REFLECTIONS UPON Mr. Jonson's NOTES ON THE Pastoral Letter.   

REFLECTIONS UPON Mr. Johnson's NOTES ON THE Pastoral Letter.  
By WILLIAM GALLAWAY, A. M. Chaplain to the Officers of their MAJESTY'S Sea Train.  
LONDON: Printed for the Author, and are to be Sold by Randal Taylor, near Stationers Hall. MDCX IU.   

THE INTRODUCTION.  
HE who enters the Lists with the Famous Mr johnson (though he hath no Lords and Commons to Patronise his Book) may justly expect a Clear Stage and Fair Play, and cannot be denied to Arm himself, and fight with the same Weapons his Enemy makes use of, though they should be Impudence and Vanity. I have been long convinced, that lofty, promising Titles, or prefixing the Names of Great Patrons, add nothing to the intrinsic Value of any book. Nay, I have seen the King's Arms flourished on a Quack Doctor's Bill, which hath been scarcely read through before applied to its proper use. Nor am I fond of presenting these following Reflections to Mr. Johnson's Patrons, because it looks so like Mrs. james, whose crazy Example my waspish Adversary hath so often imitated. I am sure, had he left out his own often repeated Merits, scurrilous Reflections, and impertinent Stories, they would have been obliged to him; and might have read the empty, swelled Book, with as little trouble as her Half-Sheet● Who hath not seen, or heard, A Killing, noisy Bombastus, make a great figure in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, speak mighty things of himself, but at the same time to amuse his gaping Admirers, he always provides a Zany, who is to be plaguy satirical and witty, ●●is no matter on whom, or what subject, so it pleases, and by that means the Powder of Post goes off the better. Be it known unto all men, that I am an English Freeman as well as Mr. johnson, and will assume the liberty of being as dogmatically proud and Fantastical in my following Reflections, as he in his Notes.  
The different conceptions of other men's reasonings, are as moulds to Metal, the self same Ore run into the mould of an Angel, shapes an Angel, or into the mould of a Devil, represents a Devil. As for my own part, I can see nothing in the Pastoral Letter, with my Politic Spectacles, but what is rational, and tends to promote the public good, by persuading an Universal compliance to the present Government. Mr. johnson, in his own, distorted, and forced Sense, represents it as a Vial of mischief poured forth on the Nation. Upon which account I'll examine how far his rambling Notes make good the Charge. But by the way, when our waggish Noter had luckily thought on the word, Bewitched, I wonder he did not think himself so, because, whilst only fight with the Windmills of his own brain, he wildly fancies that at the same time he mauls the Bishop. Perhaps I have mixed some sharp reflections with my private thoughts, for which I have only this to say, Is there not Just Cause?   

REFLECTIONS UPON Mr. Jonson's NOTES ON THE Pastoral Letter.  
'TIS the Usual, but plausible way of some men, when they have expressed their utmost malice, dipped their pens in the blackest Ink, just to wipe their mouths, and then write and miscall themselves Civil, and good natured to a fault. Mr. johnson of all men in the world might have spared himself that Hypocritical pains Because His Notes plainly speak his own true Character. Our Noter in his first line seems to insinuate, as if his bare touch were as fatal as the Devils, nothing follows it, but Leprosy or Death: But the Doctrine in the Pastoral Letter will live, because his Impotent efforts and weak Notes, have not power sufficient to destroy it. His sulphurous stinking Ammunition, is but like the Chemical Pulvis fulminans, which makes a roaring noise, but without doing the least execution But I advise you as your Friend Mr. johnson, I would by no means have you take a With into your hands, lest, when I have reflected your Mountainous Rhodomontadoes into nothing but mere noisy boasting● you should employ it to A particular use not at first designed: Besides 'tis A dangerous weapon in any man's hands, who is generally supposed to be, Non Compos Mentis.  
Who could have Imagined that the topping Mr. johnson, the All destroying Mr. johnson, should condescend so low as to have A controversy with, or to rake in the Ashes of A senseless Book, without Station, or Cardinal's Horse top knots But by your favour amongst all your law, let us have no Abindon Law, don't hang the book first, and then Judge it afterward.  
He proceeds now to tell us, and without blushing, too, that The design of it was to make men swear to the Government at any rate, and because only the jacobites stood out against the Oath of Allegiance, and were dissatisfied with it, the Government is made jacobite, or what they will, that these men may swear upon their own terms.  
I begin to perceive our Noters cloven foot already, I mean, Ex pede Herculem, The Bishop's design (if we, may believe his own words in the Pastoral Letter, page the 2d) was, to offer such motives and reasons to his Clergy, as might Answer and satisfy all scruples and objections that might arise concerning your Allegiance which was due to the King and Queen, lest by their Example of Nonswearing, the minds of the people should be distracted, and so consequently alienated from the Government. So that Mr. johnson hath either ignorantly but I rather believe wilfully misrepresented the plain design of the Bishop, which was to make the Government all Williamite, and that it was the duty both of Clergy and Laity to comply with it. What is nothing to the purpose, needs no answer; Neither am I at leisure, having so many pages before me to follow Mr. johnson in his wild goose chase. I don't know Dr. Sandcrofts Heirs, and the Late Bishop of Ely's Letter, is not the Pastoral Letter.  
Now Oracle. To bring men into this Government with their jacobite Principles along with them, is to let so many Vipers into its bosom. 
p. 3.   
The Bishop was Expelling these Poisonous Principles; he was persuading their Compliances But how could they comply without Conviction? Unless Mr. johnson would have them, though unconvinced, swear at any rate, and so be perjured. When Men swear, 'tis presumed they are convinced; If so, than their former Principles are quitted, they are no longer jacobites. The Bishop would have all Men swear to the Government; and if Men will act contrary to its Interest after they have taken the Oaths, they are to be censured as guilty both of Perjury and Treachery. 'Tis my Opinion, that the jews, who Crucify'd our Saviour, were not so highly guilty as judas, who kissed, and at the same time betrayed him.  
I'll assure you Mr. johnson, the Bishop only designs to catch the good Fish in his Drag-Net, notwithstanding you modestly tell us, he is resolved to catch them all, good and bad, and to make them swear at any rate; to effect which, he endeavours to fright ●hem into his Net, with a Venient Romani, The French, the Irish, and Popish Tyranny will be upon you, if you do not take the Oath.  
The Bishop, in his Pastoral Letter, page the 3 d and 4 th', informs his Clergy, ; That by refusing the Oath, they might do a considerable Prejudice to the Public Peace, and shake, as far as in them lay, the present Settlement of the Nation; and therefore they ought to consider well the Grounds of their Noncompliance, before they adventured against a Wo●k which in the whole Progress of it has had so many signal Characters of a Favourable Providence: and then he adds the Advantages we have reaped by it, and the mischievous Consequences that might ensue in case they did not take the Oaths; which were, Popish Tyranny, An Irish Conquest and Massacre, and French Barbarity and Cruelty. To which he subjoins, A Man that adventures on so dangerous a Thing as refusing the Oaths, had need be very sure that he is in all this matter in the Right, Otherwise he runs a Risque of sighting against God, if he should happen to be in the wrong.  
Upon the whole matter the Bishop makes use of the Topick of Divine Providence to persuade their Compliance; and the great Miseries we might bring on our own Heads, after so great a Deliverance, if there were not an Unanimous agreement amongst us. Gamaliel, I presume, must be acknowledged as Wise a Doctor as Mr. johnson can be thought by any of our great Council; and as a Proof of it, the whole body of the People o● Israel were concluded by his Advice, in the great Sanhedrim purposely convened to determine that Important Affair, in Relation to those Doctrines and Miracles which were wrought and preached by the Apostles, and which they were so zealous to oppose. You may at your leisure read the whole Transaction in the 5 th' of the Acts of the Apostles; but because 'tis pertinent to my present purpose, I will recite Gamaliel's Advice in the great Council, contained in the 38 th' and 39 th' Verses; And now I say unto you, Refrain from these men, and let them alone; for if this Counsel, or this Work, be of Men, it will come to nought: But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to fight against God. So that as that great Revolution in Religion, and the New Face of Affairs in the World, was brought to pass by the powerful Hand of God, and could not be resisted: So also there are many Instances to be given of the Visible Providences which attended and procured our happy Settlement, and preserved that Faith of Christ which we profess in its Primitive Purity, and against which the utmost Efforts and Artifi●es of a Resolved, and Attempted Power, could not prevail. We might still have enjoyed an uninterrupted continuance of its kind Influences, had not our Ingratitude, Divisions as well as Treachery and Malice to each other, those most provoking sins, loudly called for Judgements to fall on us.  
Now; I am the Fairest Adversary in the World, though I, say it myself. You have le●t out, Who should not ay it? But I will no more believe you, than if you should say you were a Saint, or that your Gall did not lie in your Scull; because you have almost in every Particular throughout your Notes, vented your ungoverned Passion more than Reason.  
One of the things, he says, we ought to fear and tremble at, is, Popish Tyranny. I would fain know whether the word Popish added to Tyranny, makes it better or worse?  
In this Note Mr. johnson thinks himself safe; but I'll inform him, that the Word Tyranny may be made Blacker, that there's no false Heraldry in it, That Popish and Protestant Tyranny are not alike, and that their Effects are not the same. Popish Tyranny is the worst of Tyrannies, it attempts to enslave men's Consciences, their Religion as well as Liberties and Properties: And because I will be beforehand with him in Instances, French Tyranny is Popish Tyranny, and a late Author tells us, that Danish is Protestant. I have nothing to say against your Story of Sir Ellis Leighton, and that the late King's Design was to subvert the Government; The Papists do not deny it: And as for those Imprudent Discourses (if there were any such) let the guilty answer for themselves.  
He may please himself with his several Descants on the Word King. Our King makes the Laws of the Kingdom his Rule to govern by, and desires no more Power than to be able to do all the good he can to his People.  
; I go therefore in the next place to set before you those Reasons that seem convincing to me, even though there were no more to be said for the present Settlement, but that we have a Throne filled, and a King and Queen in Possession.  
After Mr. johnson hath made a Flourish, he tells us, I shall take the pains of examining them One by One, and find out, if I can, their power of Conviction; which I am afraid is like an Estate left in Diego's Will.  
He is so merry a Gentleman, and hath such an Overflowing of frothy Conceits, that I am afraid he won't live long.  
But to the Reasons; The Bishop never designed, nor ever hopes to convince you with his Reasons. Instead of being as good as your Word in examining the Bishop's Reasons, a fancy comes in to your Head, that the Throne is widened; and than you tell us (for wha● Reason I know not,) That you believe that a King and Queen in possession alone, or a King and Queen de Facto together, in Opposition to de Jure, would have frighted Cook, Littleton, etc.  
I will repeat no more of what's nothing to the purpose; and I thought you had loved the great Dead Lawyers better than to contrive any Scare-crows to fright them. The Bishop, in his Pastoral Letter, page 21 saint. Declares the King and Queens Right to the; Crown from the Determination and Declaration of the Peers and People of England, chosen and Assembled together with all possible Freedom. So that he hath nothing to do with the Distinction of de Facto and de jure.  
Possession is a very good Title, till a better appears; and the Bishop tells us, the King and Queen have a Lawful Title and a Right to our Allegiance for several Reasons; And there is no need of the Bishop's naming the Cause, or how they came into the Throne; because this Reason is pressed only on Supposition of their bare Possession of it.  
But to the following part of the Paragraph: The; bringing the State of the Question so low, may seem at first View not to be of so much Advantage to Their Majesty's Title; but since I intent to carry the matter further before I leave it, I hope it may be no incongruous method to begin at that which will take in the greatest Numbers, since there is no dispute in this, that they are actually in possession of the Throne; that they protect us; and that we by living under their Protection, and enjoying the benefit of it, are therefore bound to make some returns for it.  
Our No●er in the page and 〈◊〉 following answers not to the Point in debate; but ●●●ly insinuates as if the Bishop were starting new Titles, and then talks of Chemical Drops; for which we ●an● a Comment.  
Well, but now he comes to mind the Process. ; Possession of the Throne infers Protection, and the benefit of Protection infers a Reciprocal Duty. To which he answers; I will wait for better Arguments; for as for this, it will never convince. It is no Dispute indeed amongst the Non-Swearers; but is their great grievance, that there is an actual possession of Kingship, where there is not a legal Right first proved, and made out.  
The Bishop is convincing the Non-Iurors; and we know you are already convinced. There are Babes in Politics as well as Religion, who cannot digest strong Meats. Prithee, Dear Mr. johnson (if thou hast not bestowed all thy good Nature on Sir Roger, 
Pag. 92. ) suffer the Bishop to be so charitable as to feed them with Milk. The Bishop hath proved their Legal Right, as I have already observed: But though they will not own them to have any Right, yet the Bishop urges them to pay their Allegiance to the King in Possession, because they are protected by him; and in that they have virtually given their Consent by their Representatives, that he should be King: Besides, their Allegiance is due, and must be paid to the King in Possession, because the Late King not being here, it is impossible to be paid to him. Protection supposes, and implies a Right to Allegiance; for which Reason the Bishop argues in his next Paragraph: A Man may; Lawfully promise to do every thing that he may Lawfully do: So that if it is Lawful to Obey the King, it is also Lawful to promise to do it. And therefore since it does not appear that any persons do doubt of the Lawfulness of Obeying, it cannot without any colour of Reason be said to be Unlawful to promise it: And if it is Lawful to promise it, it is also Lawful to Swear it; for an Oath being only the sacred Confirmation of a Promise, we may Lawfully Swear Every Thing that we may Lawfully Promise.  
After he hath diverted himself with his Mousetrap jest, he tells us, That he will allow the Axiom, or Postu●atum in the first Sentence, at the present, and talk with it anon. But what he subsumes in the next Sentence, is begging the Question, and Absolutely False, in these words. ; And therefore since it does not appear, that any persons do doubt of the Lawfulness of Obeying ● it cannot with any Colour of Re●son be said to be Unlawful to promise it. For I will demonstrate on the contrary, that it does appear. That all that refuse the Oath, and Ten Thousand Men more, do doubt of the Lawfulness of Obeying. But by the way, Mr johnson, to call Ten Thousand Men Knaves at once, is something too reflecting; for as sharp sighted as you are, I am sure you cannot see their Hearts. Now follows our Demonstration: If the Non Swearers could give thiir Assent and Consent to Obey, they would certainly give their Oath likewise, and all that is within them. But by their doubting the Lawfulness of an Oath of Obedience, they plainly doubt the Lawfulness of simple Obedience, and not the Lawfulness of an Oath; for unless they be Quakers they cannot do that. To which I answer; 'Tis Matter of Fact, That the Non-Swearers do actually obey, and only doubt the Lawfulness of taking the Oaths. They do Visibly acquiesce, and do not openly oppose the Government. They pay their Taxes according as the Law directs; nor do they think it a sin so to do. Upon which account the Bishop argues, they may promise to do so; and tharefore if promise, then swear; and so let their Hearts be where they will, the Law is against them; their Persons and Estates are protected by the Government, and they are wiser than to go and starve at St. Germane. I am of Opinion, if Mr. johnson is over and above Officious on this Point; and (with Humble Submission) I presume, if they, or any others, pay their Taxes Honestly, the King will not be concerned on what Principles they pay their Obedience; and double Taxes are as a Mark on those who disown him as King, that both He and We may be the better aware of them.  
Because Mr. johnson hath such ill Fortune in Demonstrations, I'll try mine; and endeavour from the two Pages following, Sillogistically to demonstrate him, neither better nor worse than a Beast. He hath Liberty to undemonstrate it in his Second Part.  
If Mr. johnson did not voluntarily submit to his hard Usage, than his Submission was an involuntary Act. But Mr. johnson did not voluntarily submit to his hard Usage, Ergo; this is evident from his 16 th' Page, where he tells us, that he sent the Marshal word, that he had rather be shot than so used. Now, Secundum te, page the 15 th'. All the World knows, that an involuntary Act is not an Humane Act; and so consequently must be the Act of a Beast. I know no way he hath to evade this Argument, unless he owns himself a Fish or a Fowl. If he says he is Fish, I'll call him the great Leviathan; if a Fowl, an Owl; because being all Face and Feathers, he nearly resembles the Bird of Pallas. But I verily believe, by its description, he is that very Ass he mentions in his 34 th' page, who looks like Wisdom and Gravity, and is not. I always thought Vnvoluntary Acts, as well as Voluntary, were Humane, and the Acts of Men; but Mr. johnson tells us in his 48 th' page; If it were not lawful to advance Paradoxes and Contradictions to common Sense, how could Men show their Learning? Or wherein would they differ from other Men? Ex Ore tuo judico. And now I am at leisure to reflect on his Instances, with which he pretends to destroy the Bishop's Axiom: ; A Man may lawfully promise to do every thing which he may lawfully do.  
Observe our Noter: I will give him an Instance to the contrary. It is certainly lawful for me, because our Saviour commands it; If any man compel me to go a mile with him to carry his burden, go with him twain. (But by the way, when he misrepresents our Saviour's Words, 'tis no w●nder he serves the Bishop so; for the Text doth not speak of carrying any burden. But, not to interrupt his Instance, I will admit of it for once) though all such Precepts are to be taken with a Grain of Salt. But is it therefore lawful for me to promise this man to be his Pack horse all my Life, and so starve my Wife and Children in not providing for them; and in so doing to be worse than an Infidel? I trow not. 'Tis a mighty thing to destroy a Bishop's Axiom, and nothing can be more proper to do it than a Text of Scripture. Observe the Axiom; ; A man m●y lawfully promise to do every thing he may lawfully do. Now the Instance; Our Saviour commands, If any man compel me to go a mile with him, to carry his burden, to go with him twain. From which he infers; But is it therefore lawful for me to promise this man to be his Pack horse all my Life, and to starve my Wi●e and Children? etc. No, no, by no means lawful; Besides, you can't be a Packhorse; and your own Instance will not let you be worse than an Infidel. There is a great difference between lawfully promising, and being compelled to do any thing; and therefore your Instance is nothing to the purpose (I can find no power of Conviction in it, and I am afraid it is like an Estate left in our late Diego Wickhams' ' Will) because all Compulsion takes away the Liberty of doing, or not doing; Promises to do, or not do, signify nothing when I am Forced, or Hindered: Besides, your Inference is an unlawful Action; and you cannot lawfully promise; therefore you are obliged not to promise any man to be his Pack horse, and by that means to starve your Wi●e and Children; and therefore you may not lawfully do it. I may lawfully promise to assist my Neighbour to carry his Burden; and therefore I may lawfully do it. For any thing I know, our Noter may be a good Lawyer, but I am sure he is but a Dabbler at instancing. To proceed to the Second Instance.  
'Tis as great a Conquest for a Philosopher to refute an Axiom, as a General to take a strong Town in Flanders; and therefore our Noter brings another battering Instance against it. I'll assure you Mr. johnson, I have no prejudice against your Person; I will neither lessen your Merits nor Sufferings: But I am in the way of writing, Mr. johnson; my Controversy is only with your Book; and though I by myself, I; 
Pag. ●he 17 th'.  I say that my Motion I was sure was Right, being drawn by my own Hand (which is more positive perhaps than Old Bracton would have said) so I by myself, I say that your Instance is wrong; therefore I will mind the Process: Out of this long and truly impertinent Story, I put this short Case: It was certainly lawful for me to submit to this Usage, when I could not help it; but I had deserved to die the Death of a Dog, and had betrayed the Rights of an Englishman, if I had entered into Engagements to abide by it. Observe the Consequence; therefore a man may not lawfully promise to do every thing which he may lawfully do. O profound Logician!  
Now I would fain understand how Mr. johnson will reconcile his lawfully doing of that which he tells us was compulsorily, wrongfully and illegally inflicted, and more especially when he declares in his 15 th' page, That Forced Obedience is not the Obedience of Men; It is Passive and Dog-kennel Obedience. If I should pursue this Point, and prove that he hath a Grain of Passive Obedience about him, he would certainly hang himself; therefore I desist, and won't be guilty of Murder. This is so pretty an Instance that I can't choose but repeat it once more. It was certainly lawful for me to submit to this Usage, when I could not help it. Ay, ay, 'tis very true, too true, we must all submit when we can't help it; there's no Remedy but Passive Patience: But you know the Old Saying, Patience per Force is a Medicine for a mad Dog. Now I don`t find by the Story that you lawfully promised to submit to this Usage; which you might have done too, if you had thought it fit; because you tell us, It cost you Two or Three Fees not to be kept in Acta Custodia. So that our Impregable Axiom holds out still, ; That a Man may lawfully promise to do what he may lawfully do.  
Having defeated your first and Second Line, jam ad Triari●s ventum est, I think I had as good stop here, lest in his Second Part I should be noted on as a Couquering Clergyman; But the best on it is I fear no Character he can give me, and therefore will attack him in his third Instance.  
At the Parliament at Oxford in 65, when they made the Five Mile Act, there was the same enslaving Project on foot, as there was afterwards in Seventy odd, to Swear to the Government in Church and State without Alteration. The Wise Lord Treasurer Southampton was against it, and said, that though he liked Episcopacy, yet he would not be Sworn to it; Because he might hereafter be of another Opinion. And perhaps he had been further off ●rom that Oath, if he had lived till now.  
I smell your design in this instance, 'tis to let us know that you don't like Episcopacy so well now as formerly, for any story that you could have thought on, had been as much to the purpose as this.  
If the Lord Southampton was satisfied with Episcopacy at that time, he might have taken an Oath to it, especially if it had been Enacted into a Law so to do, A Law would have concluded his Opinion, and determined his Compliance, till it had been repealed; and had he lived till now Episcopacy would have been the same thing as then: The Virtual Consent of every individual Person is given when a Law is made; and therefore I must obey when what is commanded is not undeniably a sin; and my Disobedience is a sin, when the matter is lawful. So that rebus sic stantibus, a man may lawfully promise to do what he may lawfully do; and if there be an evident and public Alteration in the Subject Matter, the Obligation ceases: Neither do I apprehend any Reason from the Law of God or Men, but that every Man may swear Allegiance, or to be quiet under our present Government (though they would have had things otherwise settled) because a private Opinion is not to be opposed against the general Determination of the Body of the Nation; And to me it appears Imprudence and Mockery, that after the Non-Iuring, Passive Men have beat King james out of the Kingdom (as far as their Principles allowed) with their Primitive Weapons, Prayers and Tears; That is, that now we are delivered by Providence, and Second Causes, from Popery and Slavery, that the very same men (some of which put their Helping Hand too) are praying it back again; for the French Court is the worst in the World to instruct Princes to govern according to Laws; and I don't hear Father Peter's is turned Protestant.  
Now to the part of the Bishop's Paragraph, which follows in these words. ; And as it appears that there lies no just Objection to the swearing Obedience, so there arises none from the word Allegiance; for that being in its Original Signification, nothing but the Service that a Vassal owed to the Chief Lord of the Fee. If the King, is owned in Fact to be our King, than he is the Lord of the Fee, and by Consequence Allegiance is due to him; Allegiance being also now in our present Acceptation, An Obedience according to Law, that is to say, not a Blind nor absolute Obedience, but such an Obedience as is defined and limited by the Law, than the Scruple that arises out of the Word Allegiance vanishes.  
In this short Remnant, our Noter tells us, there are abundance of things liable to Exception.  
Fi●st, That he outruns the Constable, in taking for granted an Oath of Obedience, where he hath neither proved bare Obedience, much less a promise of Obedience onwardly to be due; for which I refer myself to what passed on the former part of the Paragraph.  
There was no need of a Promise of bare Obedience, because they did actually Obey; and therefore the Bishop argues, as I before observed; That ●or that Reason they might Promise to Obey; and if Promise, then Swear. The Bishop always owned them to have the Point of Right, and how they came by it, in his 21 st page; which I have already taken notice of.  
Secondly, He here gives us a Notion of Allegiance by the halves; for he says, ; It is in its Original signification nothing but the Service due to the Chief Lord of the Fee. You only give the Bishop's Sense by halves; therefore I will recite his own Words contained at large in the 24 th' and 25 th' pages of the Pastoral Letter. ; The very Term of Allegiance rises out of the Feudal Law; by which the Chief Lord of a Fee, when he made any Grants to his Vassals, took them bound in consideration of these Grants, to adhere to him, to defend his Person, and to assist him in his Wars; but all this being done by the Vassals, in consideration of the Fee that was granted, an Original Contract is plainly implied in it; so that if the Lord of the Fee should go to take away the Fee itself, or to change the Nature of the Subjection in which the Vassals were put by the first Grant, than the Oath which was grounded on it could not be supposed to bind them any longer. So that the Bishop supposes a Reciprocal Duty between the Lord of the Fee and the Vassal, because if the former violated his Contract, the Obligation of Allegiance ceased.  
Thirdly, He makes the King the Lord of the Fee; to entitle him to our Oath of Allegiance. It is nothing so, for the people of England do not hold of the King, what Holy Church does I know not; they may be his Vassals for aught I know; I am sure I am none.  
'Tis fixing your own private Construction upon the Bishop's Words, when you write as if he should suppose the King to be Landlord of all England, or as if Holy Church (as you are pleased to express yourself) owned or paid any Allegiance different from other people. The Bishop tells us plainly, ; Our Allegiance in general is an Obedience according to Law; which he explains; Not a Blind nor Absolute Obedience, but such an Obedience as is defined and limited by the Law. Which imports, that we owe no other Obedience, and therefore if we are commanded to do or suffer any thing that is contrary to Law, the Obligation of our Obedience ceases, and we may refuse it. And here I will insert what the Bishop affirms to this purpose, in his Measures of Submission to the Supreme Authority; which may serve to clear him from the unjust and malicious Imputations of ignorant as well as prejudicial Men. Pag. 9 ; There is nothing more evident than that England is a Free Nation, that has its Liberties and Properties reserved to it, by many positive and express Laws: If then we have a Right to our Property, we must likewise be supposed to have a Right to preserve it: for those Rights are by the Law secured against the Invasions of the Prerogative; and by consequence we must have a Right to preserve them against those Invasions. It is also evidently declared by our Law, that all Orders and Warrants that are issued out in Opposition to them, are null of themselves; and by consequence, any that pretend to have Commissions from the King, for those Ends, are to be considered as if they had none at all, since those Commissions being void of themselves, are indeed no Commissions in the construction of the Law; and therefore they who act in virtue of them, are still to be considered as private persons, who come to invade and disturb us.  
Fourthly, He makes a King in Fact to be Lord of the Fee. We have been too long haunted with this word Fact, and therefore I will try to lay the Goblin.  
The Bishop hath nothing to do with your Goblin● Fact; He always owned the King's Right to the Crown to be Legal, and by the Virtual Consent of the People. If the Bishop chances to write any word, though in the Application of it, it relates to other persons, without ever weighing, or considering the intention or design of it, He runs away with his whymsical misapprehension of the ma●ter, and from his own mistake makes and forces the Bishop to say or write any thing to his squinting purpose. The Bishop applies himself to the Non jurors, because, as they could not deny him to be King in Fact; that is, to be in possession of the Throne, so they ought to swear Allegiance to him in consideration of the Protection he gave them, and that they lived under his Government, whether they did or would own him Rightful King or not. Your Supposition of Forcible Entry, which ●ollows, is altogether impertinent, as to the Bishop; because he hath told you over and over, that the King hath a Right to possess the Throne, by that Legal Possession of it, which was given him by the Lords and Commons.  
Fifthly, He would have people swear an Obedience according to Law, in Opposition to a Blind and Absolute Obedience, though they are still to retain their Passive Obedience, which is certainly Blind and Absolute Obedience, or else there is no such thing in the World.  
In this place more particularly, I appeal to Mr. Johnson's greatest A●mirers (if they have but common Justice for Truth) whether any jesuit could have perverted the Intention, or Sense of any Author more Villainously and Barefaced than he hath the Bishop's in this Note: Is here the least shadow of an Insinuation of Passive Obedience, when our Allegiance is declared an Obedience only according to Law; that is to say, Not a Blind or Absolute Obedience; but such an Obedience as is defined and limited by the Laws. Now what could have been expressed more opposite to Passive Obedience? Nor can they, or any others, retain their Passive Obedience if they keep to the Laws, because Passive Obedience is a tame submission to those illegal Commands of a King that are evidently against, and tend to destroy all Law. No Man hath asserted the Laws, and Public Liberty with more Reason, nor more Nervously enforced than the Bishop of Salisbury (which appears from the Quotation I made out of his Measures of Submission to the Supreme Authority.) And 'tis a base Imputation to say, That he would have any body retain the mistaken Notion of Passive Obedience, or shows how it should not hurt them; when at the same time he so plainly and positively declares the contrary. But 'tis enough for Mr. johnson to make the Bishop enter a Salvo for, or to be an high Asserter of the mistaken Doctrine, when he only mentions the word Obedience, as in this place; and much more when he repeats the Highest Principles of Passive Obedience, in the 20 th' page. Tho at the same time 'tis impossible, if a Man be but honest, or hath but a mean Judgement to apprehend them any bodies (as the Bishop supposes) but the Non-Iurors; which will evidently appear, if you will take the trouble to read part of the 19 th' and 20 th' pages of the Pastoral Lettter; where 'tis as apparent also that the Bishop argues from other Principles, That the Non-Iurors ought to swear to the present Government, even though they should retain, or according to their Highest Principles of Passive Obedience. I will only repeat a Line or two in the beginning of that Paragraph, to inform you of the Bishop's design. ; But I will in the last place carry this matter further, to justify the present Settlement, as a thing Right and Lawful in itself. Should I have said, that I was the Fairest Adversary in the World, and should have had so many plain Instances of misrepresenting plainly proved upon me, I should have expected but little Credit to be given to me: But I'll warrant you, Face and Feathers will stare it out. And now I'll leave our Noter to roll and tumble in his own wit, and divert himself with his story of the Welshman, his Bowstring and Black-Box, his Thebaean Legion, his Mine-take-it and Your-take-it. And because I will be sure to win his Favour, I do own that I have, and always had as great an Aversion to the mistaken Notion of Passive Obedience, as he hath to Maxims. But by the way, he must let me be convinced by my own following Reasons, though he will not let the Bishop by his; To which I will only premise, That 'tis the Nature of Mankind to be easier persuaded and convinced by modest and plain Reasonings from their Errors and Mistakes, than bantered and hectored; and that 'tis more Christian and Generous rather to lend an helping Hand to a Blind Man, who hath mistaken his way, than rail at his Imperfection. I wonder how this Doctrine of the Cross came to be called the Doctrine of Passive Obedience; and I much more wonder how it should obtain so much Credit in a Country where the Christian Religion is the Established Religion, and the Laws are the Rule and Standard of all Obedience. I think moreover, that Passive Obedience is as great a Bull in Terms as Roman Catholic, Universal Particular; for all Obedience is Active, and to Obey is to do the thing commanded; and Passive Nonobedience would have sounded much better, because the Design of the Doctrine is to suffer rather than obey, or when I will not obey; and the Primitive Christians were under an Obligation to suffer even to Death rather than deny the Faith they had confessed, and so become Apostates. What I apprehend to be the proper and true meaning of the Doctrine, is, to suffer rather than Apostatise. But to reflect on the practice of it amongst us. As where the Grand Seignior's Horse once sets his Foot, no Grass grows, so where this mistaken Notion of the Doctrine takes place, all Laws must be trod under Foot: The Doctrine of the Cross was, and is a true Doctrine; but not calculated for the Year 1688. in a Christian legally established Government, and is altogether impracticable amongst us; because if any man, upon what account soever, or from whomsoever commissioned, shall attempt to take away my Goods or Life by force, or in an illegal manner, I may lawfully resist them, by the Laws of God, Nature, and my Country; Otherwise that which should be my Rule, would be my Snare; So that it can be no sin in me to do what the Laws of God, Nature, and my Country direct. Were I in Turkey, and the Grand Signior should send an Express to acquaint me, That I must either turn Mahometan, or kiss the Bow string; 'tis my Duty, and I hope God would enable me rather to suffer Death than deny and renounce the true Faith of Christ. But there is a great difference between a Turkish, Arbitrary and Mahometan, and an English, Limited, and Christian Government. Theory and Practice are two different things, and the latter many times discovers the Absurdity of the former; and I am sure, though I should have preached my Lungs out in the Neighbourhood where I lived, not one thick-skulled Miner or Collier would have been persuaded that 'twas his Duty to sit tamely with his Hands in his Pockets, whilst an Irish Dragoon trimmed his Ears and Nose off. Nature, Humane Nature will struggle.  
Thus having stated this Point, I think it will not be improper in this place to offer my Sentiments to those who do not take the Oaths, in relation to the Oath of Allegiance which they have already taken, and by which they account themselves bound up. 'Tis allowed, that a Law is to be obeyed, and an Oath to be taken according to the sense and intention of the Legislators. In the late times there was a distinction between the King's Person and his Authority, upon which account there was an Oath framed to obviate and take away any such Mischievous Distinction, And though it extended to secure the King as to his person and legal rights, yet it was never designed as a foundation of an arbitrary and irresistible power, or that the subject might not resist any violent and illegal proceedings, and more especially when the whole rights of the Community were struck at, and a subversion of the Government undeniably put in practice. 'Tis Rebellion to invade the King's right, but not so, to preserve and defend what the Laws and constitution of the Government have given me a just and legal right and title to. There is a latitude employed in this Oath, Unless when we take it we swear to be slaves from that day forward, for if taken in a strict sense it cancels all our natural and positive rights and Laws at once; we are bound hand and foot, and only left at the mercy of an Absolute King, and contrary to all reason and justice, the Impostumated and unnatural Power and will of one, is superior and preferable to the good and preservation of all the rest of the body Politic: the Original Government was by the consent of the people, as also the form and kind, and the good and welfare of Mankind is the undoubted end of it. Salus Populi, Suprema Lex. To which purpose I will only add the Opinion of the Judicious and Ingenious Author of the Character of a Trimmer page the 7th; When all is said, There is a natural reason of State, an undefinable thing, grounded upon the Common good of Mankind, which is Immortal and in all Changes and Revolutions, still preserveth its Original Right of saving a Nation, when a Letter of the Law perhaps would destroy it; And by whatsoever means it moveth, carrieth a power with it that admitteth of no Opposition, being supported by Nature, which inspireth an immediate consent at so critical times into every individual Member, to that which visibly tendeth to the preservation of the whole: And this being so, a wise Prince, instead of controverting the Right of this Reason of State, will by all means endeavour it may be on his side, and then he will be secure.  
But to return to my Noter, who would have done but honestly to have cleared the Bishop from this false Imputation, by informing the World with what he says in his 26 th' page of the Pastoral Letter; where he presumes those Men to have been very much mistaken, who have taken up an Opinion, ; That there is an uncontrollable and Supreme Power lodged with our Kings by a Divine Deputation, which exempts them from being called to an account, or resisted by their people, let their Violations of the Law be never so many, or so Eminent. And in the next page, he proves it from the Original Articles granted by King john, which he there repeats with this Inference● ; And the Subjects are not only warranted, but required to enter into Associations and Oaths for that Effect. This is an Evidence, that by the Ancient Constitution of England, there was no such irresistible Authority in our Kings. as some have been inclined ●o imagine. To which the Bishop subjoins this wise and seasonable Caution: ; But after all, if there are any who are so possessed with their pre-conceited Opinions, that they either cannot lay them down, or will not confess that they have been mistaken in their Notions of Politics, these aught to be very sure that they are in the right, before they will adventure, as far as in them lies, to undermine and shake the present Constitution. To what base shifts is impotent Malice put, to compass its wicked, but unsuccessful designs?  
But to proceed to the Bishop's 4 th' Paragraph: ; This is either true, or those who live upon a Continent, and that are subject to the Conquests and Invasions of their Neighbours, must be miserable: For though our happy Situation has exempted us for a whole Age from falling under any such difficulties, yet this is a Case that falls often out in all different States which are on the same Continent. Upon which our Noter observes; This is shifting the Scene; for he knows that we are a World by ourselves, and have nothing to do with the Continent. It is a Land-loping Argument, and till we are in the Condition of the Flanderkin Towns● he need not urge us with their Practice and Example. And he is wholly out of the way in every word he utters. For we are not deserted or forsaken, nor conquer`d or subdued, nor under the power of an Enemy, nor treated as Enemies, nor cudgeled into an Oath of Allegiance, nor ever will be.  
Our Noter in this place is cudgelling and conquering his own shadow; for the Bishop hath not affirm`d that we are so barbarously used, but knows that we are in profound peace. What is Reason in England, is Reason in Flanders, and all the world over; The Bishop is only comparing and stating the Point and Case of the Non jurors with that of the Subjects on the Continent, who are often subject to Conquests. He is not come as yet to the Merits of the Cause, but argues, That a bare possession, which gives protection, obliges those who live under it to swear Allegiance; and 'tis matter of Fact, that the Flanderkins do swear Allegiance to the French when he is Master of a Town, and so in like manner to the Spaniard; so that he infers the lawfulness and reasonableness of so doing; and offers it as a Reason and Argument to the Nonjurors; and the inevitable destruction of Cities and Societies if they did not; and so by consequence, that Allegiance is a diffeasable thing, and may be transferred when there is a pressing necessity for it. If I should say, Mr. johnson was wonderfully subject to error and mistakes, and that he was no more Infallible in his Notes than the Pope of Rome, we should have him call it a Land-loping Argument in his Second Part; but I am sure what he hath noted on the Bishop's Argument, by way of Comparison is Foreign and Outlandish to the purpose.  
But our weak Noter proceeds in his mistake, and tells us; If I were hired to write against the Oath of Allegiance, I would use such Arguments as this is.  
I verily believe you would, because I find by Experience you are very apt to write what is altogether impertinent to the matter in hand, and in most places your Notes are quite contrary to the Point.  
Are we in the Case of those that are slaves under the Spaniard, and slaves under the French, that often change their Master, but never their Condition, that are Prize, and retaken, and Prize still? Let him answer me that.  
I will answer for the Bishop: No, we are not. Nor hath the Bishop mentioned one word of Slavery, or compar`d our condition with theirs. We have indeed changed our Master some time since, and I think much bettered our condition.  
But in all his Travels, could he find no Copy for us to write after, nor no body to match us with, but a conquered People?  
The Bishop hath unluckily made use of the word Conquest and Invasions; though applied to the Continent, and our Misrepresenter will have it, that the Bishop is matching our Condition with a conquered people. But I think any man who hath a Grain of Sense, must own the Bishop intended nothing like it; but only as he evidently trieth to prove the Absurdity and Falseness of Indiffeasable Allegiance.  
Mr. johnson tells us; I love to talk with Maxims as I do the sight of an Ass, who looks like Gravity and Wisdom, and is not. I know the Reason of it, a Jest upon an Ass is thrown away, and Maxims are such wise and grave things, that they are above the short reach of your Understanding and then you lose an Opportunity of showing your doggerel parts. But to the other part of our Paragraph. ; For if subjects owe their natural Prince such an Obstinate Allegiance that neither desertion nor conquest can dissolve it, then in what a miserable condition must they be, when they fall under the power of their Enemy, that never thinks himself secure of them, but treats them still as Enemies till they swear Allegiance to him; upon which observe our Noter.  
I can tell him (And that's all, I know you can't prove it, and I am sure the Bishop is not apt to believe every thing you say) that Allegiance is so Obstinate a thing that neither desertion nor conquest, nor any thing in the World but what is intrinsical to it (that is breach of Covenant or consent of both parties) dissolve it: It is a moral duty, and Heaven and Earth may pass away before Allegiance can pass away.  
Sincerely, Mr. johnson, I thought you had been a better Lawyer than to tell us that Allegiance is a Moral duty, I always apprehended it to be a Legal Duty, and Having a Good Memory I remember you tell us in the 21st page, that besides the service due to the Lord of Fee, as it was the Duty that the Liege Lord owed to his Liegeman. I must confess I never met with Lord in Fee, Liege Lord, or Liegeman in any book of Morality, or that treated on Moral Duties, that I ever read. But Mr. johnson is a great Scholard, and hath conversed with old musty Books which I never saw.  
Now, for want of judgement you are profaning Scripture with your Heaven and Earth may pass away before Allegiance can pass away. I suppose I shall have a convenient opportunity to prove, that Allegiance may pass away, in this page, or the next; therefore I'll defer it.  
Our Noter is now upon his Queries, which I will answer. As for Desertion, we must first know what it is, before we can know whether it will affect our Allegiance. A Soldier●s deserting, nnd running away from his Colours, we know; but what is this to deserting a Crown or a Kingdom? 'Tis just like a Soldiers running away from his Colours; 'tis running away from his Kingdom. You ask, Did the King desert willingly or unwillingly? I believe unwillingly, because he would have willingly stayed and set up Popery and Arbitrary Power: Besides, I am sure he had no such Kingdom to go to. Did not his people desert him first? No; he deserted his people first, in that he dissolved our Allegiance, and destroyed our Laws with his Dispensing Prerogative, and by employing Papists, who were incapable by Law to act in the Government; and then because we were such foolish Passive Rebels, who would not help the Irish Dragoons to cut our own Throats, he withdrew, and left us in a state of Anarchy; but we took care not to continue so long.  
The matter of Fact in truth is this, K. james resolved to bring in Popery and Slavery upon us. The generality of the Nobility, Gentry, and Common People, were resolved neither to be Papists or Slaves. Our desperate Circumstances were represented to the P. of Orange, who readily engaged to attempt our Rescue. He came; The unconcerned Nation did not think it an Invasion, but were rather glad of an opportunity to free themselves from those imminent and real dangers they were surrounded with. Upon which account some joined with the Prince, others expected the Event. The Officers of the Army ●hought themselves under no Obligation by K. James' Favours, to betray their Country, or draw their Swords more effectually to destroy their Liberties and Legal Rights; (which would have been the consequence of their success) and therefore would not sacrifice these for any future precarious Interest, when 'twas visible their former Advancements were only designed for sinister ends; and they who would not promise to do every thing they were Closeted about, or what Father Peter's thought necessary to carry on their designs, were either frowned on, or displaced. The King's trusty darling Subjects, the Papists, who would live and die with him, they threw down their Arms, deserted, and were ready to run into Awger-holes, when a Sham-Declaration threatened to leave them to the mercy of the Army, Fin-landers in Bear-skins; and Myrmidon with broad Swords, and bright Armour. As for what followed, K. james may thank himself, his Bigotry, and Prince-destroying Caterpillars. Experience hath always verified what Seneca the Tragedian hath observed, speaking in the Person of K. Agamemnon: Violentum nemo unquam Imperium continuit diu, Moderata durant.  
Well, now we are coming to the Merits of the Cause; Had the people reason to forsake K. James or no? Had he forfeited? Had he broke his Allegiance (let it be some other Law-word; for I never heard that the King owed Allegiance to his People) first; Was he the aggressor? Yes. The Bishop owns all this that I have answered, in his Pastoral Letter, and was one of those who actually came with the Prince to rescue us, and to re-settle and preserve our Government according to its Legal Constitution. But the Argument the Bishop employs to persuade the Nonjurors to take the Oaths, is, from the mischiefs that attend Indefeasible Allegiance; and that 'tis no true Maxim, that the bare desertion of K. James, without considering the Cause, was a sufficient ground for the Non jurors to comply, and take the Oaths.  
I am indebted to you a Proof, that Allegiance may pass away, 
pag. 37.  and I will discharge it with five of your own words (which you little dreamed would do it) What is impracticable is void. Our Allegiance to K. james is impracticable; therefore 'tis void. For if we are here, and K. james is I know not where, we can't pay our Allegiance to him; and therefore must transfer it to the King in possession, who protects us. In the next Page you say, If he deserted, he was forced to desert; for the very ground he stood upon fell from under him. But what wicked Rogues do you think undermined the ground he stood on? Why, Father Peter, and the rest of the jesuits and Monks, who worked night and day to undermine and subvert the Government: The very Spawn of those who undermined, and laid Powder, with a design to blow up your Patron's Predecessors.  
So much ●or Desertion (and so much for nothing to the purpose); Now for Conquest. Tho there is a great difference between ●aying what could and might be done, and what is actually done; yet Mr. johnson, I must beg your excuse for a page or two on this Point; and though you have taken the liberty to reflect on Kings, Marquess' and Bishop's, with several other of the Nobility; yet I have so great a deference to, and must be concluded by all Decisions of the great Council of the Nation; and I am convinced it would be a great piece of Imprudence, as well as Impudence, to offer any thing on this Point, though it were agreeable with my private Sentiments; and therefore as you have been bantering upon partial ● I'll endeavour to repay you in your own Coin, in your supposition of a true Conquest. The Point you propose, is, Whether a true Conquest dissolves Allegiance?  
Suppose a King and his people (who are all of a piece, till either of them break Faith with the other) are both run down, and fall under the Chance of War. It is no matter which of them is in the Conqueror's hands, because they are all as one. If their King have that hard fate, they must either rescue or ransom him, though their private Money and their Church Plate go for it. And if any of his people fall into the Enemy's hands, he must do the same by them.  
I perceive already we are like to have a rare Quixotian Conquest. Our Noter supposes a King and his people (of one iudividual and indivisible piece) to be conquered. Well, what then must be done? Why, i● their King have the hard fate, they must either rescue or ransom him, though their private money and their Church●Plate go for it. Why not their own House●Plate, Mr. johnson? But I presume he supposes the Conqueror, or his Soldiers, had secured that before, or that the Church Plate might be better spared. No, no, the poor solitary King is only conquered; and in this part o● the supposition, the people are in a pretty good condition. But, Mr. johnson, in my Opinion this was a cleaver Tipto of this Conqueror too, only to tip the King down. By the story, this King of yours did no more carry the Government in his Pocket than K. james. 
pag. 40.  But 'tis an improper time, Mr. johnson, to rescue a King, when he is truly and wholly conquered; and what should he be ransomed for, when his Country was lost, and in the Conqueror's possession. To proceed: And if any of his people fall into the Enemy's hands● he must do the same by them. Very true, One good turn deserves another. I thought, Mr. johnson, you had set aside partial Conquest, and were come to that which was true and total; and if so, you would have outdone all our Conquering Bishops, which you tell us, meant that K. James was conquered, and not the Nation, because you now suppose the people ●o be conquered, and your Eutopian King unconquered. But the truth o●'t is, you run away from the Point here● as you have done all along in your Notes; and we find only a few Prisoners taken, and no true Conquest, according to the supposition. If neither of them can do this, but they are over powered, and unable, the next thing is to advise the party that is in the Briars, to make the best terms they can; Redime te captum quam queas Minimo.  
If neither of them can do this, but they are overpowered, and unable. Oh hard fate! 
pag. 27.  What a Fervour would such a Conquest leave upon this King and people's minds! Prithee, Mr. johnson, 
pag. 35.  (I know your Soul pitied the Case of the miserable Flanderkins) give this distressed King and People your sage advice. And in return of your kindness, I'll advise you to get clear of this Briary Supposition upon very easy Terms; Own you did not write it in one of your lucid Intervals.  
We must not forget the Inference which follows: But how then does Conquest dissolve Allegiance, when it is plainly the agreement of the parties themselves, which sets them ●ree ●rom one another. I am of Opinion, the soberest man in Bedlam cannot imagine how, from your Supposition, which is partial, total, and all the while No Conquest at all— Risum teneatis.  
But to proceed to the last part of this Paragraph: ; Now all the true Maxims of Government being such, that they must tend to the preservation, and not to the ruin of Mankind, it is certain that all those are false which tend to the inevitable destruction of Cities and Societies; and therefore this of an indiffeasible Allegiance must be reckoned among these, since the fatal Consequences that must attend upon it are evident; and this is the Opinion in which all who have considered this matter, either as Lawyers or Casuists do agree.  
I have ever had a great aversion to all Maxims of Government, true or false; for there always lies lurking this Deceit in Generals and niversals, that though they be true for the most part, yet they are conceived in Terms large enough to be falsely applied; and then they become false, and are usually the ●ools that dishonest men go to work with: And I never saw a man deal in transcendental Politics, w●ich are over our Heads, and avoid coming down to particulars, and to the point, but with a purpose to deceive.  
But why an Aversiou to true Maxims, Mr. johnson? Maxims are Truths of Quality, and aught to be respected and loved as well as meaner Truths: If I had not proved your Maxim of Indiffeasible Allegiance no true one, you would have thought me very simple and unmannerly, if I had any ways expressed my hatred to it, only because it was a Maxim. What is true, and of use, ought not to be rejected, because it may be abused and perverted by ignorant and malicious men. And by what I find in your Notes, you have avoided coming down to Particulars, and the Point, ei●her for want of Judgement, or to deceive your Readers. But the Bishop of Salisbury may thank your roving Brain, in that you have only transcribed his Oracular Maxim, and passed it by unnoted on at present. Our Noter hath such an Exalted Imagination, that no meaner a Ghost can enter into it, than that of a Duke or Bishop. But I will offer my presumed advice, that for the future you be not too witty and severe on the Remains of so Judicious and Learned a Prelate as Bishop Sanderson, (though at the same time the greatest Men are but Men, and subject to mistakes as well as the most inconsiderable) lest when the Renowned Mr. johnson shall be no more, his Notes shall be trampled on like common dust.  
I have been credibly informed a matter, not unknown to a Lady of great Honour, that Mr. johnson hath been offered very good Preferments (by the means of the Bishop of Salisbury too) since the Revolution; but what's a Deanary to a Mouth-watring Bishopric or Archbishopric? Now to speak with the Freedom of an honest Englishman, I am glad that I am engaged with Mr. johnson, and not Your Grace; because, if we may believe your own envious Remarks on Episcopacy and Bishops, tam vivos quam mortuos, dead and alive, I am apt to conjecture, we should have had a Wolf in Sheep's clothing. Well, but as Monsieur Montaigne says, since we can't all be great, let us have the pleasure of railing at Greatness.  
Our Noter hath spared the Bishop's Maxim at present, and hath brought a Volunteer to the stake. Necessity has no Law, is another Maxim, but it is pity there is no Law for it; for it has always been on the Court side, and never on the Countries, though one would think the Maxim lay equally betwixt them both; but the truth of it is, they either are, or should be all one.  
Try your Interest, Mr. johnson, the next S●ssion, and procure a Law to be made against all Maxims but your own. I warrant, we have some Old Story of K. Charles the first's time, or of some dead Lord Chief Justice to be hooked in, which signifies nothing to the Maxim, which all Mankind have a Right and Title to. A pretended Necessity is no Necessity; and a Real Necessity supersedes, and is superior to all Law. The Court and Country agree very well together, and may equally make use of the Maxim. So that the Subject of these Two Pages, as of divers others, are but as feathers to stuff out our Noter's bulky book.  
And now I leave it to the Judgement of the impartial and unprejudiced Reader, whether Mr. johnson hath either answered or destroyed the Bishop's Reasons and Topics offered to the Non-Iurors; He hath positively affirmed many things, but proposed no one Argument to prove, That bare Possession doth not entitle a King to our Allegiance, or that Desertion is not a sufficient Argument to transfer it; or that Allegiance is indi●feasible: So that upon the whole matter, he hath only forced and misrepresented the Bishop's Design and Sense, and hath endeavoured to confirm and continue the Non-Iurors in their Opinions, if they will not come up to his own.  
As to the remaining part of his book, which is a kind of confused Narrative, or Invective against former mistakes and mismanagements, and of scurrilous Reflections of his own, I do not see any good can be intended or proceed from it. Nor is this, or any other, a proper time to rake into, and revive the expiring Differences and Divisions that have been amongst us: Nor can it any ways promote, but visibly tends to obstruct the public good. Come, come, Mr. johnson, we complain of our fore fathers, and censure former Transactions; and succeeding Generations will do the same by us, in that we have been too much addicted to our own private humours and Interests, instead of laying aside all foolish Animosities, and joining hand in hand to act seasonably as well as vigorously against the common Enemy. But there always was, and is, and ever will be, Fools, and Knaves, and Madmen, who did not, do not, and will not see the true Interest of their Country. Some Men who prefer their own ungodly gain, private Revenges and Picks, who don't care whether the floating Island sink or swim, if they do not sit at Helm, though unable and incapable to steer the least Cockboat: But notwithstanding all this, Men had always different Sentiments of things; and 'twill be for the most part found as equally impossible to persuade a considerable number of men, though the matter be in a manner obvious and plain, unanimously to assent to the how, and what is to be done, as to do it. Mr. Johnson's angry and peevish, because all Men did not see with his Eyes, and judge by his Sentiments; when at the same time they know him to be subject to Error and Passions as well as others; and they who are imperious and supercilious in their Positions and Dictates, must expect to meet with Opposition and Reflections. No mere Man was ever in the Right in every thing he did or said, unless we will be so Fantastically credulous as to believe him to be possessed with an Almighty Attribute of Infallibility; yet humane Nature apologises for all that's mistaken through weakness and misapprehension, without Perversity and Obstinacy. Let Mankind jar and quarrel, the World rubs on in its Old Course; One Generation passes away, and another comes, and there is nothing New under the Sun. In our late Reigns the Bullet hath had its swing both ways; but in all Reigns, the Moderate Men have preserved ●his Nation on its true Basis, and defeated the designs of all Achitophel's, whilst Whig and Tory have been managed and out-witted by those, who were Enemies to bo●h, and laughed behind the Curtain (as the French did formerly at the Dutch and us, who were both bubbled by the same methods) to behold their designs carried on by turns with a bitter, but imprudent Zeal. 'Twas the Observation of that great Statesman and Soldier, the Duke of Rohan, That England was a great Beast, and could not be destroyed but by its self; and therefore the French King, being no Fool in Politics, thinks he can do nothing so much to his own advantage and our prejudice, as to divide us, and hath sent over these following Instructions with his Lewidores to his Emissaries here amongst us, and all under the disguise of Pity and Compassion for the miserable condition we labour under.  
The first thing they buzz in your Ears is, The Church, the Church; Oh the Church! Now I would know of any man, in what danger the Church is at this time, when it has the same Laws to support it, the King and Queen, Zealous Professors of its Doctrine and Discipline, and in a manner the whole Body of the Nation, (especially all those in Employments) of its Communion. 'Tis true, the Law hath given the Dissenters Liberty of Conscience, and 'tis the Opinion of Wise Men, 'twill less●n their Number; howsoever, their Mouths are stopped, and by this means we are more united, and our Chari●y is more enlarged towards each other: I dare be bold to affirm, that were our Lives as generally sound and good as our Doctrines, few of the wise and sober amongst them would descent from us; and I have observed in those Parishes where the Ministers honestly and conscientiously discharge their Duties, there are but few Dissenters. But we have some amongst us so wise, as to think the way to rescue the Church out of its contrived danger, is to bring Father Peter's back with French Dragoons, to be Shepherds to take care of our English Flocks, which is the true meaning of their conceal`d design.  
The next doleful Topick is, the Taxes, the Taxes: But commonly they complain most, who pay none. 'Tis true, the Taxes are great; but was there ever more occasion than now? Is our Religion, our Liberties, our Properties dear at any price? No Miser but will part with some of his Money to Purchase these, because it gives him a sure Title to the remaining part, and makes him live easy. Compare our Condition with that of the French; our Taxes are given by our own Consents; no forced Impositions; no grinding Arbitrary Gabells; our Money is not called into the Exchequer at a low rate, New-coined, and Paid out for more than 'tis Current: New Offices and Officers are no● Established to Oppress the poor People; these are pressing Miseries we only hear of, and our Enemies endure. We are told the Nation's Impoverish●d ● our Money is all Transported abroad: But how doth this appear? Is the Luxury visibly less than formerly? There is little sign of Poverty, when Buildings, Furniture, Equipage, clothes, all things that are Costly and Expensive are to be seen every where; Land keeps up its Price, notwithstanding its Taxes, and there is nothing to be Sold a Bargain, but there's a ready penny for it. Nor is it an Indication of Scarcity of Money, when above a Million is subscribed to the India Company in some short time; and almost a Million Voluntarily Advanced in two Months on a Lottery Fund. What a prodigious quantity of Plate and jewels is there in the Nation at this time, which is of no more use to the Public than if it were Earth? But, though all this is true in Fact, and every where Evident; yet our noisy French Screech-owls are whining, Poverty, Poverty; I believe their own Pensions are not so well paid as formerly, and that France is the more proper place at present for their croaking Notes. But they subtly intent that we should hoard up our Money, with other Riches, till such time as they have taken Flanders, and conquered the r●st of the Confederates, and then they will be at more leisure to come and dispose of it.  
They tell us too, that all our Ships are taken, and that we have no Trade. I● is not to be denied but that we have sustained g●ea● L●sses; but then our Merchants, to make amends, have had considerable Gains by the good Markets they have found for their Commodities, both abroad and at home: We have never had greater Exportations, and 'tis not to be wondered at, that many Ships are lost, when our Enemy's Ports lie so obnoxious, and their whole Force is converted into Privateering: Nor is all our Naval Force sufficient to secure us in every part of our Trade, though our Enemy were not near so strong as he is. But our Trade still goes on, and the benefit accrues to every part of the Nation; when our Losses only enrich a few Maritime Towns, and the main Continent at the same time suffers extremely, occasioned by a total decay of Trade, which wi●h their other insupportable Oppressions, will in some short time reduce them to the utmost miseries.  
But I hope a little time will discover who are in the better condition, the French who take all, or we who lose all; I am apt to believe all is not Gold that glisters; and had our Lewisites such Extraordinary Accounts from France, we should not be long troubled with their Company here; but they have showed themselves such unthinking creatures, that the Mobb begin to laugh at them and their Politics, which are but Skin-deep, and are like to do but little mischief for the future.  
Another Instruction is to traduce, and rail at the Parliament●men, because they Vote a vigorous War against France, and Money to carry it on; to call them Courtiers, and Pensioners: I am apt to believe the Friends of this Government would think them French Pensioners, if they did not do what necessarily tends to our preservation; and 'tis a Malicious and Villainous Imputation to say, That our Representatives are, or must be pensioned not to destroy us.  
I might instance several other of their little Artifices to amuse the weak and unsteady Minds of those who are frighted with their own shadows; but they have found so little success, that 'tis as little worth my pains to reflect on, as theirs to publish them. But I will suppose the worst, and what these Men boast, That the French King is strong, powerful, and Rich, and that there is no prospect that the War will end in 2 or 3 years. What then? Shall we tamely and foolishly submit to his intolerable Yoke? Shall we sneak for a Peace to him, whom neither Oaths, Sacraments, Treaties, Articles or Edicts can bind? No, no, let those who are for Slavery and Woodden Shoes, go flatter their Grand Monarch, lick and live on Dionysius' spital, whilst every true Englishman, with our united Confederates, will resolve to pursue Nobler and greater Ends, vigorously endeavour to the utmost Extremity, either to lower and force the Disturber of Mankind to such a Peace as shall pray on, and vex his ambitious humbled Soul, and make us all secure beyond the Humane Probability of a Relapse, or bravely perish in the Attempt.  
'Twas a brave Genius that exerted itself amongst the Romans of Old, when two Great Men Voluntarily embraced Death, the one to preserve; the other, because he would not outlive the Liberties of his Country. Let England once more hold the Balance of Europe, retreive that Envy`d Power, which will make us both a Safe and a Great People. We have a Noble Example to imitate, who exposes himself to, and undergoes Herculean Labours and Dangers, to support and rescue the Miserable and Oppressed, who attempts to break the Fetters designed for Europe, and to chain up that insulting Power which hath been too long employed in devastations, and the destruction of Mankind. Whilst our King shines with his own unsullied and unborrowed Glory, and like the Sun, with his kindly dispers`d Influences, warms and cherishes every Confederate and Ally; The flattered Grand Monarch, with his false Light and weak Beams, visits only Turks and Tartars, and his own Slaves, and like the Moon with her borrowed gloomy Light, and comfortless Heat, instead of refreshing, only shines on Bats and Owls, and Beasts of Prey.  
I will not positively affirm, whether I am in the right or wrong, in what I have offered in this Digression; Neither do I impose my private Opinions on any Man, or will be concerned whether they gain Assent. But this I will say, my Pen writes my real Thoughts and unbrib`d Sentiments, and as my intention is neither to please or displease, so neither am I afraid to expose any Truths that may be useful and serviceable to the Public; and one would think the meanest Reasons and Motives should be of force to persuade Men 'tis their Duty to omit no Opportunity to do what may tend to the advantage of their Native Country, and not foolishly and treacherously to betray it.  
But to return to my Noter, who should not have heard of me, if his unseasonable, mistaken, and malicious Notes had not appeared; I know no End they can be designed for, unless to divide us; and I am sure 'tis the Judgement of others, that they chiefly publish his own Ill-Nature and Indiscretion. 'Tis our business at present to look forward, and let past Miscarriages and Mis-managements be as so many L●ght-Houses or Buoys to steer our Course so as to preserve us from a total Shipwreck. I know of no Grievances, N● Arbitrary Power, N● Illegal Practices now on Foot; most m●n h●ve q●●r●e● and are convinced of their former Mistakes, and ●o believe tha● we have Laws, and Rights, and Liberties, and that they may be preserved and defended, so that M●● johnson might have spared, or employed his pain● to a better purpose. 'Tis true, the Ill-natured World are pleased with sharp and bitter satire, whether the Subject of it be true or false, and some men's Notes are read m●ch to the same purpose, as the Mobb Listen, and are tickled with the Humours and Wit of a I●ck-Pudding; they laugh all the while they stay, but are not a D●am the wiser when● they g●●w●y for his impertinent Stories, and scurrilous J●●t●. What relates to your following Maxim, p. 46. (it being privately transacted, and delivered as a private Opinion to my Lord Russel by way of Letter) I am altogether a stranger to that matter how it was stated, and therefore have nothing more to offer about it, but that I am persuaded it was designed with a good intention, and that the publishing of it at this tim● is insignificant, and can serve to no other end, than to discover your own inveterate spleen.  
If it be an Honour and Reputation to a man of Learning (as certainly it is) to own and retract an Error and to embrace the truth, by what Motives, or at what time soever he Apprehends it, Why then should the Learned Dean of St. Paul's lie under an Imputation for owning his mistakes. The greatest men sometimes err, misconceive, and are easily carried away with a current, though mistaken Opinion. Some indeed are so obstinate, and proud that they rather persist to eat sour grapes, than discover a weakness in their choice; but it shows a man hath a true relish for truth, when being convinced of his former Error, He readily embraces her. The same Principles and reasons which convince me, have not perhaps the same force with another man, occasioned by our different conceptions and Judgements, therefore we must bear with, and believe the best of each other. Could we suppose an equal capacity to Judge, we might conclude that most men would have the same sentiments of things, presuming they were alike Impartial. But there are weak Judgements, Prejudices, Prepossessions, Interests and Passions, which like so many strong Biasses draw and incline us from truth. 'Tis a Censorious and uncharitable opinion positively to affirm, that Interest without any conviction hath changed a man's sentiments, And the Deans Works express so deep and Noble a sense of Religion, that I should think it a ●in in me, to harbour the least thought, that he should make shipwreck of his conscience for any advantage whatsoever. If the Dean hath been mistaken in his case of Resistance, I am sure Mr. johnson hath misrepresented his sense (●●cording to custom) in his case of Allegiance, for the Dean hath not Authorised Tyranny in Title or Usurpation, 
Pag. 55.  but only endeavoured to prove how far our Allegiance is due upon supposition, or even though we were under a Tyrant o● usurper, which misapprehension he obviates in the preface to his case of Allegiance, and de●lares ou● present King to have a different title from that of Usurpation. I will not trouble myself to repeat or reflect on his confused medley of stories and transactions in the late Reigns, we all very well remember the Illegal and Arbitrary proceedings● from which we have had a happy deliverance, and for which an act o● Oblivion is past, And I see no Reason why any man should peevishly uox himself for what is past and cannot be recalled; If men had been Honest and for the public good of the Nation, things would not have been managed as they were; but at present we have no full●om Addresses with false names no Oxford Plot, Irish Court Witnesses, Noli Prosequi's, No dispensing power, Nor are New Charters sent into the Country to establish a n●w ki●● of Government, but all things go on in th●ir proper Channels, the Laws take place and the seat● of Judicature are filled with Men of Integrity and A●ilities● who will not be made State tools, nor bri●'d or f●ight●d from what is Law. If M●. johnson had looked behind the Curtain too, He might have seen several new actors, who were thought too Honest to have any part in the administration of Affairs in the late Governments, therefore he might have omitted his foolish and impudent suggestions as if arbitrary power were forgeing on the Court Anvil. He might have spared his insolent and uncharitable reflections as i● those who have been advanced and employed at Court, were for exposing the King's Person in Flanders, whilst they Domineer at home. Mr. johnson because he looks on himself as the House of Commons Champion, takes a great deal of Liberty to bespatter whom he pleases. But wise Men always despise the Aspersions of a Crazed Understanding and an evil tongue, and a Certain Philosopher assures us, that if an Ass should Kick a Man, He would be the greater Beast of the two, if he should K●ck him again. But who could have Imagined that Mr. johnson who conceits himself qualified to Govern a Kingdom, to direct King, Lords and Commons; should be out in his politics; and because Aristotle in his politics is severe upon Guards, therefore He would have no standing Army. There is a great deal of difference between having Guards, and an Army to protect and secure our liberty and Properties, and on the contrary to be employed to destroy them; besides times and seasons Change and vary, And Kingdoms now must Arm to de●end themselves against a Popish Tyrant, who wi●h a Saracen-like Head, Saucer Eyes, a wide throat and insatiable stomach, attempts to devour and swallow up his neighbour's Cities and Territories. Mr. johnson thinks we have no business in Flanders, but I presume he may be mistaken, for the preservation of Flanders was always esteemed the Interest of England, 
Pag. 80.  and 'tis but Common Prudence, that when our neighbour's House is on fire to help to quench it before it comes to our own; who can foresee the ill consequences of Flanders being entirely in the French Hands? The Dutch will be obliged to make peace, and perhaps Join with the French who make a great figure at Sea, and then we may want Crutches to support us, and keep the seat of the war out of our own Country. The rest of the Confederates will soon be overpowered, and forced to any terms; But so long as we unite our forces to protect and defend each other, (upon which the ●afe●y of the whole Confederacy depends) we shall be safe and secure, because in all probability the force and weight of Confederated Nations is not long to be resisted, and like a bundle of Arrows, when taken singly, are easily snapped asunder, but when bound up together, resist the strongest Power. We know the Sea is our Element, and the chiefest strength of our Island is shipping. Nor hath our Naval force been so much neglected as Mr. johnson Insinuates: 
Pag. 81.  'Tis the opinion of some, that Our maritine affairs have not been so well managed in some particular cases as they might have been. But I hope our bought experience will make us wiser for the future, and that the force of our Fleets may be so employed, as to retreive our los●e●, and give more security to our trade: But a great many ships miscarry because our Merchants for their private advantage, trade without Convoys, but in time they will be sensible, that 'tis better to come to a late Market at Cales, than an Early one at St. Maloes'. The Refined polities, and the other prevailing Methods of France, had so far obtained, as to blind the Eyes or lull asleep their impolitic neighbours; insomuch that they have been so far from opposing, that they have raised them to their present Grandeur; and 'tis well, if their la●e discovered mistakes, and united forces have power to secu●e themselves, and reduce their encroached Enemy within his proper ●ounds. For as in diseases, if timely discovered and opposed, they are easily cured, but when by neglect, or increasing the causes, the malady becomes Chronical, it requires time, skill and the utmost application to restore the body to its former sound Habit. 'Tis true, we alone have been an overmatch for France, and so hath Spain, what then? Time and Circumstances alter the unsettled affairs of this world, and France is now too strong for both, and yet in the reverse of things it may be too weak for either; but it matters not what a Kingdom was, but what it actually is: Mr. johnson tells us, 
Pag. 82.  though such a raw thing as our present Militia does well enough to keep House; Yet it must be a well trained, if not a Veteran Army that shall do any great matters abroad. To which he subjoins What then? shall we have a mercenary Army to supply this defect, and lose Old England to win France? I hope not, but so it would be; for a standing Army plainly destroys this Government.  
If our Mercenary Army can but win France, Old England will of Consequence be preserved, and not lost; and then there will be no need of a standing Army; and I dare engage King William will send his Danes back, as you inform us Knute did. A standing Army employed against France, 
Pag. 83.  tends to preserve our Government. 'Tis not very Politic to send away our Forces, when we have most Occasion for them; and 'tis our true Interest to employ Foreigners; for it will both preserve our People at home, and when the Disbanding Time comes, those Officers who have served their Country, may be easier provided for; and perhaps we may have fewer Theives.  

Pag. 85.  Mr. johnson tells us, He doth not love Digressions; but at the same time he hath taken leave long since of his Point of Defence, 
Pag. 59  and hath been only Digressing from one incoherent Story to another, for thirty Pages together; some men are pleased to reflect on the past Dangers and Misfortunes they have escaped and out lived, whilst others fret themselves and lose their present pleasure, because their Thoughts are wholly taken up with past Oppressions and Plots, and writing Invectives against those who have never injured them. If it be difficult for those who have deserved well to find Friends, 'twill be the highest Imprudence to demean themselves so, as to disoblige those who have Endeavoured to serve them. How many Men have lost their best Friends, nay Created Enemies, rather than conceal or check a sour unmannerly Humour? 
Pag. 95.  What Reason had Mr. johnson to insinuate as if Kendal (according to his civil way of Expressing himself towards those who have the Honour of the King's Commission for a Government, or as in the 78th page, to confirm themselves in their ill-gotten Honours) were to serve some evil Court Turn, when 'tis well known that Colonel Kendal did neither comply with King james when settled, and was otherwise very Instrumental in the Revolution, and therefore might very well deserve the Employment he was advanced to, but Sir Peter Coryton was not sent, and that was a sufficient Ground for Mr. johnsons' Reflection. Had he spared some few Hours from his Old Musty Law-Books, and spent them in Reading a Chapter or two in the Whole Duty of Man against Self-conceit and Backbiting, though not so good a Noter● yet I believe he might have been a better Christian.  
'Tis no Imputation to a Man's Memory or Morals, to forget and forgive Injuries; and the Man who tells us he is Good Natured to a Fault, need not have published. Mr. Chiswell's Message. It would be a difficult Question for Mr. johnson to Answer, What Wise or Sober Action he hath done since the Reformation, notwithstanding the good Opinion he hath of his Intellectuals, when he hath, like a Madman, been throwing of Dirt at every Body. He tells us the Reason (Page 94.) Why he hath taken this Freedom, with the Bishop of Salisbury, because he hath taken a greater Latitude with me, and hath given me out for a Madman above these four years.  
I am in the way of Writing, Mr. johnson, and though I must own you to be a great Man, yet I will Adventure to declare, what I apprehend a great Truth; but without any design against your proper Person, Preferment or Breed, or any Wise Notes you shall hereafter Wri●e. There are three most Convinceing Reasons (without enquiring whether the Bishop hath said so, or not) which command my Assent in this matter, which you know are as much as three Thousand. 
Page 10.  The first, That you have been Fight with your own shadow, and Writing whatsoever came uppermost in your disturbed Brain. The Next, That you have been over and above Witty. You remember the old saying, Nullum Magnum Ingenium sine Mixtura Dementiae. And last of all, If what Seneca saith be true, That, Ira furor brevis est, 'tis a Natural and strong Consequence, that he who hath been very Angry for four or ●ive years last passed, hath been so long very Mad. Note upon these Reasons the next Lucid Interval. Who but a mad man would have thrown away a Witty Reflection on Two mere insensible Dutch Elements, Earth and Water? And 'twas something Ungrateful and Unseasonable too, in respect of the Catastrophe of my Lord Shaftsbury, as well as in Good Remembrance of the Protection and Civilities the Worried Peer received at Amsterdam.  
Mr. johnson having already misrepresented the Bishop's Sense, and the Antipathy he seems to hav● against all Bishops in General, gives me Good Reason to suspect he hath a little strained his Two Bishops Meanings; And truly I am afraid that he hath either had a Knock in the Cradle, or that having Outdone some English Herb Woman in her Civil Way of Banter, she hath hit him a Rap on the Skull; Otherwise he would not have used his Fanatical Reflections, Common Prayer-Book Mass-Book, or Laudean Religion, Anglice Popery, to prove his Two Mooted Points. If he pleases, he may talk of Self-Defence, and the Welcome Assistance of the Prince of Orange, without any Distinction or Contradiction.  
Bless us! I am surprised: Is it a Ghost I see, or hath our Noter been in the Third Heavens ever since he wrote his Forty Third Page. 
Page 2 d.  But to be Serious Threescore and Five Pages together, is an Unusual and Frantic Digression. But our now Noter tells us the Reason of it in his 97 th' Page, (where he hath only made a short Digression of Ten Pages) that 'tis occasioned by the Impe●tinencies which continnally cross his Way, meaning Brains. H●ving a Good Memory, I remember 108 Pages past, he tells us, That the Doctrine hat is in the Pastoral Letter, shall not live while it pleases God to let him live.  
I verily believe notwithstanding my reflections he will maliciously or ignorantly pervert the Bishops own meaning and design to his dying day. But to see the Contagious power of ill Company and bad Example. The two last dying pages of the Book can't departed in peace without brea●hing out destruction against the Maxims of the Bishop's Book, and therefore I must seriously observe its dying Nonsense. The Bishop's maxim is, ; That all which tend to the inevitable destruction of Cities and Societies, as Indiffeasible Allegiance does, are false Maxims.  
I will not trouble myself with Exclusion times, other people's Maxims, and no Maxims, are foreign to the Bishop's Maxims. Because I am sure what Mr. johnson affirms here with Assurance of Indiffeasible Allegiance is not proved, therefore I desire you will be pleased to look back to his Supposition of a true and total Conquest, which I have long since defeated.  
I must confess 'tis a barbarous thing to take a Coat away from a Man who hath but just two, And I am sure the Bishop would no more take his Allegiance from King William and Queen Mary, than rob him of an Honest Maxim, but I will make bold (for his own good) to destroy his darling Maxim of Indiffeasible Allegiance; because if King William and Queen Mary should chance to slip away to Lapland, without taking l●ave, and so consequently be Dead in Law, Mr. johnson will be obliged to transfer his Allegiance to the next King in Possession, or take a tedious cold Journey, or if true to his own Principle, resist himself into a Jail.  
Mr. johnson having mistaken the point, lays a heavy charge, with a, Now I say that all his Lawyers and Casuists never said a Word of Truth in their whole Lives. Now because you may bring an Old House on your Head, I'll take the lie upon myself, and say, that the true End of Government is the preservation of Mankind. That Indiffeasible Allegiance is a false Maxim, because it tends to the destruction of Mankind; For when a King hath Abdicated, 'tis impossible for me to pay Allegiance to him; and 'tis an undeniable Maxim, Nemo obligatur ad Impossibilia; So that where the Duty cannot be performed, the Obligation necessarily ceases.  
Mr. johnson, if he pleases, may destroy these Maxims in his Second Part. Which having but named, Oh, how I long! I am impatient to see it.  
I must confess, I have been a little too serious with the First Born● but when t'other Young Master appears in the World, (the Second Offspring of his Prolific Brain) perhaps at present only in Embryo, I'll persecute the unlicked Cubb whilst I have a Day to live. And because (Kind Reader) I`le make you amends for the Trouble I have already given you, not having been so Comical in my Reflectious, as Mr. johnson in his Bantering Notes, I'll promise to present you with a pleasant Scene, by way of Dialogue between Mr. Bays and Mr. johnson.  
FINIS.