Pyramidographia: OR A DESCRIPTION OF THE PYRAMIDS IN EGYPT.  
By JOHN GREAVES, Professor of Astronomy in the University of OXFORD.  Romanorum Fabricae & antiqua opera (cum veniâ id dictum sit) nihil accedunt ad Pyramidum splendorem, & superbiam. Bellon. lib. 2. Obseru. cap. 42. 
LONDON, Printed for George Badger, and are to be sold at his shop in St Dunstan's Churchyard in Fleetstreet 1646.   

The Preface.  
HOw high an estimation the Ancients had of the Egyptian Pyramids, appears by the several testimonies of Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny. For 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herod. lib. 2.  Herodotus acknowledges, that though there were a Temple at Ephesus very renowned, as also at Samos▪ yet the Pyramids were worthier of relation: each of which single might be compared, with many of the most sumptuous structures of the Grecians. Diodorus Siculus confirms as much: who as he prefers the works of the Egyptians for magnificence, before those of other Nations, so he prefers the Pyramids before the rest of the Egyptians. It is confessed, 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diod. Sic. Biblioth. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid.  saith he, that these works far excel the rest in Egypt, not only in the massiness of the structures, and in the expenses, but also in the skilfulness of the Architects. He farther adds, The greatness of the work, and art of the workmen; strike an admiration into the spectators. 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. lib. 17.  Strabo also testifies, that three of them are very memorable, two of these are accounted among the seven miracles of the world. Lastly 
d Regum pecuniae ociosa▪ ac stulta ostentatio— Tres quae orbem Terratum impleuére famâ. Plin. l. 36. c. 12.  Pliny, though he judges them to be an idle, and vein ostentation of the wealth of Kings; yet he grants that three of them have filled the world with their fame. Which three by his description, and by such indications, as may be collected out of Diodorus, and Strabo, must necessarily be these three, which now are extant, and of which I intent especially to discourse. For 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Diod. Sic. l. 1.  Diodorus writes, that they are seated on Libya side, an CXX stadia (or furlongs) from Memphis, and from Nilus XLV. We read in 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strab. lib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Idem ibid.  Strabo, XL stadia from the City (Memphis) there is a certain brow of an hill in which are many Pyramids: where presently after describing more particularly the three greatest, he gives us this character: These three stand near to one another upon the same plain. And if this be not sufficient to point them out, 
g Reliquae tres] sanè consspicuae undique innavigantibus, sitae sunt in parte Africa, monte saxco sterilique inter Memphim oppidum, & quod appellari diximus Delta, à Nilo minus IV millia pas●●à Mēphi●ex, vico apposito, quem vocant Busirin, in quo sunt assueti scandere illas. Pl. l. 36. c. 12.  Pliny delivers many evident marks, whereby to discover them. These three (as he informs us) are very conspicuous to those that sail upon the Nilus, they are seated on Africa side, upon a rocky, and barren hill, between the City Memphis, and that place, which we said is called the Delta, from the Nilus less then IV miles, from Memphis VI, there being a village apposite to them, which they name Busiris, from whence they use to ascend up to them. All which characters were, and are, appliable to noon, but only to these three.  
Having thus discovered their true place, or situation, we shall next discourse of the Authors, who have written of them. Among the Ancients there were many, who thought it worth their labour to describe them. For Pausanias, as it were complaining that the Grecians had been very curious in describing these, whilst they had omitted many remarkable structures of their own, writes thus: 
h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pausaniae Baeo●●●●.  That the Grecians admired things of strangers more then of their own, seeing that some Historians of note had most accurately described the Pyramids of Egypt, whereas the Treasury of Minyas, and walls of Tiryns (places in Boeotia) no less to be admired then these, had been omitted by them. Pliny gives us a large catalogue of Authors, that had purposely treated of this Argument: 
i Qui de iis scripserint, sunt Herodotus, Euhemerus, Duris Samius, Aristagoras, Dionysius, Artemidorus, Alexander Polyhistor, Butorides, Antisthenes, Demetrius, Demoteles, Apion Plin. nat. hist. l. 36. c. 12.  Those which have writ of them, are, Herodotus, Euhemerus, Duris Samius, Aristagoras, Dionysius, Artemidorus, Alexander Polyhistor, Butorides, Antisthenes, Demetrius, Demoteles, Apion. Where we are beholding to him for preserving the names of so many Writers, though their works (unless those of Herodotus) by the injury, and calamity of times, have long since perished. Besides these, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Solinus, and Ammianus Marcellinus (the names of modern Authors I purposely omit) have given us some relations of them. But it may be, if the writings of Aristides had not perished, who in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaks thus of himself, 
k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  After that I had entered into Aethiopia, and four times traveled all over Egypt, and had left nothing unhandled, neither the Pyramids, nor Labyrinth, nor Temples, nor channels, and partly had procured out of their write such measures as might be had, and partly with the Priests had measured such things as were not obvious, yet could I not preserve them entire for thee, seeing the Books, which thy servants by my appointment transcribed, have perished: Or if we had the sacred Commentaries of the Egyptians, so often cited by 
l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diod. Sic lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem. Ibidem.  Diodorus, we might receive better satisfaction, and be also more content with the loss of those other writings of the Grecians. But seeing the vicissitudes, and revolutions of times, have deprived us of these, whilst the Pyramids have been too great to be consumed, it will be no superfluous labour to imitate the examples of the Ancients, and to supply the loss of them, by giving a distinct narration of the several respective dimensions, and proportions of these Pyramids. In which I shall tread in as eeven a path as I can, between truth, and the traditions of such of the Ancients, as are still extant: First, putting down those relations, which by them have been transmitted to us: and next, showing in what manner, upon examination, I found the Pyramids in the years one thousand six hundred thirty eight, and one thousand six hundred thirty nine, or in the thousand forty & eighth year of the Hegira. For I twice went to Grand Cairo from Alexandria, and from thence into the deserts, for the greater certainty, to view them: carrying with me a radius of ten feet most accurately divided, besides some other instruments, for the fuller discovery of the truth. But before I descend to a particular description, I shall make enquiry by whom: at what time: and to what end, these Monuments were erected.   

Of the Authors or Founders of the PYRAMIDS.  
IT is the opinion of some 
a Henr. Spondanus de coemeteriis sacris, lib. 1. par. 1. cap. 6. ● Brodaeus epigr. Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  modern Writers, that the Egyptian Pyramids were erected by the Israelites, during their heavy pressure under the tyranny of the Pharaohs. And this seems to be confirmed by 
b joseph. lib. 2. Antiq. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc▪  josephus; who relates, that when as time had extinguished the memory of the benefits of Joseph, the Kingdom of Egypt being transplanted into another Family, they used the Israelites with much severity, wasting them with several labours; for they were commanded to cut divers Channels for the River (Nilus) to raise walls, and cast up banks, whereby to hinder the inundation of the stream: they oppressed also our Nation with those fabrics of the Pyramids, compelling them to learn many (mechanical) Arts, and enured them to the supporting of labours. But the sacred Scriptures clearly expressing the slavery of the jews, to have consisted in making and burning of Brick (for the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lebénim, which the 
c Exod. cap. 5▪ saepè.  Septuagint renders by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) whereas all these Pyramids consist of Stone, I cannot be induced to subscribe to their assertion.  
Much less can I assent to that opinion of 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Steph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Stephanus, 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Id est aedificia quaedam à joseph, ut nonnulli opinan●ur, ad condenda frumenta sci●è admodum elaborata, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est à frumento nomen consecuta. Nicetas in XX Ora●. Naz●anzeni.  Nicetas, 
f Non à vero, ut inquit Nonnus, a●horret, quin has Pyramids post joseph▪ tempora▪ excessú●●que judaeorum ex Aegyp●o in Regum sep●lchra conve●●erint. B●l●●s ex Nonno monacho ibidem.  Nonnus, and the Author of the Greek 
g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with some others, who derive the name of the Pyramids 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is from Corn, and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the figure of a flame of fire, which they resemble; because, say most of them, these were built by the Patriarch joseph, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Receptacles, and Granaries of the seven plentiful years. For, besides that this figure is most improper for such a purpose, a Pyramid being the lest capacious of any regular Mathematical body, the straightness, and fewness of the rooms within (the rest of the building being one solid, and entire fabric of stone) do utterly overthrew this conjecture. Wherhfore the relations of Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and of some others, but especially of these two, both of them having travailed into Egypt, and conversed with the Priests (besides that the later made use of their Commentaries) will given us the best and clearest light, in matters of so great antiquity.  
For Herodotus writes thus concerning the first of these Pyramids that 
h He●od. lib. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  until King Rhampsinitus time the Egyptians report the Laws to have flourished in Egypt: after whom, Cheops succeeding in the Kingdom, fell into all manner of vice; for, shutting up the Temples, he forbade the Egyptians to sacrifice: besides, he commanded that they should be employed in his works (he means this Pyramid of which he discour●eth) that some of them should receive the stones dug out of the Quarries of the Arabian mountain, and that from thence they should carry them to the Nilus; these being wafted over the River, others were to receive them, and to draw them to the mountain, which is called Libycus. There were employed in the work ten Myriads of men, every three months a Myriad: the people spent ten years in the way, in which they drew the stones, which seems to me not less a work then the building of the Pyramid itself. 
* Diod. Sic. l. 13  Diodorus Siculus discoursing of the same argument, gives the erector of this another name, different from that of Herodotus, styling him Chemmis; but in the time and person they both agreed, each of them affirming him to have succeeded Rhampsinitus, and to have been the father of Mycerinus, and to have reigned over the Egyptians fifty years. This difference of names between Herodotus and Diodorus, concerning the same King, may probably be thus reconciled; that Diodorus expresses the genuine denomination in the Egyptian Language, and that Herodotus renders the signification in the Greek: a practice not unusual with him, and with other approved Authors. Thus the Patriarch Isaac in the Scriptures, being denominated from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is laughter, is by Alexander Polyhistor, as 
* E●seb. lib. ●. Evangel. p●aep●r. cap. 19  Eusebius testifies, named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wherhfore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cham in Hebrew (or in the Greek flection Chemmis) signifying adustion, which anciently might be the same in Egyptian, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying swarthy visage, or adult, Herodotus might call him Cheops in Greek, whom in the Egyptian Language Diodorus styles Chemmis. But I go on with Diodorus. This Chemmis, 
i Diod. Sic. l●b▪ 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  saith he, erected the greatest of these three Pyramids, which are reputed among the seven wonderful fabrics of the world: where he also enlarges the number of the workmen employed by him, to three hundred and sixty thousand, which Herodotus mentions only to have been an hundred thousand; though both of them concur, and 
k Pyramid amplissima ex Arabicis lapidicinis constat. Trecenta LX hominum millia annis XX cam construxisse produ●tur, Plin. lib. 36. cap. 12.  Pliny with them both, that twenty years were spent in the building of this Pyramid.  
Concerning the second Pyramid, Herodotus and Diodorus assign the author of it to have been Cephren, brother to the former King. Diodorus adds, that by some he is also called Chabryis, and was the son of Chemmis; a difference which I imagine to have been occasioned out of the diversity of pronunciation, of Chabryis for Cephren; there being an easy transmutation in letters of the same Organ, as Grammarians use to speaked. Cheops, as 
l Herod. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Herodotus informs us, being deceased, his brother Cephren reigned after him; who imitated him, as in other things, so in the making of a Pyramid, the magnitude of which is less then that of his brothers. And 
m Diodor. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Diodorus relates, that Chemmis being dead, his brother Cephren succeeded him in the Kingdom, and reigned fifty six years: Some say, that not his brother, but his son, which was named Chabryis, reigned after him. This is affirmed by the consent of all, that the successor of the former King, in imitation of him, built the second Pyramid, like to the first in respect of the art and workmanship, but fare inferior to it in respect of magnitude.  
The third Pyramid was erected by 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Herodot. lib. ●.  Mycerinus, some call him Mycherinus, as it is observed by Diodorus, who makes him the son of Chemmis, as Herodotus doth of Cheops; the difference between them being, as we noted before, rather nominal then real. The same 
n Herodot. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Herodotus also writes, that some of the Grecians make the third Pyramid the work of Rhodopis a Courtesan; an error in opinion of those, who seem not to know who this Rhodopis might be, of which they speaked: for neither could she have undertaken such a Pyramid, on which so many thousand talents were to be spent; neither lived she in this man's time, but in the time of King Amasis. Now this Amasis, as he elsewhere shows lived long after these Pyramids were in being. The same story is recited by 
p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉  Strabo and Pliny, both of them omitting the names of the Founders of the former two: Strabo gives her a double name; The third Pyramid is the Sepulchre of a Courtesan, made by her lovers, whom Sappho the Poetresse calls Doricha, Mistress to her brother Charaxus; others name her Rhodope. But whither we name her Doricha, or Rhodope, the relation is altogether improbable, if we consider either her condition or the infinite vastness of the expense. For 
* Diod. Sic  Diodorus, though he rightly acknowledges this Pyramid to be much less then either of the former two, yet in respect of the exquisite workmanship, and richness of the materials, he judges it not inferior to either of them. A structure certainly too great and sumptuous, to have been the design, and undertaking of a Courtesan, which could hardly have been performed by a rich, and potent Monarch. And yet Diodorus hath almost the same relation, only a little altered in the circumstances: 
q Diod. Sic. lib 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪  Some say, that this is the Sepulchre of the strumpet Rhodope; of whom, some of the Nomarchae (or Prefects of the Provinces) being enamoured, by a common expense to win her favour, they built this Monument. But to pass by this Fable (for it is no better) and to return to our inquiry. The same Author immediately before ingenuously confesses, that concerning them all three, there is little agreement either among the Natives, or among Writers: 
r Idem ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  For they say, Armaeus made the greatest of these; the second, Amasis; the third, Inaron. And 
s Tres verò factae annis LXXVIII & mensibu. IU. Plin. lib. 36. cap. 12  Pliny informing us, that these three were made in seventy eight years, and four months, leaves the Founders of them very ambiguous: For reciting the names of many Authors that had described them, he concludes; 
t Plin. ibid.  Inter omnes eos non constat à quibus factae sint, justissimo casu obliteratis tantae vanitatis authoribus.  
The Arabians, whose excellencies I judge to have been in the speculative sciences, and not in the Histories, and Occurrences of ancient times, assign other Founders of these three, different from those mentioned by the Greeks. The Author of the Book entitled, Morat Alzeman, writes, they differ concerning him that built the Pyramids; Some say Joseph, some say Nimrod, some Dalukah the Queen, and some that the Egyptians built them before the flood: For they foresaw that it would be, and they carried thither their treasures, but it profited them nothing. In another place he tells us that the Coptites (or Egyptians) report that these two greater Pyramids, and the lesser, which is coloured, are Sepulchers. In the East Pyramid is King Saurid, in the West Pyramid his brother Hougib▪ and in the coloured Pyramid Fazfarinoun, th● son of Hougib: The Sabeans relate, that one of them is the Sepulchre of Shiit (that is Seth) and the second the Sepulchre of Hermes, and the coloured one the Sepulchre of Sab, the son of Hermes, from whom they are called Sabaeans. They go in pilgrimage thither, and sacrifice at them a Cock, and a black Calf, and offer up incense. Ibn Abdella Alhokm: another Arabian discoursing of this Argument, confesses, that he could not found among the learned men in Egypt, any certain relation concerning them (wherhfore) what is more reasonable (saith he) then that the Pyramids were built before the Flood? For if they had been built after, there would have been some memory of them among men; at last he concludes. The greatest part of Chronologers affirm, that he which built the Pyramids, was Saurid ibn Salhouk the King of Egypt, who was before the Flood 300 years. And this opinion he confirms out of the Books of the Egyptians: To which he adds, The Coptites mention ●n their Books, that upon them there is an inscription engraven; the exposition of it in Arabic is this: I Saurid the King, built the Pyramids in such and such a time, and finished them in six years; he that comes after me, and says he is equal to me, let him destroy them in six hundred years; and yet it is known, that it is easier to pluck down, then to build; and when I had finished them, I covered them with Satin, and let him cover them with Mats. The same relation I found in several others of them, that this Saurid was the Founder of these three Pyramids, which the admiration of after times enrolled among the miracles of the world. And these are those three, which are still fare, and entire, and standing near to one another, formerly not far distant from the great and ancient City Memphis, built by 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Diodor. lib. 1.  Uchoreus, (of which there is now not so much as the ruins left) and less distant from the River Nilus; as Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny, rightly describe.  
Besides these three, we found mentioned in Herodotus, and Diodorus, the names and Authors of some others, not much inferior to these in magnitude, long since ruined, and defaced by time. On the contrary, there are many now standing in the Libyan desert, whose names, and Authors, neither Herodotus, nor Diodorus, nor yet any of the Ancients have expressed.  
After Mycerinus, according to 
b Herod. lib. 2.  Herodotus, (for Diodorus is here silent,) Asychis succeeded in the Kingdom, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  who being desirous to excel his Predecessors, left for a monument a Pyramid made of Bricks, with these words engraven in stone: Compare not me with the Pyramids built of stone, which I as fare excel, as Jupiter doth the other gods. For striking of the bottom of the Lake with long poles, and gathering the dirt which stuck to them, they made thence Bricks, and form me in this manner.  
The same Author relates, that many Ages after this Asychis, Sanacharib King of the Arabians, and Assyrians, who certainly is the same, which is mentioned in the Scriptures, having expelled Sethon the King of the Egyptians, and the Priest of Vulcan, 
c Herod. lib. 2.  the Egyptians recovering their liberty, made choice of twelve Kings, (which is also confirmed by Diodorus) dividing Egypt into so many parts: For they could at no time live without a King, these by a common consent built a Labyrinth, above the Lake of Moeris: At the angle where the Labyrinth ends, there is a Pyramid of XL Orgyiae, (that is, of CCXL feet) in which are engraven huge resemblances of Beasts, the passage to it is under ground. And this is that Pyramid, as may evidently be collected out of 
d Strab. lib. 17.  Strabo, in which Imandes lies buried, whom we may probably suppose to have been the builder of it: his words are these; At the end of this building (that is, of this Labyrinth) which contains a furlong in length, there is a certain 
* Diodorus relates, that over the Sepulchre there was ● Circle of Gold of 365 Cubits co●passe, and a Cubit in thickness▪ in which the days of the year were inscribed, and divided into a Cubit a piece, with a description according to their nature, of the setting and rising of the St●rs, and also their operations, ●f●er the Egyptian Astrologers. They say, th● Circle was carried aw●y by C●mbyses, and the Persians', at what time they conquered Egypt (Diodor. Sicul. lib. 1.) He wh●ch shall seriously consider this, and several other passages▪ in Herodotus and Diodorus, of the stupendious works of the Egyptians, ●u●t needs acknowledge, that for magnificence, i● not for Art, they fare escape ●he Gracian● and Romans, eve● when t●eir E●pires were ●t the highest, and most flourishing. And therefore, th●se Admiranda Romae, collected by Lipsius, are scarce to be admired, if compared with s●me of these. At this day there is hardly a●y vast Column, or O●e●iske, remaining in Rome, worthy of no●e, which hath not anciently ●eene brought thither out of Egypt.  Sepulchre, being a quadrilaterall Pyramid, each side of which is CCCC feet, and the altitude is the same; the name of him that lies buried there is Imandes, whom the Author of the Epitome calls Maïndes, and Strabo himself not long after, Ismandes; Diodorus names him Osymanduas. Which of these two, whither Herodotus, or Strabo, hath given the truest measure of it, unless the Pyramid were now extant, cannot be decided by us. Though Pliny adheres to the dimensions of Herodotus: but whereas Herodotus and Strabo mention there but one Pyramid, he makes mention of many: And wh●●eas Strabo makes this to be quadrilaterall, he desc●●bes these (if I mistake not his words) to be sexangular. 
e Pl●n. lib. 36. cap. 13.  Superque Nemeses XV aediculis incluserit Pyramids complures (that is above this Labyrinth, which he places in Heracleopolite Nomo) quadragenarum Ulnarum VI radice muros obtinentes.  
Long before these four Pyramids of Cheops, Cephren, Mycerinus, and Asachiss, who immediately succeeded one another in the Kingdom, but after this of Ismandes, Myris as he is called by Diodorus; but Herodotus, Strabo, and Pl●ny, name him Maeris. Another Aeg●ptian King built two admirable Pyramids; the description of which though in Herodotus it immediately follows that of the twelve Kings; yet as it may evidently be collected out of him and Diodorus, these two of Moeris must many ages have preceded: 
f Herod. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  For Herodotus tells us, that from Menes (the first King of the Egyptians, whom Diodorus names Menas) the Priests recited out of their Books, CCCXXX Kings, the last of which was Moeris; long after whom reigned Sesostris, who is called by Manethos, Sethosis; and by Diodorus, Sesostris, and Sesoosis; where he more particularly, then Herodotus, expresses this Sesostris to have been 
g Diod. Sic. lib. 1.  seven ages after Moeris, and to have reigned long before these twelve Kings. The which Sesostris, or Sethosis, immediately succeeding Amenophis, (according to Manethos in josephus, as we shall show in the ensuing discourse) must have been before Cheops, Cephren, Mycerinus, and Asychis; and therefore consequently, that Moeris must long have preceded these twelve Kings. This Moeris undertook, and finished that most admirable Lake, denominated after his name, as it is testified by Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny. A work the most useful, and wonderful, if it be rightly considered, that I think was ever by any man attempted: in the midst of which, he erected two Pyramids; the one in memory of himself, the other of his wife, each of them being DC feet in height; the description of both which, and of his Lake, we have in Herodotus, the latter we found in Strabo, but in noon so fully as in 
h Diod. Sic. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Diodorus, and therefore I shall relate his words. Ten Schoenes, (that is, DC furlongs; though Strabo and Artemidorus before him, observe a difference of Schoenes in Egypt) above the City (Memphis) Myris dug, ● Lake of admirable use, the greatness of which work is incredible: For they relate, that the circumference of it contains M. MM.DC. furlongs, the depth of it in many places is fifty fathom (that is, two hundred cubits, or three hundred feet) who therefore may not deservedly ask, that shall consider the greatness of the work, how many myriads of men, and in how many years they made it. The common benefit of it to those that inhabit Egypt, and the wisdom of the King, no man can sufficiently commend. For since the rising of Nilus is not always alike, and the Country is the more fruitful by the moderateness of this; He dug a Lake to receive the superfluity of the water, that neither by the greatness of the inundation unseasonably drowning the Country, it should occasion Marshes, or Lakes; or flowing less then it should do, for want of water it should corrupt the first-fruits, he therefore cut a ditch, from the River to the Lake, eighty furlongs long, and three hundred feet in breadth. By which sometimes receiving in, and sometimes diverting the River, he exhibited a seasonable quantity of water to the husbandmen, the mouth of it sometimes being opened, and sometimes shut, not without much art, and great expenses. For he that would open the bars (or sluices) or shut them, it was necessary that he spent at the lest fifty Talents. The Lake in this manner benefitting the Egyptians, hath continued to our times, and from the Author of it, at this day is called the Lake of Myris. The King that dug it, left a place in the midst, in which he built a Sepulchre, and two Pyramids, each a furlong in height; the one for himself the other for his wife, placing upon them two Marble-Statues, sitting on a Throne, imagining by these works he should propagate to posterity an immortal memory of his worth. The Revenue of the Fish of this Lake he gave to his Wife, for her Unguents, and other Ornaments; the fishing being worth to her a Talon a day: For they report, there are two and twenty sorts of Fish in it, and that such a multitude is taken, that those who are perpetually employed in salting them, of which there is a very great number, can hardly dispatch the work. Thus fare Diodorus: Which description, as it is much more full then that of Herodotus, so Herodotus hath this memorable observation omitted by Diodorus. 
i Herodot. lib. 2.  That this Lake was made by hand, and hollowed, it is apparent, because almost in the midst of it there stands two Pyramids, fifty fathoms above the water, and as many fathoms of the building under wa●er: upon the top of each of which there is a Colossus of Stone, sitting upon a Throne; so that the Pyramids are an hundred fathoms high. Strabo I know not by what oversight omits these two Pyramids, whereas he acknowledges the Lake of Moeris, in which they stood, 
k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉· Strab. lib. 17.  to be admirable, being like a Sea for greatness, and for colour.  
Besides these which we have handled, and whose Founders are upon record in the writings of the Ancients, there are many others in the Libyan Desert, where it bounds Egypt, of which there is no particular mention extant, either in the Greeks, Latins, or Arabians. Unless we shall apply these words of 
l Diodor. Sic. l. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diodorus to some of them. There are three other Pyramids, each side of which contain two hundred feet, the structure of them, excepting the magnitude, is like to the former (that is, as he there specifies, to those three Pyramids of Chemmis, Cephren, and Mycerinus) these three Kings before mentioned are reported to have erected them for their Wives. The bigness of some of these now extant, doth well answer the measure assigned by Diodorus: But if these three Kings built them for their Queens, it may be wondered why they should have placed them so remote from their own Sepulchers: or why they should stand at such large, and inequal differences, of several miles from one another. I found as little satisfaction in 
m Plin lib. 36. cap. 12.  Pliny, where he writes, Multa circa hoc vanitas illorum hominum fuit, vestigiaque complurium inchoatarum extant, una est in Arsinoite nomo, duae in Memphi, non procul Labyrintho, de quo & ipsi dicemus. For not telling us the Founders of these, he leaves us still in the same darkness, only we may in general collect out of him, and likewise out of that Ode in Horace: 

(Hora●. Ode 30. lib. 3.)  Exegi monumentum aere perennius:  
Regalique situ Pyramidum altius.  That they were the works of Egyptian Kings; but of which of them, and at what time, we are altogether uncertain. Regum pecuniae, 
* Plin. lib. 36. cap. 12.  saith Pliny, otiosa, ac stulta ostentatio. Of the same opinion is Leo Africanus, in his accurate description of Africa▪ after many years travel in those parts. Hac per desertum arenaceum, itur ad Pyramids, nempe ad priscorum Aegypti Regum Sepulchra, 
Leo Afric. lib. 8.  quo in loco Memphin olim extitisse asserunt. It may be it was the Royal Prerogative, and that it was prohibited to private men, how wealth, and potent soever, to be thus entombed; but without some farther light▪ from the Ancients, it would be too great a presumption to determine any thing.  

o Lucan. lib. 8.  Lucan, I know not upon what ground, makes as if the Ptolemies had imitated the Egyptian Kings in this particular: Cùm Ptolemaeorum manes seriemque pudendam Pyramids claudant .Surely if they did, these are noon of those: For they would have built them at Alexandria, which was then the Regal Seat▪ and not at Memphis, the which as 
p Diodor. lib. 1.  Diodorus assures us, began to decay after the building o● Alexandria, like as the ancient Thebes (as the 
q Plato, & alij.  Grecians styled it; or the City of the Sun, as the Egyptians, according to 
r Diodor. lib. 1.  Diodorus called it; or Diospolis, as Diodorus and Strabo 
s Strab. lib. 17.  also name it,) did after the building of Memphis. Those which imagine the Monument, or Sepulchre, mentioned by 
t Plutarch. in Antonio.  Plutarch at Alexandria, into which Cleopatra fled for fear of Augustus, to have been a Pyramid, are much deceived. For in the life of Mark Antony, where he informs us, that there were Sepulchers neare the Temple of Isis, of exquisite workmanship, and very high; into which she conveyed the richest of her treasures, he describes one of them, wherein she hide herself, to have had a window above the entrance, by which she drew up with cords the body of Antony, and by which afterwards Proculeius entered, and surprised her. This window is not in any of those Pyramids I have seen; neither can I apprehended, if these were of as solid, and massy stones, and of the same shape, as those at Memphis, and the chambers within as remote from the outward superficies, of what use it could be, either in respect of light, or ornament; and therefore I conjecture these monuments of the Ptolemies, to have been of a different structure from those of the Pyramids.  
In all other Classical Authors, I found no mention of the Founders of the rest in the Libyan Desert: and after such a distance of time, we must be content to be silent with them.   

Of the Time in which the PYRAMIDS were built.  
TO define the precise Time in which these Pyramids were erected, as it is an inquiry of much difficulty, so of much importance, in regulating the various and uncertain traditions of the Ancients, concerning the Egyptian Chronologie. For if we shall peruse those fragments of Manethos, an Egyptian Priest, preserved by 
a joseph. lib. 1. contra Apionem.  josephus; or those relations of 
b Herodot. lib. 2.  Herodotus, of CCCXXX Kings to Moeris, from Menes the first that reigned in Egypt (who probably is 
c Gen. 10.6.  Mizraim, the second son of Cham, and 
d joseph. lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 7.  Father of the Egyptians;) or that computation of 
e Diodor. lib. 1.  Diodorus, borrowed from their sacred Commentaries, That to the CLXXX Olympiad, or to the time in which he travailed thither, there had been a Succession in the Royal Throne for XV M years; or that calculation of 
f Trecento● & triginta Reges ante Amasim, & supra tredecim millium annorum aetates, certis annalibu● referunt, Pomp. Mela, lib. 1. cap. 9  Pomponius Mela▪ of CCCXXX Kings to the time of Amasis, continuing above XIII M years; or lastly, those Dynasties mentioned by Africanus and Eusebius, but pretermitted by Herodotus and Diodorus, the first of which 
g Scal. in Eusebii Chronic.  joseph Scaliger places in the VII M and IX. year of that julian period, which by him is called Periodus juliana postulatitia, and the time tempus prolepticum, preceding the Creation by MCCCXXXVI years, we shall found ourselves entangled in a Labyrinth, and Maze of Times, out of which we cannot, without much perplexity, unwind ourselves. And if we farther consider, that among those many names delivered by Manethos, and preserved by josephus, Africanus, Eusebius, and Syncellus, how few there are that concur with those of Herodotus, and Diodorus, or with those in Plato, Strabo, Pliny▪ Plutarch, Censorinus, and some others: and that which is of greater consequence, how difficult it is to reconcile these Names, and Times, to the Egyptian Kings recorded in the Scriptures, we shall found ourselves beset, and as it were environed on every side, with great and inextricable doubts. What therefore, in inquiries of this nature, is approved as the most solid, and rational fo●●dation, that is, to found out some common, and received Epocha, in which either all, or most agreed, that shall be our guide in matters of so great antiquity. Now, of all the ancient Epocha's, which may conduce to our purpose, there is noon that we may safelier rely upon, then that of the migration of the Israelites out of Egypt; which had the same hand faithfully to pen it, that was the most active, and miraculous instrument of their departure. And though profane Historians differ much in the manner of this action, either as they were tainted with malice against the Hebrews, or misled with the calumnies, and false reports of their enemies, the Egyptians; of whom, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Io● lib. 1. contra Apionem.  josephus may seem to have given a true censure, That all the Egyptians in general are ill affected to the jews; yet all agreed in this, that Moses was the chief author, and conductor of this expedition. If therefore we shall discover the time in which Moses flourished, and in which this great enterprise was performed by him, it will follow by way of consequence, that knowing what Pharaoh, or King in Egypt was coetaneous, and concurrent with him, we may by Synchronism, comparing sacred, and profane Authors, and following the Line of their Successions, as it is delivered by good authority, at length fall upon the age in which Cheops, and those other Kings reigned in Egypt, whom we assigned out of Herodotus, and Diodorus, to have been the founders of these Pyramids.  
And here, for our inquiry what Egyptian King was concurrent with Moses, we must have recourse to the relations, not only of the Scriptures, but also of other approved Authors, among the jews and Gentiles: in which last, though we often found more then an Egyptian darkness, yet sometimes through this we may discover some glimmer of light. By the Scriptures alone, it is impossible to infer, what King of Egypt was coetaneous with Moses: seeing the name, which is there given him, of Pharaoh, is a common denomination applyable to all of them; much like Caesar, or Augustus, with the Roman Emperors, or sometime Cosroe with the Persians', and no distinctive appellation. Yet in Herodotus we found one King, the successor of Sesostris, to have been called 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. 2.  Pheron; which I suppose is Pharaoh, and his proper, and peculiar name. But who this Pharaoh should be, whose heart God hardened, and upon whom Moses wrought so many wonders, is worth our disquisition. josephus in his first book contra Apionem, out of Manethos contends, that Tethmosis (who is termed also Amosis by Africanus, and Eusebius) reigned then in Egypt. The whole force of his argument lies in this, that Manethos mentions the expulsion of the Nation of Shepherds to have been by Tethmosis: But the Hebrews were a Nation of Shepherds, therefore the Hebrews were expelled out of Egypt, or in the Scripture phrase, departed out of Egypt, under Tethmosis; and consequently, that Moses, who was their Conductor, was coetaneous with him. That the Hebrews were a Nation of Shepherds, and so accounted of themselves, and were esteemed by others, is very perspicuous. 
a Gen. 46 31, 32.  And joseph said unto his brethrens, and unto his father's house, I will go up and show Pharaoh, and say unto him, my brethrens, and my father's house, which were in the land of Canaan. are come unto me. And the men are Shepherds, for their trade hath been to feed cattles, and they have brought their flocks, and their herds, and all that they have. And it shall come to pass, when Pharaoh shall call you, and shall say, what is your occupation? That ye shall say, thy servants trade hath been about cattles, from our youth even until now, both we, and also our Fathers: that ye may devil in the land of Goshen. For every Shepherd is an abomination to the Egyptians. But before we shall disprove this assertion of josephus, which carries much speciousness with it, and therefore is approved, and followed, by 
b In oratione contra Graeco●.  Tatianus, by 
c In paraenetico ad eosdem.  justine Martyr, and by 
d Lib. 7. Stromatum.  Clemens Alexandrinus we shall put down the words of Manethos himself, as they are reported by 
e joseph. lib. 1. contra Apionem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  josephus in his first book contra Apionem. T●maus by name being our King, under him I know not how God was displeased, and beyond expectation, out of the Eastern countries, men of obscure birth encamped themselves in the country, and easily, and without battle took it by force, binding the Princes, and besides cruelly burning the Cities, and overthrowing the Temples of the Gods. Last of all they made one of themselves a King, who was named Salatis, he reigning nineteen● years died. After him another named Baeon reigned forty four years: next to him Apachnas; another, thirty six years seven months: then Apophis sixty one, Janias fifty, and one month, after all Assis forty nine years and two months. And these were the first six Kings of them always conquering, and desiring to extirpate Egypt. There nation was called Hycsos, that is kingly Shepherds. For Hyc in the sacred tongue signifies a King; and Sos a Shepherd, or Shepherds in the common dialect, and thence Hycsos is compounded. But some say that these were Arabians. [In other Copies I have found that by the denomination Hyc, 
[These are the word● of josephus, and not of Mane●bos.]  Kings are not signified, but on the contrary captive Shepherds▪ For Hyc in the Egyptian language, when it is pronounced with a broad sound, plainly signifies captives; and this seems more probable to me, and better agreeing to the ancient history.] Those Kings therefore which we before mentioned, and those which were called Pastors, and those which descended of them ruled Egypt five hundred and eleven years. After this he mentions that by the Kings of Thebes, and of the rest of Egypt, there was an invasion made upon these Shepherds, and a very great and lasting war. The which he says were conquered by a King, whose name was Alisfragmuthosis, whereby they lost all Egypt, being shut up into a place containing in circuit ten thousand acres. This space Manethos says, the Shepherds encompassed with a great and strong wall, that they might secure all their substance, and their spoils in a defensible place. But Themosis the son of Alisfragmuthosis indeavoring to take them, with four hundred thousand armed men, beleaguered the walls. who despairing to take them by Siege, made conditions with them, that they should leave Egypt, and go without any damage wither they would: They upon this agreement, not less then two hundred and forty thousand, with all their substance went out of Egypt, by the desert into Syria, and fearing the power of the Assyrians (who then ruled Asia) in that Country, which is now called Judaea, they built a City capable to receive so many myriads of men, naming it Jerusalem. § By way of answer to josephus, we say that though the Israelites might properly be called Shepherds, 
§.  yet it cannot hence be inferred out of Manethos that these Shepherds were Israelites. Nay if we compare this relation of Manethos with that in Exodus, 
f Exod. 1.  which josephus being a jew, cannot but approve of, we shall found the contrary. For there they live under a heavy slavery, and persecution, whereas here they are the persecutors, and afflictors: there they groan under their taskemasters the Egyptians, here they make all Egypt to groan under them: lastly whereas there they are employed in the lowest offices, 
g Exod. 1.14.  in Mortar, and in Brick, and in all manner of service in the field: here, after the destruction of many Cities, and men, and infinite outrages committed upon the Egyptians, they make one of themselves a King, and for six descents keep themselves in possession of the royal Throne, of which after a long, and bloody war they are deprived. Their building likewise of a City in judaea and naming it jerusalem, according to Manethos, is a strong argument against josephus, that these Shepherds could not have been the Israelites. For before the entrance of the Israelites into Canaan, we found that jerusalem was a fort of the jebusites upon mount Zion, unconquered by joshua. 
h josh. 15.63.  As for the jebusites the inhabitants of jerusalem, the children of Israel could not drive them out. But they were long after subdued by David. And 
i 1 Chron. 11.4, 5.  David and all Israel went to jerusalem, which is Jebus, where the jebusites were the Inhabitants of the Land. And the Inhabitants of Jebus said to David, Thou shalt not come hither, Nevertheless David took the castle of Zion, which is the City of David. Besides all this, the History, and Chronology of those ancient times, if we compare Sacred, and profane Authors, will in no sort admit that these Shepherds must have been the Israelites. For if these that departed out of Egypt in the reign of Tethmosis King of Thebais, or of the upper part of Egypt, were the children of Israel, then must Moses their Conductor have been as ancient as Tethmosis, or Amosis, that is as ancient as Inachus, the first King of the Argives. For Apion in his fourth Book of the Histories of Egypt, shows out of Ptolemaeus Mendesius an Egyptian Priest, that this Amosis lived in the time of Inachus, as it is recorded by 
* In Oratio●e contra Graecos.  Tatianus, 
‖ In paraenetico ad G●aecos.  justine M●rtyr, 
* Lib. 1. Stroma-  Clemens Alexandrinus, and others. Eusebius though he doth not approve of it, for he places Moses in the time of 
k And so do●h Saint Augustine, Ed●xit Moses ex Ae●y●t● populum 〈◊〉 novissimo tempore C●●●opis 〈…〉 l. 18. c. 1●. de 〈◊〉 Dei.  Cecrops, yet he assures us that it was a received opinion among many Learned men. 
l Euseb. Ch●on.  Moysen Inachi fuisse temporibus eruditissimi viri tradideruntex nostris Clemens, & Africanus; ex judaeis, josephus, & justus, veteris historiae monimenta replicantes. Now Inachus according to 
m Euseb. Chron.  Castor an ancient Chronographer▪ with whom Eusebius also concurres, began to reign a thousand & eighty years before the first Olympiad, that is MCCLXVIII before the destruction of the Temple under Zedekiah, and before Christ's nativity, after the Dionysian, or common account, MDCCCLVI. That of the Olympiads is so assured an Epocha, and so strongly, and clearly proved by Eclipses of the Sun, and Moon, which are the best demonstrations in Chronology these being expressed by some of the Ancients to have happened in such a year, of such an Olympiad as by 
* Ptolemae●s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ptolemy others in such a year of the epocha of Nabonassar, that we cannot err in our Calculations an hour, much less an entire day. By this therefore we shall fix the time of Zedekiah, and the destruction of the Temple: and consequently, if, by our continuation of the years mentioned in the Sacred story, it shall appear, that from the time of Moses, either to the first Olympiad, or to Zedekiah, and the destruction of the Temple, there cannot be so great a distance as these suppose, we may safely then conclude that Moses lived not in the time of this Tethmosis, and is not so ancient, as josephus makes him, and that these Shepherds were not the Israelites, but very probably Arabians, as Manethos here also reports, some say that these were Arabians: who to this day for the greatest part, like the Nomads wander up and down, feeding their cattles, and often make incursions upon the Egyptians, and Syrians. Which occasioned Sesostris the great (as we found it in 
n Diod. Sic. lib. 1.  Diodorus) to make a wall on the East side of Egypt a Thousand and Fifty furlongs in length, from Pelusium by the Desert to Heliopolis, against the inroads of the Syrians, and Arabians. As at this day the Chinese have done, against the eruptions of the Tartars on the North, and West parts of China, for many hundred miles: The which appears by a large Map of my of that Country, made, and printed in China. On the contrary, if the succession of times, from Moses, recorded in the holy Writ, better agrees, with the age of Amenophis, the Father of Ramesses, whose Story 
o joseph. lib. 1. contra Apionem.  josephus hath preserved out of Manethos, and whose time and rank in the Dynasties, Africanus, and Eusebius deliver out of the same Manethos, we may with more probability affirm, that the migration of the Israelites, and time of Moses was, when Amenophis, was Pharaoh, or King of Egypt, then that it was when Tethmosis reigned, as josephus, and others contend, out of a desire to make Moses ancienter, then in truth he is.  
And though this argument from the Series and successions of time is so demonstrative, and conclusive, that nothing can be opposed against it, and therefore might be sufficient to evince our purpose: yet if we considerately examine another relation of Manethos (which is slighted, and depressed by josephus, because it made not for his purpose) it must necessarily be that by those Shepherds he meant not the Israelites, but rather, by the Israelites, the leprous people, which in his computation are three hundred thirty years, and six months, after the dynasty of the Shepherds. And therefore we may oppose the authority of 
p Manethos apud joseph. lib. 1. contra Apionem.  Manethos against himself, or rather against josephus. The sum of whose discourse is this: That Amenophis, who was a great worshipper of the Gods, as Orus one of the former Kings had been, being desirous to see the Gods, one of the Priests of the same name with him, told him he might, if he cleansed the Country of leprous, and polluted people. This leprous people chose for their Captain, one of the Priests of Heliopolis, named Osarsiphus, who changing his name, was called Moses, He causing Amenophis for fear to f●y into Aethiopia, was afterwards by him, and by his Son Sethon, who was also called Ramesses, by the name of his father, overthrown in battle, and the leprous people were pursued by them unto the confines of Syria. Thus far out of Manethos. Here, which is very remarkable, we have expressly the name of Moses, whereas in the former relation of Manethos, there is no mention of him, but of six other Kings, with their peculiar names. Whereas it is not probable he would have omitted the name of Moses, if he had lived in that age, being a name so famous, and so well known to them: and by 
q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 〈…〉▪ 1. contra Apionem.  josephus acknowledged, that the Egyptians accounted h●m to be an admirable, and divine man. The pursuing of them unto the confines of Syria doth very well intimate the following of the Israelites by Pharaoh, and his Host. For his terming them a leprous, and polluted people, we must consider him to have been an Egyptian, and therefore not unlikely to throw as many aspersions as he could upon the Israelites: whom they deadly hated, it may be out of memory of their former plagues. How ever it were, Chaeremon hath almost the same History, as 
r Lib. 1. contra Apionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  josephus confesses. Chaeremon professing to writ the History of Egypt, says that under Amenophis, and his son Ramesses two hundred and fifty thousand Leprous, and polluted men were cast out of Egypt. Their leaders were Moses the Scribe, and Josephus who was also a Sacred Scribe. The Egyptian name of Moses was Tisithen, of Joseph Peteseph. These coming to Pelusium, and finding there three hundred and eighty thousand men left by Amenophis, which he would not admit into Egypt, making a league with them, they undertook an expedition against Egypt. Upon this Amenophis flies into Aethiopia, and his Son Messene's drives out the jews into Syria, in number about two hundred thousand, and receives his Father Amenophis out of Aethiopia. I know 
Lysimachus apud joseph. lib. 1. contra Apionem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ●.  Lysimachus assigns another King, and another time, in which Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt, and that was when Bocchoris reigned in Egypt, the nation of the jews being infected with leaprosies, and scabs, and other diseases, betook themselves to the Temples to beg their living, many being tainted with the disease, there happened a dearth in Egypt, Whereupon Bocchoris consulting with the Oracle of Ammon, received answer, that the leprous people were to be drowned in the Sea, in Sheets of lead, the scabbed were to be carried into the will: dearness, who choosing Moses for their leader conquered that country, which is now called judaea. Out of which relation of Lysimachus, and some others of like credit, 
t Tacit. l. 5. Hist. Plurimi auctores consent●únt, 〈◊〉 per Aegyptum tabe▪ quae corpora faedaret: Regem Bocc●o●●m, ad●●o Hammonis oraculo, remedium peten●em, purgare regnum, & id genus hominum ●t invisum this alias in terras avehere jussum. Sic conquisi●um collectunque vulgus, postq●am vasty locis relictum si●, caeteris per lachrymal torpentibus, Mosen unum exulum monuisse▪ ne quam deorum hominunve opem expectarent ab utrisque de●erti, sed sibimet ut duci c●lesti, crederent, primò cujus auxilio credente● p●aesentes miserias pepulissent. Assensere atque omnium ig●a●i for●u tum 〈◊〉 i●cip●un●.  Tacitus may have borrowed his in the fifth book of his Histories. Most authors agreed that there arising a contagion in Egypt, which defiled their bodies, King Bocchoris consulting the Oracle of ●ammon, whereby to found some remedy, was bid to purge his Kingdom, and to carry that sort of men, as hated of the gods, into other countries, Thence the vulgar sort being inquired after, and collected together, after they had been left in the deserts, the rest being heavy with tears, Moses one of the banished men admonished them, not to expect the help, either of God's, or men, being deserted by both, but that they should trust to him as their Captain, sent from Heaven, to whose assistance by their giving credit at the first, they had overcome their present calamities. They assented unto him, and being ignorant of all, they begin their journey, as fortune should led them. Thus much and a great deal more hath Tacitus of Moses, and the Jews. But to pass by his, and Lysimachus calumnies, we can not more assent to these testimonies of theirs, that Moses should have lived in the time of Bocchori●, then we did to josephus that he was coetaneous with Tet●mosis. For we found Bocchoris to be placed by Africanus, and 
u Ex Edit. jos. esaligere.  Eusebius▪ in the twenty fou●th dynasty, and by 
w Diod. lib. 1.  Diodorus long after Sesostris the great, or Ramesses: which Ramesses, or Sethosis, or Sethon (that is Sesostris, and Sesoosis in Diodorus) both in Manethos, and Chaeremon, is the son of Amenophis, who is the last King of the eighteenth dynasty, according to Africanus, and Eusebius. I purposely omit the opinion of 
x Apud jos. lib 2. contra Apionem.  Apion, that Moses (whom he makes to be of Heliopolis) departed with these lepers, and blind, and lame, in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, in which year, saith he, the Phoenicians built Carthage; and that other of 
y Ex Ethnicis verò impius ille Porphyrius in 4 to operis sui libro, quod adversum nos Casso labore contexuit, post Moysen Semira●●um fuisse affirma●. ●use. Ch●on.  Porphyrius in his fourth book against the Christians, that Moses was before Semiramis. Where he places him as much too high, as Apion doth too low.  
Laying therefore aside these vein, and uncertain traditions, we have no more assured way exactly to fix the time of Moses, then to have recourse to the sacred Scriptures, and sometimes to compare such authors of the Gentiles with these, against whom we have no just exceptions. For by those, and these conjointly, we may continued his time to the first Olympiad, and thence to the destruction of the Temple, by N●buchadnezzar King of Babylon: That of the Olympiads being a most certain, and known epocha with the Greeks', as that of the destruction of the Temple with the Jews. From Moses then, or the migration of the Israelites out of Egypt, to the building of Solomon's Temple, are CCCCLXXX year's currant, or four hundred seventy nine complete: and so also 
z Euseb. Chron.  Eusebius computes them. The words of the Text plainly conclude this Sum. 
* 1 Kings 6.1.  And it come to pass in the four hundred and fourth score year, after the Children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, in the month Zif, which is the second month, that he began to build the house of the Lord. From the building of the Temple, to the destruction of it in the reign of Zedekias, by the calculation, and confession of the best chronologers, are betwixt four hundred and twenty, and four hundred and thirty years. Which is thus deduced: After the first foundation of the Temple, Solomon reigned 
a For 1 King. 6.1. in the fourth year of his Reign, and the second month he began to build the house of the Lord: And in 1 King. 11.41. The time that Solomon reigned in jerusalem over all Israel was forty years. Out of which, if we subduct 3 complete years that preceded the foundation of the Temple, there remain 37 years.  thirty seven years, 
b 1 King. 14. 2●. He reigned 17 years in jerusalem.  Rehoboam with 
c 1 King. 15.2. Three years reigned he in jerusalem.  Abia twenty; in whose time we are to place Shishak or Sesochosis, the King of Egypt. 
d 1 King. 14.25, 26.  And it come to pass in the fifth year of King Rehoboam, that Shishak King of Egypt come up against jerusalem, And he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the King's house, he even took away all: and he took away all the shields of gold, which Solomon had made, This Shishak is named by the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Saint Hierome, Sesac, and is the same whom 
* joseph. Antiq. lib. 8. cap. 4.  josephus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he imagines to have been Ses●stris the great whose victories, and conquests are described at large by 
‖ Herod. lib. 2.  Herodotus. But this Sesostris, or 
* Diodorus in the printed Copies always names him Sesoosis, but in one of the MSS as 〈◊〉. Stephanus observe●, he is sometimes called S●sostris▪ and sometimes Sesoosi●, vid. edit. Diod, ab Henr. Stephan.  Sesoosis as Diodorus also terms him, must long have preceded Rehoboam's time, as in the sequel of this discourse it will appear. Therefore the more probable opinion is that of Scaliger, that by Shishak is meant Sesochosis, whom Manethos calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Scholiast of Apollonius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the time of the XXII the. dynasty, in which we found him placed by Africanus, and Eusebius, doth well agreed with it, and the radical letters in Shishak, and Sesac, being the same, do very much strengthen our assertion. After Rehoboam and Abiah's reign, 
e 1 Kings 15 10. 41 years reigned he in jerusalem.  Asah and 
f 1 Kings 22.42. He reigned 25 years in jerusalem.  jehosaphat reigned LXVI. years, 
g 2 King. 8.17. He reigned 8 years in jerusalem.  joram and 
h 2 Kings 8.26. He reigned one year in jerusalem.  Ahazia IX.. 
i 2 Kings 11.3. And he was with her hid in the h●use of the Lord 6 years: And Athaliah did reign over the Land.  Athalia and 
k 2 Kings 12.1. 40 years reigned ●e in jerusalem.  joas XLVI. 
l 2 Kings 14.2. He reigned 29 years in jerusalem.  Amasias XXIX 
m 2 Kings 15.2. He reigned 52 years in jerusalem.  Uzziah LII. 
n 2 Kings 15.33. He reigned 16 years in jerusalem.  jotham XVI. 
o 2 Kings 16.2. He reigned 16 years in jerusalem.  Achaz XVI. 
p 2 Kings 18.2. He reigned 29 years in jerusalem.  Hezekiah XXIX.  
Now 
q 2 King. 18.13, ●6  in the fourteenth year of King Hezekiah, did Sennacharib King of Assyria come up against all the fenced Cities of Judah, and took them. But afterwards when he come to besiege jerusalem— 
r 2 King. 19.35, 36.  It come to pass that night, that the Angel of the Lord went out, and smote in the Camp of the Assyrians an hundred fourscore and five thousand, and when they arose early in the morning behold they were all dead corpses. So Sennacharib King of Assyria departed, and went, and returned, and dwelled at Nineveh. In the time of this Sennacharib, Sethon succeeding Anysis reigned in Egypt, according to 
s Herod. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Herodotus, who in his Euterpe hath plainly the name Sanacharib, styling him King of the Arabians, and Assyrians, and making him to have received a miraculous defeat, which it may be was that of Hezekiah, though he applies it to Sethon King of the Egyptians. His Story is well worth our observation, which runs thus. 
t Herod. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  After this (Anysis) the Priest of Vulcan, by name Sethon, reigned, who abusing the men of war of the Egyptians, and contemning them, as not useful to him, besides other ignominies he deprived them of their Lands, which had been given to every company of twelve by the former Kings. Whence it happened▪ that when afterwards Sanacharib the King of the Arabians, and Assyrians invaded Egypt, the Egyptian Soldiers refused to assist him. Than the Priest destitute of counsel, shut himself up, lamenting before the Image how much he was in danger to suffer; in the midst of his mourning falling asleep, a God appeared to him, encouraging him that he should suffer no distress, if he would march against the Armies of the Arabians. For he would sand him secure. He therefore giving credit to this dream, taking with him such volunteers of the Egyptians, as followed him, pitched his Army at Pelusium. For there Egypt is easiest invaded, neither did any of the Soldiers follow him, but Tradesmen, and Artificers, and Merchants. Coming thither, by night an infinite number of Mice, entering upon his enemies, knawed their Quivers, and Bowes, and the leathers of their Shields, so that the next day the enemies destitute of Arms fled, many of them being slain. And therefore now this King stands in the Temple of Vulcan, in a statue of Marble, holding in his hand a Mouse with this inscription. He that looks upon me let him be religious. After Hezekiah 
q 2 King. 21.1. He reigned 55 years in jerusalem.  Manasses reigned LV years. 
r 2 King. 22 19 He reigned two years in jerusalem.  Amon II 
s 2 King. 22▪ He reigned 31 years in jerusalem.  josiah XXXI. 
* 2 K●ngs 13.29. & 2 Chro. 35.20. Necho● K●●g of Egypt come up to fig●● against Carchemish by Euphrates and josiah went out against him.  In his days Pharaoh Nechon King of Egypt went up against the King of Assyria to the river Euphrates, and King Josiah we●● against him, and he slew him at Megiddo, when he had seen him. The same relation we read in Herodotus, if we pardon him the mistake of Magaolo for Megiddo, who writes that 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. 2.  Necus (the King of Egypt) fight a battle on land with the Syrians in Magdolo, obtained the victory, and after the fight he took Cadytus a great City in Syria.  
Next to josiah succeeded 
t 1 Kings 23.31. He reigned three months in jerusalem.  joachaz, 
u 2 Kings 23.36. He reigned eleven years in jerusalem.  jehotakim, and 
w 2 Kings 24 8. He reigned in jerusalem ●hree months.  jechoniah or jehoiakin, reigning XI years and six months. And in the eleventh year of 
x And the City was besieged unto the eleventh year of King Zedekiah. And on the ninth day of the fourth Month the Fa●ine prevailed in the City, and there was no bread for the people of the Land: And the City was broken up▪ and all the men of war fled by night.  Zedekiah the next King after jechoniah was the Temple burnt by Nebuzaradan, in the 
y And in the fifth month o● the seventh day of the month (which is the nineteenth year of Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon) cam● Nebuzaradan, Captain of the Guard, a servant of the King of Babylon unto Ie●usalem. And he burned the house of the Lord, and the King's house, and all the houses of jerusalem, and every great man's house burnt ●e with fire▪ 2 Kings 25.2▪ 3, 4, 8, 9 The same Relation we found in jeremiah Chap. 52. vers. 5, 6, 7, 12.13. almost word for word, which is remarkable  nineteenth year of Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon. This Zedekiah, saith 
a I s●●h Antiquit. lib. 10. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Josephus, having been a confederate of the Babylonians for eight years, broke his faith with them, and joining league with the Egyptians hoped to overthrew the Babylonians. This league we found intimated in 
b Ezek. 17.15.  Ezekiel; and we read in 
c jeremiah 37.5.  jeremiah and 
d jos Ant. l. 10. c. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  josephus of succours, and assistance, sent by the King of Egypt, when Zedekiah and Jerusalem were first distressed by the Chaldeans, or forces of the King of Babylon, 
e jer. 37.6, 8.  Than Pharaoh's army was come forth out of Egypt, and when the Chaldeans, that besieged jerusalem, heard tidings of them they departed from jerusalem. The same is reiterated by him: Behold Pharaoh's army which is come forth to help you, shall return to Egypt to th●ir own land. And the Chaldeans shall come again, and fight against this City, and take it, and burn it with fire. All which we see was performed by Nabuchadnezzar in the eleventh year of Zedekiah: and a judgement also denounced against the King of Egypt. 
d jer. 44.30▪  Thus says the Lord behold I will given Pharaoh Hophra King of Egypt, into the hands of his enemies, and into the hand of them that seek his life: as I gave Zedekiah King of Judah into the hand of Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon his enemy, and that sought his life. The same is often threatened by the Prophet 
e Ezek. 30.22, ●3.  Ezekiel, who lived in the time of Hezekiah, as jeremiah did. I am against Pharaoh King of Egypt, and I will scatter the Egyptians among the nations, and will disperse them throughout the countries. And I will strengthen the arms of the King of Babylon, and put my sword in his hand: but I will break Pharaoh's arms. Which prophecies we may discover most manifestly to have been fulfilled in the reign of Apries, as 
f Herod. lib. 2.  Herodotus names him, or Apryes as 
g Diodor. lib. ●●  Diodorus calls him, or Vaphres, as the Septuagint, and Eusebius, tender the name of that King, which here in jeremiah, is called Pharaoh Hophra. Who, saith 
h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herod. l. 2.  Herodotus, next to Psammitichus his Grandfather was the most fortunate of all the former Kings, for twenty five years of his reign, Which might occasion Zedekiah to fly to him for secure: But the Egyptians rebelling against him, he was overthrown in battle, taken prisoner, and afterwards strangled by his own servant Amasis, whom they had made their King. The whole story, and manner, is at large in 
i Herodot. lib. 2.  Herodotus, neither did divine vengeance long forbear to pursue the traitor. For Cambyses the King of the Persians', and of Babylon, coming with an army against him, possessed himself of Egypt, as the Prophets had foretold. Nor could the Egyptians ever to this day recover the Monarchy. For after the Persians' succeeded the Macedonians, after them the Romans, then the Arabians, next the Mamalukes, or Circassians, and last of all the Turks, or Scythians. So that we may conclude from the occurrences then happening (the relations of Herodotus exactly agreeing with the threaten of the Prophets) as also from the computation of times, and from the affinity, and analogy of names, that Hophra, and Apries, or Vaphres, must have been the very same Egyptian King coetaneous, and concurrent with Zedekiah.  
To reassume then what hath been demonstrated by us. From the migration of the Israelites out of Egypt, u●der the conduct of Moses, to the building of Solomon's Temple, are four hundred seventy nine years complete, and from the building of the Temple to the destruction of it, are four hundred and thirty years, and six months. But because it is not probable, that, among so many Kings, all of them should have reigned completely so many years, as are expressed in the Text: it being the usual stile of Kings to reckon the years current of their reign, as complete, I shall limit this uncertainty between CCCCXX, and CCCCXXX years, which is a sufficient latitude. If any one shall desire a more exact calculation, he may compute them, by comparing other places of the Scriptures with these, to be but CCCCXXV. year's current, according to the opinion of the most Reverend, and judicious Primate of Ireland, to which I willingly subscribe; though either computation be sufficient for my purpose.  
This destruction of the Temple, by our best Chronographers is placed in the first year of the forty eighth Olympiad, and in the hundred and sixtieth of the Epocha of Nabonassar, and in the nineteenth (as the Scripture often makes mention) of Nabuchodonosor, the son of Nabolassar, (as 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Beros. apud joseph. l. 1. contra Apionem▪  Berosus in josephus names him) which Nabolassar must necessarily be the same with him that is called Nabopolassar in Ptolemy, and is the FOURTEEN King of the Assyrians and Medes after Nabonassar, whom Nabocolassar (or 
l So josephus, and the Vetus Vinga●a always name him.  Nabuchodo●ozor, or 
m jer. 52.12. ●8▪ 29.  Nebuchadrezzar, or 
n 2 Kings 25.8. Ezra 1.7. Ez●a 2.1.  Nebuchad●ezzar, for so the Scripture also terms him) in ●is Canon Regnorum succeeds. The nearness of ●he names, and agreement of the times, in the sacred Scriptures, and profane Authors, do strongly prove them to be the same. Wherhfore we may conclude, that from the time of Moses, or the migration of the Israelites out of Egypt▪ or from the end of Amenophis (coetaneous with Moses) the last King of the eighteenth dynasty (as Eusebius out of Manethos ranks him) to the reign of Apries, or Vaphres, or Hophra; the eighth King of the twenty sixth dynasty (according to the same Eusebius out of Manethos) being coetaneous with Zedekiah King of judah, and Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon, are DCCCCIV years, and from Moses to the first Olympiad DCCXV and not MLXXX as they who make Moses as ancient as Inachus affirm. In which space we may with much certainty, If we given credit to Herodotus, and Diodorus place the Kings, the Founders of the three greatest, and fairest Pyramids; which is the principal intention of this discourse▪ For 
o H●rodot. lib. 2. Diodo●. Sic. l. 1.  both of them describe these to have reigned many ages before Apries, and long after Sesostris the great. Which Sesostris, or Sesoosis, as Diodorus also styles him, must have been the same King, whom Manethos in josephus calls Sethosis, and Ramesses, and 
p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Manethos apud jos. lib. 1. contra Apionem. Where in the same place Mane●hos calls thi● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and son of Amenophis; And therefore Scaliger 〈◊〉 h●ly observes that Ramesses with Manethos is 〈◊〉 Seal in Euseb. Chron.  Aegyptus son to Amenophis before mentioned, and brother to Armais, or Danaus; and Eusebius of Scaliger's edition in Greek names Sethos▪ the latin translations of Saint Hierome both MSS. and printed copies Sethus, and by all of them is the first King of the XIX dynasty. The great acts, and conquests, assigned by Herodotu● to Sesostris, and as great attributed by Manethos to Sethosis, or Ramesses, which cannot well be applied to any other precedent, or subsequent Kings together with the relation of them both, tha● while he was in pursuit of his victories abroad his brother, whom Manethos names Armais, and 
* This Danaus (for his rebellion being expelled by his brother out of Aegyp●) sailed into Greece, & possessed himself of Argos, as it is testified by josephus, (l●b. 1. contra A●●●nem) by ●fric●nus & Eus●●ius, (vid. Eus. Ch●o.) ●y Pausamas, & several others. From whom descended the Danaidae, one of the races of the K●ngs at Argos●●f all wh●ch there is frequent ment on in the G●e●ke Historians & Chronogra●hers: wherefore we cannot be ignorant, either of Dan●us, or of hi● brothers time. I shall only add, for further illustration what I found in Africanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Afr. apud Euseb C●r.  Danaus (in Herodotus his name is omitted) rebelled against him at home, and the neernsse of the time, which may be collected out of both, do very much confirm the probability of this assertion. Sesostris then, and Sethosis being one, and the same, is by Manethos in josephus ranked immediately after Amenophis, (coetaneous with Moses as we have proved) and in the same Manethos in the tradition of Eusebius after Menophis, that is Amenophis, both in the Greek and Latin Copies. Wherhfore the Founders of these Pyramids, having lived after Sesostris, must likewise have been after Amenophis. If we will come to a greater preciseness yet of time (for this latitude of nine hundred, and four years, which we assigned from Moses to the destruction of the first Temple, in the time of Zedekiah King of judah, and Apries King of Egypt, is so great, that we may loose ourselves in it) we have no other possible means left, after the revolution of so many ages, and the loss of so many of the commentaries, and monuments of the Egyptians, but by having recourse to those dynasties of Manethos, as they are preserved by Africanus, and Eusebius. And yet in neither of these shall we found the names of Cheops, or Chemmis; of Cephren, or Chabryis; or of Mycerinus, the Authors of the three greater Pyramids, mentioned by Herodotus, and Diodorus; or of Asychis the builder of a fourth, according to Herodotus. Wherhfore what their write have not supplied us with, that reason must. For since these Egyptian Kings, as we have proved, lived between Amenophis, and Apries, and by 
q Euseb. Chron.  Eusebius ou● of Africanus, Amenophis is the last of the XVIII dynasty, and Apries or Vaphres, the VIII of the XXVI dynasty, we must necessarily place them in one of the intermediate dynasties. But seeing all the intermediate dynasties have their peculiar Kings, unless it be the XX, we have no reason to exclude them, and to bring these in their places as usurpers: But rather, with great probability (for I must say here with 
r Liu. lib. 1.  Livy, Quis rem tam veterem pro certo affirmet?) we may assign to them the XX dynasty. In which we found not the name of any one King, but yet the space left vacant of CLXXVIII years, according to Eusebius.  
Here therefore we shall place.  
First, Cheops, or Chemmis, the Founder of the first Pyramid, who began his reign in the MMM CCCC XLVIII year of the Julian Period, that is CCCCLXXXX years before the first Olympiad, and DCLXXVIII before the first destruction of the Temple, and MCCLXVI▪ before the beginning of the years of our Lord. He reigned L years, saith Herodotus, and built this Pyramid, as Diodorus observes, a thousand years before his time, or the CLXXX Olympiad, whereas he might have said a thousand two hundred and ten.  
Secondly, Cephren or Chabryis the builder of the second, who reigned fifty 
s Herod. lib. 2. Diodor. lib. 1.  six years.  
Thirdly, Mycerinus the erector of the third, seven years.  
Fourthly, Asychis the Author of the fourth.  
Fiftly, Anysis the blind.  
How long these two reigned is no where expressed.  
Sixtly, Sabachus the Aethiopian. He conquered Egypt, and reigned 
t He●od. lib. 2. Diodor. lib. 1.  fifty years,  
The sum is CLXIII years, this being subducted out of CLXXVIII years (the whole time allowed by Eusebius to this dynasty) the remainder is XV years; which space we may without any inconvenience divide between Asychis, and Anysis.  
If any shall question why the names of these Kings are omitted by Manethos, an Egyptian Priest, in the XX dynasty, I can given no other reason, then what we read in Herodotus. 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. 2.  These Kings (speaking of Cheops and Cephren) the Egyptians out of hatred will not so much as name, but they call them the Pyramids of Philition a Shepherd, who in those times, at that place, fed his cattles. The which hatred, occasioned by their oppressions, as 
b Diodor lib. 1.  Diodorus also mentions, might 'cause him to omit the rest, especially Saba●hus, an Aethiopian, and an Usurper.  
Following this computation of Eusebius of CLXXVIII years for the XX dynasty, and not that of Africanus, who assigns only an CXXV of whom 
c Scalig in Euseb. Chron.  joseph Scaliger hath this censure, in istis dynastiis, aliquid turbasse videtur Africanus, ut consuleret rationibus suis; it will follow by way of consequence, as the most Reverend, and learned Primate of Ireland in his Chronologiâ Sacrâ hath singularly well observed.  
First, that the XVIII dynasty ends with the migration of the Israelites out of Egypt, and with the death of Amenophis: which is clearly signified by Manethos, and the times of Belus, and Danaus noted by the Greek Chronographers do evidently confirm it. I mean the Egyptian Belus, or Amenophis, the Father of Aegyptus, or Sethosis and Danaus, not the Babylonian Belus the father of Ninus, whom Mythologists confounded with this; feigning him to have transported colonies out of Egypt to Babylon. The time allotted by 
d Thallus apud Euseb.  Thallus, an ancient Chronographer, to Belus of CCCXX years, before the Trojan war, doth exactly agreed with this Egyptian Belus, or Amenophis.  
Secondly, that the XX dynasty will receive those six Kings, which out of Herodotus we have placed there: the number of whose years exceed the time limited by Africanus.  
Thirdly, that the XXII dynasty will fall upon the latter time of King Solomon, whereby Sesonchis the first King of it, may be the same with Sesac, or Shishac, who in the 
e 1 King. 14.25, 26.  fifth year of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, invaded judaea Which was the only reason that moved 
f Scalig in Euseb. Chron.  Scaliger to suspect, that something had been altered by Africanus in these dynasties.  
By the same series, and deduction of times, we may conclude, that the Labyrinth adjoining to the Pyramid of Osymanduas raised by a common expense of the XII Kings, who 
g Herodot. lib. 2.  succeeded Sethon to have been MMCCC XXIV years since, or DCLXXX before Christ. For Sethon living in the time of Sennacharib, and these immediately following Sethon in the government of the Kingdom, they must have reigned, either in the same age the Scripture assigns to Sennacharib, or not long after.  
Those other Pyramids, the one of Osymanduas in 
h Diodor. lib. 1.  Diodorus, or Ismandes, in 
i Strabo lib. 17.  Strabo; and those two of Moeris, or Myris, in 
k Herodot. lib. 2.  Herodotus, and 
l Diodor. lib. 1.  Diodorus, it is evident they preceded Sesostris the great, and must therefore have been above three thousand years since, but by how many Kings, or how many ages, is hard to be defined.   

Of the end or intention of the PYRAMIDS, that they were for Sepulchers: where, by the way is expressed the manner of embalming used by the EGYPTIANS.  
That these Pyramids were intended for Sepulchers, and monuments of the dead, is the constant opinion of most Authors, which have writ of this argument. 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diod. Sic. l●b. 1.  Diodorus expressly tells us that Chemmis and Cephren, although they designed (these two greater) for their Sepulchers, yet it happened that neither of them, were buried in them. 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strab. l. 17.  Strabo judges all those near Memphis to have been the Sepulchers of Kings. Forty stadia from the City (Memphis) there is a certain brow of an hill in which are many Pyramids the Sepulchers of Kings. And in particular he calls an other near the lake of Moeris, the 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  Sepulchre of Imandes. To which also the writings of the Arabians are consonant, who make the three greater the monuments of Saurid, Hougib, and Fazfarinoun. And the Sabaeans the first of them, the Sepulchre of Seth, the second of Hermes, the third of Sab, the son of Hermes, from whom they suppose themselves denominated Sabaeans, as we formerly mentioned. And if noon of these authorities were extant, yet the tomb found in the greatest Pyramid to this day of Cheops, as Herodotus names him, or Chemmis, according to Diodorus, puts it out of controversy. Which may farther be confirmed by the testimony of 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Ibn Abdella Alhokm an Arabian, where he discourses of the wonders of Egypt, who relates that after Almamon the Calife of Babylon, had caused this Pyramid to be opened [about eight hundred years since,] 
* G. Almec. Hist. Arab. ex edit. Erp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibn Abdella Alhokm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  they found in it towards the top a chamber, with an hollow stone, in which there was a statue like a man, and within it a man, upon whom was a breast plate of gold, set with jewels, upon this breastplate was a sword, of inestimable price, and at his head a carbuncle of the bigness of an egg, shining like the light of the day, and upon him were characters writ with a pen, which no man understood.  
But why the Egyptian Kings should have been at so vast an expense in the building of these Pyramids, is an inqui●y of an higher nature. 
f Arist. l. 3. Polit.  Aristotle makes them to have been the works of tyranny: and Pliny conjectures, that they built them, partly out of ostentation, and partly out of state policy, by keeping the people in employment, to divert them from mutinies, and rebellions. 
g Plin. lib. 26, c. 12.  Regum pecuniae otiosa, ac stulta ostentatio. Quippe cum faciendi eas causa à plerisque tradatur, ne pecuniam successoribus, aut aemulis insidiantibus proeberent, aut ne plebs esset otiosa.  
But the true reason depends upon higher, and more weighty considerations; though I acknowledge these alleged by Pliny might be secondary motives. And this sprang from the theology, of the Egyptians, who as Servius shows in his comment, upon these words of 
h Aeneid. lib. 3.  Virgil describing the funeral of Polydorus, 
— animamque Sepulchro  
Condimus. — believed that as long as the body endured so long the soul continued with it, which also was the opinion of the 
* Stoici medium sequentes, cam di● animam durare dicunt, quam diu durat & corpus. Seru. Com. in l. 3. Aeneid.  Stoics. 
i Vnde Aegyptii periti s●pientiae condîta diutius reservant cadavera, scilicet ut anima multo tempore perduret, & corp●ri sit obnoxi●, ne citò ad aliud transeat▪ Romani contra faciebant comburentes cadavera, ut statim anima in generalitatem, id est, in suam naturam rediret. Serv Com. in l. 3. Aeneid.  Hence the Egyptians skilful in wisdom do keep their dead imbalmed so much the longer, to the end that the soul may for a long while continued, and be obxoxious to the body, lest it should quickly pass to another. The Romans did the contrary, burning their dead, that the soul might suddenly return into the generality, that is, into its own nature. Wherhfore that the body might not, either by putrefaction, be reduced to dust, out of which it was first form; or by fire be converted into ashes (as the manner of the Grecians, and Romans was) they invented curious compositions, besides the intombing them in stately reconditories, Whereby to preserve them from rottenness, and to make them eternal, 
k Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. cap. 9  Nec eremare, aut fodere fas putant, verùm arte medicatos intrapenetralia collocant, saith Pomponius Mela; And Herodotus gives the reason why they did neither burne, nor bury. For discoursing, in his third book, of the cruelty of Cambyses, and of his commanding that the body of Amasis, an Egyptian King, should be taken out of his Sepulchre, whipped, and used with all contumely, he reports that after all he bid it to be burnt, 
l Herodot. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  commanding that which was not holy. For the Persians' imagine the fire to be a God, and neither of them are accustomed to burn the dead body. The Persians' for the reason before alleged, because they conceive it unfitting for a god to devour the carcaise of a man; and the Egyptians because they are persuaded the fire is a living creature, devouring all things that it receives, and after it is satisfied with food, dies with that which it hath devoured. Nor is it their custom of giving the dead body 
* This barbarous custom is still practised in the East-indieses, as Teixeira (who from his own travels, and the writings of Emir Conned, a Persian, hath given us the best light of those Countries) truly informs us. Wherhfore, we may given credit to that of Tully: Magorum mo● est no● humar● corp●ra suorum, nisi a feris si●t antea lan●ata. In Hy●chan●a Pl●bs publicos alit canes, optima●es domesticos (Nobile autem genus canum illud scious esse) sed pro sua quisque facultate parat, a quihus lanietur, eamque optimam illi esse cens●nt sepulturam. (Tusc. q. l. 1.)  to beasts, but of embalming (or salting) it, not only for this reason but that it may not be consumed with worms. 
* Baruch 6▪ 71.  The term used by Herodotus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of salting, or embalming the dead, is also used by Baruch and by 
a Plat. Phaedon.  Plato, and by 
b Lucian de Luct. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Lucian in his discourse de Luctu, treating of the several sorts of burial practised by several nations. (c) The Graecian doth burn [the dead] the Persian bury, the Indian doth anoint with the fat of swine, the Scythian eats, and the Egyptian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imbalmes, (or powders,) Which manner also is alluded to by Antoninus under the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
c M. Aurel. Anto. lib. 4▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that which the other day was excrementitious matter, within few days shall either be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an imbalmed body, or mere ashes: in the one expressing the custom of the Egyptians, in the other of the Romans, Where Doctor 
* Casub. and in l. 4. M. Aurel. Anton.  Casaubone, the learned son of a learned Father, hath rightly corrected the errors of those who tender 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be a certain sort of fish. By this means then salting the body, and embalming it (the manner of both we shall describe out of Herodotus, and Diodorus) the soul was obliged (according to the belief of the Egyptians) to abide with the body, and the body come to be as durable as marble. In so much as Plato, who lived in Egypt, with Eudoxus not less then XIII years, as 
d Strabo lib. 17.  Strabo witnesseth, brings it for an argument in his Phoedon to prove the immortality of the soul, by the long duration of these bodies. Which surely would have been more conclusive with him, could he have imagined that to these times, that is till MM years after him, they should have continued so solid, and entire, as to this day we found many of them. Wherhfore 
e Aegyptij verò soli credunt Resurrectionem, quia diligenter curant cadavera mortuorum, morem enim habent siccare corpora, & quasi aenea reddere, Gabb●r●s ea vocant. Aug. serm. 120. De Diversis.  Saint Augustine truly affirms, that the Egyptians alone believed the resurrection, because they carefully preserve their dead corpses. For they have a custom of drying up the bodies, and rendering them as durable as brass, these [in their language] they call Gabbares. Whence the Gloss of Isidore, Gabares mortuorum, in Vulcanius, his edition: or as 
f Spondanus de Caemet sacris, lib. 1. par. ●●. c. 5.  Spondanus reads, Gabares mortuorum condita corpora.  
The manner how the Egyptians prepared and imbalmed these bodies, is very copiously, and by what I observed at my being there, very faithfully described by Herodotus, and Diodorus, and therefore I shall put down their own words. Their mourning saith 
g Herodotus, lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc  Herodotus, and manner of burial are in this kind. When any man of quality of the family is dead, all the women besmear their heads and faces with dirt, then leaving the body with their kindred, they go lamenting up and down the city, with their kinsfolks, their apparel being girt about them, and their breasts naked. On the other side, the men having likewise their clotheses girt about them beaten themselves. These things being done, they carry it to be 
(a) 
Among these imbalmed bodies are found Egyptian Idols.  
Omni-genumque Deum monstra, & latrator Anubis. To use Virgil's expression. Aen. 8. Some of these are in great, some in little portraitures, form either of potter's earth baked, or else of stone, or mettle, or wood, or the like; in all which kinds I have bought some. One of them for the rarity of the matter, and for the illustration of the Scriptures deserves to be here mentioned: being cut out of a Magnes in the form, and bigness, of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Scarabaeus, which as 
* De Is. & Osir. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Plutarch testifies was worshipped by the Egyptians, and was by military men engraven, as an Emblem, on their seals. To which sort of Idols, it may be Moses alluded, when speaking of the Gods of Egypt he terms them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gillulim, Stercoreos Deos▪ 
* Deut. 29.17. Vidistis abominandos & stercoreos Deos illorum.  as the Original is rendered by junius, and Tremellius: for such places are the unsavoury dwellings of the Scarabaeus. That which is remarkable of it in nature is this, that the stone, though probably two thousand years since, taken out of its natural bed, the Rock, yet still retains its attractive, and magnetical virtue.   imbalmed. For this there are some appointed, that profess the art, these, when the body is brought to them show to the bringers of it certain patterns of dead bodies in wood, l●ke it in painting. One of these they say is accurately made (which I think ●t not lawful to name) they show a second inferior to it, and of an easier price, and a third cheaper then the former. Which being seen they ask of them according to what pattern they will have the dead body prepared? When they have agreed upon the price, they departed thence, Those that remain, carefully imbalm the body in this manner. First of all they draw out the brain with a crooked iron by the nostrils, which when they have drawn out they infuse 
b Having caused the head 〈◊〉 ●ne of the richer sort of these imbalmed bodies to be opened, in the hollow of the skull I found the quantity of two pounds of these medicaments: which had the consistence, blackness, and smell of a kind of Bitumen, or pitch, and by the heat of the Sun waxed soft. This infusion could not well have been made any other way, the● as Herodotus here intimates, by the nostrils. The tongue of this imb●lmed body being weighed by me was less then seven gr●ines English So light was that member which Saint James calls a world of m●sch●●fe. James 3 6.  medicaments. Than with a sharp Aethiopicke stone they cut it about the bowels, and take out all the guts: which purged, and washed with wine made of palms, they again wash with sweet odours beaten, then filling up the 
c Plutarch writes that they first exposed the belly being opened, to the Sun, casting the bowels into the river (〈◊〉) tanquam inqu n●mintum corporis: this being done, they filled up the belly and the hollow of the breast with unguents and odours, as it is manifest by those which I have seen.  belly, with pure Myrrh beaten, and Cassia, and other odours, except frankincense, they sow it up again, having done this they salted it with nitre, hiding it seventy days (For longer it is not lawful to salt it) seventy days being ended, after they have washed the body binding it with fillets (or 
d These Ribbons by what I observed were of linen which was the habit also of the Egyptian Priests for Herodotus (lively 2.) writes that it was profane for the Egyptians either to be buried in woollen garments, or to use them in their temples: And Pluta●ke in his book de Iside & Osi●ide, expressly tells us that the Pr●ests of Isis used linen vestments and were shaved; and therefore the Goddess Isis is called in Ovid. 1. amor. Ele. 2. Linigera Nee tu linigeram fieri quid possit ad Isim Quaesieris. O● the●e Ribbons I have seen some so strong, and perfect, as i● they had been made but yesterday. With these they bound, and swathed the dead body, beginning with the head, and ending with the feet: over these again they wound others, so often one upon another, that there could not be less then a thousand els upon one body  ribbons) and wrapping it in a shroud of silk linen, they smear it with gum, which the Aeg●ptians often use instead of glue. The kindred receiving it thence make 
e 
Of these coffins I have seen many fashioned in the similitude of a man, or rather resembling one of those imbalmed bodies, which as we described before, are bound with Ribbons, and wrapped in a shroud of linen. For as in those there is the shape of a head, with a kind of painted vizard or fa●e fastened to it, but no appearance without of the Arms and Legs: so is it with these Coffins, the top of them hath the shape of the head of a man, with a face painted on it resembling a woman, the residue being one continued trunk: at the end of this trunk is a Pedestal, somewhat broad; up●n which it stood upright in the reconditory, as Herodotus here mentions. Some of these Coffins are handsomely painted without, with several Hieroglyphics. Opening two of them I found within, over the body, divers scrolls fastened to the linen shroud. These were painted with sacred Characters, for the colours very lively, and fresh; among which were in a larger size the pictures of men, or women, some headed like Hawks, some like Dogs, and sometimes Dogs in chards standing alone. These scrolls either ran down the belly and sides, or else were placed upon the knees, and legs. On the feet was a linen cover (and so were all the scrolls before mentioned of linen) painted with Hieroglyphics, and fashioned like to a high slipper Upon the breast was a kind of breastplate made with folds of linen cut scolop-wise, richly painted, and guilt. In the midst of the bend at the top of it, was the face of a woman with her arms expanded: on each side of the●, at the two outmost ends was the head of an Hawk fairly guilt, by which they represented the Divine nature, according to Plutarch (in his book de Iside & Osiride) as by a Serpent with the tail in his mouth, the revolution of the year, was resembled: in which kind also I have seen fare sculptures in gems, found at Alexandria: and as by the sign of the cross they did denote spem venturae salutis, or vitam aete●nam, in Ruffi●us expression. Of these crosses I have seen several among their Hieroglyphics; some painted, and some engraven in this manner ✚ and some others among their mummies form of stone (or baked earth) in this figure  
At Rome on the statue of Osiris it is engraven thus. T.   a coffin of wood, in the similitude of a man, in which they put the dead body; and being thus inlosed they place it in a reconditorie in the house, setting it upright against the wall. In this manner with great expenses they prepare (the funerals) ●f their dead. But those who avoiding too great expenses desire a mediocrity, prepare them in this manner. They take a clyster with the juice of Cedar, with which they fill the belly by the fundament, neither cutting it, nor taking it out, and salt it so many days, as we mentioned before. In the last of which they take out that (clyster) of Cedar out of the belly, which before they injected. This hath such efficacy, that it carries out with it the whole paunch, and entrailss corrupted. The Nitre consumes the flesh, and there is only left, the skin, and bones, of the dead body. When they have done this, they restore the body to the kindred, doing nothing more. The third manner of preparing the dead is of them which are of meaner fortune: with lotions they wash the belly, and dry it with salt seventy days, then they deliver it to be carried away.  
Diodorus Siculus as his manner is, more distinctly, and clearly, 
Diod. Sic. lib. 1.  with some remarkable circumstances expresseth the same thing. If any one die among the Egyptians, all his kindred and friends, casting du●t upon their heads, go lamenting about the City, till such time as the body is buried. In the mean time they abstain from baths, and wine, a●d all delicate meat; neither do t●ey w●are costly apparel The manner of their burial is threefold. The one is very costly, the secondlesse, the third very mean. In the first they say there is spent a talon of silver, in the second twenty minae, in the last there is very li●le expense. Those who take care to dress the body are artisans receiving this skill from their Ancestors. These showing a b●ll, to the kindred of the dead▪ of the expenses upon each kind of burial, ask them in what manner they will have the body to be prepared When they have agreed upon it, they deliver the body to such as are usually appointed to this offce. First he which is called the Scribe, laying it upon the ground describes about the bowels on the left side, how much is to be cut away. Than he which is called the Cutter, taking an Aethiopic stone, and cutting away as much of the flesh, as the law commands, presently flye● away, as fast as he can; they which are present running ●f●er him, and casting st●nes at him, and cursing him (hereby) turning all the execration upon him. For whosoever doth offer violence, or wound, or do any kind of in●ury to a body of the same nature with himself, they think him worthy of hatred. But those which are called the ●mbalmers, they esteem them worthy of ●onour, and respect. For they are familiar with their Priests, and they go into the Temples, as holy men, without any prohibition. As s●on as they meet about the dressing of the dissected b●dy▪ one thrusting his hand by the wound of the dead body into ●is entra●les, takes ●ut all the bowels within, besides the heart, and kidneys; another cleanses all the entrailss, washing them with wine made of palms, and with odours. Lastly the whole body being carefully anointed with the ●uice of cedar, and other things for above thirty days, and afterwards with Myrrh, and Cinnamon, and such other things, which have power not only to keep it for a long time, but also to given a sweet smell, they deliver it to the kindred. ●his being thus finished, every member of the body is kept so entire, that upon the brows, and 
g I found ●n the ●ravail●● of Monsieur de Br●ve●, 〈◊〉 at Constan●●●ople▪ that at his b●ing in E●ypt, about forty year's sinc●, they s●w so●e ●f the●e imbalmed bod●e●, with h●●res rema●●ni●g on th●●r ●eads, and 〈◊〉 ●ea●ds wh●ch 〈…〉. N●us 〈…〉 & ●esp●●d, des●●●verts ●a ca●se qu● les 〈◊〉 b●ndes 〈…〉) qui 〈…〉 veux, la ●a ●e &, les e●g●es. ●es voyages de M. de Bre●es.  eyelids, the hairs remain, and the whole shape of the body (continues) unchanged, and the image of the countenance may be known. Hence many of the Egyptians keeping the bodies of their Ancestors in magnificent houses, d●e see so expressly the faces of them ●ead, many ages before they were born, that beholding the bigness of each of them, and the dimensions of their bodies▪ and the lineaments of their faces, it affords them wonderful content of mind, not otherwise then as if they were now living with them. Thus fare Diodorus. By which description of his, and that of Herodotus, we see the truth of what 
h Co●d●un● Aegyp●● mo●t●o●, & cosdom● 〈◊〉. Tuscul. qu. lib. 1.  Tully writes. The Egyptians imbalm their dead, and keep them at home: Among themselves above ground, Says Sex●us Empiricus: and 
i Lib. 1. cap. 9  intra penetralia in Pomponius Mel's expression: and in lectulis, according to Athanasius in the life of Antony. Lucian adds farther in his tract de luctu. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luc●an.  They bring the dried body (I speak● what I have seen) as a guest to their feasts, and invitations, and oftentimes o'er necessitous of m●ny is supplied, by giving his brother, or his father in pledge. The former custom is intimated by Silius 
Lib. 3 Punicoum.  Italicus. speaking of the several manners of burial of divers nations.  
Aegyptia tellus  
Claudit odorato post funus stantia Saxo,  
Corpora, & a mensis exanguem haud separat umbram.  
The latter is confirmed by 
k Diodor Sic l. 1.  Diodorus Siculus. They have a custom of depositing for a pledge the bodies of their dead parents. It is the greatest ignominy that may be not to redeem them; and if they do it not they themselves are deprived of burial. And therefore says he immediately before, Such as for any crime, or debt, are hindered from being buried, are kept at home without a coffin: whom afterwards their posterity growing rich, discharging their debts, and paying money in compensation of their crimes honourably bury. For the Egyptians glory that their Parents, and Ancestors, were buried with honour.  
This manner of the Egyptians embalming, we found also practised by joseph upon his Father jacob in Egypt: and if we will believed Tacitus, 
l Iud●os ab Aegyptiis didic slay, condere cadavera potius quam crema●e Ta●it. histor li●. 5.  The Hebrews (in general) learned from the Egyptians rather to bury their dead, then to burn them. Where 
m ●pondan. lib. 1▪ part. ●. cap. 5. de coe●et●r●i● sacris.  Spondanus instead of condere cadavera▪ reads condire, as if it had been their custom of powdering, or embalming the dead. Wash them, and anoint them we know they did, by what was done to our Saviour, and to the widow Dorcas: and long before it was in use among the Gentiles, as well as Jews, as appears by the funeral of Patroclus in 
n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliad lib. 19  Homer, and of Missenus the Trojane in 
o Act. eid. lib. 6.  Virgil. Corpusque lavant frigentis, & ungunt ,And of Tarqvinius the Roman in Ennius. Tarquinii corpus bona foemina lavit, & unxit.  
But certainly the Egyptian manner of embalming, which we have described out of Herodotus, and Diodorus, was not received by them; 
john 11.39.  or if it were Martha the sister of Lazarus needed not to have feared, that after four days the body should have stunk. 
p Transtulerunt Israelitae hunc ri●um ex Egypto secum in Cananaeam, quo deince●s●n sepul●uris Principum, & Regum usi dicuntu● in historia Asae. 2 Paral. 6. & alibi. D. Parae●● omin in Gen. 50.2 . They which infer out of the Funeral of Asa King of judah, that it was the custom of the Jews, as well as Egyptians, have very little probability for their assertion. 
o Chron. 16.14 . We read that they buried him in his own Sepulchre, which he had made for himself in the City of David, and laid him in the bed, which was filled with sweet odours, and divers kinds of spices prepared by the Apothecary's art: and they made a very great burning for him. This very great burning is so contrary to the practice of ●he Egyptians, to whom it was an abomination, as appears by the authorities before cited of Herodotus, and Mela, besides the little affinity of filling the bed with sweet odours, and the Egyptians filling the body, and the place of the entrailss with sweet odours, according both to Herodotus, and Diodorus, that we shall not need to inla●g ourselves in any other confutation. But as for that of jacob, and joseph, the Father, and the Son▪ both living, and dying in Egypt, the text is clear they were imbalmed after the fashion of the Egyptians. 
q Gen. 50.2, 3.  And joseph commanded his servants the Physicians to embalm his father, and the Physicians imbalmed Israel, and forty days were fulfilled for him (for so are fulfilled the days of those which are imbalmed) And the Egyptians mourned for him threescore and ten day●s. In the same Chapter we read 
q Gen. 50.26.  So joseph died being an hundred and ten years old, and they imb●lmed him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt. Both which places are very consonant to the traditions of Herodotus, and Diodorus, and may s●rve to show what necessity there is of having often times recourse to the learning of the heathen, for the illustration of the Scriptures. Forty days were fulfilled for the embalming of jacob, This 
r D●od Sic lib 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc  Diodorus tells us was their custom, they anointed the dea● body with the juice of Cedar, and other things for above ●hirty days, and afterwards with myrrh, and Cinnamon, and the like; which might make up the residue of the forty days. And the Egyptians mourned for him threescore and ten days. This time out of Herodotus may be collected to have been from the first day of the death of the person, till the body was returned by the Physicians after seventy days perfectly imbalmed. The Text says, and joseph was put in a coffin: which is very lively represented by 
r D●od Sic lib 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc  
* Herod. lib. 2.  Herodotus. The kindred receiving the dead body from the imb●lmers make a coffin of wood in the similitude of a man, in which they put it. This coffin then as it is probable, of joseph was of wood, and not ma● morea theca, as (s) ●ajetane imagines, the former being the custom of the Egyptians. Besides that this was much easier, and fit to be carried by the Israelites into Canaan, marching on foot, and for aught we read destitute of wagons, and other carriages.  

f Veteres Hebraei co●me●tati sun● dua● fu●sse areas una incedentes in deserto, a●teram Div●nita●s, alteram josephi. ●●lam scilicet arcam aederis, hanc ve●ò loculos quibus josephi ossa ex Aegypto a●portab●ntur in Regionem Chanaan.  The tradition of the ancient Hebrews in their commentaries is very probable, and consonant to it. They carried in the desert two arckes, the one of God, the other of Joseph, that the ark of the Covenant, this the ark (or coffin) in which they carried Joseph's bones out of Egypt. This coffin (if it be lawful for me to conjecture after the revolution of three thousand years) I conceive to have been of sycomore (a great tree very plentifully growing in Egypt) of which sort there are many found in the Mummies, very fare, entire, and free from corruption to this day. Though I know the Arabians, and Persians' have a different tradition that his coffin was of glass. 
erer. comm●n 50 cap. Genes.  They put his blessed body, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  after they had washed it, into a coffin of glass, and buried it in the channel of the river Nilus, saith Emir Conned a Persian.  
That phrase of joseph where he takes an oath of the children of Israel, 
b Gen. 50 25.  ye shall carry up my bones from hence, surely is a synecdoche, or figurative speech: And so is that in Exodus. And 
c Exod. 1●. 19.  Moses took the bones of Joseph with him: for he had staightly sworn the children of Israel, saying, God will surely visit you, and ye shall carry up my bones away hence with you: For his body being boweled, and then imbalmed, after the manner of the Egyptians, not only the bones, but the skin, the flesh, and all besides the entrailss (which according to 
d Plutar 7 Sapient. convivio.  Plutarch were thrown into the river) would have continued perfect, and entire, a much longer space, then from his death to their migration out of Egypt.  
Having thus by art found out ways to make the body durable, whereby the soul might continued with it, as we shown before, which else would have been at liberty to have passed into some other body, 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herod. lib. 2.  this also being the opinion of the Egyptians, from whom Pythagoras borrowed his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or transanimation (the which made him to forbidden his Disciples the eating of flesh, Ne forte bubulam quis de aliquo proavo suo obsonaret, as Tertullian wittily speaks) the next care of the Egyptians was to provide conditories, which might be as lasting as the body, and in which it might continued safe from the injury of time, and men. That occasioned the ancient Kings of Thebes in Egypt to build those, which 
g Diod. Sic. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Diodorus thus describes. There are they say the wonderful Sepulchers of the ancient Kings, which in magnificence exceed the imitation of posterity. Of these in the sacred commentaries forty seven are mentioned, but in the time of Ptolemaeus Lagi there remained but XVII. Many of them at our being in Egypt, in the hundred and eightieth Olympiad were decayed, neither are these things alone reported by the Egyptians, out of the sacred books, but by many also of the Grecians▪ who in the time of Ptolemaeus Lagi went to Thebes, and having compiled histories (among whom is Hecataeus) agreed with our relations. And thi● might occasion also those others recorded by Strabo, which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Mercuriale● tumulos, seen by him near Siene, in the upper parts of Egypt, very strange, and memorable 
h Strabo lib. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Passing in a chariot from Siene to Philae, over a very even plain, about an hundred stadia, all the way almost, of both sides, we seen in many places Mercurial tombs: a great stone, smooth, and almost Spherical, of that black, and hard marble, out of which mortars are made, placed upon a greater stone, and on the top of this another, some of them lying by themselves: the greatest of them was no less then twelve feet diameter, all of them greater then the half of this. Many ages after, when the regal throne was removed from Thebes to Me●phis, the same religion, and opinion continuing among the Egyptians, that so long as the body endured, so long the soul continued with it, not as quickening, and animating it, but as an attendant, or guardian, and as it were unwilling to leave her former habitation: it is not to be doubted this incited the Kings there, together with their private ambition, and thirst after glory, to be at so vast expenses in the the building of these Pyramids; and the Egyptians of lower quality, to spare for no cost, in cutting those hypogaea, those caves, or dormitories, in the Libyan deserts, which by the Christians now adays are called the mummies. Diodorus Siculus excellently expresses their opinion, and belief, in this particular, together with their extreme cost of building Sepulchers, in these words. 
k Diod. Sic▪ l●b. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  The Egyptians make small account of the time of this life being limited but that which after death is joined with a glorious memory of virtue they highly value: They call the houses of the living inns, because for a short space we inhabit these: But the Sepulchers, of the dead they name eternal mansions, because they continued with the Gods for an infinite space. Wherhfore in the structures of their houses they are little solicitous but in tightly adorning their Sepulchers they think no cost sufficient  
Now why the Egyptians did build their Sepulchers often in the form of Pyramids (for they were not always of this figure, as appears by those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Mercuriales tumult, before cited out of Strabo, which were spherical; and by those hypogaea, or caves still extant in the rocks of the de●ert) Pierius in his hieroglyphickes, or rather the Anonymus author at the end of him, gives several philosophical reasons. 
l Ex Eruditi cuju●d. l ●. sub finem Hierogl. P●erii▪ Per Pyramidem veteres (Aegyptii) rerum naturam, & substantiam illam informem formas recipientem significare voluerunt: quòd ut Pyramid à puncto, & s●mmo fastigio ●ncipien●, paulatim in omnes pa●●es d●latatur, sic rerum omnium natura ab unico principio & fonte, qui divi●i non potest, némpe à D●o summo opifice profecta, varias deinde formas suscipit, & in varia genera atque speci●s diffúditur, omniaque a●ici 〈◊〉 & pun●to conjungit à quo omnia manam & fluent Ve●ùm & alia hujus rei ratio naempà Astronomia reddi potest, etc.  By a Pyramid, saith he, the Ancient Egyptians expressed the nature of things, and that informed substance receiving all forms. Because as a Pyramid hav●ng its beginning from a point at the top▪ is by degrees dilated on all parts, So the nature of all things proceeding from one fountain, and beginning, which is indivisible, namely from God, the chief workemaster, afterwards receives several forms, and is diffused into various kinds, and species, all which it conjoins to that beginning, and point, from whence every thing issues, and flows. There may also be given an other reason for this taken from Astronomy. For the Egyptians were excellent Aronomers, yea, the first inventors of it, these [dividing the zodiaque, and all things under it in to twelve signs] will have each sign to be a kind of Pyramid, the basis of which shall be in the heaven (For the heaven is the foundation of Astronomy) and the point of it shall be in the centre of 〈◊〉 earth, Seeing therefore in these Pyramids all things are made, and that the coming of the sun, which is as it were a point in respect of those signs, is the cause of the production of natural things, ●nd its departure the cause of their corruption▪ it seems very fitly that by a Pyramid, nature the parent of all things, may be expressed. Also the same Egyptians under the form of a Pyramid shadowed out the soul of man, making under huge Pyramids the magnificent Sepulchers of their Kings, and Heroes, to testify that the soul was still existent, notwithstanding the body were dissolved, and corrupted, the which should generate, and produce another body for itself, when it should seem good ●o the first Agent, (that is the circle of thirty six thousand years being transacted.) Like as a Pyramid (as it is known to Geometricians) the top of it standing fixed, and the base being moved a●out, describes a circle, and the whole body of it a ●●ne, So that the circle expresses that space of years, ●nd the cone that body which in that space is produced. For it was the opinion of the Egyptians, that in the rev●lution of thirty six thousand years, all things should be restored to their former state, Plato witnesseth that he received it from them; who seems als● to me in his Timaeus to attest this thing, that is, that our soul hath the form of a Pyramid, which (soul) according to the same Plato, i● of a fiery nature, and adhereth to the body as a Pyramid doth to the basis, or as fire doth to the 〈◊〉 well. Thus far the Anonymus author in Pierius; most of which reasons of his are but pretty fancies, without any solid proof from good Authors. For he might as well say that the Egyptians were excellent Geometricians, as well as Astrono●ers (as they were very skilful in both) and that they made these Pyramids, to express the first, a●d most simple of Mathematical bodies: or else being excellent Arithmeticians, to represent the mysteries of pyramidal numbers; or else being well ●een in the optickes, to shadow out the manner of vision, and the emission of rays from luminous bodies, as also the effluvium of the species intentionales from the object, all which are supposed to be pyramidal. But this were to play with truth, and to indulge too much to fancy. Wherhfore I conceive the reason why they made these Sepulchers in the figure of a Pyramid, was; either as apprehending this to be the most permament form of structure, as in truth it is (For by reason of the contracting, and lessening of it at the top, it is neither overpressed with its own weight; nor is so subject to the sinking in of rain, as other buildings:) or else hereby they intended to represent some of their Gods. For anciently both they, and some others of the Gentiles, by Columns and obelisks, did so: Whereas a Pyramid is but a greater kind of obelisk, as an obelisk is but a lesser sort of Pyramid. Thus we found in 
m Clem. Alex. l. 1. St●omatum ex Phoron●dis au●tore.  Clemens Alexandrinus that Callithoe, the Priestesie of juno, decked the Column of the Goddess▪ with ●●ow●es and Garlands: that is, saith 
a ●cal. in Euseb. Chron.  Joseph Scaliger, the image of the Goddess Fo● at tha● time the statues of the Gods were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pyramidal columns, or obelisks. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a column en●●ing in a point (that is a Pyramid) as 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Su●da●.  Su●das relates. Which kind of Columns, (saith the same Author) some make proper to Apollo, others to Bacchus, and others to them both. 
Lib. 18. cap. 31. Diod. lib. 1. Obeliscum Mesphres Rex Aegypti primus fecisse fertur— qui post caecitatem visu recepto duos obeliscos so●i consecravit. Isid. lively 18. cap. 31.  Isidore writes that they were dedicated to the sun, whom Diodorus describes the Egyptians to have worshipped under the name of Osiris, as they did the moon by ●he Goddess Isis; and therefore as Isis cornigera represented the horns of the moon, or Luna ●alcata: so these Pyramids, & obelisci acuminati, might not unfitly resemble the rays of the Sun, or their God Osiris. In 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pau●aniae Corinthi●ea.  Pausanias also we read ●hat in the City Corinth●punc; jupiter Melichius, and Diana surnamed Patrôa were made with little, or ●o Art: Melichius being represented by a Pyramid, and Diana by a Column. Whence Clemens Alexandrinus imagines this to have been the first ●inde of Idolat●y in the world (and therefore well agreeing with the antiquity of the Egyptians) Before the exact art of making statues was ●ound out, the Ancients erecting Columns, 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alex. lib. Stromatum.  worshipped these as the images of God.  
This practice of the Egyptians was but rare●y imitated by other nations, I mean of erecting Pyramids for Sepulchers; though Servius seems ●o make it frequent in his comment upon these ●erses of Virgil.  
— Fuit ingens monte sub alto  
Regis De cenni, terreno ex aggere bustum  
Antiqui Laurentis, opacaque il ce tectum.  
The outside of the first Pyramid  
Gorsena's Tomb at Clusium in Italy consisting of many Pyramids   

A description of the Pyramids in Egypt, as I found them, in the MXLVIII year of the Hegira, or in the years MDCXXXVIII, and MDCXXXIX of our Lord, after the Dionysian account.  
HAving discovered the Founders of these Pyramids, and the time in which they were erected, and lastly the end, for which these monuments were built: next in the method we proposed, the sciography, of them is to be set down: Where we shall begin with the dimensions of their figure without, and then we shall examine their several spaces, and partitions within.  

A description of the first and fairest Pyramid.  
THe first, and fairest of the three greater Pyramids, is situated on the top of a rocky hill, in the sandy desert of Libya, about a quarter of a mile distant to the West, from the plains of Egypt: above which the rock riseth an hundred feet, or better, with a gentle, and easy ascent. Upon this advantageous rise, and upon this solid foundation the Pyramid is erected: the height of the situation adding to the beauty of the work, and the solidity of the rock giving the superstructure a permament, and stable support. Each side of the Pyramid, computing it according to 
a Herodot. l 2.  Herodotus contains in length DCCC Grecian feet: and in 
b Diod. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diodorus Siculus account DCC: 
c Strabo l. 17  Strabo reckons it less then a furlong that is less then DC Grecian feet, or six hundred twenty five Roman: And 
d Plin. l. 36. c. 12. Amplissima octo jugera obtinet Soli, qua●●or angulolorum paribus intervallis, per octingentos octoginta tres pede●, ●●ngulo●um late●um.  Pliny equals it to DCCCLX●XIII. That of Diodorus Siculus in my judgement comes nearest to the truth, and may serve in some kind to confirm those proportions, which in another discourse I have assigned to the Grecian measures. For measuring the North side of it, neare the basis, by an exquisite radius of ten feet in length, taking two several stations, as Mathematicians use to do, when any obstacle hinders their approach, I found it to be six hundred ninety three feet, according to the English Standard: which quantity is somewhat less then that of Diodorus. The rest of the sides were examined by a line, for want of an even levelly, and a convenient distance to place my instruments, both which the area on the former side afforded.  
The altitude of this Pyramid was long since measured by Thales Milesius, who according to 
e Tatiani Orat. contra Gr●●os.  Tatianus Assyrius lived about the fiftieth Olympiad: but his observation is no where by the Ancients expressed. Only 
f Plin. l. 36. c. 12. M●nsu●am altitud●●●s e●●um, omniumque similium deprehendere in veni● Thales Milesi●●●●●bram me●iendo, q●a ho●● p●r esse cor●●●●●oict  Pliny tells us of a course proposed by him, how it might be found, and that is by observing such an hour, when the shadow of the body is equal to its height. A way at the best, by reason of the faintness, and scattering of the extremity of the shadow, in so great an altitude, uncertain, and subject unto error. And yet 
g Diog. Laert. in vitâ Thaletis, l. 1.  Diogenes Laertius in the life of Thales hath the same story, from the Authority of Hieronymus. Hieronymus reports, that he measured the Pyramids by their shadow, marking when they are of an equal quantity. Wherhfore I shall pass by his, and given my own observations. The altitude is something defective of the latitude; though in 
h Strabo lib. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Strabos computation it exceeds; but 
i Diod●●. ●. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Diodorus rightly acknowledges it to be less: which, if we measure by its perpendicular, is four hundred eighty one feet; but if we take it as the Pyramid ascends inclining (as all such figures do) then is it equal, in respect of the lines subtending the several angles, to the latitude of the Basis, that is to six hundred ninety three feet. With reference to this great altitude 
k Stat l. 5. Sylu. 3.  Statius calls them.  
— audacia saxa  
Pyramidum—  

l Pyramids sunt tucre in Aegypto, fastigiatae ultra excelsitatem omnem, qu●e manu fieri potest. jul. Solin. Poluh c. 45.  julius Solinus goes farther yet. The Pyramids are sharp pointed towers in Egypt, exceeding all height, which may be made by hand. 
m Ammian. Marcel. l 22.  Ammianus Marcellinus in his expression ascends as high. The Pyramids are towers erected altogether exceeding the height, which may be made by man, in the bottom they are broadest, ending in sharp points atop: which figure is therefore by Geometricians called Pyramidal, because in the similitude of fire it is sharpened into a cone, as we speaked, 
n Pro●ert 〈◊〉 ●. 3 eleg. ●.  Propertius with the liberty of a poet, in an Hyperbole flies higher yet.  Pyramidum sumptus ad sidera ducti. 
And the 
o Graec. Epigrams l●b. 4. Francosurti 1600 cum annot. B●odae●.  Greek Epigrammatist in a transcendent expression is no way short of him.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
What excessive heights these fancied to themselves, or borrowed from the relations of others, I shall not now examine: this I am certain of, that the shaft, or spire, of Paul's in London before it was casually burnt, being as much, or somewhat more then the altitude of the tower now standing, did exceed the height of this Pyramid. For 
p Pyramid ●ulche ●●ma Ca●hed●alis Ecclesiae S Pauli, quae singulary Vi●i o●namento in suspiciendam edita altitudinem DXX scilicet pedes a solo, & CCLX à turre quad●a●a, cui imposit ● e●a● è materia ligin●â plumbo vestita, de coelo propè fastig●um lacta deflag●avi● Cambdeni Elizabetha.  Cambden describes it to have been, in a perpendicular, five hundred and twenty feet from the ground.  
The insideof the first and fairest Pyramid  
The ascent to the top of the Pyramid is contrived in this manner. From all the sides without we ascend by degrees: the lowermost degree is near four feet in height, and three in breadth, This runs about the Pyramid in a level; and at the first, when the stones were entire, which a●● now somewhat decayed, made on every side 〈◊〉 it a long, but narrow walk. The second degree, is like the first, each stone amounting to almost four feet in height, and three in breadth; it retires inward from the first near three feet, and this runs about the Pyramid in a level, as the former. In the same manner is the third row placed upon the second, and so in order the rest, like so many stairs rise one above an other to the top. Which ends not in a point, as Mathematical Pyramids do, but in a little flat, or square. Of this Herodotus hath no where left us the dimensions: But 
s Hen. Steph. in 2 lib. Herodoti.  Henricus Stephanus, an able, and deserving man, in his Comment hath supplied it for him. For he makes it to be eight orgyiae. Where if we take the orgyia, as both 
t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesych.  Hesychius, and 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉· Suid.  Suidas do, for the distance between the hands extended at length, that is for the fathom, or six feet, then should it be forty eight feet in breadth at the top. But the truth is, Stephanus, in this particular, whilst he corrects the errors of Valla's interpretation, is to be corrected himself. For that latitude which Herodotus assigns to the admirable bridge below (of which there is nothing now remaining he hath carried up, by a mistake, to the top of the Pyramid. 
Diodor. l. 1.  Diodorus Siculus comes nearer to the truth, who describes it to be but nine feet 
Plin l. 36. c 12.  Pliny makes the breadth at the top to be twenty five feet. Altitudo (I would rather read it latitudo) a cacumine pedes XXV. By my measure it is XIII feet, and 280 of 1000 parts of the English foot. Upon this flat, if we assent to the opinion of 
a Procl. comm. l. 1. in Timaeum Platonis.  Proclus, it may be supposed that the Egyptian Priests made their observations in Astronomy; and that from hence, or near this place, they first discovered, by the rising of Sirius, their annus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Canicularis, as also their periodus Sothiaca, or annus magnus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or annus Heliacus, or annus Dei, as it is termed by 
b Censorin. de die Natali. Quen. Graeciaenus▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lat●ne canicularem vocamus. Hic annus etiam heliacus à quib usdam dicitur, & ab a●i●s, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪  Censorinus, consisting of 1460 sidereal years: in which space their Thoth Vagum, and fixum, come to have the same beginning. That the Priests might near these Pyramids make their observations I no way question, this rising of the hill being, in my judgement, as fit a place as any in Egypt for such a design: and so much the fit by the vicinity of Memphis. But that these Pyramids were designed for observatories, (whereas by the testimonies of the Ancients I have proved before, that they were intended for Sepulchers,) is no way to be credited upon the single authority of Proclus. Neither can I apprehended to what purpose the Priests with so much difficulty should ascend so high, when below with more ease, and as much certainty, they might from their own lodgings hewn in the rocks, upon which the Pyramids are erected, make the same observations. For seeing all Egypt is but as it were one continued plain, they might from these cliffs have, over the plains of Egypt, as free, and open a prospect of the heavens, as from the tops of the Pyramids themselves. And therefore Tully writes more truly. 
c Cicer. de Divin. lib. 1.  Aegyptii, aut Babylonii, in camporum patentium oequoribus habitantes, cum ex terra nihil emineret; quod contemplationi coeli officere posset, omnem curam in siderum cognitione p●suerunt. The top of this Pyramid is covered not with 
d Les voyages de Seign, Villa no●t.  one or 
e Sands Travels.  three massy stones, as some have imagined, but with nine, besides two which are wanting at the angles, The degrees by which we ascend up (as I observed in measuring many of them) are not all of an equal depth, for some are near four feet, others want of three, and these the higher we ascend, do so much the more diminish: neither is the breadth of them alike; the difference in this kind being, as fare as I could conjecture, proportionable to their depth. And therefore a right line extended from any part of the basis without, to the top, will equally touch the outward angle of every degree. Of these it was impossible for me to take an exact measure, since in such a revolution of time, if the inner parts of the Pyramid have not lost any thing of their first perfection, as being not exposed to the injury of the 
* The air of Egypt is confessed by the Ancients to be often full of vapours. Which appears both by the great dews, that hap after the deluge of Ni●us for several months: as also in that I have discovered at A●●xan●ria, in the winter time, several obscure stars in the constellation of Vrsa maior, not visible in England: the which could not be discerned there, were there not a greater re●raction at that time, th●n with us, and consequently a greater condensation of the m●dium, or air, as the opti●kes demonstrate. But I cannot sufficiently wonder at the Ancients, who generally deny the fall of rain in Egypt. Plato in his ●imaeus speaking o● Egypt, where h● had lived many years, writes thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pon●●nius Meta in express terms relates, that Egypt is ●er●●expers imbosom, mirè tamen sertilis. Whereas for two months, namely December, and january, I have not known it rain, so constantly, and with so much violence, at London, as I found it to do at Alexandria, the Winds continuing North North West. Which caused me to keep a diary, as well of the weather, as I did of my observations in Astronomy. And not only there, but also at Grand Cairo, my very noble, and worthy ●riena Sir William Paston, at the same time observed, that there fell much rain. And so likewise about the end of march following, being at the mummies, some what beyond the Pyramids, to the South, there fell a gentle rain for almost an whole day. But it may be the Ancients mean the upper parts of Egypt beyond Thebes, about Siene, and near the Catadupa, or Cataracts of Nilus, and not the lower parts; where I have been told by the Egyptians that it seldom reinss. And therefore Seneca (lib. 4 natur. Quaest) seems to have writ true. In eâ parte quae in Aethiopiam vergit (speaking of Egypt) aut nulli imbres sunt, aut rari. But where he after says, Alexandria nives non c●dunt, it is false. For at my being there in january at night it snowed. However farther to the South then Egypt, between the Tropics, and near the Line, in Habassia, or Aethiopia, every year for many weeks there falls store of rain, as the Habassines themselves at Grand Cairo relate. Which may be confirmed by josephus Acosta lib. 2. de natura Orbis novi. Where he observes in Peru, and some other places (lying in the same parallel with those of Aethiopia) that they have abundance of reinss. This therefore is the true cause of the inundation of Nilus in the summer time, being then highest, when other rivers are lowest, and not those which are alleged by Herodotus, Diodorus, Plutarch, Aristides, Heliodorus, and others: who are extremely troubled to given a reason of the inundation, imputing it either to the peculiar nature of the river, or to the obstruction of the mouth of it by the Et●siae; or to the melting of snows in Aethiopia (which I believed seldom fall in those hot Countries, where the natives by reason of the extreme heats are all black, and where if we credit Seneca, argentum replumbatur, silver is melted by the scorching heats) or to some such other reasons of little weight. In Diodorus I found Agatharchides Cuid●us to given almost the same reason assigned by me; But those times gave little credit to his assertion. Yet Dio●orus seems to assent to it. His words are these. (Diod. lib. 1.) Agatharchides Cnidius hath come nearest to the truth, for he saith, every year in the mountains about Aethiopia, there are continual reinss from the summer solstice, to the autumnal equinoxe, which cause the inunda●ion. The time of this is so certain, that I have seen the Egyptian Astronomers to put it down many years before, in their Ephemerideses: That such a day, of such a month, the Nilus gins to rise.  air, and fall of reinss, yet the outward parts, that is these degrees, or rows of stone, have been much wasted and impaired by both. And therefore they cannot conveniently now be ascended, but either at the South side, or at the East angle, on the North, They are well styled by Herodotus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is little altars. For in the form of altars they rise one above an other to the top. And these are all made of massy, and polished stones, hewn according to Herodotus, and Diodorus, out of the Arabian mountains, which bound the upper part of Egypt, or that above the Delta, on the East, as the Libyan mountains terminate it on the West, being so vast, that the breadth, and depth of every step, is one single, and entire stone. The relation of 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Herod. l. 2  Herodotus, and 
b Pyramids tricen●m pedum lapid●bus exstructae. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 9  Pomponius Mela, is more admirable, who make the lest stone in this Pyramid to be thirty feet. And this I can grant in some, yet surely it cannot be admitted in all, unless we interpret their words, that the lest stone is thirty square, or to speaked more properly, thirty Cubicall feet; which dimension, or a greater, in the exterior ones, I can without any difficulty admit. The number of these steps is not mentioned by the Ancients, and that caused me, and two that were with me, to be the more diligent in computing them, because by modern writers, and some of those too of repute, they are described with much diversity, and contrariety. The degrees, saith 
Bellonius lib. 2. observe c. 42.  Bellonius, are two hundred and fifty, each of them single contains in height forty five digits, at the top it is two paces broad. For this I take to be the meaning of what Clusius renders thus: A basi autem ad cacumen ipsius supputationem facientes, comperimus circiter, CCL gradus, singuli ●ltitudinem habent V solearum calcei IX. pollicum longitudinis, in fastigio duos passus habet. Where I conceive his passus is in the same sense to be understood here above, as not long before he explains himself in describing the basis below, which in his account is CCCXXIV passus paululum extensis cruribus. 
d Albertus Lewenstainius gradus ad cacumen numerat CCLX, singulos sesquipedali altitudine, johannes Helfricus CCXXX Raderus in Martial. epigr. Barbara Pyramidum sileat mitacula Memphis, etc.  Albertus Lewenstainius reckons the steps to be two hundred and sixty, each of them a foot, and an half in depth, johannes Helfricus counts them to be two hundred and thirty. 
e Il numero de pezzida alla basa fino alla sommità sono da CCX, e sono turtid'una altezza talmeute che l'altezza di tutta la massa è quanto la sua basa. Sebast. Serl. lively 3. delle Antichità.  Sebastianus Serlius upon a relation of Grimano the Patriarch of Aquileia, and afterwards Cardinal, (who in his travails in Egypt measured these degrees) computes them to be two hundred and ten, and the height of every step to be equally three palms, and an half. It would be but lost labour to mention the different, and repugnant relations of several others. That which by experience, and by a diligent calculation, I, and two others found, is this, that the number of degrees from the bottom to the top is two hundred and seven; though one of them in descending reckoned two hundred and eight.  
Such as please may given credit to those fabulous traditions of 
f Bellon. observ. lib. 2 cap 42 et Ali●. Peritissimus atque validissimus Sagittarius in ejus fastigio existens, atque sagittant in ●erem emittens, tam validè eam ejaculari non poterit, ut extra moli● basim decidat, sed in ipsos gradus cadet, adeo vastae magnitudinis, uti d●ximus, est haec moles Bellon.  some, That a Turkish archer standing at the top cannot shoot beyond the bottom, but that the arrow will necessarily fall upon these steps. If the Turkish bow (which, by those figures that I have seen in Ancient monuments, is the same with that of the Parthians, so dreadful to the Romans) be but as swift, and strong, as the English: as surely it is much more, if we consider with what incredible force some of them will pierce a plank of six inches in thickness (I speaked what I have seen) it will not seem strange, that they should carry twelvescore, in length; which distance is beyond the basis of this Pyramid.  
The same credit is to be given to those reports of the Ancients, that this Pyramid, and the rest, cast no shadows. 
a jul. Solin. polyh. c. 45.  Solinus writes expressly. mensuram umbrarum egressae nullas habent umbras. And 
b Auson. edyllio 3.  Ausonius.  
Quadro cui in fastigia cono  
Surgit et ipsa suas consumit Pyramid umbras.  

c Ammia. Marcel. lib. 22.  Ammianus Marcellinus hath almost the same relation. Vmbras quoque mechanicâ ratione consumit. Lastly, 
d Ca●●iodor Var. 7. formula 15.  Cassiodorus confirms the same. Pyramids in Aegypto, quarum in suo statu se umbra consumens, ultra constructionis spacia nullâ parte respicitur. All which in the winter season I can in no sort admit to be true. For at that time I have seen them cast a shadow at noon: and if I had not seen it, yet reason, and the art of measuring altitudes by shadows, and on the contrary of knowing the length of shadows by altitudes, doth necessarily infer as much. Besides, how could Thales Milesius, aabove two thousand years since, have taken their height by shadows, according to Pliny, and Laertius, as we mentioned before, if so be these Pyramids have no shadows at all? To reconcile the difference: we may imagine, Solinus, Ausonius, Marcellnus, and Cassiodorus, mean in the summer time; or which is nearer the truth, that almost, for three quarters of the year, they have no shadows: and this I grant to be true at midday.   

The description of the inside of the first Pyramid.  
Having finished the description of the superficies of the greater Pyramid, with the figure, and dimensions of it, as they present themselves to the view without: I shall now look inwards, and led the Reader into the several spaces, and partitions within: of which if the Ancients have been silent, we must chief impute it to a reverend, and awful regard, mixed with superstition, in not presuming to enter those chambers of death, which religion, and devotion, had consecrated, to the rest, and quiet of the dead. Wherhfore Herodotus mentions no more but only in general, that some secret Vaults, 
Herodot. l 2.  are hewn in the rock under the Pyramid. Diodorus Siculus is silent; though both enlarge themselves in other particulars less necessary. 
Strabo l 17.  Strabo also is very concise, whose whole description both of this, and of the second Pyramid, is included in this short expression. Forty stadia (or furlongs) from the City (Memphis) there is a certain brow of an hill, in which are many Pyramids, the Sepulchers of Kings: three of them are memorable, two of these are accounted among the seven miracles of the world, each of these are a furlong in height: the figure is quadrilaterall, the altitude somewhat exceeds each side, and the one is somewhat bigger then the other. On high as it were in the midst between the sides, there is a stone, that may be removed, which being taken out, there is an obliqne (or shelving) entra●ce (for so I tender that which by him is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) ledding to the tomb. 
Plin. l. 36. c. 12.  Pliny expresses nothing within, but only a well (which is still extant) of eighty six cubits in depth, to which he probably imagines, by some secret aquaeduct, the water of the river Nilus to be brought. 
Aristid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Aristides in his oration intiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ upon a misinformation of the Egyptian Priests, makes the foundation of the structure, to have descended as far below, as the altitude ascends above. Of which I see no necessity, seeing all of them are founded upon rocks, His words are these: Now as with admiration we behold the tops of the Pyramids, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Aristid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but that which is as much more under ground opposite to it, we are ignorant of (I speaked what I have received from the Priests.) And this is that which hath been delivered to us by the Ancients: which I was unwilling to pretermit, more out of reverence of Antiquity, then out of any special satisfaction. The Arabian writers, especially such as have purposely treated of the wonders of Egypt, have given us a more full description of what is within these Pyramids: but that hath been mixed with so many invetions of their own, that the truth hath been darkened▪ and almost quite extinguished by them. I shall put down that which is confessed by them, to be the most probable relation, as it is reported by Ibn Abdella Alhokm, whose words out of the Arabic are these. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  The greatest part of Chronologers agreed, that he which built the Pyramids was Saurid Ibn Salhouk King of Egypt, who lived three hundred years before the flood. The occasion of this was because he seen in his sleep, that the whole earth was turned over with the inhabitants of it, the men lying upon their faces, and the stars falling down and striking one another, with a terrible noise, and being troubled with this he concealed it. Than after this he seen the sixt stars falling to the earth, in the similitude of white fowl, and they snatched up men, and carried them between two great mountains, and these mountains closed upon them, and the shining stars were made dark And he awaked with great fear, and assembled the chief Priests of all the Provinces of Egypt, an hundred and thirty Priests, the chief of them was called Aclimun. He related the whole matter to them, and they took the altitude of the stars, and ma●e their prognostication, and they foretold of a a deluge. The King said will it come to our Country? They answered yea, and will destroy it. And there remained a certain number of years for to come, and he commanded in the mean space to build the Pyramids, and that a vault (or cistern) should be made, into wh●ch the river Nilus should enter, from whence it should run into the countries of the West, and into the land Al-Said; and he filled them with 
* Telesmes] The word used by the Arabians is derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by an aphaeresis of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By the like aphaeresis together with an epenthesis, the Arabians call him Boch●on●ssar, whom Ptolemy names Nabona●●ar: as by an aphaeresis, and Syncope the Turks call Constantinople, S●anpo●, or 〈◊〉, from whence some of our writers term it Stambol, though the Arabians more fully express it by Const●●tin●●a, and Buzantiya that is, Constantinopoli●, and Byzantium. The various signifi●ations of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ See in Mr. Selden's learned discourse de ●iis Syri●, and in Scaliger's annotations in Apore esma●i●um Moni●●i. That which the Arabians commonly mean by Telesmes, are certain S●g●ll●, or Ama●●ta, made under such and su●h an aspect of the Planets, or configuration of the heavens, with several characters accordingly inscribed.  telesmes▪ and with strange things, and with richeses, & treasures, & the like. He ingraved in them all things that were told him by wise men, as also all profound sciences, the names of 
a Alakakir] among other significations is the name of a precious stone, and therefore in Abulfeda it is joined with yacu●, à ruby. I imagine it here to signify some magical spell, which it may be was engraven in this stone.  alakakirs, the uses, & hurts of them. The science of Astrology, and of Arithmetic, and of Geometry, and of Physic. All this may be interpreted by him that knows their characters, and language. After he had given order for this building, they cut out vast columns, and wonderful stones. They fetch massy stones from the Aethiopians, and made with these the foundations of the three Pyramids, fastening them together with lead, and iron. They built the gates of them 40 cubits under ground, and they made the height of the Pyramids 100 royal cubits▪ which are 500 of ours i● these times; he also made each side of them an hundred royal cubits. The beginning of this building was in a fortunate horoscope. After that he had finished it, he covered it with coloured Satin, from the top to the bottom and ●e appointed a solemn festival, at which were present all the inhabitants of his Kingdom. Than be built in the Western Pyramid thirty treasuries, filled with store of richeses, and utensils, and with signatures made of precious stones and with instruments of iron, and vessels of earth, and with arms which rust not, and with glass which might be bended, and yet not broken, and with strange spells, and with several kinds of akakirs, single, and double, and with deadly poisons, and with other things besides. He made also in the East Pyramid, divers celestial spheres, and stars, and what the severally operate in their aspects: and the perfumes which are to be used to them and the books which treat of these matters H● put also in the coloured Pyramid, the commentaries of the Priests▪ in chests of black marble▪ and with every Priest a book, in which were the wonders of his profession, and of his actions, and of his nature, and what was done in his time, and what is, and what shall be, from the beginning of time, to the end of it. H● placed in every Pyramid a Treasurer: the treasurer of the westerly Pyramid was a statue of marble stone standing upright with a lance, and upon his head a Se●pent wreathed. He that come near it, and stood still, the Serpent bitten him of one side and wreathed round about his throat, and killed him, and then returned to his place. He made the treasurer of the East Pyramid an idol of black Agate, his eyes open, and shining, sitting upon a throne with a lance; when any looked upon him, he heard of one side of him a voice, which took away his sense, so that he fell prostrate upon his face, and ceased not till he died. He made the treasurer of the coloured Pyramid a statue of stone, (called) Albut, sitting. He which looked towards it was drawn by the statue, till he stuck to it, and could not be separated from it, till such time as he died. The ●optites writ in their books, that there is an inscription engraven upon them, the exposition of which in Arabic is this. I King Saurid built the Pyramids in such, and such a time, and finished them in six years. He that comes after me, and says that he is equal to me▪ let him destroy them in six hundred years, and yet it is known, that it is easier, to pluck down, then to build up. I also covered them, when I had finished them, with Satin, and let him cover them with mats. After that Almamon the Calife entered Egypt, and seen the Pyramids, he desired to know what was within▪ and therefore would have them opened: they told him it could not possibly be done: he replied, I will have it certainly done. And that hole was opened for him, which stands open to this day, with fire, and vinegar. Two smiths prepared, and sharpened the iron, and engines, which they forced in, and ●here was a great expense in the opening of it: the thickness of the wall was found to be twenty cubits, and when they come to the end of the wall behind the place they had digged, there was an ewer (or pot) of green Em●aula, in it were a thousand dinars very weighty, every dinar was an ounce of our ounces: they wondered at it, but knew not the meaning of it. Than Almamon said, cast up the account, how much hath been spent in making the entrance: they cast it up, and lo it was the s●me sum which they found, it neither exceeded, nor was defective. Within they found a square well, in the square of it there were doors, every door opened into an house (or vault) in which there were dead bodies wrapped up in linen. They found towards the top of the Pyramid a chamber in which there was an hollow stone: in it was a statue of stone like a man, and within it a man, upon whom was a breastplate of gold set with jewels, upon his breast was a sword of unvaluable price, and a● his head a Carbuncle, of the bigness of an egg, shining like the light of the day, and upon him were characters written with a pen, no man knows what they signify Af●er Almamon had oped it, men enured into i● for many years, and descended by the slippery passage, which is in it; and some of them come out s●fe▪ and others died. Thus fare the Arabians: which traditions of theirs, are little better then a Romance, and therefore leaving these, I shall given a more true, and particular description out of my own experience, and observations.  
This inner Anticloset is separated from the former, by a stone of read speckled marble, which hangs in 2 mortices (like the leaf of a sluice) between 3 walls, more then 3 feet above the pavement, and wanting 2 of the roof. Out of this closet we enter another square hole, over which are five lines cut parallel, and perpendicular in this manner.  
Besides these I have not observed any other sculptures, or ingravings, in the whole Pyramid. And therefore it may justly be wondered, whence the Arabia is borrowed those vain traditions I before related, that all Seie●ces are inscribed within in hieroglyphics: and as justly it may be questioned, upon what authority Dio, or his epitomiser Xiphilinus, reports that Cornelius Gallus (whom 
* Strabo lib. 17.  Strabo more truly names Aelius Gallus, with whom he travailed into Egypt, as a friend, and companion) 
* Xiphil. in Caes. Aug. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ingraved in the Pyramids his victories, unless we understand some other Pyramids not now existent. This square passage is of the same wideness, and dimensions, as the rest, & is in length neare nine feet, (being all of Thebaick marble, most tightly cut) which lands us at the North end, of a very sumptuous, and well proportioned room. The distance from the end of the second Gallery to this entry, running upon the same level, is twenty four feet. This rich, and spacious chamber, in which art may seem to have contended with nature, the curious work being not inferior to the rich materials, stands as it were in the heart, and centar of the Pyramid, equidistant from all the sides and almost in the midst between the Basis, and the top. The floor, the sides, the roof of it, are all made of vast, and exquisite tables of Thebaick marble, which if they were not veiled, and obscured by the steam of tapers, would appear glistering, and shining. From the top of it descending to the bottom, there are but six ranges of stone, all which being respectively sized to an equal height, very gracefully in one, and the same altitude, run round the room. The stones which cover this place, are of a strange, and stupendious length, like so many huge beams lying flat, and traversing the room, and withal supporting that infinite mass, and weight of the Pyramid above. Of these there are nine, which cover the roof; two of them are less by half in breadth then the rest; the one at the East end, the other at the West. The length of this 
b These proportions of the chamber, and those which follow, of the length and breadth of the hollow part of the tomb, were taken by me with as much exactness as it was possible to do: which I did so much the more diligently, as judging this to be the fittest place for the fixing of measures for posterity. A thing which hath been much desired by leareed men, but the manner how it might be exactly done hath been thought of by noon. I am of opinion that as this Pyramid hath stood three thousand years almost, and is no whit decayed within▪ so it may continued many thousand years longer: and therefore that after times measuring these places by me assigned, may hereby not only found out the just dimensions of the English foot, but also the feet of several nations in these times, which in my travails abroad I have taken from the originals, and have compared them at home with the English Standard. Had some of the ancient Mathematicians thought of this way, these times would not have been so much perplexed, in discovering the measures of the Hebrews, Babylonians, Egyptians, Greeks, and other nations. Such parts as the English foot contains a thousand, the Roman foot on Cossutius monument commonly call●d by writers Pes Colotianus) contains nine hundred sixty seven. The Paris foot a thousand sixty eight. The Spanish foot, nine hundred and twenty. The Venetian foot 1062. The Rhinland fo●t, or that of S●ell●us, 1033. The Bracio at Florence 1913. The Bracio at Naples ●100. The Dera● at Ca●r● 1824. The greater Turk●sh lake at Constantinople, 2200.  chamber on the South side, most acurately taken at the joint, or line, where the first and second row of stones meet, is thirty four English feet, and 300 and 80 parts of the foot divided into a thousand (that is 34 feet and 380 of 1000 parts of a foot.) The breadth of the West side at the joint, or line, where the first, and second row of stones meet, is seventeen feet, and an hundred and ninety parts of the foot divided into a thousand (that is 17 feet, and 190 of 1000 parts of a foot.) The height is nineteen feet and an half.  
Within this glorious room (for so I may justly call it) as within some consecrated Oratory, stands the monument of Cheops, or Chemmis, of one piece of marble, hollow within, and uncovered at the top▪ and sounding like a bell. Which I mention not as any rarity, either in nature, or in art (For I have observed the like sound, in other tombs of 
* As appears by a fare, and ancient monument, b●ought from Smyrna to my very worthy F●iend Mr. Rolt E●quire, which stands in his Park at Woolw●ch.  marble cut hollow like this) but because I found modern Authors to take notice of it as a wonder. Some writ, that the body hath been removed hence, whereas Diodorus hath left above sixteen hundred years since, a memorable passage concerning Chemmis the the builder of this Pyramid, and Cephren the Founder of the next adjoining Although (saith he) these Kings intended these for their Sepulchers, 
* D●od. Si●. lib. 1: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  yet it happened that neither of them were buried there. For the people being exasperated against them, by reason of the toilsomeness of these works, and for their cruelty, and oppression, threatened to tear in pieces their dead bodies, and with ignominy to throw them out of their Sepulchers, Wherhfore both of them dying commanded their friends privately to bury them, in an obscure place. This monument in respect of the nature, and quality of the stone, is the same with which the whole room is lined: as by breaking a little fragment of it, I plainly discovered, being a speckled kind of marble, with black, and white, and read spots, as it were equally mixed, which some writers call Thebaick marble. Though I conceive it to be that sort of Porphyry which Pliny calls Leucostictos, and describes thus. 
Plin. lib. 36. cap. ●  Rubet Porphyrites in eâdem Aegypto, ex eo candidis intervenientibus punctis leucostictos appellatur. Quantislibet molibus caedendis sufficiunt lapidicinae. Of this kind of marble there were, and still are, an infinite quantity of columns in Egypt. But a Venetian, a man very curious, who accompanied me thither, imagined that this sort of marble come from mount 
b Which may also be confirmed by Bellonius observations, who describing the rock, out of which, upon Moses striking it, there gushed out waters, makes it to be such a speckled kind of Thebaick marble Est une gross pierre massive dro●cte de mes●●g▪ ain & de ●a couleur, qu' est la pi●●re Theba●que.  Sina, where he had lived among the rocks, which he affirmed to be speckled with party colours of black, and white, and read, like this: and to confirm his assertion, he alleged that he had seen a great column, left imperfect, among the cliffs, almost as big as that huge, and admirable 
c The compass of the Scapus of this column at Alexandria neare the t●rus is XXIV English feet: the compass of the scapus of those at Rome is fifteen English feet and three inches. By these proportions, and by those rules, which are expressed in 〈◊〉, and in other books of Architecture, the ingenious reader may compute the true dimensions of those before the Pantheon, and of this at Alexandria, being in my calculation the most magnificent column, that ever was made of one entire stone.  Corinthian pillar standing to the South of Alexandria, which by my measure is neare four times as big as any of those vast Corinthian pillars, in the Porticus before the Pantheon at Rome; all which are of the same coloured marble with this monument, and so are all the obeliscks with hieroglyphics, both in Rome, and Alexandria. Which opinion of his doth well correspond with the tradition of Aristides, who reports that, in Arabia there is a quarry of excellent Porphyry. The figure of this tomb without, is like an Altar, or more nearly to express it, like two cubes finely set together, and hollowed within: it is cut smooth, and plain, without any sculpture, and engraving; or any relevy, and imbossement. The exterior superficies of it contains in length seven, feet three inches and an half. 
(a) Pervenitur in elegans cubiculum quadrangulum sex passus longum, & quatuor latum, quatuor verò vel VI orgyiis altum, in quo marmor nigrum solidum in cistae formam excisum invenimus XII pedes longum, V altum, & totidem latum, sine operculo. Bellon. obser. lib. 2. cap: 42.  Bellonius makes it twelve feet, and 
(b) Les vay ages de Monsieur de Breves.  Monsieur de Breves nine; but both of them have exceeded. In depth it is three feet, three inches, and three quarters, and is the same in breadth. The hollow part within, is in length, on the West side, six feet, and four hundred eighty eight parts of the English foot divided into a thousand parts (that 
(c) 6 Feet 488/1000  is 6 feet, and 488 of 1000 parts of a foot) in breadth, at the North end, two feet, and two hundred and eighteen parts of the foot divided into a thousand parts (that 
(d) 2 Feet 218/1000. In the reiteration of these numbers, if any shall be offended, either with the novelty, or tediousness of expressing them so often, I must justify myself by the example of Vlug Beg, nephew to Timurlanc the great (for so is his name, and not Tamerlane) and Emperor of the Moguls, or Tatars (whom we term amiss the Tartars) For I found in his Astronomical Tables (the most accurate of any in the Fast) made about CC years since, the same course observed by him, when he writes of the Graecian, Arabian, Persian, and Gelalean epochas: as also of those of Cataea and Turkistan. He expresseth the numbers at large, as I have done, then in figures, such as we call Arabian, because we first learned these from them; but the Arabians themselves fetch them higher▪ acknowledging that they received this useful invention from the Indian's, and therefore from their Authors they name them Indian figures: Lastly he renders them again in particular Tables. Which manner I judge worthy the imitation, in all such numbers as are radical, and of more then ordinary use. For if they be only twice expressed, if any difference shall hap by the neglect of Scribes, or Printers, it may often so fall out that we shall not know which to make choice of: whereas if they be thrice expressed, it will he a rare chance, but that two of them will agreed: which two we may generally presume to be the truth.  is 2 feet, and 218 of 1000 parts of a foot.) The depth is 2 feet, and 860 of 1000 parts of the English foot. A narrow space, yet large enough to contain, a most potent, and dreadful Monarch being dead, to whom living, all Egypt was too strength, and narrow a circuit. By these dimensions, and by such other observations, as have been taken by me from several imbalmed bodies in Egypt, we may conclude that there is no decay in nature; (though the question is as ol● as 
e jam verò ante annos pro. ● mille, vates ille Homerus non cessavit minora corpora mortalium quam pr●sca conqueri. Plin. Nam genus hoc vivo jam decresc●b●● Homero. Terra m●los homines nunc educat atque p●sillos. juven. ● Sat ●5.  Homer) but that the men of this age are of the same stature, they were neare three thousand years ago; notwithstanding Saint 
* August. de ●iv. Dei. l. 15. cap. 9  Augustine, and others, are of a different opinion. Quis j●m aevo isto non minor suis Parentibus nascitur? saith Solinus.  
It may justly be questioned how this monument could be brought hither, since it is an impossibility that by those narrow passages before described, it should have entered. Wherhfore we must imagine that by some machina it was raised, and conveyed up without, before this oratory, or chamber, was finished, and the roof closed. The position of it is thus▪ it stands exactly in the Meridian, North and South, and is as it were equidistant from all sides of the chamber, except the East, from whence it is doubly remoter, then from the West. Under it I found a little hollow space to have been dug away, and a large stone in the pavement removed, at the angle next adjoining to it: which 
f Sand's traviles▪ ) Sands erroneously imagines, to be a passage into some other compartment: dug away no doubt by the avarice of some, who might not improbably conjecture an hidden treasure to be reposited there. An expensfull prodigality, out of superstition used by the Ancients, and with the same blind devotion taken up, and continued to this day in the East Indies. And yet it seems by Iosephu's relation, that by the wisest King, in a time as clear, and unclouded as any, it was put in practice, who thus describes the funeral of King David. 
g jos. lib. 7. Ant. judaic. cap 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  His son Solomon buried him magnificently in Jerusalem, who, besides the usual solemnities at the funerals of Kings, brought into his monument very great richeses, the multitude of which we may easily collect by that which shall be spoken. For thirteen hundred years after, Hyrcanus the high Priest being besieged by Antiochus surnamed Pius, the son of Demetrius, and being willing to given money to raise the siege, and to led away his army, not knowing where to procure it, he opened one of the vaults of the Sepulchre of David, and took thence three thousand talents, part whereof being given to Antiochus, he freed himself from the danger of the siege, as we have elsewhere declared. And again after many year's King Herod opening another vault, took out a great quantity of money; yet neither of them come to the coffins of the Kings, for they were with much art hid under ground, that they might not be found by such as entered into the Sepulchre.  
The ingenious reader will excuse my curiosity, if before I conclude my description of this Pyramid, I pretermit not any thing within, of how light a consequence soever. This made me take notice of two inlets, or spaces, in the South and North sides of this chamber, just opposite to one another; that on the North was in breadth 700 of 1000 parts of the English foot, in depth 400 of 1000 parts: eevenly cut, and running in a strait line six feet, and farther, into the thickness of the wall. That on the South is larger, and somewhat round, not so long as the former▪ and by the blackness within seems to have been a receptacle, for the burning of lamps. T. L●vius Burretinus would gladly have believed, that it had been an hearth for one of those eternal lamps, such as have been found in Tulliola's tomb in Italy, 
Cambdeni Br●t.  and, if Cambden be not misinformed, in England, dedicated to the Urns, and ashes of the dead; but I imagine the invention not to be so ancient as this Pyramid. However certainly a noble invention: and therefore pity it is, it should have been smothered by the negligence of writers, as with a damp. How much better might Pliny, if he knew the composition of it, have described it, then he hath done the linum asbestinum, a sort of linen spun out of the veins, as some suppose, of the Carystian, or Cyprian stone (which in my travails I have often seen) Though Salmasius, with more probability, contends the true asbestinum to be the linum vivum, 
Salmasii exercit. Plinian.  or linum Indicum: in the folds and wreaths of which, they enclosed the dead body of the Prince (for saith Pliny, Regum inde funebres tunicae: and no wonder, 
Plin lib. 18. cap. 1.  seeing not long after he adds, aequat pretia excellentium margaritarum) committing it to the fire, and flames, till it were consumed to ashes: while in the same flames, this shroud of linen, as if it had only been bathed, and washed (to allude to his expression) by the fire, become more white, and refined. Surely a rare, and commendable piece of skill, 
Pancirol. titul. 4. ●erum deperditarum.  which Pancirollus justly reckons among the Deperdita; but infinitely inferior either in respect of art, or use, unto the former. And thus have I finished my description of all the inner parts of this Pyramid: where I could neither borrow light to conduct me, from the Ancients: nor receive any manuduction from the uncertain informations of modern travellers, in those dark, and hidden paths. We are now come abroad into the light, and Sun, where I found my Janissary, and an English Captain, a little impatient to have waited above 
* That I and my company, should have continued so many hours in the Pyramid, and live (whereas we found no inconvenience) was much wondered at by Doctor Harvey, his Majesty's learned Physician. For said he, seeing we never breathe the same air twice, but still new air is required to a new respiration (the Succus alibilis of it being spent in every expiration) it could not be but by long breathing we should have spent the aliment of that small stock of air within, and have been stifled: unless there were some secret tunnels conveying it to the top of the Pyramid, whereby it might pass out, and make way for fresh air to come in, at the entrance below. To which I returned him this answer. That it might be doubted wither the same numericall air could not be breathed more then once; and wither the Succus, and aliment of it, could be spent in one single respiration: seeing those Vrinato●es, or divers under water, for sponges in the Mediterranean sea, and those for pearls in the Sin●s Arabitus, and Persicus, continuing above half an hour under water, must needs often breath in, and out, the same air. He gave me an ingenious answer, that they did it by help of sponges filled with oil, which still corrected, and fed this air: the which oil being once evaporated, they were able to live not longer, but must ascend up, or die. An experiment most certain, and true. Wherhfore I gave him this second answer, that the fuliginous air we breathed out in the Pyramid, might pass through those Galleries we come up, and so through the strength neck, or entrance, leading into the Pyramid, and by the same fresh air, might enter in, and come up to us. Which I illustrated with this similitude: as at the straits of Gibraltor, the sea is reported by some to enter in on Europe side, and to pass out on Africa side; so in this strength passage, being not much above three feet broad, on the one side air might pass out, and at the other side fresh air might enter in. And this might not more mix with the former air, then the Rhodanus, as Mela, and some others report, passing through the lake of Geneva, or tacus Lemanus, doth mix, and incorporate with the water of the lake. For as for any tubuli, to let out the fuliginous air at the top of the Pyramid, noon could be discovered within, or without. He replied, they might be so small, as that they could not easily be discerned, and yet might be sufficient to make way for the air, being a thin, and subtle body. To which I answered, that the less they were, the sooner they would be obstructed with those tempests of sands, to which these deserts are frequently exposed: and therefore the narrow entrance into the Pyramid is often so choked up with driffes of sand (which I may term the rain of the deserts) that there is no entrance into it. Wherhfore we hire Moores to remove them, and open the passage, before we can enter into the Pyramid: with which he rested satisfied. But I could not so easily be satisfied with that received opinion, that at the straits of Gibraltor, the sea enters in at the one side, and at the same time passes out at the other. For besides that, in twice passing those straits, I could observe no such thing, but only an inlet, without any outlet of of the sea: I enquired of a Captain of a ship, being Captain of one of the six that I was then in company with, and an understanding man, who had often passed that way with the Pirates of Algiers, wither ever he observed any outlet of the sea on Africa side, he answered no. Being asked, why then the Pirates went out into the Atlantic sea always on Africa side, if it were not as the opinion is, to make use of the current. He answered, it was rather to secure themselves from being surprised by the Christians, who had near the mouth of the straits the port of Gibraltor, on the other side to harbour in. Wherhfore, when I consider with myself the great draught of waters that enter at this strength, and the swift current of waters, which pass out of the Pontus Euxinus by the Bosphorus ●hracius into the Mediterranean sea (both which I have seen) besides the many rivers, that fall into it, and have no visible passage out: I cannot conceive, but that the Mediterranean sea, or urinal (as the Arabians call it, from its figure) must long since have been filled up; and swelling higher, have drowned the plains of Egypt, which it hath never done. Wherhfore I imagine it to be no absurdity in Philosophy, to say that the earth is tubulous, and that there is a large passage under ground from one sea to another. Which being granted, we may easily thence apprehended the reason why the Mediterranean sea rises not higher; notwithstanding the fall into it of so many waters: and also know the reason why the Caspian sea, though it hath not in appearance any commerce with other seas, continues salt (For so it is whatsoever Poli●letus in Strabo says to the contrary) and swells not over its banks, notwithstanding the f●ll of the great river Volga, and of others into it. That which gave me occasion of entering into this speculation was, that in the longitude of eleven degrees, and latitude of forty one degrees, having borrowed the tackling of six ships, and in a calm day sounded with a plummet of almost twenty pounds' weight, carefully steering the boat, and keeping the plummet in a just perpendicular, at a tho●●●nd forty five English fathoms that is at above an English mile, and a quarter in depth, I could found no land, or bottom.  three hours without, in expectation of my return: who imagined whatsoever they understood not, to be an impertinent, and vain curiosity.    

A description of the second PYRAMID.  
FRom this Pyramid we went to the second, being scarce distant the flight of an arrow from it: where by the way I observed, on the West side of the ●ir●t, the ruins of a pile of building, all of square, and polished stone: such as Pliny calls Basaltes, and describes to be ferrei coloris, 
Plin. l. 35. cap 7.  & duritiae, of an iron colour, and hardness: Formerly it may be some habitation of the Priests, or some monument of the dead. To the right hand of this, tending to the South, stands this second Pyramid, of which besides the miracle, the Ancient, and Modern writers, have delivered little. 
Herod●t. lib. 2.  Herodotus relates, that Cephren, in imitation of his brother Cheops, built this, but that he fell short in respect of the magnitude. For (saith he) we have measured them. It were to be wished for fuller satisfaction of the Reader, he had expressed the quantity, and also the manner how he took his measure. He adds, it hath no subterraneous structures, 
Diodor. Sic. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  neither is the Nilus by a channel derived into it, as in the former. Diodorus somewhat more particularly describes it thus: that for the architecture it is like unto the former, but much inferior to it in respect of magnitude: Each side of the Basis contains a stadium in length. That is, to comment on his words, of Graecian feet six hundred, of Roman six hundred twenty five. So that by this computation, each side should want an hundred Graecian feet of the former Pyramid. Pliny makes the difference to be greater, 
Plin. l. 36. cap. 12. Alterius intervalla singula per quatuor angulos pare● DCC XXXVII [pedes] comprehendunt.  for assigning eight hundred eighty three feet to the former, he allows to the side of the Basis of this, but seven hundred thirty seven. By my observation, the stones are of colour white, nothing so great, and vast, as those of the first, and fairest Pyramid; the sides rise not with degrees like that, but are smooth, and equal, the whole fabric (except where it is opposed to the South) seeming very entire, free from any deformed ruptures, or breaches. The height of it, taken by as deliberate a conjecture as I could make (which it was easy to do by reason of the nearness of this, and the former, being both upon the same plain) is not inferior to it; and therefore Strabo hath rightly judged them to be equal. The sides also of the Basis of both are alike, as, besides the authority of Strabo▪ the Venetian Doctor assured me, 
Strabo lib. 17.  who measured it with a line. There is no entry leading into it, and therefore what may be within, wither such spaces, and compartments, as I observed in the former, or wither different, or noon, I must leave to every man's private conjecture, and to the discovery of after times.  
The second Pyramid.  
This is bounded on the North, and West sides, with two very stately, and elaborate pieces; which I do not so much admire, as that by all writers, they have been pretermitted. About thirty feet in depth, and more then a thousand and four hundred in length, out of the hard rock these buildings have been cut in a perpendicular, and squared by the chessell, as I suppose, for lodgings of the Priests. They run along at a convenient distance, parallel to the two sides, we mentioned of this Pyramid, meeting in a right angle, and making a very fare, and graceful prospect. The entrance into them is by square opening, hewn out of the rock, much of the same bigness, with those I described in the first Pyramid. Wither these were symbolical (as the Theology of the Egyptians consisted much in mysterious figures) and the depressure, and lownes of these, were to teach the Priests humility: and the squareness, and eevenes of them, an uniform, and regular deportment in their actions, I leave to such as have written of their hieroglyphickes to determine. The hollow space within, of them all, is somewhat like to a square, and well proportioned chamber, covered, and arched above with the natural rock: in most of which (as I remember) there was a passage opening into some other compartment, which the rubbage, and darkness, hindered me from viewing. On the North side without, I observed a line, and only one, engraven with sacred and Egyptian characters, such as are mentioned by 
a Herodot. lib. 2.  Herodotus, and 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diod. l. 1.  Diodorus, to have been used by the Priests, and were different from the vulgar characters in civil affairs: in which former kind 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Iust. Martyr. quaest. & resp. ad Orthodoxos.  justine Martyr makes Moses to have been skilful: as the Scripture makes him to have been learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. These run not downwards, as the Chinese in our times writ, but were continued in a strength line, as we use to writ: and are to be read (if any understand those mysterious sculptures) by proceeding from the right hand to the left, and as it were imitating the motion, and course of the Planets. For so 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. 2.  Herodotus expressly informs us, that the Grecians writ, and cast account, going from the left hand to the right, the Egyptians from the right hand to the left. And this is that which in an obscure expression is also intimated by 
e Pompon. Mell l. 1. c. 9  Pomponius Mela: Aegyptii] suis literis perversè utuntur. A manner practised by the Hebrews, Chaldaeans, and Syrians to this day: and not unlikely to have been borrowed by them from the Egyptians: to whom the Chaldaeans also allowed their first skill in Astrology, as the Grecians did their knowledge in Geometry; the former being attested by 
f Diodor. Sic. l. 1.  Diodorus, and the later confessed by 
g ● lib. Commen. Procli. in 1 lib. Eucl.  Proclus, and other Grecians. And surely in imitation of these, or of the Jews, the Arabians neighbouring upon both, have taken up this manner of writing, and continued it to our times: communicating it also by their conquests, to the Persians', and Turks.   

A description of the third PYRAMID.  
FRom this Pyramid we went unto the third, standing distant from the second about a furlong, upon an advantageous height, and rising of the rock, whereby at a good distance it seems equal to the former; though the whole pile is much less, and lower. The time was so far spent with my other observations, that I could not take so exact a view, as I desired, and the work deserved; yet I took so much of both, as to be able to confute the errors of others. But before I perform this, I shall relate what the Ancients, and some one or two of our best writers, which have traveled thither, have delivered concerning this. Herodotus discoursing of it, 
Herodot. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diodor. Sic. l 1.  tells us, that (Mycerinus) left a Pyramid much less then that of his father, wanting of all sides (for it is quadrangular) twenty feet: it is three hundred feet on every side, being to the middle of it built with Aethiopicke marble. Diodorus Siculus is somewhat larger, and clearer. Every side of the basis (Mycerinus) caused to be made three hundred feet in length, he raised the walls fifteen Stories, with black stone, like Thebaicke marble, the rest of it he finished, with such materials as the other Pyramids are built. This work although it is exceeded by the rest in magnitude, yet for the structure, art, and magnificence of the marble, it very fare excels them. In the side towards the North, Mycerinus the name of the Founder, is engraven. Thus far Diodorus. To whom I shall adjoine the testimony of Strabo: Farther, 
Strabo l. 17. Geog.  upon a higher rise of the hill is the third (Pyramid) much less then the two former, but built with a greater expense: For almost from the Foundation of it to the middle, it consists of black stone, with which they make mortars, brought from the remotest mountains of Aethiopia, which being hard, and not easy to be wrought, hath made the work the more costly. Pliny also, not as a spectator, 
Plin. l. 36. c, 12. Tertia minor praedictis, sed multò spectatior. Ae●hiopicis lapidibus assurgit CCCXXIII pedibus inter a●gulos  and eyewitness, as the former, but as an Historian writes thus. The third (Pyramid) is less then the former we mentioned, but much more beautiful: it is erected with Aethiopicke marble, and is three hundred sixty three feet between the angles. And this is all that hath been preserved of the Ancients concerning this Pyramid. Among modern writers, noon deserves to be placed before Bellonius, or rather before P. Gillius. For 
* Thua. hist. l. 16.  Thuanus makes the other to have been a plagiarius, and to have published in his own name the observations of P. Gillius: a man very curious, and inquisitive after truth, as appears by his topography of Constantinople, and his Bosphorus Thracius, to whom Bellonius served as an amanuensis. The third 
* Bellon. observ. l 2. c. 44. Tertia Pyramid duabus superioribus longè minor. tertia ●st autem parte major èá quae apud ●estaceum montem est Romae, qua ad D. Pauli eundum est. itinere Ostiensi. Adhuc integra est, nec magis ●amis corrupta, quàm si jam ●ecens ●xstr●cta esset. Mar●oris enim gene●e 〈◊〉, quò: Basaltes nuncu●a u●, vel lapi Aethiopicus, ipso fe●ro dorio c.  Pyramid is much less then the former two, but is a third part greater then that which is at Rome, near the mons testaceus, as you pass to Saint Paul's in the Ostian way. It is still perfect, and no more corrupted, then as if it had been newly built, For it is made of a kind of marble, called basaltes, or Aethiopicke marble, harder then iron itself.  
The third PYRAMID.  
It will be in vein to repeat the traditions, and descriptions of several others: all which by a kind of confederacy, agreed in the same tale for the substance, only differing in some circumstances: So that I shrewdly suspect, that Diodorus hath borrowed most of his relation from Herodotus: and Strabo, and Pliny, from Diodorus, or from them both: and the more learned neoterics from them all. For else how can it be imagined, they should so constantly agreed in that, which if my eyes, and 
* I have since conferred with an English Captain, who having been four times at Alexandria, and as of●en at the pyramids, assures me that I am not mistaken.  memory extremely fail me not, is most evidently false? And therefore I have a strong jealousy, that they never come near this third Pyramid; but that they did, as I have observed all travellers in my time in Egypt to do, fill themselves so full, and as it were so surfeit with the sight of the greater, and fairer Pyramid, that they had no appetite to be spectators of the rest: where they should only see the same miracle (for the Pyramids are all of the same figure) the farther they went, decreasing, and presented as it were in a less Volume: Or if they did view this, it was quasi per transennam, very perfunctorily, and slightly; and that through a false, and coloured glass. For they have mistaken both in the quality of the stone, and colour of the Pyramid. I begin with Herodotus, 
Herodot lib. ●.  who by a notable piece of forgetfulness, if it be not a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the copies, makes the dimensions of each of the sides, in the basis of this, to be three hundred feet, and yet to want but twenty of the first Pyramid, to which he assigned before eight hundred feet▪ an impossibility in arithmetic. And therefore it will be no presumption to correct the place, and in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I know not how to palliate, or excuse his other error, where he makes this Pyramid to be built as far as to the middle of it, with Aethiopicke marble. If this sort of marble be ferrei coloris, 
Plin. l 36. c, 7. Diodor. l. 1. Strab. l. 7. Geog.  as it is described by Pliny, and granted by Diodorus, and Strabo, both of them expressing the colour to be black, and the latter bringing it from the remotest mountains of Aethiopia, where the marble hath the same tincture and colour, with the Inhabitants, then can this relation of Herodotus no way be admitted. For the whole Pyramid seems to be of clear, and white stone, somewhat choicer, and brighter, then that in either of the two other Pyramids. And therefore I wonder that Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny, and among latter Authors, Bellonius, Gillius, and several others, should have all followed Herodotus: when with a little pains, and circumspection, they might have reform his, and their own error. It may perhaps be alleged in their defence, that they mean the buildings within are erected with black, and Aethiopicke marble: and yet if this be granted, since there is no entrance leading into this, not more then is into the second Pyramid, what may be within depends upon the incertainty of tradition, or conjecture, both which are very fallible, Though it cannot be denied, but that close by this, on the East side of it, there are the ruins of a pile of building, with a sad, and dusky colour, much like that we described in passing to the second Pyramid, which might be the ground, and occasion of this error. I cannot excuse the Ancients, but Bellonius, or Gillius (For it is no matter which of them owns the relation, when both of them have erred) are fare more inexcusable, Because it might have been expected from them, 
T. Liu. lib. 1.  what Livy supposes, Novi semper scriptores, aut inrebus certius aliquid allaturos se, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos credunt. Whereas these on the contrary, have depraved, what hath been, in this particular, with truth delivered by the Ancients. For whereas Herodotus, and Diodorus, equal the side of the basis to three hundred feet, and Pliny extends it to three hundred sixty three, these make it only a third part greater then the Pyramid at Rome of C. Caestius, near the mons testaceus. So that either they have much enlarged that at Rome, or shrunk, and contracted this. For the Pyramid at Rome, exactly measured on that side, which stands within the City, is completely seventy eight feet English in breadth: to which if we add a third part of it, the result will be an hundred and four: which should be equal to this Egyptian Pyramid, in the notion, and acception of Bellonius. An unpardonable oversight, not less then two hundred feet, in a very little more then three hundred. For so much, besides the authority of Herodotus, and Diodorus, before cited, I take the side of this Pyramid to be, and the altitude to have much the same proportion.  
I would gladly have seen in this, the name of Mycerinus the Founder of it engraven, as 
a Diodor. l. 1.  Diodorus mentions: or that other inscription in the first, whereof Herodotus procured the interpretation: but both have been defaced by time. His words are these: 
b Herodot· l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  In the Pyramid there are Egyptian characters inscribed, which show how much was expended upon the workmen, in radishes, onions, and garlic, which an interpreter (as I well remember) said was the sum of a thousand and six hundred talents of silver, which if it be so, how much is it credible was spent in iron, and in meat, and in clotheses for the labourers? Hereby I might have known what to determine of the ancient Egyptian letters: I mean not the sacred ones (for those were all Symbolical, expressing the abstractest notions of the mind, by visible similitudes of 
* Phoenices primi, famae si creditur, a●si, Mansuram rudibus vocem signa, re figuris. Nondum flumineas Memphis contexere biblos N● verat, & saxis tantùm volucresque feraeque Sculptaque servabant magicas animalia linguas Lucan. lib. 3.  birds, and beasts, or by representations of some other familiar objects) but those used in civil affairs. By such sculptures, which I have seen in gems found at Alexandria, and among the Mummies, I can no way subscribe to the assertion of Kircherus, though an able man, who, in his Prodromus Coptus, contends that the present Egyptian, or Coptite character (which certainly is nothing but a corruption, and distortion of the Greek) is the same with that of the ancient Egyptians.  

Of the rest of the PYRAMIDS in the Libyan desert.  
I Have done with these three Pyramids, each of them being very remarkable, and the two first reckoned among the miracles of the world. The rest in the Libyan desert lying scattered here, and there, are (excepting one of them) but lesser copies, and as it were models of these: and therefore I shall neither much trouble myself, nor the Reader, with the description of them. Though to speaked the truth, did not the three first standing so near together obscure the lustre of the rest, which lie far scattered, some of them were very considerable. And therefore I cannot but tax the omission of the Ancients, and the inaduertency of all modern writers, and travellers, who with too much supineness have neglected the description of one of them: which in my judgement is as worthy of memory, and as near a miracle, as any of those three, which I have mentioned. And this stands from these South, and by West, at twenty mile's distance, more within the sandy desert, upon a rocky level like these, and not far from the village whence we enter the Mummies. This as the Venetian Doctor assured me, and as I could judge by conjecture at a distance, hath the same dimensions, that the first, and fairest of these; hath graduations, or ascents without, and of the same colour like that, (but more decayed, especially at the top) and an entrance into it on the North side, which is barred up within; and therefore whatsoever is spoken of the first, in respect of the exterior figure, is appliable to this. 
d Plusquàm centum per cam ●laniciem hinc indè sparsae consp ciuntu. Bellon. l. 2. c 44.  Bellonius extremely exceeds in his computation of the number of them, who thus writes. Above an 100 others are seen dispersed up and down in that plain, I could not discover 20. And long since, Ibn Almatoug in his book of the miracles of Egypt, reckons them to be but XVIII. There are in the West side not more famous buildings then the Pyramids, the number of them is XVIII: of these, there are three in that part which is opposite to Fostat (or 
e That Fostat, Metzr, & Cahira (or as we usually term it Cairo) are three dist●●ct names, as it were of one and the ●ame City, appears by the Geography Nubiensis, and Abu●feda in Arabic; though Abu●feda more particularly describes Alkahira to be on the North side of Fostat, and F●statio be seated upon the river Nilus.  Cairo.)   

In what manner the PYRAMIDS were built.  
WE had ended our discourse of the Pyramids, but that I found one scruple touched upon by Herodotus, Diodorus, and Pliny, which is worth the discussion, as a point of some concernment in architecture: and that is, in what manner these Pyramids were built, and with what art and contrivance the stones, especially those vast ones in the first, were conveied up. 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Herod. l. 2.  Herodotus who first raised the doubt, gives this solution. They carried up the rest of the stones with little engines made of wood, raising them from the ground upon the first row: when the stone was lodged upon this row, it was put into another engine, standing upon the first step, from thence it was conveied to the second row by another. For so many rows, and orders of steps, as there were, so many engines were there: or else they removed the engine which was one, and easy to be carried, to every particular row, as often as they moved a stone. We will relate that which is spoken of either part. Therefore those in the Pyramid were first made, which were the highest, then by degrees the rest, last of all those which are nearest to the ground, and are the lowest. The first part of this solution of Herodotus is full of difficulty. How in the erecting, and placing of so many machinae, charged with such massy stones, and those continually passing over the lower degrees, could it be avoided, but that they must either unsettle them, or endanger the breaking of some portions of them; which mutilations would have been like scars in the face of so magnificent a building? His second answer is the sounder; but I conceive the text to be imperfect. 
g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diodor. Bi●lio●h. Histor. lib▪ 1● Quaest●o●um ●umma est quanam ratione in ta●tam al itu●in●m subvecta sint cement●. Alii en●m nitto ac ●sa●e adagg●ra●●● cum crescente opere, ac peracto, flum●nis irrig●tione dil●●is: alii ●ateribu● è l●to fa●●●s extrustos pontes, peractò opere in privatas domos distributos. N●lum enim non putant rig●re potuisse multò humiliorem.  D●odorus hath another fancy: The stones (saith he) at a great distance of were prepared in Arabia: and they report that by the help of Aggeres (engines not being then invented) the work was erected. And that which begets the greatest admiration is, that so vast a structure was perfected in that place, which is all about replenished with sand where there appears not any relics, either of the aggeres, or of the hewing, and polishing of the stones. So that it seems not piecemeal by the industry of men, bu● altogether, and at once, the whole pile, as it were by some God, was erected in the midst of the sands. Some of the Egyptians relate wonders of it, and endeavour to obtrude I know not what fables; namely, that these aggeres consisting of salt, and nitre, were dissolved by letting in the river, which wholly consumed them without the labour of hands, leaving this structure (entire.) But the truth of the business is not so, but that those multitudes of men, which were employed in raising the agggeres▪ carried them away ●nto their former places. For as they report three hundred and sixty thousand men were employed in these offices, and the whole work was scarce finished in the space of twenty years. Pliny partly agrees with him, and partly gives another answer. The question is, by what means the cement was conveyed up to such a height (he rather might have questioned, how those vast stones were conveied up) some say that banks of nitre, and salt were made up, as the work risen, which being finished, they were washed away by the river (Nilus) Others imagine that bridges were made with brick: which, the work being ended, were distributed into private houses. For they conceive that the Nilus being much 
* Plin. l. 36 c. 12  lower, could not come to wash them (away.) If I may assume the liberty of a traveller, I imagine that they were erected, neither as Herodotus describes, nor as Diodorus reports, nor as Pliny relates: but that first they made a large, and spacious 
* Admitting this supposition we may easily apprehended, how those huge stones might by engines be raised in a perpendicular, as the work risen, with less difficulty, & expense, then either in a slope, or traverse line, upon banks of nitre, or bridges of brick, according to the traditions of Diodo●u●, and Pliny: both which must have been of a stupendious, and almost incredible height.  tower in the midst reaching to the top; to the sides of this tower, I conceive the rest of the building to have been applied, piece after piece, like so many buttresses, or supporters, still lessening in height, till at last they come to the lowermost degree. A difficult piece of building taken in the best, & easiest projection: And therefore it is no wonder, if it were not often imitated by the Ancients, and no where expressed, or commended, by the great master of Architecture Vitruvius. Yet surely if we judge of things by the events, and if we reflect upon the intention of monuments, which are raised by the living to perpetuate the memory of the dead, then is this as commendable a way as any. And therefore we see at Rome, that though by the revolution of so many ages the Mausoleum of Augustus be almost decayed, and the Septizonium of Severus be utterly lost, both intended for lasting & stately Sepulchers; yet the Pyramid of C. Caestius stands fair, and almost entire: which is no more to be compared, either for the vastness of the stones, or the whole bulk, and fabric of it, with these, then are the limbs, & body of a dwarf, to the dimensions of a giant, or some large colossus.  
I have done with the work, but the Artisans, deserve not to be pretermitted: concerning whom the observation of 
(a Diodor. Sic. l. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  Diodorus is as true, as it is boldly delivered by him. It is confessed, that these works (speaking of the Pyramids) far excel the rest in Egypt, not only in the massiness of the structures, and in the expenses, but also in the industry (and skill) of the Artificers. The Egyptians think, the architects are more to be admired then the Kings, who were at the expense. For they by their abilities, and study, these by their wealth received by inheritance, and by the labours of others erected them.   

The Conclusion,  
ANd thus much of the Sciography, or of the artificial, and architectonical part: I shall shut up all with one observation in nature for the recreation of the Reader, recited by Strabo in these words. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strab. l. 17. Geog.  We aught not to omit one of the strange things seen by us at the Pyramids. Some heaps of stone, being fragments hewn of lie before the Pyramids, among th●se are found little stones, some in the similitude, and bigness of lentils, some as of grains of barley, which appear half unscaled: they report these are some relics of the provisions, which were given to the workmen, and have been petrified: which seems probable enough.  
These, if there were ever any such, are either consumed by time, or scattered by the winds, or buried with those tempests of sand, to which the deserts are perpetually exposed: But Diodorus, who not long preceded him, was not so curious, as to deliver this relation. And were not Strabo a writer of much gravity, and judgement, I should suspect that these petrified grains (though I know such petrefactions to be no impossibility in nature. For I have seen at Venice the bones and flesh of a man, and the whole head entirely transmuted into stone: and at Rome clear conduit water, by long standing in aqueducts, hath been turned into perfect Alabaster) are like those loaves of bread, which are reported to be found by the read sea converted into stone, and by the inhabitants supposed to be some of the bread the Israelites left behind them, when they passed over for fear of Pharaoh. They are sold at Grand Cairo handsomely made up in the manner of the bread of these times, which is enough to discover the imposture. For the scripture makes them to have been unleavened cakes: 
* Exod. 12 39  and they baked unleavened cakes, of the dough which they brought forth out of Egypt. Or else Strabo's relation may be like the tradition of the rising of dead men's bones every 
a Sands in his travails writes, that they are seen to rise on Good-Friday. A Frenchman at Grand-Cairo, who had been present at the resurrection, shown me an arm, which he brought from thence: the flesh shrivelled, and dried like that of the mummies. He observed the miracle to have been always behind him▪ once casually looking back he dicovered some bones, carried privately by an Egyptian under his vest, whereby he understood the mystery.  year in Egypt: a thing superstitiously believed by the Christians: and by the Priests, either out of ignorance, or policy, maintained, as an argument of the resurrection. The possibility and truth of it, Metrophanes the Patriarch of Alexandria thought (but very illogically) might be proved our of the Prophet Easie. 
b Easie 66.24.  And they shall go forth, and look upon the carcaises of the men that have transgressed against me, for their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be quenched; and they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh.  
But I have digressed too fare. The confutation of these, and the description of the mummies, or of the rest of the Egyptian Sepulchers (for from thence comes the matter of this their supposed resurrection) and that infinite mass, and variety of hieroglyphics, which I have either seen there, or bought, or transcribed elsewhere, may be the 
* An argument intended by me, and for which I made a collection of several antiquities in my travails abroad; but these (and would only these!) have unfortunately perished at home amid he sad distractions of the time.  argument of another discourse.    
FINIS.