Age, commanded in the Isle of Corfou, with a Sovereign Authority. He being weary of Ease, harkened with pleasure to a Proposition which was privately made him by Deputies from the Epirots, who inhabit near Mount Chimaera. These People tired with the Turkish Slavery, were for taking part with the Republic; on condition she would protect them, and send necessary Assistance, to defend them from the Resentment of the Infidels. They desired to begin by the Siege of Supoto, a City garrisoned by the Turks; assuring, this Place would be no sooner taken, but the greatest part of the Epirots would declare themselves in favour of the Venetians: Venieri liked the Proposition, and all things being regulated by the Mediation of Marmorio, General of the Grecian Cavalry in Corfou, a man of great Credit amongst the Epirots; he took for Hostages, some of the Principal of this Nation, and made all diligence to get ready Preparatives for the Siege. Fifteen hundred Foot, with some Horse, were immediately transported to the firm Land. The Place, altho' situated on a Mountain in the midst of several others, and better fortified by Nature than Art, was easily invested. The Venetian Batteries, whence the Cannon played, did no great Execution: Marmario, who had the ordering of it, desiring to take from the Besieged all hope of Relief, possessed himself of those high Grounds which commanded the Place, and such parts by means of which they might have Communication with the Country: He picked out for this Design the most resolute mongst the Epirots, who made themselves Masters of this Post, after a fierce Combat, in which the Besieged were repulsed to their Gates. The Turks fired several times their Cannon from their Walls; but having not any expert Gunners amongst them, they burst two of their greatest Pieces, by over charging them, which set fire on all their Powder. This Accident, together with the Belief that the Army of the Besieged was greater than indeed it was, and that all Epirus had revolted, hindered them not from defending themselves, out of a desperate Obstinacy. Venieri intending to profit by this Error, disposed all things for a general Assault the next Morning. The Infidels having notice of this Attack, stole away privately out of the Town in the Night, excepting a few, who preferring a glorious Death to a shameful Flight, were put to the Sword, in sustaining the Fury of the Assailants. The Fugitives were pursued, and made Prisoners by the Epirots, who knew the ways of the Country. Venieri having left a Garrison in the Place, the Government of which, committing to Marmorio, he returned himself to Corfou, proud of his good Success. Zany arrived there in the beginning of the Summer, having tarried long at Zara, in expectation of the Arrival of the Fleet; to which were to be joined the King of Spain's and the Pope's. He judged it not fitting to set out to Sea without a considerable Assistance; having Order from the Senate to sail to Cyprus, and fight the Enemy, assoon as the Confederates should join him. 'Twas generally believed, that had he parted immediately after Colonni was arrived with the Pope's Galleys, without staying for the King of Spain's, and made directly for Cyprus; the Place might have been preserved. Quirini joined him at the same time with twenty five Galleys of Candia, and took in his passage a Castle in the Morea, defended by the Infidels, whence he drew out twenty Pieces of Cannon. Zany, not willing to lose time at Corfou, sent Sforza Palavicinus, General of the Land-Army, with forty Galleys, to besiege Margariti, a City of Epirus; which was kept by a strong Garrison, by reason of the Importance and Commodiousness of the Place. Sforza Landed five thousand Men; but drawing near the Town, whether he feared the Enemy's Horse might fall too fiercely on him, or finding the Enterprise, on a second view, too dangerous, he put his Men on Board again, without daring to stay for the Turks; aliedging, for his Excuse, That he did not believe the Place to be so far distant from the Sea: He afterwards sent to Zany for new Orders; who enjoined him to call a Council of War; in which, it was determined, to abide by this Siege, it being not for the Honour of the Republic to draw back. He desired the Officers of the Fleet to provide him with Cannon for Battery; which they willingly undertook, tho' their Carriage was extreme difficult: But Palavacinus' Courage again failing him, showed them, that this Expedition would prove more dangerous than profitable; and thereupon embarked himself and his Men: Although this General, to regain his Honour, earnestly desired Permission to return again the third time, but with more Men, yet it was not thought fitting to hazard a third Trial; so that nothing was more undertaken all the while the Fleet remained at Corfou. In the mean time, this great Army, having spent most of the Summer in the Ports, by the neglect of the Commanders, the Seamen living in Gormandizing and Idleness, fell into a contagious Distemper, with which also the Soldiers were as greatly afflicted. This Sickness increasing, carried away great Numbers; so that Zany, supposing Exercise and change of Air, would in some sort cure them, set Sail for Candia: But whether their Provisions were already corrupted, or these new raised Men, not accustomed to the Seas; the Sickness increased to that height, that in two days time, it cleared a whole Ship; and those that were put in their places, incurred the same Fate. Both Soldiers and Seamen falling one upon another, and suffering insupportable Dolours, breathed out the last moment of their Lives. They were thrown into the Sea, assoon as they expired, and sometimes before. Those that performed this sad Office, expected soon to receive the same themselves, from other hands; and the horror of Death might be plainly read on each man's Face. The excessive Heats, and Malignity of the Air, increased still the Mortality; and when arrived at Candia, there were found missing twenty thousand Men. The General much perplexed, how to repair this Loss, forced the Candiots to find him Seamen and Soldiers; and tho' several were drawn out from the Isles of Zant and Cephalonia, and the Providors Quirini and Canali had taken multitudes into Service, by the Senate's Order, out of Isles belonging to the Infidels; yet with all this the Army was scarcely well recruited. The Venetians, at the beginning of this War, had sent to request Assistance from Pope Pius V. who was not over-satisfied with the Senate, for their frequent Encroachments on the Papal Authority, and their Connivance at Heresy and Heretics, which began to spring up in their Chief City. Yet did the Interest of Religion, threatened by so cruel an Enemy, awake the Zeal of this Holy Man; and assoon as he understood the Danger to which the Republic, lay exposed, he assembled the Sacred College, imparted this grievous News to the Cardinals, and conferred with them touching the means of preventing this dreadful Storm. Antony Perennot, surnamed Cardinal Granvil, was then at Rome; his Father was but a Black-Smith's Son in the Franch County, yet a Person whose Virtue was as high as his Birth mean; he had introduced himself by his Merit in●o favour with Charles the Fifth; who employing him in the Government of Affairs in the Low Countries, he had there acquired vast Riches. Antony Perennot, of whom we speak, made use of the Estate his Father left him, to get still more, under the Reign of Philip the 2d. whose Esteem and Confidence he gained by his Prudence and Learning, in which he was carefully brought up from his tender years: But his natural Pride, increased by his Fortune and Favour at Court, had made his Insolence insupportable to all the World. The whole Consistory was for assisting the Venetians in so urgent an occasion, except Granvil; who declaiming against the Republic, affirmed her unworthy the Protection of the Holy See, by offering to make peace with the Infidels on dishonourable Conditions; notwithstanding the Alliance with which the Emperor had honoured them, and the Assistance he had sent them. He added, That his Holiness would do well to sit still, and let this Affair take its course a while, and when the Venetians should be made sensible, by their losses of some Provinces, or defeat of their Army, of the need they had of Succours, it would be then time enough to assist them: That it seemed as if Heaven exposed them to this Invasion of the Infidels, as a punishment of their Indifference and Insensibility, at the sight of the Dangers wherewith other Christian States had been threatened; and to show them the necessity, wherein they might be reduced, of imploring the Aid and Protection of their Neighbours. This Discourse raised a secret Murmur amongst the Cardinals Cornaro, Amulio and Delphini, all three Subjects of the Republic; but the Respect they bore the King of Spain, and fear of displeasing Granvil, held them in silence. Cardinal John Francis Commend●n, a Person of singular Virtue, whom neither Fear nor Favour could withhold from his Duty, not being able to dissemble his Resentments, as his Countrymen did; refuted whatsoever Outrages this Fleming offered against the Interests of Italy, and that with such clear and weighty Reasonings, as would admit of no Contradiction: He recited the ancient Services rendered by the Venetians to all Christendom, and especially to the Holy See; he showed, That there was all the Reason in the World for assisting of them now, and sustaining the generous Resentment they conceived against the infraction of the Peace by the Infidels, and not stay till they were beaten; this dereliction of them being likely to discourage them, and drive them into despair: That, he knew not for what reason, or on what Politics they must be weakened before their Quarrel defended: For if their Valour was mistrusted before there was occasion, what Confidence must be put in it when it should be overcome? That they would remember what they owed their Country and themselves, if the Pope and other Christian Princes, who were no less interessed than they in this War, would assist them against the violence of the Infidels: That, all who were born Italians, were equally persuaded the Signiory was no more threatened than other Christian States; and that other Princes of Italy had the same reason to resist this common Enemy: And that in fine, he was greatly surprised, to hear the Senate charged as with a Fault, the making the last Peace with the Port; their Allies having treated them in such a manner, as made them complain in all the Courts of Christendom; and in consideration of which, it would be well for the Honour of a certain Christian Prince, wholly to lose the Memory of it. A Speech so discreet and generous having been approved by the Sacred College, all the Cardinals were of opinion to grant assistance to the Republic. The Pope caused twelve Galleys to be equipt, which the Signiory sent him from Anconia, without Equipage, and other Military Provisions: The great Master of Malta furnished out three others: The Duke of Savoy four: Of which Fleet his Holiness gave the Command to Mark Anthony Colonni, a Person of Illustrious Birth and extraordinary Merit. Pius V. who understood not so well the Art of War, as the Government of the Church, suffered himself to be led into an esteem of Colonni, by means of some Conferences with him on the present State of Affairs, and by his offers of Service, which made him to be preferred before several Princes of Italy, who sought all occasions to obtain this Employ: He made himself so worthy of it, and showed so much Prudence and Valour in the emergencies of War or Peace, that his Credit with the Pope still increased, notwithstanding the Envy and Jealousy of the Spaniards, who continually endeavoured to do him ill Offices. The Venetians would not at first acknowledge him Chief of the Army of the Holy See, supposing him too much devoted to the Spanish Interest; because he possessed some Towns dependant on that Crown: But he knew so well to disabuse them, by a sincere Application to their Service, that they would have willingly trusted him with the full Command of their whole Army. The Pope sent at the same time to the King of Spain, Lewis Torici, Auditor of the Reta, to entreat him to join his Fleet with the Venetians, and contract an Alliance with them, according to the Design which he had often proposed; his Holiness assuring him he would not only interess himself in this Confederacy, but enter therein, and assist the Republic to the utmost of his Power. Pius V. made the same Declaration to Michael Soriani, the Venetian Ambassador at Rome. The King of Spain returned no Answer to the Proposition of Alliance, but promised to set out fifty Galleys immediately to Sicily, with Order to obey him whom the Pope should choose to command them. Colonni expected long the Spanish Fleet; and John Andrew Doria, who conducted it, did not arrive at Messina till July; neither would he weigh Anchor, said he, till he received Orders from the King of Spain, and used all his Endeavours to retain the Pope's Galleys. Colonni sent speedy notice of this to his Holiness, who immediately dispatched a Courier into Spain, to press the King to make good his Promise: But the Answer arriving at Rome not before the Twelfth of August, Colonni and Doria did not depart till the Twenty fifth for Candia, where they set footing after Twelve day's Navigation; altho' Zany had Order, as we have already said, to attempt the Delivery of Cyprus, and fight the Infidels, if they offered to hinder them from it. The Season being far spent, and the Fleet in no good order, made him dread the Event of a Battle: He called a Council of War, on what was most expedient to be undertaken; Antony Canali & James Celsi were Providors to the Venetian Army; the Republic never confiding the Sovereign Command to one only General. These Officers are indeed inferior to him, yet he can determine nothing, unless one of these two be of his Opinion. Sforza Palavicinus was admitted into this private Council; an Honour which no Stranger ever had before. But because it was possible they might divide in contrary Opinions of equal Authority, they resolved to submit to that which was the General's; and this Regulation was constantly and strictly observed afterwards. Celsi and Palavicinus were not for going directly to Cyprus; alleging, That the Tempests which are frequent in Autumn, were to be considered: That the greatest part of the Seamen were not well acquainted with those Seas; and moreover, their Companies were not complete; so that should the Turks accept of an Engagement, and be worsted, yet could they get such Recruits at Land, as would put their Fleet again in a good Condition; and should they refuse a Defiance, they had Places of Retreat in Cilicia, and several other Ports, where the Christians dared not attack them, but would be forced to retreat themselves, lest they ruin their whole Fleet; so that it would be better to send Men and Ammunition to Cyprus, for the Defence and Refreshment of the Isle, than to hazard at once the Safety of the State, which consisted alone in the Maritine Forces: That to save the Honour of so great a Navy, they might attack the Castles of the Dardanello's, lying at the Mouth of the Hellespont, or fall on the Isle of Nigropont, and take by Assault Chalcis, its Capital Town: That, this Conquest, which was certain, would make amends for the Isle of Cyprus, in case the Infidels should be obstinate in its Invasion; and should they come to the assistance of Nigropont, thy would by this diversion ease the Cypriots, and give the Enemy Battle with greater confidence of Victory, the two Armies being of equal strength. Zany leaned to this Opinion, but he suffered the Providor Canali to speak before him; who said, that besides the Senate ordered immediate Succours to be given the Cypriots; whose Case otherwise would prove desperate, it was far more reasonable and natural, to endeavour the Conservation of ones own, than to become Master of that which is another's: That the Succours which were to be put into Famagusta, would signify nothing to Nicosia; on the taking of which, depended the loss of the whole Island: That, if it were already too late to endeavour its Deliverance, the Season would much less permit them to besiege Castles further distant, and so near to Constantinople, that the Grand Signior might behold them from the Windows of the Seralio; nor to think of the taking of Nigropont, for which, they must Land Men and Cannon, to batter Chalcis, the Capital Town; against which 'twas almost impossible to raise Batteries: That the North-East Wind, which then blowed, would carry them in four days to Cyprus, and might return with a Southern Wind, which rises commonly at the beginning of Autumn: That the Isle of Cyprus was the real cause of the War; the Title of Conqueror being due only to that Party which should become Master of it: That it was very strange, the King of Spain's and the Pope's Fleets, which had been expected all the Summer, should set out only to deliberate, whether they were to succour a Country, for the securing of which, these Forces were ordered to fight: That if the Infidels kept themselves in their Ports for fear of engaging; besides, that they should be then in a capacity to relieve Nicosia, there might be good advantage made of this Distrust; and the Confederate Army would gain greater Reputation: That if they, on the contrary, accepted the Defiance, they might in the uncertainty of the Event, hope well from the Justice of their Cause, and promise something from the Protection of Heaven; and altho' they had not so many Ships as the Barbarians, theirs were on the other hand far better; their Fleet consisting of an hundred and fourscore Galleys, and twelve Galleasses, which amounted to a good Naval Army; besides other Vessels designed only to carry Ammunition and Provisions, whereof, in case of necessity, a good use might be made: That it was true, the Turkish Navy was greater, as consisting of sixty Galleys, and about fifty Frigates, besides several small Vessels, whose multitude was troublesome, rather than disadvantageous in a Fight: That, in short, it were better to expose themselves to a Defeat, than the shameful Reproaches of having left People, who threw themselves on the Republic for Protection: That they would draw on them the hatred of all Christendom, should the Infidels take from them a Kingdom before the Eyes of so powerful a Fleet; and if Fortune were not favourable to them, the Senate would have at least this consolation, of having used its utmost Endeavours, according to its generous Maxims, rather to risk its whole Estate, than to leave her Subjects to the Invasion of an Usurper. Zany was shaken by this Discourse; and being unwilling to bear alone the Reproaches he must have undergone from the Senate, if he executed not its Orders; he entered into Canali's Sentiment, and concluded it necessary to be followed: But there happened a fresh Contest, which occasioned another Perplexity more troublesome than the former. Zany and Doria being gone in search of Mark Antony Colonni, to regulate with him the first Difficulty, he was of opinion to go immediately to the Succour of the Isle of Cyprus: Pompey Colonni, his Kinsman, and Alvarez Basano, General of the Neapolitan Galleys, were also of this Mind: But Doria upholding on the contrary Celsi and Palavicinus' sense, obstinately affirmed, The Venetian Army was no to be exposed, in their languishing condition from the contagious Distemper, to the danger of a Fleet so well equipped; and reproached Colonni with sacrificing the Spanish Army to the proud and ambitious humour of the Venetians. Whereunto he replied, That it would be far more profitable and glorious for the King of Spain to lose all his Ships in an Engagement, than fail in what all Europe expected from so puissant a Sovereign: That there was no need of bringing an Army so far, and which has been so long time looked for, if they came only to behold a Kingdom taken by the Infidels, who would become far more formidable by casting a Terror into the Confederates Army, than in conquering the Isle of Cyprus: That it was but reasonable to yield to the Opinion of those Persons who were most concerned, and who would be an Example to the rest, and first engage in this generous Expedition. Colonni added, The Pope ordered him expressly to sail up to the Enemy, and terminate this War by the decision of a Combat; so that he could not avoid the following those Orders; the inexecution of which, would be prejudicious to his Honour, and that of all Europe. Doria, fearing to be thought cowardly, or ill-intentioned, yielded at last; but sold his Compliance dear, in finishing the Campaign sooner by half than need required; for using all Delays till the Thirteenth of September in Deliberations, he publicly declared, his Return should be on the First of October, with all his Fleet, wheresoever it lay; being willing the Venetians should be informed of this, to the end they might not pretend a Surprise. The other Generals were agreed, That in case of an Engagement, all the Confederate Vessels should be mixed without any Formalities of Precedency; to the end the Glory and Danger being equally divided, each might do his Duty, and be animated by Emulation and example. But Doria declared, he would not engage unless the right Wing were given him. The Venetians nettled with this unseasonable Pretention, began to suspect his Sincerity, and believed he designed this Place, to be in a better capacity of retreating, in case the Christians should be defeated. This General was of Gen●a, a Republic much fallen from its ancient Grandeur; but yet still retaining the old Dispute of Power and Honour with that of Venice. Besides the hatred of the Genoes●s against the Venetians, D●ria moreover had a P●que with them for complaining against Andr●w his Uncle, and reproaching him with being Chief of their Fleet in the Year 1536. when he spared the Infidels, from whom he might have easily won a Signal Victory; keeping them blocked up in the Gulf of Ambracia: Yet were the Venetians forced to smother their Resentments; for besides that Doria slighted their Reproaches, he threw on them the unprofitableness of this Campaign, and highly complained of the ill Estate of their Army, considering the Interest they had in this important Affair. The Fleets having set Sail from the Port of Candia, a City which gives Name to the Isle, of which it is the Capital; came and cast Anchor at Chiti, where Doria would needs have a general Muster made, and that both Spaniards and Venetians should visit one another's ●●●●els. He sailed out of the Port into the full Sea for this Design, and ordered, according to Custom, the Shalops to be hoisted up, lest the Soldiers should secretly pass over from one Vessel to another. The Venetians not following him, he gave out, there needed no further proof to discover their ill Order and Weakness. Having worn out near three weeks in these kind of Contests, the Christian Army hoisted Sail on the Seventeenth of September; before which, there were sent out two Frigates to make Discovery; and in this time, there wanted not Jars and Disagreements. The Captain-Galley, on Board of which the General is, has only Right to carry the Lantern, to denote the Course which all the rest must hold. Zany lighted not his, designing to defer this Honour to Mark Antony Colonni; but Doria believing he need not give the same deference to the General of the Pope's Galleys, caused also one to be lighted; saying, for a colour, he feared lest there should happen some Tempest, wherein the Spanish Galleys might lose the sight of his. Colonni, naturally jealous of the Honours of the Generalship, could hardly suffer this Rhodomontado, and made the Venetians understand as much; who excused themselves, by owning that the Republic was indebted to him for his Moderation. THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOK. THE Peasants of the Isle of Cyprus design a Revolt. Nicholas Dandoli, Chief Magistrate of Nicosia, possesses himself of the Government of the whole Island. Laurence Tipoli, and Mark Antony Bragadini, Chief Magistrates in Famagusta. Baglioni, for opposing the Descent of the Infidels, contrary to the Opinion of Bandoli, and the Count de Rocas. Decree of the Senate, to set all the Slaves in the Island at Liberty. The Turks Land without Resistance. The Number of their Men and Ships. Two Runagates persuade Mustapha to begin at the Siege of Nicosia. The Turks sit down before it. The Besieged make a Sally, but with bad Success. Valour of the Italian Soldiers. Rocas and Palacio killed on the Breaches of the Walls. The City taken by Assault. Cruelties exercised therein. Desperate Action of a Nicosian Lady. Another generous Action of a Cypriot Slave. Cerines' surrendered to the Turks. They March to Famagusta. Doria suspected by the Venetians. Quarrel betwixt Doria and Colonni. Venieri put in the Place of Zany, General of the Venetian Fleet. His Disgrace. Senate's Deliberation on the League with Spain. Don John of Austria named Generalissimo of the Confederate Army. Granvil opposes the Conclusion of the Treaty. The Venetians make some Advances tending to a Peace with the Port. Colonni's Harangue to the Senate. The League decreed by them. The Pope regulates its Particulars. THE HISTORY OF THE WAR of CYPRUS. The Second Book. THE first Rumours of this War, being spread over Cyprus, produced different Effects in the Minds of its Inhabitants, every one being pleased or displeased according as they were interessed. The Country People expected Ease from their Labours, in some new Revolution; their Masters, who used them with too great severity, having forced them to such a Desperation, that they had thoughts, more than once, of delivering their Country to the Infidels: And for want of a better Commander, they chose a certain Schoolmaster, whom they intended to proclaim King, under the Protection of the Grand Signior: But the Venetians having Notice of the Design, before the Rebels treated with the Port, punished this pretended Monarch, according to the greatness of his Crime. The Nobility were willing enough to take Arms for the Defence of their Country; but there being no Sovereign Magistrate in the Isle, and the Officers aspiring Jealousies producing Emulations and Hatreds, things were but ill ordered for a Defence, against that Storm which was now fallen on them. In the beginning of the Year 1570. the Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, sent Notice to the Cypriots of the Declaration of War. Nicholas Dandoli was then Podestat of Nicosia, and had succeeded Laurence Bembo, whose Death proved very projudicial to the Affairs of the Republic. Dandoli, who being but a mere Lawyer, took on him the Government of his own head; was a man of great Insolency, and wholly unworthy of such an Employ. Laurence Tipoly and Mark Antony Bragandini were then at Famagusta, the former in quality of Podestat; the other exercising the Magisterial Function; and both well acquitting themselves of their Duties Astor Baglioni commanded the Garrison; who was a Leader of good Experience, full of Courage, and of no less Prudence, but had neither Men, nor Authority sufficient to withstand a great Force. Assoon as this News was known at Nicosia, there was held a Council, consisting of the principal Citizens, to advise and order what was necessary in this extraordinary State of Affairs. 'Twas first determined, to cause all the Corn and Grain of the Country round about, to be transported into the Town; which was accordingly with great diligence executed. Dandoli, whose first Care was, to finish the new Fortifications, had no Genius or Experience in these sort of Affairs: And when it was decreed, that these Works should be continued according to Savoriani's Platform, and the Bastions begun by his Order, carried on by the same Gentlemen to whom that Care was committed; Dandoli showed, That the Money would be ill managed, and soon consumed, if several Persons had the disposal of it; wherefore he was for keeping it himself, and finishing only one Bastion at a time, and thus dismissed the greatest part of the Workmen. He ordered other Affairs in the same manner; for according as the Report rose or abated of the Turk's Army, so he increased or diminished the Preparatives for the War: And when it was believed as a thing certain, That the Turkish Fleet would not set out from Constantinople that Summer, all things were carried on at such a negligent rate, that Baglioni, and such as understood those Affairs, continually advertized Dandoli to stand on his Guard, and expect a sudden Invasion from the Enemy. Eugenius Sinclitici, Count de Rocas, one of the best Families of the Kingdom of Cyprus, having been deputed to Venice, to entreat assistance, returned to the Island, with the Title of General of the Horse, which the Senate had given him; with the News, That the War was certainly declared; but he brought neither Men nor Ships. All People were strangely surprised to see him thus return; considering the Condition of the Isle, the Weakness of the Garrison, Scarcity of Arms, and especially of Muskets; so that it was thought, his new Honour had made some decay in his Senses; seeing he forgot to represent these wants to the State. The Cypriots finding themselves thus frustrated in their expectations, made bad Relations of his Voyage; affirming, his going to Venice, was only for an Airy Title of Honour, to satisfy his Vanity, rather than the Exigencies of the Island; so that he would have done as well to have stayed at home with his Lady; they having no need of a Captain, who brought nothing but a Name, and neglected the Duties of the Office. James Nores, Count de Tripoli, betwixt whom and Rocas reigned an hereditary Jealousy, envying the Honour which Rocas came from receiving, entertained these Complaints and Murmurs: and his Merit having acquired great Credit amongst the Nobility, the Public conceived the greater Hatred and Contempt against his Enemy; which proved very hurtful to the Welfare of the Country. When the Council was assembled, Rocas and Dandoli were of contrary Opinions; so that no good could be expected to the present State of Affairs: And thus the Winter was passed over in Quarrels and fruitless Debates. In the beginning of the Spring, there arose a Dispute between the Magistrates of Nicosia and Famagusta, touching the Transport of Grain, which was gathered in the fruitful Plains of Messara, equally distantfrom these two Towns. 'Twas thought fitting, for the adjusting of this Difference, to agree on a Place and Time, wherein all the Magistrates and Military Officers should meet; in which Assembly, Matters concerning the War, should be treated on, and each Person his Function and Post allotted him, that he might be in a readiness on the first Occasion: Which Meeting was held at a Place called Aschia; where all present exhorted one another to lay aside their Differences, and jointly concur to the common Safety. They afterwards decreed, That the Corn of the Territory of Messara, should be equally shared between Famagusta and Nicosia; each of them gathering that part which lay nearest them. They moreover Ordered, when this was done, That the Countries which were farthest distant, and whose Crops would be troublesome to be transported, should be laid waste, to hinder the Enemy from Forage. But they after changed their Design into that of preserving them for the refreshment of the Christian Army, which they expected would come to their Assistance; contenting themselves with pulling down all Mills, to deprive the Enemy of the Use of them; who yet profited by so abundant a Crop when they least expected it; having already stored themselves with Provisions from Cilicia. After a long Deliberation of what Place Baglioni should undertake the Defence, 'twas resolved, he should shut himself up in Famagusta; which according to all appearances, was to be first besieged; and that in expectation of the Three Thousand Men which Martiningo was to bring them from Venice, there should be a like Number chosen from among the Freed Men of the Island, to strengthen the Garrison: That there should be as many put into Nicosia, with some new Levies raised out of the Country; and the Citizens of both Places, were to take Arms, and be listed into Companies; which should be commanded by young Gentlemen. There was afterwards an Account taken f the Number of Men each of these Cities could well contain; and those who lived far in the Country, were Ordered to leave their Villages, and retire to these Places of Strength. The mixed Multitude, such as Women, Children, and aged Persons, were enjoined to betake themselves to the Woods and Mountains, with whatsoever they could carry; and several were sent out to discover in what Parts they could be in most surety. John Susomini, a prudent and careful Person, had the Charge of leading them thither with their Goods and Chattels. Cerines', a Maritine Town, situated over against Cilicia, was ordered to be ruined; as not being in a condition to hold out a Siege; and its Artillery to be transported to Nicosia: But some being of a contrary Opinion, 'twas thought expedient to communicate this Affair to the Senate, and expect its Orders. The greatest Difficulty agitated, was, Whether 'twere most advantageous to oppose the Enemy's Descent, or let them Land without Resistance? Rocas and Dandoli, who endeavoured to raise their Reputation in Military Affairs, by singular Opinions, rejected such as were necessary to be followed; and constantly maintained, by a fatal obstinacy to their Country, That the Infidels should be suffered to land Astor Baglioni endeavoured on the contrary, to make them embrace a more generous Resolution: He vehemently set before them, That there is nothing more dangerous than Despair or Distrust at the sight of an Enemy; People seldom coming to themselves in such a kind of Consternation: That he knew, after a particular Search, there were more Horse in the Island than was conceived; there being enough to mount eight Thousand Men; the greatest part of which, might be Armed with Lances, and the rest with Carabins and Muskets; and in this Equipage might successfully oppose the Infidels Landing; and being seconded by choice Men of the rest of the Militia, and five and twenty Thousand Foot, drawn up on the Hills of Salines, on the Sea-Coast; the sight of so considerable an Army would perhaps put a stop to the Enemy's Fleet, and defer their Landing: That whatsoever might happen, they must of necessity oppose them, tho' they should fail, and be overpowered by their Number: That in fine, All the Rules of War obliged them to resist their Entrance, unless they designed to render themselves contemptible to their Enemies, and cast the Cypriots into a Consternation. All the Gentry that assisted at this Council, were of Baglioni's Opinion, and promised him to use their utmost Endeavours to facilitate the execution of this Design: But Dandoli and Rocas persisted in maintaining, there were only Famagusta and Nicosia to be defended; and that the Malignity of the Air, with the excessive Heats would drive away the Turks from the other Parts of the Island. Rocas added, that Palavicinus had been of the same Opinion in Venice; which was approved by the Senate; and therefore he must yield without wavering, to the Sentiment of so great a Captain, being likewise confirmed by the Sovereign Council, without the least respect to the Reasons which might be alleged to the contrary. Baglioni interrupting him, To what purpose (said he) is Palavicinus and the Senate cited? Are we not here on the Spot, and consequently far better instructed in the present Exigency of Affairs, than all the Republic joined together, who judge only from a simple Relation? It is Men, and not Counsel, which ought to have been sent us from Venice. The Passion, with which he was transported, made him add, That if no body else would follow him, he would go to the Seaside with his Friends and Domestics, to receive the Infidels at their Descent; for he would never consent they should Land, as if the Country was to be delivered to them by Agreement: That he would give them some Demonstrations of Courage, at least with his small Company, if he could not hinder their Design; it being a grievous shame to be exposed to the Raillery of these Barbarians, and hear them say, The Venetians were so affrighted at the News of their Coming, that they were not able to bear the sight of them. The two Chiefs hardening themselves in their Obstinacy, as fast as they found Resistance, Baglioni added, He would lead up as many Horse as he could find in the humour to attend him to the place most in danger; at least to learn the Force and Number of the Barbarians; being not able to bear the Reproaches which would be cast on his Country. That they had not one Person of sufficient Valour to face the Enemy. Dandoli made Answer, He might do as he pleased; but would never consent to his having any Troops committed to him: Saying moreover, he would send Notice to the Senate of the Success of so rash an Enterprise. Baglioni, who knew the Senate confided more in the Providors, than in the Military Officers, and that they do more approve a discreet Conduct, than a bold and honourable Exploit, pretended to persist in his Resolution, but intended to do nothing contrary to the Providors' determination. The Assembly being broke up, each Person departed to his Post, to execute the Orders which belonged to him. Things being in this condition, and all People bewailing this Disunion amongst the Chief Persons in Authority, the Vessels on which Martiningo was embarked with the three Thousand Men which the Senate sent to Cyprus, touched at Famagusta, and brought the sad News of the Death of their Commander; whose Age not being able to undergo the Tediousness of the Voyage, increased by the ill Air, he died in the way, not suffering them to carry him to shore, in order to his Recovery. He was the more regretted, by reason his Death was accompanied with that of the greatest part of his Men, seized by the same Distemper; so that the Remainder arrived in such a condition, as sensibly touched all who were interessed in the Welfare of the Republic. On a Belief that the Infidels would begin by the Siege of Famagusta, the Defence thereof was committed to Baglioni; and Rocas returned to Nicosia, to command that Garrison. And it being well known that neither Dandoli, nor He understood the Art of War, they had therefore two old Officers given 'em; Ranconi and Palacio, to assist them in their Councils, in case they had Docility enough to be instructed. Since the Conference at Aschia, Affairs moved but slowly, and the carrying on of the Fortifications was in a manner neglected. The Officers encouraged the Soldiers in their Laziness, by telling them, The Turks would undertake nothing till the next Campaign, so that they had time enough to provide for the Defence of the Country. They were also so imprudent as to suffer the Freed Men newly listed, to return home, and bring if they would, their Wives into the Garrisons. Scarcely were they got to their Villages, but Nicosia was alarmed by the Discovery of Twenty five Sail of Turks Men of War, lying at Anchor over against the Isle of Baffo. This News strangely surprised the Officers, and cast the People into a horrible Consternation. 'Twas thought immediately the whole Fleet was not far distant from this Squadron; and indeed they were in the right; for these were sent before, commanded by Siroc, one of the General Officers, with Order to make Descent on the Island, and get information from the first that fell into his hands, of the State and Strength of the Country, the Designs and Motions of the Governors, and to return quickly with an Account of what he had learned. Siroc landed at a Place called Lara, with five hundred Foot, seized on some Peasants, whose Villages he burned and pillaged. This Booty having drawn him farther into the Island, he was charged by a Regiment of Epirot-Horse, whose Quarters lay near Lara, and beaten back to his own Vessels; leaving eleven of his Men dead on the place, and two of 'em were taken Prisoners, with one of their Ensigns. Zandochio, who commanded this Regiment of Horse, entered into Nicosia, puffed up with this small advantage, and caused to be carried before him, on the top of Lances, the Heads of these Enemies that were killed. 'Twas known from these two Prisoners, That the Barbarian Army lay in the Port of Finicia; and that the Sultan's never before set out such a numerous Fleet, so well stored with Men, and all sorts of Provision and Ammunition necessary for so prodigious an Army: That the Visier, who commanded it, was still employed in embarking the Horse, and would soon follow in Person. Those who expected this inundation of Barbarians not before the next Summer, and consequently believed the Danger at a great distance, were terribly alarmed; seeing the Enemy so near. Dandoli and Rocas, who walked every day about the Town, full of Pride and Confidence, found themselves immediately possessed with such a disheartening Faintness and Terror, the Effects whereof could not be concealed from every vulgar Eye: They at last saw themselves void of Counsel and Experience; their Fortifications unfinished, their Garrison without Arms, and much weakened by the Leave they had given the Freedmen. They mistrusted the Fidelity of their Slaves, the incapacity of their Officers of War, and their Authority and Power over the Soldiers: They sent immediately Commands to the Freedmen to return to Nicosia: But most of these rude and brutish People refused to obey their Orders, and withdrew into the Forests and Mountains, believing themselves in greater safety, and more at liberty there, than within the Walls; so that scarcely five hundred, of the seven thousand who were Mustered, returned: 'Twas also proposed to give Liberty to the Slaves; and this was, without doubt, an excellent means to make them forget the Tyranny of their Masters, and engage them faithfully to serve the Republic, had not this Means been thought on too late: Yet was it proclaimed throughout all the Island, That the Senate granted a full and perfect Liberty in general to all those who were born Slaves; exhorting them, for an Acknowledgement of this Grace, that such amongst them as were able to bear Arms, should repair with diligence to Nic●sia and Famagusta, for the common Defence of the Country. This Bait drew not many; and excepting some who lived in the neighbouring parts, and could not handsomely get away, they all withdrew into the Mountains with their Families, and whatsoever they could carry along with them. This Proclamation was made about the Seventh of June; and in the First of July following the Ottoman Fleet appeared, making with full Sail towards the Island. They cast Anchor at Baffo, and road there only one day, and then came up to Limisso, where they Landed some small Forces, to be informed of the Country: They were charged by the Epir●t Cavalry, and constrained to return to their Vessels with some Loss. The Barbarians advanced the next Morning as far as Salines, entering into the Gulf which bears that Name; and tho' they expected to fight at their Descent, yet did they Land all their Forces without the least resistance. Baglioni still endeavoured to vindicate the Cypriots from this Affronted, and required, to no purpose, some Horse to contend with them on the Shoar. But Dandoli and Rocas kept with them all the Cavalry; and whether they feared they should be beaten, or agreed together to disgust this brave Commander, they contented themselves with being Spectators of their Landing. Mustapha took this for a good Omen of their base and foolish Conduct; and his Army promised to themselves, as well as he, an assured Victory. This Navy consisted in near four hundred Vessels of all kinds. There were one hundred and sixty Galleys, or Frigates, near fifty Galliots; the rest were laden with Victuals, Ammunition, and Soldiers. But this Number aggrandized extremely the Fleet, which extended itself as far as the Eye could reach; and the Cypriots, affrighted at this terrible Aspect, kept a sad and solitary Silence at the noise of the Shouts of Joy uttered by the Soldiers and Seamen. Rocas and Dandoli shut themselves up in Nicosia with their Horse; and Baglioni retired to Famagusta; which was the first Place to be besieged, according to the Report of the Fugitives and Prisoners. The Turkish Army consisted of seventy thousand Men, without reckoning the Slaves, and such as followed the Camp; which made in all, according to exact computation, above an hundred thousand Men. There were near nine thousand Janissaries in this Expedition; in whose Valour the Turks put their greatest Confidence. They had two thousand Horse, and as many Mules, and other Beasts of Carriage. All this Army was soon Landed; and Mustapha, who was the Principal Author of the War, had the general Command of them. Hali and Piali were jointly Commanders of the Fleet; but this latter with more Authority than his Companion, according to the Custom of the Turks, who always appoint two Admirals; one of which has greater Power than the other. They Landed none of the Men belonging to them, for fear of being surprised by the Christians Fleet, which they expected must certainly come to the Succour of the Island. Mustapha, having for some days refreshed his Army, he during that timecaused a general Muster to be made of it, and informed himself of the state and strength of the Cypriots; preparing all things for the Siege of Famagusta, according to what he had designed before he parted from Constantinople: But he received an Information, which obliged him to think of another Enterprise. Two Greeks habituated in Nicosia, stole secretly thence in the Night, and came into into the Camp: They were led to his Tent; where they declared, they had Matters of importance to discover to him, whence they might draw great Advantages, provided their Relations found Credit with him, and they a certain Reward proportionable to the Service they were able to render him: And to procure an entire Confidence f●om him, they told him their intentions were to become Mahometans. The Visier having sent for his Interpreters, and dismissed those about him, they showed how Nicosia, whose Fortifications and Strength they were exactly acquainted with, was not in a condition to hold out long; giving him a perfect Account of the Place, the Incapacity of the Commanders, for whom the Soldiers had a great Aversion and Contempt; of the ill State of the Garrison, and small Provision of Victuals and Ammunition for the sustaining a Siege. These things, part of which were too true, were so exaggerated by these two Fugitives, that Mustapha easily suffered himself to be persuaded by them. They represented him with the immense Riches which were shut up in Nicosia, with all the Nobility of the Isle, to tempt his Avarice, by the hopes of an inestimable Booty: They assured him, on so easy a Conquest depended that of the whole Country: They continually put him out of Conceit with besieging Famagusta, by showing him the Garrison was strong there, and its Commander would defend the Place to the last Extremity; and moreover, the taking of it could not much advance his Affairs: That he ought to march strait to Nicosia, to which Place they would be his Guides, and lead him the nearest way; entreating him to keep them as Hostages and Pledges of an assured Victory. The Visier persuaded by these earnest Remonstrances, gave over his first Design, commends the Zeal of these Renegadoes, makes them Presents, promises them great Rewards, and shows them publicly all Respect imaginable: He communicated the next Morning to Piali, Chief Bassa of the Sea, whatsoever he learned from these Traitors; but Piali was not of opinion these Villains should be so soon and so greatly credited: He would have the Visier believe, that the first Enterprise was of far greater Importance; especially considering the Sultan had likewise approved of it; and might be carried on at the same time both by Sea and Land, the Christians not being in a capacity to sustain these two different Attacks: That the Loss of Famagusta, depriving the Nicosians of all hopes of Succour, they must surrender to such an Army: That Nicosia, the Capital of the Kingdom, and situated in the midst of the Country, had lately been fortified by the Venetians, with great Care and Charge; which was sufficient to show thence must be expected a vigorous Defence, the Place being in such a condition: That the Nobility, and all the Riches of the Isle being therein included, 'tis to be expected, the Gentry, animated by a desire to preserve their Treasure and Families, must hold out in Defence to the last Breath: That he would not empty his Ships of Soldiers to increase the Land-Army, before he understood what Strength he needed to withstand the Christian Fleet, which would infallibly come to the Assistance of the Besieged. Thus did Piali declare himself: Whether this was his real Opinion, or that he was nettled to see a Design undertaken in which he could have no part: But Mustapha stuck the closer to this new Project; by having put some Christian Prisoners to the Torture, the violence of which made 'em confirm the greatest part of those things the two Greeks had spoken. Being thus resolved, he sent three thousand Men towards Famagusta, to conceal his real Design, with Order to march secretly thither, lest Baglioni, who knew well the Ground, should charge them at a disadvantage, to possess themselves of all Avenues, and hinder any Communication betwixt the two Cities. He gave a Cypriot Monk, who was found amongst the Prisoners, some Letters to the Chief of the Nobility, stuffed with proud and threatening Terms, which these Barbarians commonly use to exalt the Power of their Sovereigns, which they insolently equal to that of the Almighty. He treated in his Letters, with an insupportable Disdainfulness, not only the Venetians, but all Christians in general; and summonned at the same time, the Cypriots to deliver to him their Capital City; and put him in possession of their whole State, with a promise to let them live in an entire Liberty, and suffer them to enjoy their Religion and Estates. The Nicosians returning no Answer to such unreasonable Propositions, Mustapha took this so heinously, that he wasted all the Country round about. The Inhabitants of the Borough of Leiparus felt the first Effects of his Cruelty: But whether they were disgusted by the bad Usage they had long received from the Nobility, or would secure themselves from being pillaged, and their Houses from being burnt, they surrendered themselves to the Infidels, on advantageous Conditions; and several other small Places followed their Example. The Nicosians thought themselves obliged to punish this Fact, to prevent the ill Consequences of it; and therefore sent some Regiments under the Command of Demetrius Lascaris, which being arrived at Leiparus, cut all the Inhabitants Throats, during an obscure Night, whom they surprised in their Beds; not sparing a man of them, and burned the Village. This severe Chastisement affrighted the neighbouring parts, and kept the rest of the Isle within the Bounds of their Duty. In the mean time, Mustapha parted from Salines, at the Head of two thousand Horse, and a considerable Body of Foot, ordering the rest of his Army to follow him with the Artillery and Baggage; and after six days March, came, and posted himself within four Niles of Nicosia. There were in the Town fifteen hundred Italians, a thousand Gentlemen, with their Domestics, two thousand Freedmen of the new raised Forces, two thousand of other Foot, drawn from different parts of the Island, two thousand five hundred Citizens in Arms, two hundred Epirot-Foot, five hundred Horse of the same Nation, and a thousand other Cavaliers, consisting of Gentry: Besides as many Slaves, as were found able to do Service, had Arms given 'em, and the Place was furnished with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions for a long Siege. Besides, the multitude of unserviceable People, which were retired into inaccessible places; more than twenty thousand Men, able to defend the Country, were gone to seek for Safety in the same Retreats. There might have been drawn a great Succour from so considerable a Number, had there been Arms for 'em, and a Commander capable to manage them. Captain Palaceo, a Person of a consummated Experience, and who was sent to Nicosia, as has been already observed, to assist Rocas and Dandoli with his Advice, was for charging the Enemy in their March with all the Horse, and a part of the Foot; assuring them, they would be surprised by this vigorous opposition, and put in Disorder before they could be formed into a Body. Although these two Generals were often ruled by Palaceo's Opinion, yet they now again re-assumed their former Obstinacy, and rejected this wholesome Advice. The whole Turkish Army came up the next Morning, being the Twenty Second of July, to the Visier, who caused his Tent to be set in a Plain at the Foot of a little Hill, called Mandia, from the neighbouring Village: He extended his Camp as far as a Countrey-Seat belonging to Demetrius. Having found all the Wells thereabouts poisoned, he caused new ones to be digged, and proved several to be wholesome Water; so that the Christians, who thought to poison the Infidels, or make them undergo an extreme Thirst, had the displeasure of seeing this their Stratagem of none effect. Mustapha surrounded the Place at the Head of his Cavalry, to view it, and draw out the Garrison; but Dandoli and Rocas would not suffer the Nobility nor Epirots to sally forth; who burnt with a desire of charging the Infidels. The Visier, who often turned his Head towards the side of the Ramparts, seeing no body appear, cried out in Laughing, The Christians were to blame in believing themselves secure behind their Walls. He caused Lines to be drawn as near as could be to the Body of the Town: He raised his first Battery on the side of St. Martin's Gate, over against the Bastion of Podocatero, with such diligence, that the work was finished in a Night's time; the Besieged having scarce made any opposition. This Battery being distant about three hundred paces from the Bastion, did not much damage either the Walls, or the neighbouring Houses; the Infidels raised three more; one against St. George's Church, the other on a Prominency called St. Marguerite's Place; and a third, on a rising Ground, termed Mandia; with which, they endeavoured to ruin those of the Besieged, and dismount their Cannon; but seeing this Artillery advanced not much their Design, the Visier made the Trench be carried on to the Walls of the Ancient Town, and within an hundred and fifty paces to the Counterscarp. He afterwards built four Forts, opposite to so many Bastions, called Podocatero, Avila, Constance, and Tripoli, from the Names of those who took care of their Structure under the inspection of Savoriani. These Works being soon finished, the Turks placed great Pieces of Ordnance on them, some of which carried Bullets of sixty pound weight, which would in a short time grind the Wall to Powder: But having fired continually for four days together, they observed the Bullets entered only the Earth which filled the Thickness of the Walls; wherefore they quitted these new Batteries. The Commanders of the Place, who dared not to Sally out, endeavoured to ruin with their Cannon the Enemy's Works, killing every day several of their Men. The Turks displeased at the small effect of their Artillery, advanced their Trenches near enough to the Counter-scarp, to shelter themselves from the continual Firings of the Besieged. This Work contained several Angles, and the Earth thrown up on the side of the Town, was a sufficient Defence to the Workmen: They wrought day and night with an indefatigable Toil, without resting in the time of the greatest Heat; so that in a small space they got to the Walls. They made a second deep Trench, that was Cannon-proof against the Town; which was lined with with Musketeers; who fired so thick, that the Besieged durst not appear on their Ramparts; so that the Infidels lodged themselves in the Ditch without any resistance. The Cavalry of the Garrison would have sallied out on the Turks, to hinder these near Approaches, but they could never get leave of their Superiors. The Siege grew every day worse for the Christians, the Garrison being considerably weakened by the great number of Soldiers that were killed or wounded. The Infidels gave 'em not a Moment's Rest, attacking them in several places at a time; having fresh Men continually to supply the places of the tired or slain. They were already so well lodged in the Ditch, that they began to undermine and pluck down the Walls, and there remained no way to hinder them from entering the Town. In this Extremity, the Chief of the Garrison went to Rocas and Dandoli, to whom they represented the deplorable state of the Place; conjuring them to have pity on the Capital City of the Island, and not suffer so many brave Men to be slain like Beasts, penned up within Walls: That if they must perish, it might be with Arms in their hands; by which means, they should not undergo an inglorious and languishing Death; which is commonly met with in an obstinate Siege: That they might be permitted to charge the Barbarians. whose Insolence grew every day insupportable: That true Valour showed itself more by fight with Swords in their Hands, than firing great or small Pieces at a distance; seeing Fortune many times overthrew the Brave and Valiant in this manner, by the hands of a paltry Fellow, during a Siege; and the Enemies having made themselves Masters of the Outworks, they were near the last extremity, so that they could not comprehend the Policy of keeping People's Spirits evaporating between Walls; and which at the same time increased the Courage of the Turks; and that in short, their only Safety consisted in making a vigorous Sally, before the Garrison was wholly out of condition to sustain a general Assault. These Remonstrances and Entreaties somewhat prevailed over the Commanders; but tho' they were convinced of the necessity of a Sally, yet were they hardly brought to yield to it; alleging, there remained only five hundred Italian Soldiers, in whom lay all their Confidence, as not much trusting the Freedmen, who were altogether undisciplined; much less the Citizens, a great part of which they had lost in the forty day's Siege, as well by the excessive heat, as the Enemy's hands; who were so far from understanding the Trade of War, that they could not tell how to carry their Arms. After long Contests, a Sally was at length granted; and for this end, a thousand Foot were chosen, who were to be sustained by the Epirot Cavalry. Those of the Ifle could not suffer themselves to be reserved in an occasion which must decide the good or bad Fortune of Nicosia; and therefore pressed Dandoli to permit them to join with the Epirots; showing him what a great Affront 'twould be to young People, who desired nothing more than to spend their Blood in the Honour and Defence of their Country, to give this plain demonstration of mistrust of their Courage and Fidelity. Dandoli, who was not easily brought to change his Mind, and feared the Place would be in this manner left destitute, forbid any Horse to stir, except those of the Epirots. The next Morning there were drawn out two thousand Men; the Command of which was given to Cesar Pioveni; to whom was joined Albert Scotto, and Gregory Panteus, together with Nicholas Gradenigo and Zanet Dandoli, two young Noble Venetians. They were ordered to destroy the Enemy's Outworks, and if possible, to render useless their Cannon, assoon as they had driven them out of their Trenches. Pioveni, having provided all things necessary for this Exploit, gave Order to his Men to be ready about Noon at the Town-Gate; because the Turks usually went te rest at that time. Altho' the Design they had laid, was not well executed, by the Greeks Fault, who set on the Avantguard before the Sign given, through the Envy of some Officers, who were jealous lest their Commanders should get too much Honour by a happy Success: Yet Pioveni at the Head of this Detachment, Marched out by a way which lay private about the Ditches, and led to the Trenches. He arrived there without any disturbance unperceived, and charged with so great Valour, that the Turks surprised with this unlooked for Onset, before they could give notice thereof to the Camp, believing the Christians to be more in number than they were, fled before them as fast as they could. The Assailants killed several of them, and became Masters of the Places where they lodged; and thinking they were followed by their Horse, pursued them into their Camp, which they filled with Disorder and Confusion. But Dandoli, whom perhaps God had appointed to be a Minister of his wrath to the Cypriots; for the Ruin of their City, would needs hinder the Epirots from passing out of the Town. Some Gentlemen highly offended at his forbidding them to be of the Party with the Epirot-Horse, had armed themselves like them, and mixed amongst them. John Falerio, a Noble Venetian, who was to be their Leader, was known by his too great care of concealing himself; and Dandoli, who stood at the Town-Gate, to see his Orders observed, reprehended him too sharply for this his Disobedience; Falerio boldly answered him, He thought himself obliged in this Occasion to hazard his Life in the Republic 's Service: But Dandoli more enraged by this Reply, caused the Gates to be shut, and commanded the Epirots to return. The Chief of the Garrison entreated him to Sacrifice his Resentment to the need his Men had to be supported; laying before him, how that these brave Foot-soldiers would be immediately cut in pieces before his Face, if some Horse were not suddenly sent to their Succour: That they ought not to be thus abandoned for the Imprudence of some rash young Heads; yet whose Fault was too great a desire to show their Courage. But Dandoli, inflexible to their Reasons and Entreaties, answered in a Fury, Let them perish rather than my Orders be disobeyed. And thus did this mean Soul, transported by Pride, expose this generous Company, in whose Safety consisted that of the whole State. These valiant Men, having rendered useless the Cannon of both the Batteries, thirsting after Glory and Revenge, pursued too far the flying Enemy. Mustapha advertized of the Rout of his Men, sent out a Party of Horse to their Relief; and they rallying at the sight of this Assistance, returned to the Combat with greater vigour. The Christians, who thought themselves backed by the Epirots, made a firm resistance, and both sides did their utmost. The Turks were animated by the shame of having been driven from their Trenches, by an handful of Christians, in the sight of so great an Army: and they, on the other hand, encouraged by the assurance of the Assistance of the Epirots, flattered themselves with the hopes of a certain Victory. But the Turkish Horse having charged on every side their small Number, they were forced to take their Heels, and yield to the Multitude. The Spahies, who pursued them, made a great Slaughter of them: The Remainder which could not enter into the Town, the Gates having been shut, for fear the Infidels should enter, lay all night in the Ditches, and with much danger and difficulty got entrance through the Breaches already made in the Ramparts. The Turks lost fifteen hundred Men in this Occasion, and the Christians about two hundred; amongst whom, is to be chiefly remembered Cesar Pioveni, their Leader; who often looked towards the Town for the Horse which were to relieve them; but seeing no appearance of Succour, he threw himself desperately on the Enemies, and was overpowered by their Number. Albert Scotto, and many others, who behaved themselves with the same Generosity, incurred the same Fate. There had been obtained a signal Advantage over the Enemy that day, and the Turks would not have been able to extricate themselves out of their Disorder; had the Christian Cavalry come in to their Assistance, at the same time the Trenches were cleared: The Terror was so great in their Camp, that several there began to think of Flight. They since confessed, That had this Advantage been closely followed, and their Artillery made useless, they must have raised the Siege. Dandoli, to repair the Damage which his Obstinacy had occasioned, became yet more intractable; swearing, he would not henceforward suffer a Man to out of the Town at any one's Instance, under pretence of charging the Infidels, or ruining their Works. The Turks profited by this Shock, in taking greater Care of themselves, and doubling the Guard over the Workmen, whom they relieved continually; and thus advanced their Works with an incredible diligence. They had already beat down part of the Ramparts, and the forepart of the Bastions; so that 'twas no hard matter to ascend on the Breaches. The Besieged abandoning the Outworks, retrenched themselves with a great Ditch, and repaired as well as they could withinside the Ruins of their Bastions; and put themselves in a condition to fight on the Walls. The Infidels doubled their Attacks; and the hope of certain Pillage, rendered them indefatigable. Although the Christians killed them a great many Men, yet were they weakened themselves by these means. The few Soldiers which remained, had scarce any Arms in good order, nor Powder and other Ammunition; and this Extremity began to discourage them about the Issue of the Siege: Yet the hopes of the Christian Fleet, which was daily expected, bore up their Spirits against their ill Fortune, and bad Conduct of their Commanders. Mustapha caused several Letters to be shot into the Town, filled with threatenings and Promises; by which, he exhorted them to prevent their approaching Ruin: But this Course procured him no Success, the Soldiers being still resolute, in expectation of Assistance, which rendered them incompliable. They wrote to Baglioni, to entreat him, if he could leave Famagusta, without great prejudice to his Interest, and that of the State, to come to their assistance. These Letters were written in Characters, lest they should be intercepted, and there were great Rewards promised to him that would undertake to carry them. The Ways were so diligently kept, that they fell into the Enemy's hands; the Persons that were entrusted with them, being led round about the Walls, and massacred in the sight of the Besieged, to deter others from accepting for the future, such a dangerous Commission. Baptista Scolomban, a brave and daring Officer, who commanded two hundred Men in the Town, and was perfectly acquainted with the Ways, was entreated by all the Garrison, to expose himself for the common Safety, and carry a Letter to Famagusta. Scolomban affected with the common Calamity, undertook this dangerous Enterprise; and leaving the City by night, he arrived at Famagusta, by winding and difficult Ways. He gave an Account to Baglioni, of the deplorable State of the Nicosians; entreating his Pity, and that he would come and repair the Damage, which had principally happened by the incapacity of the Commanders. Baglioni could not leave his Post, much less ungarrison the Place in favour of the Besieged: Yet, to satisfy, in some measure, those unhappy People, who implored his Assistance, and lest it should be suspected, he was deterred by the greatness of the danger, he resolved to throw himself into Nicosia; and to keep this his Intent secret, supposing them of Famagusta would hinder his Departure. Scolomban assured him, his Presence would re-animate the Inhabitants and Soldiers, and his Orders would be executed with the greatest joy and readiness imaginable. He well knew the small sufficiency of both Dandoli and Rocas, and foresaw the loss of the Capital City, would make great way for that of Famagusta: But this Design being discovered, his House was immediately besieged by the Populacy; who resolved to retain him by force, if their Entreaties could not prevail. Bragadin and Tipoli, who no more approved of this his Resolution, showed him so plainly the ill Consequence, that he gave himself up to their Reasons. Bragadin taking on him to speak in the Name of the Town; gave Scolomban to understand the Kingdom would incur the Risk of being lost, by weakening the Garrison of so important a Place, and taking thence so able and necessary a Commander: That this was an exposing his Person to an inevitable Danger, and in a manner, to deliver Famagusta into the Enemy's Hands: That should they consent to his Departure, 'twas not in their power to contain the People and Garrison: That the Soldiers would desert the Place, in seeing themselves bereft of their General; and the Citizens, despairing of their Safety in a Defence, would set open their Gates to the Infidels. Scolomban returned with this Answer; and the Nicosians, expecting no longer any Succour thence, sent to those who were retired on the Mountains; beseeching them to choose out some of the ablest Persons amongst them, to come to their Assistance; showing them the deplorable Condition whereinto they were reduced: But their Messengers having been surprised, the Infidels loaded them with Irons, and carried them about for a Spectacle to the Besieged; to inform them, that they were forsaken on all hands, so that they had no other way but to surrender. The Visier, finding his Promises and threatenings ineffectual, and that his best Soldiers. were carried away by Sickness, caused by the excessive Heats, besides those he lost every day in the Attacks, resolved to make a general Assault, before the Courage and Number of his Men were more diminished. Providence seconded this Design; for receiving frequently News of the Christian-Fleet's being kept back at Candia, by the contagious Distemper, and how they had already lost above twenty thousand Men; and that the Venetians could not soon enough remedy this Misfortune: He wrote to Piali, to send him a Detachment of Janissaries, and other Infantry; assuring him, he need not fear any danger on the Sea, seeing the Allies were so far from succouring the Cypriots: That their chief Care was, to preserve themselves from the Plague: That he had made a considerable Breach in the Walls of Nicosia; the taking of which was certain, if he would share the Honour with him. Hali came and joined him, at the Head of a great Body of Janissaries, filled up with several Volunteers, drawn out by the hope of Pillage. Mustapha, being recruited with these new Forces, appointed a general Assault to be made on the Eighth of September, and prepared all things necessary with great Care, for this important Expedition. He commanded his Officers to refresh their Soldiers; to keep them in good Order, and exhort them to acquit themselves well, by the remembrance of their past Actions: He showed, That they were at the Vigil of finishing honourably this War, and being recompensed for their Hardships and Labours: That they were to storm a Place, which could no longer hold out against them; considering the condition whereunto their Cannon had reduced its Walls; having moreover to do with People covered with Wounds, and so greatly dismayed, that despairing of their own strength, they every day implored the Assistance of their Neighbours, which assured them of the Victory, provided they were not wanting in their Duty: That in becoming Masters of a City of such consequence, they would possess the Riches of a whole Kingdom; whose Treasures gathered during several Ages, should be equally divided amongst them: That the Venetians, in fortifying Nicosia, showed plainly enough the Importance and Worth of the Place. The Soldiers being thus animated by great Encouragements and Promises from their Officers, and the Army divided into four Bodies, they were ordered to March at Break of Day towards the Town. These four Squadrons attacked at the same time the four Bastions of the Place, before which the Besieged had raised Forts. The Bassa of Caramania commanded that party which attacked that of Podocatero; Musaferro, that of the Fort of Constance; and Hali and Mustapha ascended at the same time on the Breaches of those of D'Avila and Tripoli, with the Sound of Drums and Trumpets. The Besieged had no expert Commanders, and laboured besides under the want of many Necessaries; yet made an incredible resistance. They were persuaded, that the Arrival of the Confedrates obliged the Turks to this vigorous Assault; and if they were repulsed, they would abandon the Siege, and betake 'emselves to their Vessels. This Belief doubled their Courage, and kept them up with daily Expectations of bettering their Fortune: They divided those Soldiers which remained, and dispersed them on the Defence of the Breaches, and planted their Cannon in proper places, to divert the approaching Storm. They brought on their Walls all sorts of Weapons and artificial Fires; and in general, whatsoever might annoy the Assailants; whom they received with that Resolution and Valour, that they drove them from off their Ramparts; having first made a great Slaughter of them. Although the Besieged lost fewer Men by far than the Infidels, yet were they more weakened than they; for the Detachment from the Fleet, enabled the Besiegers to send continually fresh Men, which relieved the wounded and weary; and the Christians, on the contrary, sustained all these different Efforts, without a Moment's Refreshment. These Onsets lasted long, and the Barbarians, who thought to carry the Place at the first Assault, began to doubt of the Victory; and grew less fierce at the sight of that Resistance, which they did not foresee. The Besieged on the other hand, emboldened, by having made so brave a Resistance, defended themselves with a marvellous Vigour and Constancy. Mustapha, and the Generals of the Turkish Army, seeing their People thus repulsed, edged them on by Reproaching them for not making themselves Masters of a Place, in a manner levelled; and defended only by an ignorant and undisciplined Handful of Men. These Invectives, together with the hope of Booty; of which these Barbarians were remembered, made them begin again an Attack, far more terrible than the former; but which also ended in a Repulse from the Besieged, tho' more tired and weakened than ever. The Italians and Cypriot-Gentry followed by their Vassals and Domestics, exhorted one another to prevent by an honourable Death, the shameful Loss of their Lives and Country. Those who defended the Bastion of Constance, attacked by the Bassa Musaferro, overthrew the Infidels into the Ditch, with their Engines, planted under certain little Places of Shelter, devised by an able Engineer, named Susomini. The others behaved themselves as well at the Bulwarks of Avila and Tripoli; and the Christians, puffed up with this Glorious Success, insulted already over the Infidels, inviting them again to a Third Assault. This Day might have wholly disheartened the Barbarians, and preserved Nicosia, had not the Bassa of Caramania, who attacked the Bulwark of Podocatero, been seconded by the ill Genius of the Place. Rocas, who defended this Bastion, and whose obstinate Conceitedness held as long as the Siege, having repulsed the Enemy, and seeing they returned not to the Charge again, came down into the Town, followed by the Nobility and Soldiers, who guarded this Post, and left it naked; which the Turks perceiving, attacked it again, and got on the top of the Walls, and made themselves Masters of the inward Trenches; having first cut several Christians in pieces. The Besieged, being reduced to their new Fortifications, persist still in their resistance; but the Turks having gained the Tops of the Walls, in great Multitudes, filled the Air with Shouts of Joy and Victory, and possess themselves also of these Works. The Christians, and especially the Freedmen, betake themselves to Flight: Several Gentlemen, and some few Italian Soldiers, who had disengaged themselves from the Fury of the Barbarians, would not dishonour their Birth, nor Country, by yielding; and therefore resisted the Barbarians until their last Breath. Rocas, hearing the Noise of this Disorder, and being sufficiently informed of the Occasion, by those flying, ran in great diligence with such as he could hastily gather; but seeing himself out of a possibility to encounter the Enemies, he placed himself at the Head of his Company; and falling amongst them like a desperate Man, he was stabbed several times, with Palacio, his Brethren, and others his near Relations. The Barbarians misused his Body; exercising on it all the Cruelties which Vulgar Ntaures are capable of. The Conquerors, meeting no Resistance, tumultuously entered the Town; and dividing into two Parties, Marched directly to the Bulwark of Constance; where the Christians still held out, witb incredible Valour; where they came upon their Backs: Those that so valorously resisted, knew nothing of the Defeat of their Companions; but found themselves immediately invested by one of these Parties, whom they knew by their Ensigns, and the confused Shouts and Noise of the Soldiers; and Musaferro giving an Assault without, became Master of the Wall. The Christians surrounded on each side, and knowing not on which hand to turn, were all of them put to the Sword. The Forts of D'Avila and Tripoli incurred the same Fate. Randochio got out from Nicosia by a false Door, with the sad Remains of his Epirots, and sought his Safety by Flight. John Falerio, who commanded a Troop of an hundred Horse, raised at the Charge of Francis Caterini, Bishop of Baffo, resolving to sell his Life dear, came up, and charged most desperately the Mahometans, killing all before him; but being overwhelmed by the Multitude, he was overthrown, and lay amongst the dead, covered with Wounds and Blood; Mustapha, having known him, gave him his Life, and dismissed him, having first paid his Ransom. The Bishop of Nicosia, who, during the whole Siege, had assisted the Soldiers and Inhabitants with his Estate and Person, was killed in the mixed Multitude. The People still defended themselves in the Streets and narrow Passages, without Officers to Head them, or any kind of Military Skill, according as they were in any capacity of Resistance: But the Infidels soon put to the Sword, and dispersed all those who through Despair opposed their Cruelties; the Fury of these Barbarians sparing neither Men, Women or Children. Whatsoever a man may imagine that's horrible and deplorable, comes not near the dismal condition of this unfortunate City, lately so sightly and flourishing. All parts resounded with Shrieks and Groans. The Women of Quality fled for Refuge into the Churches, prostrate at the feet of the Altars; with doleful Cries imploring Heaven's Compassions. Some drew their Children with them along the Streets; others, on their knees endeavoured to soften by their Prayers and Tears, the hardness of the Barbarians Hearts, and offered themselves to their Swords, to atone for the Death of their innocent Families. 'Tis reported, some threw themselves down off their Houses to avoid the Brutality of the Infidels; and that others were so cruel, as to cut their own Daughters Throats, for fear they should lose their Honour with their Liberty: But there was one especially amongst the rest, whose Desperateness and Grief requires a particular mention in this History. This Woman, hearing by the Shouts, Shrieks, and other dreadful Noises, wherewith the Town resounded, That the Infidels were become Masters of it, left her House, to know what was become of her Husband, and three of her Children, who had followed him to the Breaches: But seeing the Garrison routed, she recovered her Lodging; where she soon heard they all four perished with their Arms in their Hands, in using their utmost Endeavours to defend their Country. This Relation depriving her of her Judgement and Reason, she enters into her Chamber, where she beholds her young Son, who was a Child of perfect Beauty, the only one left her, and which she loved with a tenderness not to be expressed: This unfortunate Mother, having long held him in her Arms, tells him in a Tone mixed with Despair and Compassion, Shall these inhuman Wretches snatch thee out of my Arms, and make thee their Slave, abusing perhaps thy Body too, because of thy Comeliness? In ending which Words, she stuck a Dagger into his Throat, and afterwards killed herself at three Strokes with the same Weapon. Mustapha, entered into the City, which was full of dead Bodies, and streaming with Blood; where, being come to the Public Place, he made the Slaughter cease; promising their Lives to such as laid down their Arms: Whereupon, the Populacy rendered themselves on discretion. Dandoli, who had retired into the Royal Palace, with several others, sent to desire Quarter of him, by a principal Officer, named Constancio: But the Turks having, in the mean time, broke open the Gates, and forced open the Door of that Apartment wherein he retired, massacred him and all his Company. Podocatero defended himself to the last, in the House of his Brother Count Tripoli, who was killed two days before in an Assault: He made his Composition, and obtained for himself and those that followed him, liberty of dwelling with their Wives and Children in the Town, by paying great Ransoms, and delivering to Mustapha all the rich Furniture of this Magnificent House: But this perfidious Turk broke his Word, and kept them all Prisoners. The Soldiers, distracted after Booty, filled the Town with Marks of their Rapine and Brutishness. The Visier, to show that Pity did not oblige him to give Life to those who surrendered without Resistance, and that he only caused Murdering to cease, that he might have the more Captives, made the old People and Children to be set apart, and led into the Public Place; where having been thrown one upon another, they were all of them most inhumanely burnt alive. 'Tis thought there were above twenty thousand Persons put to the Sword after the Town was taken; whose Death, altho' cruel, was envied of those who survived them, only to bewail in Captivity the miserable Ruin of their Country. They were seen some days after in the Fields, weak and languishing, fastened in great Companies to long and heavy Chains, lying on the ground like so many irrational Creatures. The Lamentations and Bewailing of the Women and Children, were yet more irksome to the Husbands and others, than the loss of their own Liberty; but they often saw themselves separated from each other, without hope of ever meeting again; which made many pine away with Grief. The Infidels carried off twenty thousand Captives from several parts of the Isle, not reckoning those which they made in Nicosia, who were all sold into Syria and Cilicia. Eight days was the City plundering, and transporting the Booty: But a Courageous Cypriot-Woman snatched this Prey out of the hands of Mustapha. He had laden the two greatest Vessels of the Ottoman Fleet with Plate and other valuable Spoils; He also embarked on the same Vessels several of the chiefest Gentry, comely Children, and beautiful Women, with which he intended to honour his Return to Constantinople, and make a Present to the Grand Signior. Whilst these Vessels were lading, which lay near one another, and stayed only for a good Wind, to set Sail; this generous Matron, preferring Death above a cruel Servitude, descended into the Ships Hold, and courageously put Fire to the Powder; the Flame whereof, communicating itself immediately to the other Vessel, they were soon both consumed, with all their Lading; there escaping only some Seamen who swum to Shoar. After the entire Desolation of Nicosia, the Cypriots who were withdrawn into the Mountains, under the Conduct of Scipio Caraffa & Paul Synclitici, who had often surprised and defeated the Infidels in the Fields; now by the Advice of their Principals, sent to demand Composition, and surrendered themselves to the Visier, with assurance of their Lives. There had been put a great Garrison of Italians and Freedmen into Cerines'; which the Neighbourhood of Cilicia rendered important; the taking of which, was not over-easy, by reason of the difficulty in bringing Cannon. This Place had been heretofore fortified, and made famous by the brave Resistance of Queen Charlotte; whom James her Bastard-Brother, had therein long besieged: But John Maria Mudacio, who was the Governor, dismayed at the Disaster of the Nicosians, basely set open the Gates to the Bassa of Cilicia. Mustapha fortified the Place, disarmed the Inhabitans, put Commanders of his own into Baffo, Limisso and Salines, left a moderate Garrison in Nicosia; the Government of which, he committed to Giaferro; and parted the Seventeenth Day of September with his whole Army, to invest Famagusta. He had sent a Slave before, whom he commanded to present to the Officers of the Place Dandoli's Head, without saying any thing more; thinking to affright them by so terrible an Object, and oblige them to a Surrender: But they showed little Fear at the Spectacle; and respecting the Death of Dandoli, as an inconsiderable Loss in comparison of their Capital City; of which this imprudent Governor was the Author: They buried his Head, and prepared themselves to revenge the Death of their Companions. The Visier made his Naval Army advance at the same time as he drew near the Place, on the Western side; thinking to dismay them, being invested both by Land and Sea. He caused it to be summoned, and endeavoured to persuade the Inhabitants 'twas better for them to try his Mercy, than oppose his Arms; but these Promises and Threats making no Impression on their Minds, buoyed up with confidence in the Experience of their Governor, in the Strength of the Place, and its Garrison; Mustapha contenting himself with this Trial of them, put his Troops into Winter-Quarters. Thus did the Infidels advance their Conquests in this Campaign, whilst the Confederate-Fleets, divided amongst themselves for Superiority, and too weak to succour the Cypriots, made slow Preparations for their Deliverance. Their Commanders having left Candia, the Seventeenth day of September, touched the same night at a Place called The Red Castle, which lay in the mid way between Candia and the Isle of Cyprus. Zany cast Anchor a little above the Town, and Colonni stopped at Calmat, where Doria also came and cast Anchor, altho' he affirmed this Road was dangerous. He put out to Sea at Midnight, without Notice to Colonni beforehand, and sent him word at parting, that he foresaw a Storm arising, and that he would sail towards Italy, if the Wind increased. This Proceeding offending Colonni, confirmed the Venetians Suspicions; who loudly complained of the Insincerity of this Genoese. Setting Sail the next Morn at Break of Day, they were informed by Lewis Bembo, who was sent out to learn the Enemies Proceedings, that Nicosia was taken, and all the rest of the Island, excepting Famagusta, from the Relation of some Rhodians which he met in a Vessel laden with part of the Booty of the Island. This sad News obliged Doria to return, and join Colonni; with whom were already Zany, and the Venetian Officers, to consult what they were to do in so sad an Occasion. Zany had already held a Council; in which Palavicinus and Celso were not for going to the Succour of Cyprus; and Canali, since the taking of Nicosia, was likewise of the same Opinion. Venoccio, Quirini, and Duodi, who commanded the Galleasses, and Troni, were for going directly to the Infidels, now grown careless, and overcharged with Prisoners and Booty. Most of them which were Assembled in Colonni's Galley, were for returning to Candia; and Zany also seemed to approve of this Opinion by his Silence. Matters being in this state, 'twas concluded to attack by the way the City of Chalcis in the Isle of Negropont, or some other Place easy to be taken. The Noise and Confusion hindered a precise Determination; wherefore each of them, according as his Fancy guided him, weighed Anchor, and parted without Order. The Vessels and Galleys dispersed by bad Wether, met not till they came to Candia; and the Tempest, by good Fortune, threw the Generals on the Isle of Scarpanto. They met on Board of Zany, where Doria declared to them, That finding he could do them no Service, and the Inconveniency of the season might too long detain him, he was resolved to conduct the King of Spain's Fleet into Sicily. Zany, fearing lest the Infidels, hearing of their leaving castle Rugio, or Red Castle, and their not daring to attempt the Relief of Cyprus, should follow them as Fugitives; earnestly entreated Doria not to forsake the Catholic King's Allies in so great a Danger; assuring him, he might still retire at the Term prescribed. Colonni prayed him in like manner, and showed him, his Departure would sensibly offend the Venetians, and embroil them with King Philip. But Doria remained firm; replying, He need not be taught in what manner to manage the King of Spain's Interests. Colonni answered, He knew well in what hands his Catholic Majesty had put his Fleet. As to that, answered Doria, I shall make no Answer. To which, replied Colonni, Were I ordered to obey any one, I should not behave myself as you do; wherefore I think you aught to have a deferent form. Whereunto Doria answered, That the King of Spain had not commanded him to obey any Body, nor fight but under the Orders of the General which the Pope had nominated. Then Colonni drew out the Letters he received from the King of Spain, and read them openly; telling Doria, If he had any contrary to his, he should show them for his Justisication. Doria refused to give an Account of his Conduct and Extent of Power to any but his Sovereign, from whom he received it; and leaving the Council, hoisted up Sail assoon as he came on Board his Galley: Yet he thought it his Duty to salute the General of the Venetian Fleet, who was expected at Candia; which having done, he brought his Galleys to Sicily; whence he afterwards immediately parted, accompanied only with two Galleys, going directly to the King of Spain. His Obstinacy doubled the Venetians Suspicions; who penetrating into the King of Spain's secret Designs, easily judged how he intended to succour them; and the unkind Usage they found afterwards, gave them so great a Mistrust, that this Disunion occasioned all the Mischiefs which happened to Christendom. Colonni and Zany, having been surprised by a Tempest, reached the last to Candia; being obliged to leave in their way the greatest part of their Ships, which were not in so good Equipage to make much haste; some of which, not being able to bear up against the ill Wether, were forced on shore. These two Generals, not thinking themselves safe at Candia, as fearing the Infidels might make after them; launched thence, to the Isle of Corfou, in great diligence; leaving Palavicinus to wait for the rest of the Fleet, and to endeavour the sending some Assistance to Famagusta. Quirini was ordered to guard the Coasts of Candia, with twenty five Galleys; and the Vessels behind being come up to Palavicinus, he joined the Fleet at Corfou. Had the Turks followed them, the Christians would have been infallibly lost; but Piali was gone to Famagusta, after the taking of Nicosia; thinking to hasten the Surrender of the Place, dismayed by seeing itself attacked both by Sea and Land. He had Notice brought him in the mean time, That the Christians came with full Sail to the Assistance of Famagusta: Which News obliged him to land his Slaves and Booty; and this unlading put all his Soldiers into Disorder. Assoon as he had re assured them, he made out to Sea, and prepared for a Fight. Mustapha, on his side, kept his Troops in breath, ready to engage, if need required: But they both a while after learned, the Christians were withdrawn to Candia: They triumphed at this Retreat, as at a Signal Victory; uttering a thousand Shouts of Joy, and conveying on Board again their Booty, they sailed for Rhodes. Piali endeavoured to pursue the Confederare-Army with an hundred chosen Galleys; but Heaven took pity on the Christian-Fleet; there arising a contrary Wind, which blew them into their Ports; and he sailed on the first fair Wind to Constantinaple. 'Tis said, the Grand Signior gave him but a bad Reception, and reproached him with a great deal of sharpness, that through his Fault the Christian-Fleet escaped an entire Overthrow. Colonni and Palavicinus left Zany in the Isle of Corfou, and gave themselves over for lost in their Return from Candia. Colonni's Galley having gained the Gulf of Catarro, by force of Oars, was smitten with a Blast of Lightning, which burned her entirely; the Men and Cannon being saved with much difficulty. Colonni, going on Board another Galley, which was brought him from the lesser Port of Hiron, assoon as the Sea grew calm, was set upon by another Storm, and run on shore a little above Ragusia, yet without any loss of his Men. He passed over the Night under the shelter of a Rock, using the best Precaution he was able; but had the Turks been informed of this Disaster, he had certainly perished. He caused Horses to be brought from Ragusia, on which he parted the next Morning, before Break of Day, and came to this Town at the same time wherein Palavicinus, who was likewise surprised in the same Storm, arrived. Palavicinus parted thence for Venice, and Col●nni for Rome; having tasted both good and bad Fortune, and happily escaped both Shipwreck and Fire. The Turkish Garrison of Castelnovo, a Place situated on the opposite Coast to that of Cataro, seized, through the Carelessness of the Officers, on two Venetian Galleys, which were left for the securing the Town, and Gulf of the same Name. The Turks being become by this Advantage, Masters of the Gulf, set out certain Vessels, with which they pillaged the Venetian Countreus, and held Cataro blocked up; so that they began to suffer under the want of Provisions. The Republic sent four other Galleys, commanded by Hermolaus Tripolus, for the preservation of her Allies; which repressed the Insolence of these Barbarians, and brought again Plenty to Cataro: But the Plague being in three of these Vessels, left for the Security of the Country, the Distemper raged so violently, that it carried away most of the Soldiers and Seamen. A great Ship, laden with Money, clothes, and other Necessaries for the Fleet, having been cast into the Gulf of Cataro, by a contrary Wind, found herself near Castelnovo; the Cannon of the Place, having forced her to the other Shoar, to land her Men; the Turks perceiving there was no Fraud in the Fear she showed, attacked her in four Barks; which they brought back laden with Booty. Two other Galleys, commanded by Francis Prioli and Angelus Toriano, were ordered by their General to get Knowledge of the Enemy. They fell on five Ottoman Galleys; which Toriano no sooner perceived, but he ●●ed in all haste: But Prioli, seeing himself too far engaged, to use the same Means, exhorted his Men to perish, rather than surrender themselves, with their Arms in their hands, to the Mercy of these Barbarians; wherefore, making all the Sail he could towards them, he fell in amongst the thickest of them, and fight like desperate People, was himself slain, with most of his Men; but sold his loss at a dear Rate to the Infidels. The Turkish Horse, at the same time, made great Inroads in Dalmatia, and forced all the Countrypeople to retire to Places of Strength, having wasted and spoiled all their Harvests. Had these Disgraces happened to the Venetians at the beginning of the War, they might have comforted themselves by the hopes they had in their Naval Forces; but seeing Nicosia already lost, and the whole Island in a manner swallowed up, their Commanders constrained to quit the Seas, and eighteen Galleys destroyed and taken in different and vexatious Occasions; they were the more sensible of these Calamities, by having flattered themselves with the Pope's and King of Spain's Assistance; whereby they questioned not but to be able to drive the Barbarians from Cyprus, and defeat them in a Naval Engagement. This Confidence gave occasion to a false Report, which ran touching these pretended Advantages, of which they were so firmly persuaded at Venice, that the Senate imparted this great News to Pius V. and the rest of the Confederates; but they became afterwards ashamed and sorrowful for their fond Credulity. The Venetians, disheartened by these Misfortunes, knew not where to betake themselves, nor what to do. They saw a formidable Army, ready to enter on their Country, and scarcely had any more Hope in the Spanish Assistance; whose Slowness was no less suspected, than the Artifice of him who commanded their Navy: All Italy being dismayed at the Christians Misfortunes, and the Progress of so formidable an Enemy, reproached Doria with the secret Joy he felt from the Perplexity and Weakening of the Venetian State: But they themselves were no less blamed, for taking so little Care to preserve a Kingdom exceedingly threatened; in not sending Forces sufficient, nor choosing a Governor capable to oppose the Erterprises of an open Enemy. They were also blamed, for having put the Command of their Fleet into the Hands of a Person, wholly unworthy this great Trust; especially considering, this Navy was their only Confidence. Complaints were made against the corrupt Dealings of those who were to furnish the Army with Victuals and Ammunition; and the contagious Distemper, which swept away so many Thousands, was attributed to the bad Provisions wherewith the Victuallers had supplied the Fleet. The Strangers which were engaged in the Service of the Republic, murmured at the Pride of the Venetian Officers; who used them with the same Disrespect, as if they had been their Slaves. 'Twas publicly discoursed, That this Severity disgusted their Friends and Allies; and that they would be constrained at length, for want of Men, to recall such as were banished, and change corporal Penalties into several Years Service in the Wars; and to make their Criminals, Soldiers or Seamen, according to the greatness of the Punishment they deserved. These Speeches being come to the Ears of the Senate, they thought themselves bound to give a great Example of their severe Justice; and make known to Europe, That whatsoever Power a Citizen might be entrusted with, and Command he might have in the Armies, he is no less accountable for his Behaviour, and submitted to the Censure of the meanest Subjects of the State: 'Twas resolved on then to set up a Tribunal against those who had the last Year the chief Administration of Affairs committed to them. There were three Commissioners appointed by the Senate, to examine the Guilty, John Mocenigo, Federio Valeresio, and Nicholas Contareni, who dying immediately after his Election, Gasper Raynerus was chosen into his Place. These three Magistrates began with the General Zany; calling him to answer the Matters laid to his Charge. But he being already instructed with the bad Offices Fame had done him, and foreseeing the Storm ready to fall on his Head, was no sooner at Corfou, but he supplicated the Senate to grant him his Discharge, and send another in his Place. The Senate deliberated not a Moment in choosing Sebastien Venieri in his stead; tho' he was not then at Venice; but his Services spoke in his Favour, and all the World was willing to do him this Right. He coming from gaining Supoto in Dalmatia, readily took on him the Defence of the Isle of Cyprus (an Employ which no body dared to accept) altho' his Age of Seventy Years might have been admitted as a just Plea, to excuse him from so difficult and dangerous a Commission. He was always of opinion, since the Loss of Nicosia, to carry all possible Succours to save the rest of the Isle; arguing with such Earnestness and Vigour, as startled the young People. Augustin Barbarigo, a Person to whose Wisdom and Experience several important Affairs had been committed, was joined as a Partner to this Generous Commander; with Order to command the Naval Army, in case Venieri should land to the Succour of Cyprus. The new Commissioners sent an Officer with Barbarigo, for Zany, to bring him Prisoner to Venice; thinking, such an Act of Justice would terrify those who found themselves guilty; and show all Italy the Severity with which were maintained the Republick's Laws. Zany was accused for suffering the Soldiers to live irregularly, and without Discipline; to have preferred his Countrymen in all Offices and Employs, and authorising their Insolences against the Confederates; to have abused his Authority in Matters of his own particular Interest; and not to have upheld the Honour of his Dignity with the Courage and Prudence necessary for a General; and which was worst of all, That he had not followed the Senate's Orders, which required his Succouring of Cyprus; and forced the two Providors to follow his Sentiment, altho' they were of a contrary Opinion. John Legio, Provider of Dalmatia, was likewise apprehended, at the Suit of Justiniani, deputed to take Cognisance of the Affairs of this Province. Julius Savoriani also prosecuted Legio, and obtained of the Triumvirs, that the Accused should be kept close Prisoner, during the time Informations were to be brought against him. He was charged with passing whole Days and Nights at Play and Debaucheries, and making himself by these means, mean and contemptible to the Enemy; for having treated the Allies with great Roughness, and not only diverting the public Stock to private Uses, but exacting on the Inhabitants belonging to the Republick's Cities; for delivering out Provisions at an excessive Rate, and furnishing the Army with Stuffs and clothes in such a manner, as savoured more of the Merchant, than Officer of War; for having, through his Ignorance and Vanity, hindered Savoriani from acting for the good of the Province; and causing, by his ill management, several other Damages. The Public was startled to see two of their Principal Magistrates lie in the Prisons at Venice; and 'twas verily thought they had lost their Lives, had they been brought to Trial during the Heat of the New Tribunal: But their Friends and Kindred raised up so many Difficulties in the Proceedings against them, that the Commission of their Judges, which could not hold above a Year, expired before they could be Sentenced. These Affairs waxing soft with the Time, the Knowledge of them was remitted to the College of Forty; where the Favour and Employs of the Accused, obtained both their Absolutions, tho' there were too many Proofs against Legio. And thus did this Inquisition, which appeared at first so rigorous and dreadful, occasion more Fear than Hurt. Zany died in Prison with Shame and Grief, before his Sentence was given. He was a Person better versed in Affairs at Court, than in Feats of War. His Father, at his Death left him no Estate, so that he was forced to shift for his Living: Voyaging into Syria, when he was very young, he served as a Factor there; and after a long time, trafficked for himself; and returned to Venice, with so great an Estate, that he was ranked with the principal Citizens. He afterwards was admitted into the Management of public Affairs; by which means, he procured so many Friends, that he was immedily employed in the greatest Offices of the State. He was a Candidate in the last Election of a Doge, with Mocenigo, who carried it from him, only by the Credit of his Family, which was more powerful and numerous than that of Zany. He was afterwards chosen General of the Venetian-Fleet; an Office of absolute Authority out of Venice; but he wanted both Courage and Wisdom to support the Honour and Weight of this Burden. The Pope, extremely afflicted, since Colonni's Return, with the Misery of Christendom, applied himself more than ever, to find the Means of succouring the Republic; and doubled his Entreaties with the King of Spain, to make him enter into the League, which he had already projected. This Affair was long agitated in the Senate; wherein such as were disgusted at the Proposals of a second Alliance with Spain, by the Vexations the first had given them, strengthened their Opinions with the last Words of one their principal Senators. This Magistrate, Venerable by his great Age, was consulted lying on his Deathbed, touching the Course to be taken when the War was first declared. Tell, says he, the Senators from me, that they had best to comply with the Grand Signior 's Will, and make Peace by any means with him; or if they are for showing themselves brave, and righting their Cause by a War, let them make no Alliance with the Spaniards; but begin by putting a strong Garrison into the Isle of Cyprus, and hasten to meet the Infidels with their own Forces: 'Tis certain the Pope will never abandon them; and that the King of Spain, to acquire the Reputation of a Prince, zealous for his Religion, cannot lie idle, and see them fight, but will be the more ready to come to our Assistance, by how much he believes we can make a shift without him; and then the Senate, being free from the Engagements of a Treaty, may take such Measures as best please themselves. Although this Discourse moved several of the Senate, yet the Generality were for a contrary Resolution. They imagined a disadvantageous Peace with the Infidels, would draw on them the Indignation and Hatred of all Christendom: And making themselves thus contemptible to the Ministers of the Port, they wouldstart continually new Pretences, and at length demand whatsoever Places they yet held in Greece. This Consideration, being strengthened by vehement Exhortations from the Pope, made them conclude on a League. The King of Spain's Council was no less perplexed on this Matter than the Senate: Some of its Ministers were of Opinion not to enter into a League against the Ottoman Empire; situated, as to their regard, at the other End of the World: That 'twere better for them to preserve their own Conquests, than attempt new ones in a Country, the Acquisition of which, cannot compensate the Cost: That, if they were resolved to extend their Dominions, they had better carry the War into Africa, whilst the Turks made it against the Venetians; and at the same time chastise the Algierines', for pillaging their Subjects: That, if the King of Spain enters into the League, he must furnish the Republic with the greatest part of his Troops, without any expectation of Profit from so considerable a Charge and Trouble: That, the Venetians inconstant in their Resolutions, and ruined by the Charge of their Fleet, would basely forsake their Confederates in the heat of the War, as they had already several times done. They added, 'twas dangerous to send all their Naval Forces to the furthest part of the Mediterranean, in a time when the Insurrection of the Moors was not wholly quieted; and those of the Low Countries every day increased; and that the Resentment of Germany, and the underhand Practices of the French with the Prince of Orange, were equally to be feared. Thus did they reason, whose Views reached no farther than Spain: But others, whose Politics were larger, affirmed, That if the Republic fell for want of Support, under the weight of the War, 'twould be infallibly carried next into Spain; & the Port had already determined the execution of this Project: That, if the Venetians were strong enough to repulse the Infidels, 'twas of absolute necessity, for his Catholic Majesty to bear a part in this glorious Advantage; and if the Republic should be constrained, by a Defeat, to accommodate herself on shameful Conditions, the King of Spain would be reproached for betraying Christendom, by refusing to enter into the League: That the Turks could in a day's time pass over from Epirus to Ottranto, and land in Italy more Forces than could be brought against them, were the Venetians put out of a Capacity to contribute to the common Defence: That France and Germany were not to be feared in this present Conjuncture; those Princes not daring to undertake against a Sovereign League with the Republic and Pope, who dispose of all Italy; and for which, all Christian States have a Respect and Veneration: That this was a fit Occasion, wherein to give Marks of a true Zeal for the Interest of Religion: That there was no need of being at any great Charge, seeing his Holiness permitted a Tax to be laid on the Clergy, which would furnish a Stock sufficient to equip and keep up a good Fleet: And that, in fine, Whether the Venetians would faithfully observe the Treaty, or make Peace on dishonourable Conditions, his Catholic Majesty would be advantaged and honoured by this Confederacy. Although Philip had Piety enough to be sensible of these Reasons, yet was he more swayed to favour the League, by the Fruit he hoped to reap from this War, He caused the Pope's Nuncio to be sent for, and assured him, That notwithstanding the Revolutions in his Dominions, which might fairly excuse him from entering into the League, and equipping a Fleet for the Levant, he would prefer the public, before his own private Interest, and joyfully second the Pope's Intentions, as a Mark of the Respect he had for him. He sent at the same time Orders to the Cardinals, Granvil and Pacheco; as likewise to his Ambassador at Rome, to conclude the Treaty of Alliance with the Venetians, on such Conditions as his Holiness would please to make. The Venetian-Ambassador, having already received the same Power, the Negotiation of the League began. The Pope committed the Management of this Affair to six Cardinals; whom he caused, together with the Ambassadors of Spain and Venice, to come before him, and made them a Discourse full of Sentiments, proceeding from the Tenderness of a Father, afflicted with the Misfortunes of his Children. He began, by showing them, The Anger of Heaven could not be turned away, but by Fasting and Prayer, and Re-establishment of the Ancient Discipline of the Church; and explained himself in such affectionate Terms, as drew Tears from their Eyes. He afterwards particularised all the Disorders of the Church, and as their Chastisement, the fore mentioned Calamities, wherewith Christendom was afflicted: And having praised the good Qualities of these Prelates, of which this Assembly consisted, he exhorted both them, and the Ambassadors, to endeavour with all Sincerity, the finishing of this important Work; recommending to them, amongst other things, the Reunion of the Confederates Affections, which he esteemed of far greater Importance in this War, than the Conjunction of their Arms. He added, They could not too soon put themselves into a Condition to retake the Isle of Cyprus; this Post being necessary for the Execution of several Erterprises; and even for the Conquest of Jerusalem, and other Places, Consecrated by the Blessed Presence of our Saviour, and Operation of the principal Mysteries of our Salvation. In fine, this Venerable old Gentleman offered to go in Person in this Expedition, without any regard to his Age and Infirmities, should this be deemed necessary for the common Good. This Assembly, having rendered their most humble Thanks to his Holiness, Cardinal Granvil desired the Conditions of the Treaty; which the Pope promised to send them the next Morning. The Cardinals and Ambassadors, having conferred a good while on the Means, whereby to repulse and attack the Infidels, broke up in a perfect Intelligence. This Treaty was very easy to be concluded in appearance; but at bottom was full of Difficulties and Obstacles. That which suited well with the Venetian Interest, disagreed with those of the Spaniards; who fearing the increase of the Turks Force in Greece and Illyria, yet more passionately wished the diminution of the Venetian Power in Italy. They had in this respect, a less Desire to invade, than to defend; and were rather for drawing the War out at length, than ending it by a Victory. The Republic, on the contrary, used all their endeavours to make a speedy Decision of it; as fearing the exhausting of their Treasure. The Allied Towns were wearied with sending Money and Seamen; and the Fields, for want of Tillage, already lay waste. Such opposite Interests produced every day such great Difficulties, that the Negotiation was several times breaking off, had not the Pope, sometimes entreating one, and threatening another, kept up the Confereences by his Patience and Constancy. When they came to Agreement on any Articles, they fell out about other Incidents; and it was determined, for avoiding the Consequences, to send continually Copies of the Treaty to the King of Spain and Senate, and expect their Orders; and in the mean time, publish the Conclusion of the League. The Spaniards dared not to oppose this last Article, altho' they knew very well, that such a Report might alarm the Infidels, and oblige them to make Peace on advantageous Conditions to the Venetians. The Senate, having examined the Articles of the Treaty, found some of them prejudicial to their Interests, and blamed Soriani for not opposing with more rigour the Spaniard's Pretensions: But because he was thought to lean too much to the making of a League and War; they sent him John Sorantro, as an Adjutant; who immediately arrived at Rome: He was a rough sort of a man, positive and ignorant in Business; whose Carriage so sar displeased the Pope, that he had like to have sent him out of Rome, had he not feared Soriani might suffer for it; for whom his Holiness had a particular Esteem: And in effect, he was a Person of great Prudence and singular Integrity, and well seen for a Venetian in Matters of Religion, fit for the Employ he exercised, as well for his Fidelity, as Experience. Sorantro was no sooner settled at Rome, but he grew weary with the importunate Demands of Cardinal Granvil, and other Ministers of that Faction. Soriani pretended himself indisposed, to excuse himself from these Conferences; and this Affair grew so troublesome, that the Commissioners, settled to regulate it, began to despair of ending it: Yet the Pope, discouraged by no Difficulty, surmounted all these Obstacles, and accommodated all things, but only one particular Article. The Spanlards pretended, the King, their Master, should appoint the Generalissimo of the Confederate Army; forasmuch as his Catholick-Majesty contributed chiefly to the Charge of the War; and the Venetians would by no means yield to this. Pius V. was for Don John of Austria's being revested with this Character, because he had the Honour to be Philip the Second Brother: But the Spaniards, who were resolved to exclude Colonni from his Office, demanded, That Don John might be impowered to name a Lieutenant General to command in his absence; designing to secure this second Place to Doria, or else to Lewis Requiescens, Brother to Zuniga. The Venetians had a horrid Repugnance to this; but seeing the Pope's Authority interposed, they thought their Interests could not be better managed than in his Hands: Whereupon Pius declared, Don John should command the Army, when there in Person; but would hearken to no Proposition touching the choice of him, who was to command in his absence; seeing this Right appertained to the Sovereign Prelate. Granvil and Zuniga refused this Condition; saying, 'twas to be communicated to the King, their Master. The Pope, who was very jealous of his Authority, dispatched at the same time, a Courier into Spain: He wrote thereon to Philip in Terms so pathetic and rational, that this Prince sent an Order to his Ministers, to conclude the Treaty: And to show that he would be concerned in the nomination of the Person which was to command the Fleet in Don John's Absence, he proposed Mark Anthony Colonni, together with Requiescens and Doria; and thus preserved the Pope's good Opinion. This Prelate was so vigorous and firm in what he believed to be equitable, especially when the Honour of the See was concerned, that he would not buckle to the greatest Sovereign in Europe, to maintain its Interests. He thanked King Philip for the Deference he paid him, and gave Don John the Title of Generalissimo; and to Colonni, the same extent of Power in his Absence. Philibert Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, was proposed to command the Christian Army; which the Venetians much desired; and the Pope had no less an esteem of his Capacity; but besides that, this Prince esteemed it of dangerous consequence to leave his Estates, whence his Father had been driven, and of which he came now from possessing himself. The Spaniards could not approve, that a Sovereign Prince, whose Head was full of great Projects, should have committed to him such a Power. They raised a new Difficulty on the Design they had on Africa; maintaining, the League was not only made against the Turk, but against all the Mahometan People. The Cardinals assembled on this Affair, could not forbear smiling at the Pretention, and showed the Spaniards, That the King of Persia was so far from being considered as an Enemy, by reason of his Religion, that he ought to be earnestly solicited to enter into the Confederacy: That the Christian Princes would join themselves to little purpose, if the War were carried any where but to Greece, and on the Grand Signior's Countries. The Spaniards refused again to sign the Treaty, unless therein were comprehended the Conquest of the Cities of Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers; alleging, That without this Clause, the People would never be brought to consent to the levying of those Taxes which were necessary for the Entertainment of their Fleet. They would also have a Promise, the Infidels should not be atracked, but the Christians ssiould keep themselves on the defensive part; foreseeing the Ottoman Army would be far stronger than the Confederates; and the Venetians granted this last Article, as having discovered the Meaning of these Demands. The Pope being tired with the length of these Contests, sent Pompey Colonni into Spain, a Person of large Abilities, charged with Packets and Instructions; and who was moreover ordered to lay open to Philip, that his Ministers spoilt the Fruit of his good Intentions by the aversion which they manifestly discovered against the Republic. Colonni acquitted himself so well of his Holiness' Orders, that the King of Spain ordered his Ambassador to pass over all these Difficulties, and conclude the so often mentioned Treaty. 'Twas commonly reported, the Pope acquainted this Prince with the Venetians treating with the Port, making use of the Fame of this League to better their Composition; which was true enough; for they had sent to Constantinople, and secretly negotiated with the Prime Visier. In fine, all Matters being regulated, the Pope intended to solemnize, before the Foreign Ambassadors, the Confederacy between the See, the King of Spain, and the Venetians. He gave Notice of this to the Ministers of the Allies, desiring them to meet him at the Vatican; where he celebrated Mass; having made them first sign the Treaty. But before this, Cardinal Granvil being come, together with the Spanish Ambassador, he rose up, and declared the King, his Master, was not in a readiness to execute this Year what he promised in his Name: That the Season was too far advanced to work at the Preparatives of a Fleet: He afterwards demanded, that the Venetians, who had several Vessels ready to put to Sea, should furnish his Catholick-Majesty with them, they receiving Soldiers from him, and Money for all the Charges of the Campaign. 'Twas agreed on in the first Conferences, That in expecting the Conclusion of the Treaty, all possible Preparations should be made for the War, to prevent the loss of Time: So that the Venetian Ministers, enraged at this unexpected Remora, detesting a Return of this Nature, withdrew to confer together, and brought Answer, They intended to advertise the Senate of the inexecution of the Treaty. This Proceeding touched the Pope to the quick; and tho' he was prepared to overcome by his Patience whatsoever might oppose this good Work, he lost all respect for Cardinal Granvil, and drove him away from his Presence; having first told him with great sharpness, That he saw he made it his Business to ruin the Affairs of Christendom. He afterwards comforted the Venetians, and enjoined them to assure the Signiory from him, that he would so order the Matter, that the King of Spain should religiously observe the Treaty. Assoon as it was known at Venice, what passed at Rome,, Mosenigo, who was then Doge, and the principal Magistrates, who had been ever of opinion to avert this Storm by an Accommodation, fell outrageously on the Spaniards, calling them Cheats, and perfidious People; and changed the Design of taking Arms, into that of concluding a Peace; for which there happened a favourable Occasion: Mark Antony Barbaro, their Ambassador at Constantinople, being confined to his House, since the Declaration of War, was not strictly guarded; who, assoon as he understood the loss of Nicosia, sought all Means to accommodate the Republic with the Port, seeing no other Remedy to so vexatious a Disaster, nor a better way to recover his Liberty. All the Turks trading in Venice, were imprisoned, assoon as 'twas known there, how the Republick's Ambassador was used at Constantinople. Amuti, an Envoy from the Grand Signior into France, passing then through Venice, was also stopped, and more carefully kept than other Prisoners. Barbaro, introducing himself into the Acquaintance of a Jewish Physician, named Solyman, who had frequent Access to the Prime Visier, by means of his Profession; mentioned to him a Proposal of treating with this Minister, touching the Exchange of Captives; and to try whether he was any ways inclinable to a Peace. Soliman made this Attempt, not wholly without Success; and entreated Mahomet to send some body, as from his part, to Venice, which he willingly consented to; for he was none of the worst of the Venetian's Enemies. This Envoy, being charged with Letters from Barbaro to the Senate, arrived just at Venice, when the News came there of a fresh Refusal, which the Spaniards made to put to Sea the next Spring. The Council of Ten, which consists only of Magistrates, of a consummate Experience, and whose Authority absolutely decides either War or Peace; would not communicate this Affair to the Senate. They chose James Ragozzone, a prudent and active Person, who having long traded into Turkey, knew well the Air and Manner of the Turkish Dealings, to go and negotiate this Exchange; but with secret Instructions to conclude an Accommodation, on the Conditions which Barbaro and he should judge least incommodious to the Republic. This Voyage disquieted Pius V. who mistrusted this Business to be a Cloak to a real Negotiation of Peace. Alarmed by these Suspicions, he sent for Cardinal Commendon, in whom he reposed an entire Confidence. His Holiness knew this Prelate's Zeal to Religion, and that his Virtue and Sincerity were proof against all Interests and Passion. The Pope entertained Commendon in the Garden of the Vatican, with the deplorable State of the Christian's Affairs; sighing unfeignedly at the Relation of the Misfortunes with which they were threatened; and demanded of him, what means should be used to hinder the Venetians from an hasty Accommodation with the Grand Signior: For no body, seeing the Indifferency of the Ministers, which were to make the League, but would conclude it past effect. Commendon exhorted his Holiness to try all ways to break off these Practices, and counselled him to send Mark Antony Colonni to the Republic, whose Dexterity and Earnestness might be more likely to prevail with the Venetians to continue the War, by his losing the Lieutenancy in the Christian-Army. The Pope never showed so much Heat in all this important Affair, as he did in putting in practice this good Advice: For assoon as Commendon had taken leave of him, he sent for Colonni, and ordered him to go in person, to encourage the Venetians, disheartended by the Disadvantages they received the last Year, and disgusted by the disingenuous Dealings of the Spaniards. His Holiness showed him, 'twas to be feared, lest the Mistrust they had of their Allies, and of themselves, should force them on unjust Measures: He enjoined him to use all his Industry to conclude the League, and vigorously set about it, notwithstanding all the Difficulties, which appeared insurmountable; assuring him, God would bless this Enterprise, and carry it on by ways incomprehensible to humane Reason; all things being easy to those who put their Trust in him. Colonni took Post for Venice; where he was received both in public and private, with great Honour and Welcome; his new Dignity increasing the Esteem and Respect the Venetians had for him: But the Chief Senators, who had always an Aversion for the War, received him with great Coldness: Yet they knew themselves obliged to honour him, and use some Compliance to a Person, whose Merit rendered him dear to the Sovereign Prelate; and who moreover was to share with Don John in the Conduct of the Army, and command it alone in this Prince's Absence. Colonni, embellished not his Harangue which he made in full Senate, with the vain Ornaments of a fruitless Eloquence, but by easy and natural Expressions, he endeavoured to persuade his Auditors to embrace what was necessary. He began by praising the Pope's ardent Zeal, whose Interest was no other than the Preservation of the Republic; who was to be respected as the only Sovereign that could keep the Spaniards in their Engagements, and chastise them on the Breach of their Words: That his Holiness kept them in his Dependence, by the permission granted (after several Refusals) to his Catholic Majesty to levy an extraordinary Tenth part on the Revenue of the Clergy of his Estates; which Money is to be only employed in assisting the Signiory: That he designed the Church's whole Revenue to this purpose; and would besides supply them with Soldiers, Victuals, and Ammunition: That they might load their Ships with Grain in the Provinces of the March, and Romagna; and their Officers list Soldiers on the Ecclesiastical State: That his Holiness was about sending, at his own Charge, three thousand Foot into Dalmatia, for the securing the Frontiers, till the Arrival of the Naval Army on the Coasts of the Morea: That he granted them the last Tax, laid on the Clergy in their Dominions, which they demanded; and that they might moreover expect from his Holiness, all the good Offices the common Father of Christians is capable of; who finds himself no less engaged, by the Duties of his Place, than the Affection he bears the Republic: That he would leave no Means unattempted to engage the Emperor, and the rest of the Germane Princes in the League: That he would also earuestly solicit the Poles, who are so strong in Cavalry, and all other Christian Potentates, to whom he would immediately send Legates: That the Spaniards, in whose respect the Senators Minds were to be mollified, were in some sort excusable; they not being chargeable for all the Faults in the last Armado: That there was a Mistake in the King of Spain's Apprehensions of the Pope's Intentions, and the Orders of his Catholic Majesty were not perhaps well understood: That Philip the Second, does not refuse to execute the Treaty, but requires Shipping, not having Galleys sufficient; nor them in so good a Condition at this time, to put to Sea: That he obliges himself to re-imburse all the Charge of the Equipage and Soldiery: So that at this rate, it will cost him more than he is taxed with: Yet his Catholic Majesty has fourscore Galleys in readiness, which he hoped to bring himself, if Don John hastened not to conduct them, towards the End of May, at whatsoever place of Rendezvous should be thought best: That besides this Fleet, the Pope would set out twelve Galleys, the Republic of Genoa two, the Duke of Savoy and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, each of them four, which would follow the Church's Banner: That they had their Galleasses, their Vessels of Lading, and more than an hundred and fifty Galleys, Frigates, and Galliots, which they used in the last Expedition: That the Christians never sent such an Armado against the Infidels before; so that the Victory would be certain if they came to an Engagement; and if the Barbarians, mistrusting their Strength, should yield them the Mastery of the Seas, they might easily land at Nigrepont, or the Morea, and thus repair the Loss of Nicosia: That the Fleet was to be commanded by three Generals, who alone would hold the Council of War; wherein every thing should be regulated without distinction, by a Plurality of Votes; to show by this Equality the Expedition was common to the Christians: That neither of the Generals, not Don John himself should prefer his Opinion before what the two others may judge the more advantageous to the common Good; nor have power to carry the Fleet any where without a just Occasion: That his Holiness would nominate him General of the Church's Army, or some other more experienced Commander, who will show no less Submission and Obedience to the Orders of the Sovereign Prelate, than himself: That whosoever was to fill this Place, will always act in Consort with the Commander of the Venetian-Army; and by this means overrule all Debates and Undertake: That Don John of Austria gave too great hopes, not to answer whatsoever might be expected from a young Prince, whose Ambition is just and regular; and that being desirous to merit the Reputation of a great Captain, 'tis his Interest to begin his first Undertake by a sage and judicious Conduct: That all these things considered, he could not stifle his Resentments at secret Negotiations, which have gotten Air; and that he was willing to believe such grave Statesmen could not approve of such a Conduct: But yet he thought himself obliged to advertise them of the Injury their Honours suffered by such a Report; and that they would do well to make a public Justification of their Innocency: For in fine, what can be more infamous than to entreat Peace, and submit one's self to an Enemy, from whom a man has received infinite Indignities, when he may generously defend his Liberty, for which the meanest sort have dared to die? That the Sultan, looking on them already as his Slaves, commanded them to yield him a Kingdom, which the Signiory has been possessors of for above this hundred Years: That they would do well to reflect, what would become of a City, so flourishing as Venice; seeing in forsaking the Isle of Cyprus, they discovered likewise the Weakness of their Capital City, and the small Strength of all Christendom: But he was far from having such disadvantageous Opinions of a State, governed by such wise and generous Persons; and therefore conjured them not to be wanting in so favourable an Oocasion, of repairing the Injuries they had already suffered; and that they ought to follow the Standard of the Sovereign Prelate, who offered to march in Person, as their Leader; and if they neglected this Occasion, they might, for all that any body knew, hazard the Liberty of their own Persons: That Time was not to be spent in Deliberations, nor Answers returned in doubtful and ambiguous Terms; the Season being far advanced; so that all things considered, the Public would take the least Delay for a Renunciation of the League; and that he could like better, they should see themselves the Miseries they were threatened with, than that he should thus, or in a fuller manner, describe them. Colonni was as able at conducting an Army, as making an Oration. He was of a mild Temper, very just and as greatly obliging; he usually spoke with as great Ease as Eloquence, and had by a long Practice a perfect knowledge of Affairs; which Qualities had gained him the Esteem and Kindness of the young Venetian Nobility. He had likewise engaged them by several good Offices; and his Prudence made no less Impression in the Minds of the Senators and other Magistrates. He had drawn many of them already into the Interests of the League, and missed not one Occasion in common Conversations, or in particular Entertainments, of making them understand the necessity of it. The Council of Ten, who did not at all approve of the Alliance, yet saw little forwardness of a Peace. 'Twas highly important not to discontent the Pope; and Colonni's Credit inclined the greatest part of the Senate to a Confederation. After this particular Council had wearied themselves in fruitless Deliberations, for the finding out ways to amuse his Holiness, surprise Colonni and the Senate, and to entertain at the same time a secret Correspondence with the Port; Paul Tipoli, one of the Ten, being of Opinion, they ought no longer to conceal an Affair, whereon depended the Safety of the State, was was for opening it to the Senate, and referring to them the uncertain Determination of a Peace or War. This Magistrate thought it an unjust thing, that the Members of the same Body should have no participation in their Motions; that some should make the Secrets of the State a Mystery to others; and that the Council of Ten should underhand endeavour a Peace, and at the same time delude the Senate, without consulting them on the Means of carrying on the War. He represented to his Colleagues, that if it were perilous to make known to so many People the State of their Affairs, it was yet more dangerous to refer all to a small number of Magistrates; and if the Secret was better kept by them, they met with this Disadvantage, that Matters were not so well and fully discussed. To which was offered the Accommodation made in the Year One thousand five hundred and thirty nine, with the same Enemies, without the participation of the Senate. But Tipoli reminded them, how greatly this Proceeding had offended the Senate; and under what a grievous Odium the Authors of it lay from the People; so that they would do well now to prevent the like, or a worse Consequence. The Matter being submitted to the plurality of Votes, some aged Persons were excluded, whose Minds being as much weakened as their Bodies, might have been troublesome to the Assembly▪ Colonni, then seeing his Party the strongest, engaged Tipoli to relate the Affair to the Senate. This Magistrate, being of great Credit in the Assembly, was the first that disapproved of the secret Negotiation, and that declared himself against the Peace: He immediately represented that in the Deliberations of making an Accommodation with the Grand Signior, or concluding against him a League with the Pope and King of Spain, the Republic was at liberty to take what Party she pleased: That there is no body but will prefer a certain Peace, not only to a dissicult and hazardous War, but also before the probability of a glorious Victory: That any man might see they would exhaust their Treasure, and disgust the Allied Towns, which supplied them with Seamen and Slaves: That the Pope had more good Will than Power; and that the King of Spain failed of his Word: But 'twas to be examined on the other hand, whether it was less advantageous to them to enter into a League, and strengthen themselves by that means, than to hearken to an Accommodation, which could not be effected, but on the Sultan's own Terms: And whether a shameful Peace, granted by an insolent Conqueror, might be expected to be lasting and sincere? For if they were not satisfied in this Difficulty, to what purpose should they continue a Negotiation, which would give them fresh occasion of Disquiet, and draw on them the Pope's Indignation, and Contempt of the Christian Princes: That such who were so greatly in Love with Ease, as to suffer all things, than incur a War, would do well to reflect on the Motives, which not only Selim's Predecessors had, who were Warlike Princes, but of Selim himself, wrapped up in Softness, to violate their Oaths, and break Treaties so solemnly sworn: Besides, the Pride of the Ottoman People, appeared plainly in the small Account they made at the Port, of the Venetian Militia; the Disproportion of the Forces of the Republic with those of the Grand Signior, and the small Confidence which the Venetians had in the Succours of the Christian Princes. That it than lay upon them to know, if after having answered so resolutely the Turkish Envoy, they were rather for renouncing their Reputation, than be affrighted at the first Noise of Arms, and meanly beg their Peace, or make a generous Effort; and show these Barbarians, that the Republic, being sensible of the Indignities offered her, wants neither Strength nor Courage; and can bring, when she pleases, the Forces of other Christian States to her Assistance. That it was time to undeceive the Infidels false Persuasion, of the Venetians being terrified at the only mention of the Ottoman Name. That if they now abandoned the Isle of Cyprus to Selim, he would demand that of Candia, the Year following. That supposing no Loss of their Reputation, by seeking a Peace, yet the Sultan will be sure to impose on them his own Conditions: For, if before the Losses, which the Republic had now suffered, he violated the Oaths, by declaring a War against them; can it be expected, he will be more Religious, when being become more insolent, by the Conquest of a new Kingdom, and satisfied in the Disunion of Christians, he will invade all Italy? That they had no Reason to rely any longer on the good Offices of the Prime Visier; seeing the Presents and Pensions he had already drawn from the Signiory, could not empower him to avert this Tempest from falling on their Heads; but on the contrary, would have surprised and deceived the Vigilancy of their Resident; persuading him, his Highness armed himself only for the succouring the Moors of Grenado; and therefore they were bound in common Prudence, not to trust any more an Enemy, that came just from betraying them: And now this Minister, continuing his Perfidiousness, would by a feigned Negotiation, amuse and abate their Courage, retard their Preparations, and disturb their Confederacy, and surprise them again with a numerous Army. That this Artifice would undoubtedly prove successful, if they delayed any longer from joining with the Pope, and King of Spain. That Mark Antony Colonni had clearly set before them, these Delays would be certainly expounded to their Disadvantage. That it was to be feared, Pius V. and King Philip, seeing their Preparations broke off by Propositions of Peace, displeased at the small Account made of their Assistance, would abandon them to their Fears and Confusions, and extend their Resentments to the raising up vexatious Affairs to the Republic, on the side of Germany and Italy; so that they would do well to consider the dreadful Conditions to which they will be reduced, the Turks invading them; bereft of Auxiliary Forces; their own being not in a Readiness to take the Field. That their Maritine Countries could not resist the first Onset of their Enemies. That the Frontiers of Dalmatia must yield to the same Violence; and their Fleet being far weaker than the Ottomans, wanted Ports to secure itself; being so far from defending so many Christian Provinces, that she would be scarcely able to save herself. That the Turks might, if they were minded, come on full Sail to attack their chief City; and then, what Confusion would there be? What Consternation amongst the People and Citizens? What Despair amongst the Allied Towns, who could not be reproached with Faint-heartedness nor Ingratitude; seeing themselves forsaken, and constrained to receive Laws from the Conqueror? But what Shame and Infamy will it not be to hear published throughout the World, That the Question is the Disputing a Kingdom between the Grand Signior and the Republic; but touching the Safety of the Venetians, forced to defend their Liberties, and their Lives in the Capital City of their Country. And for to complete these Miseries, the Christians would reproach them, as having drawn down these Misfortunes on themselves; and the Infidels would vaunt their subjecting them, by surprising their Credulity. That it behoved them to prevent these Misfortunes; the Foresight of which, struck him with Terror; there being only one Remedy; which was, to conclude the League with all Expedition, and join the Confederates in the beginning of the Spring, to find out the Enemy, and fight him. That the King of Spain would set out Fourscore Galleys; to which will be joined Twenty others, under the Banner of the Holy See. That the Venetian-Army, being as numerous as the last Year, will be far better supplied with Soldiers and Slaves. That if the Senate was for punishing its Commanders for not giving Battle with Sixty Auxiliary Sails, they must hold themselves assured of the Victory, seeing this Assistance was almost doubled. Tripoli, willing afterwards to answer the Reasons grounded on the Insincerity of the Spaniards, added, They would never have showed themselves so nice at first, had they not intended to execute the Treaty. That supposing, there were just Causes to suspect their Conduct, the Turks, who were more interessed than the Spaniards, to break their Word, were far more to be feared. That if the King of Spain should fail in his Word, it would be then fit to endeavour after Peace; and that it was of highest Consequence, to treat with Arms in their Hands, to obtain advantageous Conditions, in case the Injustice of any of their Allies, should force them to conclude it. He was therefore of Opinion, they would do well, before all things, to send back Colonni, to assure his Holiness, of the Republick's Obedience, and constant Preparations for the executing of his Orders: And that Ragazzoni and Barbaro should be enjoined at the same time, not to reject wholly the Accommodation, in case they found the Prime Visier disposed to it; but give Advice to the Senate, of the present State of Affairs, and agree to nothing, till the Senate's further Order; so that in this manner they might conclude a Peace with the Port, if they were forsaken by their Allies, without Offence either to God or Man; and vigorously retake what the Barbarians had snatched from them, and curb for ever their Insolence, in case the Confederates would act in Consort: And it being a thing dishonourable to negotiate at the same time the League of Venice, and the Peace at Constantinople; 'twas therefore of highest Consequence to manage these two Expedients, and not ruin one by the other. Tripoli's Harangue made Impression in all the Senators Minds, excepting some of the ancientest; who had been of Opinion of sending Ragazzoni to negotiate the Peace with the Prime Visier. These ancient Magistrates, seeing the League in a manner concluded, charged Nicholas Ponti, one of the most considerable amongst them for his Age and Eloquence, to answer Tripoli. Who began, by reckoning up all the ill Offices which Cardinal Granvil and Doria had done to the Republic; comparing the Malignity of their Proceedings and Discourses, to the Fury of the Ottomans; and endeavoured to persuade the Assembly, that it was contrary to all the Rules of Prudence, and common Sense, to ground a Victory on the Assistance ofan Allied Prince, whose Advantage lies rather in their Weakness, than Strength. He afterwards advised the Senate, in very urgent and Pathetic Terms, not to hearken too much to those specious Reasons, wherewith they must be blinded; and to beware above all, of Granvil, who under a Pretence of this pretended Alliance, designed only the lessening them by a War. That the Spaniards were an insolent sort of People, and more perfidious than the Infidels themselves. That Granvil, educated in the Politic Maxims of his Father, would sacrifice all things to his Fortune, and the Favour of King Philip. That this Monarch, under pretence of a League, would destroy the Republic; and establish on its Ruins, his Dominion over all Italy. That they were unwise, in assuring themselves against these Fears, by the Sacredness of this Sovereign's Oaths; who consulted more his Interest, than either Justice or Reason. That they ought to terminate a War, under whose Weight their Capital City was ready to faint. That this Extremity would alone force them to make Peace, when they should have to do with an Enemy less formidable. That they needed some Years Rest, to take Breath; in expectation of a favourable Conjuncture, to regain what they had lost. That the Peace was certain, seeing the Turks would free themselves, by making it, from the Disquiet which this Triple League gave them. That Selim, in keeping the Ifle of Cyprus, was led rather by his Superstition, than Ambition; having no other Design, than the building of a Mosque, and enjoying afterwards a profound Repose in the Seraglio. That there was no Shame in desiring a Peace from an Enemy, the Fame of whose Arms overspread the whole Universe. That the Report of the Confederation, instead of softening him, would double his Pride and Insolency. That he would be harder to be dealt with, if the League could not be concluded; and therefore he was of Opinion, they must amuse Colonni and the Pope, by continuing the Negotiation (which might be easily done, without giving them the least Suspicion) till they received News from Constantinople; where the Treaty of Peace should be no sooner broke off, but they might sign the Treaty of Alliance. That this Course seemed to him best and surest; but the Suffrage of the whole Assembly was to be expected; and withal to be remembered in their Deliberations, 'twas that there was never a more important Affair agitated in the Senate. Notwithstanding this Discourse, the greatest part of the Senators bore down the Credit of Nicholas P●nti, and the rest of the ancient Magistrates; and their Propositions of Pea●e we●e wholly rejected. The next Day, Colonni was introduced into the Senate; where, the Doge declared, That the Signiory accepted the Confederacy with the Holy See, and King of Spain. Colonni, having applauded their Zeal, and confirmed what he had promised from the Pope's Part, took Post, and arrived at Rome; where he was received with great Expressions of Honour and Kindness from the Pope; having so dexterously ended an Affair, the Success of which began to grow desperate. His Holiness, being satisfied with the Resolution of the Venetians, assembled the Consistory, the Twenty third of May, One Thousand five Hundred sixty and seven: Where, having declared to them the Subject of their Meeting, which was approved by all the Cardinals, he solemnly ratified the Treaty: Of which, these are the principal Articles: That there shall be a lasting and perpetual Union between the Sovereign Prelate, the King of Spain, and the Republic of Venice. That they shall continually make War against the Turk. That they shall equip, for this effect, and at the common Charge, two hundred Galleys, and one hundred other Vessels of Burden. That they shall raise an Army of sixty Thousand Foot, as well Spaniards, as Italians and Germans, together with four Thousand five hundred Horse. That this Army shall meet every year in the Month of April, in the Morea. That if either of the Confederates should be invaded, a considerable Detachment should be sent to their Succour; yea, the whole Army, in case Need required. That the Ambassadors of the Allied Princes, residing at the Pope's Court, should meet, by his Authority, in the beginning of the Spring, every Year, to regulate among themselves the Preparations of War for the next Campaign. That the Charge of the War shall be divided into six parts; three of which the King of Spain shall furnish. That the Holy See shall maintain twelve Galleys, equipped with all Necessaries, with three thousand Foot, and two hundred and seventy Horse. That the Sixth remaining Part of the Charge shall be furnished by his Catholic Majesty and the Venetians; the Pope granting them, in consideration of this, the levying of a considerable Tax from the Clergy in their Dominions. That the Republic shall give the Pope twelve Galleys, if he demands them, without his Holiness' being obliged to satisfy any Damage may happen to them; but surrender them in the same Condition they shall return out of the War. That each of the Allies shall contribute such things with which they most abound, and an exact Account be kept, and Satisfaction made for them. That the Venetians shall assist the King of Spain with fifty Galleys, if he made any Erterprises on the Cities of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. That his Catholic Majesty shall furnish the Venetians with a like Number, in case they besieged any Places on the Coasts of the Adriatic Sea, on this side the City of Piergo, anciently called Apollonia; yet on condition that their Army to whom these Succours should be given, shall be stronger than the Auxiliary Troops. That if the Infidels invaded by Sea or Land any of the Church's Countries, the Confederates should come immediately to her Assistance, with all their Strength. That the Command of the Naval Army shall be divided between three Generals; which are to meet on all Affairs wherein the common Cause is concerned. And, That Don John, who is to be Generalissimo, shall punctually execute whatsoever may be determined contrary to his Opinion, by the Sentiment of the two others. That in his Absence, Marc Antony Colonni shall be entrusted with the same Authority. That neither of the Generals shall set up any other Standards than those which the Sovereign Prelate shall send them, which shall be common to all the Confederates. That the Emperor, the King of France, and other Kings, and Christian Princes shall enter (if they please) into the League, and that his Holiness shall send Legates to them for that purpose. That the Conquests shall be shared conformable to the Treaty of the Year 1537. By which 'twas decreed, the Allies shall be to restored whatsoever belonged to them, and the rest divided, according to the Charge each one was at, excepting the Cities of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli; which should be wholly yielded to the King of Spain. That no Act of Hostility shall be committed in the City, nor Territories of the Republic of Ragusa, unless his Holiness shall otherwise determine. That the Pope shall be made Arbiter of whatsoever Differences may happen; and neither of the Confederates make Peace with the Port, without the Advice and Consent of the rest. And thus at length was concluded this much desired League, when 'twas lest expected; by the Zeal and Constancy of Pius V. which surmounted all Obstacles, that seemed to ruin the Success of it. THE CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOK. THe Naval Army of the Holy See routed. Venieri fruitlessly attempts the taking of Durazzo. The Cardinals Alexandrinus, and Commendon nominated Legates; the First into Spain and Portugal; the Second to Germany and Poland. King Philip, and Sebastian of Portugal's answers. An Embassy from the Venetians to the King of Persia. Discourse of the King of France with Cardinal Alexandrinus. Promotion of Cosmus de Medici's. The Emperor Maximilian long resists Commendon's Reasonings, but at length promises to enter into the League. Commendon dissuades the King of Poland from Repudiating his Queen. Henry Duke D'Anjou Elected King of Poland. Louchali and Caracossa Famous Corsaries. Pertah burns Suda in Candia. Those of that Island Revolt. Design of the Infidels on Cataro discovered. Bravery of the Inhabitants of Dulsingo. Admirable Courage of the Women of Cursola. Complaint of the allied Cities against the Republic. Venice Fortified. Situation of Famagusta. Besieged by Mustapha. The Turks Defeated in an Attack. Articles of Capitulation. The Christian Soldiers Massacred contrary to the Conditions of the Treaty. Horrible and Cruel Usage of Bragadin. THE HISTORY OF THE WAR of CYPRUS. The Third Book. THE League was no sooner Signed, but the Pope used all Endeavours to cause the Confederate Fleets to join in March on the Coasts of Greece. And to lose no time by these Preparatives, he borrowed Twelve Galleys of Gosmus de Medicis' ready equipt; for each of which he paid him Five Hundred Crowns a Month: To which he also added Four others of Malta, and as many from the Duke of Savoy, ordering Colonni to set Sail on the beginning of June, to increase the Venetian Army, and oppose the Infidel's Designs, in expectation of the Spanish Assistance, which was but slowly setting forward. His Holiness and the Republic were agreed to go in search of the Enemy; and having found him, to engage, immediately after the Conjunction of the Fleets: the Venetians being greatly interessed to end this War in any sort: The Pope on the other hand trusting to the Divine Assistance, and fearing the League would not last long, was also for deciding the Quarrel by a Combat, expressly enjoining this to Colonni at his departure. Colonni having found the Fleet ready at Civita Vecchia, weighed Anchor the Fifteenth day of June, and arrived in the Eighteenth, at the Port of Naples; where he remained some days for the repairing the Galleys of Malta, and afterwards came and cast Anchor in Sicily, with 20 Vessels. The Coast dangerous, by reason of the Infidels being already at Sea; he sent out two Frigates on discovery, and ordered those who sat in the Watch-Towers on the Coasts of Calabria, to give warning what Ships they espied, to be very careful in their Observations; and put a Light in their Lantern, if they espied less than Twenty Vessels; to put in Two, if Twenty Five; and thus increase the Signals according to the number of which the Enemy's Fleet consisted. Three days after his departure from Naples, he was informed, approaching to Tropea, that there appeared Seventy Sail, which were thought to be the Ottoman Navy. He went himself next morning to discover them, and met by the way with Two 〈◊〉 Galleys, commanded by Manipieri, and 〈◊〉. They informed him that Venieri was at Sicily with the Fleet, designing to stay at Spartivento, in expectation of the other Confederates. Colonni having touched at Messina, sent to entreat Veneri to come there, as well to confer on their Affairs, as for that he might there find all such things they needed. Colonni met him out of the Town with a great Train of Attendants, and afterwards they consulted together. They resolved to stay for Don John, although they were certain he was yet in Spain. Venieri had received in Candia orders to command the Venetian Fleet; whence returning to Corfou, he thought himself obliged to Signalise this new Honour by some Famous Action: In this regard he tacks about to Durazzo to besiege it, although he wanted several things necessary to such an Enterprise. But having found the Place in a better Condition, than he imagined, returned to Corfou, where he received an account of the Conclusion of the League, and expected the Assistance of the Ally's. His Fleet consisted of Sixty Vessels; when News came to him that the Infidels appeared before Candia. Not finding the Road of Corfou secure, he resolved to Sail into Sicily, as well to hasten the Spaniard, as to hinder the Turkish Army from blocking up the Passage. He received in his way a Command from the Senateto steer this Course, and was well pleased with himself that he had prevented their orders. Colonni wrote to him at the same time from Naples, to the same purpose. He sent out before Sancto, Francis Troni and Daniel Molino, with three Galleys to cruise on the Adriatic Gulf. Sancto was ordered to leave the two others in the midway, and make directly to Venice, to inform such Vessels as were going to Corfou, to Sail to Sicily, and avoid by this means the Ottoman Fleet. He likewise dispatched one Benedictus, Captain of a Friggat, a Native of the Isle of Cyprus, to the Providors Quirino and Celsi to hasten them away, without any delay, to the place of Rendezvous with the sixty Galleys, of which he had left them the Command, with whom he joined some time after Colonni arrived there. Pius the Fifth, who was not wanting in any particular of his Duty, assembled the Sacred College immediately, after the departure of his Fleet, and nominated two Legates, to wit, Cardinal John Francis Commendon, and Michael Bonelli Surnamed Alexandrinus, who was his Sister's Son, and brought up in the order of St. Dominic. The College solicited for him a Cardinal's Cap, as soon as his Uncle was seated on the Throne. He was indeed a young Man, of small experience, but of such a Virtuous Temper, as rendered him worthy of the Sacred Purple. Commendon, though absent, was preferred before several of his Competitors, who strove for that Honour. His Piety, Prudence and Zeal to the Holy See, merited, without doubt, this Preference, and none in that time at his Age acquired such an Esteem and Reputation in Nunciatures and Embassies. He had negotiated with all the Sovereigns of Europe, under the Pontificats of the three last Popes, especially with those of Germany and Poland. He had made Friends amongst the Chief Persons of each Nation, and having applied himself to the Learning, the Humours and Inclinations of those Princes, he had dexterously insinuated himself into their Favour. He was sent to the Emperor Maximilian, Sigismond Augustus King of Poland, whom the Pope Vehemently desired to enter into League. Cardinal Alexandrinus was dispatched to the Kings of Spain and Portugal, who in his Passage to Spain, went through France, where he needed extraordinary Circumspection in dealing with several Great Persons of different Interests. As soon as he arrived in Spain, he passionately Solicited Philip the 2d. to execute the Conditions of the League in good earnest. Showing him, that should the Venetians grow in the least measure jealous of his Sincerity, they will certainly turn their Thoughts on their own particular Interests, at the Cost of his, and other Christian Princes: That a State which has no Inclination for War, must naturally tend to the side of Peace. That his Catholic Majesty had great Reasons to fear, lest the weight of the War should fall on Spain, by a forced Compliance of the Venetians with the Conqueror: That the State of his Affairs not permitting him to manage a matter of this Importance in Person, he ought to send some Person to Rome of approved Wisdom and Integrity, with ample Power of regulating all difficulties which may happen, on which dispatching to him continually Couriers, much time is wasted by expecting his Orders, and several favourable occasions lost to the Progress of the Christian Arms. That all Sincere Endeavours must be used, That his Fleet and those who were to command it, arrive precisely on the day and place appointed for the general Rendezvous of the whole Army; That the Remora's had already cost great and unnecessary Expenses, and withal entreated this Prince not to commit the whole Care of this Expedition to the management of his Ministers, lest perhaps they abuse his Power and Trust. Don Sebastian King of Portugal was a Young Ambitious Prince, who was easily inflamed with a desire to do some Signal Service to Christendom in her necessities. The Legate exhorted him to enter into the League, by representing him how greatly he was obliged to declare himself against the Infidels, and oppose their Progress in the East, to preserve the Conquests of his Predecessors on the Coasts of Asia and Africa. He then likewise desired him to send Ambassadors to the King of Persia, to make him take Arms against the Turks, on supposal he would comply with this Request, on account of the Alliance and Amity which the Relation of Nighbourhood had long since established between them. Tipoly had been already sent into Spain and Portugal, to Solicit the same thing on the part of the Republic. The King of Spain returned the like answer to the Legate which he had already made to Tipoly; That he would never be wanting in what Christendom may justly expect from a King, whose greatest Glory is the title of most Catholic, and absolutely devoted to the Service of the Church. Sebastian, whose Youthful Heat passionately desired a War with the Turk, assured the Legate his Forces should not be wanting to so Holy an Enterprise, but needing time to set out a Fleet in good order this Summer, he would not fail to be in readiness against the next, and would in the mean time advise with his Holiness whether 'twere better to make them direct their Course to Greece, or conduct them himself on the Coasts of the Red Sea, to divert the Ottoman Forces; That he intended to charge his Ambassador at Rome to follow thereon whatsoever his Holiness should determine, and designed according to his desire, to send to the King of Persia, although the Age and Sluggish Temper of this Prince gave small hopes of any Assistance from him. The Venetians sent at the beginning of the War Vincent Alexandri to Tammas King of Persia, in quality of Ambassador, who having traversed Germany, Poland, and Moldavia, embarked at Mount Gastro on the Euxin, for Sinope; where landing, he traveled through Armenia, and several other Provinces dependant on the Grand Signior, and happily arrived at Tauris, than the Capital City of Persia, by reason of his knowledge in the Turkish Tongue and Customs. He found Tammas basking in softness, encircled with Women and Eunuches, and returned to Venice without any positive answer from this Effeminate Prince. Tammas, although Son to the brave Ishmael, an avowed Enemy to the Turks, and who by his Valour had merited the Title of Sophi, trembled at the bare mention of the Ottoman Arms, and had caused Prince Ishmael his Son, who was Heir as well of his Grandfather's Virtue as Name, to be carefully guarded, lest he should by some means or other engage him in a War against the Turks. Cardinal Alexandrinus likewise negotiated by the Pope's order, a Marriage between Sebastian King of Portugal, and Margurita de Vallois the French Kings Sister: This Alliance had been already proposed, but no Prayers and Entreaty could make Sebastian change his aversion to Marriage. The Pope desired he would embrace this offer, to hinder this Princess from espousing Henry King of Navarre, who was a Calvinist. Sebastian answered the Legate, who pressed him on this Affair, that in Compliance with the Pope's desires, he would espouse Marguerit, without demanding of the King her Brother any other Conditions, than to break off with the Grand Signior, and enter into the League against the Common Enemy of Christendom. The Legate was ordered to pass over into France, in his return from Spain, to exhort his most Christian Majesty to join himself to the Confederates, tho' the Pope could not expect he would declare himself, against an Empire with which he had made Peace: the Civil Wars which disturbed his Countries not permitting him to make so considerable an Ally his Enemy; but he thought it might be taken ill, if he was the only Christian Prince, whose Assistance the Holy See should omit imploring; and at the same time drew a promise from him to undertake nothing against the Spaniards, while their Forces were employed in the Venetians Service, 'Tis thought the French could not rest quiet, and seeing Spain without Troops and Defence, they would amuse the Calvinists by turning the brunt of their Forces on that side. Gaspar de Coligny, Admiral of France, a Person of great Courage and Conduct, saw this a favourable Conjuncture for the executing those great Designs which he had projected against Spain. This King answered according to the Formal Sayings of his Predecessors, That if the Emperor and other Princes would enter into the League, he would also enter therein, as well to testify the Esteem and Consideration he had for the Holy Father, as to follow the Zeal and Piety of his Predecessors to the Church; That he would not break the Peace which was lately confirmed by a new Alliance, his Queen being Sister to the Catholic Kings: but as to the Marriage of Don Sebastian King of Portugal, he was already engaged to give the Princess Margurita to his Cousin, the King of Navarre. Cardinal Alexandrinus showed him with great earnestness this Alliance would certainly tend to the Prejudice of his Affairs, by countenancing a Party in his Kingdom which would certainly ruin it. He told him moreover whatsoever might render him sensible, of the ill consequences of such an Alliance. The King displeased at this Discourse, taking Alexandrinus by the hand, pray, says he, assure your Uncle from me, That I give my Sister to a Prince, whose Humour and Temper I so well know, that I can bring him into the Bosom of the Church when I please; That my discontented Subjects will be ne'er the Stronger, for having him on their side, and I have only this means left me to be revenged on them, for the deplorable condition wherein they have laid my Kingdom. Cardinal Alexandrinus returned with these answers from Charles and Philip, well satisfied with the Honours which he received, both in France and Spain. Cardinal Commendon was charged with a legation more tedious and laborious, by the difficulty which detained him Two Years in Germany. The Pope had entrusted him with the management of two Affairs, the first to use the utmost of his Eloquence to engage the Emperor in the League; and the other, which was no less delicate, concerned the Title of Great Duke of Tuscany, with which his Holiness came from Honouring Cosmus de Medicis. After the Murder committed on the Person of Duke Alexander, by his Cousin Laurence, the City of Florence, jealous of her Liberty, imagining she could not maintain it, but under the Authority of one Chief, chose Young Cosmus, who answered their expectations, and opened the way to Great Enterprises. The first years of his Government were traversed by some Malicious and Envious Spirits, who could not endure he should use the Counsel of some particular Persons, and dispose of the Republics Treasure. The Nobility had often retired from the City, displeased at his Conduct: they often assembled without permission, and the Banishment wherewith this new Sovereign had punished their Audaciousness, drew on him a Civil War. But his application to dissipate all these Intrigues, annulled the design of the Malcontents, and the different Conspiracies which he happily discovered, served only to strengthen his Authority. Having vanquished the greatest part of the Rebels, he banished the rest, or put them to Death; so that becoming Master of the rest of the Citizens, by Favours and Presents, they preferred an Honourable Servitude, and Riches acquired under the Peaceable Government of a Sovereign, before a disadvantageous and imaginary Liberty. The other allied Towns, wearied with the Pride and Avarice of their Magistrates, breathed likewise a Monarchial Government. Cosmus drew insensibly on himself the whole Authority of the People and Senate, possessed himself with the execution of the Laws, and left the Officers only Vain Titles and Names, without either Force or Credit, quashed all the Liberties of the Florentines, altho' Idolaters of Independency; and in fine, invested himself with the Sovereignty. The Exiles implored the Assistance of Peter Strozzi, one of their Patriots, a Person Courageous and Enterprizing, hoping with the assistance of the French, to re-establish themselves in their Country. But the good Fortune of Cosmus disconcerted all their Projects. He beat Strozzi, drove him from Aetruria, possessed himself of the City of Sienna, a place considerable for its Strength and Riches, and finding his Reputation much increased by this Conquest, he began to distinguish himself from the other Italian Princes. But men's Ambition generally increasing with their good Fortune, the Quality of Duke, which Usurpers commonly take on them, flattering not sufficiently his Vanity, he resolved to confirm by some Glorious Title, what he had gained by Force and cunning. He endeavoured to erect his new State into a Kingdom, thinking it large enough to deserve that Title. He thereupon endeavoured several times at this Honour, and the Pope, who had ever refused it, at length granted him something like it. He had wrought himself into the Affections of his Holiness, by setting up Tribunals of Inquisition against Heretics, who already began to spread their Doctrines through Tuscany; and at length obtained of Pius V. in the year 1570. the Title of Great Duke, which is not much Inferior to that of a King. Coming to Rome with a Numerous and Magnificent Train, his Holiness sent two Cardinals before him, received him with great Testimonies of Honour and Affection, and publicly crowned him, during the Celebration of the Sacred Mysteries. Maximilian, who pretended that Cosmus and his Estate depended on the Empire, respected this Action as an Attempt against his Dignity, the Holy See having no right to his Vassals. Cosmus de Medicis on the contrary, defended himself from being a Feudatory to the Emperor; and thereupon Maximilian sent Ambassadors to Rome, to blame the Pope for what he had done. This Contest was like to prove of dangerous Consequence, and Commendon was ordered to find out expedients. He discussed in presence of Maximilian the rights of the H. See, and Empire; showing him that the Issue of this Quarrel might prove prejudicial to him, in the present Conjuncture, and explained so clearly the Reasons of it, as softened him in some measure, and engaged him to send one to Rome, to agree on some Expedient which might suit the Interest of both Parties, yet without violating the Pope's Decree. This business might have been perfectly ended, had not the Legate been obliged to pass over with all Speed into Poland, earnestly to oppose the secret Design of that King, which was to put away his Wife, Maximilians Sister, and Espouse a Gentlewoman of an ordinary Family, with whom he was extremely in Love. The Venetians had already tried the Emperor's Inclinations, by their Ambassador James Sorancio, who having discovered the Sentiments of his Imperial Majesty's Ministers, found them not at all inclinable to the League; and when he proposed it to Maximilian, he replied, That when the Truce made between him and Selim was expired, he would then consider the Conditions offered by the Confederates; but whatsoever Instances Sorancio made him to know these Conditions, the Emperor would never talk further about it. Although this Prince was willing the War should last, yet he was fearful of entering into an Affair, whose Success was doubtful. The Weakness of his Body rendering also his mind less disposed to great Enterprises. Thinking himself unable to bear so heavy a Burden, nor of sufficient Credit amongst the Princes of the Empire, who are as much afraid of the Encroachments of their own Emperor, as of the Invasion of the Turks. He likewise mistrusted the Constancy of the Venetians, who perhaps would leave him engaged in the Heat of the War, exposed to the common Enemy's resentments; besides, being taught by his own experience, that several Armies joined together, was but a Body of an ill Composition, whose efforts, by reason of its dis-union, could not achieve any great Matters. The King of Spain, whose Duty 'twas to draw him into the League, did all he could underhand to hinder it; so that the movements of the Imperial Court were mere Mysteries and Dissimulations. The Spanish Ambassador publicly solicited Maximilian to engage in the League, assuring him of his Masters Concurrent Assistance to the utmost of Power; so that the Emperor resolving to manage himself after the best manner, that he might not disoblige the Pope nor Republic, gave all outward Signs of his readiness to comply with the Confederates. Affairs being in this disposition, when Commendon came to Vienna, he gave Maximilian to understand his Charge was not so much to persuade him to join with the Holy See, the King of Spain and the Venetians against the Ottoman Empire, as to assure him, that if he would diligently Arm himself, he should receive from the Sovereign Prelate, whatsoever a Dutiful Son can expect from the Tenderness of an Indulgent Father: That the deplorable state of Christendom called aloud for his earnest Assistance: That the Pope alarmed at the Miseries of Europe, had hitherto used fruitless endeavours, to pacify the Quarrels, and end the differences of Christian Princes; and at his coming to the Pontificat, sent up Fervent Prayers to God for the defence of his Church, against its greatest Enemy; That his Petitions would have been undoubtedly heard, had not the Christians themselves laboured at their own Destruction: That they were set upon by a Prince, puffed up with Pride and Vain Glory, wallowing in Lust and Idleness, yet designed no less than the Invasion of all Italy, having first taken the Kingdom of Cyprus from the Venetians. Tho' the Pope was persuaded God permitted this Barbarian to form these great Projects only to reunite Christians, and remember them of their Duty; That the Victory was certain from a due Preparation for War by united Forces; That his Imperial Majesty would be more advantaged by the Defeat of the Musulmen, than any other Christian Prince; That having the Honour of Precedency before all other Christian Princes, this obliged him to a more singular forwardness, his Place Empowring him more particularly to exhort Europe to a common Defence in case of a Vacant See; That he would not trouble him with the remembrance of the losses which the Infidels made his Father Ferdinand suffer, nor those he had under went himself. That the Infidels setting on the Christian Princes, during their Dis-union, found an Infallible means to ruin them, one, after another; That all the Advantages they obtained over them, sprang from their Misunderstandings; each of them shutting his Eyes at another's Misfortunes, found himself at last insensibly overwhelmed in the Ruin of his Neighbour; That the Christian Princes had not hitherto been in a Capacity of attacking the Infidels both by Sea and Land; That the Turks usually invaded Hungary, when they undertook nothing against the Venetians, on the Mediterranean; and on the contrary, left Germany at rest, when they invaded the Maritine Countries of the Republic: That if his Imperial Majesty would join his Forces to the Confederates, as well for his own Interest, as the Signiories, they might with such a considerable Army, exterminate the Turkish Nation, or at least subdue its Pride, and curb its continual encroachments; considering the Christian Fleet would consist of Two Hundred and Fifty Galleys, and consequently will be far stronger than the Turks, being Manned with Sixty Thousand Foot, and Five Thousand Horse; so that the Emperor assisted by the Forces of Germany, might surprise the Enemy in Hungary, lying open without defence, he might possess himself of it in one Campaign, and extend his Conquest as far as Thrace, and strike Constantinople with the Terror of his Arms; That the Confederates and all other Christian Princes would favour this Enterprise; and the Poles, who are a Valiant People, and so Strong in Horse, would espouse the common Cause at the Pope's first entreaty. The Legate concluded his discourse with reminding the Emperor, that if he let slip this favourable opportunity, which seemed to be offered by Heaven itself, it must be thought the Divine Wrath has blinded the Eyes and hardened the Hearts of the Christians. The Emperor gave a fair hearing to Commendon's Discourse, but wanting Courage and Prudence to declare himself for the League, he required further time for Consideration, and then returned Answer in Writing. He acknowledged no Prince more interested than himself in the Destruction of the Ottoman Empire; so that he must passionately desire it, receiving such continual Alarms from their Neighbourhood, but he could not exercise any Act of Hostility, against so Potent an Enemy, with whom he had lately made a Truce, the observation of which was confirmed by Oath. That his being more exposed to the Injustice of these Barbarians, he must be forced on other measures, than the rest of the Confederates; and would therefore see first what the King of Poland would do, and the other Christian Princes, who had not yet declared themselves. The Legate answered, this Method was exactly contrary to that which ought to be taken, inasmuch as those who were most molested, and ready to be swallowed up, should show themselves an example to others, whose States being farther distant, were least in danger. That if he any longer delayed to animate his Subjects by a Speedy and Generous Example, he wouldrender indifferent the greatest part of those who were wavering in their choice on what side to incline; and when he shall solicit the Polanders, and other Neighbouring Princes in quality of a Legate, they will demand of him, how he found the Emperor affected, and what Troops he had raised for that Design; should he answer his Imperial Majesty intends to take his resolutions from theirs, 'twill be easily perceived how fruitless his Embassy has been to him; That none of the Northern Princes will take Arms, as long as they see the States of the Empire look on unconcerned; It being also certain, when the Venetians shall see themselves cut off from all hopes from the Empire, and forced to decide the Controversy by a Naval Combat, they will not sustain this Burden with the same Resolution they showed at first; so that unless the Emperor gives some Diversion to the Ottoman Forces on the side of Hungary, their Army will not be able to hold out long against the Grand Signiors, but must lay aside all hopes, and shamefully break that Alliance which serves as a Buckler to all Christendom; and as to the Truce, he need not endeavour an answer to the Scruples about that, seeing the Emperor himself had complained in several Diets, that its Articles were not observed by the Infidels, who kept their Word no longer than it held with their advantage, and broke their Oaths by Incursions and Seizures of several places in Hungary; That his Character of Legate obliged him to give an account to his Holiness of the Conferences held with his Imperial Majesty, and therefore entreated him to consider how the Pope and Venetians would be affected, when they knew his Answers, beseeching him withal to take care lest he repented of his Indifferency, when the mischiefs were past remedy. Maximilian being full of Trouble and Restlessness, lest Commendon should send advice, to Rome and Venice, of what passed betwixt them, which would be a means to cool the Zeal of the Confederates; demanded of him some days time to deliberate, further on that Affair. The Perplexity wherein his waveringness reduced him, the fear of engaging in a dangerous War, or occasion the breaking the League, and the Instant Exhortations of the Legate, gave his mind no quiet Night nor Day. He wrote the next morning betimes a Note to the Legate, who imparted the same to the Author of this History, containing exactly these Words. The Emperor Maximilian to Cardinal Commendon. I have not slept since the Conference which you and I had Yesterday, so sensible am I of the Reasons you offered me: the Affair we treated on, I know requires speedy Answer, and therefore intent, with God's Assistance, to come to such a resolution, as will content his Holiness. But I entreat you by the Friendship betwixt us, not to send as yet any positive Message to Rome, till we have had another meeting, which I will endeavour shall be within two days at furthest. And therefore pray think not this delay long. He sent for the Legate three days after, and promised whatsoever his Holiness could desire from him, but on condition the Allies would send him Troops to prevent Surprises from the Turks, who might perhaps in their Resentments turn their whole Force on him; in which case he must be assured of this Assistance, before he could publicly declare himself in Favour of the League; and withal must know with what number of Horse and Foot the Confederates could assist him. Commendon answered him, he might assure himself of a considerable supply, and regulate it according to his own mind. Whereunto, Maximilian said the Confederates must consider what Detachments they could spare from their Army. You will fall into your first unresolvedness (replied the Legate) if you stick at so small a matter, and 'twill be thought you seek new Pretences to avoid engaging yourself; for before the Allies can communicate this Affair to each other, and the Result of their Deliberations be known, considering the distances of the places, and length of time which such a Negotiation required, more than half of the Year will be lost; and your Majesty, who knows better than the Allies, what Forces you need, may obtain what you desire at the first Proposal. The Emperor having awhile longer held out, on this Article rendered himself to the Legates Reasons, and assured him, provided he were assisted with Twenty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Horse, one half of which should consist of Germans, to join his Forces, he would attack the Turks in Hungary, and give a great diversion to them on that side. As soon as Commendon drew this Assurance from him, he gave advice thereof to the Pope, by an express Courier, together with a full and particular account of this Negotiation. He afterwards went into Poland, not only to exhort Sigismond to enter into the League, but to dissuade him from the unjust and violent design of putting away his Wife. The Legate speedily passed over Moravia, and Silesia, notwithstanding the rigour of the Cold, and incommodiousness of the Snows of that Country. He found this poor Prince besotted with the Love of this forementioned Woman, his mind being so entirely possessed by this furious Passion, as left no room for thought of business. He endeavoured to conceal the Project of a Divorce, remitting the execution of this Design, when the Legate should be gone. But Commendon by his ingenious Carriage, had so greatly insinuated himself into the affections of the Polanders, that he became acquainted with the whole Intrigue, and the Methods laid by the King to effect this Separation. The Cardinal therefore made a Discourse to him on the Excellency and Dignity of Marriage, the Holiness and Indissolvibleness of the Conjugal Union amongst the Christians; and showed him plainly he could not break his Vow to the Queen, without dishonouring himself, and engaging in a Cruel War with the House of Austria. The King appeared sufficiently convinced by the Cardinal's Reasons; but his Passion would no question have prevailed, had not the death of the Queen, which immediately happened, prevented that grievious Scandal. For she seeing herself slighted, and driven from her Husband's Bed, for the avoiding other affronts, left Poland, under pretence of visiting her Relations. She stayed a while at Lintz, a City belonging to the Arch Duke her Brother, where she died with Regret and Sorrow. The King of Poland, being solicited to join himself with the Confederates, remitted this Affair to the Diet, which was then held, to lay, by this means, on this Honourable Assembly the shame he had to refuse the gratifying his Holyness' just Desires. The Walaques, a People bordering on Poland, and Tributary to the Sultan, had driven away their King and set up another in his place, upheld by the consent and Assistance of the Grand Signior. Bogdan the former King had recourse to the Polanders, who lending their Assistance to his Re-establishment in the Throne, disobliged the Grand Signior, which affair gave no small Disturbance to Sigismond; who was not for War, tho' the greatest part of the Senate were. The chiefest of the Nobility, with whom Commendon was much in favour, sought by Arms to increase and uphold their Credit, and therefore zealously promoted his Demand. The business began to be in a fair way, when the King's Sickness put a stop to the Conclusion of it. For Sigismond having no Children nor Heirs of his Name, the Senate and Great Lords laid aside all affairs, the better to attend to the Future Election. Commendon also was not behind hand in his Care about this matter, as fearing lest some Protestant Prince, by great Sums of Money might prevail with the Senate, and People, to choose him for their King. But Sigismond without any reason offered, than his bare Will, dismissed the Diet, and caused himself to be carried to Chimieschi, a Frontier Town of Lithuania, where his excessive Passion considerably increased his Indisposition. He drove away his Physicians, placing his only Confidence in an Old Witch, who promised to cure him by Virtue of her Enchantments. But he died within a few days, and the Great People of the Kingdom not being any of them able to pretend to the Election; engaged themselves in several Interests to obtain by their Suffrages, his Favour who should be chosen King. The Interregnum lasted a whole year, and the Estates assembled at Warsaw, Elected in fine Henry Duke of Anjou, Brother to Charles IX. King of France; This surprising Diversity of Affairs, long retained Cardinal Commendon in Poland. Whilst the Christians lost time in Disputing each Article, the Ottoman Fleet desolated the Island, and ravaged all the Coasts of the Venetian State. Hali parted from Constantinople, in the beginning of the Spring, with fourscore Galleys, and other Vessels laden with Provisions for the Turkish Army at Cyprus, and fresh Men to fill up the places of those that died. He left Arpagmat with Thirty Galleys, and other Vessels under the command of Mustapha; who lay before Famagusta. He afterwards set Sail with the remaing Forces for the Isle of Rhodes, and passing by Candia, he came and cast Anchor at Nigrepont, called heretofore the Isle of Euboe, where the Bassa Partau was already arrived with all his Fleet. This Bassa supplied the place of Piali, whom Selim retained at Constantinople, whether out of Displeasure, because he had not defeated the Christians in the last Campaign, or did this out of complacency to his Daughter, who could not so often suffer her Husband's absence. Louchali and Caracossa Famous Pirates, came also and joined the Ottoman Army, both of them Italians by Birth, the first a Native of Calabria, and the other of the Marches of Anconia. They had been Slaves from their Youth, and procuring their Liberty by renouncing their Christianity, became of great Consideration. Louchali's Good Fortune had brought him to be Vice Roy of Algiers. His Squadron consisted of Nine Galleys, and Thirty small Vessels. Caracossa Commanded Forty Frigates and Brigantines, and the two Generals Hali and Perteau made great reckoning on the Valour and Experience of these two Runagadoes. The Turkish Army consisted of two hundred Galleys, and an hundred other small Vessels of different kinds. Having weighed Anchor from before Negrepont, this Fleet fell on the little Island of Tines, belonging to the Republic, whose Villages they plundered without daring to attack the chief Town, which was built on a Rock of difficult access, and defended by a Valiant Venetian Gentleman, named Paruta; who in Derision of the Enemies, showed them the Garrison on the Walls of the Town. Pertah at the same time hoisted up Sail for Candia, and drawing in the night near the Shore to conceal his Course from the Sight of the Christians, he got into the Port of Suda, one of the most commodious of the Mediterranean. He landed some men, which forced the Town, and Burnt it, and spread themselves about the Country, where they made several Peasants Prisoners, and burned many Villages. But Michaeli, Chief Magistrate of manea, charged and repulsed these Pillagers, with eight hundred Men, Commanded by Justiniani, a Noble Genoise, who had by chance landed at that place, and which were seconded by some Troops of the Militia of that Country. Louchali Cruised with fifty Galleys, on the Coasts of the Northern parts of the Isle, where he landed some men, who wasted the Country for a great Space; chance favoured the Valour and Diligence of him, who was sent out on this Expedition. Retimo, a considerable Town, and well Peopled, but without Garrison, and ill fortified, lay open to the least Insults. Barochi, Sacredo, and Justiniani her Magistrates, on the rumour of the arrival of the Enemies at Negrepont, were urgent with Marinus Caballo Providitor to send them at least Five hundred Men, to encourage the Inhabitants, and defend themselves from Surprise. But Caballo refused them, lest by this means he might weaken the Garrison of Gandia, whereon depended the conservation of the rest of the Island. Those of Retimo, whom the march of the Infidels filled with disquiet, were seized with such a Trembling at the hearing of the Enemies being at Suda, that taking care only of their Lives and Families, they forsook the Town without minding their Estates, and gained in great haste the Mountains, and other places of Retreat, it not being in the Magistrate's Power to hinder them; who seeing this, caused the Treasure to be cast into a Deep Well, and the Public Registers exported out of the Town, and thus left it. Louchali drew near it with a design of withdrawing at the least Resistance, intending only the Alarming of the Inhabitants, but finding it forsaken, he gave the plundering of it to his Soldiers, who being laden with Booty, burned it, with whatsoever they could not carry along with them. 'Tis said the Infidel caused what was taken from an Old Woman, to be restored her, who was the only Person left in the Place, and commanded her in a joke for all acknowledgements, to thank his Countrymen for the Booty they had left his Army, and thus returned enriched to his Fleet. The Pillage of the Country and Desolation of Retimo, served for a Pretence to the Revolt of some Peasants; who being discontented at the rigorous usage which was showed them in the Imposition of the heavy Taxes on them, and forcing them to serve the Venetian Galleys, were resolved to make advantage of the disorders of the Isle, believing this a favourable conjuncture for the casting off the Yoke which they long intended. And in Effect, had the Barbarians remained any considerable time in Candia, and the malcontents declared themselves, the Isle would have been absolutely lost. These Peasants not being able any longer to contain themselves, got together in great numbers, on occasion of a Priest whom a young Gentleman had beaten. They thereon took Arms, broke into, and plundered this Gentleman's House, and murdered him and his whole Family. Which Action having increased their Boldness, they fell on the Nobility, and made a great Slaughter of them, pillaged their Estates, and shared the Booty between them, as if they had obtained the lawful Possession of it by right of Arms. They wrote at the same time to Perteau, entreating him to take them under his Protection, but he who had the charge of carrying their Message, on his return relating this Bassa's departure from Suda, the Remorse and fear of Punishment dissipated this multitude, several of them returned into their Houses, and others offered the Providitor to take a new Oath of Fidelity, desiring Pardon for their Fault. Caballo was the more inclined to grant it, as apprehending the Consequence of so dangerous an Emmotion. But when he understood the Enemies had weighed Anchor, he sent a thousand Foot against these Rebels, under the command of Peter Avogaro, to whom was joined Matthew Calergio, followed by a great number of Friends and Domestic's. Avogaro disarmed these Mutinous People, and made them Prisoners, several of which were condemned to die, and more to the Galleys. The Turks at their departure from Suda, drew near a place called Turluro, to alarm those of Canea, but were surprised by a Tempest wherein they lost Three Galleys, and nine others had like to incurred the same Fate. They put off from Candia to make a descent into Serigo, and wasted the Country round about, without offering to attack the Town. They afterwards steered their Course toward Zant, where they also landed some Men; but Perteau seeing the Inhabitants retired into the Castle, and bend on a Resolute Defence, discharged his Choler on the Trees and Houses. He cut down all the Vines with which this Isle is every where planted, and burned such a Prodigious quantity of Vessels, that the Inhabitants were at a great loss where to bestow the next year their Wines. From Zant he came to Cephalonia, the Territory of which is far more extensive and Fruitful. Where the Barbarians made a great Multitude of Slaves, Drove away a prodigious number of Cattle, and thence parted to Corfou. Lewis Gorgio, and Francis Cornelio, to whom the care of this Isle was committed, had prevented Perteau, by a deligent Preparation, on supposal they should be attacked. They caused all the Corn in the Fields to be hastily transported into the City. so that that the Turks finding nothing to Pillage, revenged themselves on the Trees with Fire and Sword. The Venetian Soldiers not daring to set upon them in the open Field, laid Ambushes for them, and killed several who were straying in search of Plunder; The Commanders were informed by some Prisoners they took, that the Bassa had no design of besieging their Town, being well fortified; and in effect they soon set Sail for Supoto. The Venetians had possessed themselves of this place at the beginning of the War with as great Dexterity as Valour; and Manlio, by whose advice it was attacked, was entrusted with the care of keeping it, when 'twas taken. The Italian Garrison being dismayed at the Arrival of so formidable an Army, slipped out at a private Gate, and abandoned the place with more Cowardice than the Turks had one before them, leaving their Commander to the Mercy of a Cruel and Spiteful Enemy: Yet Manlio defended himself with those few Men that stayed with him to the last Extremity, more edged by despair than hope of being relieved, but at length was forced to yield the place, and himself a Prisoner. The War lasting all the Winter in Iliria, and Dalmatia, these Provinces were overrun with the Enemy's Troops at the beginning of the Spring; and the Inhabitants of Zebenico who had no Mills about their Town, suffered great Inconveniencies for want of Flower. Hemolaus Tipoli, who commanded four Galleys along this Coast, attacked, during the Night, an ancient place near Zebenico called Scardona, kept by a Turkish Garrison, which held the Country in Subjection. Hermolaus having taken and burnt this place, did thereby lay open a way to those of Zebenico for the grinding their Corn. He held afterwards four of the Enemy's Vessels, as it were, besieged, who retiring up the River of Narante, set upon all the Barks which appeared in those parts. Tipoli having given them Chase, they made to Shore, and landed a thousand Men, who immediately opposed the Venetians approaches to their Vessels, but their Cannon forced them to leave them, and Tipoli having taken out thence whatsoever was valuable, burned them. The Venetians at the same time met with an happy opportunity, but the small Diligence and Vigour they used in effecting the Enterprise, spoiled the Success of it. There were some Persons sent privately by the Turks to Alexander Donati Governor of Antivari, who were conducted out of the place by some Epirots, that persuaded them by the way to deliver Scutari, a Town well fortified, and the Capital of the Province. These Traitors agreed with Donati concerning the recompense of this Service, and the means of accomplishing it. The greatness of this Enterprise extremely flattering the Vanity of the Governor of Antivari, he wrote of it to the Senate, not so much for the obtaining their order and further Succours, as to make himself necessary. The Senate judging it expedient to follow this advice, sent him eight hundred Men, commanded by Annibal Emiliani of Forli, with order not to undertake any thing, without the participation of Zachari Solomoni Magistrate of Cata●o. Donati vexed that he must share the Honour of this Enterprise, obeyed with an ill will, and kept the matter no longer as a Secret; so that the Turks having notice of it, punished the Traitors with the greatest Severity, and more carefully guarded the place. The Venetians hoping to subject all Epirus, ordered James Malateste to march to Cataro with Four Thousand Foot. This place, besides the Plague with which it was afflicted, had underwent all the Calamity of War, and the Infidels thought to have surprised it by the Treason of a Sicilian Captain, who was to deliver them a Gate, the keeping of which was committed to him. Salamoni discovered this Plot, saved the Town, and caused the Sicilian to be strangled; who was afterwards hanged by one Foot, on the outside of the Walls. But the Designs on Epirus met with very unfortunate success, and proved greatly disadvantageous to the State. The Infidels becoming Masters of a Village about two hundred Paces from Kataro; Malateste wanting Experience, and not being able to smother his Resentments, thought he was bound in Honour to drive the Enemies from a Post, which was won in his Sight, and whose Neighbourhood incommodated the Town; and seeing no likelihood of attacking them that Day, he prepared himself the next morning, and being informed of the place of their Retreat, he sent one Party before him by Land, and himself went on board a Galley with a considerable number of choice Men. He made sure of a Rising Ground near the Bourg, in which they had passed over the Night, and whence they dislodged at the first news of his March. Malateste pillaged and burnt this Village, enraged that he had missed his blow. But the Infidels, who sent at the same time for Assistance in all the Neighbouring Parts depending on the Grand Signior, speedily gathered a considerable Body, charged Malateste from a higher part of the rising ground of which he had possessed himself, rolled down great Stones on his Men, and overwhelmed them in a Tempest of Darts and Arrows. This Surprise, together with the disadvantagiousness of the place, having discomfited them, Malateste used his utmost endeavours to make them keep some order, and opposing the Enemy alone with too great boldness, had his Thigh broke with the blow of a Stone, and was made Prisoner. The Turks carried him to Constantinople, where he could not obtain his Liberty, till after two years' Slavery, and then was released at the Intercession of the King of France. This Misfortune ruined the Affairs of the Venetians in Epirus, and the Turks alarmed at the danger with which Scutari had been threatened, and Revolt of some of the Neighbouring People; sent a considerable Army of Horse and Foot under the Command of Achomat, to keep this Province in its Duty. This Bassa drove the Epirots out of the Field, who had taken part with the Republic; and forced them, after several Combats, to shut themselves up in Dulcino; where Achomat besieged them with his whole Army. He battered the place several days with his Cannon; threw down the Walls, and gave divers Assaults, whence his People were continually repulsed by the vigorous resistance of the Besieged; who seconded the Situation of the place. 'Twas a Scraggy Rock surrounded by the Sea, except a space of Land, which serves for an Avenue, and which part was the most strongly fortified. Caracossa having taken thirteen Galleys, approached Dulcino, to acquaint the Inhabitants, that they were no less in danger from the Sea than the Land. This threatening so dismayed them, that they had set open their Gates to the Infidels, had not Tipoly and Soranio obliged Sciara and Martinengo, Malateste's Successors, to get into the place, with a Reinforcement of Five Hundred Men, which he had led to Cataro. Martinengo no sooner understood the ill condition of the place, but sent word to the Senate, he would leave it, if he were not succoured in three days. Perteau, who left Supoto, arrived hereupon with all the Ottoman Army; so that the Besieged having no hope of Assistance, surrendered, on condition the Citizens should only take an Oath of Fidelity to the Grand Signior, and the Garrison march out with their Arms and Baggage. But this Treaty was executed according to the usual Faith of these Barbarians: For Achomat taking it ill the place should be yielded to Perteau, and not to him, who first besieged it; when he was entered, fell to Plundering it. Perteau, who was no more exact to his Word, laid all the Soldiers in Chains, excepting Martinengo, Venieri, Podestat of the Town, and some Officers, whom he permitted to depart, having first taken away their Arms and Equipage. Dolcino being taken and sacked, the Barbarian's Fleet went to cast Anchor over against Antivari; a City built on a rising ground, in the midst of a Plain within Three Miles of the Sea, sufficiently fortified by its natural Situation, as well as Walls. The Valour and good Disposition of the Inhabitants would have defended the place better than its Garrison. But Emiliani and Donai, who were to sustain the Siege, were so much at variance, that they made use of their Authority to deliver it to the Conqueror; the Effects of whose Perfidiousness was sufficiently felt by the People and Garrison. The Soldiers were put to the Chain, and as many Citizens as were found retiring with their Goods (according to the Articles of the Treaty) were taken and sold for Slaves. Perteau caused the Archbishop of the place to be cruelly murdered, a Person, whose Singular Piety cannot be sufficiently commended: He permitted the two Traitors to retire where they pleased. But they banished, and secured themselves by a Voluntary Exi●e from the Punishment due to so infamous an Action. The Bassa left a moderate Garrison in the place at his departure, and razed the Castle of Pisani down to the Ground. He dealt in like manner with the Town of Budua, which its Inhabitants had deserted; and afterwards returned to his former post, to retake Cataro. He had sent an Epirot, taken Prisoner at Dulcino, whom he used as his Kinsman (being both of of the same Country) to exhort the Governor to Surrender. He was enjoined to assure him, that in case he yielded to his desires, the Garrison should march out with their Baggage, and the Inhabitants enjoy an entire freedom from all Impositions; but if they designed to hold out a Siege, they should certainly be put to the Sword. Barbaro, for thus was this Epirot Prisoner called, having offered his Proposals in the hearing of the Citizens and Soldiers, Salomoni answered in the name of the Town, That the Republic having committed to him the keeping of it, he would rather perish together with all the Inhabitants, than fail in his duty. In the mean time Perteau advanced up the Gulf of Cataro, thinking the Misfortune of Antivari and Dulcino would dishearten the Catarians, and make them comply with his Offers. But being informed of their Generous Answer, he imagined Barbaro had ill acquitted himself of his charge, and therefore caused him to be laid in Irons. The Fleet continued their Course, and cast Anchor under Castelnovo, to deliberate maturely on this important Enterprise. The Garrison of this last mentioned place passionately desired the taking of Cataro, confidently affirming the Siege could not be either long or difficult. But Perteau, who mistrusted the Success, wisely considered he might set himself more back in Selim's favour, by a disappointment in his Design, than he could advance himself in the accomplishing it; and therefore declared, his chief business was to find out the Christian Fleet, and engage 'em: and as to the Siege, it must be deferred till the next Spring. Whilst the Turks remained in this Road, Louchali and Caracossa with part of the Galleys, went to insult over the Venetian Islands. But Cursolari, which lay most exposed to danger, was preserved by an Adventure worth admiring. Antony Balbo its Governor, more faint hearted and timorous than a Woman, fled the same Night the News came of the arrival of the Turkish Fleet, and was followed immediately by the Men Inhabitants. Their Wives being left alone in the Town, shut the Gates, and by the Counsel of a Priest, called Antonio Roscono (who had endeavoured to retain the Governor and Citizens) they put on the clothes, and took the Arms of their Husbands, mounted the Walls, and thus stood in the posture of People, resolutely determined on a Courageous Defence. This Stratagem was seconded by a Singular Accident; for one of these Women seeing the Enemy's Galleys drawing near the Walls, boldly put fire to one of these Cannons, pointed by chance directly against the Fleet. The Shot was so fortunate, that it struck down one of the Masts of their Galleys; and the Infidels supposing the Garrison were very bold and numerous, retired without landing a man. The Senate was so pleased with this Action, that when after the War, the Inhabitants of Cursolari, pressed by Scarcity, had recourse to their Liberality; 'Twas answered, They had not so well served their Country nor the State, to deserve such a Favour, and must present themselves in their Wife's Names, to whom they were indebted for their Safety. The Turks advanced as far as the Isle of Lesina, where they landed, and Pillaged the Country; forced the Town and burned it; the Old People of it were murdered, with all others that were not capable of Service, and the rest made Slaves. These Pirates rejoined Perteau, who no sooner had set Sail, but he received orders from the Sultan to besiege Cataro. But he returned answer to his Highness, That this Expedition must necessarily be put off to a more commodious Season, and steered his Course thereupon to Corfou. Where he landed in Person with Eight Thousand Foot and Four Hundred Horse taken out of Epirus, and charging the Christians, who rashly opposed his descent, he beat them, and made them retire into the Town. He afterwards made himself Master of the Suburbs, which he burned, as if he intended a formal Siege. But the Cannon from the Castle, which killed him several People, forced him to retire. He caused the Fields to be wasted, the Trees to be cut down, and returned to his Vessels without any advantage from so great a Devastation. This Bassa being too well instructed of the ill Condition of the Venetian Fleet, tarried thirteeen days longer before Corfou, without undertaking any thing further, in expectation of News from Constantinople, with as great assurance, as if he had rode in the Turkish Ports; which was no small Grief to the Christians, considering how easy this Barbarian might have been attacked and routed, had their Fleets been out with the same Diligence, and good Agreement. The Venetians Celebrated with great Joy, the Conclusion of the League, in the presence of the Foreign Ministers. But if this Union increased the Courage and Hopes of the Venetians, the main difficulty lay in raising of Money, to carry on these great Preparations. After several Assemblies of the Senate, the Result of their Debates was divided, touching the manner of exacting Contributions from the associated Cities. Some were for levying a tenth part on all the Fruits of the Country. Others, That every one should pay proportionably to the quantity of Acres he held; which last advice was followed. As soon as this Tax was published, the People were so greatly set against it, that all Concourses, Fairs and Markets rung with Complaints. One Town exhorted another not to suffer so grievous an Imposition, which would soon be followed by others more intolerable. 'Twas every day spread about in all places, that new ways were devised to impoverish the associated Cities; That these Impositions had no Precedent; That whatsoever the Earth produced was laden with Tribute; That no Commodities were free; That Seamen were pressed from the associated Towns, contrary to their Rights and Privileges; That so great a number of them were raised, that the Fields lay waste, and such as remained within, were overburdened with Taxes; That endeavours were used to render them uncapable of ever raising themselves from these Miseries, whilst the Chief Magistrates lived in Luxury and Wantonness on what they had unjustly taken from their poor Families; maintaining in this manner their Rapine and Avarice, under a Pretence of a War, wherein only Venice was interested; That before the last drop of Blood was drawn out of their Veins, the Senators would do well to open their Coffers; That such a grievance was not to be endured, but openly and universally protested against, by which means the Senate would be forced on more moderate Counsels. Some of those who were most notorious for these Complaints, were punished for their Insolency; but 'twas not judged fitting to pass further, till the Deputy of each Town were heard. The Senate seeing the City filled with these Deputies, ordered them to make their Remonstrances apart. Their Harangues were all different, some affirmed an inability to contribute in any sort to new Impositions, having much ado to acquit themselves of the old. Others requested some Diminution; but all in general rejected the Decree. The Magistrates were strangely surprised at so precise and general a Refusal. 'Twas impossible to make War without Money; and sufficient Supplies could not be had without extraordinary Levies, and it highly concerned the Senate's Authority not to revoke a Decree of that Nature. This Affair having been long agitated, 'twas thought necessary to incline to moderation, to prevent any Sedition; and the discontented Towns putting themselves under the Protection of some Neighbouring Prince. The Senate having then annulled their Decree; all the Deputies were ordered to be in the Palace; where they were told, That the Decree they complained of was made by mere necessity, the Senate being very sensible of its Rigour and Severity; That they had voluntarily revoked it, being satisfied with their Zeal and Fidelity; That this Condescension should oblige them to assist the Republic, according to their utmost Power; That the State expected no less an acknowledgement for the fifty years' Peace which she had procured them; That 'twas fitting those amongst them, whose Countries lay nearest the Sea Coasts, should contribute most, as being in greatest danger; That 'twas absolutely necessary to provide for a great Army, or resolve on yielding to the Infidels, and perhaps become Slaves and Tributaries. That Venice, wherein resides the Sovereign Authority, would contribute first; the Magistrates freely submitting themselves to the Execution of their own Laws; That if they considered the weight of the Burden they had to bear, they must also consider the Enemy they had to deal with, who without any Provocation on their parts, forced them against their Wills on these defensive Preparations. This Discourse so appeased the Deputies Minds, that they consented to a levy of Poll-Mony, amounting to more than three hundred Thousand Crowns a Year whilst the War should last. This Talk being over, Venice was vexed with another trouble worse than the former. There were every day Reports spread of the Progress of the Barbarians in the Mediterranean Islands, That having Pillaged Candia, Zant, and Cephalonia, they would exercise the same Barbarity in other places, and come with a formidable Army to attack the chief City. Although her Situation secured her from a Surprisal, yet the slowness of the Spaniards, which hindered also the other Confederates, obliged them to stand on their Guard. They feared lest the Populacy, affrighted at the sight of the Infidels, and struck with some panic terror, should forsake their usual Traffic, and leave the Town in disorder and Confusion. The Magistrates to prevent so great a Mischief, resolved to fortify themselves on the side of the Sea: for Venice is so Situated amongst small Isles, and separated from the Continent by the Waters flowing in the Mediterranean, that there's no going on Shoar to her but in small Barks, whose prodigious number fills the Channels, which pass through the midst of the greatest Streets. Great Vessels can come near her only in one place, and neither dare they enter without the guidance of some Skilful Pilot of the Country, the continual agitation of the Waves making this Passage uncertain and difficult. Two well built Castles form and defend the Entrance of the Port, which is shut up by a great Iron Chain, fastened from one Fort to the other. There came Three Galleys from Pola well Armed, which road at Anchor before the Port, and three great Vessels over against a place called Malamocque, in as good a Condition as the Galleasses. The Continent was fortified with Trenches, Forts, and Walls, which Works were defended by several great Pieces of Cannon, drawn from the Magazines of the Arsenal; wherein were placed ten Thousand Foot, raised in the Cities, obliged to furnish them with Militia, with what Horse they could get besides. Julius Savorniani, in whose Ability the Senate put much confidence, was sent for from Zara to take care of this Work, and named General of this little Army. Vincient Morosini who was chosen Providitor, had Co-adjutors, Lewis Grimani, Alexander Buono, Andrew Bernardi, Laurence Sorancto, Mark Justinian, and Francis Michaeli. The Venetian's Application to this new Work, made their Strength mistrusted, and in effect it might be said, considering these Precautions, That the Infidels were already Masters of the whole State, and that now they had only their Capital City left to preserve. The restlessness of the Venetians was increased by the News of the taking of Famagusta; and the Republic having from thence forward no other Support than her Sea Forces, all her hopes lay in the Decision of a Combat. This News being found false and without grounds, the City began to re-assure herself. But this Report proved ominous, and presaged the Misery which soon after happened. Zany had ordered Peter Troni the last Summer to load four Vessels at Candia with Provisions and Soldiers, and carry them to Famagusta. Troni died in the mean time, and Mark Antony Quirini was put in his place. Who fruitlessly spending the time, till the end of the year in the Port of Candia, there was another Officer chosen for the Conduct of this Enterprise, called also Quirini, and Surnamed Stenta, who took as many Galleys, as he thought requisite for this Expedition. He set Sail on the Thirteenth of January, and came within sight of Famagusta after ten days setting out. The Enemy had left six Galleys near enough the place to defend the Entrance of the Port from the Christian Vessels. Quirini, who had twelve very well equipt, sent before the Vessels which were laden with Ammunition and Provisions to draw the Infidels out to fight, and endeavoured in following them to conceal his course. The Turks no sooner saw them, but they made out after them with full Sayl. But the twelve Venetian Galleys, which appeared immediately made them get to Land, where they dis-imbarked their Cannon, and retrenched themselves on the Shoar. Quirini, who pursued them, sunk two of their Galleys, the four others escaping by means of the Night, whilst Quirini was endeavouring to put his Succours into the Town. He went the next morning in search of them, and fell on one of those great Vessels which the Turks call Mahones, which set out from a part of Cilicia, carrying clothes for the Ottoman Army, and three hundred Janissaries, who did not surrender till after a bloody Fight. Quirini moreover took a French Vessel, which the Turks constrained to part from Alexandria to carry Ammunition to Cyprus. The Governor of Damas' was in this Vessel with two hundred Soldiers. He got out in a small Boat to the Turkish Fleet; and his Men were put to the Chain. Quirini entering Famagusta with such glorious Spoils, assured the Garrison of a more considerable assistance than that which he then brought them, and thus returned to Candia as happily as he set forth. Mustapha transported, during the Winter, fresh Troops into the Isle of Cyprus, to fill up the places of the Dead and Wounded. And the Pillage of Nicosia, the Noise of which was carried far and near, on purpose to stir up the Rapinous Humour of these Barbarians, had brought over above Sixty Thousand Volunteers, in hopes of Sacking Famagusta, which was held for the Store-House of all the Neighbouring Ports, and imagined to be full of Riches. Mustapha renewed afresh at the beginning of March his Preparations of this Siege. Bragadin and Baglioni, who defended the place, laboured without ceasing at the restablishing of their Ramparts, as soon as the the Enemy retired into Winter Quarters, and employed this Season in fitting and preparing all things for a vigorous Defence. But they chiefly applied themselves to persuade the Garrison to hold out to the last, and die like Faithful Subjects and true Christians. The good Correspondency between these Commanders, and Obedience of the Soldiers (two things necessary in a dangerous Conjuncture) had saved Famagusta, if the baseness of those, whose duty was to succour it, had not abused and deceived the hopes of the Besieged. Mustapha drew near the place immediately after the taking of Nicosia, and told his People, when he had considered the Situation and Fortifications of it, that this Siege was far less difficult and dangerous than that he came now from finishing. But mentioned nothing what he thought of the Commanders and Garrison, whose Capacity and Courage he more feared, than their Walls and Ditches. He sent three thousand Men, in his March towards Nicosia, to hinder the Communication of the two places; of which Baglioni having notice, expected them in Ambush, and charged them with that fierceness, that he scarcely suffered one of them to escape. He moreover set upon their Rear Guard, when they retired into their Quarters, of which more than five Hundred Men lay dead upon the place; ruin'd their Works, and carried away one part of their Baggage. These Valorous and Generous Actions, showed Mustapha that Famagusta would be better defended than Nicosia; neither did he think this Conquest certain, as long as the Venetians had one Port in the Isle; and his Preparations for the Siege of Famagusta, intimated of what importance he thought the taking of it was. The prodigious Army with which he was to attack it, seemed to encourage him: But seeing the Fatigues of the Soldiers, during the Siege, and what an abundance of Men 'twould cost him, he had endeavoured to win the Inhabitants by entreaties, and grievous threats. Sometimes he desired them to make their own Terms of Composition; otherwhiles threatened them with a Desolation, like that of Nicosia. But both his Offers and threatenings were rejected. He sent then Podocatero and John Susomini, to persuade them to surrender. They were enjoined to assure them, that he was really interessed in their Fortune; and that they ought to seek their safety in his promises and Faithfulness. But these sayings were of no Force with the Besieged. Susomini was detained by Force in the Town, because of his great Skill in Fortifications; and Podocatero overwhelmed with Sorrow, by returning with such a disagreeable Answer to the Visir, was sent back for fear of the ill usage of his Wife and Children, who were kept in the Camp as Hostages. The piteous Condition in which he appeared at Famagusta, lively affected all those who knew him in his Flourishing Condition. He was clothed in a ba●● Slaves Suit, which scarcely covered half his Body; His Head was tied about with a Dirty Linen Cloth, besmeared with Blood; his Beard full of Nastiness, his Hair hanging clotted and unkembed, and his pale and meager Visage rendered him scarce known to his Friends, who remembered the Neatness and Gallantry of his Person, and the Magnificence of his House. Mustapha finding this Endeavour vain, revenged himself on this poor Gentleman, causing his Head to be cut off in the sight of his whole Army, his Wife and Children being present, who were dragged in Irons to assist at this Spectacle; and this Barbarian thence forward had recourse only to Force and Violence. Famagusta is situated on that side which faces Syria, the Sea washing the Feet of its Walls. The Rocks that reach from a little Promontory, which is at the right hand of the Town, form a Port very sure and large. Two Shelves of Sand arise behind these Rocks, the one which joins the Citadel, and touches the Sea Shoar, serves for a Ditch, and so closes the entrance of the Port, that scarcely can the Vessels find a Passage. This Channel is defended by a Castle, built on the other side, which answers the Citadel. The Town contains about two Miles in Circuit, she is surrounded by a deep Ditch, and Stone Walls, fortified by several Towers, built after the ancient Manner, more for Show than Defence, whose Materials are easily beat down by the Cannon. The Venetians had raised some Works after the modern use, according as the time and place allowed them. The Visir having encamped his Army, began his Lines of Circumvallation, opening at the same time a Trench by forty Thousand Workmen, defended by as many in Arms. He afterwards raised his Batteries in very advantageous Places. The Besieged every day sallied out with incredible Valour, and killed great numbers of the Enemy. They stole out in small Companies, and tarried not for the orders of their Commanders to attack their Trenches. But whatsoever advantages they gained, they lost still more than the Besiegers, proportionably to their Forces. Three hundred Men, most Greeks, armed with Sword and Buckler, according to the manner of their Country, having made a Sally, were charged by the Turks in a place disadvantageous to them, where they suffered themselves to be imprudently surprised. They left Fifty of their Company dead behind them, and the rest being grievously wounded, were beaten back into the Town. Since that time the Generals forbade, on great Penalties, all Persons to go out of the Town without leave. The Batteries of the Besiegers being higher than the Walls of the City, no body could safely walk the Streets, nor abide in their Houses. But seeing their Cannon did not such execution as they expected, they set up another Battery against the Walls of the place, and made therein a considerable Breach. Yet dared they not to hazard an Assault, but advanced as far as the Counterscarp, and endeavoured to fill up the Ditch to the Top of the Breach, to ascend more easily thereon. They threw Night and Day great quantities of Earth on the Ruins of the Wall; and for fear it might be removed by the Besieged, who had already attempted it, they lined the Counterscarp with Musketeers, who continually fired on the Breach; so that the Christians not daring to appear in this place, could not hinder the descent into the Ditch. The Barbarians filled it up to the Rampart; covering it on the right and left with Babbins and Sacks of Wool till 'twas Musket Proof. They attempted an Assault by this Breach, which would have succeeded with them, had not the Besieged, who burned their Sacks and Faggots, driven them from this Post, with the loss of many of their Men. The Turks discouraged, neither by the greatness of the danger, nor yet by the Difficulties or Fatigues, retook the Ditch, and repaired again the ruined Works. They set Miners here and in many other places. The Besieged listening to them, heard the noise of them under ground, and made some Countermines. But there was one sprung on the side towards the Sea, where 'twas lest mistrusted, that with a terrible Noise overthrew a Tower, and part of a Wall, which buried many Soldiers in its Ruin. Presently after the blowing up this Mine, the Besiegers, who were in readiness, made an Assault on this Breach with great Shouts, and the place had been lost, if those who guarded that Quarter, and were unprovided, had been capable of Fear. They bore this Shock, maugre their Surprise, with an Heroic Courage and Valour: so that the Commanders getting leisure to draw Forces together, the Enemies were vigorously beaten back. Baglioni falling upon them with a handful of picked Men, tumbled them down into the Ditch. Their Officers, reproaching them for being beaten off with so small a numher, from the Breach of a place half won, made them return five times to the Assault, but were always received with the same Vigour, and in fine, forced to a disorderly Retreat, being sorely Wounded. The Besieged, to prevent such another Attack, raised up a new Wall with Forts upon the Houses which were demolished, for to make Retrenchments, in case the Enemies should gain the outworks. The Besiegers sprung a great Mine at the Gate, called d'Limisso, which blew up many Men, and effected such a Breach as might be easily ascended. The Infidels, animated by Honour, the Recompense, their Commanders promised them, and hopes of a Rich Prey, fell desperately on this Breach, rending the Air with their Shouts, and marching over the Ruins of the Wall, on the Bodies of the slain and wounded. At the same time, and with the same Vigour they attacked the other Breach, thus to divide and weaken the Christian Garrison. The Fight held for Six hours together in both these places without a moment's Respite: and if the Men that defended the place, showed this day the height of Valour, the Women also testified more than could be expected from the Weakness of their Sex; for not contented to carry Arms and Ammunition to the Soldiers, they ventured into the greatest Dangers, throwing down Stones and Scalding Water on the Turks, who were exceedingly disturbed by it. The Bishop of the City, a Dominican, was on a Bastion near the Gate of Limisso, with a Cross in his Hand, and going with a marvellous Courage in the most perilous places, animated his People by his Zeal and Example. Mustapha, vexed at the loss of so many Men, and disappointment in so many Attempts, resolved to increase his Batteries, to make wider Breaches, and thereon sounded a Retreat. Yet did he not suffer the Besieged to rest, but harast them Night and Day, that he might tyre them out with continual Labours; as soon as the Batteries were ready, they fired so fast, that the Besieged counted in one day five Thousand Bullets from their Enemy's greatest Pieces. Neither the old nor new Wall could resist this Fury, nor the Besieged repair their Ruins, being hindered by such Showers of Musket Shot. The offering at this Work, was to expose themselves to certain Death. The Christians being no longer able to defend this Bastion, dug a Mine under it, to be sprung, as soon as the Enemy should become Masters of it. The Visir caused the Town to be assaulted at the same time by all his Army in four different places; and the Venetians being tired and wounded, could hardly undergo these Attacks. Yet did they encounter the Infidels with more Courage than Strength. The Dispute at Limisso was the most obstinate, because Mustapha encouraged his Men by his own Example, and the Christians were forced to abandon this Post, Some of the Barbarians, who were mixed with them in the heat of the Fight, entered the Town; when Baglioni percieving the danger, so seasonably, set Fire to the Mine, that above Three Thousand Turks, who thought themselves sure of the place, were blown up with the Bastion into the Air. The effect of this Mine was so Violent, that it filled the Neighbouring places with Ruins and Dead Bodies. Near an hundred Christian Soldiers, amongst which were some Officers, that could not retreat time enough, unfortunately perished together with the Turks. The General dispirited at so many Repulses, began to distrust the taking of a place so bravely defended. He had already lost the third part of his Army. He feared, that the ill Success of this Siege would eclipse his Glory of taking Nicosia, and bring him into Disgrace with the Sultan. These Reflections strangely disquieting him, made him severe with his Men; He sometimes upbraided them for suffering themselves to be repulsed from the Breaches of a dismantled place, into which they might have easily entered. He otherwhiles incited them by great Promises to use their utmost endeavours for preventing the Relief expected in Famagusta, which would cause them to begin their Works anew. Having let them rest four days, he ordered his Officers with sound of Drum and Trumpet to a fresh Assault of the late Breaches. Himself at the Head of his best Troops, fell in with incredible Valour on that of Limisso, which the Ruins of the Bastion had rendered very easy to be defended. Lewis Martiningo bravely withstood this first Effort, with such Men as he could draw together; but not being able to hold out against a second Charge, more furious than the first, Baglioni, tho' slenderly accompanied, coming seasonably by the Gate, fell on the Turks, disordered them, and having killed a great many, put the rest to Flight. They were received in all other places with the same resolution, being forced to leave the Walls, and retreat into their Camp with considerable loss. Famagusta, so frequently assaulted, bore these violent Efforts, some of which held four and twenty Hours together, and the Besieged, joining Prudence with their Valour, encountered the Attempt, and broke the measures of the Barbarians. Hicronimo Magio, a Native of Anglaria, a Town in Tuscany, an excellent Engineer, was in the place, who invented certain new Mines and Fire-Works, with which he greatly endamaged the Enemy. He levelled his Cannon so exactly, that he dismounted eighteen of the Besiegers Pieces, by shooting right into their Mouths, and in an instant shattered and overthrew the Works, on which they had spent much time and labour. Baglioni, Bragadin and Tipoli having appointed the Officers of the Garrison every one his Post, continually visited them, giving all necessary orders, exhorting and encouraging the Soldiers, and combating in Person with the Enemy in the greatest Dangers. They eat and lay in the Towers of the Ramparts, not to be out of sight of their Men. The Christians, who thought it a point of Honour to keep their Posts, outbraved Death, by showing as great a Contempt of Life, as Love for Honour. They stood before the Cannon's Mouths as if their Bodies had been Walls, and his place who was carried off, was immediately supplied by another. Neither were the Inhabitants wanting in their Duty, the young People being amongst all Attacks, spared not themselves in any danger. The Ancient People, the Women and Children were serviceable to their Power. Some tended the Works, and received the Soldiers Command with a wonderful readiness. The Ancient Women led on, and encouraged by the ecclesiastics, brought Victuals and other Necessaries to the main Guards, and Posts furthest advanced. A Great Store-House was raised, into which every particular Person had put in what his House yielded; and lest Money should be wanting during the Siege, new was Coined of Brass, with the Arms of the Republic, whereon was put a Price, the value of which was to be paid in Silver as soon as the War should be ended. 'Twas judged that Famagusta might have been saved, had the Venetians sent any considerable Succours. The Valour and good Conduct of the Commanders, the Courage of the Garrison, and Firmness of the Citizens, who held out four Months against the vigorous Attempts of a numerous and formidable Army, resolved to die with Arms in their Hands, and who destroyed Sixty Thousand Barbarians, would have certainly made them raise the Siege, had the Republic seconded these brave and generous Resolutions. Hierom Ragazoni, Bishop of Famagusta, having been entreated by Bragadin and Baglioni to go and demand Succour of the Senate; slipped out in the Night through the Enemy's Sentinels, passed over into Candia, and got to Venice. He showed the Magistrates the piteous state of the Town, and spared neither Prayers nor Tears to move them to Compassion. The two Commanders had already made known this Extremity to the Republic, and that it was impossible to hold out longer, unless they were speedily supplied with new Troops and Ammunition. Bragadin overwhelmed with Despair, yet complained pathetically to see himself thus forsaken, recommending his Children to the Senate, whom he comforted in his Letters, and exhorted to be ever true to their Religion and Country according to his Example. Which Letters being read in Full Senate, set all the Kindred of Bragadin on weeping. But this afflicted Family found more Compassion than Assistance from these Magistrates. Geneure Salviati, Baglionies' Wife, whose Spirit was inflamed by the Grief to see her Husband in such danger, could not refrain from breaking out into Reproaches. She every where published, That if the Republic forsook a Person so greatly devoted to their Service in such a pressing Extremity, they must not expect hence forward that any Man will adhere to their Party. Having held this Discourse before the Chiefest of the City; she afterwards went and importuned the Senate, and forced them by her Clamours to meet and consult on a Remedy; but 'twas no where to be found. All the Troops were embarked on the Fleet, on design of a general Engagement: They knew not on whom to cast their Eyes, and no body offered himself to execute so perilous an Enterprise. Geneure, who had not only the Courage of a Man, but of a generous Soldier, importuned an order from them of conducting these Succours, alleging her Sex was not to be minded, seeing a Woman's love to her Husband would transport her beyond all Dangers. Her restlessness making her afraid of the Senate's tedious Deliberations, she sent to Perusia, where Baglioni's Family was of great Consideration, secretly to raise Men, and draw together his Friends and Dependants, being resolved in her own Person, and at her own Expense, to conduct a Succour to Famagusta, in case the Senate came not to speedy determination. In fine, to lessen her Discontent, 'twas agreed, there should be sent to Bragadin 700 Foot which were designed for the Navy, with Orders to Honorius Scotto their Colonel to convey them thither. At the same time Orders were given to make ready two Vessels, for the carrying all manner of Refreshments, the Command of which was given to Nicholas Donati. At his departure he was advised to be careful of his way, and steer towards Candia, there to learn News of the Enemy: These Succours were long in preparing, that Geneure had no less difficulty to hasten them away, than to obtain them: and for the completing her Despair, the Senate forbade her making use of this opportunity of going to her Husband. Donati was no diligenter in his Voyage, than in his setting forth: and yet the Fame of this mean Supply might have preserved Famagusta, and this relief might have arrived time enough, had he instead of going on Shoar at Crete, only coasted the Isle towards the South, to avoid meeting with the Infidels. But he unfortunately put in at Candia, that he might be more particularly instructed in his way, and confer with the orher Officers of the Venetian Fleet about it. The Providitor Caballo staying him on several pretences, made him lose the opportunity of executing so generous a design. 'Tis true, he was not the most to blame, Caballo's Avarice, and Quirini's Spleen being the principal causes of his stay. Caballo desired to make advantage of the Provisions, Donati was carrying to Famagusta; and Quirini was glad of this occasion to revenge himself of the Senate's Ingratitude, in not acknowledging the Service, he had done by his former Succouring the same place. The other Officers in vain remonstrated to him the necessity of saving a place of that Consequence, nor was it to any purpose to represent, that such gallant Men well deserved to be relieved, and this second Attempt would crown his former Action. We must (answered he furiously) make the Senate feel the want of such Men as we, learn to recompense those Citizens who serve them Faithfully in their Armies, and no longer bestow all their Favours to support the Ambitious humour of those who take their ease at home. 'Tis said, That Quirini, advanced from extreme Poverty to great Wealth, was thereby become less active, loving more to enjoy what he had gotten, than gain Reputation. But during these Disputes, he received orders from Venieri to repair immediately to Sicily, so that setting Sail, and leaving Donati disabled to conduct his Succours, the Besieged, continually pressed by Fire and Sword, tired out with numerous Inventions and Stratagems, assaulted by the Enemy's Cannon, as well by Sea as Land; their Galleys having approached the Walls to reduce them to despair, held out yet longer, resolved to defend themselves to the last, in hopes of being soon relieved. Tho the Famagustians had by four months' Siege lost the greatest part of their Garrison, there remaining but eight hundred Italians, wearied out and wounded, yet were they not discouraged, till they had spent their Powder and other Provisions. All the Stores were exhausted, and the Famine was so great, that they had several days fed on Horses, Asses, Dogs, Cats, and such like Creatures, so that Toil and Hunger had quite exhausted their Spirits. The Commanders, who never before would hearken to any Proposals of yielding, began to be touched with the Miseries of the Inhabitants. These poor People told Bragadin, That having given so many Marks of their Courage and Fidelity, in hopes of being succoured; they must think of surrendering on honourable Conditions; before the Enemy became instructed of the deplorable State, to which they were reduced; That some care must be taken to preserve the Remains of a place, whose Zeal and Faithfulness the Republic had sufficiently experienced: That a longer and more obstinate Resistan●● was not to be affected; lest they should draw on themselves a Disaster, like that of Nicosia; That they should be yet worse treated than the Nicosians, having held out longer; That he would consider how cruelly the Barbarians might use the Christians when taken Prisoners, having so often felt their Valour; and whether he could consent to the Sack of the Town, and the delivering up himself with the Wives and Children of so many gallant Citizens, who had suffered all the Extremities of War, in the Service of the State and their Country. Such pressing reasons persuaded in fine, Bragadin and Baglioni; The latter taking Heaven to Witness, that it was not he who rendered the Town, but the Senate gave up him to the Enemy. On the First of August, there was by general consent a White Flag set upon the Walls, to let the Besiegers understand they were inclinable to a Treaty. There was at the same time a Cessation of Arms, Deputies were sent, and Hostages given on both sides. Hercules Martinengo and Matthew Colcio, sent to treat with Mustapha, were received by his Son, who conducted them into the Camp in great State. The Turkish Envoys were at their entrance into the Town treated by the Governors with like Honour. After many Conferences, Famagusta was at last delivered up on these Conditions; The Inhabitants were to be suffered fully and quietly to enjoy their Estates, with Liberty of Conscience, and the free exercise of their Religion. The Garrison was to go forth with Flying Colours, Arms and Baggage. The Commanders were to take with them five Pieces of Cannon, such as they pleased out of the place; and three Horses of State taken from the Infidels. They were to be supplied with Vessels to transport them into Candia; with a Squadron of Galleys for their Convoy. Mustapha was too well informed of what passed in the Town, to be ignorant of their Extremity: but he feared, he increasing the Christians Courage should drive them to Despair, by refusing the Conditions, and was willing to spare the rest of his Army. But if he accepted the Capitulation, 'twas on design to falsify his Word, and by cruel Punnishments to avenge himself on them, for the time and Men he had lost. The next day, the better to conceal his Treachery, he kindly presented the Christians with all sorts of Refreshments. The greatest part of the Garrison and of the Baggage was already on board the Vessels to transport them, when Bragadin, coming forth of the Town, sent to request Mustapha, he would put in some of his Men, to preserve the Inhabitants from ill usage. The Desire met with a kind Reception from the Visir, who appointed when Bragadin should come to him. He went accompanied by Baglioni, Tiepoli, Lewis and Hector Martinengo, with several other Officers, and attended by near Two Hundred Musketeers. Mustapha, on pretence of doing them Honour, made the Troops about his Tent stand to their Arms. He, and the Chief of his Company were brought in, and had Seats given them with great Ceremony. The Visir at first spoke to them very kindly, enquiring concerning many particulars of the Siege, and commending their Courage and Constancy, with a Flattery the more perfidious, in that he was going to cut their Throats. As they were taking their leave, he spoke to Bragadin, to send him the Prisoners, taken during the Siege. Bragadin extremely surprised, answered him he knew not of any Prisoners to return him: and thereupon this Barbarian, who was prepared for it, putting on Astonishment, cried out furiously, That they were then murdered during the Truce, and at the same time caused all these Christians to be seized on, and put in Irons. 'Twas in vain for them to exclaim against the Breach of the Articles; They were dragged out of his Tent, and cruelly slain in his Sight. The Unfortunate Bragadin, was saved from this slaughter, to satiate the Tyrant's Rage, by undergoing the greatest Torments. Mustapha, desiring to make him suffer more than one Death, set thrice his Scimitar to his Throat; which this Illustrious Christian still undauntedly beheld. Having cut off his Nose and his Ears, they threw him with Irons on his Legs into a hole, whence the Executioners drew him on the following days, to make him carry Earth in a Basket. They made him bow down with this heavy Burden, and kiss the ground every time he passed before Mustapha, who was setting Men at work to repair the Fortifications of Famagusta. He was afterwards put on Board the Fleet, where he suffered several other Indignities. They tied him to one of the Yards of the Galley, to make the Deformity of his Visage more public. He was drawn into the Market place, and being hung up by the Heels, was flayed alive. The Cruelty of this Torment, drew not from him so much as a Sigh, or the least word that savoured of Meanness and Dejection; and this Hero surrendered his Soul to God, reproaching his Enemies with their Perfidiousness and Barbarity. His Skin seasoned with Vinegar and Salt, Mustapha caused to be stuffed with Hay, and fastened on the Top of his Cabin for a Spectacle to the Coasts of Egypt and Syria. 'Twas put into the Arsenal of Constantinople, whence the Children of this generous Martyr redeemed it, and preserved it as the most Glorious Trophy of their Family. The Fury of Mustapha being appeased by this Barbarous Execution, he gave the rest of the Garrison their Lives, but chained them to the Oar. Thus Famagusta, as valiantly defended, as 'twas obstinately attacked, followed the mournful Destiny of the unhappy Isle of Cyprus. THE CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH BOOK. THe Arrival of Don John of Austria at Genoa. Great deliberation amongst the General Officers, on the different Designs of the Confederates. Great Misunderstandings in the Christian Army, the ill Consequences of which are prevented by Colonni. Advice of Perteau, touching the Battle▪ Mutual Error of the two Enemy's Fleets. Order of Battle of both. Discourse of the Osficers to the Soldiers. Warlike Exploits of the Christian Slaves. Victory on their side. Hali killed on his own Vessel. Perteau saves himself in a small Boat. Number of the slain, of the Prisoners and Turkish Galleys taken and sunk. Famous Action of the two Brothers of the House of Cornaro. The Providitor Barbarigo killed in the Fight. Venieri and Don John's Disagreement. This Misunderstanding spoils the Fruit of the Victory. Public rejoicing at Venice. Colonni received at Rome as a Conqueror. Venieri besieges Leucada without Success. Complaints carried to the Senate of his Conduct. He is removed from his Office at the Pope's Request. James Forscarini succeeds him. Consternation in Constantinople. Disgrace of Perteau. Pius V. falls Sick. His Death and Elogium. THE HISTORY OF THE WAR of CYPRUS. The Fourth Book. WHILST the Barbarians finished the Conquest of the Isle of Cyprus, Colonni and Venieri, who expected in Sicily Don John of Austria, beheld with grief the Desolation of Dalmatia. Venieri, advancing too far with his Fleet for the taking in of Provisions at Tropia, was surprised by a Tempest, in which he lost Seven Galleys, that were dashed in pieces against the Rocks near the Shoar; and for to complete this Misfortune, the Fire took the Powder of the Galleys, commanded by Francis Griti. These Disgraces joined to the Losses, which the Venetians suffered in the last Campaign, afflicted them the more, by how much they placed all their hopes in the Naval Forces. The Pope, who grew impatient at the slowness of the Spaniards, continually dispatched Couriers to King Philip, complaining at their letting slip the best part of the Season, without drawing any advantage from all these great Preparations of War. All Europe was attentive to the motions of the Spaniards. But whether 'twas an effect of the Gravity of the Nation, or that Philip designed the Republick's Ruin; his small haste to second the Sovereign Prelate's Intentions, gave cause to mistrust his Sincerity. Although the time wherein his Fleet was to arrive in Italy was expired, and the Season already far spent, 'twas not yet well known, what was to be expected on that hand, and the Conduct of Don John gave great Suspicions to the Republic. This young Prince, whose Army was ready to part, busied himself in fitting up his Equipage, by the Magnificence of which he pretended to draw admiration from all other Countries. Besides, this pitiful reason, Maximilians two eldest Sons, whom the Empress their Mother caused to be brought up near Philip the 2d. their Uncle, waited the occasion of this Fleet, to pass over into Italy. One of these Princes fell sick, and was a good while before he recovered, so that the Galleys could not leave the Port of Barcelolona; and the Venetians murmured against this delay, so prejudicial to the Affairs of Christendom; and caused by reasons of such small moment. In fine, Pius V. sharply affirming, the interests of Religion, were betrayed, by abandoning the Confederates; the Spaniards ashamed at these Reproaches, set Sail, and arrived at Genoa, towards the end of July, by afavourable Wind; Don John landed, and dispatched at the same time Plegio, one of his Gentlemen, to give notice to the Pope of his arrival in Italy, and assure him he would, by his future diligence, make amends for the time he had lost. Yet he tarried some days at Genoa, during which Doria, who entertained him in his Palace, treated him with whatsoever the Magnificence and abundance of the Country yielded. Antony Tiepoli, who was going Ambassador into Spain, was ordered to wait on him at Genoa, to compliment him in the name of the Senate, and entreat his immediate departure, for the Relief of those unhappy People, that wanted his Assistance. He dismissed some Germane Lords, who were to go to Miland by Land; sent to Naples one part of his Fleet, under the Command of the Marquis of St. Cruse, to make ready all things there for his Reception, and some days after took the same Course. Cardinal Granvil, who lately succeeded Riberio, in the Government of the City and Kingdom of Naples, presented him with a Standart, which he had received from the Pope. Don John parted immediately afterwards, and came on the 17th. day of August to Messina. Colonni and Venieri went out to meet him with all their Galleys. They showed, to oblige him to use greater Diligence in his passage to Greece, the engagement of the Treaty of Alliance, and disadvantages of the Venetians, for want of his Assistance. Paul Odescalchi, a Prelate of a singular Virtue, was dispatched to him from his Holiness, to join his Exhortations and Entreaties to the Venetian's Remonstrances. Don John excused his stay, by laying it on the Preparations of the King of Spain's Armado; and complained of certain Discourses, stuffed with Outrages and Lies; by which 'twas endeavoured to persuade the Public, that his Catholic Majesty and he, were not willing to engage the Infidels, whatsoever occasion might offer itself of receiving, or bidding Defiance. He afterwards returned the Pope and Republic thanks for their Esteem and Confidence in him, notwithstanding his Youth and inexperience, assuring them he would be wanting in nothing, his Honour required, for the defence of their Interests. But this was a very different Strain from that which was used in the Council which was given him. It was composed of Spaniards, of Doria, Landriani Governor of Sicily, Sforza Count of St. Flora, Ascanius Corneo, and Gabriel Cerbellon. Requiescens, in whom resided the greatest Authority, during this Expedition, showed, that laying aside all Punctilios of Honour, they ought to avoid the engaging the Turkish Fleet; That the Venetian's Interests were quite different from the King of Spain's; That the Republic still dismayed with the danger she had run, and despairing of making with the Sultan any reasonable accommodation, was for playing a desperate Game, and hazarding all; whereas his Catholic Majesty, who was led neither by Necessity nor Despair, could not endanger a Fleet, whose Conservation was to be reckoned of equal value with Victory; and that Don John ought more to prise the Honour, he had of being the King of Spain's Brother, than the Command of the Confederates Army. The Italian Captains knew that Requiescens had his Master's Secret, and therefore they harkened to him with as much respect, as if he had been the King that spoke: They only answered, 'twas to be feared lest the Venetians, trusting no longer to the Assistance of their Allies, should clap up a shameful Peace, which might sharpen the Pope against Philip of Spain. Yet 'twas determined to go as far as Greece, as if 'twas designed to carry the War thither; and having amused the Venetians during the whole Summer, they should then return and lay up their Galleys in the Ports. Quirini and Canali, Providitors to the Venetian Army, brought Sixty Galleys from Candia to Messina, persuaded the Spaniards were in earnest. Doria and the rest of the Fleet being come thither likewise, the Council was called, in which 'twas resolved to sail towards the Morea, Colonni and Venieri having desired it with great Entreaties. A review was made of the three Fleets, and because the Venetians had more Vessels than they needed, and there being a want of them in the King of Spain's Fleet, Soldiers were offered in exchange on his part, which were accepted by the Venetians, so that four Thousand Italians were embarked on the Republics Galleys at the Spaniards cost for whose Maintenance and Support they laded great store of Provisions. All these things being thus prepared for a departure, the Generals, Officers and Soldiers went on board, having first devoutly received the Sacred Host, and set Sail the fourteenth day of September, by the favour of a fair Wind. They carried along with them the Vows and Benedictions of all the People of Sicily, and other Neighbouring Countries, who came down in great Concourses to Messina, to see the most numerous Navy which the Christians ever set forth; who made the Port and Coasts ring with Shouts of Joy. The Flower of the Italian Nobility was in this Fleet, several of them having signalised themselves by Valorous Actions, as Sforza Count of St. Flora, Andrew Doria, Ascaneus Corneo, Pompey Colonni, Paul Ursin and Latin his Brother, Gabriel Cerbellon, Paul Sforza, Honorius Cajetan, Vincent Vitelli, and several others of the best Families in the Kingdom of Naples, Augustin Barbarigo, Mark Quirini, Antony Canali and Paul Duodi, Noble Venetians. There were also Spaniards of a distinct merit; namely, Lewis Requiescens, Chief of the Council to Don john of Austria, Alvar●z Basano, Marquis of St. Cruse, John of Cordovia, and several other Gentlemen of Note. But those who held the first Rank by their Birth, were Francis Maria of Rovere, and Alexander Farnese; the first, Son to Duke Urbino; the second, to the Duke of Parma; and Paul Jourdan, chief of the Illustrious Family of the Ursins, and Son-in-Law to Cosmus de Medicis Great Duke of Tuscany. Pius V. sent also Michael Bonelli his Kinsman, Brother to Cardinal Alexandrinus, to serve his first Apprenticeship under such great Captains. All these Young Lords, attended by a great number of Domestics, zealous for the Honour of their Religion, had embarked themselves in the quality of Volunteers. Although Don John of Austria won the public Affections by his Youth, his Martial Air and Good Mein, yet the Generality of People could not but fear the Success of an Affair, whereon depended the Welfare of Christendom, which needed a Commander of great Courage and Experience. The Naval Army consisted of two hundred and ten Galleys, each of which carried an hundred and fifty Soldiers, armed with Muskets, Swords, and kind of Half Pikes, of twenty eight great Ships of Burden, Vessels which having only Sails, move not with that speed, as the Galleys do. These were laden with Men, with all kind of Arms, Machines' of War, and commanded by Caesar d' Avalois, a Neapolitan Gentleman. There were besides six Galleasses, which were floating Castles, carrying Guns of the greatest Size, and which Fear neither the Attacks of the Enemies, nor the violence of the Waves. This numerous Fleet, having weighed Anchor from the Port of Messina, at Sun rising, after four hours' Sail, came to the Prementory of St. John; where she r●de the remaining part of the day and the night following, to take in Fresh Water, and other Necessaries. The next Morning she used no greater diligence, the Spaniards still busying themselves in these kind Employs, and spending much time therein. Venieri, who suspected these Amusements, showed a great deal of Impatience; Don John having sent him word, he took in fresh Water, that he might not be obliged to stop any more in his course; he, in an angry manner returned him answer, That his Fleet had been stored with all things necessary fifteen days ago; That time was not to be thus consumed, seeing Autumn drew near; That 'twas a shame they had not yet undertaken any thing, against the Infidels, who were still Masters of the Seas; That he believed him too jealous of his Honour to avoid occasions of obtaining it; but he feared his Council were not led by such generous Sentiments: This Young Prince awakened by so bold an Answer, made a little more haste, and came to Corfou, after ten days Navigation; in which he often met with contrary Winds. Paul Ursin, being sent out before the Fleet, informed the Generals, that the Infidels had lately retired from before this Ifle, having done what mischief they could in it; and that departing from the Gulf of Lara, on the fourteenth of September, they had sailed to Lepanto. The Christian Fleet road three days before Corfou, to refresh themselves, and expect some Vessels, which were behind. Having provided themselves with all necessaries, and taken in more Artillery; the Council Assembled to deliberate, on what was needful to be undertaken. The Spaniards and Italians, whereof consisted Don John's Council, prepossessed with the secret Intentions of the King of Spain, were far from being in the Venetians Sentiments. Yet they did not openly declare themselves, but appearing uncertain, between both sides, they were for determining themselves, according to the exigency of Affairs, with respect to time, place, and all other Circumstances, resolving on nothing but what might be agreeable to his Catholic Majesty. They were wholly against the Confederates advancing towards Greece, alleging, this would be to expose the Army to Winds and Tempests, usual in Autumn, on those Coasts; That they might besiege Supoto, Margariti, or castle Novo, the taking of which places would be followed by the Conquest of all Epirus; That when the Sea became boisterous, each might retire, into their Ports, to return on the next Spring, more early, to make amends for this years' loss. Venieri understood well enough, that the Spaniards sought out Pretences, to let the Summer slip, and return into Sicily, towards the midst of Autumn, as if they had Religiously observed their Engagement, though they had not struck a stroke. This ancient Commander showed, to the end he might the longer retain them, that the Peasants of Candia were revolted; That the whole Isle was in a terrible Consternation, so that 'twas to be feared, lest the Mahometans should make advantage of these Intestine Orders. That 'twas their Duty to hinder the Attempts, which might be made that way; it being unreasonable, the Republic should set out every year a Fleet, without making any Profit for so great an Expense; and that he doubted not but the Barbarians Presumption would accept a Combat. Colonni, more sixth to the Interests of the Pope, than Philip the Second, penetrated into the Spanish Intentions, and was for neither of these opinions. He maintained the Sedition of Candia was appeased, so that this Country needed no Succours; That the taking of Supoto or Marguriti, was an Enterprise unworthy such an Illustrious Armado; That 'twas shameful to them, to have lain in the Ports of Sicily, whilst the Turks ravaged the Isle of Corfou, not weighing Anchor till the departure of the Ottoman Fleet: Such a piteous Conduct as this, frustrating the expectations of all Christendom, would prove as disadvantageous to them, as Honourable and Profitable to the Infidels; That they came not surely with such Preparations to behold the Republics States, filled with Murders, Rapines and Devastations; That he was, in fine, for going directly to the Enemies, to draw them to an Engagement; according to the orders he had received from the Pope, to whom the King of Spain and the Venetians had committed the Sovereign Power of this Expedition; That their Fleet wearied, and spent with Labour, and continual Courses in the last Campaign, could not hold out against the Christians, which was in its full Vigour and Prime; That some Spies, reported the Bassa's of the Sea, had detached several Galleys, imagining the Christians would not attempt any thing at the end of a Campaign; That should Fear, keep the Barbarians blocked up in their Ports, the advantage of curbing their Insolence, and encouraging the Christians, would at least redound hence. That the Tempests of Autumn were needless Terrors, and mere Chimeras, seeing there was time enough remaining, for the effectual execution of what they came out, and that in all cases, there were good Ports, and safe Retreats against the Violence of the Seas. Colonni, having thus spoke in the Council of War, advertised Don John and the Spaniards in private, not to discourage the Venetians, and thwart them in their way, lest they forced them on desperate Councils; disadvantageous to the rest of the Confederates; That the loss of Cyprus, and the Pillage of their other Islands, the Vastations of Inland Countries, and several of their Galleys, which were sunk or lost; so greatly dispirited them, that unless they were effectually assisted elsewhere, they would certainly conclude a Peace, with the conquerors, on shameful Conditions for themselves, and indeed, dishonourable to all Christendom. That 'twas true, the King of Spain hazarded more, and gained less than the Venetians in a Combat; But the King of Spain's Honour, was as much concerned, as the Venetians Safety. The Opinion which the Spaniards had, that the Ottoman Fleet would avoid meeting them, made them enter into Colonni's Sentiment. The Chief Officers were the more persuaded of this, by a Bark arriving from Zant, which brought News, that Sixty Turkish Sail had steered their Course towards Modon. The greatest part of the Officers extremely rejoiced at this News, prepared to follow them, and disposed their Men to fight, although they expected to find the Enemy in a posture of defence. The Fleet having set Sail, the first of October, were driven by a violent Wind, which obliged them to drop Anchor, and ride before Gomenize two days. Don John, and the two other Generals, made an exact view of all their Troops, in expectation of a more particular account, of the Turkish Fleet. Giles d'Andrade a Spaniard, who was sent together with Cantareni, and Malipieri, each on his Galley, to discover the number, and posture of the Enemy; reported, they had seen Sixty Sail, making towards the Levant, without knowing precisely, their Course; and that their Generals, with the rest of their Fleet, lay near the City of Lepanto; That they had received no news of the Christian Fleet; That they wanted Seamen and Soldiers, and the Officers were employed in this leisure time, in filling up vacant Places; and that 'twas thought they came to besiege the City of Zant. This Relation increased the desire which the Christians had of fight them; and Don John showed in appearance great joy at so favourable an occasion; and treated the Venetians with more Sweetness and Confidence. The Confederate Army had scarcely began to Sail, when a Dissension arose, which had like to have proved of fatal Consequence. The Venetians, had embarked on their Galleys, some Companies which Don John had given them in Sicily. An Officer, named Mutio, a Native of Cortonne, was ordered on board a Frigate of Candia, commanded by Andrew Calergio; who treated this Captain with great Insolency, and contempt. Calergio prayed him several times, to live more civilly with him; but this fair proceeding, gaining nothing on the Spirit of this brutish Person; Calergio complained of him to Venieri; acquainting him, that he could not be Master of his Frigate. Venieri sent for Mutio, to chide him; but he derided this Order, and answered, he knew no other General but Don John. The Guards of the Standart, were at the same time dispatched, to seize on his Person. These Officers, in the Republick's Navies, carry the General's Orders; and 'tis a Capital Crime, not to yield Obedience to them. Venieri had agreed with Don John, that in case the Soldiers, which were Strangers, deserved Punishment, they were to be seized on; but this Prince should judge them himself, to show the Respect, they were willing to pay to his Quality of Generalissimo, and for the greater Authority of these kind of judgements. Mutio, did not only defend himself from being seized on, by these Persons; but causing his Men to take their Arms, he charged the Guard of the Standart so furiously, that one was killed, and the rest forced to depart the Vessel, grievously wounded; using a thousand outrageous, and unmannerly expressions against Venieri. This Insolence, capable to provoke the most Peaceful, and Moderate Temper; so lively touched this Old Commander; that he caused this Rebel, to be seized with three of his Accomplices, and hanged them all four, without any further Trial, at the Yards end, of his Galley; notwithstanding the entreaties of Paul Sforza, in whose Regiment Mutio was a Captain; and without giving advice of it to Don John. This Prince, nettled at so violent and hasty execution, assembled his Council, to seek means of Revenge, for an affront, of which he was the more sensible, by his secret hatred of the Venetians. Some Spaniards, too fierce and open Enemies to Venieri, and the Republic, would have him punished in the same manner, and with this same haste, he had used in the behalf of these four Persons; affirming the outrage, could not be otherwise revenged, which he had offered the Supreme Authority; and that the death of the guilty Person, was the only Vengeance which would cost lest Blood. Don John would have willingly followed this severe Counsel, had not Colonni speedily showed him, there was more Malignity, than Prudence, in taking so cangerous a Party. This Wise Commander, having exactly informed himself about Mutio's Execution; and the manner, after which the Spaniards, pretended to draw their satisfaction; went directly to Don John, at Midnight; this Affair requiring an extreme Diligence. He found him in a furious Passion, and threatening to leave to Posterity, such a Terrible Example, that should for ever put a stop to such Irregular Attempts. Colonni entered immediately into his resentment; found Venieri's Action worthy of Punishment, and more rash and injudicious, than had been yet represented: He afterwards used all his Rhetoric and Prayers, to mitigate his choler; by showing him an Affair as this was, must not be undertaken, in the first Motions of Passion. All the World will acknowledge, says he, that Venieri deserves Death; but howsoever, it does not follow, you are obliged to dispatch him, without examining the Consequences of it. You must first fight the Venetians, if you be resolved to follow the violent Counsels, which are offered you, to the prejudice of the common Cause. The Republick's Fleet, consisting of Fifty Galleys, will defend him; without examining, whether he has right or wrong; yours being less numerous, you ought to mistrust the event of so Bloody a Contest. But supposing, you conquer them, what Comfort will you reap thereby, in reducing by this means, the Affairs of Christendom into the most deplorable Estate imaginable. Will you suffer so good Beginnings, which promise you Immortal Honour, to terminate in such a sad and miserable end? Will you renounce the Esteem of so many Princes, and the Love of their People, which will on this Action, change into Hatred and Curses? Enter a little into yourself, let your Reason exercise itself, and know that in overcoming your Passion, you will acquire as great Glory, as subduing one of the Infidels Countries. Consult not your Power, nor the greatness of the affront offered you, but consider the present State of Affairs; and be persuaded, you will be esteemed the Wisest Prince in Europe, when being able to obtain satisfaction to your just Passion, you sacrifice your resentment, to the Interests of Christendom. Don John yielded to these Reasons, on condition Venieri should never present himself before him. He hated him before this Affair happened, for so seldom making his Court to him, and not demeaning himself according to certain Punctilios of Respect, and servile Complacencies, which please the Spanish Pride. He was a true Tarpolian, that understood his business, but could not screw himself into all the cringing and flattering shapes of Courtiers; and therefore past for a rude sort of a Man. Colonni went afterwards to Barbarigo, who, although he had not the Title of General, was never the less considerable in the Venetian Army; and whom the Senate had chosen to repair by his Prudence and Gentleness, the Faults which Venieri might possibly commit. This Prudent Magistrate thanked Colonni for the Service he came now from rendering the Republic, and assembled at the same time the Council. All People were of advice, that Venieri should not be present with Don John of Austria, lest some new Action should divide the Confederates, and make them fail of the occasion of giving Battle; and that Barbarigo should supply his place, in the General's Conferences. Withal my heart, answered Venieri briskly; but I for my part too pretend, that young Man, and all of his Humour and Council, forbear coming into my sight. This Affair having been happily ended, by the address and care of Colonni, the Fleet continued its course, and ranged itself into order of Battle, for fear of surprisal; and to the end every one might quit and return to his Post according to the several occurrences without disorder and Confusion. This disposal having somewhat retarded the Fleet, she arrived not till the next morning at Cephalonia, were she cast Anchor two days in the Alexandrine Port, to learn News of the Mahometans. Venieri received Letters in arriving from Caballo, dated from Candia, which gave him advice of the surrender of Famagusta, and the Cruelty of Mustapha, who had inhumanly massacred Baglioni, with the Valiant Soldiers of the place, and barbarously put to Death Bragadin, against the right of Nations, and the public Faith. All the Soldiers, gnashing their Teeth, at the relation of this Barbarity, urgently demanded, to be led to revenge the death of these generous Christians; and interrupt the exultations, wherewith their Executioners were filled, at the surrender of so considerable a place. The Turks, having cast Anchor at Lepanto, understood that the Christians, in their departure from Corfou, came upon them with Full Sayl. They were hardly brought to believe this, as not comprehending whence this new Courage should come to them. They had so long been in possession of the Seas, without the least disturbance, and were so prejudiced in their opinion, concerning the pitiful condition of the Christian Fleet, that they could not imagine them Courageous enough, to challenge them to an Engagement. Their Generals, whom this report had strangely alarmed, immediately coming from their astonishment, sent forthwith Barks into all the Ports of this Gulf, to bring them Seamen and Soldiers. They were much perplexed what to do. Perteau was by no means for hazarding a Battle, and an advantage which they possessed without striking a Stroke: but the Grand Signior having laid on him a contrary order, and he making himself responsable, for the event of this in-excution, he was for knowing the opinion of the Chief Officers, before he declared his own. The Wisest amongst them could see no likelihood of Success, in accepting the defiances of the Christian Fleet, confident in their Strength and Bravery; yet Selim would be displeased, and enraged perhaps, at this their wary Precaution. Hali, whose Age and Temper did not suit with such a Prudent Conduct, and seconded by those who aspired after bold Attempts, complained of the Affront offered the Musulmen, by deliberating whether the Christians were to be engaged, who offered them what they ever passionately desired. We must, said he, be as mean Spirited as those People, whom we have so often beaten, both at Sea and Land, to balance a moment, in going to receive them, having been in search of them on the Coasts of Sicily, they not daring to appear. It seems, as if 'twere we, who have been chased, tho' during the whole Campaign, we have won Cities from 'em, ravaged their Fields, and sunk and taken several of their Vessels, with an Army always Victorious, and seconded by the good Fortune of our Invincible Monarch; yet we hesitate, we tremble, and would colour over our Cowardice, with a chimerical and false Prudence. And if the Enemies become Masters of the Entrance of this Gulf, we shall keep ourselves like Women, shut up in our Ports, exposed to the Scorn and Laughter of the Christians, who according to the Rules of War, will not fail to besiege some Maritime place, to draw us to a Combat. Shall we suffer the Tributary Cities to be laid Waste and taken, without succouring them? What will Europe, attentive to the event of this War, think of us? Shall we suffer (having so often defeated the Christians) it to be be reported throughout the World, That the Republic of Venice, has made us at length abandon the Mediterranean and Archipelago. God and his Holy Prophet preserve us from so great Infamy, and grant that the Sultan, who represents the Divinity on Earth, be not informed of our irresolvedness. If we be not ashamed to renounce the Advantages which we come from obtaining, let us not at least dishonour the Victories of the Ottoman Princes on the Christians, and fall into such a meanness, as may sully their Memory, as well as the Glorious Reign of Selim. Have we forgotten, that Piali lost the Command of this Fleet, for having omitted to pursue the Enemies, although he put himself in a posture to do it, and became culpable, only by the Wind's Fault? A Sovereign so jealous of the Reputation of his Arms, will blush at our Waveringness, and punish us for it, as we deserve. For, in fine, we ought only to deliberate how to spare our Soldiers Blood, and not doubt of Combating and Vanquishing our Enemies. This Discourse moved those that were of a contrary advice, and Perteau himself was drawn thereby to prefer, what seemed honourable, before what was safe and profitable. They were told, that the Christian Fleet had already gotten above the Isle of Cephalonia, they therefore sent the Corsary Caracossa, Famous for his Valour and Skill, to learn more particular, and certain news. He took a Skiff, and drew so near the christians, under the favour of a dark Night, that he could tell every Vessel: He found not their Fleet so strong, as 'twas imagined; and returned full of joy, to assure the Bassa's, that the Enemy's Forces consisted only of an hundred and ten Sayl. 'Tis true, he could discover no more, and that the rest of the Galleys and other Vessels lay at Anchor in different Roads. The Turks flattering themselves already with a Victory, immediately weighed Anchor, to cut the Christians short in their passage, whom they imagined too weak, to dare to expect them. Two Hundred Galleys, and near Sixty and Ten Frigates, and other Vessels, composed the Ottoman Fleet, therein comprehending the Sixty Sail, which were discovered making towards Modon, and which rejoined them in the Night, unknown to the Christians. The Barbarians believing there were but an hundred and ten Galleys in the Confederate Fleet, came in search of it, with great Confidence and Triumph. The Christians parted from the Port Alexandrine the same day, being the Second of October, and ordered themselves in the Gulf of Lepanto, as if the hour of Combat had been agreed upon by them and the Enemy. Yet they despaired of fight them, and expected only the advantage of daring them to it. The two Fleets, thus deceived, found themselves engaged, by a fatal necessity, to enter into Combat, notwithstanding the foresight of the Generals. The Barbarians, who had, during the Night, got a little beyond the Gulf, cast Anchor at Galengo, and ours, who advanced further, cast Anchor between Petala and the Cursolary Islands. The two Fleets quitted their Posts by break of day, the next morning, without each others knowledge; and the Christians, more minding their Preparations for a Fight, than their Course, ranged themselves in order of Battle, and divided their whole Force into four Squadrons. The Right Wing, which reached towards the Sea, consisted of Fifty Four Galleys, and was commanded by John Andrew Doria. Augustin Barbarigo was at the Head of the Left Wing, with a like number of Galleys. Don John of Austria commanded the main Body, consisting of Sixty one Vessels, having on each hand of him Colonni and Venieri. The Duke of Urbin's Son, joined the Captain Galley of the Church, being on board that of the Duke of Savoy; and Alexander Parma, that of the Venetians on the Admiral of the Republic of Genoa. Peter Justiniani, who commanded the Galleys of Maltha, and Paul Jourdan, were at the two ends of this Line. The Marquis of St. Cruse commanded a reserved body of Sixty Sail, to help those who had most need. John de Cardone preceded the whole Army, with a Squadron of eight Vessels, to make discoveries. He was ordered to be at no greater distance from the Fleet, than four hours' Sail, to send notice to the Generalissimo, as soon as ever he saw the Infidels, and immediately return and rejoin the Army. The Six Venetian Galleasses made a kind of a vanguard, on design to disconcert the Enemy, by the Fire of their Artillery, which carried very far. The Confederates Vessels were separated, for fear they should take in the Fight particular Resolutions; and 'twas decreed they should mix, that they might share the Danger and Honour, and mutually animate each other to combat well, and engage the strongest to help the weak. The same Vessels were difpersed and sent away, of which there were a prodigious number, to remove all hope from the Soldiers of saving themselves otherwise, than by defending their Galleys. Although the Vessels of Burden were well equipt and defended by good Soldiers and Artillery, yet 'twas not thought fitting they should enter into the engagement, lest they might not be able to follow the rest of the Fleet, in case the Wind changed, or they wanted it. The Two Fleets were separated by the Cursolaries, at Sun Rising, so that one could not discover the other. Ours having still continued their Course, were ap-perceived by the Infidels, who appeared also some time after in the same order of Battle, excepting their not having a reserved Body, and that their Line, by consequence being of greater extent than ours, was according to their Custom, drawn up in form of an Half Moon. Hali, as being chief Bassa of the Sea, was in the midst of the Army, on board the Admiral, directly opposite to Don John's. Perteau was on one side of him in another Galley. Louchali and Syroch, who commanded the two Wings, faced Doria and Barbarigo. They were no further distant than ten miles from one another, when Don John observing their Course, gave the sign to Fight, by setting up the Standart, sent to him at Naples from his Holiness; The Adorable Image of Jesus Christ on the Cross, curiously wrought on this Banner, was no sooner displayed, but the the whole Army saluted it with shouts of Joy. Some bethought themselves of advertising this Young Prince not to expose himself too confidently, in hopes of Victory, to the hazard of a Battle, the advantage of which could bring no profit to the King of Spain, but whose loss would lay open to the Barbarians a way into Italy. But an Advice given so late, and impertinently, was not so much as harkened to; and Don John commanded the Soldiers should be refreshed with meat, and afterwards made to take Arms, and all things else prepared for a Fight. The Officers, to whom was committed this care, had the leisure of doing this without Precipitation, and Disorder, whilst Don John, followed by Requiescens and Cardone, went in a Shallop from one Galley to another, to exhort the Soldiers to behave themselves like Christians. He judged of the brave disposition of the Navy, by the public Acclamations; and as soon as he came on board the Admiral, on design to harangue his People, he looked up to the Standart, and entreated of God with Profound Humility, to grant his Protection to the Christians, by casting Fear and Dread into the minds of the Enemies of his Holy Name. Then all the Officers gave at the same time a sign for Prayers, and the whole Army on their Knees devoutly adored the Sacred Image of Jesus Christ. 'Twas a Spectacle admirable enough, to see such a prodigious number of Soldiers armed to fight, and breathing nothing but Slaughter, to prostrate themselves in a moment; some looking towards Heaven, others having their Eyes fixed on Crucifixes, and all in the posture of Suppliants, fervently praying for the Pardon of their Sins, and for the Grace to vanquish these Barbarians. This Countenance might make some suspect, that seized with Fear and Dread, they had no other hopes but in the extrordinary assistance of Heaven; had not the Valour and Courage they showed in this Rencounter, sufficiently justified their Humility and Devotion. These Sacred Solemnities being over, the Captains represented to their Men, That they were at length, come to that happy day, in which the Christians might take Vengeance for the Outrages they had received from the Infidels; and for ever deliver themselves from the rigorous Yoke they would lay upon them; or open by a Glorious Death, the way to Paradise, and Crown themselves to all Eternity; whereas their Enemies must expect the infinite Pains of Hell, if they lost their Lives in the Fight; That God by his Mercy promised them in this World Riches, Pleasures and Honours, if they survived this perilous occasion; and Riches of a different Price, if they lost their Lives; That they ought to remember the impatient and earnest expectation, which all Europe had showed for the union of the Christian Princes; and with what Horror they detested their Misunderstandings and Divisions; That they saw themselves at present at the utmost of their wishes; That their Army was filled with the bravest and most Illustrious Youth of Christendom; That they were now in a Condition, to testify to their Countrymen, as well as the Infidels, that it has not been hitherto through the want of Courage or Prudence they have been worsted, seeing their particular Misunderstandings have been the only cause, That the Barbarians had ever made their Profit of these Divisions; and that now God by his Grace, had given the Sovereign Prelate, and the rest of the Confederates, a Spirit of Peace and Concord, who would also give them Strength and Courage against the Profaners of his Name; That the Turks puffed up with Pride at their advantages in the last Campaign, disdainfully offered a Combat, when they might end the War by keeping themselves peaceably in their Ports; That God struck them with so great Blindness, on purpose to deliver them to the just Resentments of the Christians, resolved on a strenuous Attack, confident of Victory, and animated to revenge the Death of their Brethren, on their cruel Murderers; That this numerous Fleet, wanting Soldiers and Seamen, was now falling a Prey into the hands of those, whom she thought to terrify by the multitude of their Vessels; That they were interessed to fight, not only for the sake of a Victory, but to save what they esteemed most dear and precious; That the Liberty of all Italy, was in their hands, with the Honour and Lives of their Wives and Children, and that they themselves would be taken and sold, if their Valour made not all these Disgraces fall on the Heads of their Enemies. In the mean time the two Fleets drew near to one another, and that of the Turks was driven by a favourable Wind, but which fell a little before the Fight began, as if Fortune would make all advantages equal, by preparing a great Calm, on so remarkable a day. But it blew a little afterwards in favour of the Christians, and carried the smoke of their Artillery into the Faces of the Ottoman Army; so that this Change was looked on as a kind of Miracle, and an assistance sent from Heaven. The Priests, amongst whom were some Religious Capucins, exhorted the Soldiers with Crucifixes in their Hands, assuring them the Change of the Wind was an infallible mark of protection of the God of Hosts, whose Ensigns they ought to follow with Confidence. The Soldiers animated by these Discourses, went to fight with as great Contempt of Death as hopes of Victory, (strong Motives to awaken Strength and Valour.) The Mahometans having seen our Fleet make up to them above the Cursolary Islands, were strangely astonished at it. They were immediately surprised at so bold a March. But when they perceived the prodigious number of Vessels, which they did not suspect, they felt themselves struck with a terrible Terror. Perteau, amongst the rest, began to bewail his Misfortune, and was sorry he had engaged himself in so great danger, for the humouring of young rash Heads. But 'twas no longer time to muse on any other Remedy, than the necessity of making a strenuous Resistance, or perishing. When the two Fleets drew near at the distance of a Mile, Hali fired one of his greatest Pieces, to have the Honour of beginning the Action; and Don John at the same time answered him in like manner from his Galley. The Turks ren●ing also the Air with Shouts, accompanied with the noise of Drums and Trumpets, and other Warlike Instruments, made up directly to the six Galleasses, who were advanced, and ranged two by two before the Fleet. The terrible Fire from these Floating Castles, put a stop to the course of the Infidels, and made them slacken their pace. Some of their Vessels driven out of their order by the first Discharge, quitted their Ranks, and entangled themselves with those which were to supply their places, so that both of them remained exposed to the Christians Cannon. Had this Avantguard been less distant from the Body of the Battle, and we charged the Barbarians on this first Disorder, there might have been obtained a great and speedy Victory. But the Galleys being obliged to march in a Front, advanced but slowly, and left too great a distance between them and the Galleasses. As soon as the two Armies were within Cannon Shot, both Fleets fired so fast, that the obscurity of the Air, caused by a thick Cloud, increased the Horror, which so dreadful a noise made in all parts. The Officers and Soldiers, surrounded with Darkness, confusedly mixed, and threatened with the same danger, could no longer distinguish one another. Some Turkish Galleys, who would have gotten betwixt the Galleasses, having drawn too near the Land, to attack them in the Flank, fell into a grievous disorder, so that Barbarigo, who commanded the Left Wing, first charged them, and drove them violently towards the Shoar. Siroch, who commanded the Enemies Right Wing, was penned up between a Promontory called Molesegno and the Cursolaries, and saw himself set upon by our Galleys on the side of the full Sea. But some of his Galleys having made a vigorous attempt to cut through our Right Wing, charged the Venetians with the greatest Valour imaginable. This Effort of theirs would have endangered the Christian Galleys, had not some of the Enemy's Frigates, dismayed at the first Attack, began to fly towards the Land. The two Fleets had as yet only fired their great Pieces, with which the Christians were better stored than the Turks, and whose use they knew better than they. They had amongst others, certain Pieces of a new Invention, whose surprising effect much contributed to the gaining of the Victory. These were a kind of Mortar Pieces, which falling into the Turkish Vessels, made a horrible Slaughter. The Christians, after several Broad Sides, continued the Fight with Musket Shot; the Turks answering them with Darts and Arrows. But these kind of Arms are generally laid by, as being of no great Effect. 'Tis true, a Man cannot use a Musket with that readiness; but then on the other hand, they do greater execution. Ours had sheltered themselves by thick Planks on the side of their Galleys, which served for a kind of Wall, which received the Enemy's Shot, and behind which they threw several artificial Fires. Besides they were most of them armed with Head and Back Pieces; whereas the Infidels, on the contrary, presented themselves naked. But that which contributed most to their Defeat was, Don John publishing a little before their Fight, by the advice of the two other Generals, that liberty should be given to all the Slaves, condemned for their Crimes to the Galleys, if they obtained the Victory. The Captains at the same time set them lose, giving them Arms, to deserve, by courageous Endeavours, the recompense which was now promised them. Some from the hopes of deliverance from their Slavery, others breathing Pillage, according to their natural Inclination to Theft, leapt into the Enemy's Galleys, through Swords and Darts, with a Valour, so determined, that Don John made good his Word to them. But if this Expedient was advantageous, it proved also very prejudicial, for by this means the Galleys were not in a capacity to pursue the vanquished. The Infidels, who bethought themselves of promising as much to their Slaves, did not draw thence the same advantage. Their Galleys being full of Christians, so ill handled, that they looked upon their Death as the lightest of their Miseries. But these people became as furious as Wild Beasts escaped out of their Dens, where they had been long shut up, seized on the Arms of those who had been killed at the same Instant, and on whatsoever came to their Hands; and being far more animated by Revenge, than hopes of Liberty, massacred their Patrons and Officers; so that several Turkish Galleys were lost by the Fury and Rage of these desperate People. The Fight was then very earnest on all hands, and the Vessels of the two Fleets mixed together, boarding one another without distinction, those that came next to them. Both good and bad Fortune presided in their turns in these several Rencounters. Some Galleys avoiding Boardings by their Lightness and swiftness, and Skill of their Pilots, made up to others unequal to 'em in number, but far stronger in Soldiers and Equipage. Others, who could not disengage themselves, fought with excessive Courage, and with an obstinacy without Example. One Squadron kept fight against another; a little distant, two other Vessels were singly engaged; some Galleys were hooked and chained to others by their Grappling Irons, and so pierced with Cannon Shot, that the Water rushed into them in prodigious quantities. Two Turkish Vessels pursued one Christian: Two Christians further off chased a Turkish Galley. A Confederate Vessel was surrounded by several Mahometan Friggats. Here you might see a Galley bereft of her Oars; another so shattered, that she was sinking. One yielding to the Strongest, another escaping from the Hands of those who thought themselves Masters of it. Some sought to fly, others to vanquish; and the Heroic Exploits of the Combetants had already coloured the Seas with red, and filled the Vessels with Blood and Slaughter. Don John engaged particularly Haly's Galley. Venieri and Colonni fought each of them on their side with incredible Valour: Each of the Admirals were Attended with some Galleys, which supplied 'em with Men, to fill up the places of the Dead and Wounded. Their presence increased the Courage of their Soldiers, who put forth their whole Strength to deserve their Esteem. The Turks showed at the beginning of the Engagement great Contempt of the Christians, and respected them as base spirited People, whom they had always beaten, and dared not expect them. But their Zeal for their Altars, together with the necessity of Vanquishing, rendered them so fierce and terrible, that the Barbarians were dismayed at the Fury with which they came to the Charge. The Mahometan Armies are only to be feared in the first onset; and their Vigour abates, when the first Effort is sustained. And in effect, they defended themselves as People wearied and tired out at the end of the day; and our Men, who perceived this, were the strongest, and attacked them with the more hope and vigour. The Fight continued for three hours with an equal advantage, the Victory inclining to neither side. But the Left Wing, who were first engaged, began to drive all before them; several Friggats making hastily towards the Shoar. Barbarigo, seconded by Quirini and Canali, sunk Siroch's Galley, who was killed, defending himself like a Lyon. His Death was attended with that Consternation usual at the loss of a great Officer; and the Galleys which he commanded, vigorously attacked by the Republics, fled towards the Coasts. The Turks, who advanced near the Land, for the safety of their Lives and Liberties, drew after them their whole Fleet, and were the cause of its entire Defeat. The Conduct of their Commanders was certainly much to be blamed; for those who understand Maritime Affairs, say, they should have kept out as far as they could at Sea, that their numerous Fleet might have the more room, and to make their Soldiers lose sight of Land, who had an Eye to the Shoar, as their place of Refuge. The good News of the Victory spreading itself amongst the Confederates Fleet, came to the Ears of Don John of Austria, who had been long engaged with the Turkish Admiral Haly, without losing or winning any Advantage; Yet the Infidels began to slacken their Courage; when the Joy which this News brought to Don John, was interrupted by the Jealousy he had conceived against the Venetians, who first made the Victory appear on their sides and carried away from him this Honour. This Sentiment increasing the Spaniards Valour, they fired more fiercely on the Admiral. Hali fell down dead with a Musket Shot, in encouraging his People by his example, to bear up against this vigorous Attack. The Spaniards immediately boarded his Galley, taking down his Standart, and became Masters of his Vessel. Don John at the same time made them cry Victory, to encourage the rest of his Men, and terrify the Barbarians. 'Twas no longer than a Fight, but a cruel Massacre of the Turks, who suffered their Throats to be cut without resistance. Doria and Louchali, the two Famousest Captains of their Age, set one against another, and excited by equal Emulation, had both the same Design as soon as they saw the two Fleets engaged, which was to get out to Sea, and come and charge behind, and in the Flanks. But Doria having not Vessels enough to make a Front, equal to that of the Infidels, gained the Sea with all his Galleys. Eight of the Republics Friggats, whose Captains mistrusted his sincerty, and imagined he was shifting for himself, according to the event of the day, stood still with their Oars lifted up; and five others, who knew not the occasion of this stop, stood also still, according to their example, between the Squadron of Doria and the Body of the Fleet. Louchali perceiving his measures broken by Doria's dexterous Foresight, invested these Galleys as they lay still without motion. The Venetians, though unequal in number, defended themselves with admirable Valour, and were all worsted and put to the Sword. Louchali remained Masters of their Vessels, and revenged Doria by this Advantage, from the suspicions entertained of his Conduct. He was for going afterwards to set upon the great Body of the Fleet; but he found the brave Peter Justiniani in his way, who seconded by the Knights of Malta, with two of their Galleys, had already sunk down three of the Turks, and narrowly pursued a Third. He was environed from all parts, and lost all his Men. A Turkish Officer, by whom he was happily known, having leapt into his Galley, was so generous, as to save his Life; but he was at the same time succoured, and retaken with his Galley from the Infidels; so that this Officer being become his Prisoner, begged quarter of him on his Knees, and obtained both his Liberty and Life at his Intercession. In the mean time Louchali came with the Fierceness of a Conqueror, to sustain the main brunt of the Battle. But Doria, thinking it at last, time to share in the Victory, which was already gained, abandoned his distant Post, and struck in with his whole Right Wing amongst the Barbarians, who began to turn their Backs. The Marquis of St. Cruse commanding the reserved Body, pursued them with the same vigour, as soon as the smoke would permit him to see what was to be done. Louchali, who only set himself to watch advantages, and had not fought regularly, understanding the Death of Haly, and seeing no Flag on his Galley, doubted no longer of his Defeat. He clapped on all his Sail and fled, followed by Thirty Galleys, as soon as he perceived Doria and the Marquis of St. Cruse endeavouring to come on him. The rest of his Vessels were taken or sunk. And from that time the vanquished ceased from all resistance. Some Turkish Vessels were run on Shoar; and Perteau, without being known, escaped in a small Boat through the Christian Galleys. Paul Ursin seized on his Galley by a particular Accident. He came from taking the first Vessel he had boarded, when he was obliged by a false Alarm to quit his Prize and Post, to succour Don John, whom he believed to be in great danger. But having been disabused by the Rout of the Infidels, he met with Perteau's Galley, which was endeavouring to save herself by force of Oars, cleared her Decks, and made himself Master of her. That which carried Haly's two Sons, and which kept on side the Admiral, ran against Colonni's Galley with such violence, that she made her quit her Rank; but was herself so plied with the Cannon, by two of our Friggats, from which she endeavoured to escape, that these two young Lords were taken Prisoners, with their Vessel and Equipage. Colonni set on the Turkish Admiral with as great Boldness and Courage, as if his Galley had never been damnified, and took a Brigantine, which attacked him in the Flank, all whose Soldiers he put to the Sword. Ramagsio Sequani, a Commander of the order of Malta, well experienced in the Seas, signalised himself in this occasion by as great Valour as Prudence. General Venieri, who went continually from one end of his Galley to the other, often exposed himself to eminent dangers, with his Sword and Buckler. He earnestly wished to encounter some Infidel, and make him fall under his Blows; and neither of the Generals showed in the heat of the Fight more Courage and Stout heartedness than this Old Commander. The Infidels lost thirty thousand Men in this Engagement, the Bloodiest they ever felt since the Establishment of the Ottoman Empire. Five Thousand were taken Prisoners▪ amongst whom were Haly's Two Sons. Their Father was for giving them the sight of the Flight and rout of the Allies, which he thought unquestionable; to inspire them with the same Contempt and Disdain against the Christians which he had: and make them learn Military Experience at the Christians cost; but had he never so little mistrusted his ill fortune, he would have left them in the Town of Lepanto, or permitted them to be Spectators only of the Fight at a distance on the Shoar. The Conquerors made themselves Masters of an Hundred and Thirty Turkish Galleys; Fourscore and Ten, or thereabouts were run on Ground, sunk or burnt. But the Liberty which Twenty Thousand Christian Slaves of different Nations recovered, gave as much Joy to the Confederates, as the loss of these Galleys. The Booty was no less considerable; for besides the Pillage of the Isles, the Barbarians had moreover laden themselves with that of several Merchant's Vessels, which they had taken on the Seas. The Booty was shared amongst the Soldiers, excepting the Prisoners, the Galleys, and Artillery. This was without doubt a Signal Victory, and the greatest which has been won from them on the Seas this six Ages. This Battle was fought in the same Gulf, and almost in the same place, where Caesar Augustus defeated Marc Antony and Cleopatra; and whatsoever Eulogiums Ancient Authors have made on this Victory, 'tis hard to know which of the Two was most Famous. The First carried it by the number of Vessels, the Fame and Magnificence of the Preparations, and the great Concourse of several Nations. But this surpassed in the good Condition of its Galleys, the length of its Action, and the Courage and Obstinacy of the Combatants. Marc Antony's Flight immediately put his Enemy in possession of the Victory; and Don John disputed it a long time before he could obtain it, and lost more Men, though he drew not so great Advantage by it as the Emperor, Augustus. The Christians lost eight thousand of the Stoutest Men in their Fleet. Twenty Captains of the Venetian Galleys lost their Lives, most of them being of the Ancientest Families in the Republic; amongst whom we may reckon the Three Brethren, grandchildren to Lewis Cornaro Surnamed the Sober. Louchali had attacked their Galley, and their Governor, who seized on a Skiff, to get two of them away from the Danger, could never obtain of them their Consent to forsake the Third, who could not follow them by reason of his Wounds. They died with their Arms in their hands near the place where their Brother lay expiring, and signalised at the same time their Fidelity and Tenderness. Several other considerable People were also lost, and especially on board the General's Galleys, who were most fiercely engaged, amongst whom is not to be forgotten Fabian Gratiani, a Young Gentleman of great Courage and Hopes, who was killed by a Musket shot in the Head, and fell dead at Colonni's Feet. The Author of this History supposes the Reader will give him the liberty of rendering this Testimony of Love to the memory of a Brother, who deserved a more happy destiny. But Barbarigo was alone as much regretted as all the others together. He had broke the Enemies Right Wing, and animated his Men to pursue them. But exposing himself too desperately, he was struck into the Eye with an Arrow, with which he died soon after, in the Arms of his dear Friends. He asked in dying news how the day went, and of the State of the Christian Fleet; and having understood the Barbarians were utterly defeated, he lifted up his hands to Heaven, and surrendered up his Soul in Peace, making Signs, that he died content, after so glorious an Advantage. He was worthy, without doubt, of the greatest Honour, for by his Prudent Conduct the Confederates were brought to fight the Turk; and he behaved himself in the whole Action with incredible Valour and Courage. He gave the first charge, and first routed the Enemy. But the Immortal Glory which he now enjoys, is a far greater Recompense than the Praises and Honours which could be given him on Earth. Don John of Austria, after Haly's Death, and the taking of his Galley, attended by Venieri and Colonni, and several others, who had no longer any Enemy to encounter, went on completing their Victory, wheresoever they found any still resisting. The Fight lasted from five in the Morning till the close of the Evening. The Darkness of the Night, and the Sea, which began to grow troublesome, obliged the conquerors to retire with the Captive Galleys, into the Neighbouring Ports. Such as were wounded were carefully looked after. The next Day and Night were spent in rejoicing and Thanksgiving to God. Don John forgot his Animosity, embraced Venieri with great Testimonies of Friendship, and told him in most obling terms, how much he admired the youthful Valour which he showed in so great Age. But this new Friendship lasted not long. 'Twas resolved the next morning by a general Consent, to pursue the vanquished, and not give them the leisure of coming to themselves. Don John being grown more enterprising since this great Victory, designed to leave the Sick and Wounded at Corfou, with whatsoever was cumbersome in the Fleet; to take an hundred and twenty Galleys, to equip them with the Spoils of others, and besiege the Town of Lepanto. The Consternation of the Barbarians made him believe the place would surrender as soon as it saw his Ensigns. He designed afterwards to encourage the Greeks to an Insurrection, whom the defeat of the Turks had animated to a Revolt, and expected only some small Assistance to declare themselves. This Project was well contrived, and the most advantageous the Confederates could form in this War. But Venieri's troublesome humour unhappily broke all the measures of it. 'Twas decreed that the Generals should dispatch the next morning all together Couriers to Pius V. to give him notice of the Victory obtained of the Barbarians, which his Holiness should afterwards impart to all the Christian Princes; and that John Baptista Contareni, who was going to Venice, should transport the Couriers as far as Otrante. Venieri, who was for this opinion, afterwards considered the Senate would receive so great News too late, and thought it would be well taken from him, should they have an account before the Pope. Humphrey Justiniani came to him by chance, as he rolled this design in his Head. He was a young Officer, very enterprizing, and ready to put in execution immediately whatsoever orders were committed to him Venieri no sooner saw him, but he found his desires sharpened with a new edge, and demanded of him whether his Galley was in a condition to part for Venice, and he in a humour to make this Voyage. Justiniani answered him, he was ready to receive his Commands; whereupon Venieri put his dispatches into his hands. This Officer at the same time went on board his Galley, and hoisted Sayl. Don Jobn took this Affair far more haniously than it deserved, and his spite passed so far, that he revenged himself on the common Cause, by giving over his design on the Town of Lepanto, and that of raising Commotions in the Morea, for tacking immediately about, he struck out to Sea, to arrive at Corfou. All the Fleet were not over much troubled at this change of design; for as well the general as particular Officers, and Venieri himself, were more desirous to return home, to show the Spoils taken from the Barbarians, to their Countrymen, and relate to them the part which each of them had in the Victory, than to continue the War; and this impatience made them lose all the Fruit of so Glorious an Undertaking. Yet it being shameful to remain idle in the midst of a Victory, 'twas proposed to attack, by the way, the Isle of Leucade, at present called St. Maure, after the Name of its Principal Church; and Prosper Colonni, a valiant young Captain, was ordered to go before, and view the place. Venieri secretly traversed this Project, hoping to carry the place alone, without the help of the Confederates. He sent, for this effect, orders to young Colonni, who received the Republics Pay, to dissuade Don John from this enterprise, by setting before him the difficulty of it, as well for its numerous Garrison, as the Situation and Strength of the place. There needed no more to drive off People from an Attempt, when they were foe earnestly bend to return home. As soon as the Fleet were disburdened at Corfou, the Galleys and Artillery gained from the Infidels, were divided between the Generals, each of them having a proportionable Share, according to the charge they had been at. They came afterwards to the dividing of the Prisoners; but Don John pretended every tenth Man belonged to him, on account of his quality of General: 'twas agreed to refer the Arbitrage of that Controversy to the Pope, who ordered the most considerable of them should be brought to Rome, to exchange them for Christian Slaves, and the rest equally divided between Don John and the other two Generals. This Holy Prelate was struck with Horror at the Proposition, which the Venetians made him, of cutting the Throats of these Wretches; for fear, said they, that when they be redeemed, they use the Christians with greater Barbarity. But Pius V. on the contrary secured them in convenient places of confinement, and endeavoured to win them to the Christian Religion by ways of gentleness and good usage. Colonni would not suffer Don John to part from Corfou, till he had consented Venieri should come to salu●e him. This young Prince received the old Captain with a smiling Countenance, and clapping him on the Shoulder with his hand, told him betwixt jest and earnest, he abounded mightily in his own Sense, and was too ready and active for a Man of his years. They afterwards went both of them to Messina, whence Colonni parted for Rome, and Don John to Winter at Palerma, where People came from all parts to congratulate him on the Advantages he had obtained. Justiniani charged with Packets from his General, made such good haste, that he arrived the ninth day at Venice. He saluted, according to usual custom, the Castles which defended the entrance of the Port, with all his Guns. This noise immediately drew down along the Banks of the great Channel, infinite numbers of People, inquisitive to hear some news of the Fleet. At the same time a Friggat was perceived set forth with Turkish Colours, the end of which hung into the Sea, at which sight the Inhabitants conceived great hopes, and filled the Air with Shouts of Joy. Justiniani drawing near the place of St. Marc, made signs with his hand that the Christians had won a signal Victory. He put off his long Robe, to march the more easily, and immediately landing, went straight to the Doge's Palace through this numerous Crowd. He told Moceningo, who advanced to embrace him, That the Confederates had engaged the Infidels near the Cursolaries; That the Turkish Fleet had been not only defeated, but wholly ruined, and gave him an account of the number of the Galleys they had taken and sunk. The Doge, without putting on his habit of Ceremony, went immediately to give God Thanks for this Victory in the Patriarchal Church, the news of which was soon spread over the Town. The Citizens left their Houses, the Artists shut up their Shops, and all the Town ran to the public place. The widest Streets were so crowded, that several Senators could not get room to pass to the Church. Justiniani read in the presence of the Doge and the Senate, Venieri's Letters, made them a particular relation of the Fight; and received order to give a formal account of it to the People. He spoke aloud, That the Turks were routed; That all the Vessels which the Sea had not swallowed up, were in the conquerors Possession; That there were slain Thirty Thousand Barbarians; That their Admiral Haly was killed, and his Galley taken; That Perteau escaped in a Skiff, accompanied only with a Slave; That Siroch, Caracossa, and several other considerable Officers had lost their Lives; That the two Sons of Hali, together with Mahomet Bassa of Negrepont, were taken Prisoners, with other Persons of Quality, and that the advantage obtained was above what they could either expect or wish. He afterwards exhorted them to go and give thanks to Heaven, and entreat with fervent Prayers, they may never do any thing unworthy so great a Benefit. Then the public Joy filling all parts of the City; People embraced, as they met, though unknown to each other, with Tears in their Eyes, comparing their present State with the Alarms and Fears which put them not long before on fortifying the Capital City against the Surprises of the Victorious Enemy. They could not consider without trembling, that they were lost beyond repair, had their Naval Army been routed; and the remembrance of their dangers and past sufferings, made their Joy the greater. Some of the Senators endeavoured to get through the Crowd to the Doge's Palace, others made towards the Churches, and afterwards imparted their Joy to their Wives and Children. Justiniani was surrounded with an infinite number of People, some embraced him, others took him hold by the hand, and all were for hearing from his Mouth the relation of this memorable Action. The Crowd having carried him to his House, so closely stopped up all Passages to it, that his Mother, who came from the Church, could not come near the Door, and had like to have retired with the displeasure of not seeing her Son, had not her Tears and entreaties at length obtained way. Justiniani was accompanied for several days, and followed along the Streets with the same Crowd as at the first day of his Arrival. He carried the Mobile along with him wheresoever he went, so that to see his Train, a man would think him to be the Head of some Seditious Party. Never any Noble Venetian received so much Honour from all kind of Persons in the Republic. He was of so advantageous a Stature, that he was taller by the Head than all those that surrounded him, and knew to express himself so freely, that he won the Hearts of all his Fellow Citizens by his Eloquence. After the first Transports of the public Joy, the Magistrates sent immediately expresses to their Ambassadors, especially at Rome and Madrid, to give them notice of this important News. The Senate assembled the next morning to order a day of public Thanksgiving in all Churches of the City, and especially that of St. Justin, whose Festival is kept on the Sixth of October. Gusman de Silua, the King of Spain's Ambassador, who was also a Priest, Celebrated Mass therein, from whose hand the Doge and Principal Officers of the State communicated. 'Twas ordered by a solemn Decree, that for a remembrance of this Victory, the People should cease from all kinds of Labour on that day of the year for ever, and that the Doge, accompanied by the Senate and People, should assist at a Solemn Mass, in the same Church of St. Justin. The private Joy succeeded to the public, and lasted several days. The Festivals were solemnised with Justs, Wrestle, and several other Spectacles, which the several Corporations of Artificers presented, in Emulation one of another. Only Barbarigo was bewailed in the midst of this rejoicing; and Praises and Commendations of their Valour was given to several other Venetians, who perished in the Engagement instead of Tears. Their Families did not so much as go into Mourning, for fear of lessening the public Joy by Testimonies of private Grief. The Pope, who since the departure of the Confederate Fleet, had incessantly made Vows and Prayers for the happy Success of the Christians Arms, expected every day news with an Impatiency worthy of his Zeal. The Venetian Ambassador came in fine to him, with an account of what past; of the entire defeat of the Turks, and loss of their Galleys. This good Pope, animated with a new Fervour, went directly to the Chapel to return God Thanks, and remained long fixed on his Knees like a Statue. He imparted his joy to the Cardinals, who were then all in the Vatican, telling them, that the Bounty of Heaven was greater than he could wish or hope for. He afterwards gave order to make ready, against the next morning, the great Altar in St. Peter's Church, to Celebrate there himself the Holy Mysteries, in the Presence of all those who were to assist at these Sacred Ceremonies. The whole City followed his Holynesses Devout Example; and the other Churches were filled with Offerings and Prayers. A Thousand Blessings were given to Pius V. and 'twas publicly declared, that the Christians owed their Victory to the Tears he every day shed in the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. In the mean while Colonni was ready to arrive at Rome, where the Pope was for making him a Reception agreeable to his Character, and the Service he came from rendering the Church. The Spaniards traversed this Design, showing this would be an Affront to Don John of Austria, to pay the General of the Holy See such Honours, as were only due to him alone. But the Pope deriding their Proud Oppositions, consulted no body but himself, touching the manner of receiving this Prudent Commander, to whom he had entrusted the Conduct of his Naval Forces. The Spaniards extremely offended, forbade all those of their Nation, and who were their Creatures, from going to attend Colonni, and also to stand where they might behold his passage on the day of his public Entrance. Such a disdainful proceeding increased the desire, which the Italians had of giving him an Honourable Reception. There were chosen Six Thousand Men amongst the Citizens, who were ranged under several Ensigns, and went in good order out of the Town. The Magistrates in their Robes followed on Horseback this Infantry, accompanied by the Flower of the Nobility. The Pope hereunto added three Companies of his Guard. His Major-Dome in the midst of his Officers, and several Cardinals, concluded the Cavalcade. The Captives immediately preceded Colonni, mounted on a Spanish Jennet. He road to the Capitol, according to the custom of Ancient Romans, and came back through the chief Streets of the City to the Palace of the Vatican. His Holiness received him in Constanstine's Hall, in the presence of several Cardinals. He made a Speech to his Praise, and at the same time, for a Token of his Liberality, presented him with Sixty Thousand Crowns of Gold. He gave also a Rich Abbey in the Town of Bonevent to his Son Ascanius, with a promise of a Cardinal's Hat, as soon as he should be of Age to be received into the Sacred College. Venieri finding himself alone at the Head of the Naval Army, bestowed on himself the entire Honour of the Victory. The Praises he continually received, and which he shared to no body, softened that rough Humour which he showed in his bad Fortune, and blasted the Fruit which might have been gathered from the Consternation of the Enemy. He flattered himself at first, that nothing could be hence forward too hard for him. He resolves to pursue Louchali, into his own Ports; to possess himself of the Maritime places of the Morea, and in his own Fancy seemed to threaten Constantinople. But his slowness and unresolvedness ruined these vast Projects. The Providitor, Philip Bragadin, an expert Seaman, came and joined him with fifteen Galleys the next morning, after the fight at Lepanto. He instantly entreated him to let him have fifty Sail, to go in search of the rest of the Ottoman Fleet, promising him to make great advantage from the disorder of the vanquished, without running into any Hazard. Venieri approved of his design, and commended his Zeal. But he deferred the execution of it, to have no Rival in the Honour, he so much thirsted after; and whilst the Surgeons had him in Hand for the curing of a slight hurt in his right Thigh, he would never permit any matter to be undertaken. This jealousy was very prejudicial to the Republics Affairs; for had the Victorious Navy only showed itself along the Coasts of Greece, they of the Morea, who sighed after nothing more than Liberty, would have thrown off the Infidel's Yoke; and the Christians might have drawn marvellous advantages from the Weakness and Astonishment of the Turks. Venieri applied himself chiefly to the design of possessing himself of Leucade; at the persuasion of some ignorant Officers, who represented to him, That the place would be easily taken. He had hindered Don John from besieging it, that he might conquer it alone. But James Sorancio, who succeeded Barbarigo, was not at all of his opinion. He asked him, whether he seriously considered the difficulty of this Enterprise; and whether he pretended, with the Republics single Forces, to possess himself of a place, which all the Confederates Navy, though animated by their late Victory, could not master. He added, that supposing no urgenter occasions, they ought not, in so doubtful a matter, to hazard the Honour they came now from obtaining; That they ought to attack places further distant; That they might besiege Leucade when they pleased; and that the Neighbourhood of the Isle of Corfou would always furnish them with the means of doing it; That they ought to make a better use of so favourable a Conjuncture, by sailing towards Lepanto, to fire the Vessels which had saved themselves in this Port, destitute in a manner of both Soldiers and Seamen; That afterwards they might advance towards the Morea, where the Greeks being retained only by Fear, would no sooner see their Ensigns, but would range themselves under them, and take up Arms against the Mahometans; That afterwards they might steer their course along the Hellespont, and if they could not force their passage by the Dardanelloes, they might at least alarm Constantinople; that their greatest advantage in this War lay in showing the World, That the Grand Signior, having no more Sea Forces, kept himself shut up in his Seraglio, whilst the Venetian Fleet threatened the Capital City of his Empire; That having made themselves thus Masters of the Sea, they might ravage all the Coasts thereabouts, and carry away whatsoever was to be transported to Constantinople, from Alexandria, and other Ports of Egypt, for the reparation of the Turkish Fleet; That they might burn the Materials laid up on the Seacoasts for the building of the new Galleys; That they might waste the Isles, and carry off Slaves for their own Galleys, and by this means, at the same time deprive the Infidels of the means of repairing the loss of their Seamen or Slaves; and that this was the only way to end the War, for to incapacitate the Enemy to set out a new Fleet the next Spring. Sorancio's reasons were approved by the most part of those that were of the Council of War; but Venieri's Heart was too much set upon the enterprise of Leucade, to change his mind in that matter. There were embarked then two Thousand, and three Hundred Greeks, with an Hundred and Fifty Epirot Horse, on eight and forty Galleys, for this rash enterprise. The Isle of Leucade is situated between Cephalonia and the Province of Caramania, being separated only by a small Channel, over which there is built a Bridge to succour it, in case of need, more commodiously from the Land. The Turks who thought the Venetians fully satisfied with their Victory, and being disarmed at Corfou, did not expect they would undertake any thing at the end of a Campaign; and although they had caused to come several Troops of both Horse and Foot for the defence of the Isle of Leucade, yet they redoubled the Garrison of the place, at the first news of the Venetians designs, who having made a descent, would needs raise up a Battery of six Pieces of Cannon; but the Infidels falling with great fury from all parts upon them, Venieri was the first that despaired of effecting what he came for. He took Fifty Horse to view the place; but the Turks sallied out in greater numbers, and so vigorously encountered him, that he left several of his Men dead behind him; the rest flying towards their Galleys in Confusion: Venieri himself had like to have been taken Prisoner. This danger made him open his Eyes, and quit this Siege. As soon as he had re-imbarkt his Cannon, he sent Sorancio, with six and thirty Galleys, to winter in Candia, and in his own passage to Corfou he lost a Friggat by the way; and thus this Famous Fight produced no other Fruit but the re-taking of Supoto, and the Castle of Margariti; whence the Turks fled, as soon as Paul Jordan appeared near the Walls at the Head of Four Thousand Men. He razed it to the ground. Several Captains of the Venetian Galleys publicly complained of Venieri's Conduct, and accused him of obscuring the Brightness of the late Victory by his slowness and imprudence. The People of Venice have no part in the Government of the State; and the Sovereign Authority resides wholly in the Body of the Nobility. This Body is divided into two considerable Factions (a division which often happens in great Cities) but their hatred and resentment do only show themselves in the pursuit of the great Officers in the State. Each Party forms its Plots and Cabals to exclude one another. But 'tis forbid by Law to carry on these Intrigues with any kind of open show, under Penalty of being treated as Disturbers of the public Peace. There are reckoned at Venice above twenty ancient Noble Families, distinguished by the Rank their Ancestors have held, who respect the other Gentry with Contempt, and as Persons newly raised to what they are. These last hate as much the others, as they disesteem them, and their number being the greatest, they often times sufficiently revenge themselves on the others Pride; and their mutual Enmities are the more violent, by being forced to keep them locked up in their Breasts. Venieri was of a good Family, but opposite to the Faction of the Ancient Ones. James Sorancio, one of the Providitors of the Naval Army, was nobly born, and a Person very ambitious, who enjoyed a great Estate, and lived with greater Splendour than is usual with People of quality at Venice. He was of opinion, that if Venieri was called home, he should ●e put in his place; and in this regard, wrote in cruel terms against him. He set him forth in his Letters to the Senate, as a Man, whose good Fortune had made him insolent. He accused him for his sluggishness in the enjoyment of a Victory in which he had no share, it being rather the Work of Heaven than that of Men, and spoiled all the Fruit of it by his softness and indifferency. He affirmed that Venieri had not engaged at all with the Infidels, but to make amends, was ready to fall foul on the Confederates; That his unseasonable severity had like to have ruined the Republic; and that had not Barbarigo opposed his violent humour, the Mahometans had not been defeated; That 'twas well for him and the Republic, that his Avarice had not put him on extending too far his Authority; That Don John had forbade his coming into his presence; and that it was impossible to fight advantageously under the command of a Leader so greatly enraged against the Republick's General; That instead of dexterously gaining the favour of a young Prince, environed with a Spanish Council, he had drawn his hatred by his Obstinacy, the effects of which could not be too soon remedied. These things were at first only discoursed of amongst some of the ancient Nobility; but they were soon after spread about the whole Town. Bernard Tipoly ventured to propose the calling home of Venieri, under pretence of easing him of the Fatigues and Cares of his Office in favour of his great Age, by which means the Republic might prevent the Affront of recalling him at the pursuit of the Pope and King of Spain. The Senate was the more enraged at this proposition, that Tipoly's Brother sent lately Ambassador to Rome, a Person indeed of great Merit, and much esteemed at Venice, was a little suspected to aim at the Generalship, or at least the employ of Providitor, if Sorancio, who was older than he, filled the first place; so that they both acted in consort against Venieri, although with different Motives. The Friends of this last exclaimed against so terrible a process, and complained that they made use of Calumnies and Impostures to oppress an Officer, whose Services deserved another Recompense. The Senator Soriani having met Tipoli, began to ask him, whether he could show more malice and ill will, if Venieri, defeated by the Infidels, had been convicted of engaging the Turks unadvisedly. The Republic will not punish a Citizen for keeping up the Honour of his Character against the Encroachments of a young rash Prince; and you do not well to conceal (says he) the secret Envy you bear his Virtues, under the false shows of a great Zeal for the public good. The Senate was angry at Tipoly's Remonstrances, which showed with what Craft and Malignity he endeavoured to uphold the interest of his Faction, and his Brother's Pretensions. 'Tis certain he had well enough devined what would happen in the Sequel. For Don John declared a while after, he would quit the Command of the Fleet, if Venieri was not displaced. The Spanish Minister's gave the Pope to understand that this Old Commander was of an insupportable Humour; and Colonni, who was for making himself agreeable to Don John, confirmed what the Spaniards had said against him. Pius V. who applied himself continually to remove such Obstacles which might hinder the common good, wrote to the Senate to appoint another Commander. He granted that Don John, as well as Venieri, were to blame; but he was for complying in some measure with the extreme aversion this Prince had for this Old Officer; and that the Republic being more interessed in this War, should be the more willing to abate some of her Rights; That the Division of the Commanders would ruin the progress of their Arms; and that they ought before all things to remember the vexatious Misunderstandings of the last Campaign, which sprang only from light occasions. These Remonstrances lively touched the Senate, who were otherwise interessed than Venieri, in this Affair. 'Twas a shame to expel a Magistrate from the chief employ in the Republic, to satisfy the passion of a Stranger. After several Deliberations, during which, much was said against the Pride of Don John, they were forced to buckle, and yield to the desires of Pius V. But they had no regard in their choice of a new Officer, either to Sorancio or Tipoli; and as a Punishment to them both, for their Ambitious Pretensions, there was a General chosen out of the opposite Faction; who was James Foscarini, a Person of a bold and enterprizing Spirit, but had never went through the Offices, which successively carry a Noble Venetian to the general Command of the Naval Army. Venieri was left in Dalmatia, with orders to watch over the Countries of the Adriatic Gulf; and to lessen his Disgrace, the Senate confirmed to him the Title of Providitor General, and enjoined Foscarini to obey him when they should meet together. This Person lived long, as it were, forgotten by Fortune, but she raised him at last in his Old Age, when he began neither to hope or mistrust her Favours. He had conserved much Health with all the Fire of his Youth, by a long habit of Labour and Abstinence. He spent his first years without any employ, and betook himself to the Bar, where he pleaded for Money with more Diligence and Honesty, than Knowledge and Eloquence; although it be a thing very rare for a Noble Venetian to meddle with this Profession, unless forced to it by the bad condition of his Affairs. He quitted the Employ of Advocate, to betake himsef to public Offices, as soon as he saw himself encouraged to enter therein, and executed them with more Integrity than Fame. His inclination for Arms made him pass amongst his Fellow Citizens for an excellent Captain, although he understood nothing in Warlike Affairs. His brisk and fiery Temper engaged him in many Quarrels, as well on his own, as his Friends account, whence he always came off with advantage. His natural Fierceness, which his Age could not moderate, was not abated either by the Power or Honour of the Employs, he obtained in his Elder Years. He sought for the Command of the Troops, designed for the Succour of the Isle of Cyprus, though his Age might justly have excused him; and 'twas this Earnestness procured him the general Command of the Fleet, when Zany received order to come and give account at Venice of his ill administration. Venieri, besides the Esteem his Family was already in, had gained himself so great Honour by this Victory of Lepanto, that, after Moceningoes Death, he was, by consent of all the Electors, on the very first day of their meeting, nominated Doge. This Magistrate is respected in Venice, as a Sovereign in his Dominions; but his Power is limited, and depends on that of the Seignory. The Infidels commonly disguise the State of their Affairs by spreading abroad Reports, which either increase their Advantages, or diminish their Losses. But they could not at this time hinder the true News of their Defeat, from being universally known at Constantinople. The Inhabitants were struck with as great a Consternation, as if the Christians were entering their Gates. And (the like of which was never seen before) the Seraglio was no less alarmed than the Town, by the Lamentations and Tears of one of Selim's Sisters, who bewailed the loss of her Husband, and the Captivity of her two Sons. 'Twas for several days feared, that the Victorious Fleet would come with Full Sail, and attack the Imperial Seat: wherefore the Grand Visier, to prevent Surprise and Insults, augmented the Garrison of the Dardanels. The People were so disturbed, that, to keep them within bounds, they were fain to issue out very severe Orders. Selim was then at Adrianople, busied about the Mosque and Kervansarai. He returned thence with speed, at the first News of the Tumults in the City, for fear it should be yielded to the Conquerors. The ignorant Multitude were so terrified, that the greatest part of them gave the choicest of their Goods to be kept by the Christians, whom yet they treated with the highest Contempt, and as kt 'em, whether they might at least be permitted the free exercise of their Religion in paying Tribute. The Grand Signiors Arrival calmed these Storms, and kept the People in their duty by the sole Fear of Punishment. Thus was Venice revenged of the Alarms given her by the Menaces of an Insolent Conqueror; and the Fright at Constantinople was so much the greater, in that the Infidels thought themselves secure of the Victory. This Turn is a great Example of the Inconstancy of Humane Affairs, and how little Confidence ought to be placed in Fortune's Favours, which become so much the bitterer, the less we expect to see ourselves deprived of them. The Grand Signior removed Perteau from his Employ, confiscated his Estate, and with difficulty leaving him his Life, banished him from Constantinople. He thought by this Chastisement to cast the shame of his Defeat on one of his General's ill Conduct, and so to save his Army's Credit. Louchali, who was escaped with about Thirty Galleys, and some Christian Vessels, he had taken in the beginning of the Fight, was Honoured for this little Advantage, and returned Triumphantly to Constantinople. The Grand Signior highly extolled his Valour, presented him with a Magnificent Vest, and made him Bassa of the Sea in the room of the unfortunate Haly. The Pope Passionately desired the Return of this Renegado to the Christian Religion, and would have proposed to him by some able Mediators, not only the Pardon of his Apostasy, but also the giving him a Town in Sovereignty, within the Realm of Naples, which was his Native Country, on condition he would deliver up the Fleet to Don John. Cardinal Alexandrini had in his Holynesses Name much pressed the King of Spain to that purpose. Philip the Second approved this Design, admired the Zeal of Pius the Fifth, and promised to second it to the utmost of his Ability; but he did not exactly keep his Word; and the Pope's Death, happening a little after, was highly prejudicial to the Affairs of Christendom. The Musulmans, having a little recovered their Spirits, drew Troops out of the inland places, to strengthen their Garrisons on the Sea Coasts, fearing, that the Christians, become Masters of the Archipelago, might make use of this Advantage. But the Spies, they had sent to learn News, brought them Word, that Don John, satisfied with gaining a Battle, was gone to disarm in Sicily; That the Venetians, incapable to make the best of their good Fortune, only amused themselves about taking half-ruined Castles in Epirus; and that Venieri, having ill succeeded in an Enterprise, was gone to Winter at Corfou. The Ministers of the Divan, re-assured by this Report, set close to the repairing of their Fleet, seeing this to be the only means to preserve the Glory of the Ottoman Name, and secure their Coasts. It was besides of extreme importance to them, to let all Europe see, that the Grand Signior was powerful enough, not only to repair its Ruins, but also to put to Sea the next Spring a much more formidable Fleet. Louchali, engaged by his own Employ to support his Master's Glory, with his utmost Endeavours advanced the Preparatives of this Design. He sent for Four and Twenty Galleys, left to secure the Isle of Cyprus, which had not been in the Fight at Lepanto; he diligently drew together all those, that had escaped from the conquerors, and provided them of new Furniture. He made use of the old Hulls of Vessels, found in the Harbours or Ports. The Bassa's had Order to build the greatest number they could, in all places of their Governments, appointed for such Works: so that Louchali surprised the Divan by the speed, with which he made ready Two Hundred Galleys. This Effort made Selim conceive a great Opinion of his Power; and with this Fleet ill equipped, the Turks pretended to revenge themselves of their last Defeat. The happy Success of the Confederates Arms could not make the Generals forget their particular Quarrels. The Report of the late Fight, already spread over all Europe, warmed Christendom, and made it with reason expect a a Series of Victories. But the Hatred and Jealousy of the Sovereigns, disappointed so great an Expectation. Though there seemed to be a great Accord and Union between the Spaniards and the Venetians, yet they loved one another less, than they hated the Infidels, and their Victory had doubled their Aversion. The Spaniards treated the Venetians with as much Contempt as Pride. They published, that the others had contributed little to the gaining of the Battle, and that the whole was in a manner due to their Troops and Galleys. The Venetians, who could not suffer these insolent Discourses, boasted their Gallant Actions, saying, that their Army both began the Fight, and determined the Victory. They moreover complained of the Spaniards Malice, who had let some of the Republics Galleys be taken, when they might easily have succoured them. Amongst others they accused Doria of Treachery, reproaching him with having placed himself at such a distance, that several Christian Friggats thinking he fled, had tumultuously followed him, with not having so much as made one Shot; with having carried away, and pillaged the Vessels, taken from the Infidels, instead of pursuing Louchali, who retreated in Disorder; and with having behaved himself on the Day of the Fight, more like a Pirate than a General. The Venetians in the beginning of the Winter sent Paul Tipoli to Rome, to assist Sorancio in the Negotiations touching the League. Requiescens was employed upon the same Affair, with the Ambassadors of the Catholic King. The Pope often discoursed him in private, gave him several Marks of his good will, and distinguished him from other Foreign Ministers, because he was Governor of Milanese. The Precedent du Ferrier, Ambassador from France to his Holiness, a sensible and punctual Man, found fault with this Preference, and complained with so much earnestness of the Affront done the King his Master, whose Ministers had always been more Honoured than the King of Spain's, that Requiescens fearing, this Contest might unseasonably cause a War between France and Spain, retired to his Government. Philips and the Republics Ambassadors had every day some new Disputes in the Presence of the Pope and Cardinals, assembled to Regulate them touching the Preparatives for the next Campaign, and agreed not upon any Articles without his Holynesses Interposition. The Venetians desired that an account might be taken of the Expense, they had been already at; pretended, that they were much more Money out, than they were obliged to by the Treaty; and demanded to be re-imburst. The Pope, all whose Cares were employed upon this Holy Expedition, feared the too exact Charge of the Venetians, and the too subtle Discharge of the Spaniards; and to hinder their Contests about the past, from prejudicing the present Affairs, forbade the examining any of them, till they had agreed, with what number of Troops, and on what part of the Mahometan Countries the War should be carried on in the Spring. As soon as they had submitted to his Holynesses Sentiment, the Venetians proposed, that Greece should be attacked by all the Confederate Land and Sea Forces. These Troops together made a Body of Fifty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Five Hundred Horse, not counting the Militia of the Fleet, consisting of Two Hundred Galleys, and an Hundred Vessels of Burden, laden with Victuals and Ammunition. The Emperor was thereupon to be furnished with the Troops, which Cardinal Commendon had promised him, to engage him in the League, and put him in condition to attack Hungary. And in case Maximilian was not sure to put himself in the Field, the Army must take the way of Macedonia, through the Provinces of Illyrium and Epirus, for to enter into the Enemy's Country. The Turks were too much weakened to resist such great Efforts; and 'twas hoped, they might be driven out of Europe; Repose restored to Italy for ever, and all Christendom secured. The Spaniards continued obstinate in their first opinion of keeping on the Defensive, endeavouring by that means to ruin the Venetian Fleet, and make advantage of the War, by carrying it on the Coasts of afric. Not daring openly to maintain this Proposition for Fear of drawing on themselves the public Hatred, and knowing, that the Emperor would keep a Neutrality, they pretended, there could not any attempt be made on the Sea Coasts, unless he attacked Hungary, a great Diversion on that side being necessary, to hinder the Turks upon the Mediterranean from sending speedy Relief to any Maritime place the Christians should assault; without which their Efforts would not only be useless, but also dangerous; That it was therefore (added they) more fit in expecting the Emperor's Declaration to keep two Hundred Galleys in good Condition, and ready to act and surprise the Enemy according to the occurrence of Affairs, and to rid themselves of the trouble of the Vessels of Equipage, whose attendance the ablest Sea-Officers had always slighted; That with an Hundred and Fifty Soldiers on each Galley, they might in a moment land Thirty Thousand Men, attack and take many strong places, before the Enemy could have time to relieve them; That they should no more expect Resolutions from Rome, where neither the Condition of Affairs, nor situation of Places was known; but that all should be left to the Prudence and Fidelity of the Generals, by making them absolute Masters of the whole Fleet. They represented farther, that in respect to the Generalissimo, the Fleet should assemble in Sicily, this Isle being moreover able abundantly to furnish all Provisions, necessary for so numerous an Army. It seemed, that it should be referred to the General's Determinations; and the Spaniards, who believed that Colonni would assert the King their Master's Interest, doubted not, but that, if the Fleet had its Randezvous in Sicily, they might soon pass over from the Morea to the Coasts of Mauritania. The Venetians formally opposing it with consent of the Cardinal's Commissaries, the Spaniards explained themselves more openly, remonstrating, that 'twas unjust to have Respect only to the Interests of the Venetians, and that the King their Master, who contributed most to the Expenses of the War, should have no part of the Profit; That all his Coasts were exposed to be plundered by the Corsairs, as if his Catholic Majesty had not any Vessels at Sea, or that it cost him nothing towards the maintaining the Confederate Fleet; That if the Ports of afric were once cleansed of these Thiefs, who had no other Retreat, Spain would, in acknowledgement of so great a Benefit, make new Efforts to assist the Holy League; That Italy was not much less exposed to the Incursions of these Pirates, than Spain; That this Enterprise was neither long nor difficult, there being no Garrison in Algiers, the best of their Ports, which would yield, as soon as the Christian Army should appear; That they would incontinently after repass into Greece, to employ the rest of the Campaign in other Conquests, which the Report of taking this important Place would already have prepared; That they would in the mean time resolve nothing on their own Head, and that they were ready to refer themselves to the Prudence of their Generals, who would know how to take their Measures on the present State of Affairs. Paul Tipoli, Ambassador of the Republic, afterwards took up the Discourse, and answered, That it was in vain to deliberate on things already decided: That the Fleets were obliged by the Treaty to meet every Year in the beginning of the Spring at Corfou, to go and attack the Enemies in Greece; That it was no longer to be talked of leaving to the General's Discretion, what had been regulated by all the Confederates, and that 'twas contrary to good Sense and Reason to change such just Measures; That they ought not to amuse themselves about making Shots out of reach at an Enemy, when they might give them Mortal Wounds: But suppose, continued he, that in clearing the Coasts of Africa from Pirates, you restore Repose to Spain and Italy by entirely securing the Maritime Places; What Benefit will you get by it, if you give the Infidel's time to put forth a new Fleet to Sea, and see yourselves once again exposed to the Perils, from which you were but just now miraculously delivered? You will then no longer have to deal with the pitiful Boats of Thiefs, whose Surprises to avoid is sufficient; but you will see the Coast of Sicily and Italy covered with the Enemy's Vessels, under the Shelter of which the Corsairs will in less time be re-settled in afric, than you will have been in driving them thence. When the whole Body is assaulted by some great Distemper, we neglect curing the remoter Parts, and apply Remedies to the places where the Malady is more dangerous and pressing. What will the taking of Algiers, with the Defeat of the Corsairs, signify to the Reputation of our Arms, and the decisive Point of the War, which is the Question, if we must necessarily attack the Enemy in the Heart of his Dominions. For in fine, whether we ravage Greece, or hinder the Re-establishment of the Ottoman Fleet, we shall make ourselves, without fight, Masters of afric; whereas at present we cannot invade it without abundance of danger and Expense. We shall have to do with such, as have from their Infancy been bred up to War, and that will defend themselves like Madmen and Desperadoes; nor shall we find there, as in Greece, People exasperated by the Rigour of their Government, and wholly ready to declare for us: But if we must not expect any Success, unless the Emperor enter into the League, as the Spanish Ministers aver; will he approve of turning War on the Coast of Mauritania, when we should, by attacking the Enemy in the Archipelago, divide the Ottoman Forces, which without this Diversion, will all fall upon him in Hungary? This Prince is undoubtedly too clear-sighted to sign the Treaty of Union, as soon as he shall judge, by the Attempt upon afric, that the Spaniards abandon the public Interest, to mind only that of the King their Master. Tipoli, in fine, concluded upon the forming two Armies, one by Sea, and the other by Land, of all the Confederate Troops, and vigorously pressing the Enemies, before they were recovered of their Consternation. These Disputes took them up two Months without coming to any Agreement: but the Parties referring themselves to the Pope, he in this manner regulated all these Differences. He ordered, that the Fleets should repair to Corfou about the latter end of March, with all sorts of Ammunition and Equipage; That the Venetians should add Three Galleasses to Six others, which were already in their Navy; and that Greece should be invaded on the side, which the Commanders should think fittest; that the Holy See and the King of Spain should send the same number of Vessels, as in the last Camapign; That there should be embarked only Two and Thirty Thousand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse; That there should stay at Otranto Twelve Thousand new-raised Men, ready to pass over upon the first Order from the Generals; That there should be Thirty Pieces of Canon with Powder and Ball, enough for each Piece to make a Thousand Shot; That there should be Twenty Thousand Muskets, Thirty Thousand Swords, Fifteen Thousand Partisans, Two Thousand Lances, and Five Hundred Iron Coats, with all sorts of Utensils and Instruments necessary for such an Army. The Pope did not only solicit the Emperor to join with the Princes of the League; he sent also at the same time two Prelates, Antonio Salviati and Paulo Odescalchi, to the Princes of Italy, inviting them to contribute every one according to his Ability towards the defraying so Holy an Enterprise: They all promised to second his Holynesses Zeal. Gulielmo de Conzaga, Duke of Mantua offered Two Hundred Horse and a Thousand Foot; the Duke of Parma engaged to send as many; and the Duke of Urbino (whose Power was much inferior to that of those two Princes) promised only a Regiment of Horse, composed of Two Hundred choice Men; the Republic of Lucca, which had not any Troops, taxed themselves at six Thousand Crowns of Gold a Year; the Genoveses answered, that they had lent the King of Spain Four Galleys for this Expedition, and that their Militia was embarked on his Catholic Majesties Fleet. Philibert Duke of Savoy, offered Two Thousand Foot, and Four Hundred Horse, but at the same time he besought the Pope to consider, that he had much more need for them for the securing of his own State, than against the Turks, being threatened by Gaspar Coligny, who had put himself at the Head of the French Protestants. The Duke of Savoy had reason to distrust so Potent and brave a Man. He had newly, without the Duke's consent, married a Gentlewoman, born his Subject, of one of the best Houses of Savoy, exceeding Rich, Lady of many great Castles, and who, for the sake of this Marriage, had renounced the Romish Religion. Cosmo de Medicis gave five Hundred Horse, and Six Thousand Foot, on condition that the Emperor, and the other Confederate Princes, should grant him the Title of Great Duke of Tuscany. Alfonsa Duke of Ferrara offered his Holiness as many Troops as he should ask ●im, without determining the Number; but the Jealousy, given him by the Elevation of Medicis, with whom he had long been disputing about Precedency and Power, and the Offers of this Redoubtable Rival, obliged him to make a Journey to the Emperor, to oppose the settling this new Title. The Pope, who feared the Duke of Ferrara would divert Maximilian from entering into the League, lost all the good opinion he had of him, and gave apparent Signs of his Indignation against this Prince. The Cares and Authority of Pius the Fifth having surmounted the greatest Difficulties, and regulated all things betwixt the Allies, the Christians might Rationally promise themselves a Glorious Success in the next Campaign; and Colonni, having given all Orders necessary for his Departure, was setting forth for his Post, when Heaven, more than ever incensed against our Crimes, chastised us for them by the Death of Pius the Fifth, which happened a few days after. He felt himself at first assaulted by Pains, of which, neither himself, nor Physicians could Divine the Cause. He had no great opinion of their Prescriptions, being persuaded, that all the secret Physic consisted in abstaining from things prejudicial to Health, and in a simple and frugal manner of living. Hence he had but one Physician, who had a long time been his Servant. These sharp and continual Pains gave the Physicians to understand, that he had a Stone in his Bladder. But he could not be brought to use the Remedies necessary for his Cure, because they too much offended his Modesty, and himself judged, that his Distemper was incurable by the Redoubling of his Pains. He would not then hear of any Affairs, but his Salvation, and applied himself, sick as he was, to continual exercise of Devotion. He undertook to visit on Foot, the Seven Churches, maugre the Prayers and Tears of his Nephews. He employed but a day and an half in this Holy Pilgrimage, though he stayed a considerable time at Prayers in every Church; but he returned so tired, that the Physicians believed, this violent excercise, joined to the cruel pains he suffered, and to the Authority he used till his death, would shorten the days of this Holy Man. He died to the great Unhappyness of all Christendom, but to his own Repose and Glory, on the first of May. He was a Personage, comparable to the first Vicars of Jesus Christ, for the Innocency and Holiness of his manners, the firmness of his Faith, the Ardour of his Zeal for Religion, and who merited no less than those, whose Memory the Church Solemnly Celebrates. He was born in the Year 1504 near the Town Alexandria, in a Village called le Bois. His Birth and Fortune were mean enough, though some Authors, to flatter him, have written, that he was descended of the Ancient and Noble Family of the Ghislieri of Bononia. He was from his Childhood educated in the order of the Dominicans, of which he took the Habit, and lived to the Age of Fifty Years in the most Religious Observation of St. Dominicks Rule. This Uniformity of Conduct gained him the esteem of a perfect Religious. 'Tis said, he never had any Office in the Order, and that he was only chosen to govern some Houses in quality of Prior, which Employs he for no other reason accepted, but he might not disobey his Superiors. Cardinal Caraffa having been named Sovereign Inquisitor, heard of his Merit. He sent him to Bergamo, to order the Process against certain Heretics. For besides his extraordinary Piety, he was very Learned in the Holy Scripture, and in Divinity, which he had a long time taught in his Order with the Title of Doctor. Cardinal Caraffa, well satisfied with his Activeness and Fidelity, which were of proof against Solicitations and Menaces, sent for him back to Rome, where his Service was very useful to him in the same Functions. This Cardinal, being after Julius the Third, and Marcellus the Second, who both reigned but a very little while, advanced to the Church's Throne under the Name of Paul the Fourth, gave the Bishopric of Nepi to Michael Ghislieri (so was he called amongst the Dominicans) and Two Years after honoured him with the Sacred Purple, though Cardinal Charles Caraffa his Holynesses' Nephew, opposed his Promotion. He afterwards made him chief of the Inquisition, giving him far greater Power than any, who had before him filled that place, and extolled his Capacity in the presence of all the Cardinals. He made himself many Enemies by Honourably asserting the Interests of Religion, but was nevertheless chosen Pope the Fifth day of January, Anno 1566. Those, who seemed the most contrary to his Election, were the first to give him their Voices. He showed so much indifference therein, that, when according to Custom, they came to ask him, whether he consented to what the Conclave had done in his behalf, he for some time doubted, whether he should accept it, and received the Tiara with as much Moderation, as he had testified little desire to obtain it. In the mean time this Man, full of Humility, without Estate, without Birth, and without Favour, supported only by his Innocency, and the uprightness of his Intentions, manifested no less Greatness of Soul, than Zeal and Devotion. At his Entrance into the Pontificat, he set about restoring the Discipline, which had been long corrupted. A Work undoubtedly Laborious, but which he Gloriously accomplished, by being himself the first in diligently observing his own Ordinances, and severely punishing the obstinate and Refractory. By proposing Recompenses only to those, who endeavoured their amendment; the Court of Rome was in so short a time purged of all the Vices which dishonoured it, that 'twas scarce credible he alone should have performed, what several of his Predecessors never durst attempt. The Respect and Veneration that was had for him, prevented his Orders, and every one amended his Manners, through the Sole Fear of displeasing him. The Corruption was grown so great in the whole Ecclesiastical State, that Wisdom and Modesty rendered Men contemptible, and nothing made them valued but Libertinism. But Pius the Fifth took such good order therein, that Virtue regained the place, whence Vice had driven her. The Banditi were become so formidable by their Assassinates and Robberies, that the Towns themselves were not safe from their Insults. This Holy Pope caused these Thiefs to be punished with so much Severity, that his Subjects enjoyed a Calm and Repose, the like of which had not yet been seen in any State of Italy. He had so little Ambition to advance his Family, that 'twas only at the Instant Request of the Sacred College, that he gave the Hat to his Nephew Michael Bonelli, his Sister's Son, who had also taken the Habit of St. Dominick, though he loved him tenderly, as being a Person of great Wit and Virtue. He took from him the Office of Treasurer of the Church, worth ten Thousand Crowns a Year, some time after he had given him it, and sold it, to Cardinal Cornaro for Four Hundred Thousand Franks, which were employed in Equipping the Fleet of the Holy See. His Nephew willingly parted with it, offering him also, whatever was left him of his Benefits, for so Holy an use as that. He entertained a young Bononian, that was his Kinsman, named Paulo Ghislieri, who had a great inclination to the Wars, and could not have failed of succeeding in it. But the Pope understanding that he had an habit of Lying, would not see him, but banished him from Rome, with Prohibition of ever returning thither, whatever Intercession the Princes and Cardinals made in his behalf. By so admirable a Conduct ●e merited the Esteem of all the Christian Princes, though no Pope of a long time had so little Condescendence for them, or more vigorously opposed all their Erterprises against the Honour or Interest of the Holy See. He rejected the Counsels of those able Politicians, who pretended to govern the Church according to the Wisdom of the World, and said, that the Vicar of JESUS CHRIST ought to be ignorant of State-tricks, and to demand of GOD alone Strength, necessary for the supporting this Burden. This sole Confidence gave him such an Authority, that he alone engaged the King of Spain, and the Venetians in the League, and gave the Form and Motion to this long and difficult Work. THE CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH BOOK. HUgh Buoncompagno chosen Pope under the Name of Gregory the Thirteenth. His Birth and Fortune. Designs of Gaspar de Coligni Admiral of France. Condition of the two Fleets. Louchali's great Ability. Unwillingness of the two Generals to Fight. Each of them slips an Opportunity of gaining the Victory. The Turks shut up in an Harbour. The Christians will attack them. Don John carries back the Spanish Fleet into Sicily. The Venetians Complaint against him. 'Tis referred to the Council of Ten to treat secretly a Peace. The Turks make themselves Masters of a little Place and Fort. The Republics Complaints to the Pope. Great Contests at Rome about augmenting the Navy. The Pope grants Don John the Liberty of Haly's Son. This Prince sends him back to his Mother without any Ransom. A witty Saying of the Bassa of Negrepont Prisoner at Rome. The Pope exhorts the French King to enter into the League. Reasons of the Power and Greatness of the Realm of France. Causes of its last Misfortunes. Peace and Alliance between France and Spain. Henry's lamentable Death. Jealousy between Catherine de Medicis and the Cardinal of Lorraine. Conspiracy of Amboise. Death of Francis the Second, King of Navarre declared Regent during the Minority of Charles the Ninth. Duke of Guise assassinated before Orleans. Battle of St. Denis. Anne de Momerency, Constable of France, mortally wounded. Battle of Jarnac. Prince of Conde slain after the Fight. Conduct of Admiral Coligni. Cardinal Ursin Legate in France. Conditions on which the Emperor will enter into the League. Peace concluded at Constantinople between the Grand Signior and the Venetians. Copy of the Treaty sent to Venice. All the Christian States offended at this Agreement. The King of Spain receives the News of it with a great deal of Moderation. The Pope drives from his Presence the Venetian Ambassador, who came to tell him of it. The Venetians are in danger of their Lives at Rome. The Pope's Discourse, in his Anger, to the Cardinals. His Holynesses Decree against the Venetians. Tipoli 's Address to pacify the Pope. Nicholas Ponti extraordinary Ambassador from the Republic to Rome. He reconciles the Republic with Gregory the Thirteenth. THE HISTORY OF THE WAR of CYPRUS. The Fifth Book. THE Pope's Sickness, followed by his Death, interrupted the Course of Affairs; and stayed Colonni at Rome, though all things were ready for his departure. The Castles and other Lordships he held in the Ecclesiastical State, too much interessed him in the next Election, to let him absent himself during the holding of the Conclave. But the Cardinals, sending for him to the Consistory, told him, he must not abandon the common Cause in the present Conjuncture, and obliged him to go and join the Fleet. They gave him Money out of the Church's Treasury, to pay the Troops of the Holy See; and having taken his Leave of the Sacred College, recommending to them his Interests, he went immediately to Civita Vecchia, where he found another occasion of delay. The Great Duke of Tuscany, not yet knowing how matters would go touching the Election, made a Difficulty of furnishing out the Twelve Galleys, the deceased Pope had already hired of him. Cardinal Ferdinando de Medicis, his Son, seeing the other Cardinals highly disgusted at this Refusal, cast the Blame on his Father's Officers, and undertook for the Performance of the Treaty, made with Pius the Fifth, which was no sooner satisfied, but Colonni, setting sail, took his course for Naples, thence to pass into Sicily. The Cardinals, having (during the nine days destined to that Ceremony) paid their last Duties to the departed Pope, entered into the Conclave on the 11th. of May; and the next day, notwithstanding the Powerful Competition of Cardinal Farnese, who pretended to the Pontificat, they, at the solicitation of Cardinal Altemps, chose Hugh Buoncompagno, who took the Name of Gregory the Thirteenth. He was born at Bononia, of a very mean Family: his Father, whose Fortune was no greater than his Birth, left nevertheless a great Estate, which he got by his Industry and Frugality. When Charles the Fifth received at Bononia the Imperial Crown from the Hands of Clement the Seventh, this Man, who had gotten into Trade, made so considerable an advantage of abundance of Wares, which the Concourse of Strangers, drawn thither by the Pomp of this Ceremony, had made dear, that he was in a condition to build Stately Houses in a Quarter of the Town, called The Street of Hell. He caused all his Children to be carefully brought up in Learning, and engaged his Son Hugh in the Study of the Civil Law, in which he made so great a Progress, that having taken his Degree of Doctor, he for several years taught publicly in the University of Bononia. Being above Forty years of Age when he lost his Father, he went soon after to Rome, hoping to get there both Wealth and Reputation, by following the Profession of the Bar. He there administered some public Employs with so great Probity, and such exact Justice, that he successively enjoyed almost all the Chief Offices of the Town. He passed several Years without rising to any great Height; but his good Fortune, in fine, declaring itself, he advanced much faster in his latter days, and was at the Age of Threescore and Ten mounted upon the Papal Throne. He was more indebted for his exaltation to the Esteem, he had acquired, of being an Upright Man, and a great Justiciary, than to Favor or Intrigue. He was naturally sullen, and slow of Speech: but he knew so well how to make advantage of these Defects, that his Silence was taken for a Mark of singular Prudence, and his Sullenness for an admirable Strength of Wit. Colonni, having by the way learned the Election of the new Pope, hasted back to Rome, to Congratulate his Holiness, who, having given him his Orders, sent him again to the Fleet. Don John had passed all the Winter in Feasting and Jollity; and this Young Prince, much more sensible of the Lustre, than of the Benefit of his Victory, had prepared for the Expedition in afric, not doubting, but the Spaniards might engage the Pope and the Venetians in it, by persuading them, it would not take up much time. But having received Advice, that it had been resolved at Rome to attack the Infidels in Greece, he departed with all his Fleet from Palermo, and came before Messina: He sent some Vessels of Burden to Corfou; and making a show of no small Impatience at Colonni's stay, without whom he could not go against the Enemies, he would oblige Leonardo Contareni (who was sent to him from the Republic, with order to stay there, and see the Navy set forth) to go and assure the Senate, that he would weigh Anchor, as soon as ever Colonni, whom he daily expected, should have joined him with the Pope's Fleet. Colonni being, in fine, arrived, the Venetians, under pretence of showing greater Honour to Don John, or to hasten his Departure, sent from Corfou into Sicily Five and Twenty Galleys, commanded by James Sorancio, to meet him, and represented to him, that his delay was highly prejudicial to the Good of the Common Cause, and his own Glory. Don John, one while showing an extreme Desire to second the Republics Intentions, and other while excusing himself upon some Preparatives, that were yet wanting to the Fleet. Sorancio in vain redoubled his Instances; for Don John had a secret order from the King of Spain, not to make War upon the Infidels this year, but to keep his Fleet along the Coasts of Sicily. This he had imparted to Colonni, desiring him to favour his Catholic Majesties Designs, and amuse the Venetians. Sorancio, whom a long experience had rendered very quicksighted, discovered this Mystery through all these Disguises, and gave notice to his Holiness, who complaining of it to the Spanish Ambassador; that Minister presented to him a Letter from the King his Master, in which Philip the Second represented to the Pope, that all France was in Arms. That the Admiral de Coligni, Head of the Protestants in that Kingdom, had got the chief place in the Young King's Favour; that he had procured a League Offensive and Defensive between France and England; That the Admiral solicited the Flemings to a Rovolt; and made, at his own charge, great Levies in Germany: And that his Catholic Majesty was persuaded that the Admiral abused the French Kings Weakness, and set all manner of Engines at Work, to cause Insurrections in the Neighbouring States, for no other end, than with the greater Facility to attack his: That his Holiness ought not to be displeased at the Kings calling back his Fleet for his own particular security; besides that, it concerned all Christendom, as much as himself, to oppose the aggrandizing of so Pernicious a Sect. 'Tis manifest, the Admiral had used all his Endeavours with Charles the Ninth, to induce him to declare War against Philip; having often represented in the Council, that there never could be so favourable an Opportunity, and that all things promised an advantageous Success. In the mean time the King of Spain's Letters to his Holiness put the whole Court of Rome in a rage; and the Venetians filled all Europe with Complaints and Murmurings, saying, that the Spaniards not only abandoned Christendom, but delivered it up to the Infidels; That the Discontents and Divisions of France were only Pretence, to make the Republic lose the Benefit of the Victory of Lepanto, by giving the Barbarians Leisure to set forth a new Navy. The French, that were at Rome, used the same Language. The Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Ambassador du Ferrier styled these Reports an Imposture and Calumny, publicly declaring, that the Spaniards endeavoured dexterously to cast their Perfidiousness on the French. Some believed, that Philip the Second intended by this manner of proceeding, to try the Pope's Patience, with a Design to attempt greater matters, in case he found him of an easy and Flexible Temper. But Gregory, without examining, whether the Spaniards Excuse were true or false, dispatched away two Prelates, Salviati and Ormanet, the latter into Spain, the former into France, to prevent the War, that was ready to break forth between these two Crowns. Salviati, being arrived at Paris, writ him word, that he found no appearance of Division in that Kingdom, and that the King and his Ministers laughed at the Spaniards absurd Pretences for deserting their Allies. The Pope in the mean time could not suffer so open a Violation of the League in the beginning of his Pontificat. His Predecessor had granted the King of Spain the raising of about an hundred Thousand Crowns a year on his Clergy, on condition to maintain Threescore Galleys against the Infidels, and of this his Holiness demanded the Performance. The Spanish Ministers answered him, they had no orders about it; and Address being made on his behalf to Don John, he offered Twenty Galleys, in case the Cardinal Granvelle and the Spanish Ambassador would consent to it. These two Ministers, consulting of this Affair, were of opinion, that instead of the Threescore Galleys, demanded by the Pope, there should be only Two and Twenty granted to the Venetians, on the one side, for fear of rendering them too strong, and on the other, to enable them to support and continue the War. They were delivered to Colonni, who immediately went with those of the Holy See, and some of the Republics, to join the rest of the Venetian Fleet at Corfou. The King of Spain and his Subjects were become odious to all the other Nations of Europe, for having so shamefully gone back from the League, and abandoned the Common Cause, as well as that of the Venetians. Philip, having received Advice thereof from several parts, and amongst the rest from Don John of Austria, recalled the natural Inclination, he had for his Honour, and the advancement of Religion, and sent Orders to Don John, to pass with all his Forces into Greece, and to behave himself in this War with all the Valour and Fidelity he expected from his Obedience. Don John had no sooner received this Order, but he writ to Colonni: But this Letter having been differently reported, the Original falling into the Author of this History's Hands, he thought it his Duty to set it down here in its very Words. Don John of Austria to Marco Antonia Colonni. HIs Catholic Majesty having recovered Valenciennes, and driven thence the French, who still continue Masters of Mons and Haynault; the Perplexity of his Affairs in the Low Countries not hindering him to satisfy his other Obligations, has commanded me, that leaving all things else, I should with the whole Confederate Army carry the War into the Morea. I am extremely pleased with imparting to you such Agreeable News, upon which, I am sure, you will take good Measures. I am of opinion to let the Greeks know, that we shall soon be upon their Coasts, to maintain them in their purpose of declaring for us: in the mean time attempt nothing of Consequence without me, only hinder the Isles from being plundered, and stay for me, to the end we may all together make a greater Effort. I write to the Marquis of St. Cross, and send him Word, that, in what place soever he receives my Orders, he incessantly repair with what Vessels he has to Corfou, where I shall no sooner arrive, but we will begin the War. I desire you to keep the Soldiers in Discipline, and above all things, to prevent the breaking forth of any Quarrels between the Spaniards and Italians, nothing more troubling me, than to see these two Nations at difference. I will set Sail at the first Arrival of the Vessels. Communicate this News to the Venetians, to whom I have not leisure to write. I believe, you will take my Word for the good Faith and sincere Intentions of the Catholic King. Colonni received this Letter in the way between Corfou and Cephalonia, and having read it, called a Council. The Venetians, still fearing some disappointment from the Spaniards, gave little Credit to this News, and were of opinion to keep on their way, remonstrating, that the State of Affairs imposed on them a necessity of continuing this Navigation alone, if their Allies either stopped or turned back: and in effect Don John having recommended to them the confirming the Greeks in their Intentions to revolt, and the securing the Republics Frontiers, 'twas impossible to do either the one or the other, if the Fleet returned to Corfou; wherefore Colonni, and Andrada, Commander of the Spanish Ships, were of the same Mind with the Venetians. Being then arrived at Cephalonia and Zant, they re-assured their Allies against the Fright, the Turks Fleet had given them, and sent discreet Persons to the Greeks, inhabiting the Mountains of Morea, to renew the Intelligence, and stir them up afresh to Rebellion. Steering towards Cythera, now called Cerigo, they met Leoni and Soriano, Captains of the Venetian Galleys, who were ordered to go upon Discovery. These Two Officers told them, that the Enemy was not far off, riding at Anchor under the Walls of Malvasia, which is the ancient Epidaurus of the Greeks; That their Fleet was composed of above Two Hundred Galleys, and many other Vessels; but that, though this was the greatest Navy they ever had at Sea, neither their Hulls nor Furniture was any way comparable to the Christians, and that there was great likelihood, they would not expose themselves to a Fight. The Confederates Fleet consisted of an Hundred and Forty Galleys, Six Galleasses, and one and Twenty great Vessels, fitted for War, though laden with Victuals and Ammunition. The General resolved the next day to seek out the Infidels, and draw them to a Battle: But Colonni altered this Resolution, fearing, that if the Turks continued in their Post, the Retreat of the Great Vessels might become dangerous, this sort of Ships not being very sure in Fight: for, though they are wonderful with the Wind, they become useless, and even cumbersome, during the Calm, and it would be difficult to row them back at the sight of the Enemy's Fleet: so that 'twas not thought fit to hazard a Battle, being Weaker in Galleys than the Infidels, and having need of these Vessels to cover their Wings. The next day they got towards the East part of the Isle, and the Fleet drew up in Battalia near certain Rocks called Dragonares, over against the Promontory of Malea, as if they really designed to engage the Enemy: the Galleasses were on the Right Wing, and the Ships of Burden on the Left, to the end they might come to them with the Favour of the Wind, in case it blew from the South. The Turks far exceeded the Christians in the number of their Galleys, but were much inferior to them in Mariners, Rowers, and Soldiers, since the Battle of Lepanto; so that their Shipping was not 〈◊〉 serviceable. This Weakness obliged Louchali only to show his Fleet, and carefully to avoid coming to Blows: he feared being dishonoured, and giving the Christians occasion to glory, by standing too much upon his Guard: And 'twas an Advantage great enough for him to keep the Sea, and his Enemies in Breath. He no sooner understood, that the Christian Fleet was in Battalia near the Dragonares, but he set Sail, to make a show of fearing nothing; and leaving the Promontory of Malea, he coasted the Land on the right hand of this Promontory, as if he neither disinherited the Enemy's Forces, nor the ill Condition of his own. The Wind blowing hard enough from the South, to work the Great Ships, they went with full Sail against the Enemies, who were making towards the West, believing that they Fled; and they would undoubtedly have engaged in Fight, had not the Wind fallen of a sudden. Louchali, seeing the Christians left Wing naked, turned his Prows that way; but Colonni speedily detacht the Frigates, which had already secured the Ships of Burden. The Two Fleets stood a long time facing each other within Cannon Shot, yet without making any Attack. The Christians feared being enclosed, if they left their Galleys and bigger Ships; and Louchali, who perceived this Precaution, made the greater semblance of Fierceness and Readiness to Fight. In fine, the Turks, seeing the Night approach, discharged all their Cannon, and retreated under the Shelter of the Smoke. The Christians continued in Battalia till the next day, when 〈◊〉 went to Cerigo without any Order or Discipline, on pretence of taking in Fresh Water. The Negligence of the Officers was so great, that the most part of the Galleys put in where they pleased, not only in several parts of the Isle, but even in the Ports of the Continent, without obeying any Command. But they were chastised for it by a terrible Alarm; for not knowing, what Course the Ottoman Fleet had taken, word was brought them, that they were within eight Miles, advancing towards them. They got aboard their Vessels in an hurry, smitten with all the Terror, such a Surprise could cause. Colonni at the same time sent to gather in all the dispersed Galleys, and having given the Signal of Battle, launched speedily forth into the Deep with Threescore Sail, putting the rest in Battalia as fast as they came up to the Fleet. Those that were most remote, gave little Credit to the Orders and Signals, which they unwillingly and very slowly obeyed. However, though they were throughly persuaded that Louchali would have defeated them, had he took Advantage of this Disorder; and though the neglect of Discipline be very destructive to an Army, yet was there no example made of the Offenders, Colonni and Andrada not daring to punish them, because there were some Spanish Gentlemen amongst them. The Infidels, veering towards the West, left the Christian Fleet, not yet recovered of the Fright, into which they were put by the hazard they had run; and 'twas believed, they were then going to plunder the Islands and Frontiers of the Republic, there being then nothing to hinder them. Ours, to prevent such an Affront, immediately determined to follow them. For this purpose Colonni chose out the best and swiftest of his Galleys; and taking Equipage and Soldiers out of the others, he would have sent them into Candy with the rest of the Fleet, with a Resolution to fall on the Enemies, who were beyond Zant, or else to stay there for Don John, in case he were not yet arrived, and with him to pursue the Misbelievers; or, if it should be thought more convenient, to attack some Place in Peloponesus, being then in Condition to attempt great matters. The Spanish General was of the same Opinion; but the Venetians having debated this design amongst themselves, disapproved the execution of it, though for Reasons weak enough, on which Foscarini had grounded his Sentiment. They instantly desired Colonni to change this last Resolution, and return to his former. Colonni granted them this Favour, for which Sorantio in full Council thanked him in Terms, replete with Praises. The Reasons, alleged by the Venetians, were, that having neither Galleasses, nor great Vessels, they were neither in Condition to Retreat, nor defend themselves, if they should meet with the Enemy; but in truth they feared, lest Don John and his Council, might find some new Subterfuge, to make them lose again this Campaign. The Christians, weighing Anchor in the Night, perceived by break of Day the Ottoman Fleet. Louchali, who was as well informed of their Motions, as if he had been prefent at their Debates, made all the advantage of this Knowledge that could be expected from a great Captain. Finding himself too weak to hazard a Battle, he aimed only to keep them in continual Alarm, coasting always near them, and presenting himself sometimes in their Front, sometimes in the Rear, incessantly watching to lay hold of any Advantages, that might be given him by the General's want of Experience or Disunion, by the Disobedience of the Inferior Officers, or by the Accidents of Wind and Sea. He road before the Promontory of Toenarus, commonly called Metapan; and the Christians not daring with their heavy Vessels to keep the Channel, the Barbarian made towards them on the Coast: Our Fleet drew in Battalia in the same order, that is, with the Galleys between the Galleasses and great Ships, the Infidels also ranking themselves as at first. In the mean time the two Fleets descried afar off a Vessel coming with full Sail: 'twas a Venetian Ship, having aboard it a considerable quantity of Money for payment of the Soldiers, and laden besides with Powder and other Ammunition for Candy. This Vessel mistaking the Infidels for the Christians, made directly to them, and some of their Galleys were already advanced to invest it. Ours, perceiving its Error, sent Quirini with the Five swiftest Galleys of their Fleet, to prevent the Enemies, and secure this Vessel. Quirini, having boarded her, took out the Money, and received Germanico and Mario Savorniani, two Noble Venetians, that had taken this opportunity of coming to the Fleet. The Ship securely took her way for Candy; and Quirini returned, Louchali not daring to make to him, for fear of being forced to accept a Battle. In the mean time the Fleets by little and little approached each other, the Infidels extending their Front to a great Length. Ours where fain to do the like, lest the Enemy might fall upon their Flank or Rear; their heavy Vessels being always on the Wings, according to their first order. The Left Wing of the Turks, trusting to their Swifness and Lightness, and contemning the sluggishness of the Christians heavy Vessels, advanced a little too forward on our Right. The Galleasses and Ships gave them so warm a Reception, that they were glad to retreat in Disorder. Sorancio, who commanded this Wing, animated hereby; made a sign to the other Galleys to fall upon these Fugitives, and himself with incredible swiftness pursued them. Angelo Soriano so vigorously followed them, that falling into their Squadron, he in such a manner attacked one of their Vessels, as he was like to make himself Master of her The Christians had undoubtedly gained this day a signal Victory, had their whole Right Wing charged at the same time as the Barbarians began to fly; but except five Vessels which followed Sorantio, not one seconded his Bravery. Colonni, transported by the Ardour and Alacrity of the Soldiers, who already set forth shouts of Victory, advanced with the body of his Fleet, not considering he left the two Wings behind him. Foscarini, who was in the Head, cried out loud enough to be heard by every one, That we ought to give them Battle; That the Infidels were in Disorder; and that Heaven declared in Favour of the Common Cause; but if the Enemy's Disorder drew Colonni after them, the Reflection, which followed this first Motion, cast him into a strange Perplexity. He knew not, whether he should go on, or return to his first Post; nor was he less disturbed by the hope of Victory, than by the fear of being defeated. He remembered, how displeasing the Honours, he received at Rome, at his return from the last Campaign, were to Don John of Austria, and what ill Offices the Spaniards had done him with the King their Master; so that having no longer the same Protection, he had under the precedent Pontificat, he was ruined with Philip the Second, though he should have gained the Victory; Don John having forbidden him to make any Attempt without him. These were the true reasons which hindered Colonni from attacking the Enemies, though he alleged for his excuse, that their Retreat was but a Stratagem to divide the Christian Fleet, by drawing after them the Galleys alone, which would have been defeated without the help of the greater Vessels. In the mean time Sorantio, complaining that he had been abandoned by his, had regained his Post, seeing the Infidels recovered, and making a semblance to charge him. Louchali wondered not at the routing of his Left Wing, and their being pursued by ours; he threatened his People with Death, if they returned not to the Fight, and ordered the Officers to re-settle this Disorder, during a little Relaxation, which the Christians gave them, foreseeing, that he should himself be engaged by the Fugitives, if the Christians knew how to make use of their Advantage; he bethought himself of a Stratagem, which demonstrated him to have the Genius of an able Seaman; he caused his Admiral Ship to be insensibly towed backward, though still facing the Christian Fleet, which was already at no small distance from the greater Vessels. Canale, who commanded the Left Wing, of which many Ships were but in a bad Condition, could not make so much haste as the rest of the Fleet; and the Enemies, on the contrary, recovered of their Fright, sailed in good order. 'Twas now the Christians turn to be in very great Consternation, and smitten with a sudden Terror, which presaged some Disgrace, they kept silence, as if they were on the point of being defeated. Many of the Galleys left their first Rank, for to fight only in the Rear, where the Danger would not be so great, so that the Front was become very thin. Colonni, to remedy this Disorder, took a Skiff, and passing round the Fleet, employed his Authority, joined with Reasons and Requests, to make these Galleys return to their first Station: he told their Officers, that they had to do only with the same Enemies, of whom they had killed above Thirty Thousand Men in the last Battle, and taken almost an equal number of Prisoners, though they were then commanded by excellent Generals, their Army being also complete, and full of Confidence and Pride; That they were now Headed by a pitiful Slave, fit only to lead Thiefs to a Robbery; That his Fleet was Tumultuously Assembled, and his Soldiers but Novices; That they need only to return to their Post, and the Infidels would be necessitated to fly, to avoid being a second time discomfited. Colonni endeavoured by these Discourses to re-assure those that were most alarmed, and recall their Courages. But the Distrust Louchali had of his Forces, hindered his benefiting by this Consternation; and seeking no other advantage, but not to be beaten, he gave Canale leisure to get up with the great Vessels to the Fleet, whose Arrival made the Christians take Heart again. Thus these Two Generals, as expert as they were, committed each of them a Fault, which they could never repair. The Two Fleets, having a long time menaced each other within the reach of Cannon Shot, retired about Sunset with mutual Reproaches. The Infidels, who went first away, recovered Metapan, and the Christian Fleet returned to Cerigo. Sorancio publicly complained against the Officers of the Right Wing, whose Disobedience, he pretended, had plucked the Victory out of his Hands, and demanded, they might be prosecuted. Foscarini at his Request informed against them; but the Friends and Credit of the Accused stopped these Prosecutions. This Impunity encouraged the Soldiers Insolence, and the Generals rendered themselves culpable by their Neglect of Discipline, without which there is no Assurance of any Success in War, as the Republic but too often experimented in this. The Christians, by the Favour of a seasonable Wind, sailed from Cerigo to Zant. Colonni, thinking to meet Don John there, and go afterwards against the Enemies, found only the Marquis of St. Cross arrived, whom this Prince had sent with Orders to the Fleet, to come and attend him there. They were well pleased with their having prevented this Command, and flattering themselves, that they should soon seehim, sent back the same Marquis to beseech him to hasten his Departure. Colonni had in the mean time, some days before, sent away a Spanish Officer, named Pedro Pardo, to inform himself of the Place, where the Enemies were, of the number of their Vessels, of their Strength, and ●o go and give Don John an Account of what he should have learned, and give him a particular Relation of all that had passed between the two Fleets. Pardo having in his Course heard near a certain Isle, a great Noise of Cannon, which lasted a long time, doubted not, but the Fleets were engaged. Being persuaded that ours was much much Weaker than the Ottoman, and that Discipline was not well observed in it, he so strongly fancied our being defeated, that having affirmed it to Bazano, whom he first met with, he made the same Report to Don John of Austria, who was then at Corfou. This Prince immediately prepared to gather up the Remains of the Christian Fleet, taking with him for this Expedition a certain number of chosen Galleys; but being ready to set Sail, he received News quite contrary to what Pardo had told him, and understood that the Fleet attended him at Zant. He changed his Design, and sent Colonni Word, to come and meet him at Cephalonia, for that he would part from Corfou, as soon as he should have refitted the Vessels he had disarmed. They looked upon themselves obliged by Respect, to go with the whole Fleet as far as Cephalonia to meet him, not doubting his being already there: but a contrary Wind arising, when he was in sight of the Isle, had driven him back to Corfou. The too great Credulity of the Venetians upon uncertain Reports, made them commit a Fault of the utmost Importance. They left their Heavy Vessels at Zant, without any Guard of Galleys, believing the Enemy far from them: there was Advice given them on a sudden, that the Turkish Fleet was seen near the Isle, and that there were Fires lighted in the Citadel, to give them notice of it; and in effect there was a great likelihood, that Loucali observed their March, and cruised thereabout to surprise them. The Venetians, despairing to succour their Vessels, sent away Friggats in haste to burn them, for fear they should fall into the Infidel's Hands: but this Order having been fortunately neglected, they understood that the Barbarians were not on the Coast of Zant; and these Vessels, condemned to the Flames, were thus miraculously preserved. Don John, being returned to Corfou, sent for the whole Fleet thither, as the most commodious Place for taking Resolutions. The Venetians murmured at all the Courses they were made to take. They had been made to come from Cerigo to Zant, from Zant to Cephalonia, and then to Corfou, so that their Rowers were even spent with incessantly towing the great Vessels, and they justly complained of the continual Delays that intervened, to make them lose the Benefit of this Campaign. Colonni also testified his resentment of it with so much the more Vehemency, in that he was published to be the Cause, and was moreover informed, that Don John, offended at his not having stayed for him at Corfou, had said, that Colonni, ambitious of the Honour to command, had forgot to obey, and had, during this whole War, shown a far greater Inclination for the Venetians, than for the King of Spain. Colonni, incensed by these Discourses, and being no longer able to suffer the insupportable Pride of this Young Prince (who, having no greater Authority in the Council of War than the other Two Generals, would nevertheless, though absent from the Fleet, have it steer according to his Caprichio, and sent his Orders to his Colleagues, as if they were inferior Officers) advised the Venetians, who were no less displeased than himself, to seek some other Expedients for the security of their Affairs, and no longer to rely on the Assistance of the Spaniards. The Fleet, drawn up in Battalia, received Don John with the Discharge of all their Cannon: but there were not any Vessels sent to meet him; nor did any of his, contrary to the common Practice, return the Venetians Salutation. He nevertheless received civilly enough the Officers that came aboard him; but appeared so highly offended with Colonni, that, tho' he let him enjoy all the Honours due to his Office, he long refu●ed him a private Conference, in which he pretended to justify himself, and would not so much as suffer his Cousin Pompey Colonni, who ordinarily entered into the Privy Council with 〈◊〉, to come there any more. Colonni for his p●rt talked a little too freely, and no● content with excusing himself, he cast upon this Prince almost all the Failings, of which he had been suspected; he offered also to leave the Fleet, and return into Italy; but Don John, fearing, lest this Retreat might draw an Envy upon himself, pacified Colonni by new Protestations of Amity, and promised him to live from henceforth with him, as he had formerly done. The Venetians and Don John had also a Dispute, which Colonni by his Prudence terminated. Don John offered them Spanish Soldiers to fill up their Companies, and told them, he would not proceed in the War, unless they were complete. The Venetians, who had already experienced the ill effect of this Mixture, absolutely refused to receive any Strangers amongst them, so that this affair was like to produce bad Consequences, had not Colonni found out an expedient, by giving some of his Soldiers to the Venetians, and taking those of Don John of Austria. The Venetians alleging, that the Island of Corfou, already much incommoded by the Incursions of the Infidels, would be entirely exhausted, if the Confederate Army stayed any longer there; a Council assembled, where it was resolved to set Sayl. The Fleet, departing on the Second of September, arrived not at Cephalonia till after eight days Sail, the Venetians being very impatient at this slow manner of proceeding. Going thence towards Zant, Don John learned by his Spies, that the Turkish Fleet was riding before Navarin, not so much in condition to attack the Christians, as to defend themselves This place is situated on the Bay of Lepanto, and is very considerable through the Commodiousness of its Harbour. The Generals were of opinion to sail thither, with a Design to fight, if the Enemy would accept the Challenge, or else to block them up there. Those, who knew the Situation of the Port, assured them, that the Castle, placed on a rising Ground to defend it, could not much damnify the Vessels, lying before it in the open Sea. A Review was taken of the Fleet, the great Vessels left at Zant, and the Galleys advanced as far as the Isles of the Strophades, which are in the midway between Zant and Navarin, where they passed the Night, to conceal their coming from the Enemy. Their Resolution was, to go as far as the Isle of Sapienza, not above three Miles from Modon, and stop that Passage, lest the Turks should go and shelter themselves in the Port of this last place. Had this Design, which was so well laid, been regularly executed, they would, without striking a Blow, have made themselves Masters of above Threescore and Ten Galleys that were at Navarin; but the Christians, not being diligent enough, neglected the placing themselves in the Post, necessary for the Success of this Affair, being the next day after Sun-rise but over against Protheno, but Ten Miles from Navarin; so that the Infidels, perceiving them, had time enough to get into the Port of Modon. The Blame was laid upon the Admiral's Pilot, who, to excuse this ill Conduct, said, that he thought himself obliged to slacken his Sails, during the Night, for fear of running a ground. But whether the Fault were in the Pilot, or whether Heaven was still angry with the Christians, 'tis evident, that the Confederates missed an opportunity of gaining a complete Victory over the Barbarians. The Christians perceiving, that the Enemies hasted away with Sail and Oar, Colonni proposed to Don John, the sending a Detachment of Galleys to fall upon their Rear, and offered to command this Detachment himself. This Design was approved, and Six and Twenty Galleys given him for the execution of it: but he was scarce got half his way with great hopes of a Glorious Success, when he received Orders to come and join the Fleet. Don John, to justify this sudden Change, told the Officers, that the Infidels made a show of coming to charge him, and that 'twas necessary all their Forces should be together, for fear of a Surprise. The most clear-sighted were persuaded that Colonni's Enemies, jealous of his Reputation, had done him this ill Office. He went nevertheless afterwards to view the Barbarians, having with him but one Galley more, and offered to attack two of their Galleys, which lagged behind the rest of the Fleet; but these two being assisted by Six others, the Christians sent out Ten, which Louchali no sooner perceived, but he advanced with the greatest part of his Fleet, and escaped the Affront, they were like to receive, before Don John could bring up his to oppose them. Colonni retreated in good order; and there was in this Rencounter a second opportunity lost of gaining a great Advantage; for if Don John had made Head against the Enemy, they would rather have abandoned their eight Galleys, than have fought, so weak as they were; but the sluggishness of the Confederates facilitated their Retreat into the Port of Modon, where they were secure. Don John drew up in Battalia, and presented himself before the Mouth of the Harbour. He a long time defied them with Injuries and Reproaches, and about Evening retired in the same order. Louchali, that he might not be convinced of shunning the Fight, came forth out of the Port of Modon, and drew up under the Walls of the place. Don John returned at the same time, and sounded to Battle. The Turk, trusting more to the Walls of the place, than to his Shipping, durst not come too far off, nor ours approach too near them; so that having a long time shot at each other, the Enemies returned into their Harbour, leaving the Christians Masters of the Sea. The next day Don John returned in the same order to the same place; but none of the Turkish Ships appearing, the Christians set Sail, with the Honour of having forced the Ottoman Pride to yield them the Sea, and went to take in fresh Water at Coron, a place of the Continent, not very far off. Louchali landed Four Thousand Foot to drive them thence; but Paul Sforza, whom Don John had put ashore with a considerable Detachment, so vigorously charged this Foot, which already incommoded our Men, that having slain two hundred of them, he put the rest to Flight. The Christians on the Two next days again offered the Infidel's Battle; and Louchali was content with putting himself a second time in Battalia under the Ramparts of Modon. The Christian Fleet putting in at the Isle of Sapienza, the most experienced Captains were of Opinion, to get an exact Understanding of the State, the Town and Port of Modon were then in. Don John highly approved of this Design, went aboard Colonni's Galley, attended by Foscarini, and some other Officers, to go and take a view of it himself. Having sufficiently obsered the Strength and Weakness of the place, he resolved to attack the Enemies there, and for this purpose sent for the Great Vessels from Zant, to shelter the Galleys from the Fire of the Town: there were two Bottoms joined together, and covered with great Planks, on which they Built a Fort, and filled it with Earth, for the better securing the Galleys. Don John was of opinion, that the Infidels, frighted with this Stupendious Machine, would leave their Vessels, and fly ashore; and without doubt this Project would have succeeded, had the Execution of it been more speedy. But while the Squadron was expected from Zant, and the new Building went slowly on, Don John advanced to Navarin, either with an Intention to surprise the Place (though the Venetians told him, the taking of it would be of little Importance to them) or because he thought he might more easily take in Water there, through the Commodiousness of the River. The Enemies, who had already seized the Avenues of it, were ill treated by our Canon; and Sforza, at the Head of Five Thousand Men, driving them back into the Town, favoured the Christians Watering. Alexander Farnese attempted to besiege Navarin by order from Don John, who gave him Six Thousand Men with some Pieces of Canon, already put in Battery. But the place was immedily relieved by so great a number of Turks, flocking thither from all parts, the Christians got with all speed to their Ships, being glad to be quit with the loss of their Cannon. The Design also of setting upon the Turkish Fleet in their Harbour, for which all things were ready, was given over by Don John, the Venetians, alarmed by the Uncertainty of the Success, not caring to press him any further on it. They afterwards deliberated on the besieging Modon, but 'twas not thought fit to attempt any thing more, the Turks keeping themselves close, and the Spaniaràs testifying a desire to end the Campaign towards the middle of Autumn. Their Impatience to return, made them about the midst of October represent to Don John, that he had long enough served the Republic, and that he ought now to think of returning towards Sicily; and this Prince, who was no less impatient than they to leave the Morea, acquainted the Venetians, that he had spent his Provisions, having scarce enough left to carry him into Italy, where he was resolved to put the Fleet into Winter Quarters. He promised them to come the next year much earlier, and far better provided, and endeavoured to persuade them, that they ought to be contented with the Progress of this Campaign, and that 'twas no small Honour for them to have forced the infidels to keep close within their Ports, and to have held them, as it were, besieged there. The Venetians, more troubled, than surprised, at this Discourse, and not able to comprehend that Don John, having made them wait for him all the Summer, should come from so plentiful a Country as Sicily, with not above Fifteen days Provision, earnestly besought him not to leave the Fleet in the very Moment, that seemed to give the Confederates the greatest hopes of entirely defeating the Infidels, and rendering the Christian Name formidable in all the Mediterranean Sea; representing to him withal, that 'twould be very shameful for them to separate, without having done any considerable Exploit; That the Vessels of the Ottoman Fleet, agitated by the South Wind, which blew violently at that time of the Year, and to which the Harbour of Modon was exposed, would of necessity fall foul one upon another, or that their whole Army, which, having exhausted all the Neighbouring places, began to be in want of Provisions, must either preserve themselves from Famine by Flight, or yield without Fight; That they would oblige themselves to furnish him with whatever he wanted; That they daily expected Boats from Sicily, laden with Corn; That several also were coming to them from Venice; and that by delaying a little his Departure, he would return home crowned with Glory and Honour, would do the Republic a Service, the Memory whereof they should eternally conserve. Having spoken in this manner to the Prince, they complained fiercely to the Principal Officers, that the Victory was plucked out of their Hands, and that the Common Cause was purposely betrayed, to hinder them from recovering their Losses; That when they might vanquish without any danger either from the Sea, or the Enemy, they would retire upon pretence of wanting Provisions, and let an Army escape out of their Hands, which was too weak to make a Defence, and too numerous, by the Auxiliaries they had drawn from all the Inland Places, to subsist long there. These just Complaints stayed Don John two days longer: He would not provoke the Venetians, for fear they should renounce the League; but this little delay being expired, he went aboard Foscarini's Galley, accompanied only by Colonni, where by Caresses and fair Pretences of Amity, he got him at last to consent to his Departure. Colonni also pressed him to yield willingly to this insuperable Necessity; and Don John promised him, that, if he met the Sicilian Convoy, or that any attempt were made on the Coasts of the Adriatic Gulf, he would come speedily and rejoin them. He immediately set Sail, and came with the Wind in his Poop to Anchor at the Port of Gomeniza, over against the Isle of Corfou. The Prince of Suessa, and Giovanni Andrea Doria, who came to meet him with Fourteen Galleys, boarded him at the same time; they were of opinion to stay some days there; but Don John, who feared the Pope's ordering him to pass the Winter in Greece, would not hearken to it; and in effect the Venetians had secretly solicited Gregory about it, persuading him, that 'twas the only way to draw any Advantage from this War. Antonio Tipoli, whom the Republic sent into Spain after the Victory of Lepanto, had represented also to King Philip, that nothing so much hindered the Progress of the Christian Fleets, as their being so late before they joined; but this Prince had rejected that Expedient, not being willing the Fleet, which was the Security of so many Realms, should Winter in places so remote, and be exposed to the Injuries of so Tempestuous a Season. Don John, not to be worse than his Word, offered the Venetians Four Thousand Men to attack some places on the Coasts, and still kept on his way; but they refused these Reinforcements, fearing, lest the Antipathy between the two Nations should rather prejudice than advantage their Affairs. Don John determined to go into Spain presently after his Arrival in Sicily; but the Venetians, foreseeing, that the farther he went, the later he would return in the Spring, besought the Pope to stay him in Italy. The Pope sent him Order so to do by Claudio de Conzaga, a young Lord, whose Wit and Address obliged the Prince to give his Holiness this Mark of his Obedience. Colonni, by the Consent of Gregory and the Republic, went into Spain, to incite the King in their Names to redouble his Zeal for the Defence of Christendom. The greatest part of his Ministers were not overmuch inclined to it: some were tired with the Length of the War, made in so remote a Country; and others apprehended, lest Don John should become too Powerful by the command of so considerable an Army. But Philip, thinking 'twould tend to his Disgrace, to put any Obstacle to the Success of an Enterprise, managed by the Sovereign Prelate for the Glory of the Christian Name, answered Colonni favourably, and they began at Rome to enter into Debate about the Preparatives for the next Campaign. Louchali, who despaired of saving his Fleet, and looked upon himself as irrecoveraby lost, whether he stayed in his Post, fought or fled, had assembled the intimatest of his Friends; and not knowing which would be most dangerous for him, to fall into the Hands of the Christians, or to appear before Selim, was already thinking of making his escape into afric: but the Retreat of the Confederates to Corfou having left him the Sea open, he found himself, contrary to all apperaance, dis-engaged from so cruel a Perplexity, and returned Triumphant to Constantinople. A strange Metamorphosis! When the murmuring of the Troops he had sent for to his assistance from the furthest part of Macedonia, reproaching him to his Face, with having impudently hazarded the Grand Signors Galleys, had reduced him to the utmost Despondence, the Christians Stupidity on a sudden changes his ill Fortune: and this Bassa, who was ready to go and hide himself in the Deserts of afric, presents himself before the Sultan like a Conqueror, dissipates all the disadvantageous Reports, spread abroad against his Conduct, receives Encomiums and Caresses from the Grand Signior for having protected a Fleet, weakened and discouraged by the last Defeat, though he had always coasted the Enemies, who, despairing of ever being able to force them to Fight, were at last compelled to abandon Greece, without making any considerable Attempt. The Barbarians, still amused at the Battle of Lepanto, thought they had gotten a Glorious Advantage, in that they were not again beaten, but had sustained the Presence of a Victorious Army with unequal Forces. This Joy of theirs was so much the more grievous to the Christians, in that a few days before a Soldier of their Fleet, going in great haste to Rome, told them, that the Confederates, having worsted the Infidels in a great Sea-Fight before Navarin, were Masters of the Sea, and the People of the Morea had made an Insurrection. The Report of a man, who affirmed, That he was himself in the Battle, was easily credited; and the Rumour of this false news redoubled the Confederates Confusion. The Impostor, who had invented this Tale, only to get some Money from the Pope, suddenly disappeared, and we learned afterwards the certainty of Don John's return into Sicily. The Venetians, maugre the Distrust they had of the Spaniards, and all the public and private Discommodities they suffered by the War, had so far confided in their Maritime Forces, as to flatter themselves, they should this Campaign drive the Infidels out of the Sea, and open themselves a Passage into Greece. But seeing all their Endeavours frustrated, and the Republic on the one side exposed to the Fury of the Barbarians, and on the other, menaced by the Spaniards, who in their Thoughts swallowed up their Towns upon the Continent, found themselves in a very perplexed Condition. The Ancient Magistrates, who from the very beginning had no great Inclination either to the War or League, said, There was no longer any Relying on the Assistance of such Allies; That 'twas now evident, the Spaniards had no desire to oppose the Infidels, but were even sorry for the Victory of Lepanto; That it not having been then in their Power to resist the Ordinances of Heaven, they had done, what in them lay, to hinder the Venetians from enjoying the Benefit of it; That they, for this purpose, raised a Thousand Difficulties about Trifles; That they had for no other reason lingered out so much Time in Preparations, as not to be ready to set out till the very end of Summer, but to ruin their just and reasonable Designs; That they had given Ear to ridiculous Projects, during the Execution of which, the Republic was hindered from securing their Islands by their own Forces from the Incursions of the Barbarians; That having exahusted their whole Store of shuffling Tricks and Artifices, they alleged the pretended Troubles of France; That afterwards, on pretence of some considerable Enterprise, they had made most of their Galleys come from the furthest parts of Greece to Corfou, which Voyage had taken up more time than the War itself; That having stayed a few days, to make a show, as if they desired to fight, they had let the Ottoman Fleet escape, though 'twere much weaker than their own, and might easily have been defeated by their keeping their Post; That the loss of Cyprus, the Ravaging of their Islands, the Taking of their Towns in Epire, and the Ruining of Dalmatia, whose Fields and Villages were all laid waste, even within reach of Canonshot from their fortified Towns, were all Effects of the Spaniards Perfidiousness, who had neither set out in time, nor faithfully performed any one Article of the Treaty; That having many Galley's un-employed in their Ports, they had borrowed of the Republic; That Giovanni Andrea Doria, left in Sicily with Fourteen Vessels, could scarce find in his Heart to set forth time enough to meet Don John, as he was returning into Winter Quarters. Then one of the Principal of them, taking up the Discourse, said, And what? Do you not see, that our Fleet, our Generals, and all our Authority are subjected to the Spanish Tyranny? and that Don John bas by little and little made himself absolute Master of the Sovereign Power? That Colonni, who has hitherto opposed King Philip's Intention, now declares for him, letting himself be drawn by Considerations of Interest, of which he was not formerly susceptible. That our General himself, under pretence of showing some Respect to the Prince's Quality, le's go his Authority, suffering it to be usurped by too much Condescendence; so that this Ambitious young Man decides Sovereignty, and believes himself above the Laws and Conditions of the Treaty of Alliance; he ordains, he commands, without communicating with his Colleagues; he rewards, he punishes, whom he pleases, and as he thinks good: And he, who could not suffer Venieri's chastising according to the Laws of War, three Rebels, that deserved Death, exercises his unjust Authority over the Confederates, without advising or consulting with any one. Our Gratifying his Spleen by recalling Venieri is the Cause, that none dare contradict his Sentiments. In vain did the Generals and the whole Fleet beseech him not to waste all the Summer in fruitless and superfluous running to and fro, he constrained them nevertheless to come and join him at Corfou, without giving them any of the Honours, which a Naval Army is wont on such occasions to receive; as if such a Concourse of Troops had assembled, and met together in that place, only to acknowledge him, and to give him alone all sort of Honour and Obedience. These Discourses, held amongst the Ancientest of the State in Derogation to the League, the funest Consequences of which they detested, came to the College of Ten. This Tribunal has Right to decide absolutely in matters of Peace and War. The Magistrates, which compose it, being secretly assembled, began with deploring the Death of the deceased Pope, whose Vigour and Authority kept in some sort the Spaniards to their Duty: and were more sensible of their Loss in that Sovereign Prelate, because they saw not the like firmness in his Successor. They then reckoned up all their Damages and other Disgraces; they looked into the inability of the City to contribute any longer to the excessive Expenses of the War; they considered the People of the Continent, as not in Condition to continue the Payment of their Taxes, as appeared by the daily Complaints they made to the Senate against the Rigour of these Exactions; and that, to augment the Misfortune, the Interruption of Commerce had considerably diminished both the public Revenues, and private men's Estates: That the great numbers of Mariners, they had within these Three Years made use of, had so unfurnished the Countries of Labourers, that the Land in many places remained untilled; That the Excursions of the Infidels, even to the very Gates of the Towns in Dalmatia, hindered the bringing thither of Convoys, and famished their Garrisons and Inhabitants; That the Inland Parts of their Islands, so often ravaged, suffered the same scarcity; That there was no having of Corn from the Neighbouring Countries to feed such a Multitude, without paying very great Custom; and yet this People with their Land and Sea-Forces must have a Subsistance; That they were daily seeking for Remedies to those great Mischiefs, but could not find any; That though they should have Constancy and Courage enough to surmount them, and should want neither Money, Victuals, nor Ammunition, yet would it be impossible for them to draw any Advantage thence, as long as the Spaniards should delay their setting forth till the beginning of Autumn, and if, to excuse themselves from attacking the Enemy, they should still allege the secret designs of the French Hugonots, with several other groundless Pretences, through which 'twas plainly to be seen, they had no other Aim, but to spin out the War in favour of the Infidels, and by this new Stratagem to weaken the Commonwealth; That they had unwillingly contributed to the only Victory, gotten over the Turks; and that, in fine, the Republic could not forget, what their Ambassador with the King of Spain had written to them on the Subject of this Victory, of which Philip had no sooner received the news, but he complained to his Ministers of Don John's Disobedience, whom he had expressly forbidden to fight, and hazard his Fleet; so that one of his Favourites, taking thence occasion to praise the Severity of that Roman, who caused the Head of his own Son, though a Conqueror, to be smitten off, for having fought against his Orders, counselled him to renew so terrible an Example; That Doria had gained the Catholic Kings Favour by declaring against the Senate's Interest; Colonni on the contrary having utterly lost his good opinion, for being willing to promote it. Nicholas Ponti, one of the Council of Ten, then assuming the Discourse, said, To what purpose do we tyre ourselves with continual Complaints, which show nothing but our Weakness and want of Understanding, in delivering ourselves now, more than ever, to Traitors, that have so often abused us? Why are we transported against People, who wisely know how to make advantage of our simplicity, and far better understand their Interest, than we do ours? And in effect, since the defeating of the Ottomans will not any way be particularly beneficial to them, they aim, by prolonging the War, to ruin our State, whose overgreat Potency puts an Obstacle to their designs of invading Italy. If the Turks are vanquished, we confirm the Extent of our Sovereignty; the King of Spain, who gains nothing by this Victory, would on the contrary lose much by the Defeat of the Confederates Army. Understanding this, they have nourished the War, feeding us with vain hopes, to strengthen themselves against us: And do you not think, Gentlemen, 'twould be much more advantageous for us to imitate this Conduct, than condemn it? They'll willingly suffer us to style them perjured and perfidious, provided they attain their Ends, and profit by our Reproaches and Injuries: For Good Faith, Religion, and Zeal to advance the Glory of the Christian Name, are all Specious and Magnificent Words, which they no longer esteem, than they may favour their Ambition. Having more than once tried to our cost the Inequality of our Strength against the Turks, we now experiment the little Confidence we can put in the Assistance of our Allies. The Infidels, weakened by the Loss of a numerous Fleet, and scarce daring to appear before us, have had the Confidence to enter the Port of Constantinople in Triumph, for having escaped being a second time beaten. What must we expect, when they shall return the next Spring with new Forces? In the mean time we are enfeebled, and reduced to the deplorable Estate, in which the Spaniards desire us, to make themselves Masters of Italy. Are we become insensible to these Evils, and neglecting what is essential and useful, shall we let ourselves still be seduced by false Appearances, and continue a Prey to the Artifices of this Faithless Nation? Shall we never get out of this shameful Lethargy, and open our Eyes, to see our Misfortunes and Disgraces? 'Tis much more easy for us by a dexterous Management to shelter ourselves against the Ottoman Power, than to avoid the Ambushes laid for us by the Spaniards. These Reasons made the Council of Ten resolve to attempt the Accommodation with the Port, not being able to promise themselves any Advantage by continuing so incommodious a War. They did not impart this Deliberation to the Senate, for fear of making it too public, trusting the Secret with none but Marco Antonio Barbaro, who was detained Prisoner at Constantinople: They charged him to under-feel the Grand Vizier, and conclude a Peace upon reasonable Conditions; and in the mean time they consulted with the rest of the Magistrates about the Subsistance of the Troops for the next Campaign. The Venetians had good Garrisons in the Towns of Dalmatia: but the Infidels, possessing the Country, very much incommoded them by hindering them from Provisions. They seized of a Tower on the Mouth of the River Salone, which was delivered up to them by him, to whom Baglioni had entrusted the keeping of it; and by a like Treachery they made themselves Masters of a little Castle, bearing the Name of a Rock, on which it was built, whence they much molested the Town of Spalatro. These Traitors were punished according to the greatness of their Crimes. The Principals were strangled, and then hung up by one Foot, (a fit Punishment for such Offenders) and their Accomplices were sent aboard the Galleys. In the mean time the Venetians solicited a Turk, to whom they offered great Rewards, to engage him in the same Treachery, of which they had just made so rigorous an Example. This Infidel, testifying to them some desire of becoming a Christian, promised to surrender up Clissa into their Hands, and effectively kept his Word. This Town is the best fortified in all Dalmatia, full of Inhabitants, and on the Possession of which depended that of many Neighbouring Places. The Turks had heretofore taken it from the Hungarians, and were very vigilant in keeping it: the Plague, which then raged there, having driven away almost all the Garrison, the Traitor made use of so favourable an Opportunity to accomplish his Design: the Execution whereof was committed to Hector Troni, who marching in the middle of the day at the Head of 1500. Foot to the Gate, which by Agreement was to be opened, entered the Town, and made himself Master of it, with the slaughter of a few Soldiers that resisted. The War would have been ended on that side, had Troni known how to keep his Conquest. But thinking, that he rather went to plunder, than to take Clissa, he went out of it, laden with Spoil, excusing his not staying any longer there, by his not being strong enough to defend it against the Infidels, who would not fail to come speedily, and besiege it. The Senate being highly displeased at this Cowardice, Troni was recalled to Venice, and imprisoned; but his Credit and Friends appeased the Magistrate's Wrath, as is usually done, when any Noble Venetian is questioned. The Turks, re-taking Clissa, derided the Venetians miserable Conduct, with stinging Raillery counselling them, to renounce the Art of War, and to apply themselves for the future only to Traffic, Law-Suits, and State Intrigues. They afterwards plundered the Country with several small Bodies of Horse, who, approaching the very Gates of the Town, held by the signory, carried Terror and Dread on all sides. They aimed particularly at Cataro, because by driving the Venetians out of that Town, they were assured of all Epire. This place is situated in the bottom of the Gulf, called by the Ancients, Rizonicus, there being no coming thither from Venice but by Sea. The Turks, who had the Fort of Castelnovo on the left hand of the Gulf, to make themselves Masters of the Passage, built, where the Gulf was narrowest, a Fort, defended by a Rampart, and deep Ditch, on which they raised a Battery of Eighteen Pieces of Canon. This Fort commanded the other side of the Gulf, so that it prohibited the entrance of any Venetian Vessels. The Catarians soon felt the Inconvenience of this new Work, and seeing themselves at the point of being starved, sent to give them notice at Venice of their Extremity. The Venetians, exceedingly concerning themselves for all places on the Adriatic Gulf, took speedy care for the Relief of this; and Venieri being already returned to Venice, Orders were sent to Giacomo Sorancio, that he should part immediately from Corfou with Twenty Galleys, to relieve Cataro. He obeyed without delay, and Fortune seconded his Fidelity; for the Bassa of Epire, seeing no Enemies in Condition to attempt any thing, was gone to the remotest Frontiers of the Province, with what Troops he had, excepting Two Hundred Men, appointed for the Guard of this Fort. Sorancio landed Four Thousand, and after a gallant Defence, made by the Garrison, who were all put to the Sword, took the Fort, which he eased, having first carried away the Canon; and thus the Catarians, being delivered, recovered the Liberty of the Sea. This Vigorous Action was performed in the year 1572. After the Return of Don John of Austria with his Fleet into Sicily, the Venetians made very great Complaints against the Spaniards, beseeching him to oblige all the Confederates to labour unanimously for the Defence of Christendom, and to support the Interest of the Common-Cause with more Vigour, than they had hitherto shown. They at the same time represented to his Holiness, that 'twas in vain to agree upon the Condition of a Treaty, and confirm it afterwards by Solemn Oaths, if instead of punctually executing it, every one should, either as his Caprichio, or Interest might incline him, presume to explain it to his own Advantage; That 'twas expressly agreed, the Fleets should be ready to sail into Greece at the beginning of every Spring, and yet the Confederates were scarce by the end of the Summer got to the Enemies, in order to fight; that having only showed the Infidels the number of their Vessels, they retired, without daring to attempt any thing; That but by staying a little longer at Sea, they might easily have ruined the Ottoman Fleet, and driven the Barbarians out of the Mediterranean; That Don John usurped to himself all the Authority, contrary to an Article of the League, which shares it equally betwixt the Three Generals; That not content with having the sole Decision of Matters, when he commanded in Person, he pretended also to have the same Obedience paid to his Orders in his absence; That these Contraventions were insupportable, and that the Republic was in fine weary of bearing them. They had private Conferences with Gregory, at which they enlarged upon every one of these Grievances. In the first Assembly of the Cardinals and Ministers, held by the Pope, touching the Affairs of the League, Paulo Tipoli insisted very much on the Expedition into the Morea; he demanded, that they should set forth much earlier, than they had done the two last Campaigns, and that an hundred new Galleys should be added to the Fleet; and in effect there was very great appearance, the Turks would the next Summer be exceeding strong, considering the news they received of the Preparations making at Constantinople for the setting forth a very great Fleet: besides that, 'twas a piece of Policy in the Venetians to spread abroad these Reports, as being advantageous to them, whether they would conclude a Peace, or carry on a War. Tipoli proposed further, that an hundred Sail should be chosen out of all the Christian Fleet, to go, as soon as the Sea should be Navigable, and ravage the Grand Signors Territories, take as many Slaves as they could, and at the same time secure the Venetian Isles from the like Insult; That a new Address should be made to the Emperor, and whatever he should desire, promised him, to engage him in the League; That Application should be also made to the Kings of France and Portugal; That Ambassadors should be sent to the great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia, the Polonians being then busied about a new King: In fine, that all Potentates, and all Christian Nations, should be incited to take Arms against their Common Enemy. All these things were granted Tipoli; and 'twas resolved, that the Confederate Princes should be requested to give their Agents sufficient Power, to the end the Consulations might not be delayed. The Cardinals afterwards proposed, that the Confederates should by the same Treaty, engage to have all the same Friends and the same Enemies. The Spaniards, who found their Advantage in this new Article, willingly accepted it; but the Venetian Ambassador absolutely rejected it, saying, That the Republic would not enter into any new Engagements; and that this would put back many, who had promised to sign the League. Tipoli, seeing them propose Innovations, demanded, that the common Expenses of the War should be examined. His Holiness had been long importuned about it; but discouraged by the Subtlety of the Spaniards, and the over exact Reckoning of the Venetians, had still put off so difficult an Account. The Venetians affirmed, that they were near Three Million of Livers aforehand, and pretended to be re-imburst, what they were out above the share, they were obliged to; the Spaniards asserting the contrary, the Pope could not moderate the difference, because it was to be begun by making an Estimate of all the Venetians had furnished out from the beginning of the War. However 'twas apparent through these Difficulties, that the Republic had expended more than his Contribution. The Pope ordered, that, till their accounts could be more exactly stated, the King of Spain should pay the Venetians Threescore and Two Thousand Crowns of Gold for the Corn, they had procured of the Neapolitan Merchants, amounting to that Sum; and this expedient quieted for a time this Contention. Then they treated about the Management of the next Campaign. The Spaniards, who always endeavoured to carry the War into afric, requested, that the Rendezvous of the Fleet might be appoinred at Otranto: but Tipoli opposed it, representing, how urgent a necessity there was of preventing, at the beginning of the Spring, the Infidels Attempts, who would attack the Islands, and amongst the rest Gandy, if the christians were not strong enough to hinder them The Spaniards insisted no farther on it, and 'twas agreed that the Confederate Fleet should be composed of three hundred Galleys, and meet at Corfou. The Spaniards then proposed, that the Venetians, who were nearer the Rendezvous, and much better provided of Galleys, than the rest of the Allies, should set forth some for the King of Spain, which his Catholic Majesty should at his own charge maintain: But on the Republics behalf 'twas answered, that 'twas not just, they, who were scarce able to bear their own part of the Burden, should be loaded with another's; That so Potent a Prince, as the King of Spain, who was Master of so many Coasts, Maritime Places, and Ports, could not but have supernumerary Vessels; and that not having yet reimbursed the Venetians, what they had advanced, 'twas not reasonable for him to engage them in new Expenses. And to prevent the Spaniards making any farther Reply, they said, the Catholic King ought not to reckon in the number of his Galleys, the Four, that were set forth by the State of Genoa, nor as many more added by the Knights of Malta, since they came Voluntarily to the Assistance of Christendom. They seemed to make the same Reproach to the Pope, in Respect of those, sent by the Duke of Savoy and Tuscany, that were incorporated into the Fleet of the Holy See. The particular of all these Debates would not deserve a place in this History, were it not to show the Spaniards Insolence and Pride, who, desiring to have the Advantage in every thing, declared, that this Expedition having been undertaken only in favour of the Venetians, the King their Master was no further concerned in it, than as having granted them his Protection. The Venetians in the mean time pleased themselves with framing Difficulties on the smallest matters, purposely to tyre out the Pope, and all those that meddled in this Negotiation. But there arose a new Dispute of far greater Consequence. An Augmentation of the Galleys had been accorded, because of the prodigious Preparations, making at Constantinople; but the time, when they were to meet on the Coasts of Greece, was not agreed on. The Venetians desired they might be ready to fight by the Month of March, affirming, that the Success of this Campaign depended on their extreme Diligence. The Spaniards, on the contrary, required the whole Month of June, to put their Fleet in Condition. Every one murmured against them at Venice, when Tipoli gave the Senate advice of this unjust and dangerous Proposition. But the Council of Ten secretly rejoiced at it, because of the Leisure given them by it to learn from their Ambassador at the Port, what hopes there was of Peace, and take a Resolutition, suitable to the State of their Fortune. They acquainted Tipoli with their secret Negotiations at Constantinople, giving him order to conclude nothing at Rome, to make no Relaxation of the Time, by which the Fleets were required to set forth, and even to refuse the Augmentation of the Galleys, he had himself solicited. At his declaring himself in the Assembly about this matter, every one mistrusted some Intelligence between the Port and the Commonwealth: These Suspicions very much cooled their Negotiations, and matters were extreme slowly treated on at Rome. The Council of Ten no sooner understood, that Tipoli had, in Obedience to their Orders, perplexed the Affairs, but they commended this Minister's Dexterity, as having, by his Address, put them in the best Condition they could desire; but one amongst them, rising up, said, Have a care, Gentlemen, of alienating the Confederates Minds, and breaking with them, before you know what to expect from the Port, and on what Conditions they will grant you Peace. This Discourse obliged the Council to enter into new Deliberations, and fearing to see themselves exposed on every side by being disappointed of a Peace, and at the same time breaking the League, they sent Orders to Tipoli to regulate the Conditions, on which he had shown himself so difficult. These Contests having taken up all the Winter, the Pope, in fine, by his Authority ordained, that his Fleet and the King of Spain's should meet at Messina by the end of March, whence they should immediately depart to join the Venetians at Corfou; That they should all sail together into Greece, fight the Infidels, if they met them by the way, and attempt whatever their Generals should judge necessary and advantageous for the Common Cause; That the Fleet should be composed of Three Hundred Galleys, Forty Vessels, and as many Galleasses as the Republic could set forth; That the Army should consist of Threescore Thousand Men; That Every Galley should carry at least an Hundred and Fifty Soldiers; That they should have Four Thousand Five Hundred Horses, for fear the Enemy should attack any of the Confederates by Land; That no new Delay should be granted for the Departure of the Fleets; That the Generals should set Sail on the day appointed, with what Vessels they should have ready; and that the rest should follow, as soon as they should be in Condition to quit the Ports; and that other things should be ordered, as they were in the last Campaign. The Venetians obtained farther of his Holiness, That none of the Allies might withdraw his Forces from the Christian Army, should even his own Territories be attacked by some declared Enemy. All Differences being thus regulated, Tipoli pressed the Assembly for the speedy setting forth Three hundred Galleys, to pillage the Ottoman Islands, and secure the Republics. The Spaniards, not daring to oppose it, because the Pope approved it, answered, that they must Address themselves to Don John, to whom the King of Spain had probably sent Orders about it. There was at the same time a Proposal made to Gregory about exchanging of Prisoners. There were sent to Rome some considerable Turks, taken at the Battle of Lepanto, whose Throats would have been cut in Prison, had the Venetians been harkened to at first: but Pius the Fifth abhorring such Inhumanity, they thought best to ransom with them several Christian Officers, who had lost their Liberty in their Service, for fear lest, after the Conclusion of the Peace, the Pope should refuse to put them into their Hands. There was amongst them two Sons of Haly by a Sister of Selim's, one of which died at Rome: The Mother requested the other of Don John by such moving Letters, accompanied with such Magnificent Presents, that he yielded to her Importunities; her Daughter also, who passed for one of the Fairest Persons in the World, writ to this Prince in Terms so full of Tenderness, that he esteemed it an Honour and Pleasure to himself, to solicit her Brother's Liberty with the Pope, who granting his Desire, he sent him back to Constantinople, having first treated him like the Grand Seignior's Nephew. But his Holiness thought not fit to give the rest their Liberty so soon. One of the Principal amongst them was Mahomet Bassa of Negro Ponte, a Man, whose disposition was no way rude and barbarous, and who perfectly understood the Manners and Customs of the Europeans: He spoke Italian reasonably well; and some Romans, who had been at Lepanto, took delight in discoursing with him about the Battle: He told them, that two things principally gained the Christians the Day: to wit, their great number of Musketeers, whose Arms were much better in a Fight than their Darts or Arrows; and the Board's set upon the sides of their Galleys, in manner of Parapets, with which their Soldiers being sheltered, fired on the Enemy with far greater Assurance: but he hoped, we should not for the future have this Advantage over them, since the Experiment had cost 'em dear enough. One speaking to him of the Victory at Lepanto, as of a Loss to the Grand Signior, far exceeding what he got by the Conquest of Cyprus: He smilingly answered, You have shaved our Beard, and the Hair will grow again: But the Venetians will never re-join to the Body of their State the Part, which we have cut off. Colonni, visiting the Prisoners, taken in this Battle, commanded his Officers and Soldiers to treat them courteously; and then turning to Mahomet, said, Learn of us to practise Hamanity, you, who so barbarously and cruelly treat our Christian Prisoners. To which Mahomet made him this witty Answer: Your Excellency will be pleased to pardon our Ignorance, since we have been hitherto only used to take Prisoners, not having yet been such ourselves in the Christians School. The Pope in the mean time solicited the Crowns to join their Arms to those of the Confederates; and the Cardinal of Lorraine, who came to Rome to assist at the last Conclave, had given Gregory Hopes that the Alliance between France and the Grand Signior might be broken. This Cardinals Esteem amongst the French having given him an entire Knowledge of that Kingdoms Affairs, and the King's true Sentiments; His Holiness, on such good assurance, believed, he might successfully endeavour this Dis-union: He writ about it to Charles the Ninth, who answered him, He should willingly enter into the League; but the great Revolutions which had happened in his Kingdom, permitted him not to join with the Confederates. France broken, and shattered into different Factions, was exposed to the Plunder of the Germans, and the Invasions of her other Neighbours. The Lorraine Princes, and other Principal Persons in the Court, retired into the Country, being neither able to suffer the Imperious Humour of the Queen, nor submit themselves to the King of Navarre. But these Princes, being a little after reconciled with Annas de Mommorency, Constable of France, drew the King of Navarre into their Party, by giving him new hopes of recovering his Kingdom; and of diminishing the overgreat Authority of Queen Catherine, and ruining the Projects of the Prince of Conde, they entered Paris, guarded by their Friends and Creatures, and drove all those of the opposite Faction from Court. Thus France, becoming the Stage of a Civil War, saw more Blood shed in most of her Towns, than in the Famousest Sieges and battles of the last Age. They no longer amused themselves with Disputes and Controversies, the divided Families deciding Questions of Religion by the Sword. The first Battle was fought near the Town of Dreux, the King's Army being commanded by the Constable and the Duke of Guise, and the other by the Prince of Conde and the Admiral de Coligni. The Success was equal on both sides, the Prince of Conde and the Constable being boht taken Prisoners. The Duke of Guise laid Siege to Orleans, and pressed it so close, that it was upon the point of yielding, when a Villain came to the Camp, and watching an opportunity for the execution of his Design, he slew this Prince with a Shot from a Carbine, as he was returning from visiting the Works, attended only by Three Horsemen. The Duke of Guise's Death was extremely prejudicial to France: besides his Military Perfections, which rendered this Duke the greatest Captain in the Kingdom, he had gained the People's Hearts by such a Charming Sweetness, such admirable Liberality and Sincerity, and such Courteous and Familiar Behaviour, that one could not forbear loving him. His Death almost ruin'd the Fortune of his House. A Peace was afterwards concluded, but 'twas only to give both Parties leisure to make Preparation for beginning the War afresh. The Prince of Conde, freed out of Prison, made great Levies in Germany, and soon got a new Army on Foot. He endeavoured to surprise and carry away the King, as he was returning from Meaux to Paris: but a Battalion of Six Thousand Swissers, which guarded the Court in its March, and repulsed several Attacks by the way, ruined this Audacious Design. Some time after the Constable, displeased with his Nephews, whom he accused of Ingratitude and Revolt, gave them Battle in the Plain of St. Denis, routed them, and raised the Siege from before Paris. The Constable, who was near Fourscore years old, received a Mortal Wound in his Reins by a Pistol Shot, as he was in the midst of the Fight, charging the Enemies with a Vigour, worthy his Name and his Office. The Hugonots though vanquished, made Peace on what Terms they pleased, the Queen being obliged to accept them, as frighted with the great Number of Foreign and Domestic Forces, that filled the Kingdom. This Second Accommodation was also but a Cessation of Arms, the War breaking forth again with more Fury than before. The Hugonots lost a Third Battle at Jarnac, gained by the Duke of Anjou, who commanded the King his Bothers' Army, where the Prince of Conde was slain upon the Place. Gaspar de Coligny was a Gentleman of a good Family, but much more considerable by that of his Mother, who was Sister to the Constable de Mommorency. His Uncle, whom because of his singular Merit King Henry the Second honoured with his Favour, had procured him the Office of Admiral, one of the first of the Crown. Coligny had served under him, during the Reigns of Francis the First, and Henry the Second, with no little Reputation. He had been employed in several Important Negotiations, by which he had acquired a perfect Understanding of Affairs. He was a Man of a thorough Experience, but close, full of Address, naturally Eloquent, and no less a Statesman than a Soldier, tho' far more cautious, than adventurous. In the Year 1522. France being almost ruined, there was a new Agreement made. The Admiral at the same time negotiated a Marriage between the Princess Margaret, the King's Sister, and Henry King of Navarre. Anthony, his Father, died some years before of a Wound, received at the Siege of Rouen. The Admiral came to Paris to assist at the Marriage, followed by so great a number of Gentlemen and Vassals, that the King himself could scarce have found so Magnificent a Train. He was received with extraordinary Testimonies of Confidence and Friendship: He had often private Conferences with the King; in which, 'twas known, they treated of making War upon Flanders; and this, we have since understood, obliged Philip the Second to stay in Italy, for fear of some Surprise from the French. In the mean time there was a Rumour (whether grounded on Reality, or invented by the Queen, who was laying a Snare for the Admiral, as her Enemies would have it) that the People, he had without any Order or Permission, brought to Paris, under pretence of being present at the King of Navarre's Marriage, conspired against the Royal Family. The Queen, whether the better to conceal her Design, or really fearing some secret Plot, caused the Guards of the Lovure to be doubled. Whilst these things beware doing, the Admiral, returning from the King to his own House, was wounded in the Right hand by a Shot from an Arquebush, which was, by some People, said to have been done by the Procurement of the Queen, or the Duke of Guise. The Duke of Guise was accused, because the House in which the Assassin had planted himself, belonged to one of his Creatures, who had some time before left it empty, to prevent the discovery of this Action. These Suspicions were strengthened by the irreconcilable Hatred there was between the Prince and the Admiral; and though the King had made them both promise him to keep quiet till his Majesties Return to Paris; there was yet great likelihood that the Duke of Guise attempted to destroy him. Those that suspected the Queen, said, the Admiral's Fortune and Authority created a Jealousy in this Princess; That she began to fear a Man she had raised too high; That she despaired of resetling Quiet in the State, during the Life of so redoubted an Enemy; and that beside the miserable Condition of the Kingdom, the Murders, Battles and Perils herself and Children had been exposed to, all which she laid to his Charge; she yet further mortally hated him, because of the shameful Discourses, with which he blemished her Honour; That since she could neither punish him by Law no● Force, he had recourse to Stratagem; That she was as skilful in these sort of Intrigues as he could be; That she had drawn him and the chief of his Party to Paris, on the occasion of her Daughter's Marriage, the more securely to destroy him; That he had been lured to Court by the Project of the Low-Gountry War, and the fair shows of Confidence and Esteem; That she had consequently pressed the young Duke of Guise to revenge on him his Father's Murder, to which this Prince was too much inclined, having only refused to do it for fear of displeasing the King, and losing the Friendship of the Nobility, who would after this Action have looked upon him, as a Man without Honour or Faith; That the Queen had eased him of this Scruple, by representing to him, that he would do a signal Service to the State in exterminating its most formidable Enemy; That 'twas the greatest Sign of Fidelity he could show the King; And, in fine, that the Duke of Guise engaged not in it, till he had first got an Order, written and signed by the Princesses own Hands. But whether it was the Queen, or the Duke of Guise, or neither of them that were the Authors of this Enterprise, the Admiral was no sooner carried into his House, but the Hugonots ran thither in Crowds, filling the Town with Complaints and Murmurs. They had the Confidence to accuse the King, as well as the Duke, publishing, that none' durst have committed such an Attempt without his Majesty's Protection; and yet the Queen had so carefully concealed it from him, that he knew nothing of it, till News was brought him of the Accident befallen the Admiral. He went presently with the Queen to see him, testifying his Displeasure and Sorrow, and promising to make an exact Enquiry into it, and severely to punish this Assassination. He left also his Guards about his House, as well for the Honour, as Security of his Person: but understanding at his Return to the Lovure, that the Hugonots suspected him to be privy to it, and accordingly were so impudent as to threaten him, he fell into a terrible Transport, which the Queen Mother, who absolutely Governed him, diligently fomented; taking hold of this favourable Moment to make him resolve on a sudden Extirpation of his Rebellious Subjects, and ridding himself of an Enemy, so much the more dangerous, in that he was irreconcilable. They were persuaded at Court, that, as soon as the Hugonot-Lords were departed, they would begin a new Rebellion, much more Bloody than any of the former, and would call in Strangers to their Assistance. The Admiral himself could not forbear letting slip some little Menaces, when the King, comforting him about his Wound, told him, It was not dangerous: I care not, answered he coldly, for losing the use of a hand: for, provided I keep my Head, I hope, all will go well. It was said by some, that the King held afterwards a Council with the Queen, and some of their intimatest Confidents, in which 'twas resolved no longer to endure these Insolences, but forthwith to dispatch the Hugonots, and commit the executing of it to the Duke of Guise; and that the King, not to awaken their Distrust, sent him out of Paris on pretence of some Discontent; but he returned, according to Agreement, the One and Twentieth of August at Night, accompanied by the Duke of Angoulême, the King's natural Brother, glad of the opportunity of serving his Master, and also to Revenge himself without fear of Punishment. But there went at the same time a Report, that the Admiral's Friends, assembled in his House, had taken very wicked and detestable Resolutions, he having himself, by a very pathetical Discourse incited them to rise up in Arms; That being all animated by the same Fury, they cried out to go immediately to attack the Lovure, and destroy the King, the Princes his Brothers, and the King of Navarre, whose Death they had resolved, though he were of their own Religion, because the Admiral feared his Wit and Courage. But whilst he loses time in being too curious to take his Measures, he delivers himself up to his ill Fortune; and the King, informed of his Practices, hastens the Punishment of the Rebellion. Some endeavoured to make it be believed, that this Conspiracy was a Story, invented by the Queen Mother, who foreseeing the Horror, the destruction of the Hugonots would cause, endeavoured by these Calumnious Reports to mitigate the People's Indignation. However it was, the Duke of Guise about one of the Clock in the Morning forced open the Admiral's House. A young Germane Gentleman, who had been bred a Page with the Duke's Father, and was ambitious of the Honour to give him the first Blow, entered his Chamber. The Admiral, rising out of his Bed, conjured him to have Respect to his old Age and his Infirmities, and grant him his Life. But the German, reproaching him with Treason and Apostasy, mortally wounded him, and caused him to be thrown out at Window to the Duke of Guise, who guarded the entrance into the House. 'Tis said, Coligny fell down as dead, but hearing the Duke of Guise calling to have him thrown out, he made some resistance against those that went to take him up, and cast him forth into the Street, desiring them to let him die in quiet; whereupon they dispatched him. The Rabble, vomiting out a Thousand Curses against him, dragged him for some time in the Dirt; they tore him asunder, and filled the Town with pieces of his Body. A young Parisian cut off his Head, and carried it on a long Pole into all the Public Places, and the Trunk of his Body was hung up by the Feet on the common Gallows. Thus ended Gaspar de Coligni, Admiral of France, who was raised to so great a Fortune, that his Court was no less than the King's. He made himself redoubted by France and Spain, and though he made not War upon King Philip, he created him Trouble enough by stirring up the Low Countries and Germany, and underhand protecting the Prince of Orange: He often imposed on the King his Master a Necessity of making Peace and War; but what renders his Memory most durable, is, that having been twice taken Prisoner by the Spaniards, and lost three Battles, he still kept the same Authority with his Party, and never showed more Courage and Constancy, than in the midst of his greatest Disgraces: yet it is certain, he was rather a cunning, than a valiant Captain, very skilful in choosing his Post, but distrustful of the Fortune of War in Battles, and not engaging himself, but in the last Extremity. The Count de la Rochefoucault, Teligny, Pardaillan, Clermont, d' Amboise, and several other Hugonots of Quality were slain the same Night. Mongommery was for some time pursued by the Duke of Guise, who eagerly sought to kill him; but he fled into England at the first Report of the Admiral's Death. The Hugonots had so highly incensed the People, that it was impossible to moderate their Fury, till they had made a very great and lamentable Slaughter. The Emperor gave always Hopes, that he would sign the Treaty of Alliance, though he had a very great Repugnance to make War upon the Infidels: he could not resolve to break the Pea●e with them, tho' their Faithlesness rendered it uncertain and ill assured. But he desired also not to discontent the Pope nor the Venetians. That, which held them thus in suspense, was the Passion, he had to get the Prince Ernestus, his Son, chosen King of Poland, Sigismond Augustus, the deceased King, having left no Heirs. Maximilian considered this Crown, as an Acquisition, that would much augment his Power. The Polonians were then at Peace with the Port; but there was need of great Sums to purchase the Principal Electors Suffrages; so that the Money and Favour of the French prevailing above the Authority of the House of Austria, the Duke of Anjou was preferred before the Emperors Son. In the mean time Maximilian treated still with the Pope, showing the greater earnestness, the surer he was not to take up Arms. The Confederates, resolved to refuse him nothing, that they might draw him in, and all Germany, granted him Five Thousand Foot more than the Troops he had asked of Cardinal Commendon. John Delphini, Bishop of Torcello, the Pope's Nuncio, with his Imperial Majesty, had agreed, That there should be given Five and Twenty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Five Hundred Horse, on condition, that Maximilian should bring into the Field as great an Army as the Succour of the Confederates amounted to. The Auxiliary Troops were to stay in his Service Six Months in the Year, to enter into Winter Quarters with his Army in such Posts, as were most commodious, and advantageous for the Progress of the Germane Affairs, and this Treaty to continue, as long as the War should last; the Emperor desired farther, that, whoever of the Confederates should break the League, should be looked upon as an Enemy, and that the Pope should with all requisite Solemnities issue out the greater Excommunication against him; but this last Article was refused him, and in lieu thereof 'twas agreed, That for the Payment of the Confederate Troops, destined to his Service, Money should be sent every Three Months to Ausbourg, for which the Richest Merchants of the Town should be security. The Emperor, on these Conditions, engaged this Year to make War on Hungary, with a design to keep up the League; but he was determined to find daily new Pretences not to enter into the Field, excusing himself sometimes on the Tediousness of Assemblies and Diets, and sometimes on the difficulty of raising Soldiers and Money out of the Sovereign Estates of Germany. As soon as Gregory understood the Conclusion of the Treaty with the Emperor, he sent for the Venetian Ambassador, to whom he imparted this agreeable News, giving him Order to assure the Senate of it. The King of Portugal had promised to send his Fleet this Year into Greece; and the Pope, to encourage the Venetians, made Preparations to augment that of the Holy See. These fair Hopes, which, the Venetians well knew, would come to nothing, served only to make his Holiness take more heinously the Republics Agreement with the Port. The Spring was now far advanced, and the Venetians vehemently importuned the Pope and the King of Spain to send their Fleets immediately to Corfou, when Tipoli received advice from the Senate, that the Peace was concluded at Constantinople. Barbaro had no sooner received Power to treat with the Grand Visier, but he applied himself seriously to it. He knew, 'twas the Intention of the College of Ten, whose Favour by this means he should gain: He also knew the Weakness of the Commonwealth, and that he should at the same time recover his own Liberty. The French Ambassador at the Port concerned himself much in this Affair by Order from the King his Master, and fervently solicited Mahomet about it: but these good Offices served only to render this Minister more difficult, because he would not share the Honour or Profit of this Negotiation with any one. Barbaro, perceiving it, pretended to be sick, and asked leave for Solomon, the same Jewish Physician, he had already made use of, to come to him. Solomon was no sooner entered the Chamber, where he was kept, but Marco Antonio making him Presents and Promises, conjured him to do his Endeavour, to procure an end to his Imprisonment, and Repose to his Country, letting him understand, that 'twould be no less to his Advantage than his Honour, if he brought it to pass. The Jew, leaving Barbaro, went to the Grand Visier, whom the difficulty of setting forth a new Fleet rendered much more tractable: He sounded him, to find how he was inclined to an Accommodation, and afterwards proposed it to him. Mahomet at first entered into a particular Debate upon the Articles of Peace, demanding, that the Republic should give the Grand Signior the Isle of Corfou, the Towns of Cataro and Budua, and fhould pay him all the Charges of the War. Barbaro answered with a great deal of Constancy, that the Republic would part with nothing of what they possessed before the War, that they would restore Supoto, and only in respect make Selim a Present of Threescore Thousand Crowns in Gold, who should also cause the Lands, which the Turks had taken in Dalmatia, to be restored. The Grand Visier receded from the Demand of Corfou, but insisted on the Surrender of Cataro and Budua, saying, that Peace was not to be mentioned but on these Conditions, and threatening Soloman to have him strangled, if he did not oblige the Venetian to yield him these two Places. And what? added he with a fierce and angry Countenance, The Venetians, to obtain a Peace, granted Solyman the strong fortified Towns of Nauplia and Malvafia, with all they had in Peloponnesus: and do they now make a Scruple of yielding the Grand Signior Two: One weak and half-ruined, and the other dispeopled by the Spoil, the Plague has made in it? To bring the Venetian Ambassador to his Bow, he spread a Report, That the Musulman Fleet should be composed of three Hundred Galleys, and as many small Vessels, and that the Ottoman Emperors had never as yet set forth so numerous and formidable an one; That the Grand Signior, assisted by his Forces of Asia and Europe, would come in Person, and cover the Earth and Sea with Soldiers and Vessels. But Antonio, who knew the Pride of these Barbarians, feared not so much these ridiculous Menaces, as he did the Weakness and Necessities of the Commonwealth. After many goings to and fro, and a very long discussion, the Grand Visier, who had certain Information of what was resolved on at Rome for the next Campaign, feared to break the Negotiation, and reimbark himself in a much more troublesome War, than that, which it was in his Power to end; so that becoming much more reasonable, he agreed on a Peace with Barbaro on these Conditions: That the Venetians should restore Supoto, with all the Canon they had taken in that place; That the Inhabitants, who would not stay there, should have liberty to depart, and take with them their Movables and other Goods; That the Grand Signior and the Commonwealth should retain the places, of which they were then in possession; That the Ancient Limits of the two States should be re-established, and that every one should re-enter into the Lands of the Continent, he enjoyed before the War; That the Venetians should pay fifteen hundred Crowns a year Tribute for the Isle of Zant, though they had till that time paid but five Hundred; That they should give the Grand Signior Three hundred and fifty Thousand Crowns in ready Money, and Threescore Thousand to his first Minister for his Negotiation; 'Twas added, that the Merchants on both sides should be set at Liberty, and their Effects restored; That an Estimate should be made of such as were no longer found in specie, and that in other things the Treaty concluded with Solyman should be executed. Barbaro presenting Selim this, to ratify it by Oath, the Sultan, beholding him with a threatening Look, said nothing to him, but that he would exactly observe these Conditions, provided the Venetians failed not in their Respect to him, and gave no Council nor Assistance to his Enemies. Barbaro immediately dispatched his Son to Venice with a Copy of this Treaty. The Young Man, who knew of what Importance this Affair was, with which he was charged, made such speed, that he was but Twenty days in going from Constantinople to Venice, which was more than ever any Courier did before him. He went in his Turkish habit to the Doge's Palace, where the Council of Ten was then happily assembled. These Magistrates, having read his Dispatches, were of Opinion, that he should not appear all the rest of that day, and that his Arrival should be concealed, till the Senate was acquainted with the Conclusion of the Peace. They foresaw, that such surprising News would cause a very great Rumour and Commotion in the Town. The Council of Ten declared the next day in full Senate the urgent Reasons that had forced them to an Accommodation with the Port, and procured the Peace to be ratified, which was at the same time published. One would have thought this News should have given no little Joy to People, bred up in Repose, and indebted for their Greatness to the Exercises and Arts, which are cultivated in Peace. In the mean time the People of Venice, though disquieted by new Preparations for War, incommoded by the Interruption of their Trade, and loaded with extraordinary Impositions, were for some days in such a Consternation (so little do the Multitude understand their own Interest) that, to see the Dejection and Sorrow of the Inhabitants, you would have imagined the City to be threatened with utter Desolation. The People of the other Confederate Estates, who saw not the Commonwealths pressing Motives, conceived such an Odium against them, that their Subjects, nay their very Ambassadors (whose Character is respected amongst the most Barbarous Nations) were not safe amongst them. The Emperor, whose slowness and delays were partly the cause of this Agreement, reproachfully asked Giovanni Corario, the Republics Ambassador, What the Breakers of the Public Faith merited; and this Minister did very Wisely to keep himself for some days shut up in his Palace at Vienna, and not expose himself to the Fury of the Vulgar, who were then ready to offer all manner of Outrage to those, they called Venetians. But soon after Maximilian, understanding that the King of Spain received this news with Indifference enough, treated Corario, who had threatened him to retire to Venice, and set the Republic at difference with him, as civilly as before. When the Venetian Ambassador had told Philip the Second, That his Masters had been forced by their Inability to put an end to the War, this Prince answered him calmly enough, That he engaged in the League only at his Holynesses Request; That he believed the Senate wise enough not to do any thing without mature Deliberation; That 'twas sufficient for him to have shown all Europe; that he had undertaken and carried on this Affair with as much Zeal as Constancy; and in fine, that 'twas just to yield to the Sentiments of the Parties that were chiefly concerned. Tiepoli received about Noon this News by an express Courier, and went immediately to acquaint his Holiness with it, who was gone to take the Air at Frescati, in the Vineyard of Cardinal Altemps. The Pope asked him, smiling, What Good News he had to tell him: To which this Minister answered very seriously, That he came to communicate to his Holiness the Conclusion of a Peace between the Commonwealth and the Grand Signior. The Pope, strangely surprised, interrupted Tipoli, forbade him to say any more, and commanded him to be gone. The Ambassador humby did his utmost to pacify Gregory's Displeasure; but he would hear neither his Reasons nor his Prayers, and passing into another Chamber, enjoined him to return immediately. Tipoli, fearing lest the People of Rome, or the Soldiers, who passed continually to go and embark at Naples, might offer him some Violence, assembled his Friends in his Palace. He met several of these Soldiers on his way, as he returned to Rome, who would have done him a Mischief, had they disinherited that he came from confirming the Reports of Peace, which were already spread about the Town. One of his Domestics, a Native of Milan, being behind his back, when he opened his Pacquets, cast his Eyes on the Letter, which gave advice of the Peace, and no sooner saw his Master on his way for Frescati, but he went to acquaint Cardinal Cornaro with the news. The Pope, perplexed and troubled, returned at Night to Rome, and gave order for the Sacred College to assemble on the morrow. His Holinesses sudden Return made this Matter very public, and the Romans were so incensed at it, that if any one would have Headed the People, the Venetian Ambassador would have been attacked in his Palace, against the Doors and Windows of which the ruder sort began already to throw Stones. The Venetians were publicly styled forsworn Traitors, some of them were outraged, and their very Name was for several days abhorred at Rome. The King of Spain's Ministers, who had the greatest Reason to be displeased, showed nevertheless far more Moderation than the Pope's Subjects. His Holiness, desiring to blacken the Venetians, and render them still more culpable, represented in full Consistory, that, when the Emperor was at his Request, in fine, about to declare War against the Infidels; when the King of Portugal had assured him by his Ambassadors, that he would enter into the League; when he hoped on certain Conditions to break the Alliance between France and the Port; when, to complete their Felicity, he had certain Advice, that the new King of Persia, the declared Enemy of the Ottomans, was setting on Foot a great Army, to invade Turkey; and when the Christians had conceived the greatest Hopes Imaginable to break their Chains, and exterminate their common Adversary: the Venetians had overthrown all these great Designs by perfidiously making a shameful Peace with these Barbarians. He then inveighed very much against them, treating them as perjured Traitors, and revoking all the Graces, his Predecessors had granted them in consideration of this War. He even enjoined them to restore the Money they had levied on certain Benefices, to which they immediately paid an exact Obedience. He forbade all the Subjects of the Holy See to engage without his Leave in the Service of the Repulick, shut up the Granaries of Puglia and Marca di. Ancona, and did them several other Displeasures, which, though apparently very grievous, were much less terrible, than what the Senate expected from the public Indignation, and the Wrath of a Sovereign Prelate, who might strike them with all the Thunders of Excommunication. The Venetian Ambassador, who saw that Gregory affected to appear much severer than he naturally was, feared, lest in the first motions of his Choler, he might carry things to the utmost Extremities; but his Holiness breaking forth only in Reproaches and Menaces he procured the Venetian Cardinals to intercede with him. They besought him to consider, that the Destruction of the Commonwealth would be no less prejudicial to the Holy See, than the aggrandising of a Foreign Power, which already threatened all its Neighbours: that their Ruin would be fatal to all Italy, and draw with it that of the Ecclesiastical State. Tipoli observed, that these Reasons had already made some Impression on the Pope's Mind. He did his endeavour to obtain an Audience; but Gregory still refused to give him any, telling those that solicited it, He would not receive the excuses of the Venetians but in the presence of the Sacred College, and other Witnesses of the Treaty, which they had so basely violated. In the mean time his Anger by little and little abated, and Tipoli knowing that he used a great deal of Violence on himself to pass for an inflexible Man, proposed to the Senate the sending an extraordinary Ambassador to Rome, not doubting but so unusual a Proceeding, might find some favour with him. The Senate approved of this Expedient, and Nicholas Ponti, who was Fourscore years of Age, was chosen for this Embassy. He departed immediately, and arrived sooner at Rome, than his Old Age seemed to permit him. He found the Pope resolute not to give him Audience any where but in the Consistory. In the mean time some of the Principal Cardinals obtained of the Pope, that he should be received in the same manner as the other Ambassadors were. Ponti with a great deal of Clearness and Eloquence laid open the Reasons and Motives which obliged the Republic to make their Accommodation with Selim. Gregory heard him quietly, and appeared so much the more satisfied with his Discourse, as he flattered himself at the sight of this venerable Old Man, who was Ten years older than His Holiness, That he might live yet several years; and this agreeable Thought contributed not a little to the Satisfaction, which the Venetians received in this Audience. The Pope complained only of their making a Peace without acquainting him with their Intention, and dismissed the Ambassador with Testimonies of a perfect Reconciliation. Ponti visited all the Cardinals apart, confirming to them what he had said in public to his Holiness, and leaving Tipoli in the Functions of his Employ, returned to Venice to give an account of the happy Success of his Voyage. FINIS. THE INDEX. A ABraham, his Descent. p. 47. Sent in quality of an Ambassador to Venice. ibid. He enters Venice. 52. Acangii, what they are. 94. Achomat made Governor of Epire. 184. He envies Perteau the Honour of the Surrender of Dulcino. ibid. His Drunkenness. 16. Actium, its War compared with that of Cyprus. 5. Egyptians, Masters of Cyprus. 251. Aiton, King of Armenia. 6. Albert Scotto, who he was. 96. Killed 99 Alexander Farnese, the Duke of Parma's Son, slain, and by whom. 160. Alexander Donati, through his Ambition, loses the opportunity of taking Scutari. 180, 181. He voluntarily goes into Exile, and why. 184. Alexandrinus the Cardinal sent Legate to Spain and Portugal. 155. His Speech to King Philip. ibid. His Exhortation to Don Sebastian, King of Portugal. 156. He goes to France, 158. His return to Rome, and his reception, 160. Alvarez Basano, General of the Neapolitan Galleys, 69. Amaury, made King of Cyprus by the Pope, 6. D'Amboise the Admiral slain, 357. Amurah, Seilim's Son's Character, 20. Amuti, Ambassador from the Grand Seignier to France, stopped by the Venetians, 137. Andimes, a Region in Cyprus, 2. Andrew Doria, 65. He differs with Mark Antony Colonni, Pompey Colonni, and Alvarez Basano, about succouring Cyprus, 69. Suspected by the Venetians, 71. He rivals Colonni, 72. Falls out with him, 115, 116. Carries his Galleys to Sicily, and goes himself for Spain, 116. His Skill in Sea Affairs, 147. He contends for Honour with Louchali, ibid. Angelus Soriano, 119. His Valour, 312. Antivari delivered to the Turks, 184. Antonio Roscono, his Stratagem to prevent the taking Cursolari, 186. Antony Canali, 66. He is for going to succour Cyprus, 67. Arabians, fall from the Turks, 44. Ascaneus Corneo, a Counsellor of the House of Austria, 218. Astor Baglioni, Commander of a Garrison, 74. Governor of Famagusta, 77. His Courage, 79. Nicosia desires his Assistance, 100 Not suffered to depart from Famagusta, 101. Kills 3000 Turks, 195. Blows up 3000 at the Siege of Famagusta, 102. Makes a Sally out upon the Turks, and worsts them, taking a Standard, 203. His Death, 211. Augustin Barbarigo, joint Commander of the Navy with Sebastian Venieri, 123. Slain, and how. 252. His dying Words, ibid. He was the first that charged, and the first that routed the Enemy, 253. Augustus, King of Poland, seeks for a Divorce, 171. Reproved by Cardinal Commendon, ibid. The Queen dies, 172. The King dies, ibid. & 173. Henry Duke of Anjou, Brother to Charles the 9th. King of France, 173. B Baglioni, his Valour and Conduct at the Siege of Famagusta, 202. Killed, how, and by whom, 211. Bajazet, Soliman's Son, betrayed by the King of Persia, is killed by his Father, 15, 16. Baptista Scolumban, his Character, 101. Bassa of Caramonia, 104. Bernard Tipoly persuades the calling home Venieri, 268. Checked for it, 269. Bonrici, who, 47. Budua demolished by Perteau, 185. C Caesar D'Avelois, Commander of the Ships of Burden, 221. Caesar Pioveni, 96. Surprises the Turks, ibid. Killed, 99 Candia, the principal Town in the Isle of that name, 71. Captain's Speeches to their Soldiers before the Fight, 239. Their Valour and Conduct, 245. Caracossa, a famous Pirate, 174. He covertly in the night views the Christian Fleet. 234. Carpasso, a Region of Cyprus. 2. Catarians not willing to yield to Perteau's proposal, 185. Two Galleys taken from them by the Turks, 119. The Town beset by them, ibid. Like to have been betrayed, 181. The Traitor's punishment, ibid. Cataro besieged, and by whom, 338. Relieved by Giacomo Sorantio, 339. Catharina, Mother of Francis, King of France, 249. Queen Regent of France, 350. Assisted by her Admiral, 351. Her Arts to kill him, 352. Catherine Cornelia, Queen of Cyprus, 10. Leaves the Kingdom to the Venetians, 11. She dies, and where. ibid. Cerigo, anciently called Cythera. 178. Cerines', a Region of Cyprus. 2. & 112. Delivered to the Turks, and by whom. 113. Christian Fleet reviewed. 219. Sails for Greece. 220. The Names of the Commanders. ibid. They arrive at Corfou. 222. The number of their Ships, Strength and Provision. 221. Drawn up in order of Battle. 235. The Commanders Conduct in War. 236. Small Ships put out from the rest of the Fleet to prevent the Soldiers running away. ibid. Their devotion before Battle. 238. Preparation for a new Fleet. 285. It's Number. ibid. & 306. The Turks decline a Fight with the Christians, 321, 322. They enter the Turks Port. ibid. The Turks Fleet approaches Cyprus. 92. The Christian Fleet recruited. 343. A Decree of the Pope concerning the Fleet. 345. The Turk puts his Men ashore at Cyprus. 93. The numerousness of his Fleet. ibid. The good management of the Venetian Fleet. 50. A Contagion happens in it. 60. The mutual mistake of the Christian and Turkish Fleet. 235. Claudio De Gonzaga. 327. Clissa betrayed to the Venetians. 337. Foolishly deserted by them. ibid. Commendon Cardinal John Francis opposes Granvil in behalf of the Venetians. 62. The Pope by his advice sends Colonni to their Assistance, 139. He is sent Legate into Poland and Germany. 154. His Speech to Maximilian. 164, 165, 166, 167. The Emperor's Answer. 167. Conde taken Prisoner. 349. Set at Liberty. 350. The Duke of Guise his Adversary. ibid. He takes up Arms against the King. ibid. Routed. ibid. Taken. ibid. Killed. ibid. Constantinople affrighted at the succefs of the Christians. 272. Cyprus in possession of the Turks. 5. Cornelii, their Resoluteness in a Sea Fight. 252. Courage or Constancy, which most proper to the Turks. 246. Cosmus de Medicis his great Fortune, 160. Why called Great Duke. 162. Maximilian offended at it. ibid. Why he granted his Assistance against the Turks. 286. A Contest between him and Alphonso, Duke of Ferrara, about precedence. ibid. Cretensians, their Sedition, and what followed. 177. Crusso, a Region of Cyprus. 2. Cursolari wonderfully preserved by Women, and how. 186. Cyprus, its Situation 1. thought to be separated from the Continent. ibid. It's Cities, Towns, and Dimensions. 2. It's numerous Inhabitants. ibid. Its Antiquity. ibid. Its Fertility, their Habit of Body and Delights. 3. Looseness of their Women. ibid. Its Barrenness and Plenty. ibid. No Rain in it for Seventeen Years. 4. What things it abounds with. ibid. The unwholsomness of its Air. 5. Its Governors. ibid. & 6. In the possession of the Venetians. 6. Several Attempts of revolting from the Venetians. 73. Wholly in the power of the Turks, 212. A bold attempt of a Cypriot Woman. 8. A Courageous Act of a Woman of Nicosia. 111, 112. Another horrible Act of a Matron of Nicosia. 109, 110. The Noble Men of Cyprus, desirous to fight the Turks, are hindered by Dandoli. 95. They attempt to go out privately. 97. Cypriots forbid to breed up Mules. 4. Cyprus Tributary to Egypt. 10. Cythera, now Cerigo. 306. D Dandoli, Podestat of Nicosia. 74. His Ignorance in Arms. 85. Born for the Ruin of Nicosia. 97. Angry. ibid. Killed at the taking of Nicosia. 98. Mustapha sends his Head to terrify the Governors of Famagusta. 113. Decemviri consult together for the good of the Republic of Venice. 332. They send Marco Antonio Barbaro to Constantinople to treat a Peace, where he is detained. 336. A wise Counsel. 345. Decree o● the Pope about the Navy. 345. Discipline neglected in the Navy, causes a great destruction in it. 308. Discords among the Christians give opportunity to the Infidels. 34. A Dissuasive of the Spaniards from entering into a League with the Venetians. 127. The Pope commits it to Six Cardinals. 129. Laws made by the Pope. 155, 156. A difference decided amongst the Confederates. 342. Conditions of a League with the Emperor Maximilian. 169, 170. Dragonares, Rocks over against the Promontory of Malea. 307. Durazzo, in vain besieged by Venieri. 153. Dulcino, its Strength. 183. Vigorously assaulted by the Turks: They surrender. ibid. E Epirots Horse worst Syroc. 83. They alone are intended to sally out of Nicosia. 95. Yet retained by Dandoli, and why. 97. Eugenius Sinclitici, Count de Rocas. 75. He badly performs his Embassy. ibid. & 76. Through his default Nicosia is taken by the Turks. 106, 107. Killed, and when. 107. His body mangled by the Conquerors. ibid. F Fabian Gratiani slain in a Sea Fight. 252. Famagusta, its Merchandise. 7. Taken by the Genoese. 9 Taken from them, and by whom. 10. Those of Famagusta disagree with the Nicosians. 76. It's Situation. 197. Besieged by Mustapha, ibid. A rash Sally of the Greeks and Venetians. 198. The Enemies Works hinder their Sallying out. ibid. The Turks gain the Ditch 199. Driven back by the besieged's Fire. ibid. They undermine the City. ibid. Six times beat out of the breaches they had made. 200. The Besieged build a double Wall. ibid. The Valour of their Women. ibid. The Courage of the Bishop of the place. 201. Stormed for several days together by the Besiegers. ibid. The number of their Shot in one day. ibid. Baglioni, by setting fire to a mine, blows up above 3000 Turks. 202. Mustapha vexed hereat, exhorts his Soldiers to be more resolute. ibid. The diligence and watchfulness of the Besieged. 203, 204. Disappointed of a supply from the Venetians. 206, 207. A Famine amongst them. 208. Discourse about delivering up the City. 211. The manner of Bragadin's Death. 212. The Christians thereby animated to fight. 231. Ferrara's Duke, the Great Duke of Tuscany's Rival. 286. 287. He goes into Germany. ibid. Fenicia, its port repaired by Selim. 29. Filebert, Duke of Savoy, one of the Confederates. 286. Why not made General of the Army. 134. Flavius Cardinal Vrsin sent Ambassador into France. 249. France, its Power whence. 348. The French Kings Answer to Cardinal Alexandrine, exciting him to enter the League. 159. His judgement of Henry King of Navarre. ibid. Angry that the Spanish Ambassador at Rome should find more favour than his. 277. Francis Barbaro a Messenger of Peace to the Venetians. 364. Francis Contareni, Bishop of Baffo, 108. Francis, the French King, Successor to King Henry. 349. A Conspiracy against him. ibid. Dies. ibid. Francis, Duke of Guise, slain. 350. His Encomium. ibid. Francis Maria of Rovere, Son of Duke Urbin, who. 220. Francis Prioli. 11, 119. His Valour and Death. 120. Francis Troni conducts Abrahim to Venice. 51. Francomates, who. 2. G Gabriel Cerbellon, Councillor of Germany, 218. Galleasses, what they are. 50. They first charge the En●my. 242. Gaspar de Coligny, Admiral of the Protestants in France. 159. Marries a Wife, a Subject of the Duke of Savoy's. 286. Thought to have a design upon Savoy. ibid. He breeds a Discord between the two Kings. 301. Kills the Duke of Guise by his Emissaries. 350. His Character, 351. The Queen seeks his Death. 353. She commits the doing of it to the young Duke of Guise, ibid. & 354. He instructs his Party how to kill the King and others. 355. Himself killed, and thrown out at a Window. 356. His Encomium. 357. The names of those that were killed with him. ibid. Geneure Salviati, Baglioni's Wife, her Love and Courage. 205. Sends to Perusia to raise men in her Husband's Defence. 206. Gengirus, his own executioner. 15. Genoeses placed after the Venetians by Petrin. 9 They contend with the Venetians about Priority. ibid. Conspire against the King, but being detected, are all killed. ibid. They make War with the Cypriots. ibid. They make themselves Masters of Famagusta. ibid. They assist the Spaniard with Four Galleys. 286. Granvil Cardinal, his Birth and Character. 61. He says the Venetians ought not to be assisted. 62. Contradicted by Cardinal Commendon. 62, 63. He hinders the League. 134. He incurs the Pope's Displeasure. 136. He is Governor of Naples. 217. A Thanksgiving for the Victory of the Venetian Navy. 260. Greeks, two, Fugitives from Nicosia, persuade Mustapha to besiege it. 87. Gregory Panteus. 96. Gregory XIII. made Pope. 298. His Birth and bypast Life. ibid. Endeavours to bring the French King into a League with the Confederates. 348. Angry with the Venetians for making peace with the Turks. 366. Inveighs against them in the Consistory. ibid. & 349. His Decree against them. 369. Appeased by the Venetian Ambassadors. ibid. Gulielmus de Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, assists against the Turks. 286. Guidobaldus, Duke of Urbin, offers to assist in the War against the Turks. 286. Guise's Adversaries to the Prince of Conde. 350. Guise, employed by the King and Queen to kill the Admiral of France. 352. Guy de Lufignan, dispossessed of his Crown, purchases Cyprus. 6. His Family. ibid. H Hali, Admiral of the Turks. 86. Destroys several Islands belonging to the Venetians. 231. His Exhortation to an Engagement with the Confederates. 232. His Death. 247 His two Sons; one whereof died at Rome; the other was begged of Don John by his Mother. 347. Hector Martinengo, slain upon the Rendition of Famagusta. 211. Hector Podocatero, sent Ambassador by Mustapha to Famagusta. 196. His ill Treatment. ibid. Mustapha kills him. 197. Hector Troni, cast in Prison for deserting Clissa, and let go▪ 337. Henry of France, His League and Affinity with Philip of Spain. 349. Henry, Brother to the French King, made King of Poland. 359. Henry, King of Navarre, a Huguenot. 158. His mildness. 159. Hermolaus Tipoli, who. 50, 119. He burns the City Scardo●a. 180. Takes some Ships. ibid. Hierom Grimani, his last Words concerning the League. 126. Hierom de Martinengo, sent to succour the Cypriots. 43. Savorniani's Rival. ibid. Dies. 81. Hierom Ragazoni, Bishop of Famagusta, sent to ask Aid of the Venetians. 205. Hierom Venieri, Podestat of Dulcino, deprived of his Armour by the Turks. 184. Hierom Zany, General of the Navy. 50. Honorius Cajetan, a Commander in the Confederate Army. 220. Hugo, the King of Apulia's Son, King of Cyprus. 6. Hugonots in France, a 349. ad finem. Humphrey Justiniani, sent to Venice with the news of the Sea Fight. 255. His Entrance into the City, and Relation of the Victory. 257. I James Celsi. 66. James Fosca●ini, deposed from his Generalship at Sea, 269 James Malateste, being too ve●turesom, taken by the Turks. 181. After two years' Slavery released. 182. James Nores, Count de Tripoli, Rocas' Rival. 76. James Ragazone, sent to treat of a peace at Constantinople. 137. James Sorantio, sent Ambassador to the Emperor Maximilian. 163. He is of opinion that the Siege of Leucade ought not to be undertaken. 264. Complains bitterly of Ve●ieri. 268. He raises the Siege of Cataro. 339. 〈…〉, vindicates Venieri. 269. Janissaries in the War of Cyprus. 86. Jews Vagrants. 25. Their place of abode. ibid. Driven out of Spain. 26. They withdraw themselves into Portugal. ibid. They lose their Liberty. ibid. Driven out of Portugal. ibid. They feign themselves Christians. ibid. Imissa, a Region of Cyprus. 2. Don John of Austria. 132. Made Generalissimo of the whole Army by the Pope. 133. Goes over to Genoa. 217. His Councillors. 218. He gives the Sign to fall upon the Turks Fleet. 237. He encourages his Soldiers. ibid. Angry with Venieri. 255. His stay in Sicily. 300. A Copy of his Letter to Colonni. 304, 305. Determines to return for Sicily. 324. The Venetians court him to stay, but in vain. 325. Sets Sail from Greece. 326. Accused to the King for having engaged the Turks contrary to his order 334. John Falerio, who. 97. Taken by the Infidels, is killed. 108. John Legio, Providor of Dalmatia, last in prison at Venice. 123. John Sorantio sent to Rome, and why. 131. Ingrateful to Pope Pius. 132. John Susomini, a prudent man. 78. Isaac Comnenus, loses Cyprus to Richard King of England. 6. Ishmael, King of Persia, overcome by Selim, Soliman's Father. 32. Ishmael Tammas, the King of Persia's Son, why imprisoned by his Father. 158. Italian Princes, their inclination to War. 285. Julius Sav●rniani, enters Nicosia with a handful of Men. 12, 13, 14. He takes care for the preservation of Dalmatia. 48. The Venetians put great Confidence in him. 192. L. Landriani, Governor of Sicily, Counsellor of Germany. 218. Latin Vrsin, one of the Heroes in the Confederate Army. 220. Lauredon, Doge of Venice, his Death. 55. Laurence Tipoli, Podestat of Famagusta. 74. Legates from Venice to Spain. 334. Leiparus yields itself to the Infidels: Burnt by the Nicosians, and why. 90. Lesina burnt by the Turks. 187. Letters treating of a Peace sent to Rome. 364. etc. Letters of the Confederates intercepted by the Enemies. 100 Leucade, its Situation. 265. In vain attempted by Venieri. 266. Lewis Mocenigo, Doge of Venice. 56. Lewis Requiescens, Governor of Milanese. 277. Lewis, Son to the Duke of Savoy, King of Cyprus. 10. Driven out by the Mamalucks, ibid., Liberty granted the Slaves, if they obtained the Victory. 243. Their outrages upon the Turks Galleys. 244. Limisso, a Region in Cyprus. 2. Louchali, an Arch-Pyrate. 174. His Actions in Crete. 175, 176. He quits the Inhabitants of Rhetimo with negligence. 176. His skill in Sea Affairs. 247. His Counsel in the War at Sea, carped at by Doria. ibid. He flies. 248. Succeeds Hali. 274. He prepares a new Fleet. ibid. Consults upon the news of the Arrival of the Christians. 307. His wonderful Sagacity. 310. His Warlike Courage. 313. Returns joyful to the Turks, after having avoided the danger he was in. 328. Lucas Michaeli, chief Magistrate of Canea, repulses the Turks. 175. Lucenses offer Money to carry on the War with the Turks. 35. M Mahomet, after Solyman's Death, takes Sigeth. 19 Wonderfully conceals Solyman's Death. ibid. His Craft and Power. ibid. He endeavours the Ruin of Mustapha and Piali. 24. Endeavours to turn the War from Venice. 35. Persuades to a War with Spain. 36. Which is ill resented by the Grand Signior. 42, 43. His Arts to deceive the Venetians. 43. Requires Cyprus of the Venetian Ambassador. 45. Letters concerning the same. 52, 53. He is made Bassa of Negropout. 347. Taken in a Sea Fight and carried to Rome. ibid. His opinion of the Victory. ibid. A witty saying of his. 348. Malvasia, which the Ancients called the Epidaurus of Greece. 306. Mamalucks having taken Janus, King of the Cypriots, carry him into Egypt. 11. Manolio Marmorio. 57 Taken at the Siege of Supoto. 179. Margariti, the King of France's Sister, betrothed to Henry K. of Navarre. 159. Margariti, a City of Epirus. 49. Mark Antony Barbaro, Ambassador from the Republic of Constantinople. 44. Puts the Venetians in mind of fortifying Cyprus. ibid. His Letters intercepted by the Turks. ibid. Saves his Son from eminent Slavery. 47. His Wife presents Abrahim with a Silk Vest. 54. Offers The change of Prisoners with Mahomet. 138. The Decemviri desire him to treat of a Peace. 336. Makes a League with the Turks. 360. Mark Antony Bragadin, chief Commander in Famagusta. 74. He courageously defends it. 203. His Letters to the Senate, and his Sons. ibid. The Barbarity of the Turks towards him. 211, 212. The nature of his Death. 212. His skin stuffed with Straw. ibid. Mark Antony Colonni, General of the Pope's Galleys. 64. Pope Pius the Fifth's Favourite. ibid. Gets in favour with the Venetians. ibid. Austria of equal power with the Holy See, if not kept under. 133. Sent by the Pope to Venice 139. His Speech to the Venetians. ibid. and seqq. His Valour. 144. Having discharged his duty, he returns to Rome. 155. He strikes Sail to join the Venetians. 151. His opinion concerning the carrying on the War. 224. His secret Counsels to the Germans and Spaniards. 225. He composes a difference between the two Dukes. 228, 229. His Words to appease Don John. 229. His Feats in the Naval Fight. 249, 250. Honoured at his return by the Pope and the people of Rome. 262. Liberally rewarded, and Honourably dealt with are he and his Son. ibid. After the Pope's Death he Sails for Naples. 298. His Counsel to hinder the Depopulation of the Venetians. 309. Why omitted. 310. Why he abstained from the War. 313. His Exhortation of the Cowardly. 315. He supposes Don John to be angry with him. 317. He goes into Spain, 327. Mark Cato sent from Rome to take possession of Cyprus. 5. Brings the Treasure thereof to Rome. ibid. Mark Quirini. 59 He requites the Senate for their Ingratitude for his former Services. 207. He sails for Sicily. 208. Mark Quirini, Surnamed Stenta, goes to succour Famagusta. 193. He sinks two Turkish Galleys, and takes another. ibid. Marrani, what they are. 27. Massota. a Region in Cyprus. 2. Maximilian, angry at the Title of Great given to the Duke of Tuscany. 162, 163. Commendon pacifies him. ib. Not willing to enter into the League. ibid. More cunning than valorous. 164 His Answer to Commendon. 167. His ●etter to him 169. A Consultation about a War with the Turks. 170. The Conditions of the League with him. 171. His Indignation because the Venetians had made War with the Turks. 265. Mesarea, a Region in Cyprus. 2. Miches, a Jew, Mustapha's Confident. 25. He persuades Selim to invade Cyprus. 27, 28. Selim in a debauch calls him King of Cyprus. Thought to have set on fire the Arsenal of Venice. 50. M●don, its Port. 320. Mongommery, Master of the Horse. 357. A great Religioso. 349. Overcomes the Protestants in France. 350. Killed. ibid. Moors, their Strength and number in Spain. 37. Their usage there. ibid. Mufti, the Turkish Priests. 36. Mustafero. 108. Mustapha, Selim's Sycophant. 19 By his Valour Selim overcomes Bajazet. ibid. Is offended at Mahomet. 23. Mahomet cunningly contrives his Death. 24. He speaks for himseld, and what followed. ibid. He persuades the Grand Signior to an Expedition against Cyprus. 31, 41. Prime Commander of the Land Forces 86. He determines first to besiege Nicosia. 89. His Letter to the Cypriots. ibid. Besieges Nicosia. 92. The Wells thereabouts being poisoned, he causes new ones to be digged. ibid. He makes a general Assault. 103. His eagerness in it. ibid. Takes the City. 108. His Cruelty on the Inhabitants. 111. Goes to besiege Famagusta. 113. He consults how to do it. 194. Persuades the Inhabitants to a Surrender. 196. His dubiousness of the Event. 202. His Arts to hearten the Soldiers. ibid. His Perfidy. 210, 211. Raises a notorious Calumny, contrary to the Treaty, the better to kill the Christians. 212. N Naval Fight; It's beginning. 241. Heat of the Contest. 242. It's various changes and Fortune. 242, 243. The beginning of the Victory. 246. The Consummation of it. 249, 250. The number of the Turks slain and taken Prisoners. 250. Ships taken, burnt and sunk; Christian Slaves redeemed; the Soldiers suffered to plunder. ibid. & 251. Loss on the Christians side. 251, 252. What passed after the Victory. 266. Navarin, a City. 319. Farnese intends to besiege it, but in vain. 324. Nicholas Ponti's Speech to the Senate, preferring Peace before War, ab 152. ad 158. His Speech upon the making the Peace. 334. Being sent to Rome he appeases Pope Gregory's Anger towards the Venetians. 349. Nicholas Donati, sent to succour Famagusta. 206. The fatalness of his delay. 208. Nicholas Gradenigo. 96. Nicosia, a City of Cyprus. 12. A dispute between it and Famagusta about the transportation of Grain. 76, 77. Besieged. 91. Hotly assaulted. 104. Taken. 108. The miserable treatment of the Captives. ibid. 111. The number of the slain. 111. The Fame of this great Booty draws abundance of Turks to the War with the Cypriots. 194. O Octavi● Farnese, Duke of Parma, assists in the War against the Turks. 286. Opportunity neglected by the Christians of overcoming their Enemies. 320. Ottomans, their Parsimony. 16. P Paphia, or Baffo, a Region in Cyprus. 2. Paul Jourdan Vrsin, one in the Confederate Army. 220 His Valour in the Sea Fight. 249. Paul Sforza, a principal Man in the Army. 220. Paul Tipoli, one of the Decemviri, puts the Senate upon treating of a Peace, and the Alterations thereupon. 144. He dissuades from Peace. 145. Affects to be Admiral of the Sea. 268. Sent Joint Ambassador with Sorantio to Pope Pius V. 277. His Speech concerning the War with Greece. 283. Hated by Pope Gregory, and why. 368. Rome's Envy against him and the Venetians. 369. His means to appease the Pope. 369, 370. Paul Vrsin, one of the Heroes in the Confederate Army 220. He takes and ruins the Castle of Margariti. 266. Peace concluded upon by the Venetians with the Turks. 363. How it was taken by their Confeder s. 365. etc. Pendengia, a Region in Cyprus. 2. Perteau Piali strangled. 174. His perfidy at the Surrender of Dulcino. 184. He in vain solicits the Catarians to a Surrender. 185. He infests Corfou. 187. His opinion about avoiding a Battle with the Christians. 232. He doubts the event before the Battle begins. 241. Being overcome, he makes his escape. 249. Banished from Constantinople by the Grand Signior. 273. Peter Justiniani, and the Knights of Malta, their Valour in the Sea Fight. 248. He is taken Prisoner, but released. ibid. Peter, King of Cyprus, his Character. 7. Conquers Alexandria. ibid. Goes to Rome to the Pope. ibid. Makes War on the Cypriots. ibid. Killed by the Artifice of a bold Woman. 8. Peter Fregosa. 9 He makes himself Master of Famagusta, and how. ibid. Pedro Pardo sets on foot a false Report, That the Christian Fleet was vanquished. 316. Peter Strozzi worsted by Cosmus de Medicis. 161. Philip the Second his Answer to the Pope's Legate about entering into the War. 127. Another to Cardinal Alexandrine. 156. His Letters to Gregory XIII. ibid. Receives the News of the Peace made with the Turks indifferently. 265. Philip Bragadin desirous to pursue the frighted Turks by Sea, is refused it by Venieri. 263. Piali, a Foundling. 18. Selim's Son-in-Law. ibid. Mahomet's Enemy. 23. Deprived of his Dignity, but reinvested with it. ibid. Admiral of the Sea and Navy. 86. He designs first to besiege Famagusta. 88 Chid by the Grand Signior. 118. His Successor, who. 174. Pius the V. Pope, gives the Venetians leave to transport Corn from Anconia. 51. Averse to the Venetians at the beginning of his Pontificate. 61. Helps the Venetians in the War. 64. Instigates the King of Spain to a War. 65. Endeavours to join him in a League. 126. Consults his Cardinals and Legates upon the same. 129. Is very earnest in the business. 131. Sends Philip threatening Letters upon it. 132. Sends M. Antony Colonni to aid the Venetians. 139. Commands Articles of a League to be drawn. 154. etc. Hires some Galleys of Don John. 151. Why he desired Margaret, the King of France's Sister, to be given in Marriage to Sebastian, King of Portugal. 158. Gives God Thanks for the Victory of the Navy. 260. Commands Colonni to be honourably entertained at his return. 261. His Munificence towards him and his Son Ascanius. 262. Venetians counsel him to remove Venieri. 269, 270. Gives a reason for the carrying on the War. 285. Falls sick. 287. What he thought his best Physic ibid. His Holy Death, and Elogium 281. His Family and his Works. 288, 289. He gives the King of Spain power to levy a Fine upon the Clergy. 303. Pisani razed by the Turks. 184, 185. Plague rages in the Venetian Fleet. 60. Podocatero besieged. 92. Pompey Colonni, 69. The Pope sends him into Spain. 137. Pope's Navy pursues the Enemy, and why. 152. Prey divided after the Victory by Sea, and why. 256. Prosper Colonni. 257. Protheno, an Island. 320. Ptolemy, King of Egypt, Lord of Cyprus, kills himself. 5. Publius Clodius taken by Pirates. 5. Let go free. ibid. He made Cyprus a Province of the Roman Empire. ibid. R Ramagasio Sequani, Knight of Malta, his Skill and Valour in Sea Affairs. 250. Requiescens his Opinion about the War with the Turks. 218. Rhetimo in great danger of being besieged, 175. Richard, King of England, taketh Cyprus by Force. 6. Rocas Count, Governor of Cyprus in the King's absence. 7. Takes upon him the King's power. ibid. Accused; acquitted. ibid. Through his fault the Turks get upon the Walls of Nicosia. 106. His Death. ibid. & 107. The Turks insult over him, being dead. ibid. Rome, its gratitude and thankfulness for the news of their Navy's Victory. 262. S Salt, the Staple Commodity of Cyprus. 4. Solomon, a Jewish Doctor, sent to mediate a Peace between the Venetians and Turks. 265. Sapienza, an Island. 320. Sasines, a Region in Cyprus. 2. Sciara Martinengo, Providor of Cataro. 183. Being stripped of his Arms at the taking of Dulcino, he is let go. 184. Scutari's being taken omitted by the Venetians. 180. Sebastian, King of Poland, his Answer to Cardinal Alexandrine concerning the League. 157. His Piety and Religion. 158. Sebastian Venieri takes Supoto. 58. Succeeds Zany in his Admiralship. 122. He in vain attempts the taking of Durazzo. 153. Loses seven Ships. ibid. He Advises Don John to make haste. 222. Advised to avoid a meeting with Don John. 230. His Valour in the Sea Fight. 250. Gets in favour with Don John. 253. He is against a wholesome advice, and vexes Don John again. 255. Made Friends by Colonni. 256. His vain Counsel after the Victory. 263. He in vain attempts to take Leucade. 266. Admiral of the Navy displaced. 270. Commanded for his Honour to have a care of the Adriatic Gulf. 271. His Fortune and Life. ibid. Sedition in the Navy. 226. Selim, Solyman's Son and Heir of the Empire. 16. Governor of Adrianople and Cilicia. ibid. His ill manners. ib. His Drunkenness. ibid. His Intemperance in all sorts of pleasure. ibid. Contemned by the Soldiers. 20. A Favourer of the Jews. ibid. He commands Mustapha to be beheaded. 23. Why he designed to invade Cyprus. 51. His Inconstancy. 35. Offended with Mahomet. 43. His Letter to the Venetians requiring the rendition of Cyprus. 52. Sforza Pallavicinus, Captain General of the Land Forces. 59 Admitted one of Zani's Counsel. 66. His opinion about not engaging the Enemies. 80. Sforza, Count of St. Flora, Counsellor of Don John. 218. Sinam, Bassa of Egypt. 23. He accuses Mustapha. ibid. Siroc sent before into Cyprus with Twenty Five Ships. 92, 93. Solyman takes ill Cyprus being set upon by the Turks. 14. His Sons. 15. He commands Mustapha his eldest Son to be killed. ibid. Besieges Belgrade, takes Rhodes, and very much incommodes the Venetians. 32. He threatens them. 33. Soriani, the Venetian Ambassador loved by Pope Pius. 132. His praise. ibid. Strophades. 320. Suda burnt by Perteau. 155. Supoto taken by the Confederates. 57 The Turks re-take it. 179. Taken again by the Christians. 266. Restored to the Turks again. 362. Swedish Prince. 326. Salviati Bishop, goes Legate from the Pope into France. 302. School master makes himself head of the Cypriots. 73. Spaniard's disgusted at the Pope's preferring Colonni before Don John. 261. They aim to turn their Arms upon afric, 280. Their Counsels in War, 282. Their Delays give cause to suspect their Fidelity, 217. Their Opinion of the reasonableness of the War, 223. Dissension between them and the Venetians, 276. Spaniard's generally hated, 303. Ships of Burden not to be trusted to. 306. A Ship sent to succour the Christians wonderfully prevented from being seized by the Turks. 311. T Taenarus, a Promontory, now Metapan. 310. Tammas, King of Persia, his manner of Life. 157. Temple Knights bought Cyprus, 6. Sold it again, ibid. Triumvirs created at Venice. 122. They put Zany in Chains, 124. Turk's by an Invasion receive a great overthrow of the Nicosians, 98. They act more warily, 99 Take several of our Ships. 119. The chief of them being taken, are brought to Rome, and Christianly treated by the Pope, 256. They repair their Fleet, 274. Obtain several places in Dalmatia, 336. Their Infidelity, 110. The Works, Progressions and Havoc made at the Siege of Famagusta, 198. The num●er of the slain there, 204. The number of the Soldiers set on shore at Cyprus, and their provisions for War, 85, 86. The whole Turkish Fleet its number, 174, 175. They contemn the Christians, 232. A quick reparation of their Fleet, 274. 〈◊〉 number and strength, 306. They hinder the succouring of Dalmatia, 336. Their Mosques, 30. Their Hospitals adjoining them, ibid. & 31. How built, 31. V Venice, a false report brought thither about Cyprus, its being freed from danger. 120. Of the taking of Famagusta, 192. Their Arsenal burnt, 38. The damage it did, ibid. Their suspicion of the Author of it, 39, 40. Venetians afraid of the Turkish Fleet, 191. Triumvirs created. 122. A general joy at the News of their Naval Victory, 257. Public Thanks therefore. 260. Cyprus bestowed on them by Queen Catharine, 11. Their Answer to Selim's Ambassador, requiring Cyprus, 53. The Pope assists them in carrying on the War, 63. They make their Slaves free for the use of the War, 84. The ill provision of their Fleet, 121. They consult about a Peace, 136, 137. Accuse Doria of Treachery, 276. They desire the Fleet might Winter in the Ports of Greece, 326. A great fear at Rome, lest they should make War with the Turks. 344. Their Counsel in carrying on the War. 130. The reason of the Fleets removing, 154. An Embassy to the King of Persia, 157. Their Answer to the Ambassadors sent from the Cursolaries, 187. A twofold reason for the Coinage of Money to carry on the War, 188. Their Navy suffers upon the account of the suspicion of Doria, 248. A Consultation about killing the Turkish Captives, 256. The nature of a Republic. 267. A Speech for the detaining Don John, lest he should leave them, 325. Some Janglings among the Head of the Army. ibid. & 326. Complaints made to the Pope and others, 339. Discourse about a Peace, 330, A rash Counsel, 340. Some Alterations with the King of Spain, 343. One Oration of one of the chief Spaniards, 331. A Decree of the Senate about entering into the League, 154. Two Opinions among the Patritii, or Noblemen of Venice, 267. They complain of the new Taxes, 188, 189. Ambassadors sent to them thereupon, ibid. A Tribute gathered of them every year for the carrying on of the War, 191. Their Ambassador at Constantinople, 136. Turk's imprisoned by them during the War. ibid. & 137. Victory of the Navy, its beginning, 246. Vincent Alexandri sent by the Venetians to Tammas King of Persia, 157. Vincent Vitelli, a Christian Hero, 220. Visconti, a Region of Cyprus, 2. Vscots', who, 52, 53. W Walaques expel Bogdan their King, 172. Want of Money now supplied at the Siege of Famagust●, 204. Warlike Inventions for a Naval Fight, 243. Wells poisoned by the Cypriots, 92. Wind wonderfully favours the Christian Fleet, 240. Wine of Cyprus its Excellence and Abundance, 4. women's Authority in France. 349. Z Zachary Sal●moni his Valour and Fidelity, 185. Zanetius Dandoli, 97. Zany, Admiral of the Sea and Navy. 50. Wisely desires one to be sent in his place, 122. Imprisoned, 123. Crimes objected against him. ibid. FINIS.