The great Loss and Damage to ENGLAND, by the Transportation of WOOL to Foreign Parts.  
THere is no King nor Prince in the World, known by experience or upon Record, that hath such means to support their Splendour and Greatness as his Majesty of Great Britain; nor has any Country on Nation such variety of Staple-Commodities within itself, and in such abundance; as hath the Kingdom of England: So that if those Advantages were duly improved, England might be a general Mart for the whole World; and then by consequence be the Glory thereof. That those Advantages are not improved is too too obvious to all that look into it; By the fore Complaints that are frequently made of the great Poverty, and decay thereof; And indeed (which is worst of all) by that general desperation of Spirit, which will not put forth a hand to help, support, or prevent the Total desolation of our Country, upon a prepossessed Opinion, that all Endeavours will be rendered Fruitless and Abortive.  
The Consideration whereof, hath greatly prompted me (who must confess myself the meanest of thousands, more concerned) to use the utmost of my little skill and unwearied diligence (though but as the Woman's Mite) to the right management of so great an Undertaking, that the threatened Ruin of all may be prevented, and (if possible) some good part of that which is Lost may be recovered. I shall confine myself to those things only whereof I have had not only credible Information, but a considerable (though a sad) experimental knowledge; and in a more particular and especial manner, that of the Manufacture of Wool in England, which, amongst Many, is the Richest Treasure in his Majesty's Dominions, the flower, strength, and sinews of this Nation; a Band uniting the People into Societies for their own Utility: It is the Milk and Honey to the Grazier and Country Farmer; the Gold and Spices of the East and West Indies, to the Merchant, and Citizens; the continued supply of Bread to the Poor; and, in a word, the Exchequer of Wealth, and Staple of Protection to the whole, both abroad and at home; and therefore of full merit to be had in perpetual remembrance, defence, and encouragement, for the most advantageous Improvements thereof.  
The Wool of England (before it was manufactured within itself) was always of great account and esteem abroad; sufficiently testified unto, by the great amity which it begat, and for many hundred years (unviolably) maintained, between the Kings of England, and Dukes of Burgundy, only from the great benefit that (from that Commodity) did accrue to that People: insomuch, that the English Wools, they received at 6 d. per Pound, they returned again (through their Industrious Manufacture thereof) in Cloth at 10 s. per Yard, to the great enriching of that State, both in the advancement of the Revenues of their Sovereign, and in a full employment (thereby) continued among the People; whereby the Merchants of this Nation were occasioned, (as a People unwilling to be wholly dispriviledged of so great a benefit) to transport themselves (with their Families, in great numbers) into Flanders; from whence they held a constant Commerce with most parts of the World. This continued without Intermission, between England and Burgundy, until King Edward the 3 d. made his mighty Conquest over France and Scotland; and as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy, did wisely project, and also accomplish, the manufacture of Wools within the Bowels of this Kingdom, to the great enriching of his own People, and also to the peopling of his new Conquered Dominions. The memory of whose wisdom and care for his People, is worthy to be had in Remembrance by English Men, unto the World's end.  
The said King having thus settled the manufacture of Wools within the Kingdom of England, confined it by a penal State, which (at first) reached not only to Goods, Chattels, and Lands, but also to Members, and Life itself; but, in a short time, repealed the two latter thereof, continuing the other in its full force to remain to future Generations: Which exceeding great advantage to the propriety of the English Trade, hath now continued this Three Hundred years, by the vigilancy of the Kingdoms Monarches, and the protection of its Laws, in the continued careful execution thereof upon Offenders, with more than a little diligence, to provide against the thirsting desires of Foreiners to wrest this Nation's Privilege (of so great a moment) out of English hands; which by the providence of God (through the care of our Ancestors) has been (for many Ages) enjoyed by the Nation, as it is indeed its proper right. But so it is, that (for some years passed) the diligence of Foreiners to enrich themselves upon us, has so much exceeded our care to preserve ourselves, that it's now come to, if not beyond, a question, Who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of English Wools, They who have no Right unto it, or, They to whom of Right it doth belong?  
That this is indeed so, will appear, by considering that not only Holland, Flanders, and Zealand have long sucked the sweetness of the Sinews of our Trade; but France is likewise learning to be too hard for us, as is manifest by the great quantities of Wools, that (of late years) have been Transported from England and Ireland thither. How injurious it must be to us is also unquestionable, if we consider the consequence thereof, which was (without question) much in the eye of our Ancestors, as appears by what is above hinted in Edward the 3ds. time, and in several Kings Reigns since.  
Every Pack of Wool sent to France, doth prevent us (not only) of the benefit of the manufacture thereof, but of two Packs more besides itself, viz. Thus; It being Combing, and Combed Wool (for the most part) exported thither. The French (having no Wools of their own, but such as are very coarse) are not able to make Cloth, or fine Stuffs, without the conjunction of ours therewithal; there being none (to my best information) in all the World fit for that purpose (but ours only) except in North- Holland, and that a small quantity of fine Worsted Wool; all other being likewise corpse, but Spanish Wool; and that much too fine, especially for worsted Stuffs, and not in any wise fit for Combing; so that without English or Irish Wools, there can be no quantity of fine worsted Stuffs, nor a middle sort of Cloth made in the whole World. Neither will any Wools be all mixed together, but English and Spanish (for Cloth only), because the Spanish is with the English of one nature; being formerly English Sheep, though now much finer for the alteration of the Climate, and the nature of the Land whereon it is fed, as by good Experience appeareth here in England, both near and at a further distance.  
Wherefore the Exportation of English Wools into France, must of necessity be greatly prejudicial to this Nation; not only in the quantity sent over, but also in the advantage which is thereby given to them to manufacture a double portion of their Wool, (which (formerly) was little worth) into such commodities as spoils us of the advantages of our proper Trades, not only thither, but also into other parts, viz. in these three Respects.  
First, The Combed of the English Wool makes Wooff for the Warps of the French Wool (or rather of the Turkey Sheep) and so takes up (it may be) as much as the quantity above specified, to every Pack of English Wool, without which they can (only) with their Wool, make rugs, and at the best, Cloth for Seamen, and the like.  
2dly. Their Combing or Pinnions, viz. the short Wool that's combed out of the Worsted, serves for their Linen warp to make some of their Druggets, because their Linen being sine spun, and coloured, is not discernible to all persons, to be that we call Linsie-Wolsie.  
3dly. The finest short English Wool is mixed with the lowest of Spanish Wool, called short Wool, for some of their best Druggets, that is wove upon worsted Chanies; and also for a middle sort of Broadcloth about 10 s. or 12 s. per Yard. This is the cause, I judge, that short Spanish Wool is so scarce here in England.  
Now if we consider these things together, the damage of exporting of one Pack from England to France at about 10 l. or 12 l. Sterling, preventing the manufacturing of two Packs more in England, which would be worth 100 l. England's loss (in the whole) by the exportation of one Pack of Wool can be little less than 60 l. It being generally combing- Wool (as before binted) that is exported to France, which makes Worsted, Stuffs, and Stockings: and besides the advantage given them (as above asserted) by one Pack of rough Wool; it's obvious to all Manufacturers, that a Pack of Worsted (or Cumbed) Wool, worth 20 l. at 12 score to the Pack, which is 20 d. per Pound, and to make it more easy to every ordinary capacity; that in Stockings (to speak within compass) A Pound of fine Wool would make at least two pair of Hose, worth 5 s. a pair, that is 10 s. per Pound of Wool; or reckon thus, to ordinary Hose, three pair to a Pound of Wool at 3 s. 4 d. per pair, come to the same sum, and 12 score Pound of Wool making a Pack, so many pence for the Pound of Wool, so many Pounds for the Pack, and a Pack of Wool making 480 pair of Hose: which 12 score Angels, being cast up, is 123 l. without any respect given to the advantage given them in rough Wool, as before asserted.  
This, an instance for all, moreover, In its first exportation, considering the Custom when it is imported; the product of all these Charges augmenting the 100 l. when sold there, laid out in another Commodity beyond Sea, the Custom thereof being paid there, with Frait and Custom (when imported) in England, it's much if it do not more than double the first principal.  
Now if so be, that the exportation of one Pack of English Wool, exported at 10 l. or 12 l. be near 200 l. damage to the King and Kingdom in general, by the consequence; What will be the loss of exporting 10. or 15 Thousand Packs into France, besides many to other parts (in two years' time) is easily accounted (by such) as are concerned in these Affairs: and although this Evil is almost incredible to many, yet it is too manifest, to such as have made it (something) their business to inquire into it; and not only so, but these further Inconveniencies must (by this means) arise upon us.  
First, The spoiling of our Trade with France in all our  manufacture, as doth already appear by the Impost put upon the same there, from 20 to 40 per cent. since the great quantity of our Wools is exported thither, whereunto woeful experience may be a sufficient witness.  
And secondly, In time it will capacitate the French as well as the Dutch, (if not much better) to under-sell our English Merchants in Foreign Parts, nay (possibly) in our own Country. To this, I shall only mention the words of a Merchant in Flanders, by Letters to another here, treating of this matter thus: We English have our Throats cut, with our own Weapons; wondering at the stupidity of the English here, that they should omit, to possess the King's Majesty with this deplorable and dangerous Case, in respect to the present and future Inconveniences thereof. By reason whereof, as in time the French will not only prevent our English manufactures to be sold in France, but also bring theirs into England, and sell them for four times the value here, to the great Enriching of themselves, and the Impoverishing the English, only by new fantastic Fopperies; for which the English pay not less than some Hundred Thousands in a Year, to get themselves into the French Mode.  
So much indeed, have we been deceived (in this matter) to our shame, as well as to our apparent loss; that, whereas in time of the Late War with the Dutch and French, those French Druggets were thereby much prevented, many English Striped broad  rend through into three parts (about 10 s. per yard, price) being put into the form of French Druggets, were sold in each part at 8 s. per yard, and so in the whole came to 1 l. 4 s. per yard: So likewise it is certainly true, that many of those Druggets made in England, do go for French, and in order thereunto, directed to French Men in some of our Southern parts (from thence been conveyed into London, and there sold for French Goods) to have coloured the business with the Custom-house Officers, to save the Custom of French Druggets: And this might have continued long, before the Cheat had been discovered; but being once found out by the Clothier (who could not (to his own private advantage) conceal such an apparent injury to his Country) it was soon prevented: This I had an Experimental knowledge of, for the merchant bespoke the same Goods of me. When I understood his end, I did refuse to make the said Druggets that he desired me to make; whereby we may come to see (with clearness) the advantage that that people makes upon our English fancies, by over-selling us in the same kind of Commodities that they make out of our English Wools, joined (as before-minded) with their own; having also an advantage thereunto, by the cheapness of the Manufactors thereof, beyond what we can do; the French being very populous, and living harder than we can in England; as is evident by their Linens, that, paying Frait and Custom, with profit to the Merchant, yet can be afforded cheaper than can be made in England.  
But so it is, that the advantage we give them, besides in the mixtures of our Wools with theirs, is such, that, whereas their Wool of itself is not worth 4 l. per Pack; being mixed with ours, becomes so fit for Worsted Stuffs, as that it comes to be worth no less than 12 l. per Pack. So that, all these things considered, it becomes obvious to every Eye, (that doth not (wilfully) close itself) that the exportation of Wools from England and Ireland is of a dangerous and destructive Nature to the very being of the Trade of this Kingdom. What ever Objections have been made thereunto (with respect to the Graziers present advantage) whose loss may possibly be supposed (by prohibiting exportation) to be about 20 s. in every Pack of Wool that is so exported: In answer whereunto, I have this to say; That, though it may be granted, it will be so for a time in this particular Commodity; yet such will (thereby) be the spoil of the General Trade of the Nation, that what is gotten in one, will be lost in every other Commodity, as Corn, Beefs, and Muttons; on each of which with the Wools, the Graziers and Farmer's advantage doth much more than equally depend; besides the inevitable danger of the ruin of our Trade, and so consequently, the starving of our Poor, without some extraordinary means for their support; who while the privilege of our Trade is kept inviolate with other Nations, we have Money plentifully to expend for the advancement of the Farmers and the Graziers; for that is that which chief advanceth the Farmer and the Grazier, which is Flesh and Corn, and not the quantity of Wool, as will afterwards more fully appear.  
And it hath always been observed (informer times) hitherto, that when the Clothiers have had the best Trade at London, the Farmer did not lose his share in the advantage thereof in the Country; according to the dispose of Providence, Who hath ordered Nations, but more especially, the People of every Nation (in matters of this kind) to depend upon each other, and so to rise and fall together, as they are designed, either to Mercy or to Judgement, by the hand of God.  
These things considered, with a little deliberation, it will manifestly appear, that the exporting of our English-Wooll, will not only prove the spoil of our Merchants and Clothier's Trade, and so consequently expose the Poor to desperate straits for subsistence, but in short time must of necessity make the Country men's employment (of every kind) to come to little, and so make them uncapable of paying Rent.  
For if it be so, that, while we have a little Trade, we can hardly live one by another; What may be expected, if our Trade should be taken away? Which is now in more danger by the French, than it hath been this 300 years past. And then we may consider, what the price of Wool may be in England, when we by our remissness have lost our Trade, by the skill and circumventing practices of Foreiners, and we helping forwards for a supposed profit; For there was not more art and skill in our Ancestors, to bring home the work at first to the Wool, and prohibiting the exportation thereof, and settling the manufacturing in England, than is now to export the Materials manufactured. The necessary consequence thereof, will be to bring the Price of Wool (as it was 300 years agone, when most was exported) to be 6 d. a Pound, as appears in a little Piece, called, The Golden Fleece, (written by W.S. Gent.) in the Year,— 56. Although the Cloth then made in Flanders of our Wool at 6 d. per Pound, was sold here in England at 10 s. per Yard; when at this day Cloth made in England of Wool at 12 d. per Pound, will hardly yield 7 s. per Yard, which is above 30 per Cent. worse to the English Trade now, than it was to the Flemings formerly.  
And though for the present, the price of Wool be risen by its exportation, yet if the quantity lately exported (being no less than 20 Thousand Packs) had been kept in England, the quantity if not Ten thousand Packs more would in time, have been exported in the particular manufactures. For if the Wools was not exported to those places beyond the Seas, there to be manufactured, they must of necessity have our Woollen manufacture, and then could not have those advantages (as before hinted) by our Wools, to improve the French Wool, and short Spanish Wool, and their finespun Linens.  
By all which, it is so obvious, that in time to come, the Wool in England would be much cheaper, because by the aforesaid means, less Wool would be used in England, and besides that which would be used, the manufacture would be so low, that it could not bear up any price (as is begun already in France, and will suddenly follow here in England) for it is generally reported, that Wool is as cheap in France at this Day, as it is in some parts where it is used in England. And if it be so now, what in reason can be expected, as the effects of these two things? viz. The first, when the great quantity that is lately exported to France, with those three Additions before hinted, that the Twenty thousand Packs helps to work out, and especially most making Worsted Stuffs, which goes as far by that means as forty Thousand Packs of Wool would if used in England, because it would be made more into substantial , which consums more Wool, than those light and thin Stuffs do: which is a sufficient Answer to that Objection, that the great quantity of any Commodity, that is exported, makes a scarcity, and so consequently raise its price: the which I must confess, if it was a consumptive Commodity, but it is quite contrary in this. For as our experience is, when the Wool was all used in England, (or very little exported) the Wool was then at 18 d. per Pound, and when all or the greatest part was exported, it was at 6 d. per Pound.  
The wise Man saith, What is, hath been; and, what hath been, may be again; and so no new thing.  
I shall make a short Review of the Graziers and Farmers present loss: In the greatest Commodity, which pays his Rent, as was formerly hinted. Suppose (through want of Trade) Mutton be sold at 6 d. per Quarter the less, (which is but little) being 2 s. per Sheep, and there being some Sheep that 100 will produce a Pack of Wool (though some less) that comes to 10 l. which is the worth of the Pack of Wool, (and so proportionably as to the Beefs) which is wholly lost to the Grazier.  
And for the Corn (as I suppose) there may be about 50 ls. worth, (as far as I can judge in my Travels, to One Hundred Sheep throughout the Nation, which for want of a Trade, it may not (at some seasons) come to Thirty or Forty at most, and if a good Trade, it may be worth Sixty or Seventy, by which means, it may easily be demonstrated, how the Farmers come to be impoverished.  
For the advantage of the Tenant consists in the advance of the greatest Commodity that pays his Rent, which is not in Wool, but in Corn, Mutton and Beefs, and it is a necessary consequence. That there being so many thousand Families depending upon the Clothing Trade (as was before hinted) that was instrumental to advance the price of the Corn, etc. That wherever Trade is, there People are most populous, and when those persons are deprived of their Trade, depending wholly upon it, they must unavoidably come to the Parishes, which is in many places begun already, and Daily increased and feared in time, will so increase, that the Poor will be expecting more than there will be to contribute to them. Although it be a Degression, yet suffer an instance of one Parish; that when there was but some obstruction to their Trade, by the Late Sickness, and Dutch War, the rate came for their Poor to Eight Hundred Pound Sterling in one Year, and I have been credibly informed, the Land to the said Town, is not worth one Thousand Pound per annum, and happily one fifth part the dearer, because of the Trade, as it is in all Cities, or Towns of Trade; than what can reasonably be judged, when the Trade from such a Town is wholly lost, as is already in some parts in this Nation.  
To return to the Farmer, as being the emediate Person in this business, from hence may be concluded, that the Farmer's Loss for want of Trade, is fourfold greater than can be the advantage of the sale to the transporter of Wool, by (the exportation thereof unmanufactured.)  
I shall now endeavour to give some particular account how all are concerned; And before I do this, give me leave to insert the Observation of a worthy Author Sir Walter Raleigh, who saith, That, than which was in King James 's Reign, about fourscore thousand undressed and undyed  yearly were Transported: whereby it was evident, that the Kingdom hath been yearly deprived of about four Hundred Thousand Pounds, which in fifty five years is near Twenty Millions, that would have been gained by the Labour of Poor Workmen in that time, which the Merchant's gains for bringing in dying Stuffs, and returns of  dressed and died, with other benefits to the Realm, besides exceeding enlarging of Treffick, and increase of Ships and Mariners.  
There would have been gained in that time, about three Millions by increase of Customs upon Commodities returned for  dressed and died, and for dying Stuffs which would have been more plentifully brought in and used for the same.  
There hath been also transported in that time yearly, by Bays, Northern and Devonshire Kerzyes White, about Fifty Thousand , counting three Kerzyes to a Cloth, whereby hath been lost above Five Millions by those sorts of , in that time which would have come to Poor Workmen for their Labour, with Customs for dying Stuffs, and the People's profit for bringing them in with returns of other Commodities and Fraights for Shipping.  
Bays are Transported white into Amsterdam, and being there died and dressed, are shipped into Spain, Portugal, and other Kingdoms, where they are sold in the name of Flemish Bays, setting their own Town Seals upon them; so that we lose the very name of our Homebred Commodities, and other Countries get the Reputation and Credit thereof. Lamentable it is, that this Land should be deprived of so many  Millions, as that our Native Commodities of Cloth, ordained of God for the natural Subjects, being so Royal and Rich in itself, should be driven to so small advantage of Reputation and Profit to your Majesty and People, and so much improved and intercepted by Strangers; considering that God hath enabled and given your Majesty power to advance dressing and dying, and Transporting all your  within a year or two: I speak it knowingly, to show how it may be done laudibly, lawfully, and approved to be honourable, feasible, and profitable.  
He observes also the increase of his Majesty's Customs, by bringing in and spending of dying Stuffs, as also strength in Shipping, and setting so many thousands of Poor on work; also noting, that in the Low-Countries, where these  are dressed and died, they stretch them to such unreasonable length, contrary to our Law, that they prevent and forestale our Markets, and cross the just prohibition of our State and Realm, by their Agents, and Factors, lying in divers places with our own , to the great decay of this Kingdom in general, and discredit to our  in particular. Again, he adds, that if the accounts were truly known, it would be found that they make not clear profit only by Cloth Transported rough, undressed, and undyed, Sixty Thousand Pounds a Year; but it is most apparent your Majesty, in your Customs, your Merchants in their Sales and Prizes,; your Subjects in their Labours, for lack of dressing and dying; your Ships and Mariners in not bringing in of dying Stuffs, spending of Alum (if not Copperas) are hindered yearly near a Million of Pounds: So that Trade is driven to that great hindrance of your Majesty and People, by permitting your Native Commodities to pass rough, undressed and undyed. Thus Sir Walter Raleigh.  
Now if it was thus with England so long ago, when the Wool was spun and made here into substantial Cloth; and that for want only of dressing and dying, many Millions were lost to the King and Kingdom: What then hath been the loss by so many thousand Packs of Wool exported (without any improvement,) especially that to France, the consequence of which, is more prejudicial (as hath been demonstrated) than can be imagined (accounting but one Hundred pounds' damage by one Pack of Wool,) of which there are not less than ten thousand yearly, if not much more exported, by which there is damage a Million of pounds sterling, yearly to this Kingdom, (besides the suffering of the Poor for want of Employment) out of which his Majesty's damage cannot be less than one Hundred thousand Pound yearly: The lessening of Shipping, and discouragement of Mariners; the Walls of this Kingdom hereby deserve also to be considered.  
Next then to his Majesty's loss, is that of the Merchant and Cloathier; after which must follow detriment to all other persons depending on Trade, there being such a Connexion of Trades one to another, and the whole of Trade being enlarged by the abounding of Laborious People. Those supply the Farmers and Graziers with money, for to supply the Gentry. They again scatter it amongst the Tradesmen, as may be witnessed by the building of the City of London, how Provision and all Consumptive goods are advanced by it: by which circulation all degrees are either employed, enriched, or both; and hence naturally comes Content, Harmony, and Pleasure, one in another; the Poor being by Employment delivered from fear of want, the Gentry, Merchant, and Tradesmen, by the establishment of Trade therein. This rationally is the strength of any People, Poverty and Idleness bring their Shame and Ruin, which would unavoidably follow want of Trade. And so much the more where the greatest Trade hath been; if it fails, the greater Poverty is and will be. And to instance, as here, in London, the Trade in Provision is the more, so by Consequence it must be dear, and so best for all; so of the other hand, if the City should be forced to keep so many thousands, when all their work is done, as is now in the Building, it would be a great burden: so the case is in England in this particular, where great Trade have been formerly kept, and drawn several Families thither, and have raised Commodities there; but when it fails, it is a miserable state and condition those places are in. To return, in short there is such Connextion and Dependency one upon another in England, that if one fail, all the rest more or less, either more near, or remotely are concerned; as in the natural body, when any Member fails, the whole suffers thereby; and as all Trades and Degrees of men may suffer by one failing in Trades, and in none more probably. I will say then this of Wool, as Merchant Articificers, Farmers, Seamen, Fishermen, being the people, which by their study and labour do principally, if not only bring in, or give occasion to the bringing in of Wealth to the Nation, and other kind of people (viz.) Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, Physicians, Scholars of all sorts; Shopkeepers are they that receive from these, and distribute it again, and all are consequently concerned in this rich Treasure of Wool, because this being a Manufacture at home, sets more hands at work than half the Nation.  
May I not with modesty and within Compass, say three parts of Laborious and Industrious People? Considering that most of the Shipping is employed in this Affair, and also so many Trades that depend immediately upon this of Clothing, that most of other Trades are but for Provision, either in Food or Conveniencies for Clothing: and so from his Majesty to the meanest, all are more or less concerned, The King mostly; not only in that his People are by that most employed and provided for, (nor in that such a Staple Trade, the like whereunto the World hath not maintained with so good Advantage;) but because so great a Revenue comes directly into him upon the Trade, occasioned thereby: Thus as the King gains, or suffers most, so the persons that have the greatest Estates or Trades, and so all proportionable to the Beggar. And also considering that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce; as in our rough and undressed Cloth to Holland, so it will be with all our Manufactures in France; nay I am informed that the French hath not only imposed a great Tax upon our Woollen Manufactures, from twenty to forty per cent, but have also (as is affirmed, besides that their Imposition) absolutely prohibited our  coming there. I am the more large in the Demonstration of this affair, not only because this hath cost me many years labour and study to consult all sorts of concerned persons, besides mine own experience about it; nor because it is so hard to convince people of the meanest capacity, but some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal malady: which some despairing of, have rather thoughts of setting up some other Manufacture (in Lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of Wool and Manufacturing of that at home, looking thereon as a thing not to be overcome,) as that of Linens in some capable parts of England, and a better improvement in the product of Foreign Plantations, which may also be set upon together herewith as an Addition; so as several sorts of Persons maybe set better on work, not capable of this employment, and yet no prejudice to this of Clothing: For all other Countries have the Advantage of England, or are equal to us in other Manufactures proper to their Countries, but not in this of Clothing: and it will be found that all Trades in England, wholly distinct from this of Clothing, bring not the tithe of Advantage that this doth.  
Since men cannot rationally believe the effects to be greater than the cause, the most of other Manufactures either is in being, or brought to use, by the Manufactures of Wool; even from the Farmer to the Merchant, all are concerned in this of Wool; as may hereafter more appear. It now remains that we sum up England's Loss by the Exportation of our Wool to Foreign Parts; not only in the Advantage we might have by the Manufacturing thereof, here in England, as formerly noted; but also in the importing of Dutch Cloth, and more in French Manufactures, because England improves not their own Wools; and of the humour of English people, in putting such a value upon French Fancies, when themselves are in a better capacity, if improved, to produce the like, or better, and save the following Sums.  

1. One Million of Pounds Sterling yearly, in the Exportation of our Wool.  
2. Five Hundred Thousand Pounds in Rough Cloth, which is but half what Sir Walter Raleigh observes in his time.  
3. Many Thousands of Pounds by the Importing of Dutch and French Woollen Manufacturies.   
And lastly, the evil consequences thereof in losing our Shipping, which would be encouraged thereby, and are the strength or Walls of our Kingdom, as more particularly doth appear hereafter.  
Having now discovered the Damage it is to England, in the transportation of Wool from the King to the meanest, I shall endeavour also to discover the methods how it is done; before I shall prescribe a Remedy (for it is not enough to know Distempers, especially such that are so Consumptive,) it is requisite to know the Cause of these Distempers; or else the supposed Remedies will in time come to be a disease, as it is too much in this case at this day in England: Where the Causes are mistaken, the Remedies are consequently misapplyed, whereby a disease in supposition becomes one in Fact; the methods or ways of this evils are— First, in Rumny-Marsh in Kent, where the greatest part of rough Wool is exported from England, put aboard French Shallops by night, ten or twenty men well Armed to guard it; some other parts there are, as in Sussex, Hampshire, and Essex, the same methods may be used, but not so conveniently. The same for Combed Wool from Canterbury, they will carry it ten or fifteen miles at Night towards the Sea, with the like Guard as before; but for other parts it must be done partly by the Remissness of the Officers of his Majesty's Customs, and easy Composition for the Forfeitures of the Bonds, as more shall appear anon.  
And then for Combed Wool in other Parts, some is Shipped off from London for Bales of Drapery; nay some at Lime, and also at Exon, where there is ten thousand Pounds Sterling weekly laid out in the woollen Manufacture, which is most for Workmen's Wages: I know no place clear; and then another reason, why persons are not detected, is, because all the Wools that have been taken in those Parts, where most hath been exported, have been suffered to go off at the same place after Judgements past, and by the Officers, to the same Persons at a low rate, being under rated to those very men that intended to Ship it at first: so that the evil is never like to be avoided that way; only that which is taken, happily may be a little the dearer, to keep the Trade going; for I have enquired, and cannot understand, but of two parcels of Wool that have been seized on in Kent, that have been used in England, but all sent away, and so his Majesty's providence is cheated, who keeps Servants at great Wages to prevent such abuses.  
And then another Cheat is under a pretence of Wool from Hampton, to the Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, and sometimes from other Parts which is against the Law; for there is no Wool to be exported to those Islands, but only from Hampton, and that by Law should be by weight: but now it goes by gross, by the Pack when it should be weighed, but I believe not one Pack in Ten is weighed, for three Packs is put into one. Then from Ireland, which is the greatest mischief of all to England, and much increased since the Act was in force against , the Irish Wool can be sold as cheap in France, Holland, and Flanders, as it is in those Places where Wool is used in England, which is a great augumentation to us of prejudice for Foreiners to have our Wool so cheap as we in England, having other Conveniencies to underwork us, as formerly hinted. The ways there must be by the carelessness of the Officers, in not taking solvant security and exactness in the weight of Wool, and true examination of the returns of their Certificates, and partly by easy Compositions, if not before Bonds are forfeited, and happily much Combed Wool there packed up as before, as Bales of Cloth, or Barrels of Beef, and Shiped as Irish Cloth; and in all points so cunningly carried, as they are seldom discovered, and never Sealed, as the Statutes in that case made and provided, do strictly require.  
Here see what W. S. faith: Now to show you more particularly these abuses, how the Laws are crossed and daily obstructed to such as endeavour to serve their Country, by such as ought to encourage the Persecutors; sure there will be very many practices of evil consequents discovered; for first in the Customhouse, where Bonds are taken, to the intent that these prohibited Commodities pass not by means of Mariners out of the Nation, but only from Port to Port for accommodation of such Parts as want such Commodities; they are very Remise and careless in taking of the Seaman's discharge of their Obligatory Conditions; where also it is usual with the Seamen to bring fraudulent Certificates, and so to cheat the King's Providence, who keeps Servants at great wages purposely to prevent such abuses; or if there be a regular return of their Bonds, yet there is commonly a fraudulency in giving them, for the Masters of Ships will so continue their design, as he who is Master at giving the Bonds, and is legally bound, shall immediately pass his Interest to another man, who taking charge of the Vessel and Voyage, is notwithstanding not engaged in the Poart Bond; and therefore, neither is he accountable for breach of their condition; Again, when the Port-Bonds are justly taken, and as justly returned; yet to prevent the true and real detection of the Offender, and to dishearten the legal Prosecutor, some Friends of the Offender will clap an Information against him, purposely to hinder and divert others, and soon after will let the Prosecution fall at his pleasure; nay, it hath been said, and peradventure not unjustly, that such preventing Informations have been antedated to the overthrow of the real Information; but when all is granted, and a full and formal hearing, and decree passed to the just condemnation of the Offender: Yet when judgements and inquiries are granted, and do without Errors of the Clarks (which is not always,) empower the Sheriffs and their Baliffs to see Execution thereof made; it is familiar with those Officers to return a Non est inventus, or a Mortuus est, viz. Not to be found, or dead, even then when the Offenders and the Officers have been known to have been drinking together, at that very time when the Writ should have been executed.  
After all this, one step farther will show how Charity itself abaseth Justice; for let all the former Proceed be granted, and be candid, and clear, and that the Law be indeed justly and legally executed; the Offender in custody, and nothing remaining; but that he honestly discharge himself with money, seeing Bail will not be admitted; nevertheless upon a lamentable Petition, and urging a great charge of Children to the Bench, the Offender is usually admitted to compound for Ten in the Hundred, or less, when by his offence he hath gained a Hundred for Ten, or more, and peradventure hath undone a hundred Families or more in so doing: Yet all this while the honest Prosecutor, the only man that appears for the good of his Country, who ought by the Law to have the full benefit and advantage of the Law gratis, it being enough that he spend his time for the promotion of the public Wealth, after it hath cost him several great sums of money, and large expense of time, to bring the Offender to Trial and Conviction, is dismissed with little or no satisfaction, unless he be rewarded with the brand of an Informing Knave: Surely they who made these Laws for the benefit of themselves and their own Country, did intent a more current and just passage towards them, than thus to be obstructed and baffeled. Such abuses as these made Theodosius say, as it is Recorded, that a wise man did himself Injustice by hazarding his Wisdom and Estate for the benefit of his Nation; And therefore some have not spared to urge, that Customs and Impost, and Tolls and Taxes might be taken away from honest laborious hazardous Trades and Adventurers, and be put upon litigious Suits at Law, and such as make benefit of their corrupt breath, that is to say, upon such Lawyers as abuse their Client's, and such malicious Client's as abuse the name of a just innocent Defendant. Nor is the Loss in these by their Transportation all the injury, but when honest men well affected to the good of their Country, do detect these Caterpellars of the Commonwealth, who make so vast gain, as hath been denoted upon the materials so carefully prohibited, when they do endeavour by due course of Law to make stoppage thereof, and to have the Offender's punished; so many are the evasions, such combinations and interest in the Officers, who ought to punish the Offenders; such favour have they in Courts of Justice, and deceptions in the Return of Writs, and in general such affronts and discouragements as the dearest Lover of his Country, or most entrusted in Trade, dares not attempt to prevent that mischief which his eyes behold to fall upon his Nation, or which his own person feels to pick his Pocket. Thus far Mr. W. Smith. not to mention the very same things above asserted that I have met withal.  
From hence it's to be lamented, to see what the consequence of those things are, I did think to have propounded some things for Remedy, but time not permitting, must beg the Readers excuse, only this by the way, that if there was never such effectual ways propounded, yet if those ways and means was never made use of, it is but beating the Air. For the Life of the Law lies in the practic part; For if there was more care in this business when less Law, then hath been since more, are extant; the Fault than cannot be for want of Law, but only the want of Faithfulness in impartiality, in the Execution of those Laws: And this in short is the principal Cause of the continuance of this evil practice of Transportation of Wool, and was very engenuously confessed to me by some of the Transporters of Wool within this few Days in these very words, viz. That if we had been prosecuted at first according to Law, we should not have acted the second time: For if the Transportors did but rightly consider the danger they are in, they would desist; for I dare say, although some may escape for a time, you may be met withal first or last, and then are exposed to ruin.