AN ACCOUNT Of the JESUITS LIFE AND DOCTRINE.  
By M. G.  
Printed in the Year. 1661.   

 bookplate   

THE PREFACE to the Reader.  
THough the Progress of affairs in our late revolutions might have made every one plainly perceive whence the distempers of our times proceeded; yet many will needs conceive, or pretend they conceive, that the Papists were occasion of all our disorders, and the Jesuits the Boutefeu's in the ruin of both King and Country, What misery the misinterpreting the Bible hath brought upon our Nation by a swarm of Sects, that Libels lay to Catholics, the only Religion that constantly, none excepted, followed the Royal party? Priests and Jesuits are said to be the cause of all those mischiefs, of which the whole World knows, Sectaries were the true Source: their restless Spirits never being content till having pried on both Crown and Mitre, at length they worried one another. Yet 'tis the stile of our times to lay all to the Papists, and no Man concludes with applause, but he that Perorat's against the Jesuits. Pamphlets are the Vulgar Oracles, and Libels the guide of those that pretended to believe nothing but Bible. It is a strange thing to see what Character is commonly given the Jesuits. Every Jesuit, say our Pamphlets and Pulpits too, hath a Pope in his belly, a Macchiavel in his head, Mercury's wings on his feet, and the Mysterious feather of Lucian's cocks tail in his hand. The Pope in his belly makes him still big with malice, still giving birth to some new mischief. Macchiavel in his head Orders all so dexterously as to make him out reach all the World. mercury's wings on his feet carry him from place to place, from Country to Country, and make him every where in a trice. The Cock's feather in his hand, opens all closerts and Coffers, and Secrets, and discovers to the Jesuit, the Want and Wealth of every one, that he may know where to place his labours with thrift. And if you ask, why the Jesuits are never discovered in these pranks, the Libels tell you it is because the Jesuits have Proteus' bodies, and transform themselves into all shapes; Now a Cobbler, now a Preacher, now a Tinker, now a Courtier, now a Peasan, now a Statesman, and what not? And this still with Gyges' ring on their finger, that they may never be seen but when they list. By this means it comes to pass, that the Jesuits can seldom or never be charged in particular with any misdemeanour; yet it is certain, credit posteri; that they are the only contrivers of all the mischiefs in the World. If the Covenant be in vogue none but Jesuits, and Jesuited Papists, resist it. If the same covenant be condemned to deserved flames, 'twas the Jesuits made it, no body else could have dreamt of so much malice. If the King be cried down in Pulpits and Tubs, for levying an unnatural war against his dutiful Subjects, (as our late Sovereign of glorious memory was) 'twas the Papists did all, and the Jesuits were the Incendiaries. If three Kingdom's groan under the Tyranny of Cromwell, there were 500 Jesuits in his Army. What more? Every crime is theirs. The Jesuits are to our Fabulous heads, what the Evil- Genius's or Pestiferous Gods were to old time,, when fictions made Deities. They are Presbyterians, and Episcopal Protestants, and Levellers, and Quakers, and what you will, provided it be (for that time) a name of disgrace. They have overthrown learning, destroyed Philosophy, poisoned States, corrupted manners, betrayed Kingdoms, subverted the Church, coufounded the Gospel, and as with the dregs of Pandora's box poured out more mischief on the World than all the Devils in Hell could ever have wished. Thus say the Libels: and why may not Libelers take the Liberty to speak as largely in Prose, as Poets do in verse, specially when they are backed from the Pulpits, and warmed with the zeal of the good old cause.  
But fair and softly: Is any thing of all this true? 'tis printed. Where? there be a thousand books in Paul's Churchyard that affirm all this, and more than this. And is that enough? How many books where there sold in that place, and all England over, in which his late Sacred Majesty was made the cause of all our misfortunes? How many against the Bishops? How many against his Royal Majesty that now reigneth? Nay who is there of any merit in England living or dead in our memory, whom Libels do not seek to defame? If it were enough to be accused, no body would be innocent: 'tis a trade now a days to write slanders for a livelihood, Many crimes are laid to the Jesuits, but the Jesuits deny them all. And whosoever will judge right must hear both sides, and then give his verdict. Till this be done an argument of the Jesuits innocency is, that they challenge their Adversaries to appear, and speak to the particulars, and proffer, that they will be content to be cast if they be proved nocent. On the contrary an argument of error in those that inveigh against the Jesuits is, that they make it their first care to disguise themselves, they speak behind the curtain, and rove in general propositions, crying out against all without being able to instance in any.  
I do not hope to stop the Torrent of Slandering tongues: the flood of a foul mouth is too impetuous to be ever dammed up in this World; yet I hope that I shall be able to vindicate the Society so far, as that, though fools still babble, yet wise men shall see they have no reason; and though malicious men still envy, yet all charitable Christians shall plainly perceive that the fault lies on their side that reprehend Virtue and carp at learning, and impugn that, which they do not, or will not understand.  
The means which I intent to take for to do this, is nothing else then to give a plain and true account of the Jesuits Life and Doctrine, and to set down clearly what is objected against the Jesuits, and what they answer for themselves.  
This I hope will satisfy: for I conceive it very true which Henry the 4th. King of France usually said; That to know the Jesuits, is enough for to make any body love them. I hope it may happen to those protestants that read this short treatise, as Adam Conizen relates that it happened to divers Ministers in Germany; who when they had bought the Constitutions and Rules of the Society at Franckfurt fair, (which had been taken in some College) they read them over with a great deal of eagerness, and after all pronounced this sentence of them; That there was nothing there that could be reprehended, save only the Roman Religion. And perhaps some will join with that great wit Sr. Francis Bacon, once Chancellor of England, who in his Advancement of Learning speaketh thus of the Jesuits. When I consider their pains and diligence, as well in the culture of learning as information of manners, the saying of Agesilaus towhing Pharnabarus comes into my mind. Talis cum sis utinam noster esses. But for the judgement I leave it to the Reader, my part shall only be to give a candid narration. And besides the love to truth which I have, I reflect that all those who during their long exile abroad with his Majesty, had acquaintance with the Jesuits, would disprove me if I should say any thing contrary to what they know and have seen of the Society. I shall therefore say nothing of them, but what I know to be true, and conceal nothing that I think may seem to give a full knowledge of the Jesuits, as far as can be comprised in a short treatise.  
I have not meddled with the English Jesuits, and scarce named them. The reason is, because I do not see anything of moment objected to them particularly. They have been always faithful at home, and dutiful abroad, as his Majesty hath been often graciously pleased to express. Though many have cried them down as the public Incendiaries, yet it is most manifest that never any one of them sided with the King's Enemies, but as far as they could by themselves and their friends they abbetted the Royal party. They were in his Majesty's Camp, where some of them lost their lives, others being taken, endured imprisonment, and other hardship. There is scarce one Jesuit in England who cannot reckon some of his nearest Relations that died for his Majesty, and none whose kindred and Friends were not ruined in their fortunes for the same quarrel. And all that depended on the Jesuits sided with his Majesty. Among these were some signal persons, as Sr. Henry Gage, Sr. John Smith, Sr. John Digby, who having been formerly Scholars of the Society, were actually when they died Penitents of the Jesuits. And Mr. Peter Wright, who was executed at Tyburn, was particularly maligned because he was Sir Henry Gage's Priest. As for Persons of prime Nobility, who lost great Estates, and endured much hardship for his Majesty, The late Duchess of Buckingham, the late marquis of Worcester, the late Earl of Shrewsbury, were Penitents of the Society, to say nothing of others. On the contrary the Rebels preached every where against the Jesuits, and wheresoever they took any of them, they imprisoned and executed them; so that I do not see any need to prove their Loyalty. Certainly if they had had any principles of Rebellion in their heart, they would in these public revolutions have showed them at one time or other. Yet though for loyalty I conceive them blameless, I will not say, but that happily the indiscretion of some may have deserved a censure: but I hope that the errors of a few, will not rise in judgement, and countervail the merits of a long tried fidelity in many. I confess I have heard some mutter something of the errors of some English Jesuits abroad, for which they feared all might smart. Yet where sins of blackest malice have found indulgence, I hope indiscretions will not be remembered. That Royal clemency that could indemnify Rebels, and bury in oblivion, unparrelled injuries done to his Father and himself, by perfidious and Sacrilegious Subjects, will doubtless be a Sanctuary to all that ask pardon for those errors which have been incurred without malice. This I say, on supposition that there may have been some errors which I know not of. We are all men, and as men we may err; we are also Christians, and as such we ought to pardon. It is with this mind that I desire the Reader to peruse this little tract, consulting still with reason and charity, both which ought to join in every Christian censure.  
I have nothing more to add; but only that whereas my mind doth give me, that some (that malice the Jesuits and would have them alone excluded from the privilege of free born Subjects, and barred from the public clemency) will endeavour an answer to what I have here said; all that I desire of them, is this, that they will be pleased to have a care to say nothing but what they can make good, as I do undertake for all that I have here writ. I do not flatter my weakness so, as to think I have said well, yet my conscience dictateth that I have said true. And in that sense I shall be willing to justify every thing that I have here said, and if perhaps (through humane frailty) I have erred in any thing, I shall humbly acknowledge it, and thank him that shall show me my error.   

An Account of the JESUITS Life and Doctrine.  

CAP. I. Of the Author and end of the Society of Jesus.  
IGnatius of Loyola, Founder of the Society of Jesus, born of a good Family in Biscay, being a Soldier in the Year 1521. received a dangerous Wound. Whilst he was under the Surgeon's hands in a long cure he chanced to read some good books: if notwithstanding we may call that a chance, which was by a special Providence of God ordained for his good, and the Salvation of many. For these Books inflamed his heart so with thoughts of Eternity, with the horror of Sin, with the example of Saints, with the love of God, that he was suddenly Metamorphosed into another Man, and resolved on a new life. Being therefore at length recovered, he set hand to work, and put in Execution what in his Infirmity he had projected. Instantly stripping himself of all the goods that formerly he enjoyed or hoped in this World; and quitting house and Home, in a poor beggarly Weed, he went to Manresa, where he was unknown to all the World. There in an Hospital, to which he had Voluntarily offered himself to tend the sick, he lead a most strict life, and made it his study to subdue himself as much as possibly he could. He went bare foot, and bare head, pitifully clad, and lodged on the cold ground. He prayed seven hours a day on his knees, used frequent mortifications of hair-shirts, chains, and disciplines. Except Sundays, he fasted every day; though even on the Sundays too, his diet was as bad as a fast, for he never eat any thing but what he begged of Alms, and of that the best he gave to the poor, and himself lived on the refuse which seemed not good enough to give to the beggars.  
All this he did for to surmount himself, and learn perfectly that lesson which Christ hath made the first for all those that in his School will study perfection, Si quis vult venire Post me abneget semetipsum, & tollat crucem suam quotidie, Luc. 9.23. He that will follow me, let him renounce himself and take up his Cross every day.  
Whilst he thus sacrificed himself in the fire of divine love, God, who is never behind hand with his servants, endowed his soul with many supernatural gifts, and illuminated him with abundance of celestial lights. As fast as he went out of himself, so fast he entered into the secret mysteries of God and Christ, in which as in a most perfect prototypon he saw the Idea of the Society which he was afterwards to found. His first thought by which he steered all his actions, and which seemed as a beacon for all the course of his life, was a profound knowledge of his end. In that divine light which God streamed upon him in his daily contemplations, he clearly saw how the infinite goodness of God according to his everlasting Counsels, in the beginning of time drew the whole world out of nothing, and created man for no other end then to love and serve his Lord and Creator in this life, and afterwards to enjoy him in perpetual eternities. From this thought he drew a resolution, to make this noble end of his the measure of all his actions, the first and last of all his thoughts, and the only aim of all his desires. To this his understanding, to this his memory, to this his will, to this his whole soul was so totally applied, that he was even absorbed in this thought of seeking his last end, that is his God. And as the love of God, is of all things imaginable the most active and most noble; he could not endure to bestow himself sparingly on God. His design therefore was to do whatsoever he could imagine to be most advantageous to forward him towards his end, and most to the increase of the honour and Glory of God. Hence proceeded that motto of his which was the first rule that he ever prefixed himself. Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam. To the greater Honour of God. By this motto or devise he intended two things. The first was that whensoever any thing came into deliberation, he was to choose, not that which was most for his ease, or profit, or honour, but that which consulting with reasons of Eternity, might appear most for the Honour and Glory of God. The other thing intended by him in this devise was, that he was to make account that he was never to rest in this World, never to think he had done enough, but still to increase and go on, ad majorem, to the greater and still greater glory of God, by every good action enflaming his desires to do yet better, and more for God's honour. So was this first thought of his (the knowledge of his end) like the Primum Mobile in the Heavens, the Superior Orb, which with his motion sets all the inferior Orbs a going; it was like the spring to the Watch of his Life, which being once well wound up, made all the Wheels of his several actions go well, and the Index of his good intention point right every moment of his life: it was like the Sun which gave Light, Vigour, and life, to all the Sphere of employments which he ever undertook.  
After than that he was well fixed and radicated in this first thought, and had made such resolutions as did flow from it; his next solicitude was by what means he should best compass this end in the perfectest manner that he could imagine, which might tend most to the glory of God. Here he reflected, that certainly the best way to find God, was to follow Christ, and the nearer he came to Christ, the nearer he judged himself to be to the design he had laid of consecrating all his life to God's greater glory. This than was his second thought, out of which he drew this resolution, to take Christ for his pattern, and mould all his actions on the example which he should see in Christ, whose Divinity and humanity were to be unto him the two Tables of the Law of the highest perfection. Meditating therefore daily on the life of Christ, he endeavoured always to copy out in action something of that which he saw in contemplation. The humility of Christ, the meekness, the modesty, the temperance, the mercy, the obedience, the fortitude, were all as so many lessons which he studied to get by heart. And in all he profited so well, that he left to posterity admirable examples, so that he may justly say with the Apostle, imitatores mei estote sicut ego Christi; Imitate you me as I have imitated Christ. But above all he observed and admired the immense charity of Christ, that could make him divest himself of his own glory, and undergo a painful life and death, for no other boon but the good of Souls. This he no sooner observed but that he resolved to join his labours with the labours of his Redeemer, and as far as humane frailty would give him leave to cooperate with Christ for the Salvation of Souls.  
Here were then the two Fundamental thoughts, which were like the two poles on which all the life of this great Saint was turned. The first he drew from the consideration of his Creation, the second from looking on his Redemption: the first inflamed him with a zeal of God's greater glory, the second shown him that this aim of God's great glory must determine in the imitation of Christ, and co-operating with him for the good of souls.  
Having then resolved on these two thoughts, and set them down as rules for his future life, there occurred to his mind two main difficulties. First he observed how very unfit he was to think of setting on the conversion of souls. He had been trained up from his Infancy in the Court, and the Camp, two schools where the Gospel is little thought on. Yet without a good understanding of the Gospel to be got with long study, he saw he could neither have authority with others, nor security for himself. The mysteries of faith are obscure and hard, and it were presumption to adventure to explicate those mysteries without having first learned them well; And he had not yet read his Accidents. What should he do? Being above thirty years old he gins the first rudiments with little children, and goeth on to the end of Divinity. Labour and constancy carried him through, that which no man would easily have ventured on, specially in the circumstances he was in. For having already made a resolution of voluntary poverty, he was forced to beg his bread from door to door, he continued still his servant prayer, and fast, and other mortifications, and oftentimes interrupted his studies with acts of Charity; yet at length with above ten years' labour he surmounted the difficulty, and got to such a pitch in learning as might give him both security in handling Divine mysteries and authority.  
The other difficulty in the enterprise of the conversion of souls, was greater, and not to be overcome by one Man. His zeal compassed all the universe, he desired to cooperate with Christ for the Salvation of Souls in all the quarters of the World, and if possible in all ages to come; but being alone he could not do this, he was confined to one place, and one life of a short and uncertain durance. Therefore he resolved to communicate his desires with such as God should inspire to join with him, and to erect an Order of Religious men, which should do that always, and every where, which alone, he could do but in one place, and for the date of only one life. With this thought he looked about for such as might be fit for his design, and whilst he was a Student at Paris he won to himself nine others, all men of eminent virtue and learning, among them one was Francis Xaverius. With these he laid the foundation of a Religious order which he would have named the Society of Jesus. The reason of this name was not any thing else, then that all his order should ever remember, that as they were by the grace of Christ Jesus called to this course of life, so they ought always to look on Jesus, and endeavour to conform themselves, as much as possibly might be, to the life of Jesus: this imitation being that which St. Ignatius had prefixed himself, as the best means to attain to his final end of God's greater Glory.  
After therefore that he and his Companions had given many singular proofs of their virtue, at length Pope Paul the third, in the year 1540 erected the society into a Relgious order, which he and his successors the subsequent Popes often confirmed and endowed with many privileges under the name of the society of Jesus. The end of this society may sufficiently appear out of what I have said, and it is see down by St. Ignatius in these words related in sum. Constit. Finis hujus societatis est non solum saluti & perfectioni propriarum animarum cum divina gratia vacare; sed cum eadem impense in salutem & perfectionem proximorum incumbere. The end of this society is not only to attend, with the divine grace, to the salvation and perfection of our own souls, but also with the same divine grace to labour earnestly for the salvation and perfection of our neighbour.  
This is the end of the society, which I suppose no body can in reason except against. For what more laudable then to endeavour Gods greater glory, and that in the Salvation of souls? It was this that God aimed at in the creation of this all, this Christ looked at in the whole course of his life, and in his precious death; this is the end of the Gospel, this man's sole good, without this nothing is good, and in this is all good. Sin and Damnation are the worst of evils which the Devil and those that cooperate with him lead men unto; on the contrary virtue and Salvation are the greatest Goods which Christ and those that join their labours with his do lead unto: Certainly, he that will complain of the Jesuits for consecrating their labours to the good and Salvation of their neighbours, must confess that he knoweth not what the name of virtue means; he must allow that he is an enemy of reason, and grant that he hath renounced his own nature, and under the shape of a Man is become a Wolf or Tiger, or even an incarnate Devil; there being none but the Devil that hareth the Salvation of mankind, and all those that endeavour to cooperate with Christ to that end.  
When I say, cooperate with Christ, no man must be scandalised as at an insolent term. It is a word ordinarily used by those who would express the nature and dignity of an Apostolical Vocation. So Richardus a S. Victore saith, Nescio an majus bonum possit homini a Deo conferri, quam ut per ejus obsequium alii consequantur salutem, si tamen Deo co-operentur ex charitate. I know not whether God bestow any thing greater on man, than that others by his means obtain Salvation, if notwithstanding he cooperate with God out of Charity. So also doth St. Dionyse express himself cap. 3. Caelest. Hierarchiae, in these words, Omnium Dominus est Dei co-operatorem fieri, it is the most divine work that man can do to cooperate with God; he speaketh of labouring for the good of Souls, and cireth those words of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 3. Dei adjutores sumus. We are the Coadjutours of Almighty God. S. Paul meant not that God needeth our help, but that he is pleased to use the help of men, and make one the instrument of the Salvation of others, which St. Dionyse calleth the most divine work that man can do; and Hugo de S. Victore, the greatest gift of God.  
All this I conceive maketh it clear, that no man can with reason reprehend the aim and end of the Society. It remaineth therefore that we see whether the Society useth convenient means to attain this end; for if the end be good, and the means to attain that end be also good, it will follow that the whole institute is good, and not only irreprehensible, but also laudable.   

CAP. II. By what means the Society endeavoureth to make their own fit Instruments for their end.  
TWO things therefore are to be treated of, for to show what means the Society useth for to compass her end. First how the subjects of the Society are trained up to be made fit Instruments for the Glory of God in the conversion of Souls. And secondly, when we have seen how they endeavour to perfect themselves, we are farther to observe, what it is they do for the good of their neighbour. The first of these two things we will do in this chapter, the second in the ensuing chapter.  
S. Ignatius then observed that all the miseries in which the Souls of men are involved spring chief from two fountains, ignorance, and vice. Ignorance like Ice freezeth up the Soul, and benumbeth it into a dull stupidity. And as Ice doth easily thaw into water, of which it is made, and water again easily freezeth into Ice; so ignorance easily dissolves into vice, and vice as easily congeals into ignorance and insensibility, specially of spiritual and supernatural things. It was ignorance therefore and vice, they were to war against, who would endeavour the cure of Souls; and in consequence to this they were to be armed with virtue and learning. Virtue was the chief; for without true and solid virtue, they could never hope that God would make them instruments of so high a work as the conversion of Souls: nor could they be fit to move others to virtue, unless their words were seconded by their works, and their exemplar life made good their Pulpit-discourses: it being most certain which the Golden Orator said, that the best Syllogism is the Preachers life. Yet though virtue were the chief agent, she was not to be engaged without learning for her second. For virtue without learning would not have authority enough to control malapert spirits, and might perhaps degenerate into zeal without discretion, and so with a good meaning lead to destruction. Both virtue therefore and learning were necessary for those who should make it their aim by rooting out vice and ignorance, to work the desired good of Souls.  
Now, how S. Ignatius did lay the foundations which might bring up all that should follow Christ in the Society to virtue and learning, we may see by what is set down in the Constitutions of the Society, and is daily practised by the Jesuits: As I shall now declare.  
In the Constitutions than the first care is, that none be admitted into the Society, who are not of such capacity and disposition that it may justly be hoped, that in process of time they will by God's grace arrive to such a proportion of learning and virtue, as to become fit to deal with their neighbour for the good of Souls. Upon this account divers are excluded not only for want of health or other abilities, but also for such impediments as may give ground to fear the event. For example, those who have been in the world notorious for heinous crimes or infamous lives are excluded the Society, unless they first blot out their ignomy by long and serious penance. Because it is not likely that they will have authority sufficient to handle the Gospel, who cannot be seen in the Pulpit, without memory of their disgrace. Others again are excluded, because of their violent and refractory natures, and uncouth dispositions; because, though their abilities promise very much, yet it cannot be hoped, that in the many and various actions in which the Society must employ them, they will keep a constant tenor of virtue, and never lash out into the exorbitances into which nature doth seem to precipitate them. Again, they who have deserted any religious Order of which they have once worn the habit, though but in their novitiate, are excluded the Society: their former inconstancy prognosticating a future danger.  
Now if any that hath no impediment demand to be admitted into the Society, he is asked whether any of the Society ever persuaded him to this vocation; and if it be found that any Jesuit persuaded him, than he is not admitted, but turned back to a new deliberation. For though it be not an ill act to persuade another, whom we judge fit, to any determinate good course of life, yet St. Ignatius desired that the Vocation of all that should ever be admitted into the Society, should proceed wholly from God, and not from man.  
These cautions are used in the admission of any to the Society. When once they are admitted they are, after a general confession of their passed life, trained up to a subduing of their passions, renouncing themselves, union with God, and a perfect indifference, that they may be ready to embrace any employment in any place where it shall seem most for the good of Souls to employ them, to the greater Glory of God. The time of their probation, which in other Orders is but one year, in the Society is of two years before their Studies, and one year more after their Studies are ended. In the first two years they are often told all the hardship they are to expect, shown the Rule, and accustomed to the mental and vocal player, examen, spiritual Lectures, and the mortifications which they are daily to practise during their whole life, that if they find not in themselves Strength and resolution to go on, they may go away in Peace, and take what other course they think best. But if they continue their good desires, and give satisfaction, then at the end of two years they are admitted to the ordinary vows of Religious orders, which are perpetual Poverty, Chastity and Obedience. The exercises in which the Novices are practised in, and tried by, are serving in Hospitals, tending the sick, waiting at Table, helping the Cook and other menial Officers, going in Pilgrimage, begging alms from door to door, and the like. All which, being humble actions, practise a Man in the mystery of himself, subdue pride and self love, and acquaint the Soul with the Cross of Christ. These actions St. Ignatius would have all tried in from the very beginning, and these all must, and all do daily practise in the Houses of the Society, none at all exempt, but such as sickness exempteth. This difference only there is betwixt Novices and Ancient Fathers; that the Novices have more time for humble exercises, as being to get good habits by frequent practice. The Ancient Fathers (unless the necessity of their Neighbour do otherwise require) are employed in these exercises only, so far as to keep up the primitive Vigour of humility, and withal, not to take up too much time from their studies or other employments. Yet all are practised all their life in humble actions, as sweeping the house, making their beds, serving at Table, and the like mean employments.  
I conceive that many when they read this will admire what it means. They have conceived Ideas of Jesuits so distant from these actions, that they will stand amazed, and either not believe that these things are true, or if they believe that I say true, (as I am certain that I do) they will despise the Jesuits for them; as deeming these actions far below them whom they conceive to be the great Masters of the World. But to these I answer that they know not the Grand secret of Christ's School. Perfection is an admirable Fabric, which reaches as high as Heaven, but unless it be built on a profound Renunciation of ones self, 'tis a Vanity, 'tis Hypocrisy, 'tis an empty shadow, a lie, not perfection. He that will follow me saith Christ, Mat. 16. must renounce himself. Easy words in reading, but in action the hardest in the World, as which contain the whole Enignia of Christian perfection, and all the wonders of Religion.  
If you will know the great mystery of Jesuitism, of which so much hath been falsely blazed in lying Pamphlets, I will tell it you in a word; The mystery of Jesuitism consisteth in making humble and able men. Here is the secret. These small actions, these contemptible actions, these despicable actions practised by Men of good parts, for no other reason then for to renounce themselves in imitation of Christ, are the great Engines which raise them to the height of Perfection. We may reckon many great Men of the Society of Jesus, who have done great things, and, carrying the Gospel to the bounds of the Earth, have converted many Nations: but where did they lay the foundation of their greatness? it was in exercising humility, in abnegation of themselves, in embracing the Cross of Christ which is the science of Saints; If this seem strange and unintelligible, I must confess that it is so indeed to those that seek Vanity and Worldly Wisdom. Quia abscondisti haec a sapientibus & prudentibus & revelasti ea Parvulis. Mat. 11.25. God hath hid these things from the wise, and sage of the World, revealed them to little ones.  
This practice therefore of renouncing ourselves, St. Ignatius would have the continual exercise of all his. And least humility through want of a sure guide might swarm from the true path of Charity, he ordained that all the exercises done in the time of Probation, and all the employments afterwards, should be squared out by obedience. By this Obedience every one, renouncing his own will and understanding, becomes capable of being employed, when, where, and how the Society shall judge fittest for the greater Honour of God. Furthermore because for the disposing of every one right, it is not enough that they be perfectly obedient, but it is also required that the Society do know every one; therefore doth St. Ignatius further order, that every one should entirely open his interior, and all the good and bad of his heart to his superior, that so every one may be guided and disposed of in the best manner.  
These are the chief means which the Society useth in order to attain Virtue. For the rest, their life, as to diet, Lodging, Apparel, is such as beseems poor Clergy Men: there being nothing of Superfluity allowed, and nothing denied that is necessary.  
As for fasts and other corporal austerities, there is nothing determined in the rule; only this, that every one shall use such penance, as his superior or Spiritual Father, considering his health and employments, shall judge most for his advancement in Spirit. How this point is practised in the Society we may judge by reading the acts of those eminent men, whose lives are writ. As for those that are living, this is true, that the number of those who by Labour and Austerity do notably impair their Health is very great, which argueth that they rather need a Bridle then a Spur. All this then the Society doth, in order to bring up her Subjects to Solid Virtue. There are yet two things more which do mainly conduce to conserve the whole body of the Society in Vigour.  
The first is the power of dismission; a thing which many carp at, yet which is extremely advantageous to conserve the society. St. Ignatius therefore reflecting, that in a great number of Men, though chosen with all the care, and educated with all the diligence that humane frailty can use, divers would in length of time, through weariness of labour, or want of fervour, or some of the innumerable tentations to which man's life is continually exposed, become not only useless to the Society, but also noxious, and perhaps scandalous too: reflecting on all this, I say, St. Ignatius did institute his order so, that the vows of Religion, which are made at the end of the two years' probation, should remain dispensable by the General of the Society. They therefore that in process of time are found by their own fault to become unfit to live in the Society, are dismissed and freed from their Vows, so that if they be not Priests (which usually none are till nine or ten years' experience had of them) they may marry, or take what worldly course they please. This they who are dismissed cannot complain of; for before they enter they are told of the condition which they undertake, and every half year during their Novice-ship, they are particularly asked, whether they understand this condition, and are contented with it. So they cannot complain, since that maxim is manifest, Scienti & volenti non fit injuria. On the other side it is extremely necessary for conserving the whole society entire to root out those weeds, which if they were let grow would over run the whole Garden of Religion: it is necessary to open a Vein and let out the ill blood, before the disease master the whole body; it is necessary to separate those whose contagion would like a plague infect all. Domestic disorder is the intestine Enemy of Religous Houses, and the bane that hath ruined all those holy communities, which from Fervent and Illustrious beginnings have at length ended in smoke and ashes. This disorder came not in on a sudden, but by little and little, now one, than another relaxed a little of their primitive fervour: Till at length the number of disorderly Persons overtopping the Virtuous, Discipline was laid aside and the rule neglected. This sad event the society endeavoureth to forestale, by cutting off the rotten members, before their number and Example corrupt the rest. I know many have objected against this Privilege of the society; but they have always been answered, and the power of dismission, as often confirmed, as it was questioned. In particular. Greg. 14. in his Bull of the Year 1591. saith, Eam (potestatem) ratam & intactam esse volumus, tanquam rem magni momenti, ad societatis puritatem & conservationem retinendam. We will have the power of dismission stand Valid, and untouched, as a thing of great concern, for the coservation, and purity of the Society. Nor can the Clergy or other Religious Orders complain of this: for in effect as many (not to say, more) are dismissed out of other Orders, proportionably great, as out of the society. As it was made appear in the seventh Congregation. This is the only difference, that when other Orders dismiss those who are incorrigible, and scandalous amongst them, they expel them with the burden of their Vows, and so they remain Apostatas all their Life. The society on the contrary taketh away that burden of their Vows, from all that are dismissed, if they be not professed. Now it very seldom happeneth that one who is professed in the society doth deserve expulsion. For none are professed in the society till many years (ordinarily it is at least 17 or 18 years) experience had of them; all which time if one both give and receive satisfaction, it is very extraordinary, that after so long experience, he should behave himself so as to deserve expulsion from a Religion, in which he hath spent so great a part of his age with content on all sides.  
By this means therefore of expulsion or dismission, the society endeavoureth to prevent the mischief which the imperfection of some might in time bring on all; choosing rather to part with those, from whom she cannot hope any good, than to use prisons or corporal chastisements. For such severities (though laudably used by other Communities) rather restrain the body than the mind, and oftener make men dissemble their malice, than change their manners.  
The other thing which in the Society will by the grace of God conserve the whole order in vigour, is, the great caution which is used to exclude all manner of ambition of honour and preferments. For all that are professed in the Society do make a vow, that they will never seek neither by direct or indirect means any superiorities, prelacies or dignities, nor ever admit of them when they are offered, unless they be commanded by those who can oblige them under sin. Furthermore they promise to detect any of the society whom they shall know to endeavour directly or indirectly to procure Honours or Dignities. And if any be ever found to have prevaricated in this kind, then is he made ignominious, and deprived of Voice Active and Passive.  
This Vow hath many Advantages for conserving of the true Spirit of the Society. For whereas honour is the most specious snare of the World, that enchants the mind with most powerful charms, and proves commonly the bane of greatest Wits, and persons the best qualified; this Vow excludeth all that mischief, by putting such a distance, or (to use the Scripture Phrase) so great a Chaos betwixt Men of the Society, and Honours, that they cannot arrive or aim at them without wading through Hell itself. It is laudable in other Orders to furnish the Church with so many worthy Prelates, as we see they daily do. Yet the Society feareth least by furnishing others, she should disfurnish herself; she feareth opening a Gate to honour, least by the same Gate she let in ambition, to the dishonour of the whole Order: she feareth least those whose virtue and learning do chief uphold the credit of the Order, and rigour of Discipline, might by this means be snatched from her: finally, she feareth least any when by humane frailty they should grow weary of labour, and relent in fervour, should relinquish their vocation, and sallies out by the fair Gate of honour, and under pretence of doing the Church public service, serve their own passion. On the contrary, she hopeth that those who really and hearty renounce all those dignities to which their many gallant parts seem to make a Bridge, may do the Church more service by continuing in the humility of their own vocation, and by contemning honour, than by accepting it.  
Thus then is honour bounded out of the Society with the strongest rampart that can be, that is by vow. To this we may add two other things which both aim at the exclusion of all ambition and conserving humility. The first is, that the Government of the Society is not by chapter and plurality of voices, which might cause factions, and foster ambition: But all Offices are given by the General, or if they be inferior Offices, by the Provincial: who being informed of the abilities of their several subjects, choose whom they think fittest, without acquainting any body with their design till the Election be past. The other is, that in the Society there is a perfect equality between all; no man for birth, or learning, or antiquity, or any thing else hath any advantage of place, diet, clothing, lodging, or the like. But all share alike, and take their turns in the meanest Offices, none being exempt. All this considered, I do not know how it is possible practically speaking to exclude ambition out of any Community, more than it is out of the Society.  
These be the chief means by which the Society endeavoureth to educate her subjects to virtue, and keep up the primitive vigour of the Order.  
Now for learning, which as I said in the beginning of this Chapter, was the second thing whereby men of the Society were to be made fit instruments for their end. The esteem which St. Ignatius made of learning, is sufficiently evidenced in the great labour he took himself in studies, as I have already showed. And in the Society he desired to wed Learning to Virtue, so strongly as that they should never be divorced. For this reason he ordered that none should be professed of four vows in the Society (which is the degree of those that are the chief) who had not got to such a pitch in Sciences, as that they were by sworn Examiner's judged able to teach Philosophy and Divinity with applause. Though notwithstanding, for avoiding of honours, he would not have the fathers of the Society take the title of Doctor, but where it should be necessary. For the studies of the Society this may be said in general, that they embrace no study by which they may not hope to become more serviceable to the Church for the good of their neighbour; and they refuse none, by which they may hope to become more serviceable. In particular they all are taught, first humanity, if they be not well entered before their admittance. Then they study Philosophy and Mathematics for three years. Lastly for the space of four years, they study their Divinity; and with that they hear a lesson of H. Scripture, and another of Hebrew in order to the better understanding of holy writ. These are their studies, wherein they continue at least seven years; during which time they are often practised in preaching, that they may get some facility, and that every one's talon may be seen. And to secure the exorbitance, which wits may easily fall into, the rule speaketh plain, that none must broach new opinions, or teach any thing which is not conformable to what the Catholic Church holdeth, and approved Authors teach. And of this even before their admittance they are warned, and not admitted unless they resolve to observe it. Which I take notice of, to show how groundless their cavils are who object Novel opinions and exotic Doctrine to the Society, whereas no such Doctrine either is or can be tolerated among them. After their studies they go to the third year of Probation where they endeavour by frequent Prayer and Meditation to attend wholly to the study and practise of solid Virtue, according to the end and institute of the Society, reassuming for that purpose the same experiments, wherewith they were tried in their first Probation or Novice-ship. And this is what the Society doth, for to make her own Subjects fit for those functions which they are afterwards to undertake for the good of their Neighbours.   

CAP. III. What they of the Society do in order to help their Neighbour, for the good of Souls.  
AFter that the Fathers of the Society have ended their studies and Probations, and now are by God's grace furnished with such Talents of learning and Virtue, as every one hath been able to arrive unto, the first thing that they are to expect is, to be prefently set on work, and kept in perpetual employment, that idleness which St. Ignatius calleth the Origin and root of all evil, otium malorum omnium origo, may have no place amongst them.  
Now their employments, which they undertake for their Neighbour, are various. The first (for I will begin from thence, according to the course of Man's age) is teaching the Catechism or Christian Doctrine. This employment St. Ignatius esteemed so much, that besides commending it with his own example even when he was General of the Society, he would also command it, and exact, that all that were professed of the Society should by a special Vow promise to God, to have a peculiar care of teaching the Catechism. Further he ordered, that all that were employed in the Government of the Society, should at the entrance of their office, Catechise the children and ignorant people, for a good number of days. As St. Ignatius in Europe, so St. Francis Xaverius in the East Indies, commendded this holy exercise, both by example and precept, as the most profitable, and which he used to call, His employment. He never let a day slip, when possible he could, without catechising: and he used to go about the streets, to call all the children, and servants, and slaves together to hear the Christian Doctrine. When he went to Japony, he left Gaspar Barraeus Superior of the Society in his place, and gave him this instruction, that he should himself personally Catechise, and not commit that charge to any else; whereas in other things he left him free to use the help of others when he should think fit. And in effect those Wonderful conversions of so many Nations as he became Apostle of, are the fruits of Catechism. Nor is it to be wondered that the Society sets so much by teaching the Catechism. 'Tis the Doctrine of Christ, that which the Son of God taught with word, with example, with Signs and Prodigies. 'Tis the way to eternal Life, and as they call it in the West Indies, the science of Heaven, the only knowledge necessary to Salvation. 'Tis the study which most imports the World; for those that now are children will within a few years be masters of all the World; if therefore they be well instructed now, you may hope of good plants good trees, and good fruit of good seed: on the contrary neglect these Children now, and you shall soon have an unruly, licentious and savage Nation.  
For these reasons and many others the society saith with Christ, Mark 10.14. Sinite parvulos venire ad me, let little ones come to me; and maketh this the first of her cares to instruct little ones, and ignorant people in the Christian Doctrine. With what success they perform this, I had rather you should hear from an Extern, then from one of the society. Laurence Beyerlinke, than a Canon of Antwerp, that died not very long since, a man of great Learning, as his books testify, writeth thus in Theat. vitae Humanae Tom. 2. lib. C. In our age, among all that profess Religion, those of the society of Jesus do with great diligence and great fruit apply themselves to catechising youth. If there were nothing else, this might make them commendable to all, that with so great zeal, and so exact a method, they do a thing so advantageous to the Church of God. It seemeth to be the proper function of the Jesuits to which they all set themselves, endeavouring so to form the minds of little ones, that they may suck Christian piety with their milk. By this means it happeneth that in the Towns where the society resides, you shall see the Children mannerly and devout, and able to discourse of those things, which in other places the elder are ignorant of. Nor do the Jesuits take this pains with the children of the rich only, but even with the poorest Tradesmen, even with almesmen, and beggars. All these they instruct whensoever on Festival days they can get them together. Nor do they stop within the Walls of Cities, but make excursions abroad to those Parishes where Pastors are wanting to their duty. According to the Apostle, they become all to all, and accommodate themselves to the manners of all, to teach all. In Antwerp alone you shall see sometimes thirty Fathers and more employed in this pious work.  
The next employment, following the course of man's age, is the teaching Humanity, that is, the Latin and Greek tongues in several Classes or Schools of Grammar, Syntax, Poetry, and Rhetoric. In these they endeavour to educate Youth to learning so, as all along to instill piety. This is a thing which the Society hath always practised from her first institution, and that (as Greg. 13. saith in his Bull Aedificandi,) by divine vocation. In every College of the Society, you have five or six Masters employed in teaching these lower schools. What labour and toil these men must devour you may easily guess if You reflect, what it is for a man that hath otherwise good talents, to consume his age with children. How many impertinencies must he strive with, that is content to be confined to the company of little one. He must spur on one, bridle another, bear with the rudeness of this, wink at the passion of that, control the malapertness of t'other, and study the humours of all, to win all to virtue and learning. A great labour, and if it were not undertaken for God's sake, I should call it intolerable. But since it doth advantage the good of Souls so much, it is embraced by all the Society with a great deal of fervour, without pretending any gain, or being capable of receiving any salary for their pains, but only what God hath laid up in the other World, for those that labour in his Vineyard. Twenty two Years Turcelline taught these lower schools, Cerda 30. and John Boniface 40 years together, and very many have and do spend all their days in teaching little children. The Society hath only the labour, others reap the fruit. In these schools are form those who afterwards become Religious in Cloisters, Preachers in Pulpits, Pastors in Churches, Captains in Armies, Judges in Courts. All the Cities wherein the Society is see this so well, that generally the chief motive why they desire Colleges is, that their children may be taught that piety and learning which may make them fit to manage greater affairs afterward. The number of their scholars as Contern guesseth was in the year 1618. one hundred and fifty thousand; another since hath counted them to be above two hundred thousand. Another in his book de Instit. Christ. pueritiae saith, that if the Society had been from the beginning founded for this alone, to teach youth, and did only this one thing, yet would this alone give the Society credit and splendour enough, and administer to them in teaching matter enough of of virtue, and to the whole World of profit.  
The third employment wherein the Society endeavoureth to help their neighbour is, (to go on in Doctrinal matters) teaching the higher schools, as Philosophy, Mathematics, and the several parts of Divinity, both positive and speculative. These studies commend themselves enough by their name and nature. For Mathematic besides the profit, is the pleasantest of all studies; Philosophy serves for nothing else then to strengthen reason, and discuss nature; Divinity is the bulwark of the Church and School of Faith. In these studies the Society laboureth to perfect men in the best part of nature (that is reason) and Christians in the knowledge of supernatural things; that they may be secure in the ways both of time and eternity. I need not say any thing of the success which the society hath had in these, and in their other studies. I will only use the words of Christ, John 10.38. Operibus credit, believe their works. Look on their innumerable learned works; look on the several sciences illustrated by them; look on the Catalogue of the books made by the Society in the first hundred years, which Catalogue makes a complete Tome; and let their works speak for them. I know some have carped at some of their works, but withal I know the repute which the Society hath got in all manner of learning is such, that I appeal to the judgement of their adversaries, and desire no commendation but what they do give them.  
The fourth employment is preaching and explicating holy Scripture in the Pulpit for the edification of the people. This is that function to which all other sciences serve; the end and term of all. By this they labour to spread the Gospel of Christ, and teach the way of perfection, not to little ones, and ignorant people, but to those who are, or should be grown up to a manhood in perfection. For the manner of preaching three things are set down in the first Tome of the Hist. of the Society l. 2. which from the beginning the preachers of the Society set themselves for inviolable precepts, according to which afterwards their rules were drawn. The first is that for the matter of their Sermons they should, omitting obscure and curious questions, insist chief on those things which contain Christian duty, to extirpate vice, and plant virtue. The second that they should never affect an empty verbal eloquence, nor study acquaint terms, but solid truths and eternal verities, which they should animate with a fervour expressed in their eyes, voice, countenance, and gesture. Lastly that remembering that those preachers were most efficacious who brought their own example for instance of what they said, they should live so, that their whole life might continually preach all that they taught in the pulpit. These are the rules of their Preachers, by observing which they have and do daily through God's grace work great effects.  
The fifth employment enters farther into the interior of men's souls. It consisteth in administering the Sacraments, specially of confession and communion. The frequenting these two Sacraments was the exercise of the primitive Church, as Coccius and divers learned authors prove. And for confession, besides those places wherein power is given to priests to absolve sins, we have Act. 19 v. 18. that many of the believers did come (to Paul and his companions) announcing their acts, or as the Syriack hath it, offensas suas, their offences. For the holy communion we have the express text of Acts 2.42. They were persevering in the communion of breaking of bread; which all antiquity ever understood, as likewise modern Authors do, of frequent communion. This was their practice, and whilst this practice lasted their fervour was such, as after ages have ever admired. But in success of time impiety so perverted men's minds, that they grew to love their sins and hate the remedies. Before the Society was instituted, as Florimond and divers authors tell, it was a disgrace to frequent the Sacraments; but St. Ignatius and his restored this Primitive custom of the Church. For this reason the Learned Cardinal Baronius, who had seen what was the practice of the World sometime before, and a long time after the Society was erected, used to call the Jesuits church at Rome, Anastasia, that is, Resurgens, Rising, because that in that place he said he seemed to see the Catholic church rise out of the Lethurgy of sin to a new vigour, by frequenting these two so wholesome sacraments. Indeed it is wonderful to see what strange concourse there is now a days in all catholic countries to these two Sacraments; churches are filled, and the confessors are fain to fit all the day long in their seats; and that not at Easter only, or once or twice a year, but upon all the great feasts. In particular it is remarkable how those days usually consecrated to debauchments, I mean Shrovetide, are now spent in Catholic countries. For where there is a College of the Society, there is always at that time a general communion, to which all are by precedent sermons invited. And they come so fast, that in great Towns they reckon the communicants by thousands. In some cities there have been counted twenty, in some thirty, in some forty thousand, that in one Shrovetide have received the holy Eucharist in the church of the society.  
The sixth employment is the giving the spiritual Exercise; which because it is almost unknown in England even to most catholics, I must explicate it. The spiritual exercise than is a retirement in which the Excercitant withdraws himself for some number of days from all communication with others, in order to attend to converse with God, and his own soul in prayer. In this retirement divers meditations are given and several instructions (accommodated by an experienced ghostly Father to every one) whereby the soul is lead to a knowledge of herself, a decestation of her sins, a love of God and imitation of Christ. That wherein these spiritual Exercises do most specially help the soul is, to make a good election, and settle well the future life of every one according to his own vocation. These spiritual exercises were compounded by St. Ignatius, and (which is wonderful) in the first year of his conversion. I may justly call them the chief secret of the Society, the fountain from whence they suck the Spirit of God, and the channel by which they derive the same Spirit into others. Ludovicus Strado of the holy Order of St. Bernard, had tried the spiritual exercises, and he called them Tyrocinium totius mundi, the Noviciate of all the world; because in them every one may learn to steer the whole course of his life to perfection, according to each ones several calling. And Augustine Carnajal, of the Order of St. Augustine, after having laboured in the West Indies, after having undergone with commendation divers Offices in Spain, after having visited the Monasteries of his Order in Italy, by the authority of his Holiness, at length in the Monastery of St. James in Bononia, made for the space of a month the spiritual Exercises in the year 1601, and he gave this testimony of them, That from the time he was first a Religious man he had always wished to find out a way by which he might walk strait to perfection, and that now at length in these spiritual Exercises he had found out that way. Lastly that great Master of Spirit, great preacher, and great contemplative Lewis of Granada, of the Order of St. Dominick, speaketh of these spiritual Exercises thus, So much spiritual Doctrine did I learn in those Exercises and Documents, that my whole life can not suffice to write what there God shown me. Thus do these great men speak: and this I may presume to add, that what skill soever the Society hath in helping souls, what dexterity soever they show in discretion of spirits, what zeal soever they burn with for the good of their neighbour, all that they own to these Exercises, which form in them the true Spirit of the Society, enlighten their minds, and inflame their hearts. It is not therefore without great reason that they retire themselves every year to make these Exercises, nor can they be condemned if they commend that to others which they find so beneficial to themselves. Many do retire themselves to the Colleges of the Society to make these spiritual exercises, and none ever repent himself of his pains; but all ever acknowledged, that the fruit which by this means redounds to their soul, is greater than they ever could expect, or can express.  
The seventh employment which the Society undertakes for the good of their neighbour is, to help in Hospitals, comfort the sick, relieve the poor, and imprisoned persons, first for their spiritual, then for their corporal assistance also. Those that know the Society and are acquainted with their Colleges and Houses, can tell you how assiduous the Jesuits are in these kinds of charities. If there be an Hospital in any Town where the Jesuits reside, they always depute some of their Colleges, to assist, the sick there; for to catechise and instruct them; for to administer the sacraments to them, for to beg alms if need require up and down the town for them; and when servants are wanting, for to tend the sick, sweep the chambers, make their beds, provide them necessaries. In like manner where there is a prison they go very often to comfort those poor souls, to encourage and assist them (if they be condemned) to a good christian death, or, if their crimes be not capital, to aid them in what they can, so to win them to serious repentance, and amendment of their life. As for other poor sick and distressed persons, they seek them up and down in their streets and houses, counting it a fault if any suffer whom they can relieve. This is yet more admirable, in the time of contagious Diseases and Plagues. Whensoever that happeneth in any place where the Society is, presently a proportionable number of Fathers are exposed for the assistance of the infected; these Fathers are chosen out of those who voluntarily offer themselves a sacrifice to God for the Good of their Neighbour. For it is the custom of the Society, that when there is any great occasion of a hard duty for the good of Souls, the Rector or Superior calleth all his Subjects together, and acquainting them with the urgent necessity, desireth them first to commend the matter to God, and then that those who find in themselves a desire to be exposed, and are ready to lay down their life for their Neighbour, should after a convenient deliberation acquaint him with their resolution. Out of those then that offer themselves the Superior chooseth whom he thinketh fit; and these commonly are very able men, for the Superior cannot think it fit to expose novices or imperfect persons to so great danger. This is what was practised in the beginning of the Society, and (thanks be to God) this practice is as much in vigour at this day as ever it was. None even of the enemies of the society can say, that in the towns where the Jesuits live, either prisons or Hospitals, or poor, or infected persons are neglected by them. Though notwithstanding this practice costs the Society the loss of many brave and gallant Men. In Gant in the year 1633 the Dutch College lost in four months ten, who successively exposed themselves to help the infected of the plague, all of them very able Men. At Berges near Dunkirk they lost five on the same account in three months. In the year 1649 in a contagious fever at Rome, besides divers others, the General of the Society F. Vincent Caraffa assisting the sick, contracted the disease and died.  
And to come home here in London, in the last great plague, three of the Society were exposed to the assistance of those that were infected. One of them was F. Henry Mors, who got the infection but recovered, and was afterward in the time of the long Parliament executed at Tyburn for a Priest and Jesuit. So God disposed that his charitable labours should at length be crowned with a glorious death.  
I conceive the Reader will be no little astonished at this Superlative charity. A charity so great that none would dare to command it, did not very Zealous Men Voluntarily offer it, and even beg to be admitted to it. To adventure one's life for to assist poor Miscreants that can not render you thanks, to run into loathsome prisons and stinking Hospitals, to attend Ulcerous and nasty sicknesses, to embrace those that have the plague, and all this for no other fee but only the conscience of doing a good work, pleasing to God, and profitable to our Neighbour, is a charity so transcendent, that I should fear that none would believe it, had I not all the Nations abroad for witnesses of what I say, and every Town wherein there is a College of the Society to attest the truth of it.  
The eighth employment which the Society undertaketh for their neighbour, is that which is called Mission. All that I have hitherto said is practised within the bosom of the Catholic church. This extendeth itself to the furthest bounds of the Earth, to Pagans and Heathens, and seeking ways to dilate the knowledge of Christ, undergoeth, besides all the labours already mentioned, a perpetual banishment from friends, from country, from all the comforts of life. These Missions were begun by S. Francis Xaverius, who, at the instance of John the Third King of Portugal, was sent into the East Indies. And admirable man, whose zeal surmounted the flames of the torrid zone, whose conquering mind overcame the untamed Ocean, whose vast charity was of a larger circumference than the whole universe. Danger was his delight, labour his solace, and death his prize. If I should tell you what he hath done for the church of of God I must name all the chief countries and towns of the East, for all of them he illustrated with the light of the Gospel. The Son doth not make so great a change in the World, when it draws it out of the shade wherein night had buried it, as this gallant soul did in all the East, which he drew out of the Egyptian darkness of infidelity to the admirable light of Christianity.  
After this great Apostles example many thousand of the Society have gone, and do daily go to spread the Gospel of Christ in all the Quarters of the World: To East, and West, India, China, Japony, Brasile, Paraquaria, Canada, Peru, Mexico, Chili, Abassia, Congo, Mauritania, Monomotapa, and in a word to the known Nations of the unknown World. So that the Society may without vanity say Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris?  
If the Society heareth of a way opened into any country of the World, where Christ is not known, presently they offer themselves to go thither. They know they are to pass through cruel and merciless seas, to more cruel and merciless Nations. They know they are to travers vast woods and deserts full of Lions and Tigers; to find out a people more savage than those Beasts. They know they are to climb over Mountains of Snow and Ice, to find out men colder than ice, all frozen in impiety; all this they know, and they weigh all the labour and danger they must endure, yet nothing can stop them. Never was there yet labour or danger found so great, but that the Society (through the assistance of God) found greater minds to encounter and overcome those labours and dangers, wheresoever the good of souls did require their help. This is a truth manifest to all this habitable World; there being no country known to Men, where the Society doth not labour for Christ. But all this is done with incredible pains. Weary journeys by sea and Land, perpetual drudgery, tedious sicknesses without comfort of Doctor or Physic, untimely, and many times violent death, are daily and hourly to be expected by those that will labour to instruct wild Men and Cannibals, and manure them to the Faith of Christ. And all these troubles and dangers are redoubled by the want of those comforts which Friends, and acquaintance, and kindred, and the civility and plenty of Europe afford. So that whosoever goeth into these Missions of the Society, must make account, that he leapeth into a furnace of perpetual tribulation, where he is never to cease labouring and enduring for Christ, till with his last breath he is sacrificed to Divine love. Yet such is the mercy of God, that the Society wanteth not men, who voluntarily embrace all this fatigue, and willingly offer themselves, and beg these Missions.  
These are then the employments of the Society, these their functions: for I omit the Naval and Camp missions, wherein the Society endeavoureth to assist seamen, and Soldiers; I omit their frequent endeavours to reconcile those that are at Enmity: I omit their industry in promoting of Plety by sodalities and other ways; all which may in some sort be guessed at, by what I have already said. To conclude then this chapter, I desire the Reader to reflect on one thing, which will much enhance the price of all these actions. It is that all this is done gratis. The Jesuits do not expect any reward, nor can they receive any stipend, or recompense for their pains in teaching, preaching, helping the sick, administering Sacraments, or any of the charitable functions which they embrace. But as they do frankly and freely, for the honour of God, whatsoever they can do for the good of their Neighbour, so they rely on the Providence of God who exciteth devout people to supply their necessity out of pure charity. This they do not do as condemning the Clergy and Religious, who take Tithes and Stipends for their spiritual functions justly, as the church alloweth them: but they desire to imitate as near as they can their Blessed Saviour, who though he lived on the alms, which devout people gave him, yet did freely and without thought of recompense, all that his eternal Father ordained him to do. By this means on the one side they avoid all semblance of Avarice and simony, and on the other side the people, whom lucre often times makes nigards to God, and strangers to the sacraments, are sooner won to do good, when they see it costs them nothing, but a good will, to make use of the societies labour in schools, in sermons, in sacraments, and the rest of their spiritual and charitable functions.   

CAP. IU. Whence it comes that the Society is still persecuted and calumnied by many.  
ONe would think that so many charitable actions, done purely for love, might deserve a reciprocal love: and that men who harass themselves with continual toil for the profit of others, should at least reap thanks for their pains, and find compassion in their travail, not indignation; comfort, not persecution. Yet on the contrary, of the society we may say as of the Primitive church, notum est nobis quia ubique contradicitur ei, we know that every where they are contradicted and persecuted. But this opposition is not so general as it is noised; if the adversaries of the Jesuits be many, their friends are also many, and they of the abler and better sort of people: as evidently appeareth by this, that though the Enemies of the society do all that they can possibly to overthrow them, yet notwithstanding the Jesuits are still maintained, and honoured wheresoever Catholic Religion is allowed.  
Three sorts of Men I observe in England to be adversaries of the society. The first and worst of all are some Catholics, who have such a tooth against the Jesuits that they cannot afford them one good word. These are unexcusable, for since they know the Catholic Church hath approved the institute of the society, and they take that Church for their infallible guide, they can have no colour for condemning the society. They do the society great wrong, but themselves far greater, (specially some of them whose quality is such that they ought to be more exemplar) for in effect, whilst they endeavour to disgrace the society they defame themselves. They must think their Auditors very ignorant in Christian duty, if they suppose them such as cannot reflect what sin detraction is. Some of these would seem Zealots, and they have something that might give them vogue enough, if envy and this spirit of detraction did not de-ingrate all the rest. These I would desire to meditate on that of St. John, Epist. 1. c. v. 20. Si quis dixerit, quoniam diligo Deum, & fratrem suum oderit, mendax est. If any body say, I love God, and yet hateth his Brother, he is a liar. Again I would desire them to reflect on the severe censures which they incur by speaking against the Institute of the Society, which is no less than Excommunication ipso facto; as appeareth by the Bull of Greg. 13. beginning Ascendente Domino, Dated 1584. Where he hath these words, Praecipimus in virtute sanctae obedientiae ac sub poenis excommunicationis latae sententiae, nec non inhabilitatis ad quaevis officia & beneficia saecularia, & quorumvis ordinum regularia, eo ipso absque alia declaratione incurrendis (quarum absolutionem nobis & successoribus nostris reservamus) ne quis cujuscunque status, gradus, & praeeminentiae existat dictae societatis institutum, aut constitutiones quovis disputandi vel etiam veritatis indagandae quaesito colore, direct vel indirecte impugnare vel eis contradicere audeat. We command in virtue of Holy Obedience, and under pain of excommunication latae sententiae, as also of inability to any office or benefice secular or regular, to be incurred without further declaration, and from which they cannot be absolved but by us or our successors, That no man of what state degree or eminence soever he be dare to impugn or contradict the Institute of the society or constitutions; either directly or indirectly under any colour of disputing or searching out of the truth.  
Another sort of men there are who hate the Jesuits becavise they will, never reflecting why; These are a malevolent sort of men, whose lavish tongues vent nothing but censures, their zeal is fury, their devotion mischief, their envious souls are never lodged at ease, but in the ruin of their Neighbours. Root and Branch. was the word wherewith they designed all the Papists long since to destruction. Cruel spirits, that could rejoice whilst they warmed themselves at the fire which consumed their King and Country: as though their Covenant had been made with death and destruction. Aristides was a gallant man, as most that ever Athens saw, a great Orator, and great Commander, and so upright in all his deal that he was surnamed the Just. Yet no virtue could give him security, nor screen him from envy. The people, instigated by certain hotspurs, would needs have him banished. To their Ostracism therefore they went to vote Aristides out of their Republic. Aristides went along with them, and whilst he was on the shoreside, looking on the fury of the people more merciless than the waves of the sea, one comes to him with a shell (for in shells they writ their sentence, which thence was called Ostracism) and desires him to write in it the word for banishing Aristides. Aristides smiling at the man, asked him friendly whether he knew Aristides; not I, quoth the man; And why then must he be banished! saith Aristides, what have you against him? He is just (saith the fellow) he is called Just, that name I hate, we are resolved, he shall be gone; pray writ: So Aristides writ as the man desired, and though not without indignation, yet was he glad to see that his crime was Justice. This furious sot was a picture of many mis-shaped souls that we have in England. They do not know what a Jesuit is, they cannot tell that ever they saw a Jesuit, they cannot name any one true crime committed by any Jesuit, yet they hate the very name, nor shall any persuade them to reason. I cannot hope much of these spirits, yet because I conceive many of them were misled by those incendiaries of our late intestine wars, who from the pulpits painted the King a Papist, the Pope a Monster, and the Jesuits his horns, I will not despair, but that now, when those Apostles of Hell are silenced, these men may be brought so far, as to resolve not to be enemies to the Jesuits till they can tell why, which is all I beg of them.  
A third sort of men there are who are adversaries of the society of Jesus, not out of malice, but prevented by a prejudicated opinion. These are, the rational Protestants. They have heard much against the Jesuits, and nothing for them. So they presume that the crimes objected, are by silence allowed. It is to these particularly that I consecrate this Treatise. And as I have showed them in the three precedent Chapters what is the end of the society, and what the means they use to perfect themselves and help their neighbours; so now I intent to show them whence it comes that the society is so much maligned; and in the following chapters I will answer the Objections made against the Society.  
The first and principal reason that occurreth to me is Gods eternal disposition, who, since all was (as the Apostle speaketh) wrapped up in sin, hath resolved to make use of the perverseness of the wicked for the trial of the good; and hath fixed this irrevocable decree, 2 ad Tim. 3.12. Omnes qui volunt pie vivere in Christo Jesus, persecutionem Patientur; all that will live piously in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution. So the Confessors, so the Martyrs, so the Apostles, so Christ himself found it. We must not therefore expect, that the Jesuits shall be more kindly used by the World then Christ and his Saints were. Si mundus vosodit, Scitote quia me priorem vobis odio habuit. If the world hate you, saith Christ, Joh. 15.18. to those that follow him, know that they bated me before you. They that carry the name of Jesus must not be ashamed to carry also the cross of Jesus. Nor must they expect, that for them, either God should change his Decrees, or the world its nature.  
'Tis the will of God, that the just should be persecuted, and 'tis the nature of the World to hate Justice. The plurality of Votes in this World always goes for pleasure and profit, against learning and virtue. 'Tis a wretchedness in men to do so, but it is an unspeakable secret of God's providence, to make use of this wretchedness of men, for to perfect his saints. This God did do with the primitive church, this he did with the Holy Orders of Saint Benedict, St. Dominick, St. Francis, and the rest, and this he doth with the society. And I take it for an argument of God's great goodwill to the society, that he is pleased to try them by adversity. This I am further convinced of, when I reflect, that all their persecutions have still ended to their advantage, which showeth the secret hand of God that directs all for their good, and makes it an argument of the Jesuits perfection that they thrive by persecution, as● did the primitive Church, to the astonishment of all the World. Surely there hath been enough done to exterpate the Jesuits out of England, and out of all the World, if God did not maintain them. But as long as God maintaineth them, persecution shall only perfect, not overthrow them.  
The second reason why the Jesuits have many adversaries I take from the nature of their functions. To teach and instruct others, is a thing very profitable, but not very pleasing. Reprehensions which masters must use are necessary, but odious, and many times children remember more what they suffered, than what they got in schools. In a hundred or two hundred thousand scholars, some will be uncapable of learning, others untoward and of no application: Yet these many times are of great birth, and prove leading men in towns, and cities, and armies. Now when it happeneth (as often it must do) that any of these are checked, and corrected, and perhaps (when they are incorrigible) expulsed the schools, there remains an adversary for the society, as great as any of these may chance to be in birth or dignity. All this on the Jesuits side is unavoidable, for if you will keep schools, you must keep order and discipline, and correct those that transgress. Nor on the other side must we wonder, that some without any offence prove ungrateful. Most men are so to God and to Christ; what if some be so to the Jesuits? What I have said of schools, is in proportion to be understood of the other employments of the society. A preacher must reprehend vice, he must speak home to his auditor. And how many are there so lewd, that they hate the commendation of chastity? how many so riotous that they cannot endure an invective against drinking? how many are nettled when they hear excess in apparel condemned? I know where it happened that a Bishop was ready to inform against a Jesuit, as having spoken treason, when he had preached against vanity in apparel. And the complaint had been carried to court, had not the chief Magistrates of the town, testified that the good Father had said nothing which might any ways touch upon the State, and further that they themselves had desired the Father to preach of that matter, as not being able to bear the expense which their Wives and Children put them to for their apparel. But reprehension is a touchy matter, and no wariness is enough to prevent complaints. In like manner a Confessarius must not flatter his penitent; he must urge restitution of goods and fame, he must be satisfied that the purpose of amendment is real, he must see the contrition be hearty and sincere. These are no pleasing actions, and many finding the Society more rigorous than they could wish, fling off, and call the Jesuits scrupulous, and Puritant-papists, though the Jesuits and the Puritans be antipodes in all their life and maxims.  
The third reason is the nature of humane frailty, considered as well in the Jesuits, as in those that oppose and calumny them. On the the Jesuits part, it is humane frailty that now and then some of them fall into errors and perhaps scandals too. This is the condition of man, that none can live quite blameless, and in a great number of never so perfect men, some will be imperfect. In so many hundred masters as daily teach schools in the Society, some will swerve from their rule, and either through indiscretion, or passion commit faults which may justly be censured. The like is of the other employments of preaching, catechising, missions, and the rest which I have numbered in the precedent chapter, all which being hard employments, and requiring a solid renunciation of ones self, for to be constantly performed well, it must be expected that some will falter, and having set their hand to the plough look back.  
Now whereas when any of these things happen, all prudent men, aught to compassionate humane infirmity, and by good counsel and advice endeavour to take away the fault, or at least the Scandal; for the most part it happeneth quite contrary, through the frailty (to call it not otherwise) of those that oppose the Society. If one Jesuit among a hundred have erred, presently they magnify the fault, and multiply it too, and clap it on all Jesuits, as a property of their vocation. For example if they see a Jesuit exceed in choler, presently these Calumniatours' comment on that fault, and first conclude that that man is haughty and proud, then that all Jesuits are arrogant and insufferable men: and so they set the calumny about, which runs through the whole nation, still growing by the way, till at length the multitude takes the noise for an argument, and rests fully convinced, every one being well contented to believe ill of others. This is what I have very often observed to have happened to the Jesuits: a little fault of one man's frailty, paraphrased by malevolent glossers, hath often made a great noise, and when the matter hath been sifted, the source of all has been at most a peccadilio, an oversight, a chance. Now if it happen that some Jesuit commit a great fault against the precepts of God or leave his vocation, presently that is rung out in a full peal, and all the Jesuits in the World, must be lashed by every man's tongue, for the fault which one committed, though all the rest were against the delinquent, and more sensible of his fault than they would be of any humane loss, or even of death itself. God be thanked such scandals happen but very seldom; and perhaps that's one reason why the faults of the Jesuits make so much noise, because they happen seldom. Howsoever the Jesuits have reason to relent this unjust proceeding of their adversaries, which is both unchristian and unrational: Unchristian because it is against all the rules of charity: unrational because very illogically these men draw a general conclusion out of particular premises. All lewd Women must not be concluded Saints, because St. Mary Magdalen was so, nor all the Apostles Traitors, because Judas was so. The Jesuits for the most part are virtuous and able men, if some times they err, they desire a charitable interpreter, not a sour Critic.  Veniam petimusque damusque vicissim. 
The fourth reason is the condition of the Jesuits life which on the one side is public in the view of all the World; and on the other side hath not that exterior rigour, which may bespeak veneration by a kind of looks of Virtue, or countenance of mortification, which takes the multitude that is not able to see into the inside of Virtues. Other religious orders are immured up in Cloisters, where if they commit any fault, it is covered in silence and solitude. A rough rigid habit gets reverence to some: perpetual fasts give fame to others: others are credited by great austerity. Others by daily begging of alms make their poverty and contempt of the World known and esteemed. All do laudably; nor do I cite their example to tax them, but to commend them, whom the Society looketh at as their elder brothers. All that I say is, that the Society hath none of those things which may serve for a sconce to others if they fall. A Jesuit that is a Master, or Preacher, or Missionant, cannot err, but that he must have as many Witnesses of his error as there are men that he dealeth with. The life and habit of a Jesuit, hath nothing that speaks Rigour: 'tis a common life, such as may beseem poor Clergy Men that are tied to continual labour: as it hath nothing of superfluity, so it wanteth nothing that is necessary. This the Vulgar understand not, but easily interpret amiss. I believe if I should describe the rigid life of the  Monks in perpetual silence, perpetual solitude, perpetual fast and praer, there would be found many hare-brained men who would presently cry, The Devil is in these men. And the same Men if they should be told all the Jesuits life, would presently cry, that They had an easy life, a merry life, always fall of Good cheer. These men may have the comfort that they are not the first Fools of the World: there were as very fools as they a long time ago. Christ our Saviour tells us so. Mat. 11.18. Venit Joannes neque manducans neque bibens & dicunt demonium habet; venit Filius hominis manducans & bibens, & dicunt ecce homo vorax & potator vini. John came neither eating nor drinking, that is, with extreme Rigour of fast, and they say of him he hath the Devil in him. On the other side. The Son of Man comes eating and drinking, that is leading a common life, not refusing a necessary diet, and they say he is a devourer and a Wine-bibber. So doth the multitude usually misinterpret virtue, and like ill Scholars always construe wrong. Nor is it only the multitude, some (for that must be said too) some I say, even among Priests and Religious men reprehend the life of the Society. They are startled to see the common life of the Jesuits, and like St. John's Disciples they ask. Math. 9.14. Quare nos & Pharisaei jejunamus frequenter, discipuli autem tui non jejundnt. Why do we and the Pharisees fast often, but your Disciples fast not? They have set themselves a method of life and a way of Rigour, which is laudable, but that which is not laudable, is, that when they see the Society go another way to perfection on different from theirs, they imagine they are out of the way. And which is yet less laudable they fall sometimes into open complaints, when they see that the Jesuits, (though there appear no extraordinary Rigour in their life to commend them to the opinion of the World) are notwithstanding in a high opinion for Virtue and Learning, and carry away the ball for conduct of Souls in most countries of Christendom. This doth easily gall those who are not solidly Virtuous: it makes them repine, to see that esteem, which they judge due to themselves, paid to others, in whom they acknowledge so little merit.  
Yet this must be borne pationtly by the Jesuits: nor must they change their institute because of wicked eyes that look on: they must not overload their Subjects who are wearied with their daily employments, for the judgement of other men. Wise Men see, (notwithstanding the murmur of some) that there are very few Orders in the church of God more strict, and bound to greater hardship than the society. Nor doth it import much, whether the mortification be in the brain, or on the back: the former is least seen, but most felt. And whosoever will look on the employments of the Society will easily find, that they import as much pain and mortification, as any rule can easily do. Besides, the rule of the Society obligeth, that every one shall use such mortifications, as, his employment and health considered, his Superior or Ghostly Father shall think fit to allow him. In consequence to which rule I conceive the voluntary mortifications used in the Society may compare with most, and transcend many of the exactest observance. But they do not appear, and so those who measure all by the outside, easily judge wrong.  
These are then, as far as I can conceive, the fountains and sources of the animosity that divers have against the society. Now let us proceed to see what it is that is objected against the Society, and what is their answer.   

CAP. V The Objections made against the society of Jesus, which concern their life and Institute.  
TWO things I desire to advertise the Reader of, before I enter on the particular Objections. The one is that I shall deal sincerely and plainly in setting down the objections and answers (as far as I know them) without dissembling, or publishing any thing; my intent being wholly bend on this to declare the truth, of which every one may judge as they see reason. The second thing is, that when in the answer to these objections, I do clear (as I conceive I shall) the Society, my meaning is not to say that never any man of the Society erred in those points, no, that is not my meaning, nor would it be true: I have already showed in the former chapter that one of the causes which gives rise to the calumnies made against the Society, is the frailty of particular Jesuits, from which I never intent to exempt them. But to show that the society is blameless, is to show that their Rule and Institute, which in effect is vigorously looked into, forbids those faults, and fenceth them out, and prevents them, and punisheth them severely when they are found, which is all that humane frailty can do. All this every judicious man will allow: and so I come to the Objections, and first to those which are the most vulgar.  
The first objection then, which table talk lays to the Jesuits is, that they are crafty. I answer that if by craft it be meant that the Jesuits are not fools, not imprudent men, not headlong zealots, I hope it is all very true. The Jesuits have a very prudent Government, like to Monarchical mixed with Aristocracy. All depend on one, but one that hath his laws fixed, and is bound to hear counsel in every occurrent of moment, and may be called to account. Besides the Jesuits do not easily admit any amongst them but such as they hope may in time prove virtuous and able men. Further they set the highest esteem, after virtue, on learning. And to secure the actions of all, every office and employment amongst them hath set rules, made with long deliberation and experience. Finally no Jesuit is allowed to follow his own dictamen, but all are regulated by the advice of Superiors, Masters, and Ghostly Fathers. All this gives the Jesuits much advantage and dexterity in action, and will effect, that (with God's blessing) their endeavours will succeed, which is that which prudence aimeth at. But if by craft is meant as the word sounds (specially in an objection) a practice of compassing their ends by wiles and tricks, or an endeavour to overreach others by undue means, it is very false and very far from the Jesuits. This may appear first by looking on the end of the Society described in the first chapter. Did ever any man go about to cheat another, for his good that was cheated? Yet the end of the Society is the good of their neighbour. Next the means the Society useth to compass this end, are teaching, preaching, catechising, and the rest numbered in the third chapter; All which are no actions of cheating or cozenage: and besides, they are done by the Jesuits frankly and freely, without hoping or admitting any salary or reward. Do men, think you, use to take great pains in tricks and double dealing for no advantage of their own? Lastly all the Kings and Princes and their Counsels, all the Cities and Nations that hold the society in esteem, confute this objection. For they all judge the Jesuits prudent men. Men of solid Virtue and Learning: and on that account they trust the Jesuits with their dearest pledges, their children, and their consciences. Now if this Objection were true, all those must be concluded to be of very weak judgement, that have been so long gulled, taking that for prudence, which is but craft, for virtue which is vice, for honesty which is a cheat. But the ignorant, seeing that God usually blesseth the endeavours of the Society, taketh that for craft, which is done by the rules of true prudence.  
The second objection is, that the Jesuits are rich. This is another of those Objections which in the tongues and ears of inconsiderate people makes a great noise to cry down the Jesuits. I answer. Suppose this were true, and that the Jesuits were indeed rich and very rich; yet 'tis no crime to be rich, but to use riches ill is the fault. Bishops are Rich, Canons are rich, Monasteries of Monks are rich, and no body complains: nay all good men are glad to see wealth in their hands who will use it well for the honour of God: it was for this reason that the piety of our Ancestors was so bountiful to Churches and Monasteries, because they thought their riches best placed where they might be best used for the glory of God. And what then if the Jesuits were rich? Yet 'tis not so: They are actually poor, and very poor: they are not so well furnished as commonly the poorest of all the Clengy. The whole annual rent of a College, which keepeth about twenty Jesuits to teach and preach, is not usually so great, as what oftentimes one Canon possesseth. All the Colleges in a Province (Flanders for example) are not worth the Revenues of one Monastery. I can assure you this, that there are but few Colleges so well rent in all Europe, as to have yearly twenty pound a Man for every Religious person that they maintain. Yet out of this twenty pound a Man, is to be defalked the expenses of the Church, the expenses of the Fabric, the expenses of Strangers; either of the society, who come that way, or of secular Men, who upon occasions retire themselves to the Colleges for to make the spiritual exercise. All which expenses deducted, the remainder is not so great, but that in effect the Fathers need daily alms for to buy their bread, almost in all the Colleges of Europe.  
But that which Malevolent men lay hold of to make ignorant people believe the Jesuits are rich is, that they see the Jesuits Churches splendid, and richly furnished, and their schools and halls for public exercises magnificently built. This they take for riches, and they do not consider, that these works argue the devotion and magnificence of the Founders, not the riches of the Jesuits. Churches are great for the concourse of many that there serve God; and schools are large to receive many Scholars. 'Tis the good of the Town that good schools be built: it maketh not the Master one penny the richer; nor is it any comfort to him to pass out of a large school, through a fair Hall built for public exercises of learning, to a poor garret, there to spend the rest of his time in Solitude, Silence, Prayer, and Study. An avaricious man cannot centre here, though a religious Spirit finds more solace in the bare walls of a narrow cell, then in the specious magnificence of stately buildings.  
Another reason why the Jesuits are commonly thought rich is, because generally every one of them is sufficiently provided of necessaries. Yet this proceedeth not from any other riches than the Treasure of charity. It is the rule and practise of the Society, that amongst them every one must be equally provided of necessaries, what is theirs is common to all. They have no Abbots who have their quota, a part for to keep State and public Hospitality, as some other Religious very laudably do. Their Rectours eat and drink no better than their Porters and Cooks do; all out of the same pot, and at the same Table. This equal division makes that their Alms and Revenues being equally shared amongst all, none abound, nor none want, or if they do? 'tis when all want. Believe not me in this, believe those that have lived (as many Gentlemen in England have done) in the seminaries and convicts of the Society, they can tell you that all Jesuits far and lodge alike, all are clad alike, all equally attended in health and sickness. There is no difference, save only the respect due to age and superiority.  
The third objection is, that the Jesuits are ambitious: but what are they ambitious of? If a hard mission be to be undergone, if Prisons and Hospitals be to be visited, if any be to be exposed to contagions, or pestilences, than (thanks be to God) the superiors find them all ambitious of such employments. But for Titles and Honours, they are so far from aspiring to them, that I think no community in the World can better plead Not guilty than they. All that are professed in the Society make this vow. Promitto nunquamme acturum vel praetensurum ne indirectè quidem, ut in aliquam praelationem, vel dignitatem eligar vel promovear. I promise that I will never procure or pretend (not so much as indirectly) to be chosen into any dignity or prelacy. This vow they make to exclude all ambition of dignities or preferments within the society. Now for other Titles out of the Society, as of Bishop or Cardinal and the like, they Vow thus: Promitto praeterea nunquam me curaturum praetensutumve extrasocietatem praelationem aliquam vel dignitatem, nec consensurum in mei electionem quantum in me fuerit, nisi coactum obedientiâ ejus qui mibi praecipere potest sub paenâ peccati. I promise besides that I will never procure or pretend unto any dignity or Prelacy out of the Society, and that as much as lieth in me, I will not consent to my Election, unless I be forced by obedience of him who can command me under pain of sin. If they who make this vow, and keep it most exactly (as the society hath ever done) must be called ambitious, what shall we say of those that desire and procure Dignities and Prelacies. I would fain see those that tax the society of ambition, lay their hands on their breast, and make the same vows which the Jesuits do. If they refuse that, and yet would not be judged ambitious, though they pretend (as they say) to prefer themselves by Legal ways, let them change their sentence, and give a milder censure of the society. Certainly the Jesuits have had many able men, who have been Confessors and Preachers to Kings, Princes, and Popes; and by that means they have had a fair door open to honour. Nay many times honours have been thrust upon them; but their resolution, and only their resolution to avoid all honours, hath kept them off. Some few of the Society have been raised to Ecclesiastical dignities, but it is known that they accepted not those dignities but by force, and so kept the rigour of their vow. All this makes it clear that this Objection is wholly groundless.  
The fourth objection; that the Jesuits are nice and lead a lazy and delicate life. This objection is answered in the end of the precedent chapter, and it needeth no further refutal, than the bare rehearsal of the employments wherein the Jesuits are busied. How can any man judge them lazy who embrace so many employments of such fatigue, for the public good? How can they be judged nice, who spend a great part of their life in schools, and never refuse to go to Hospitals and Prisons, and treat with beggars for the good of their souls? But the Jesuits have a decent habit, and by their rule have a great care of cleanliness, in their house, in their chamber, and Refectory, and above all in their Church; this they who will nickname all virtue call nicety: as the order they keep in their Schools, to avoid confusion, and ease their labour, they call Laziness; and with their good leave I call their whole objection sottishness.  
The fist Objection; Jesuits are dangerous men, because they meddle in intrigues of State, and thrust themselves into Court affairs. I answer that if ever any Jesuit doth do so, he transgresseth his rule, and committeth a grievous sin against an express precept of obedience; which is set down in these very words in their Constitutions, under the Title Censurae & Praecepta. In virtute sanctae obedientiae praecipitur nostris omnibus, ne quis publicis & saecularibus Principum negotiis, ulla ratione se immisceat, nec quantumvis per quoscunque requisitus aut rogatus, ejusmodi politicas res tractandas suscipiat. All ours are commanded in Virtue of Holy obedience, that none do any wise intermeddle in public and secular businesses of Princes, nor upon any entreaty or requiry do embrace such State affairs. Can there be more caution used then to forbid this under the highest penalty that can be, that is under mortal sin? for 'tis a mortal sin to transgress a precept. Truly when I have some times reflected on this precept, I have been so far from siding with the objection, that I have thought Sovereign's might justly except against this rigour. For it seems to me that by this precept Princes are excluded from making that use of their Subjects which otherwise they justly might. It may happen that a Jesuit may be as fit to be entrusted with public affairs of State, as other Church men are, whom we see often employed. Why may it not be as lawful for a King, if he so please, to use a Jesuit, as a Friar, a Monk, a Canon, a Bishop, (who is wedded to his Church) or a Cardinal? We have seen of all these men that have very fortunately managed State affairs. I see no other, solution, but that it is for the public good, that whilst some Churchmen laudably serve their Princes in this kind, others should (as the Jesuits do) avoid all actions of pomp and States matters. But happily this objection proceedeth from those that cannot distinguish betwixt Temporal and Spiritual. They see that in most Courts there are some Jesuits near the persons of the Princes and Sovereigns, and chief Courtiers: I mean those who are their Confessors or Preachers. This makes many cry out of the Jesuits as medlars in State affairs. They might as well say, that the Physicians are States men, because there is no Prince that hath not his Physician as well as his Confessor or Preacher. But the Physician, you will say, attendeth to his business; and I answer that the Jesuit also attendeth to his. And if either of them hear any thing of State matters, 'tis but what the Princes please to communicate, which is no crime, nor doth it make either of them States men.  
The sixth objection. The Jesuits cannot be trusted, because they reveal all secrets, even confessions, to their superiors. I answer first, that this objection, if it were true, would prove the former objection to be null; for if they reveal all, they are not fit to be Statesmen, whose first maxim ought to be secrecy. But it is false, as all those know who usually entrust the Jesuits with their conscience. England saw F. Garnet rather chose to die then to reveal a secret of confession. And besides this in all matters that require a natural secret, the Jesuits know their obligation as well as others. Nor doth their rule, or can their superior oblige them to reveal any thing in this kind. True it is, that the Jesuits among themselves, for the public good, give one another leave to reveal to the Superior the faults which they see in them. This is by public consent among themselves only for the good of all, and it reacheth not out of their own community, nor toucheth externes. And besides no Jesuit can undertake an employment, or go a journey without acquainting his superior, and having his leave. All this is for Domestic Order. But wheresoever any one openeth a secret to any Jesuit for counsel, or the good of his conscience, there the Jesuits observe the same rules of secrecy which other honest and religious men are bound unto.  
But because in this objection I have mentioned F. Garnet, I must say a word or two concerning him. The cause of his death, was that having in confession heard of the wicked design of some of those who were contrivers of the Gunpowder treason, he did not reveal it. Upon this he was condemned of treason. And truly I do not wonder that Protestants, who know not the Sacramet and seal of Confession, should cry out of him for it: but I wonder that some Catholics and Priests should lay that treason on the Jesuits doctrine. And for a full satisfaction I desire the judicious Protestant to consider three things. First of all. Father Garnet did nothing in that concealment, which every Priest in England and in all the World, will not say was the Duty of a Catholic Priest. Every Catholic knoweth, that a Priest cannot reveal any secret imparted to him in confession for any Good in the World. Christ hath commanded that secret should not be broke for any good imaginable. So Father Garnet did nothing but what all Priests will profess to be their duty. It was his chance to be in the case, but if any body else had been there, he would have done the same. I intent not to dispute why this secret is such, or whence it is proved, but only I say that all Catholics believe it to be such, and all Priests profess that they do and will ever keep the secret of confession in all things whatsoever. So that this cannot be laid to the Jesuits as their doctrine.  
Secondly, I desire the Protestant to reflect, that this secrecy though it be allowed, can bring no prejudice to any Sovereign or State, but may probably bring some good. For if this secrecy be not allowed, no body will ever reveal such wicked designs to any Ghostly Father. Whereas if upon confidence of secrecy, they do reveal it, the Ghostly Father may likely dissuade them, by showing them the enormity of the fact. Good counsel is a great preservative from sin: and nothing precipitates a man more headlong into desperate attempts than want of counsel. When a man consults only with his own passion and ruminates by himself his melancholy designs, the mischief takes still deeper root, which had it been vented would often have been dissipated. That wicked man who murdered King Henry the fourth of France, being asked why he did not reveal his temptation to some good Ghostly Father, answered, that he thought that if he had done so, the Ghostly Father must have revealed it. This error of his, as he professed at his examination made him smother this sin in confession. So he went on in his design, which very likely he had never done, if he had spoken plain, and revealed his temptation in the beginning. It is true F. Garnet did endeavour to dissuade those perfidious traitors, and could not effect it. Yet others have often hindered sinners from their wicked designs, by good counsel given in confession.  
The third thing which I desire the Protestant to consider is, that God, to clear F. Garnet from any treason, and show that he accepted his death as a Martyrdom, did honour him, with the wonderful imprinting of his picture on some of the straws on which his blood fell. This is writ by divers; the straws with the Picture in them were seen by many, and by K. James himself. And among others, I know a person of note, who was present, and had formerly known F. Garnet and saw the straws: He was a Protestant, and one who did not easily believe any miracles, but (as many do) laughed at them. Yet when I asked him whether he thought, that this could be natural? He answered that without doubt it was supernatural, and that it was impossible so plain a picture should be made by any art in so little a compass. All this I have said not to dispute the controversy concerning confession, or the fact of F. Garnet, but only to evince, that the Jesuits have no doctrine in this point, but what all Catholic Priests profess, and which, as I conceive, can prejudice no body. And certainly those Protestants, who did sometime in England practise confession, thought those that heard confessions amongst them to be obliged to keep secret all the sins, and temptations which any should reveal unto them in confession.  
The seventh objection, the Jesuits make a vow to the Pope, and therefore must be supposed not to be so loyal as others, being already tied to a foreign prince, and therefore but half Subjects. I answer that that vow is only in order to the propogation of the Gospel which can prejudice no body. So say the Constitutions of the Society, part. 5. c. 3. Tota intentio quarti hujus voti fuit & est circa Missiones, & sic intelligi oportet literas Apostolicas ubi de hac obedientia loquuntur All the intention of this fourth vow, was and is concerning Missions, and so the Apostolical letters are to be understood where they speak of this obedience. What the Missions are I explicated in the third Chapter. And surely no prince hath ever been prejudiced by this vow. Nor is it specially to be objected to the Jesuits that they have an obligation of obedience to the Pope; All Catholic Bishops take an oath to the Pope, nor doth any King or Prince suffer by that oath. And St. Francis the Seraphical Father promised for himself and all his Friar's Obedience to Pope Honorius the third and his successors, as Cordova saith, super. reg. c. 1. q. 3. circa finem. And Saint Bonaventure in Expositione reg. c. 1. calleth that promise a special vow, in these words, Etsi totus clerus & religiosorum universitas teneatur firmitèr Apostolico domino obedire, tamen huic debito votum adjecit speciale. Although all the Clergy and all religious orders be bound to obey the Pope, yet St. Francis would add a special vow to this Obligation. For my part I think that no man, who rightly considereth what the Vow importeth can be startled at it: nor can a vow to go to the Indies for good of souls, if I be sent, more offend my Sovereign, than a Vow of going on Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, or any other Vow. This showeth how vain a thing it is to object to the Jesuits their dependence of the Pope: whereas on the other side they depend of the Pope less than any of the clergy or religious men; speaking of that dependence, which may bias their affection or make them side with the Pope, since they cannot admit of those Ecclesiastical dignities, by which the Pope may oblige those who can accept them, and as we see daily do pursue them. What the Jesuits obligation is in refusing dignities, I have said in the third objection in this chapter, and I think no man can say that they ever infringed that vow.   

CAP. VI Objections made against the Jesuits Doctrine.  
AS the Jesuits Lives and form of Institute have found many Adversaries, so their Doctrine hath been opposed by many. Some as well Protestants as Catholics have impugned them by opposing reason to reason. These the Jesuits account their friends, and thank them for their pains. For to canvas doubtful matters, by sifting one another's sentence, helps to whet the wits on both sides. There is a friendly clashing in Schools, and a striking fire in dispute, which serves only to give light to obscure questions. This opposition the Jesuits use not only with others, but even among themselves, nor do they fear any breach of charity in this amicable enmity, which is for the profit of both parties.  
Another sort of adversaries oppose their Doctrine not by reasoning, but by railing, by clamours, by forging and falsying their books; as doth the author of the Provincial letters, who never had any care of speaking truth: and so his work hath been often condemned, and burnt by the hangman, as containing nothing but slanders. Indeed such adversaries deserve such entertainment: for this is not to impugn Authors, but to belly them. These, to say truth, deserve no answer; they should be whipped out of Schools, if they had their desert. Yet to satisfy others sometimes they must be answered who merit not so much as to be heard.  
From these adversaries not of learning but of truth proceed the objections against the Jesuits Doctrine which I intent to take notice of in this chapter. And their First objection is that the Jesuits teach the Doctrine of Equivocation and mental reservation, and therefore they can not be trusted. I answer that the Jesuits reach nothing in this matter which is not the common Doctrine of all Schools, and Universities none excepted. Nor do I see how it can be denied unless we will say that it is lawful to lie, as Statera morum doth for then we may infer as that book doth, pag. 172 that it is clear they are in an error who scorning the name of a , make use of Equivocation. But that Author will not find any of his opinion, nor doth he lessen but increase the difficulty. The sum therefore of the Doctrine concerning Equivocation is this: That it is always ill done to lie, but not always ill to conceal the truth by ambiguous speech, that is by Equivocation or mental reservation. When there is a just cause to conceal the truth, than it is lawful (say the Divines) to use ambiguous speech; on the contrary when there is not a just cause to conceal the truth than it is a sin to equivocate. Now when the cause to conceal the truth is just, or not, dependeth on the particular circumstance of every occurrence, for which there is no rule can be set. This is the Doctrine of Equivocation wherein the Society hath nothing particular, but teacheth that and only that in which both Catholic and Protestant Doctors agree. Among the Catholic Doctors that teach this are St Augustin, S. chrysostom, S. Ambrose, St. Thomas, and after him a torrent of School Divines. Among the Protestants are divers mentioned in the Protestants Apology: as Peter Martyr, Zuinglius, Willet, Melancton, Luther, Musculus, Wiclef, and divers others cited at length in the 7 section of the 3 Tract. under the Let. M. number 76. and in the 703. page of the Impression An. Dom. 1608. Though of the Authors there cited, some will not use the name of Equivocation or mental reservation, but call these doubtful speeches officious lies; which notwithstanding they say one is bound sometimes to use. So Luther there cited, saith of Rahab, and concludeth that there is an officious lie, by which men provide for the fame and safety of their Neighbour. Igitur honestum ac pium mendacium est, ac potius officum charitatis appellandum. And Osiander there cited, saith of the Calvinists thus, Hanc maximam sou regulam habent Calvinistae licere pro gloria Christi mentiri. The Calminists have this for a ground or Principle, that it is lawful to lie for the glory of Christ. Yet Catholics generally do not allow of lying, but (as many Protestants) of concealing the truth by Equivocation.  
Now that this Doctrine may, and must be sometimes allowed, examples will make manifest. I will instance in one. When his Majesty after Worcester fight was constrained to shelter himself in Boscobell, there was, as we all know, narrow search made after him. Among the rest one of the Pendrils, (those loyal Subjects, ever to be commended in all history) was asked where the King was. He answered that he knew not: meaning that he knew not for to tell them. He thought he might and ought in that case conceal the truth. And all the Jesuits in the World are of his opinion. He was bound there under pain of high Treason to Equivocate. And those that deny Equivocation to be lawful, let them say what they would have done? Sure I am, that if they would not in that case have used Equivocation or montal Reservation, they must have been either Liars or Traitors. The doctrine therefore of Equivocation teacheth only this, that when there is a just necessity of concealing the truth, than you may equivocate: but when there is not a just reason to conceal the truth, than it is a sin to Equivocate, because such equivocation containeth fraud and double dealing contrary to Christian Charity, and that candour and sincerity which is necessary for commerce among men. And in this the Jesuits are no ways singular, they teach but what all teach.  
The second Objection is that the Jesuits teach that horrid maxim. Fides non est servanda haereticis. Faith is not to be kept to Heretics. I answer that, that maxim is point blank against the doctrine of the Jesuits. Layman was a Jesuit: hear what he saith, lib. 2. Tract. c. 12. de Charitate. Tam. Jesuitae quam alii doctores Catholici aperte profitentur ac docent: fidom publicam haereticis datam inviolabiliter & sine ullo dispensationis aut absolutionis remedio servandam esse. As well Jesuits as all other Catholic Doctors openly profess and teach that public faith given to Heretics is inviolably to be kept without any remedy of dispensatirn or absolution. Coutzen was also a Jesuit: and he in his book called Desceptatio de secretis Societatis Jesus, maketh this profession in his own name, and in the name of all the Jesuits pag. 86. Nos docemus Haeretico, Judaeo, Gentili, Turcae, Rebelli subdito, fidem datam servandam esse, nec modo non aperte violandam sed nec ambiguâ fraud, nec aequivocatione eludendam. We teach that faith is to be kept, to Heretics, to Jews, to Gentiles, to Turks, to Rebellious Subjects: and this faith is not only not be openly broken, but also not be eluded with fraud or equivocation but strictly to be kept. This I hope will satisfy that that maxim is not the Jesuits.  
The third and main Objection against the Jesuits Doctrine is, that they maintain the Pope's authority in prejudice to Sovereignty, teaching that the Pope hath power to depose Kings. This is the Objection with which the Jesuits are every where cried down. And because it is so much made of by the adversaries of the society, I shall humbly entreat the Reader to give me leave to be a little more large in my answer. I say therefore as to matter of fact, for I mean not to meddle with the question otherwise, that the Jesuits never did at any time teach in this matter otherwise then what was the common doctrine of other Doctors in the Catholic Church, and for the present they are less chargeable with this Doctrine than any others. The first part of this assertion, I prove by the authority of Henry the great, our dear Sovereign's Grandfather, who (when this doctrine of the Pope's deposing Kings was objected against the Jesuits, as an argument why they ought to continue banished out of France) said to the Parliament these words, I am certain that in averring and defending the Pope's Authority they differ not from other Catholic Divines. This the French Stories aver, this the speech of that great King makes appear (as you may see in the speech itself which I have inserted in the next chapter) this the actions of the same King (if his words were not exstant) would make plain to all the world, for how can it be imagined that he who was in the account of all, a very wise man, should admit into his Kingdom men that held treasonable doctrine? How should he be possibly supposed so forgetful of his own good, and the safety of his own posterity, as that he should plead for men who were charged to hold doctrine prejudicial to Monarchy, without examining whether their accusation were true? No, no, he was not so weak, as to become the Orator, for his own ruin; He would never have made it his business to plead for the Jesuits and command their admission, nay further to take them into his familiar acquaintance, make them his confessors and build them Colleges, and bequeath his heart unto them, if he had not been fully satisfied, that their doctrine contained nothing singular to the prejudice of Sovereignty. I easily believe that those who have already calumnied the society in this matter, will endeavour some sleeveless answer to this authority of the words and actions of so great a King. But withal I confide that his Majesty will give more credit to the single assertion of his Grandfather, then to ten thousand detractions; and all wise men will join in his Majesty's opinion.  
But to go on and prove both first and second part of what I asserted. Nothing else need be said to make all my assertion evidently clear, but only to give a true historical account of what hath been done in this matter, which I will do sincerely and faithfully. The opinion then of the Pope's authority in deposing of princes was held by many religious and clergy men before any of the Society writ of it. For example there were ordinarily cited for this opinion of the renowned order of the Benedictines, Gregory the 7th. and other Abbots that joined with him (as Desiderius Abbot of Mont Cassin, and Anselmus Lucensis did) and Panormitanus etc. of the order of Saint Austive, Aegidius Romanus, Augustinus Triumphus, etc. of St. Dominicks order, St. Thomas, St. Anthoninus, Cajetan, etc. of the Franciscans, St. Bonaventure, Johannes de Capistrano, Pelagius Alvarius Alexander Alice, etc. of Carmelites, Waldensis and Bacon; of the Clergy very many Priests and Bishops and Cardinals, as Gerson Doctor of Paris, etc. Of Lawyers Bartolus and Baldus etc. These and many more were cited in schools for this Doctrine, which Barclay rightly calleth the common doctrine of both Canonists and Divines, though notwithstanding it is to be observed that none of these, nor no Catholic Divine ever gave the pope an Arbitrary power to depose at his list, as now some though very falsely presume; Their opinions were modifyed so that their books stood in esteem and were not thought to have deserved so ill at prince's hands as now some would make them seem. All which I do not sry to defend their opinions as good, but only as declaring matter of fact I say these and many more were cited in Schools for this doctrine; as a common opinion before the Society was in the World: as besides what I have said is manestly proved in the Oration which Cardinal Peron made to the 3. Estate in France.  
Whilst then this was the opinion of Schools, Beliarmine writ his controversies and in the matter de summo pontifice he taught this doctrine, and he took his arguments as he professeth himself in great part out of Sanders, a secular priest. After Bellarmine, partly to vindicate him, partly on other accounts four or five Jesuits more writ of the same matter, alleging authors, who had writ before them, and taking for the most part their reason out of former writers that stood in Libraries and were read without control in Schools: And this is that which Henry the fourth said, that he wassure Jesuits taught nothing in this matter which did differ from other Catholics. But it was not enough for the society to be as wary as others.  
Their doctrine therefore, after the death of Henry the fourth their great Protector, was highly contradicted, specially in France, and much noise there was. The Jesuits then seeing that this doctrine was Lapis offensionis, and bred disgust because they taught it, to take away all complaint of the society, resolved never to say more of that matter: so F. Claudius Aquavaria the fifth General of the Society made a prohibition concerning this matter on the 5th. of Jan. 1616. But because that prohibition seemed not efficacious enough, to prevent all inconveniences and give the World full satisfaction, Father Mutius Vitelleschi the sixth General of the society in the year 1626. on the thirteenth of August made a precept of obedience, by which all Jesuits are obliged under pain of damnation, never to write, dispute, teach or print, any thing concerning that matter. The precept is extant in an Epistle of Father Mutius, and from thence inserted as a perpetual precept into the 8th. Congregation in fine, it runneth thus, Ordinamus in virtute sanctae obedientiae ne quis in posterum materiam de potestate summi pontifieis super principes, eos deponendi, etc. tractet aut libris editis aut scriptis quibuscùnque nec publice disputet, aut doceat in seholis, ut occasiones omnes offensionis & querelarum praecidantur. This is the precept which hath now stood this 35 years, and never was infringed by any one; since the year 26 nothing hath been said of this question in schools, or sermons, or public discourses nothing hath been printed of it in the society. This care the society hath had to avoid all offensive questions. And truly I conceive it were much to be desired that all other Divines as well Protestants as Catholics were obliged in the same manner, to perpetual silence in these matters.  
But whilst the society hath used this caution, others have not done so. They taught it before the society was in the World, and some continue it still: All this makes me reflect on the proceeding of those who love to revile the society right or wrong, certainly if these men's zeal were for his Majesty's safety as they pretend, they would never have picked out the Jesuits amongst all others to blame for this doctrine: they would have endeavoured to have rooted it out where it is main tained, not where it is already silenced and banished the schools. They might have found Doctrine more capable of their invectives which concerneth our times and our Nation nearer. For example the Author of the Reflections on the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, telleth us, page the 67th. that in Spain Schools are connived at still in teaching this doctrine of the pope's temporal power. If this be true why doth he not cite these schools? are they Monks? are they Friars? are they Clergy men? for I am sure they are not Jesuits. But his resolution to make the Jesuits odious, will not give him leave to name any body else. Again whilst these men would banish all the Jesuits out of England, because some Jesuits did forty or fifty years ago teach that doctrine, why do they not cry out of such English men as lately have writ the same doctrine and more too.  
I will not cite them as not willing to propagate any of this kind of Doctrine, though it be but in a citation. But certainly they might have been taken notice of by any that did really intent rather to root out such kind of Doctrine then to impugn the Jesuits.  
The fourth Objection against the Jesuits Doctrine is that they teach the kill of Kings, though under the name of Tyrants. So Mariana a Spanish Jesuit teacheth, and therefore ha● his books burnt at Paris. I answer, that Mariana did in the year 1599 print a book entitled, De Rege et Regis institutione, which he dedicated to Philip the second King of Spain. In this book he did teach a doctrine, (after Dominicus Soto l. 5. de jure & Justicia q. 1. a. 3.) contrary to the judgement of the society, of killing, not Kings, but of Tyrants: which doctrine the society condemned and forbid, and the other Doctors of the society all unanimously impugned it. That you may know the truth, I must do as in the last Objection, that is, give you a narrative of the passage. When then the General of the society, Claudius Aquaviva understood that Mariana had put out an opinion of so dangerous consequence, he writ to the fathers of the society in France, who had acquainted him with the whole matter, in these words, as Father Coton sets them down in a Letter to the Queen Regent of France. We have been very sorry that no body percieved the fault, until the books were printed; the which notwithstanding we have presently commanded to be corrected, and will use great care hereafter that such things happen no more. This passed in the year 1606. four years before the Sorbon condemned Mariana's book, which was Anno Domini 1610. July. 4. According to this the General of the society did give order for the correcting that place, and suppressing the book till it were corrected; but some copies being abroad (before the error was known to the General) which the society would gladly have called in, the heirs of one called Weebel a Protestant, or as some French Authors call him, a Huguenot, printed it again at their own charges. And this for no other reason, as it may be presumed, but either lucre or malice to the society: After this the General sent a strict command to all of the society, as appeareth in Cong. 8. tit. Censurae, under pain of Excommunication, inability, and divers other penalties, prohibiting all of the society from writing, or teaching in private or public, or advising that it is lawful to kill Kings or Princes, or machine their death upon any pretence of Tyranny. And all the Authors of the society, excepting only Mariana, both before and since him, perpetually taught and teach the contrary; saying Anathema to all those that teach, or practise any such doctrine, condemned long since by the Council of Constance. This is what the society hath done to stop that book, and root out the opinion, which I conceive will clearly show, that this Doctrine is not reasonably laid to the society; Nor can it be Objected but by them who will have it, that the fault of any one of the society must like Original sin infect all for ever and unpardonably, to whom I can give no other answer, but that I wish them more wit, and less malice.  
But now, lest what I have said in these two last Objections may give the Reader occasion of Scandal, I have two things to Admonish him of.  
The first is, that I have said nothing but what I conceived precisely necessary to defend the innocency of the society, wrongfully impugned, and slandered by divers libels, and particularly by the Author of the Reflections upon the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, in his 9 Sect. I would confute the particulars, but I conceive on the one side, that which I have here writ is enough to make any body able to confute them, and on the otherside, the supposed Author of that work, having before those of his own Order, that could and did call him to account, renounced the work and disowned it; I esteem him not to deserve an answer. By what I have said it is clear that the society hath no particular Doctrine concerning the Pope's authority over Princes, but that they particularly are forbid the teaching of that opinion, which none else are known to be. And this I conceive answer enough for all that Authors false and malioious aspersions, of a party of temporal ends, & the rest of his uncharitable censures, for which I pray God to forgive him.  
The other thing that I would admenish particularly the Protestant Reader, in all love and charity is, that before he condemn the Catholics for the Doctrine which they have taught, he would turn his eyes a little towards his Own Church, where he shall find as dangerous Doctrine, not so say more dangerous. Luther, Zuinglius, Galvin, Beza, Knox, Goodman, and divers others have vented strange doctrine concerning Sovereignty. I will not cite their sentences, lest I may seem to exprobate: But this I say, as I do not censure any Protestant, because some have taught dangerous Doctrine, so I desire the Protestant will be as favourable to me, and not lay the blame of other men's actions or words on me. As for my part, I do sincerely make this Protestation as in the sight of God; I do acknowledge his Majesty CHARLES the II. to be my lawful Sovereign, and liege Lord, I believe that I am bound to respect, honour and obey him, and that not only for fear but also for conscience sake, as the Scriptures teach me. I do believe that whosoever resisteth him, resisteth God; and whosoever rebelleth against him, rebelleth against God, and procureth to himself damnation. And accordingly I do promise to be a true and faithful subject to his Majesty, and not only never to Act against him, or abett any that shall act against him, but also to defend and maintain, according to the best of my skill, his life, crown, dignities and prerogatives. If I refuse the oath of Allegiance, as now it is couched, it is not because I refuse Allegiance, but because I must not renounce my faith to God. That to take the oath, as now it lies, is to renounce the Catholic faith, I am taught by the example of all former Catholics in England, who though faithful to his Majesty, yet chose to lose their fortunes, liberty and life, rather than to take that Oath, for fear of violating their faith; I am taught so by the public voice of the Catholics and Priests now living, who all generally esteem, it cannot safely be taken; I am taught so by the general opinion of Protestants, who judge those that take that oath to be conformists, and no more Roman Catholics; Finally, I am taught so by the very title of the Act wherein this Oath was inserted when it was first made. Which is, an act for the discovering and repressing Popish. Recusants. All this maketh me judge it not safe in conscience to take the Oath as it lies, for fear of being perjured in that Oath wherein I desire to be most strictly bound to my Sovereign: But if it may so please his sacred Majesty, and the honourable houses of Parliament to make such an oath of Allegiance as may without trenching on conscience, contain all imaginable civil duty in the strongest expressions that can be conceived; I shall be exceeding glad, and most ready to take it myself, and invite all others to take it: Nor will I be my own Judge of the legality of any Oath; whatsoever all other priests and religious shall agree to, that I shall most willingly accept. This is my Protestation, to which I know all Jsuites in England will most willingly subscribe, for though they be slandered as making a party, and maintaining dangerous doctrine, yet they have no such doctrine, nor party, nor interest at Rome, but do willingly profess to join in whatsoever others shall agree.   

CAP. VII. The last Objection made against the Jesuits, from the Example of Venice and France.  
THe last Objection neither impugneth the Jesuits Doctrine, nor their lives, but argueth from the example of Venice and France, that banished the Jesuits. Truly if the argument of example may here take place, as I desire it should, the Jesuits will be in a very good condition; for the verdict of the greatest part of Christendom standeth for them. They can fetch examples from all quarters of the world; the Sun never sets nor rises, but upon some nation where Jesuits are highly made of. So that their adversaries urging this argument is but to give them the Queen to dilate themselves in reciting the public testimonies which Religious Orders, Universities, Cities, States, Kingdoms, Popes, Emperors, Princes, Nobles, and Commons have every where given them. But I will decline this, as having not undertaken to praise the Society, but to give a true notion of their lives and Doctrine. True it is, their adversaries are many, which gives them great occasion of practising virtue, according as it did to the Apostle, who said, 1 Cor. 16.9. Ostium mihi apertum est magnum & adversarii multi, a great door is opened to me and many adversaries. But there is main difference betwixt their Friends and their Adversaries. Their adversaries excel in number, but their Friends in quality. Their adversaries are for the most part enemies of either virtue or learning, or both, their friends persons of the best repute. Their adversaries act in private by Libels, in public by clamours and tumults. Their friends give them juridical testimonies, in the face of the world and public courts. Their adversaries are carried on by passion; their friends by reason. Their adversaries are moved by private disgusts and self ends; their friends act for the general good and common interest. All this I could prove by instancing in every particular several precedents in all the Nations of Europe, Africa, Asia, and both Indies, as far as the name of Christ is known. But I will not commend the society as not having undertaken that task: Only I say that there is no Nation under the cope of Heaven, where Catholic religion is tolerated, but that the Jesuits are also allowed, as well as other Priests.  
I come therefore to the Objection, and say that the examples of Venice and France, are no motives to make England banish the Jesuits, but rather arguments of the contrary. It is good to be wise at other men's cost. Venice and France have repent their acts; and surely he cannot be a good friend, and good counsellor, that advises England to do what other nations repent they have done, that is, exhorteth us to imitate other men's faults. The matter is plain; yet because nothing is too plain for them that will not see, and do besides endeavour to cast a mist before other men's eyes; Let's look at both the passages. And first for Venice.  
Spondanus then in the second Tome of his continuation of Annals, an. 1606 relateth how pope Paul the fifth, was offended with the Venetians. The cause of the disgust was, that the Senate had made some laws whereby they took to themselves power over the Clergy in punishing their crimes: as also they forbidden the giving of any immovable goods to pious uses, as to build any Churches or Hospitals in their State, without having first obtained leave of the Senate. Pope Paul admonished the Senate of this; they slighted his admonitions, and maintained that they did nothing but what they had just authority for. After several replies to and fro, the Venetians persisting in their opinion, the Pope proceeded to censures. He sends a Breve with the sentence of Excommunication and Inderdict to all the Bishops and Prelates of the state of Venice, with command that if the Senate did not satisfy within 24 days, than they should publish the Breve, whereby the Senators were to be Excommunicated, and the State interdicted. The Senate on the contrary sends to all the same Bishops and Prelates a countermand, not to publish the said Brief. Yet some Prelates obeying the Pope's authority, the brief waspublished when the time elapsed. And so the Duke and Senators were Excommunicate, and an interdict laid on the whole State. Many contemning the interdict celebrated divine offices; some obeyed it. Among these were the Jesuits and the Capuchins, and some others, for which they were at the instigation of one Friar Paul banished the state. The next year matters were compounded, the Senate took off their laws, and the pope his censures. All others were restored, but only the Jesuits whom Friar Paul particularly maliced. So the Jesuits remained out of that State (pope Paul and his successors for the public good, letting their cause fall) till pope Alexander that now sitteth. For this pope together with the Ambassador of the Emperor, Spain, France, and other princes, dealt with the Venetians to readmit the Jesuits. The Senate then looking back on what they had done, canceled their own Act, declared it null, and invited the Society their republic, restoring them all their houses and colleges with much honour.  
This is the story, which I think no man will take for an argument that the Jesuits are to be banished England. The occasion of their banishment was, the obeying the Pope's censure of Interdict and Excommunication, which King James doth not deny but that the Pope may inflict, as patriarch of the West. The event was, that the Venetian Senate retracted their sentence, and acknowledged the Jesuits innocence.  
Now for the story of France; it happened thus. In the year 1594 on the 27 of December, one John Catel, a persidius miscreant attempted on the life of H●●ry the Fourth, presently after his reception at Paris, in the closing of the long Civil wars of France. But by the blessing of God the Felon miss of his wicked design. For whereas the King was stooping to salute some of his Nobles, the wound light on his upper lip, and only struck out one of his teeth with much effusion of blood. Cattles being presently taken was racked, to confess his complices, and who had set him on. He never confessed any thing that might concern any Jesuit, neither in nor out of the torture. Yet the Calvinists and other enemies of the society would needs have it, that the mischief was of the Jesuits plotting, grounded on this only argument, that Cattles, though then a Student at law, had formerly studied his philosophy under the Jesuits. Presently therefore they runtimed to the College, seize on all th● Jesuits, search their house, and ransack their papers. Father Gueret was the Master under whom Catell had heard his philosophy, him therefore they tortured, but finding nothing by his Confession on the rack, or by any witness, they banished him for ever out of France. And whereas among the papers belonging to one Father Guignard, they found something which had been writ during the time of the Ligue, and it seems might be interpreted treason, they presently took him, condemned him, and hanged him. Then they made an act, saith Monsieur de Thou, Hist. lib. 132. without order of Judgement, without hearing the parties, as in a public sedition. Non servato juris ordine, neque partibus auditis ut in seditione & publica grassatione. They are the words of Harley the Precedent. In this Act Catel was condemned to death, and all the Jesuits of France (as far as it then obeyed Henry the fourth) sentenced to perpetual banishment, and their goods confiscated to pious uses; and further in the same sentence, it was made high treason for any to send their children out of France to study in th●● Jesuits schools. And that they might not seem to be severe only against the Jesuits, they banished for nine years the father of cattle a Merchant of cloth: his fault was, that whereas his son had acquainted him with his design of killing the King, he had not revealed it in time, nor used means to prevent it, though he did dissuade it. Finally the Parliament of Paris, to make the Jesuits eternally ignominious, erected a pillar in the place where Catels house had stood, with an inscription that might carry to future ages the infamy of Catels fact, attributed to the Jesuits. The pillar was erected, and the sentence executed in all the King's dominions, except only the Parliament of Tolouse and Bourdeaux, and the places depending on that Parliament. For the Parliament of Tolouse seeing the injustice of the proceeding commanded that no town or place belonging to their judicature should obey the Act made at Paris.  
All this is related by the Thou, Peter Mathien, Scipion Duepleix, Spondanus, and others. King Henry sat not yet fast enough in the saddle to contest with the Parliament of Paris. For though the Parliaments of France, be nothing like our Parliaments of England (ours being a representative of the Nation, with whom the King can make and unmake laws; theirs only a number of Lawyers in several courts of Judicature to take cognizance of particular cases and crimes) yet King Henry, thought not fit to scratch the wounds of France, not yet well healed, by offending them who had so lately been reconciled, and had during the Ligue droven a strong interest for the side they took. But as soon as the first storm was over he began by little and little to show his inclinations to the Society, hearing willingly those that spoke for them, and himself speaking favourably of them; till at length when things were ripe for a good issue he resolved to recall them. The Parliament of Paris, on the contrary, endeavoured might & main to oppose them, and to that end after many other endeavours, one of the Precedents, by name Harley, towards the end of the year 1603. made in a full assembly before the King a long and sharp invective against the Jesuits, all tending to this, that for the good of the King and Kingdom the Jesuits ought not to be recalled, but continue banished.  
When K. Henry had patiently heard him out, he was pleased to speak himself, and plead for the Society, retorting and answering all that Harley had said, so dextrously that all admired his vivacity of memory and judgement, and his strong nervous eloquence, which made him King not only of men, but of Eloquence also. I mean to set down his speech as it was printed in Latin first, then in English in the year 1611. I taking that to be an authentical copy. For whereas in the year 1610. the calumnies against the society grew very rife, by occasion of the untimely death of Henry the iv the friends of the Society thought it necessary to reprint the speech, (than fresh in the memory of many) and to join it with a declaration wherein the Bishop of Paris declared the Society's innocency and merits, and a Constitution of Lewis the XIII. by which the Society was confirmed in all the privileges granted by his father Henry IU. All these were put out together and translated into many languages to confute (as in effect they did) and silence the calumny of Henry iv death, of which the adversaries of the society had made many stories run in most of the languages of Europe. Out of this copy therefore I intent to take the speech. But because I have mentioned the death of Henry IU. I will say something of that story before I set down the speech.  
On the 14. day of May 1610 this great King was murdered in his coach by a perfidious villain named Francis Ravaillac, who being often examined and tortured, always protested that he was never induced by any man living to this fact; and further, that he had not communicated his design to any. Yet they who by Catels fact had triumphed over the society, and procured their banishment, (thinking now they had a good occasion to wreck their malice against the Jesuits in the nonage of their new King whom they could not hurt whilst the father lived) spreadmany libels against the Jesuits to make them seem guilty of that horrid Parricide.  
For this purpose they voiced that Ravaillac had learned his mischief out of Mariana, and some did not stick to say, that he had all Mariana without book: But he being examined was found not to know so much as Mariana's name, and besides he never understood latin. Howsoever that which might give some colour to the noise was, that the school of Sorbon renewed a decree which had been made in the yean 1413. wherein the doctrine of Killing Kings was condemned according to the Council of Constance. This decree was made the 4. of July 1610. And the Parliament of Paris soon after caused Mariana's book de Rege et institutione Regis, to be burnt, which all reflected on the Jesuits. Further the Parliament on the 26 of Novem. then following condemued the treatise of Cardinal Bellarmine against Barklay, de potestate summi pontificis in temporalibus, but the K. of France 4 days after issued a contrary decree, to cashier that Act of the Parliament, and publicly cleared the Jesuits of all suspicion of his father's death. The King being then in his minority was assisted by the Qu. Regent his Mother, the P. of Conde, the Count of Soissons, Princes of the blood, the D. of Mayenne, the L. Chancellor, the D. of Espernon, of Lacerdeene, of Bois, Dauphin, Marshal of France, etc. this made the father's innocency so manifest that none durst any further condemn them.  
All this I have mentioned for two reasons, the first is because I find that some English books take up the French slanders, and make much of the decree for condemning Bellarmine, whereas notwithstanding they might have taken notice that that decree was recalled and annulled by the King, Princes, and Council, and the Jesuits freed from the aspersion of the King's death, which without any the least appearance of probability was by mere calumny objected to them.  
2ly. I take notice of this decree because it will show what Judgement the reader make of some other decrees: he may guess by this whether that be not true which Spondanus saith ad annum 1626. numero secundo; where having taken notice of the strife of Sorbon concerning Santareles book, and the censures of it, he hath these words. Haec doctorum Sorbonicorum dissidia non aliunde procedebant, quam ex occultis schismatis seminibus, quae a multis fovebantur. These dissensions of the Sorbon Doctors did not proceed from any thing else, but from hidden seeds of Schism, which many did nourish. This he doth not say (nor do I) as though the book of Santarel were not justly condemned, since the King, as Spondamus there saith, signified to Sorbon that that book was already suppressed at Rome by the Pope, and disowned by all learned men, and therefore they needed not trouble themselves with giving their censures. But the violence 〈◊〉 ●hese Doctors proceeding 〈…〉 to inclinations bend to Schism. And he addeth how the Cardinal Rochefcault took occasion from these stirs of Sorbon (which was for a good part of that year 26 busied in Centures) to write a book which he dedicated to the King with this title Of conserving the unity of the Church. This unity, saith Spondanus, the Sorbons went about to tear in pieces, quam isti discerpere studebant, all which well weighed shows that the authorities which A. G. layeth as a foundation in his questions concerning the oath of Allegiance cannot be a guide for us. It is not safe to be lead by them who endeavour to tear in pieces the unity of the church, qui unitatem Ecclesiae discerpere student.  
But I have made a long diression, Now than I will give you the speech of that great King, and great Protector and Patron of the society. And with it I will end, for I know not where I can end better, then with the Oracle of that wise Monarch's judgement, which I hope for our dread Sovereign's sake, who is his Grandchild, and heir of his eminent perfections, will be welcome to all, and I am sure containeth a sum of all that needs be said in defence of the society; especially if we consider that his words were followed with such effects as the cancelling the act, the recalling the Jesuits into France, the founding many colleges (particularly that royal one of La Fleche) the giving his son to be educated by the society, and finally the bequeathing his heart to them.    

The Speech of Henry the iv King of France in behalf of the Jesuits.  
THe Nobility of the Court of Paris, and a great part of the Parliament being come to the King's palace, Harley one of the Precedents of the Parliament of Paris addressing himself to his Majesty, pronounced a studied invective against the Jesuits wherein he urged all that which the enemies of the society had premeditated. All his speech closed in this, that the society of Jesus ought not to be recalled into France, but continue banished. The King replied in this manner, 

1. THeicare you show of me and my Kingdom is grateful to me; albeit you seem not to have throughly weighed the things you demand, nor are you, as yet, so well acquainted with my thoughts, as I am with yours.  
2. You deem the weal of my Kingdom to consist in the proposition you have made; you tell me it is a matter that deserves to be most carefully deliberated. And I tell you, you have said nothing which I have not most carefully weighed, and most diligently examined by myself these eight or nine years.  
3. You take yourselves for men of great understandiag and experience in the Common wealth. Bat believe me I know as well as You all that hath been in controversy in this matter.  
4. First of all you object to the Fathers of the Society, the Assembly of Poissy; 
* The Clergy held an Assembly at Poissy an. 1561. in which the society was allowed of, and admitted though not fully.  but without cause. For if there had been at that place others like many of them, the Catholic cause would have had a more happy success. therefore that which you turn to their dispraise, any just Umpire will attribute to their virtue. But that which I most wonder at your judgements for is, that so preposterously you condemn the society of ambition, whereas the fathers of the society with a constant submission, have ever refused all honour & preferment, as well Ecclesiastical as Political: and which is more, they bind themselves by vow not only not to aspire to honours, but even to refuse the same when they are freely offered unto them. Consider their whole course of life, and you shall find that all their ambition is to labour for to help all, and that without any pretence of interest or gain. They value not the expenses of their own pains, so they may profit many.  
5. But you call into question the very name of the society of Jesus, and for that you tax them. But see with what reason. For if they must be blamed for that holy name, what shall we say for those Religious persons who take their name from the most blessed Trinity? And your daughters here at Paris; what will you think of them that call themselves Daughters of God? Finally how will you censure my Knights, who are called of the Holy Ghost? Truly I do not more dislike them that take their name from Christ, than any other.  
6. You object that the Divines of Sorbon condemned the Jesuits. I do not deny it. But they condemned them being innocent, unknown, and unheard. For this I call to witness, those very Divines themselves, who now admit them, whom their predecessors banished, and honour them whom they contemned; nay they praise now and extol those that were condemned, and stick not to take them for their directors, & Masters, in all kind of learning.  
7. You tell me the Jesuits have hitherto remained in France only by connivance. Here I acknowledge, and reverence the divine providence, that hath reserved this honour for me, not yet achieved by others, that I should establish in this Realm the society of Jesus, which hitherto hath had no settled abode in France. My Predecessors have received the society, I will Patronise and preserve them.  
8. Peradventure you will turn to the Jesuits discredit, that for which you ought to praise and honour them: The University of Paris earnestly and openly opposed them. And what, I pray, was the cause of this opposition? All was, that the Fathers did not only equal others in learning and industry, but also went far beyond them. A clear testimony of this is the great number of youth that frequented the father's schools, where together with learning they learned virtue. But to stop this opposition, I will make a Decree that the University of Paris shall no more oppose them. And this you will be glad of.  
9 But you will tell me, that the ablest of your Parliament got not their learning of the Jesuits. This I will not much gainsay. For the ablest of you, as they excel in learning so they exceed in years. These got their learning in foreign nations, before the society set foot in France. Others did not so, and so I am certain they think and speak otherwise. And what need they speak? the matter itself speaks. We ourselves saw how at the departure of the society out of France, all the muses seemed to departed. Our University was desert and mourned: those came seldom at it, who before daily in great numbers frequented the Fathers. Yea many departed the Realm, and forsook their country to study in the society's schools; nor could your Decrees or Threats stop them.  
10. You say the Fathers joined themselves to the Ligue, that is not to be imputed to their fault, but to the iniquity of the times. But this I persuade myself, upon the assurance I have of the integrity of their Consciences, that they will become such towards me, as it behoveth them, who mindful of benefits, desire to show themselves most grateful.  
11. Now some of you impose on the Fathers a new crime, and peradventure as yet unheard of, saying, that they draw to their order young men of the most forwardness and best dispositions. An unpardonable crime: yet I praise them and esteem them particularly for this that you condemn. Do not we, though in a different matter, do the self same? A Captain that is to raise Soldiers, does he not cull out the choicest, and leave the meanest and lest hopeful? In your Parliament, when you choose a new Court, or fill up an old, do you prefer the unlearnedst, and least apt for business? If the Jesuits should put unlearned Masters in their schools, or in their Churches ignorant Preachers, would you not with reason blame them? What offence is it that the Jesuits should provide the fittest they can, both for Church and Schools.  
12. That slander which concerns the Jesuits treasure, is as false as common. Go visit all the Colleges in France, search all their treasures, sum all together, and you will scarce find twelve, or at most fifteen thousand crowns. I know well how poor and slender furniture and provision was both at Lions and Bourge. Nevertheless 30 or 40 persons were to be fed in each of those colleges; whereas their yearly revenues was scarcely sufficient for eight Masters.  
13. The vow of obedience with which they tie themselves to the Pope doth not oblige them to be more faithful to externes, then to us. Neither is there in that Vow any thing contrary to the oath which they will swear unto me. They will attempt nothing (I am sure) against their Prince. That Vow to the Pope, bindeth them to go to barbarous and savage Nations that they may reduce them to the Catholic church. The whole world testifieth that the remotest regions of the Indies, together with infinite Heretics, have been by their pains and learned endeavours, brought to Christ's fold. I remember I have often said, that if the labour of Spanish Fathers be so profitable for Spain, why should not France with reason expect the same? Is that Kingdom more fortunate and flourishing then this? Spain is loved by the Spaniards, and why should the French hate their Native soil?  
14. But as you are wont to say, these men seek to be admitted into Provinces and Kingdoms what way soever they can. Pray you is this an offence? 'Tis the custom of all that follow the instinct of nature. I myself, by what means I could, sought to get my Crown. Howsoever we cannot but admire the Father's constant patience whereby they go through so great and hard matters, and bear so many and so heavy crosses.  
15. Neither do I Esteem them the worse, for that they be so observant of their Rules and Constitutions. This is that whereby the society doth increase, flourish and better itself every day more and more. For this reason I thought not good to change any of their Constitutions or Rules, though I have made some change in others, which was not approved of all. But that's no matter.  
16. The Fathers of the society have many back friends, among some that seem Holy and Religious persons, who speak ill of them. This no wise man will wonder at. Our age is not come to that sanctity, that ignorance should cease to hate learning, or corruption of manners leave to envy integrity of life. It was so in times past, and so 'tis still. These moths are always gnawing on learned works. No prosperity so circumspect, that can scape the tooth of malice, hatred and envy, always attend the highest things. I observed: when it was consulted about the recalling of the Jesuits into France, that two sorts of men did specially oppose themselves, Heretics, and lose living Churchmen: the one was moved thereunto by their bad faith, the other by their bad life. But I am so far from being hereby moved to alter my intended purpose, that I am more confirmed in my resolution.  
17. The Fathers of the society, speak and think honourably of the Pope, so they should, and so do I; I join with them, since I am certain that in averring and defending the Pope's authority, they differ not from other Catholic Divines.  
18. Neither did their Doctrine ever give occasion to Clergymen to deny me tribute. Nor is there any to be found whom these Father's words or books animated to killing of Kings. Whatsoever some have patched together to bring them to Discredit, is all a Fiction and mere Fable. Thirty Years and more are passed since the Fathers began to instruct the Youth of France both in Virtue and Learning. Of these some have gone through with all their studies in their Schools. Others have broke off, and applied themselves to Physic or Law. Tell me whether any of these ever learned of their Masters to lay hands upon Kings, and to kill them? I tell You the Fathers are so clear, that they are content to appeal even to their enemy's judgement. There are some Pulpit-Men among the Heretics, who were trained up in Father's Schools: ask these Men their judgement concerning the Jesuits lives and Doctrine: But whose cause is so good as to desire to be tried by Enemies? Yet I am sure in their case this has been done, The Ministers have been asked their judgement of the Jesuits: and they have given no other answer, but, That the Jesuits Lives cannot be Reprehended, and for their Doctrine, that it is in too clear a Sun for to be be questioned. Certes few can be found that will dare to stand to their Enemy's judgement, their security of conscience must needs be great, that fears not any Adversaries Verdict  
19 The Confession of Barriere, who attemted something against my person, doth not infringe that which I have said. For so far was any Jesuit from that fact (which you nevertheless affirm) that one of these Fathers of good credit advised me of it in time, and another of them dehorted and deterred Barriere from his attempt, proposing to him God's heavy Judgements due to such Malefactors.  
20. As for cattle, all imaginable torments, were not able to wrest the least word against, Varadius or any one Father of the Society. If this be not so why spared you the guilty? Why let you them go when you had them fast? why punished you them not according to your Law and Court?  
21. But to grant you that that never was; suppose some one of the society had attempted against my person. Will you condemn all the Apostles for one Judas? shall the punishment light on my head, for whatsoever any of my Soldiers shall trespass in military licence? I acknowledge the hand of God, whose will it was to have me pressed and humbled at that time; the same hand raised me and set me safe again. God's goodness and providence be thanked. I have learned to forget and forgive injuries for God's sake, as I willingly do for that King who is greater than myself. And now I will be so far from remembering injuries done unto me, or revenging the same, that I will daily offer up prayers to God for my enemies. All of us have need of God's mercy, which is no ways better to be obtained, then by promptly and readily pardoning those who have offended Us.    
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
Page 13 Dominus read Divinius, p. 19 mystery r. mastery, p. 22. World, revealed r. World and revealed, ibidem swarm, r. swarve, p. 24 yea, r. yet, p. 55 to the known, r. to all the known p. 72 to relent r. resent, p. 76 and carry away the ball; r. and seem to them to carry away the bell; p. 78 publishing, r. palliating; p. 134. the reader make, the reader may make.  
Some other faults there are of lesser note, and errors in the interpunctions which the Judicious Reader will easily correct.