GREGORII OPUSCULA: OR, NOTES & OBSERVATIONS UPON Some Passages of SCRIPTURE, With other Learned Tracts.  
WRITTEN BY JOHN GREGORY, M. A. and late Chaplain of Ch: Changed in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed for R. ROYSTON, at the Angel in Ivy-lane. 1650.   

NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS UPON SOME PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE.  
By I. G. late Master of Arts of Christ-Church OXON.  R. Hillel said, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Si non ego mihi, quis mihi? Et cum ego mihimet ipsi, quid ego? & si non modo, quando?  
The second Edition.  
LONDON, Printed by R. C. for Richard Roiston, dwelling in the Angel in Ivy-lane, MDCL.   

TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD BRIAN, Lord Bishop of Sarum, and Tutor to both their Highnesses, The most Illustrious CHARLES the Prince of Wales, and the most noble JAMES the Duke of York, my most Honoured Lord and Patron.  
Right Reverend Father in God,  
YOUR Lordship hath oftentimes called upon me to go out and show the people their Transgressions, and the House of Jacob their sins.  
Next to my own conscience I confess myself bound to give your Lordship satisfaction.  
To fall foul upon the degenerous and intractable nature of this people cannot answer you, for it doth not me.  
I do not say I am not eloquent and therefore that you would send by the hand of Him whom you should send. When I am indeed able for these thing, I doubt not so have Him with my mouth, because I mean to leave all myself out. There was never more provocations for all men to speak then now, when all the mischief that other ages did but imagine are practised by a Law, and in the mean time the dumb Asses are taught to forbid the madness of the Prophets.  
The Harvest is confessedly Great, but then the Labourers are not few. And if while so many are thus excellently employed about the rest of the Building, some one or other do as well as he can towards the making good of the Groundwork, I think he may be let alone at least. The hopes of the Superstruction●ly from the assurance of the Foundation. I shall give them leave to be Pillars. This I am sure is the Cornerstone, and I need not tell you how rejected, I mean it not of all, but of the Common Builders.  
If the Church be an Ark he that hath never so little to do with the Compass, though he sit still in his place, yet does as much or more than all the other necessary Noise in the Ship: the Comparison is quit of arrogance, for it holdeth in the design, it is not meant of the performance.  
The course I have run here is Labour too, and in the same Vineyard. And I trust myself for this, that my accounts will be as well passed above, if I reckon upon these pains, the pretence whereof though not so popular, yet is as substantially proficient towards the main Aedification.  
I have principally endeavoured to redeem my Reader from that slavery, by which I have so long sat down myself, in not printing (so near as I could I have not) the same things over again.  
I am sure I have set down nothing but what I believe, if more sometimes than I well understood, I have company enough, and the acknowledgement of an error is more ease to me, than the committing of it was.  
Why I should make these addresses to your Lordship there is all the reason in the world; what have I but what I have received from you? and that which is, would be Nothing of itself. Rays of incidency contract no warmth upon the Earth, unless reflected back upon their original Sun.  
My Lord, As once the Sons of the Prophets said unto the Man of God, Behold now the place where we dwell is too strait for us. We are humbly expecting the last course of that judgement which began at the House of God. What shall be done to the dry Tree, or where the sinner will appear, is to be left to him to whom vengeance belongeth.  
The Great Genius of this Place must now burn a while like those Subterraneous Olibian Lamps under the Earth. We shall see it but not now, we shall behold it but not nigh.  

Bernardin. Scard●onius de Priscis civibus Paiàvin. Lib. 1.  Have, salve, sit tibi terra Levis. 
 Abite hinc pessimi fures, 
 Quid vostris vultis cum oculis Emissitiis? 
 Your Lordship's most faithful 
 Servant and Chaplain 
 JOHN GREGORY.   

To the Reader.  
THE Mahumentans say, 
Chronicon. de vi●is Mahumet. & successor. Ben Sidi Aali de Dogmat. Mussel manor & vid. Maronit. De Morib Orient●●. C. 14.  that the first thing that God created was a Pen; Indeed the whole Creation is but a Transcript. And God when he made the world did but write it out of that Copy which he had of it in divine understanding from all Eternity. The Lesser worlds or men are but the Transcripts of the Greater, as Children and Books the Copies of themselves.  
But of other Books the Wise man hath pronounced upon them their doom already, that in making them there is no end, and that the reading of them (especially many of them) is a weadinesse unto the flesh.  
But if you will hear the end of all, there is one Book more besides the great Volume of the World, written out of God himself, such a one as may indefatigably be meditated in day and night. This indeed is the only Text we have, all other Books, and arts, and men, and the world itself are but Notes upon this.  
So unworthy are they to unloose the Seals of this Book, or to look thereon who recessefully and impertinently pretend to a Spirit of Interpretation. Ephraim's that feed upon the wind.  
This is indeed a Spirit that bloweth where it listeth, and no man can tell whence it cometh, nor whither it will go. I would have you tell me by this spirit of what kind the Dial of Ahas was, or how the Sun could go ten degrees backwards.  
For the kind I'm sure 'twas like none of ours now in use, and if the Retrocession could be meant of the shadow (and some men look no further) the same thing may be made to fall out every day upon an ordinary Dial, 
Pet. Nonius.  and (notwithstanding what a good Mathematician hath said to the contrary) in a Site and Position of Sphere without the Tropics.  
Therefore the going back is to be meant of the Sun itself.  
Tell me by the same Spirit how darkness could be upon the Face of the whole Earth at the Passion of our Saviour, and no Astronomer of the East, nor any man of all that Hemisphere (excepting those of Jerusalem) perceive it?  
Make it good if you can out of the mouth but of two witnesses, (what's Phlegon and Apollophanes?) or if the first be one, the Notice is so single, that it will not serve to celebrate, but bring the Wonder into doubt. The Sun was not totally Eclipsed as to all the World. One Hemisphere of his body shined still. And the Face of the whole Earth is to be meant of the Land of Judea, as 'tis elsewhere.  
By the same Spirit I would know why the Greek and Hebrew Scripture should differ so vastly in Account, and how the Cainan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 got into Saints Luke's Gospel intolerably (Jo: Scaliger hath said more) against all original trust.  
But I may possibly tell you the manner of that hereafter, and that the Jews did not cut off (as the Arabic Catena would have it) but the Hellenists or Graecists (so it ought to be read, not Grecians, Act. 6.1.) added what is supernumerary to these Epilogismes. and Cainan came in too, at this back door, as I think I shall be able to show you at some other time, and from an inconsiderable ground (but for this it were so) of the Hellenisticall Chiliasts.  
But if by this or any other spirit whatsoever (that of God only excepted) yond can declare what was Melchizedeck's Generation, I shall think you tried here too much.  
To say he was Sem the Great, 
* Hugh Broughton.  as one especially, in a bundle of business hath taken so much pains to do, is not little enough to despise, and too much to answer to. I reckon it at the same rate I do their opinion who accounted him for the Holy Ghost, which I had not mentioned but to take myself the easilier off from that wonder which is justly to be conceived upon that grave and late learned Man, 
Cuncus de Repub. Heb. See Epiphanius.  who could not be content with any other recourse of this Heresy, but to mistake him (and with a great deal of Judgement too) for Christ himself.  
I cannot promise you 'tis all truth, but I can tell you some news as concerning his Great Man. In the Arabic Catena to these words of the Text, Gen. 10.25. The name of one was Phaleg. This Note is set in the Margin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. And this (that is, Phaleg) was the Father of Heraclim, the Father of Melchizedeck, Cat. Arab. Cap. 31. fol. 67. a.  
But in the Chapter going before his Generation is declared in a set and solemn Pedigree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is, Melchizedek was the Son of Heraclim, the Son of Phaleg, the Son of Eber. And his Mother name was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Salathiel the Daughter of Gomer, the Son of Japhet, the Son of Noah. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Heraclim the Son of Eber married his wife Salathiel, and she was with Child, and brought forth a Son, and calleth his nun Melchizedek, that is, the King of Righteousness, called also the King of Peace.  
Then after this, the Genealogy is set down at length. Melchizedek son of Heraclim, which was the son of Phaleg, which was the son of Eber, which was the son of Arphaxat, etc. till ou come to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was the son of Adam. Peace be upon him. Caten. Arab. c. 30 fol. 66. a.  
Sahid Aben Batrick directly saith that Melchizedek was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the son of Phaleg. And so he interpreteth (and does it well too) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saint Paul, Heb. 7.3. not without Descent or Pedigree, as we. He is not therefore said (saith he) to be without Father or Mother, as if he had none, or not known ones, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because he hath no Father or Mother put down among the rest of the Genealogies. And so the printed Arabic translateth the place, as the Syriack also, etc.  
Do you know now of what spirit you are?  

Al●●ran Arab. MS. in A●●h. B●d.  The Turk writes upon the outside of his Alcoran 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no man touch this book but he that is pure. I would no man would meddle with ours (Alcoran signifieth but the Scripture, you need not be afraid of the word) but such as indeed are what other men do but think themselves.  

If I have not an opportunity to tell you henceforth what the meaning of this Chorister Bishop was you may see (if you have a mind to it) The Pro●essionall of Sarum upon Saint Innocents' day, and Molanus de Canoni●is lib. 2. c. 4 ●. which is De Epis●●po (pue●o●um) in d●e Innocentium Marty●u●.  If I should meet a Prophet or the son of a Prophet with any pretence to this spirit about him, he would look to me like the little child in Salisbury Church that lies buried in a Bishop's Robes. Indeed I believe God ordained more strength out of the mouth of these Episcopal Babes, & because of his enemies too, Psal. 8 2. then from these other Infants of days and Children of a 100 years old, Esay 65.20.  
I was asked once by an able and understanding man whether the Alcoran as it is of itself, had so much in it as to work any thing upon a Rational belief. I said yes, Thus much only I required that the believer should be brought up first under the engagement of that book, That which is every where called Religion hath more of Interest and the strong Impressions of Education, than perhaps we consider of. Otherwise for the Book itself it is taken for the greater part out of our Scripture and would not hear altogether so ill, if it were looked upon in it own Text, or through a good Translation.  
But (not as to gain any thing by this) the Alcoran is scarcely Translated yet. The best disguise of it is, That Arragnois by Joannes Andrea's the Moor, but the Entire Copy of it is not easily met with.  
Our Scripture to the eternal glory of it, is rendered almost into the Whole Confusion. Strangers at Rome, Parthians, Medes, and Flamites, Cretes and Arabians, may all read the Wonderful Works of God in their own tongue in which they were borne.  
This Book of ours (or a good part of it) may be read in Samaritan Greek,) and the vulgar Greek too.) In Chaldee, Syriack, Arabic, the Jerusalem Tongue, in the Persian, Armenian, Aethiopian, Coptick or Egyptian, Gothick, Russian, Saxon, etc. to say nothing of the more commonly known, Italian, Spanish, French, Dutch, etc.  
And though we meet not yet with any piece of Scripture translated into the China Tongue, yet there is extant even in that a very full Tradition of our Gospel, as it was found written upon a Stone, wrought in he form of a long square, and dug out of the ground at the building of a wall in Sanxuen, in the year 1625.  
The Title of the Stone is written upon with 9 Characters in the Chinois, expressing as followeth. 
Pr●drom. copt.  Lapis in laudem & memoriam aeternam Legis lucis & veritatis portatae de Judea, & in China promulgatae, erectus.  
The Stone saith, that our Saviour ascended up into Heaven about Noon, & relinquens septem viginti tomos doctrinae ad portam magnae conversionis mundi aperiendum.  
And left behind him 27 Books of Doctrine, (so many there are in the New Testament) to set open a gate for the great Conversion of the world.  
Baptismum instituit ex aqua & spiritu ad abluenda peccata, etc. Excitat omnes voce Charitatis reverentiam exhibere jubens versus Orientem, ut pergant in via vitae gloriosae. He instituted Baptism by water and the spirit to wash away sins; He stirred all men up in the voice of Charity, and gave command that they would worship towards the East, that they might go forward in the way of a glorious life.  
If the Stone say true you have reason to take it so much the better, which you will find hereafter said of this Leading Ceremony.  
But whether you do or do not, I shall make bold to tell you here that this was the reason why our Saviour so often made use of the Mount Olivet (which was upon the East side of Jerusalem) for his Private Devotions.  
And because I am fall'n upon this, I will here satisfy something which hath been objected unto me as concerning this Adoration towards the East, how it can be made good upon all positions of the Sphere. Suppose Jerusalem to be the Centre, and the Equinoctial East of that to be the East of the whole world, because it answers to the place of our Saviour's especial presence in the Heaven of Heavens.  
It is required that I tell which way they shall worship who live a quadrant of the Equator or more East from the Horizon of the Holy City. The answer is ready.  
They are to worship toward the West, in respect of the rising of the Sun, which is not the thing regarded in this matter, for I am not engaged to account for the word, but as to this Northern Hemisphere, the Centre whereof Jerusalem is to be and the Equinoctial East of that the Centre of all Adoration and devotion from all degrees of the whole Circle, be it where it will.  
For the Stone I mentioned the Original could not so well be brought off from the Place. But Alike to that they can show you still at Rome, in Bibliotheca Domus professa.  
There is a short and admirable Tradition of the whole Creation in hieroglyphical Scripture, where you may see the great world written all out into a lesser print than that of a Man. In the lower Limb and second Scheme of the Tabula 
* 
An Hieroglyphical table given to the Public Library with an Arabic Map, and many other Monuments of ancient & unusual Learning, by that great example of excellency and Fatality, the Most Reverend Father with God, William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, and the ever to be honoured and remembered Chancellor of this University.  
Vid. Athanas. Kirch. recondi●issimae eruditi●●●s virum in Pr●d C●pt. cap. ult.   Laudina Hieroglyphica (it is the same with that which the Cardinal Bembus had) there is set down the Figure of the Scarabaeus or Beetle for the Trunk, but with the Head and Face of a Man, and holding a little Table with this Coptick Inscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. About the Neck a Number of Concentric Circles to express the Orbs and motion of the Heavens; upon the top of the Head a Face of the increasing Moon to show her Monthly Revolution; within that a Cross mark for the four Elements; near to all this above a winged Globe, and wretched about with two Serpents.  
The meaning of this last is told you by Barachias Albenephi in his Book of the Ancient Egyptian learning, and in that part thereof, where he discourseth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Pharaohs Obelisques He saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. The winged Sphere wreathed about with Serpents is the Hieroglyphic of the soul and spirit of the world. The Humane face is meant of the Sun and his courses.  
For the Holy Beetle (which an old Egyptian durst not tread upon) Horus Apollo saith it signifieth for the Figure of the world, and he giveth this reason and secret for it.  
The Beetle, saith he, when it hath a mind to bring forth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Taketh the excrement of an Ox, which having wrought into small pellets round as the world, it turneth them about from East to West, itself in the mean time (as to call up Great Nature to these Travails) turning towards the East.  
The Egyptian word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 held out in the Table is the same with the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to show that the whole frame hangs together by a true magnetic Love, that invisible Harmony and binded discord of the Parts.  
¶ I cannot think that time sufficiently well employed which hath been spent upon the Integrity and distinction of Scripture into Canonical and Apopcryphall.  
There's no Apocrypha in the Alcoran. It is told you in the Synodicum set forth by Pappus, that the Council of Nice made a miraculous Mound betwixt those two. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They set all the Books in a Church a little below the Holy Table, 
Pappi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Syno. 34.  and prayed God that those of the company which were done by his inspiration might be found above, but the spurious part underneath; and God did so. Do you believe this?  
The Canon of Scripture subjoined to the Council of Laodicea is much depended upon for this matter of distinction.  
And yet his very Canon itself is not extant in some very ancient Manuscripts. It is wanting in one Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. gr: Ms. in Arch. Baroc cod. council. Ara. Ms. in Arch. Rouen. Bib. Bod.  and moreover then so it is not to be found in Joseph the Aegyptian's Arabic Code.  
And there is no man of sense but must think, that this was a thing more likely to be put in into some Copies, than left out of any.  
The Hebrew Canon indeed is a good sure ground. And yet you must not think that all, no nor any of the Apocryphal Books, were first written in the Greek.  
The Hebrew Edition by the Jews at Constantinople is the undoubted Text of Tobit (Saint Hierome saith as much for Judith) Libellus vere aurcus, as Munster said truly of it.  
For that of the Son of Syrach it is confessed in the Preface, where I must tell you by the way that this Book of Syracides was heretofore accounted among the Hagiographa.  

Talmud in Baba Kama. cap. 8. fol. 92. b.  I know not what else to make of that in Baba Kama where the Talmudists quote this Proverb out of the Cetubim (which is the same with Hagiographa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Every Bird sorteth itself with one of the same kind, (Birds of a Feather, etc.) and so every man to his like.  
The Tosephoth say to this that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. perhaps it is in the Book of Ben Syra (was Ben Syra reckoned for Canonical too?) but sure enough there's not such saying in that Book. In the Book of Syracides, you meet indeed with it Chap. 13. ver. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
For the Wisdom of Solomon, a Book worthy enough of that name, and comparing with any that was ever writ by the hand of Man. That this Book was written in Chaldee is certain, for R. Moses Ben Nachman quoteth it so out of Chap. 7. v. 5. etc. & v. 17. etc. in the Preface to his Comment upon the Pentateuch.  
One of the Books of the Maccabees are known to be in Hebrew, and the worst of all the company (and excepted against by Bellarmine himself) though appointed to be read in our Churches) that is the fourth Esdras will be clearly of another credit and Reputation to you, 
Ms. Arab. in Arch. Bibl. B●d.  if you read it in the Arabic.  
The story of the Woman taken in Adultery hath met with very much adversity. Saint Hierome noteth it wanting in several Copies of his time. The Paraphrast Nonnus had nothing to say to it. Nor is it noted upon by Theophylact, etc. The Armenian Church (as one of their Priests informed me) allow it not a place in the body of the Gospel, but reject it to the latter end as suspected piece. The Syriack Paraphrast leaveth it out (that is, the Printed Paraphrast) But in some of the Manuscripts it is found to be, though not received as the rest of Scripture, but written upon with this Asterisme. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That it is not of the Text.  
But the Arabic hath it, and in the Greek Manuscripts it wanteth but in one of seventeen, sed ita (saith Beza) ut mira sit sectionis varietas, enough to make me (he saith so too) ut de totius istius narrationis fide dubitem.  
But Eusebius noted long ago, 
Eccles. hist lib. 3. fol. 32. b.  that the setter forth of this History was the ancient Papias. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And that it was to be had in the Gospel, Secundum Hebraeos.  
Et suspicari merito quis possist● (saith Drusius) ex Evangelio illo ad exempladia rimanasse, though I shall conclude from hence, (but as he doth) with a Nihil affirmo.  
To say nothing here of salomon's Psalter lately put forth by de la Cerda, our account of David's Psalms is 150. but the Arabic and some other Translations set down one more. Josephus Hypomnesticus saith that David made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
joseph Christian. graec. Ms. Athanas. jam Synop.  an infinite number of Psalms.  
Athanasius saith he made 3000. and reckoneth this to be one. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
In the Greek Psalters it is no rare thing to meet with it in the Manuscripts. 'Tis extant in more than one or three in our public Library.  
One hath it in Magdalen College, another in Trinity College, and a third in Corpus Christi College, given them by Claimund their first Precedent.  
In the late printed Copies you are not to look for it, but in the older ones you will find it, in that of Aldus especially. And Justine Decaduus who wrote the Epistle to the Reader tells you, that having gotten so excellent an Assistant (as Aldus indeed was) they were resolved to begin to the world (printing was not very ancient then) with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Book of Psalms inspired by God. And yet they reckon this supernumerary for one of the company.  
You may take it perhaps as forbidden by the Laodicean Canon among the Idioticall Psalms. But the Arabic Scholia to that Cannon will mind you of another matter.  

joseph. Egypt. Cod. Concil. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Rouen. Bibl. Bod.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
i.e. No man shall read in the Church any other Psalms than those of David, for it had been related to the Holy Synod that certain men among the Heretics had made to themselves other Psalms over and above those which were made by the Prophet David, and that they read them in the Church, saying for themselves boastingly that they were good and honest men as well as David the Prophet, and that they were able to Prophency as well as He. And they alleged for themselves out of the Book of the Acts, that of the Prophet Joel, Your Sons and your Daughters shall Prophecy, and your old men shall see Visions, etc. And there were that received these new made Psalms, but the Council here forbids them.  
But I can tell you something which will not make very much towards the repute of this Psalm.  
In the Maronites Edition you find the Number in the head of it, and which is worse than that, it is there said that David felled the Giant with three Stones which he fling out in the strength of the Lord.  
You will not easily meet with either of these things in the Manuscripts: Here are several to be seen, and one I have of my own, but all without mentioning the Number, or this Particular.  
The Revelation of Saint John, you know what Erasmus himself hath said of, and how little Beza hath said to that.  
What if it be wanting in some of the Syriack Copies? 'tis extant in others. 'Tis wanting in a Manuscript Arabic translation in Queen's Colldge. The Printed Arabic hath it, so the Coptick, Armenian, etc.  
What if the Laodicean Canon acknowledge it not? It is more to be marvail'd at that it should be found in the Apostolical▪ In the Greek I do not say but in the Arabic Translation it is thus mentioned. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The sixth is the Revelation of Saint John called apocalypsis.  
Judicious Calvin once asked his opinion concerning the Apocalypse made answer, 
Bodin method. Histor. c. 7. sub init ium. cap.  Se penitus ignorare quid velit tam obscurus scriptor; qui qualisque fuerit nondum constat inter eruditos. That for his part he was altogether ignorant what that obscure Author would have, and that no body yet knew who or what he was.  
For the first part of the Answer it will pass well enough, Cajetan said right, Exponat qui potest.  
The latter words (if they were his) do not become the Writer of the Revelation, or the man that spoke them.  
Kerstenius in his Notes upon the Lives of the four Evangelists written in Arabic, letteth fall this Observation.  
Observandum quoque est hunc Authorem ne verbo quidem uno mentionem facere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. Joannis, quam quidem hunc Evangelistam in Pathmo scripsisse asserunt, qua authoritate ipsi videant. atque ideo semper iste liber inter Apocrypha reputatus est. You are to note here too (saith he) that this Author maketh not any mention at all of Saint john's Apocalypse, no not in one word, and therefore they would do well to consider what they do, who affirm that this Evangelist wrote that book in Patmos. Indeed the Book was ever yet reckoned among the Apocrypha.  
And yet his great reason is, because this Arabic Author maketh no mention of the Book. But you will find the Learned man (it might easily be) very much mistaken.  
His order is not to make a full and answering translation of the Arabic, but to turn the principal and best understood sense of it (as to him) and so to set down the Text.  
He takes the same course in this matter. jam itaqueverba Arabica ad locos hos tres pertinentia adscribere tempestivum est, Quorum periodum ultimam doctioribus hujus linguae relinquimus. I shall lay no claim to the Doctioribus, but I doubt not to read the words right, and then the place will easily be understood.  
The Period which he will not undertake upon, is this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abogalmasis indeed signifieth nothing, it should be read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abogalubsis (there's but one letter mistaken) and then the English of it will be, And it is said that John delivered the Apocalypse to Pheugir.  
This Pheugir was a Disciple of his, as the same Arabic Author saith before.  
The leaving of this Book out of some Copies is just nothing against it; you may say as much (and as justly too) of the Canonical Epistles, and there is the same reason for all.  
These were more lately written, and therefore not so soon received into the Canon as the rest.  
I think every man ought to have a very reverend and singular opinion of that Epistle of Clemens Romanus to the Corinthians, and yet I do not think that either this or the rest of that Book was of Teclaes' own hand writing, no more than I believe that john Fox translated the Saxon Gospels into English. I have seen the third Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians in the Armenian Tongue, beginning Paul a Servant of Jesus Christ, etc. And an Epistle of the Corinthians to Saint Paul in the same Tongue, beginning, Steven, 
Lib: Ms. Armenice cum version Ital. apud ingeniosissimum virum Gilbertum North.  etc. to our Brother Paul, greeting. Kirstenius saith that there be many Epistles of Saint Paul in Arabic, which we know not of yet.  
The Armenian Priest I mentioned before told me they had more Books of Moses than we.  
But now to discharge myself of all this that hath been said, and to give up a sincere and sober account of the thing.  
An indifferent man of any Nation under heaven could not deny but that this Book throughout, discovereth an incomprehensible secret power and excellency; enabled to make any man whatsoever, wise to Salvation. And that Canon of it which is undoubtedly received on all hands, is sufficiently entire.  
And for detracting any the least jot or title from this, unless it be notoriously made known to be heterogeneous and abhorrent (and he that believeth this too must not make haste) God shall take away his part out of the Book of Life. But for him that shall add any thing thereto, though it were a new Epistle of Saint Paul (as to Seneca or the Loadiceans (and as good as any of these we have) God shall add unto him the Plagues that are written in this Book.  
You must not reckon of the Scripture by the bulk. It were the biggest Book in the world if it were less than it is, and it was purposely fixed to that proportion it hath, that it might compare and comply with our Size and Magnitude.  
If you would have all written that Solomon disputed from the Cedar in Libanus to the Hyssop that grows upon the wall; or all that which was done and said by One that was Greater than he, and spoke as never man did, The world itself would not be able to contain the Books that should be written, Amen, that is, The Lord let it be so as it is.  
¶ It will not be so successful an argument for this Book to the miraculous conservation and Incorruption of the Text. The Alcoran itself hath had much better luck.  
That of the Old Testament how tenable soever it hath been made by their encompassing and inaccessible Masora. I do not find it so altogether (though wonderfully enough) entire.  
But for the New there's no profane Author whatsoever (caeteris paribus) that hath suffered so much at the hand of time. And what of all this? Certainly the providence was showed to be greater in these miscarriages (as we take them) than it could have been in the absolute preservation. God suffered Tares to be sowed in the Genealogies (while men slept) or in some elemental parts, that we might not insist upon those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (See Ben. Bar Jonah's Itinerary) Extracta quaestionum as these things are called and kept by the Jews themselves. It is an invincible reason for the Scriptures part that other escapes should be so purposely and infinitely let pass, and yet no saving or substantial part at all scarce moved out of its place. To say the truth, These varieties of Readins in a few by-places do the same office to the main Scripture, as the variations of the Compass to the whole Magnet of the Earth. The Mariner knows so much the better for these how to steer his Course.  
¶ For the style of this Scripture it is unspeakable good, but not admirable in their sense who reckon the height of it from the unusualnesse of the phrase. The Majesty of that Book sits upon another Throne. He that was among the Herdsmen of Tekoah, did not write like him that was among the Priests at Anathoth. Read Ben Syra and the Arabic Centuries of Proverbs. Read the Alcoran itself. Though the saying of our Saviour, It is easier, etc. was originally, It is easier for an Elephant, 
Alcoran in Sirrat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Azoar. 17.  etc. Yet Mahomet expresseth as our Saviour did, They shall not (saith he) enter into Paradïse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 till a Camel go through a Needle's eye. You will get more by that Book to this purpose, if you make no worse use of it than you should.  
Yet you must have a care too, for the Authors of that good confused heap have elsewhere expressed loosely enough. They say in another Surat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Angels and God himself too say prayers for his Prophet, that is, that God prays for Mahomet. An odd saying you may think, and yet how much different can you make it to be from that of ours, where it is said, that the Spirit maketh intercession for us, etc. but do you make this use of it. It is from hence that the Mahometans express the memory of the Dead in God, (especially of the Prophet himself) by those strange words, Peace and the Prayer of God be upon them.  
But if you would raise a Reputation upon our Scripture like yourself, and the dimensions of a man, take it from those without. I should think it to be very well that Aben Rois in his Arabic Commentaries upon Aristotle's Morals translated into Latin, should call the greatest man of the East, 
Augustin. Steuch. in job. ult.  Beatum Job, Blessed Job, and to urge him for an example of Fortitude.  
Galen in his Book De usu partium, not knowing what to say to the hair of the Eyelids, why it should so strangely stand at a stay and grow no longer, takes an occasion to undervalue Moses his Philosophy, and saith of God, Neque s● lapidem repente velit facere hominem, efficere id poterit, etc. (yes but he could even of these Stones too) But Old Orpheus says that the man that was born out of the water (so Moses indeed is to be called in the Egyptian) did well, and Dyonysius Longinus (one that knew what belonged to expression) having first of all cast a scorn upon his Homer, saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the Lawgiver of the jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (no ordinary man neither) was in the right, when he brought in his God, saying. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Let there be Light and there was Light, etc.  
If you see what Strabo, Tacitus, Justin, Diodorus Siculus, 
* See the translation of Abu Maasciar, or Albumazar. Introductor. lib. 5. c. 9  Ptolemy, etc. have said as to this, you will be no great loser (in your Faith) by the hand.  
I have thus much left to wish (and I hope I do it well) to this Book, that it might be read (so fare as this is possible) in a full and fixed Translation. And upon that a Clear and disengaged Commentary.  
The way to do this will not be to do the Work a great, and undertake the whole or any considerable part of the Book by one man if he could live one Age.  
How little we have gotten, and lost how much by those who have prayed to God, they might live to make an end of all the Bible in Commentaries, you cannot choose but perceive enough.  
You must not think to look upon this mirror of the word as you are to be seen in Roger Bacon's Perspective, Vbi unus homo videbitur plures, where one man will seem to be more than so. No, Break the Glass in pieces and see every one a face by himself.  
He that shall thus begin to build may perhaps be one of those that will be able to finish.  

Leo Moden. Di gli Riti Hebraici. Part. 1.  The Jews when they build a house are bound to leave some part of it unfinished in memory of the destruction of Jerusalem. The best Master Builder that shall come to this work will be forced to do so too. And yet if those that have undertaken upon the whole had in stead of that completed but one small part, This House of God and Tabernacle of good men had been reared up ere this.  
He that goeth upon this with any Interest about him, Let him do otherwise never so admirably, he does indeed but translate an Angel of Light into the Devil.  
I would not render or interpret one parcel of Scripture to an end of my own, though it were to please my whole Nation by it, if I might gain the World.  
These Wresters of the Book are unstable if not ignorant men, and it will follow that they must needs do it to their own Destruction.  
When all these things are fitly and understandingly resolved upon, It would be good too to bring these principal matters as near to a Standard as we can, that we might have something to trust to, and settle upon.  
Some say that the Heavens could not move unless the Earth stood still. I am sure since the Earth began to turn about, the Kngdome of Heaven hath suffered a violence of Rest, and doth not seem to be so open to all Believers as before.  
I am sorry I have so much to accuse my Nation of that ever since the times of Hen. the 8. they should go about in amaze of Reformation, and not know yet how to get either us or themselves out.  
I am not much given to the Admiration and amusements of Astrological matters, therefore I will not tell you (plainly) here what 
* 
Giafar Abu Maasciar Belchita (commonly called Albuma●ar Abalachi) putteth our Religion under the Dominion of ☿ inde (saith Roger Bacon) intricatioribus et pr●fundis maxime momentis laborat propter impedites ills ☿ motus, & Eccentrum Eccentri. It is indeed like enough to ☿ in one sense It is good with the good, and bad with bad. Facit homines ancipitis naturae & semper nova excogitantes, qui non quie scunt, & non adeo manifeste sua agente●. Ranzovius. Alchindus saith that we are signified by the Woman Planet, unde orator in sign●is & pictutu decorari solent. What because you Turks have none? Would the Religion had no more to do with that Planet, than so.  
Others put us under the Sun (I think they cannot tell what to put us under very well) Silent saith that we are governed by the Moon, and the Scots by ♄. If it be so, then ♄ is not so dull a Planet as R. Bacon took him for who giveth this reason why the Jews rested upon the Saturday.  
But as to the first our Eshwid quoteth an old ginger to say as much and with this Vnde, Angli vagi & sunt instabil●s, nunc ad summum, nunc ad imum delati. Dist. 8. cap. 1. fol. 42 a.  
Ptolemy placeth us under ♈ and ♂ unde impatientes regni, etc. saith he. Cardan addeth that therefore we are a rebellious and unlucky Nation, semper novos ritus legis & divini cultus fabricantos, aliquando quidem in m●lius, but for the most part in deterius, in Tetrab. C. 3. Tex. 1 2.  
Hali Aben Ragel saith that he found in an old Book called Andilareprosu that the sign of the world is Aries. 'tis the same with ours. And it were well that the fashion of the whole had not less passed away then that of the Divises or be britains. They did right to call us a people by ourselves, for I think we are like to no body else.   Ptolemy, Cardan, Silen, Alchindus, Eshwid, Roger Bacon, etc. say of us. And yet the Sage Guido Bonate (Zoroaster in chief to some Almanac men) I cannot choose but give you notice of.  
This Gymnosophist in the 13 Chapter of his First part tells you that Christ himself was an ginger, and made use of Elections. The same Man in the third Chapter at his third Part is busy to let you know under what Figure of the Heavens you are to pair your Nails.  
But that which I indeed intent to say to you is this.  
In the Geographical Resemblances I find that Maginus could liken Scotland to nothing. But for England 'tis fancied by some to come very near the fashion of a Triangle. I am sure 'tis fare enough from a Square, or that Honest man in Aristotle who falleth still upon his own Legs.  
The Arabic Nubian Geographer likeneth us to an Ostrich (indeed we have digested Iron enough) But this is that silly thing which leaveth her Eggs in the Earth, and warmeth them in the dust, and forgetteth that the foot may crush them, or that the wild Beast may break them. She is hardened against her young Ones as though they were not hers, her labour is in vain without fear. And why? Because God hath deprived her of wisdom, neither hath he imparted to her understanding. And yet what time she lifteth up herself on high, she scorneth the Horse and his Rider.  
Indeed if ever any Nation perished for want of knowledge, we are like to be the Men.   

NOTES UPON SOME PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE.  

CHAP. I. Also he had them teach the Children of Judah the (use of the) bow: Behold it is written in the Book of Jashar. 2 Sam. 1.18.  
A Strange Parenthesis to all Respects, but especially that of the Bow. Yet so the Targum reads it, and so the Rabbins constantly expound. Rab. Solomon's gloss is. And David said— from henceforth seeing that the mighty in Israel are fall'n, it will be necessary that the men of Judah learn to exercise their arms, and to draw the bow. Levi been Gersom saith that inasmuch as David saw that the death of Saul was caused by his fear of the Bowmen, and that there was none in Israel skilled in this kind of Artillery, he gave order that the men of Judah, (as being the principal men at Arms) (should be taught the use of the Bow, etc. To the same purpose R. David, and others quoted in the Celi Jakar, fol. 264. a. & b. And yet R. Isay saith, that Saul and Jonathan taught the sons of Judah the bow, because the sons of Judah were mighty men, and fit to draw the Bow by the blessing of Jacob, Gen. 49.8. Where it is prophesied that the hand of Judah shall be in the neck of his Enemies, that is, (saith Chimhi as some of our wisemen expound) the Bow. Therefore they take the Book of Jasher to be the first of Moses called Genesis, in which the Acts of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob the Jesharim, or upright men are recorded; but especially they take the Book to be Beracoth Jacob, or the Blessings of Jacob. Thus the Jews.  
Though we have wisemen of our own to follow them in the Interpretation of the Bow: yet they will appear to be as idle in this, as in their conceit of the book.  
Is it a thing to be thought that the men of Judah were now to learn the use of the Bow? 'Twas the common Tactick practice.  
The Hebraisme of Bow is like that of Bread: It nameth for all other kind of Ammunition. And where's the consequence here that because Saul and Jonathan (excellent Archers themselves, for the Bow of Jonathan turned not back) fell down before the Arrows of the Philistines, that therefore the men of Judah should be taught the use of the Bow? But the Coherence is worse. And David, etc.  
The Author of the Book bringeth David in beginning an epicedium upon the death of Saul and Jonathan, and immediately breaketh him off with an impertinent command to the sons of Judah, that they should learn to handle the Bow. And where is it, or why is it that this should be written in the Book of jashar?  
Therefore Mariana very understandly stepped aside out of the common Road of Interpretation, and considered with himself that the Bow here might be taken for the Title of the Song, which cannot be strange to them that will compare this with the granted superscriptions upon David's Psalms, as Psal. 69. To the chief Musician upon Shoshannim. Psal. 67. Upon Neginoth. Psal. 59 To the chief Musician Altashith, etc. So here to the chief Musician K●sheth, or the Bow. For so the Text is to be read. And he bade them, that is, the chief Musicians, Heman, Ethan, and Jeduthun, to teach the ignorant people how to sing this Lamentation of David upon the death of Saul and Jonathan. It was entitled Kesheth, or the Bow, because it was occasioned by the Philistin Archers, 1 Sam. 31.3. But especially respecting to the Bow of jonathan, which returned not back from the blood of the slain, as the Song itself expresseth. And David could not but remember the Bow of jonathan out of which that Arrow was shot beyond the Lad, 1 Sam. 20.36. It was the time when that Covenant was made, and that affection expressed betwixt them which was greater than the love of women.  
And 'tis said there too that David exceeded, v. 41. And there also jonathan required that this kindness of the Lord should be showed unto him longer than he lived. And thou shalt not only whilst yet I live, etc. v. 14, 15.  
The Lxx will bear out this Interpretation. The version there is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. [that is] And David lamented this Lamentation upon Saul and jonathan his Son, and caused it to be taught to the Sons of judah. Behold it is written in the Book of the Just man.] So the vulgar. Planxit autem David planctum hujusmodi super Saul & super Ionathan filium ejus, & praecepit ut docer●nt Fil●os Iudah planctum sicut scriptum est in libro justorum. And here 'tis plainer yet that David commanded to teach the Sons of judah this Lamentation. 'Tis true the late Editions of this Translation have shifted in the word Arcum instead of Planctum. But in the ancient Manuscripts it is so as I have quoted it. And in the Elder printed copies 'tis Arcum, but in the Margin only which afterwards crept into the Text, if I may call the Translation so.  
Therefore also by these two great Authorities that which the Sons of judah were commanded to learn was not the use of the Bow. But the Bow, as 'tis originally set down, that is, a Song of David so called, or this Song of Lamentation over Saul and jonathan. And this is that which was written in the Book of jasher. Why this Book was so called, or who was the Author of it, I cannot tell you. That it was not the first of Moses (as the Rabbins would have it) is ridiculously plain. Josephus hath let us know thus much that it was a Record in the Temple, and you must not think it hard if it be lost to us as yet, you shall hear more of this hereafter. It is quoted twice in Scripture, here and Josh. 10. And if both places be considered, 'tis to be judged that nothing was recorded in this Book but Memorials of this kind, and which is more to be noted, they were metrical too. The place in Joshua put to this here maketh it clear. There it is quoted out of the Book of Jasher, that the Sun stood still in Gibeon, and the Moon in the valley of Ajalon. This Quotation is a plain Canticle. Chimhi cometh so near to the matter, as only to make a doubt of it. But the thing is certain, It is reckoned among the 10 Songs by the Mechilta an old Commentary upon Exodus to the 15 Chapter. The 4 is that of Moses before his decease: and the 6 is that of Deborah and Barak, and this of Joshua is the fifth. I would say more of this had not the learned Masius prevented me upon the place, Josh. 10▪ 12. This is enough to show that the Song of the Bow might, but the use of it could not be set down in the Book of Jasher. It is certain that this command of David to the Children of Judah, is not delivered in Meeter. Indeed matter of that kind was no fit subject for a Song. And now 'tis come to tyndall's turn again, for the New must be corrected by his Old Translation. He rendered thus, And David sang this Song of Mourning over Saul and over Jonathan his Son, and bade to teach the Children of Israel the Staves thereof.  
Here I may note one thing more, and I marvel at it too, that the vulgar Edition hath one verse over and above in the Canticle of the Bow. Considera Israel pro his qui mortui sunt, super excelsa tua vulnerati. It seemeth to pretend as if it would translate the first verse of the Song; but that's done, and better too, immediately in the next, Jnclyti Israel super Montes tuos interfecti tunt. Quomodo ceciderunt fortos? I found it so in some of the written as well as the printed Copies: And yet I think Arias Montanus did better to leave it out, than some others since to keep it in. It is plainly void and supernumerary, and an escape not fit to be accounted upon the Sageness of that translation.   

CHAP. II. Why our Saviour said not Jehovah Jehovah, but Eli Eli, (as Saint Matthew) or Eloi Eloi (as Saint Mark) in that great case of Dereliction.  
FOr the variety of Reading, the Criticism need not be done over again. According to the Syriack translation of the Psalms, Saint Mark might as well set it down Eloi Eloi, as Saint Matthew after David's Hebrew Eli Eli, 'tis all one. My God, etc.  
To the Respect of the Question we know already that the greatest interviews 'twixt God and man pass especially upon the terms of these two Attributes Mercy and Justice, where also it will be something too, to observe how Mercy rejoiceth against Judgement.  
The Hebrews note, Quando egreditur sententia ad Clementiam etc. That in all proceed of God with men concerned in mercy and loving kindness, he chooseth to be called by his great Name Jehovah, as to Moses in the Clift of the Rock, Jehova Jehova. The Lord merciful and gracious, slow to anger, etc.  
But as the same Doctors observe, Quando egreditur sententia ad justitiam, etc. In any process of Justice and Judgement, etc. he always styleth himself Eloah or Elohim. So the matter will be to distinguish of the use and dignity of these two names as to this purpose.  
Jehovah is his proper name of his own Imposition, 
jehovah.  and incommunicable to any Creature, of what Rank or Quality soever: a Name of such immoderate Reverence amongst the oldest Jews, that it was forbidden to be written right or pronounced at all in this world, but by the High Priest, and but in one place, the sanctum sanctorum, and but at one time of the year, in the day of expiation.  
And (which is more to the purpose) only in one case, which was that of Benediction, when the Blessing and Goodness of God by the holy intervention of the Priest was to be derived down upon the People.  
At any other time or in what place soever for any man of Israel to presume to utter this Name was more than death by the Law, as by a report of theirs in the Talmud in the case of Teradion's son.  
And as it would seem to be by the Jews, our Saviour might not himself make use of this Name in kind: for after their malicious rate of Tradition, they hold that he did all his miracles by the Paraphrastical Tetragrammaton, or Shem hamphorash (as they call this Name at length and in other words) and this way of Enunciation they say was cut into his feet, and produced as occasion served, as to cast out Devils (by a known Recess of the black Art) through him that is the Prince. And to exalt and make up the Legend they can afford his mother (the blessed Virgin to us, and very well spoken of in the Alcoran itself) no better language then that she was a cunning woman, and brought this kind of Legerdemain out of Egypt.  

Elohim.  Elohim (saith a great Master in the Language) Nomen divinum à Juvicio, quasi Deus judex, though I think he translated this sense rather from the use then the power and Original of the word, which retained (as many other) in the Arabic, though not in the Hebrew; reacheth not to this meaning directly (and yet not unfitly) for there it signifieth first for power and force, and nothing could more properly make up the Judge of all the world in words, than such as were derived from a sense of Omnipotency. And to this the Scripture beareth witness and correspondency enough.  
Now this Name of Elohim is not proper to God, but common to him with the Creature. The Angels are called so, Psal. 86.8. Men are called so, (the Judges especially) Exod. 21.6. 1 Sam. 2.25. Nay and the false Gods too. Joshua 23.16. The sum is, that the Name jehova was of higher Import and estimation, then that of Elohim. Also that in addresses of mercy and loving kindness God was pleased to be called rather by the former, but in those of Execution and Sentence by the later.  
Therefore our Saviour (in the case he was) cried not Jehova Jehova: (much less Father, as at other times) but Eli Eli, or Eloi Eloi, My God, My God▪ as naming the Judge of all the world, and doing the extremest right upon his own Son treading the Winepress alone under the person of all Mankind.   

CHAP. III. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And he shall show you a large Upper Room, 
The Upper Rooms.  etc. Mark. 14.15. And when they were come in, they went up into an Upper Room, etc. Act. 1.13. Whom when they had washed, they laid her in an Upper Chamber, Act. 9.37. Then Peter arose and went with them, when he was come, they brought him into the Upper Chamber, v. 39 And there were many lights in the Upper Chamber, where they were gathered together, etc. Act. 20.8. And there sat in a window a young man named Eutychus, etc. v. 9  
THe Latin turneth it Coenaculum, for that the Fashion was to sup or dine in these Upper Rooms. 
Mark. 14 15.  But that is the Roman fashion (and not that neither.) The Jews eat no Supper here but that of the , (as the Christians afterwards that of the Lord in the same place.) It was their Beth Tephillah, or private House of Oratory in the upper-most part of their Dwelling Houses.  
The Disciples therefore being returned to Jerusalem from the Mount Olivet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, went up into an Upper Room where they continued all with one accord in prayer and Supplication, Act. 1.13.14.  

Scholiast. Syriack Ms. in Act. Apostolor. in Arch Biblioth. Bodleianae. Ludovic. de Dieu Animad. in Act. c. 1.13. Geograph. Nubiens. Clim. 3. Par. 5. p. 113.  A Sirtack Scholiast upon the place, saith, That it was the same (upper room) in which they had eaten the Passeover.  
It was so truly an House of Prayer, that by some it is taken for an upper Room in the Temple itself. For so it may seem by the former Treatise. (Ch. 24.53. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And they were continually in the Temple.  
And an Arabic Geographer findeth this upper Room in the Temple of Zion, where yet (saith he) the Table remaineth, upon which our Lord did eat with his Disciples, and that it useth to be solemnly visited upon the Thursday, meaning (as I think) that before Easter.  
I added this to De Dieu's note because it seemeth to bear up towards his meaning, but it is not to be expected that it should prove so in the Recess.  
I can tell that the Second, as the Former Temple (1 Chro. 28.11.) had its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Upper Rooms, and those too of religious use, but not of this kind. Judge of the rest, by one of the likest, and yet nothing at all to this purpose.  
The Code Middoth maketh mention of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Upper Rome in the second Temple, the Western wall whereof was let in with holes into the sanctum sanctorum etc. 
Talmud in Middoth. c. 4. fol. 37. a:  But it followeth in the Mishna, that the use of these was (when occasion of reparation should require (as the Gloss there) to let down the workmen by ropes in Chests into the Sanctum Sanctorum, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they might not feed their eyes ('tis the expression of the Text) with the sight of that Presence there.  
To speak it after our own rate. Such profane and common men might not enter by the doors, nor be suffered to see any more of that holy place than they were to mend.  
As I will not deny, so neither will I charge any Superstition upon this practice, but when I compare their extremes with ours, I can be sorry to think that instead of Holiness upon Aaron's Breastplate, we are now about to write filthiness to the Lord.  
But as to the matter of the Upper Room, when it shall come to be considered what an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the kind we speak to, is to be, it will be besides expectation that any such should be found in the Temple.  
Therefore notwithstanding the learned likelihood of De Dieu's conjecture, it must pass, that this upper Room into which the Apostles went up (Act. 1.13.) was appertaining to some private house; though whether that of Saint John the Evangelist, as Euodius delivered, or that of Mary the mother of john Mark (as others have collected) cannot be certain. The Disciples indeed were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, continually (that is daily) in the Temple. Act. 2.46. Not all the day, but at the hour of Prayer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Act. 3.1. At other times, and especially for the Breaking of that Bread, that is the Eucharist (as the Syriack) or distribution of the Body of Christ (as the Arabic) they met together, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in these upper Rooms, Act. 20.7. which could not possibly be in the Temple, for it was not at jerusalem. They continued daily with one accord in the Temple (but) Breaking Bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from house to house, or as the margin there is, at home. Act. 2.46.  
And now to reflect upon the word, that meaning which is intended, this is to be remembered.  
That the jews were bound to worship in the Temple, towards the Ark; without the Temple, towards that, or at least towards the place whereabouts that was, at what distance soever.  
It is noted by ●asus Effendus in his Commentaries upon the Alcoran to Sura tol bacara which is the second Chapter, 
Cas. Essend. Com. ad Aleoran. Arab. Ms. in Archiv. Laudinis Bib. Bod.  where he saith that the Nazarites (as he calleth us Christians) worship toward the East, the jews towards their Country.  
The Canons for this out of the 2 Chron. 6. are set down by the Talmudists in Beracoth Cap. 4. fol. 30. a. Maimon. in Halaca Tephilla Cap. 5. fol. 42. a. Orach chajim Num. 94. Shulehan Aruch Num. Eod. fol. 40.  
And the rule is of a strict requiry, for the Mishna saith, that in case a man at the hour of prayer should be riding abroad upon his Ass, he must alight, if that may be, or if not, yet he must turn his face toward the Sanctuary. In like manner be that is carried in a Chariot, or in a Ship at Sea. And if he cannot turn his Face, he must turn his heart toward the Sanctuary. Talm. in Berac. Cap. 4. fol. 28. b. Maim. in Halac. Tephill. C. 5. Num 3.  
And therefore the Reader is to be advised of that passage in a learned Author, where he telleth that though it be more than he know whether the jews bury their dead (as we Christians) towards the East, 
S●kickard de Jure Reg. Heb.  yet he is sure they pray that way. 'Tis true they do so, but no otherwise then of those in these parts which lie West of the holy Land. And so their own Rabbin is to be understood, 
Leon Modena Histor. de gl● Riti Hebraici di questi tempi part. 1. C. 10. Num. 3.  where he saith, Dalla parte di Oriente é posto un Arca etc. that the Jews set their Ark in the Eastern part of their Synagogues.  
He treateth of the modern uses of the Hebrews, according to which they are to have a little Chest imitating as much as it may the fashion of the old Ark, in which they put the books of the Law, and do their devotions towards it. This Ark they therefore always set in that part of their Synagogues which pointeth towards Jerusalem, so that those in Italy, as any where else in these Western parts, were to place it towards the East.  

Johan. Baptist. belus de Templo Augulari. C. 9 pag. 164.  And for him that said that the jews within Solomon's Temple, worshipped towards the West; but without it, towards the East, I remember such a Proverb in the Arabic Centuries, That the errors of wise men are so too; but if I grant him that this was learnedly, I must tell him too that it was (industriously indeed enough and) sufficiently mistaken. Solomon's Temple I know was set towards the West, and I know for what reason too, and that the Worshippers within the Temple turned that way, not towards the West, but towards the Ark which was placed at the West end of the Sanctuary. Without the Temple they worshipped towards the Temple itself, and according to their distance of abode, towards the holy City, or however towards the holy Land: meaning still the Place where the Ark was. And to this rule whatsoever, wheresoever, they say as concerning this matter, is to be enacted.  
Now the better to accommodate this rite of Devotion, their private Oratories were appointed in the uppermost Contignation of their Houses, called therefore by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alijoth from Alah to go up, which the Greek well rendered (and from them the Authors of the New Testament) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upper Rooms, so the Syriack and Arabic have rendered or rather expressed, for they do it for the most part by the same word. And so the Original aught to have been turned Dan. 6.10. jeremy 22.13, & 14. and elsewhere I say not simply Chambers, as we do it, but upper Chambers.  
Here (as hereafter) I forbidden any quarrel against the grave and learned Interpreters of That book.  
The work was usque ad invidiam aliarum gentium elaborata versio, as one said that understood it. 
Diusius.  Yet to show us how unprofitable we men are when we have done all, the Jews say that God himself when he made this World, purposely left one part unfinished. 'Tis old Eleazar's Tradition in the Zohar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he left a hole in the North.  
Now then for the Notation of the word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Eustathius is from the Lacedaemonian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Eustath. in Iliad.  for so they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the uppermosts of their Houses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Moschopulus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a Room built upon another Room etc. 
Moschopul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 138.  And he interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Hesychius doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the upper Room is called Mark 14.15. Luk. 22.12. So that the Greek account of this word is the very same which the Hebrew Grammarians give of their Alijoth, they are so called saith Kimki 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they are to be gone up to by ascents, as being in the uppermost parts of the House.  
And the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Gospels is the very same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Act. chap. 1. The very same upper Room (If the Scholiast I first mentioned hath observed rightly.) However, the several words signify the same thing, and so the Arabic and the Syriack have translated them, and in both places, by the very Hebrew word itself, Alijah.  
Now you shall see how all this holds.  
Daniel the Prophet, 
Dan. 6.10.  after the signing of the writing went into his house, and his Windows being open in his Chamber (his upper Chamber it should be) towards jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three time a day, and prayed, and gave thanks to his God. etc.  
The Greek is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Upon this practice of Daniel in Babylon, the Talmudists ground that Canon in Beracoth, That no man pray but in such a Room, Shejesh bo Challonoth, 
Talm. in Berac. c. 5. fol. 31. a. &. 34. b.  which hath Windows or Holes in the Wall, opening towards the Holy City.  
And Bejamin Bar jona saith, that the jews of his Time in Babylon went to Prayers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not only in their Synagogues, but in this very upper Room of Daniel. It was an old stone-house, (he saith) and that it was built by the Prophet himself, 
Juchasan. fol. 131. Tsemach David. fol. 55.  etc. Bar jona died in the year 933 of theirs, that is, 1173 of our Computation.  
It shall be plainer yet by this Tradition in Tobit.  
Sarah the daughter of Raguel, in distress at Echbatane, is said to have gone up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into her Father's upper Room (so some Hebrew Copies of that Book) and that there she prayed, 
Tobiae versio Arab. Ms. in Arch. Bodleian.  etc. I meet with an Arabic Translation which rendereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. that she went into the Bedchamber of her house, and did not eat, etc. The Author understood not the Place.  
But the Original Hebrew (so the Jews Edition at Constantinople, reprinted afterwards, and translated by Paulus Fagius, is taken to be) readeth thus, That she went up into her upper Room, and turning herself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 towards the window, she prayed and said, etc. which the Greek very well rendered (as that in Daniel) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, towards the window or hole in the wall, which opened towards jerusalem. And though the Greek expresseth not that She went up, yet it plainly saith, that she came down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, out of her Fathers Upper Room saith the Hebrew of Munster's Edition, The Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, out of her own, The Original Hebrew is out of the upper Room in which she had prayed.  
Note here that in stead of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Hebrew of Munster's Edition is that she prayed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Before the Lord, that is, towards His Sanctuary at jerusalem, where the Shecina sat. And therefore these or this Hole in the wall, (it was commonly but one) is called in jeremy the Prophet, God's window, Chap. 22.14. Woe unto him that saith, I will build me a wide House and large Chambers (it should be Upper Chambers, and so v. 13.) and cutteth him out Windows (it should be My Window, as the Margin confesseth) and it is sieled with Cedar, and painted with Vermilion. The meaning is, that if a man ('twas spoken of a King) shall raise himself up a vast and stately Pile of Building, and proportionably erect an Upper Room to my honour and Service, and cut me out a Window opening towards the place of my Sanctuary, and siele it with Cedar, and paint it with Vermilion, yet if this be done by oppression and unrighteousness, Woe to the man and his magnificence.  
Here we may give to, and take light from Petronius.  
He calleth this Window or these Holes in the Wall, 
Variar. Lection, lib: 2. c. 1.  Summas Coeli auriculas, The uttermost ears of Heaven, as the Learned Petit hath almost observed before me.  

judaeus licet & porcinum Numen adoret,  
Et Caeli summas advocet auriculas.   

The Jew though that the Swine as God he fears,  
And prays as fare as utmost Heaven hath ears.   
Petronias meaneth it especially of their Proseuchae (Houses of prayer without the Towns) the respective walls whereof were bound to open towards jerusalem, with such Holes as these. But the matter cometh to the same.  
But wholly to assure the meaning of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and moreover to make good this use of these Upper Rooms in Saint Luke's own time, Receive this Tradition of the Elders out of the Code Beracoth. 
Talmud in En. Omendin: Berac c: 5. fol. 34. b.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Elders deliver that the Son of Gamaliel (that Gamaliel at whose feet Saint Paul was brought up) was sick, and he sent Two of his Disciples to R. Hanina Ben Dosa to pray to God for him, so soon as he saw them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he went up lafoy miles, but not apostolis ut peregrinis ac fortunae tenuis tributa, let out to the Apostles, as Strangers and men of low condition, etc. as the Learned must observe no more. 
Heins: in Act.   
It may be noted out of Varro and Vitruvius, that the Ancient Roman Houses were of one only contignation at the first, Sed in ea majestate urbis & Civium infinita frequentia, saith Vitruvius, but when the City grew to that height, by the infinite increase and confluence of People, 
Architectur: l. 2. c. 8.  they were forced to raise up higher Stories, altitudines extructas crebris contignationibus coassatas (so it should be read, not coaxatas, as Philander hath let it pass) & coenaculorum summas utilitates, etc. And since the Citizens began to go up stairs, they thought it more agreeable to their State and glory (it holdeth still) to have the dining Room above, then below in the Area plana, as Vitruvius calleth it. Now Varro noteth moreover, that since this fashion of dining above came in, omnia superioria domus, all the Upper Rooms whatsoever were called Coenacula, though this was the first, and proper name only of the second Story where they used to dine. Which justifieth that Translation of the Vulgar, Act. 20.9. where for the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latin is, decidit e tertio Coenaculo. So that the Lowest Room also might be called Coenaculum. But the word Coenaculum in the most usual and latest Roman sense is still meant of the Garret or Cocke-loft as we call it, which was indeed the most contemptible part of the house, and of no better use then to be hired out to very ordinary and common people. To say the truth; they were but ordinary men that let them out, for the Conductor in the Law is said Coenaculariam exercere. But to the purpose, Coenaculum in this sense is no where in Scripture (scarcely any where else) called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is so called indeed in the Jus Orientale (and 'twill trouble you to find it elsewhere) for in the Glosses to the Basilica, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is said to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a house built up upon a hired ground.  
So that (which is the sum) the word Coenaculum in the last sense hath no reflex upon dining or supping, neither can it at any hand render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture. These Roman Cock-lofts were no fit receipts for an hundred and twenty people, Act. 1.15.  
If these things agree not with the Annotations in the New Model (they call it so themselves) it will not be my fault, and in my imputation I would not have it too much to be accounted theirs. To the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saint Mark. 14.15. (which I told you before is the same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Acts) they say,  
The Greek word signifieth that part of the House which is highest from the ground (so fare they are right) to what use soever it be put, but because they used to sup in that part of the house, they called it a supping chamber.  
But because they did not use to sup in that part of the House, therefore that must not be the reason.  
To St. Luk. 22.12. a large upper Room] their note is, which they were wont there to have, as for entertaining of Strangers, so especially for the Passeover.  
The [Especially] was well put in.  
I do not wonder at the mistake how great soever, for unless the right sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had fallen into their ways it could not be expected, that they should have done much better than they did. Only it soundeth not altogether so well, that the same place should be so profanely put to it as to serve the turn in both capacities.  
There is some difference betwixt entertaining of passengers, and Receiving the Communion.  
But (to go no further aside) the upper Rooms in Scripture were such as I have said, places in that part of the house which was highest from the ground, set apart by the Jews for their private Orisons and Devotions to be addressed towards Solomon's Temple, or the place of that, which for the Consecration and convenience of Recess, the Apostles made use of in the Christian way.  
Contrary to this as it may seem to be, Peter is said, to have gone up not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the house top to pray. Act. 10.9. Here if I would take it, as Saint Hierome doth, Dan. 6.6.10. and Erasmus, Mark. 14.15. I need not to doubt any further, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are all one to them. And so the learned Master Meade took it to be, and saith that the signification is ex usu Hellenistarum.  
I do not think it will be found so. I am sure that in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is expressly distinguished from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Sam. 11.13. and from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mat. 24.17. And from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 King. 23.12. where it is said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That Josia broke down the Altars which were on top of the upper Chamber of Ahaz.  
But Peter is said to go up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It will not be proper to say, that he went up upon the upper Room, It should have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Peter went up upon the house Top. The Saxon is þaene H●o● the Roof of the House. So the Syriack, the Arabic is the plain Roof as the Tops of their houses were made. Peter was now at Joppa where he lodged in the house of one Simon a Tanner, the state of which place it seems would not hold out for an upper Room of the religious kind. For want of this he made use of the house Top. If there had been an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there, he had gone up into that, as Saint Paul did at Troas, Act. 20.8. and Saint Peter also at the same City of Joppa, but in a house of greater note in the case of Tabytha, Act. 9.37.39. for of both these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I mean to make good, that they were of the same kind which is here noted upon. And for that at Troas, it is plain, for there were many Lights in the upper Room, the Disciples were there gathered together, and there Paul preached. It is more to be noted, that the young man sat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in God's window, and fell down from thence, (as Ahaziah once 2 King. 1.2.) It had been God's before, but was now out of Jewish Reverence and observation.  
And for that of Joppa I take this course.  
Tabytha was sick and died, and when she was washed they laid her in an upper Chamber.  
The Mahometans to this day, when they have washed their Dead they dispose of them in such a place, where they may be laid out so as that the Face and Feet may most directly be turned towards Alkibla, or the Temple of Meccha, as their Sharach Almenhag, 
Rituales Lib. Arab. MSS. in Arch. Laudin. Bib. Bod.  and Hali Ben Moses in the Rythmicall Ritual.  
He that knoweth but as much as any man might do, of their manners, cannot deny me but that the outside, and Ceremonial part of their profession, was altogether transcribed out of the Jewish Platform.  
The shortest way to tell you this (besides the Lunary calculation spoken of before) is in the matter of their Kibla.  
This word signifieth to them (as the same word in the Hebrew doth) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, any thing that is before or over against, from thence they call the place towards which they worship Alkibla, The Kibla.  
They first of all (saith Ibn' el Sahan) worshipped towards the Temple of Jerusalem, afterwards, 
El Sahan Hist. Arab. MS. in Arch. Laudin.  (as now) towards the Temple of Meccha, etc. And this the same Author calleth, The changing of the Kibla.  
Now this very thing is a case of the Kibla or term of adoration, which is fully concerned, not only in the whole frame of outward worship, but also in the situation of Temples and Position of the Dead. But for this I remit you to another Tract which wanteth not much of my last hand.  
Seeing therefore that the Jews and they had once the very same Kibla, and now have the same by imitation, that which is pretended to, is of easy consequence.  
I infer upon this, that it was an old Jewish funeral rite to carry up their dead bodies (after they were washed) into such a place where they might best compose them in the religious posture, with their Face and Feet toward Jerusalem.  
Therefore the upper Room into which Tabytha was carried up, was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the House. It is not to be mistaken as if she had been carried up thither to this end that she might be placed toward Jerusalem. The Rites of her Funeral were now to be Christian. It was to lay her out so that her Face and Feet might be turned towards the East, which might be in that upper Room, for Jerusalem was East from joppa.  
I was forced for the present to make use of this way of proof, because I could not be fully enough satisfied as concerning the Jewish Rite in the position of their dead. Schickard confesseth he knew not so much though he lived amongst them. And their own Rabbin saith no more than that they lay out a dead Corpse, 
Les mod. de gli Rit. Heb. Part. 5. c. 1.  co piedi verso la porta dalla camera, e una candela da capo di cera posta in una pignatta di cenere, with the feet turned towards the Chamber door, and a wax Candle at the head put into a pot of ashes.  
But whatsoever the modern practice is, the ancient must be to bury towards jerusalem. Though I have no authority for it other than this Mahometan imitation, yet it must be true upon course from the Kibla, for all professions buried towards the place they worshipped, as in the Tract I referred you to, I shall be able to let you know.  
In the 18 of the Act. v. 22. It is said that When Paul had landed at Caesarea, and gone up and saluted the Church, he went down to Antioch.  
The learned Master Mead collecteth here from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Apostle went up into an upper Room, the rather because (as the Dieu hath noted already) the  rendereth it, Et descendit Caesaream, & ascendit in domum Christianorum, & salutavit eos, & abiit Antiochiam. That Paul came down to Caesarea, and went up into an house of the Christians, and saluted them, and departed from thence to Antioch.  
This Collection I confess to have very much of the felicity of that man's usual judgement in the Scriptures. But the context requireth us to another sense. Paul had now newly been at Ephesus, where he had been much importuned to make a longer stay in that place, but he bade them farewell, saying, that he must by all means keep the next feast at Jerusalem, but that he would return again unto them, 

Geograph. Nubiens. Clim. 2. part. 5.  
●ed Rex liberalitate ac sumptibus devictas natura, etc. joseph. De Bell. jud. Lib. 1. c. 6.   if God permitted. So he sailed from Ephesus and came down to Caesarea. It was the Caesarea Stratonis, and his safest passage to jerusalem. The course by joppa had been a shorter cut, And this jafo, or joppes is called by an Arabic Geographer, The Haven of jerusalem, but a very dangerous one; which was the reason which most of all moved Herod to repair the old Haven at Caesarea, though at a vast expense, and with as much violence as Art could force upon nature.  
Paul therefore having landed at Caesarea, went up, so the Arabic and the Syriack explain the Greek, that is, he went up to Jerusalem, as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek suggesteth of itself; for to say no more in such a case than that he went up, is to say, that he went up to Jerusalem. So some Syriack Translations read it: otherwise I understand not what Tremelius could mean by his putting in the word with this note upon it, quadam exemplaria non habent nomen Vrishelem. It is to say no less then that some Copies have it.  
I do not find it in the printed ones, nor in some manuscript Copies of good note; If it were not at all to be found, it is necessary to the sense of the place, and therefore aught to be supplied, or at least understood. For it cannot be suspected, but that the Apostle did go up to Jerusalem at this time, for he told the Ephesians that by all means he must, and no man can devise how it could be otherwise done then from Caesarea, for to departed from Caesarea to go to Antioch had been all one as to go back to Ephesus, and so to go by the same place to Jerusalem, unto which he promised in his return from Jerusalem to come again if God would.  
There are yet some places of Scripture which fall within the present consideration. As the 1 King. 10.4, 2 Chron. 9.4. where we translate it in both places the ascent of Solomon, though in the latter expressly it should be his upper Room. It is noted there (as those in Jeremy) for the most admirable piece of Workmanship in all the King's House, and reckoned therefore among those rarities which so amazedly took with the Queen of Sheba, though notable not only for its own structure, but also for that famous Ascent by which he went up out of this House of Prayer into that of the Lord.  
So Psal. 104.3. God is said to lay the beams of his Chambers (it should be his upper Chambers) in the Waters. The Saxon translated it rightly þae uplacen.  
Judg. 3.10. Eglon the King of Moab was sitting in his summer Parlour, or Parlour of cooling, as the margin there. And yet the Hebrew word is Baalejah, in the upper Room, in Coenaculo refrigerii, as others truly.  
2 Sam. 18.33. The King was much moved (at the death of Absalon) and went up to the Chamber (the upper Chamber it should be of the Gate) and wept etc.  
It is said also that a great woman of Shunem, made a Chamber ('tis an upper Chamber there) for Elisha the man of God, furnished with a Bed, a Table, a Stool, and a Candlestick, etc. 2 King. 4.8.  
And the Widow woman of Sarepta provided that other man of God such a Chamber (an upper Chamber that should be too) where he laid the Child upon his Bed, and cried to the Lord and said, O Lord my God, etc.  
It is said moreover, that the King Hezekiah, lying sick upon his bed turned towards the wall, and prayed, etc.  
To these Readins, it may be noted thus. That the word Alijah, doth not always signify in the principal and religious sense, but when it doth so, it is always set down absolutely. Otherwise if it be meant for an ordinary upper Room, it is most usually expressed with a note of distinction, as the Coenaculum portae or upper Room of the Gate, 2 Sam. 18.33. The Coenaculum refrigerii, or cooling upper Room, judg. 30.10. the Coenaculum parietis or upper Room of the Wall, 2 King. 4.8.  
And it may be perceived moreover, that besides the common 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the house, the Bedchambers also, especially those of the Prophets, were bound to be (as much as they might) of the same kind with these upper Rooms, and opening towards jerusalem. The case of a sick man (besides others) laid a necessity of Devotions here too, and therefore these also were to have their prospect toward the Holy City, or if that could not (it could not always) be, than respect was to be had of that Wall of the Room which pointed towards the Temple. Therefore the King Hezekiah turned himself towards i Wall and prayed. jonathans' Targum rendereth it towards the Wall of the Sanctuary, 
Don. Isaac Abraban. in Isai. 38.2.  meaning (saith Abrabaniel) the Western Wall where the Ark stood. All this is true, but the immediate sense is that the King turned towards that wall of the Room which pointed toward the Ark which stood under the Western Wall of the Sanctuary.  
'Tis possible this Wall might be written upon with some title of Reverence and Remembrance; for the Jews to this very day inscribe their walls, with East, West, North, or South, according as the holy Land lieth from the Country where they are, only to put them in mind of that Coast, towards which they are to worship. So the Jews in the West, as Italy, Germany, etc. writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mizrach upon their Walls, that is Oriens, because Jerusalem lieth East from them, as the learned Schickard hath observed, and their Menasse Ben Israel answered me by Letters.  
Whether or no this kind of Upper Room for this reason might not be called Coenaculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kir, or Parietis, The wall upper Room, I would not so presently resolve, though I know it pretendeth much better than the received meaning.  
Once more, Herodotus telleth that when Sennacherib the King of Assyria came out against Egypt, Sethon (who had formerly been a Priest in Vulcan's Temple, but was now made King) being reduced to a very hard condition, by the revolting of his men, retired himself in Coenaculum (so the translator) into an upper Room, and there lamented his case before the Gods. The success was, that the Assyrian forces were suddenly and totally disappointed by an Army of Mice, to the memory whereof, the Statue of Sennacherib was set up in Vulean's Temple holding in his hand a Mouse, and saying these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He that looketh upon me let him learn to be religious. This put me upon the consideration, whether there might not be some such use of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Egyptian way. But I did not find that any matter could be made of this, more than a mistake in the Translation. The Greek is that the Priest went up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Scholiasts of Homer and Hesiod, as Phavorinus also etc. say this word signified at the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a stately pile of building, or a great man's house, but was afterwards taken for any ordinary one Indeed the latitude of the word is so great that it hath been sunk down from a Palace, to a Stable, for so also it signifieth, somewhere.  
But Julius Pollux reckoneth this word among the Loca Sacra, and therefore it should not have been translated there, Magalia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by Suidas for a Place Holy enough. It must needs be taken there, for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sanctuary itself, for it is taken for such a Place into which none but the Priest might enter.  
And this was the meaning of Herodotus, that Sethon went 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not into an Upper Room, but into the Adytum, or Sanctuary of Vulcan's Temple, and there made his case known, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Before the Idol, etc. Herodot. in E●terp.  
The Talmudists make yet another use of this word Alijah, in the Tract Nidda, fol. 17. b. where the womb of a woman is called by this name of recess. The Place is quoted by the Aruc, and out of that by Drusius, and made up into this Proverb, Ovis cecidit supina & exiit sanguis è Coenaculo. 
D●us. Adag. Hebraic. fol. 106.  But by a very great mistake, for there is nothing of a Sheep, or a Proverb in it, as the Learned Buxtorfe hath already admonished, In addendis ad Lex. Talmudic. Col. 2676.   

CHAP. IU. 

Es. 3. 2●.  And her gates shall lament and mourn, etc.  
And she being desolate shall sit upon the ground.   
DEsolation in Scripture is otherwise expressed by Silence & sitting upon the ground; By the first because great Sorrow is so. And the 2 d. hath Nature enough in it besides a derivation down from the manner of the Hebrew Mourning. So Ezech. 8.14. there sat women weeping for Tammuz. And in the 8 of Amos at the third, it is said. That the Songs of the Temple shall be howl, in that day many dead bodies shall be in every place, they shall cast them forth. Peace, or be silent. So the Margin according to the Letter, which must needs here take place; for the paraphrase in the Text (in silence) expresseth not enough.  
But as the things themselves, Sitting, and Silence, fall not out single, so they are most commonly put down in company. So Job 2.13. His three friends came to him, and sat down with him upon the ground seven days, and seven nights, and none spoke a word unto him, for they saw that his Grief was very great. So Es. 47.5. Lament. 2.10, etc.  
We may know this (as we do some other things) the better by the contrary. But than first of all it is to be observed, That in Capital causes, as in the case of Suspension, Lapidation, or the like just violences against Nature's course, it was forbidden both by the Roman and the Jewish Law to make any Lamentation at all for any such miscarriages of Dissolution. By the Roman. De his qui not. inf. L. Liberorum Sect. Non Solum. The Jewish is under the Title Sanhedrin, C. 6. fol. 46. b. in the Mishna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That these are not to be lamented by the Lamentation of Mourners, but only in the heart, that is (saith the Gloss) that they are not to be mourned over by any sumptuous or solemn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but by the closest Rite of funerals, etc. Col. 2. Their Burial too is as negligently appointed, and leaving them in little better condition then that of an Ass, fol. 46. a.  
This is to tell the reason why the Blessed Virgin and the other Women which stood a fare off, (as the other Gospels) or near, (that is, as near as they could for the Soldiers) were not to make any solemn, usual show of Lamentation. The Mother of Jesus must needs be reduced to the Extremest state of sadness and contristation. If the Face and Countenance of the Action were too little, yet these words, Woman behold thy Son, could not choose but turn her heart within her, (as God said once of himself, Hos. 11.8.)  
And yet, though No sorrow were like to hers, Lament. 1.12. She would be terrible in these praises. This was the reason why She, and the other Women stood: 'Tis no such wonder of the other Women. But She stood up still in a resolute and almost impossible compliance with the Law.  
For you are not to take it so, as if the word Standing there, were an Expression of Course. 'Twas necessary. And they might not he down in that case, as some of the Masters ignorantly paint the story. They were to stand, as by the wrong posture to free the Company from any suspicion of Mourning for a Malefactor.  
'Tis true indeed that we read of Mary Magdalen, and the other Marry, sitting over against the Sepulchre, and they sat there to mourn over the dead. And therefore they sat, but this was after leave obtained of the Governor to bury the body. This leave vouchsafed, and the Law discharged, the two Maries might sit down and weep over the Sepulchre in the open and usual manner.  
Now from this behaviour of the Jewish mourners, Sitting, and Silence, the same words use to be said of a dead City or Country. As Esa. 47.5. The daughter of the Chaldeans is bid to sit down silent, and get her into darkness, and be no more the Lady of Kingdoms. So Lament. 2.10. The Elders of the daughter of Zion sit down upon the ground and keep Silence. So here  
And she being desolate shall sit upon the ground.  
The words are spoken of the Daughter of Zion the special part of Jerusalem, and here meant of the whole City and Country.  
The prophecy pointed at a nearer desolation, but might possibly have an influence upon the last destruction thereof by Titus Vespasian. I am sure, as if it had been so, the Reverses both of the Father and of the Son, made for the memory and celebration of this conquest, are imprinted with the fullest expressions and commentary upon these words.  
In stead of the daughter of Zion, a silent Woman, Sitting upon the ground, and leaning her bacl to a Palmtree, with this Inscription, Judaea Capta.  
Note here that the Reverses made to commit victories to memory, were always written upon with some representation of proper respect unto the Place conquered, as in a very ancient Coin of Augustus Caesar, Brass. The Face is double, This Inscription. 
Jean Poldo de ● ' antiquity de la ca●e de Nests.  Imp. Divi. F. that is, not Imperatores Divi Fratres, as the Antiquary of Nismes, (Imperatores with a single P is false writing in the Medals) but Imperator Divi Filius, for Augustus Caesar is principally meant, though Julius be ●●ere.  
The Reverse a Crocodile enchained to a Palmtree, the Inscription, Col. Nem. that is, Colonia Nemausensium, or the Colony of Nemausium, now called Nismes in Languedoc. The devotion of the Reverse is to celebrate the absolute victory of Augustus over all Egypt, after the Battle at Actium. The Palmtree is common to Egypt with Judaea, the Crocodile almost proper. And 'tis signal in both these that the conquered should be fastened to the Palmtree, which is the Emblem of victory.  
But it is more to be considered, that no conquered City or Country besides this of Judaea (I could observe none) especially before the Times of Titus) is expressed upon the Coins, by a woman sitting upon the Ground. I know that the posture of sitting is a Ceremony of Roman Lamentation too. But to call a Flourishing City The Lady of Kingdoms, Es. 47.6. or the Princess among the Provinces, Lam. 1: 1. And to express a taken or destroyed City, by a woman sitting upon the Ground, is clear Hebrew Phrase, or if it were not only theirs, yet it was theirs first, and must be learned from them.  
And therefore I must needs think that the Emperor's Reverse was contrived out of this Prophecy.  
And when I consider how great a man the Jew Josephus was in the Emperor's Court, and that he served him presently, and famously in the Action, before the Walls of Jerusalem, I continue to imagine who it was that had a hand in the Device.  
To save this Interpretation harmless, I must confess here that I find in one of Vespasians Reverses, Silver, A woman standing upon the Ground, and leaning herself to a Palmtree, with the very same Inscription, Judaea capta.  
This put me to some wonderment at the first. But when I took notice that her hands were bound, I perceived that the mind of the Reverse was, not to express the Desolation of the Place, but the Captivity of the People.   

CHAP. V The Kingdom of Heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by force, Mat. 11.12.  
This is a Strange Phrase, if it should be exacted by our manner of expressing. The Greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and must not be passively rendered, as Beza would have it, but as Erasmus and the English rightly. And so the Syriac and the Arabic are to be understood.  
But for the manner of the Speech it is to be referred unto this Tradition of the Elders.  

Talmud. in Jema. C. 4. fol. 30. a.  Two men had an inheritance divided betwixt them by equal portions, and 'tis said of one of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he carried away his own part and his fellows too, therefore they called him Ben Hamtsen, or The Son of violence until the day of his death, etc.  
By The Kingdom of Heaven is plainly meant, The Inheritance of the Saints and the means whereby to purchase it. The Gospel of the Kingdom, as it is therefore so called Mat. 9.35. which compare with Luke the 16.16.  
This Inheritance was bequeathed to, and equally divided betwixt the Jew and the Gentile in a Christian way of Gavealkin. It was first offered to the Jew to take his Half, but which the Jew refusing to do, the Apostles cast off the dust off their Shoes, and turned to the Gentiles. And so the Gentile, like a good Ben Hamtsen, or Son of violence, took his own share, and the Jews too.   

CHAP. VI Noah's Lent. And the Rain was upon the Earth forty days and 40 nights, Gen. 7.12.  
During this time Noah and his Sons (so I find it in the Eastern Traditions) kept a Solemn Fast, taking meat but once a day, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
Catena Veterum, praecipue Orientalium, in Pen●ateu●hum, Arabi●e MS. in Arch Bibl. Bod.  And Noah was the first who made the 40 days Holy, (or instituted the quadragesimal Fast in the Ark, Caten. Arabica. Cap. 24. If it be as the Tradition pretendeth to, The Institution of Lent is ancienter than we took it for.   

CHAP. VII. Caeci & Claudi. And (the Jebusite) spoke unto David, saying, Thou shalt not come up hither unless thou take away the Blind and the Lame, saying (with themselves) David shall not come up hither. And David said in that day, Whosoever smiteth the Jebusite, and recovereth to the Fort, and (smiteth) the Lame and the Blind, hated of David's Soul,— Therefore they said, The Blind and the Lame shall not come into the house, 2 Sam. 5.6.8.  
So the Original expressly.  
To prepare for that meaning of the words which I intent to take upon me, I shall insist a while upon some unobserved superstitions of the Ancients in the foundations and assurances of their Cities, Forts, etc.  
'Twas a Rule the trembling Heathen went by, to undertake nothing (nothing anew especially) inauspicato, without some ominous performance, we may call it what we please, but they did it upon grounds throughly concerned in experience and effect still attaining their end by what dark and secret ways of cooperation soever brought to pass, as undiscovered to themselves as us.  
To the matter in hand, the first was the propitiation of the place by reconciling the Genius with a respective Sacrifice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. saith Hesychius Milesius concerning the foundation of Byzantium.  
Like Ceremonies were performed by Alexander at the building of Alexandria, 
Arrian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 52.  as Arrian in the third book of his Expedition.  
Such are often remembered by Joannes Antiochenus, and out of him repeated by the Fasti Siculi, George Cedrens, and others.  
But I choose to instance a less known passage out of Abdilphaker in his Arabic History of the Foundation of Antioch.  
When this was laid by Antiochus the King, it happened that whatsoever the workmen dug up by day, was again thrown in by night, and they were affrighted from the work by a dreadful Apparition. The King called for the Astrologers and wisemen who after Sacrifice rightly performed, discovered an appearance of Almarick or Mars. 
Abdilphaker. Arab. MS. in Arch. Laudin.  It was agreed therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a magnificent Temple should be erected to his name, and his statue there set up, and that the foundation of the City should be laid under his Ascendent, & ct Also an Anniversary of three day's festival was instituted, etc. and the Author saith, that these things continued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 until the Manifestation of Jesus the son of Mary. Peace and the Prayer of God be upon him.  
This Tradition of the Arabian includes another manner of the Ancients laying the foundation of their Metropolitan Cities under a certain Configuration of the Heavens the most propitious that could be erected for the time being.  
So Muazzus the Top of the Fatimaean family, caused the City of Gran Cairo to be set up under the same Ascendent of Almarick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that as Mars had a coercive power in the superior world, so the City might be Coactrix Orbis here below, therefore the name of it was called Alchahira, as the Note upon Elmacinus in the Tarich Mulstiminorum. lib. 3. p. 227.  

Hali ad Carpum. P●ol. ad verb▪ 15.  The Ascendent of a City (saith Haly) is that sign cujus ascensione quis incipit collocare primarium lapidem, which riseth in the Horoscope at the laying of the first stone.  
The Art of this is to be taken out of the first part of Apotelesmaticall Construction, called by Ptolemie, Catholicon, Tetrabib. 1. Where he appointeth his ginger in giving judgement of the Accidents of a City to take knowledge of the Sun and Moon's place in the Zodiaque which they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ptol. Tetrab. l. 5.6.4. & 5.  at the laying of the foundation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but especially of the Ascendent as the most principal Angle.  
According to these Rules Tarucius Firmicus cast the Nativity of Rome, and Vectius Valens an ginger of Antioch, that of Constantinople, the figure whereof is extant in a Greek Manuscript in the Vatican. The Horoscope was Cancer, and the ginger judged by the appearences that the City should stand 702 years as the Vatican book, as Cedrens and others, 696. which if it be taken of those years, 
Zonara's Annal. tom. 3. in Constant. Mag. p. 7.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in which the City flourished under a full state of discipline, the ginger was not so much out, as Glycas thinketh. And moreover before the taking of the City by Mahomet the second, a great Conjunction was observed under the Horoscope. But in assigning the Ascendent of this City, the Greeks' and Arabians agree not, 

Alkas Cyriac. Tab. Astron. Arab. MS. in Arch. Laudin. Ben. Isaac.  
Geograph. Arab. MS. Ibid.   nor the Arabians themselves. For in the Tables of Alkas, Constantinople is set under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Libra, in Ben. Isaac's Geography under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Taurus, and though the same place may have several Horoscopes, yet to so much variety it will be hard to reconcile the matter.  
This Superstition hath been as commonly and more lately practised in the West.  
At the instauration of Rome by Paul the third, Gauricus drew the Figure of the Heavens. Vincentius Campanatius observed the time by his Astrolabe toward the instant whereof he cried out with a loud voice. Ecce, adest hora praecisa decima sexta fere completa. Then immediately Ennius' Verulanus the Cardinal laid the first stone.  
The curious may see several Nativities of Cities, Forts, and Castles, with the Judgements given in Gauricus, Junctin, Garcaeus, etc.  
The Figure of the Old Lodging at Merton College is yet to be seen in one of the Wardens Windows. 
John Chambers  I set it not here down because it is already done by another in his Book against Judicial Astrology.  
These Catholical Nativities were so much believed in by the Ancient Kings, saith Haly, that they enquired into the Genitures of all the principal Nati under their dominions, where if the Planets were found to look with a malicious eye upon the Nativity of the Kingdom, Interficieubant cum puernm, quod ejus Regnum erat contra contra Regnum ipsorum.  
It may be seen also what Zonaras hath reported of Tiberius and Domitian, Tim. 2. Annal. p. 174. & 198.  
Now because that in the Nativities of Cities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the Genitures of men, (saith Ptolemy) the Astrology is the same.  
Therefore after consideration had of the life and being of the City from the Horoscope, the next care taken was of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or part of Fortune, the second Ascendent, so called in the Figures of men, or the Horoscopus Athlorum.  
The Part of Fortune found out, was mysteriously included in a Statue of Brass, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Telesmatically prepared. The Rites were, 
Joh. Antioch.  A pure Virgin was offered up in Sacrifice. A Statue of the Virgin set up, imposed upon with a New and secret Name, and Sacrifice done to That. And all this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For so the Statue was called The Fortune of the City.  

Joh. Antioch. in Arch. Barroccian.  So in Seleucus his foundation of Antioch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The like Ceremonies were observed by the same Founder at the building of Apamea. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The Fortune of old Byzantium was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ceroe. When this was repaired into Constantinople, the Emperor's Statue was set up. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holding in his right hand the Fortune of the City which he called Anthusa. But the Sacrifice was not as before.  
The Emperor offered up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Incruentum Sacrificium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: A Sacrifice without blood, and not to the Fortune of the City, but to God himself.  
Briefly thus. The Founders of old at the building of their principal Cities, Castles, or the like, caused their Astrologers to find out a lucky position of the Heavens, under which the first stone might be laid. The Part of Fortune found out in this first Figure was made the Ascendent of another. The first judged of the Livelihood and duration. The second of the outward Glory and Fortune of the City under the Influence of this latter configuration they erected a Statue of brass into which this Fortune and Genius of the City was to be called by Art. Thus spirited with this secret power, it was disposed of in some eminent or recessefull place of the City, and looked upon as that thing which was only concerned in the fortune and fatality of all.  
Such a one was the Trojan Palladium, no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Joannes▪ Antiochenus, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or as John Tzetzes quoteth the place to Lycophron, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, telesmatically consecrated or under a good Horoscope by Asius the Philosopher, and presented to the founder Trous, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. as a Statue enabled by Art to preserve the City wherein it should be laid up in a victorious and impregnable State.  
Olympiodorus relateth from Valerius Governor of Thacia under Constantius the Emperor, 
Phot. cod. 80.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of certain Silver statues laid up under the confines of Thracia and Illyria, Telesmatically consecrated against the Incursions of the Barbarians, which at the command of Valerius being dug out and taken away, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. within a few days after all Thracia and Illyria was overrun by the Goths and Huns.  
I say then of the Claudi and the Caci, that they were no other than those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Statuary Telesmes so much celebrated of old (as Nicetas) which unless they kept the City, the watchman laboured but in vain.  
They were placed by the Astrologers in some convenient Recess of the Fort, and had doubtless made good the place against David's men, but that as the great Soothsayer himself confessed, There was no enchantment against Jacob, nor divination against Israel, Numb. 22.23.  
The usual Interpretation of this place is, (and 'tis the best of the bad) that the Jebusites trusting themselves to the invincible condition of their Fort, brought up Lame and Blind men to cast a scorn upon David's approaches. Therefore his soul hated them. I am sure I have made the best of this construction, and yet he that shall run it through all the Circumstances of the Text, will find it to be as impertinently cast up, as that of the Chaldee, which instead of the Lame and the Blind rendereth by way of Paraphrase, the sinners and ungodly Jebusites. Which some of the Hebrews endeavour to follow, but at an intolerable distance.  
I shall not want for a very considerable part of them, who though they have not lighted upon the very same, yet have said enough as to the clearness and advancement of that sense and meaning, which I have resolved upon. In the Celi Jakar you'll find that the Lame and the Blind may be taken for Images. R. Solomom saith expressly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they were so, 
R● D. Chimchi. R. Leu. Ben Gerson. Celi jakar. & R. Esay in locum.  and R. David that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Images of brass. R. Esay as R. David and Levi Ben Gerson say moreover— That the Blind and the Lame were Images written upon with the oath which Abraham and Isaac made to Abimelech, and that they were called Blind and Lame, because they had eyes and saw not, they had feet and walked not, etc.  
But as concerning the conceit of Abraham and Isaac's oath to Abimelech I leave it at large. That which I take from them is, that they were Images of Brass, and the reason why they were called the Blind and the Lame, which if it had not been suggested by them, yet is the very phrase of the Scripture.  
They were the Stoichiodae or Constellated Images of Brass, set up in the Recess of the Fort, called in scorn (as they were hated by David's soul) the Blind and the Lame. Yet so surely entrusted with the keeping of the place, that if they did not hold it out, the Jebusites said they should not come into the house, that is, they would never again commit the safety of the Fort to such Palladium's as these. Therefore they (that is, the Jebusites) said the Blind and the Lame, etc.   

CHAP. VIII. Wherefore you shall make Images of your emrod's and Images of your Mice that mar the Land, 
1 Sam. 6.5.  and ye shall give glory unto the God of Israel: peradventure he will lighten his hand from off you, and from off your Gods, and from off your Land.  
When the Ark was taken Captive and detained by the profane Philistines, the hand of God was sore upon them, and smote them with Haemorhoides, & ebullierunt villae & agri in medio Regionis illius, & nati sunt mures, & facta est confusio mortis magna in Civitate. So the vulgar addeth, the ancient Greek Copies have it not. The later agree not, some Hebrew Copies acknowledge it not, saith Mendoza, as if there were any that did. 'Tis found indeed in the Dras, as Chimhi hath observed. And it cannot be denied to the Romanists, but that it seemeth to be wanting, but by no means to be so supplied. 'Twere better the Ark should shake still, then that Vzzah should hold it up. Howsoever 'tis true that there was a plague of Mice, as well as of Haemorhoides. Concerning which the Astrologers being consulted gave counsel that there should be made 5 golden Images of the Mice, and as many of the disease to give glory to the God of Israel. The number was according to the number of their Lords, but for the thing itself the expositors whatsoever pass lightly over it, or stop the mouth of the letter with a mystery, perceiving no more of the natural sense, than a bare trespass offering, but wondering withal and not without cause, what glory could accrue to the God of Israel from such a homely present as the counterfeit of a Mouse, or that which is worse. A thing which the holy Ghost here vouchsafed not to call by its own name, for the Keri is Tehorecem, Anorum Vestrorum. But the meaning of the Images is Stoichioticall, and to be given out of the telesmatical Traditions.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Ptolemy in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ptolem. Centiloque Verb. 9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the generable and corruptible forms are affected by the Celestial, which therefore the Talismans' make use of by observing the entrance of the stars into them.  
The meaning is (saith Hali Aben Rodoan) or as the Hebrew translation, (Abis' Giafar) that the forms of things here below are answered with the like figurations above, and that the Celestial forms have a ruling influence upon the sublunary: for example, the Scorpion and Serpent in heaven upon those in earth. Therefore the Sapientes imaginum inspiciebant quando planeta de sub radiis solis egrediebatur, & ingrediebatur hos vultus, eumque in ascendente ponebant, & vultum quem intrabant sculpebant in Lapide, & miscebant cum eo alia ad haec necessaria, faciebantque cum eo ex aptatione vel destructione quod volebant, etc. Observed when a planet was out of his Combustion, and entered into any of these forms, then placing the planet in the Horoscope they engraved the form upon a stone, then adding what else was necessary they fitted it to preservation or destruction; as they pleased, etc.  
These conceits the Greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from whence the Arabic Talismath. The Chaldeans from the word in the Text Tsalmanija, Images. An experiment of the force is set down by Hali upon his own knowledge practised upon a Saracens servant in diebus Camorchae Regis. The servant had been stung with a Scorpion, and was cured by his Master with a stone of this kind engraven upon with the figure of a Scorpion. And the Saracen said, that the figure was cut when the Moon was in the sign Scorpio, and that the sign was in one of the four Angles.  
The mightiest in operation of this sort was Apollonius Tyaneus, a man of that note in the Heathen balance, that Hierocles the Stoic, put him into the Scale with Christ himself, nay he accounted him the better man of the two, but which is sufficiently returned upon him by Eusebius Pamph. Cont. Hieroclem.  
But the performances of this man had such appearances of wonder, that they extorted this doubt from the Orthodox themselves, 
justin Martyr Res. ad Orthod. quaest. 24.245.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. If God be the Creator and Lord of the World, how comes it to pass that Apollonius his Telismes have so much overruled the course of things? for we see that they also have stilled the waves of the Sea, and the raging of the winds, and prevailing against the noisome flies and incursions of wild beasts, etc.  
And though Philostratus in that large Legend of his life hath no memory of these things, yet they are constantly ascribed unto this name by Codin. Cedrens. Hesychius, Olympiodorus, the Greek Ms. cited by Leunclavius, The Chronicon Alexandrinum and John Tzetzes, C. 60. of his third Chiliad. quod omnino legendum (saith Scaliger) siquidem horum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notitiam habere placet, 
joseph Scalig. Epist. 180.  & sane lectio non injucunda. Name in illo capite Apollonius sculptura Culicum & Ciconiarum, culices Antiochiam, Ciconias Byzantium ingredi prohibuit.  
But a suller Tradition of this matter I shall here set down out of Domninus cited by Joannes Antiochenus Melala in the 10 Book of his chronography.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
joan. Antiochen. Ms. in Arch. Baroccian. Bibliothec. Bodleian.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In the same times of the Reign of Domitian, flourished the most learned Apollonius Tyaneus who got himself a great name by travelling about and making Telesines in all places where he came, for the Cities and the Countries. From Rome he went to Byzantium, and entering into that City of Byzus (now more happily called Constantinople) he made there also many. Telesmes at the instance of the Citizens, as that against the storks, against the river Lycus which passeth by through the middle of the City, that against the Tortoises, that against the Horses and other strange things. Then afterward leaving Byzantium he went and did the like in other Cities. From Tyanis he came into Syria, and so to Antioch the great, where also he was desired by the chief men of the City to make such Telesmes as they had need of. And he made one against the Northern wind, and set it up upon the East part of the City.  
The Author goeth on, and at large describeth Apollonius his charms against the gnats and scorpions, adding moreover that Apollonius walking upon a day with the chief men of the City to observe the situation of the place, happened upon a ruinous pillar, and enquiring into the purpose of that, the Citizens related unto him, that in the days of Caius Caesar when the City bade been shaken with an Earthquake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Johan. Antiochen. Ms. in Arch. Barocian Bib. Bod.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One Debborius a Talisman to prevent the falling of the City in case an earthquake should happen again, set up this pillar and upon that a marble pectoral inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but which in process of time had been consumed by lightning, etc. The Citizens therefore were earnest with him, to set up a new Telesme, but Apollonius fetching a deep sigh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 refused to make any further Telesmes against the Earthquakes; but the Citizens being urgent upon him, he took writing Tables and foretold as followeth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And thou miserable City of Antioch shalt suffer twice, and a third time shall come upon thee, wherein thou shalt be consumed by fire even in that part by which Orontes runneth. And it may be thou shalt suffer yet once more.  
This written, he delivered the Tables to the Citizens, and departed into Seleucia, and from thence into Egypt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But the most concerning Telesme to the matter in hand that against the Scorpions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apollonius caused an Image of a Scorpion to be melted in brass, and set it up upon a little pillar in the midst of the City of Antioch, and the Scorpions vanished out of all their Coasts.  
A like Telesme to this was set up at Hempts a City of Syria Apamea, that which Ptolemy calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Geograph. Nubiens Clim. 3. part. 5.  In the middle of this, saith an Arabic Geographer, a stone there is set up in a wall having upon it the figure of a Scorpion, and when any one is bitten he bringeth Clay and taketh out the figure, which having applied to the place affected, he is immediately cured.  
In the nether Region of Grand Cairo the Crocodiles were harmless, in the upper they destroyed the Inhabitants. 
Cardan. de subtilitat. l. 9 Scaliger. exercit. 196. Num. 6. joan. Bodin. mag. daemonoman. l. 3. C. 6.  To provide against this, the Talismans' cast a leaden Crocodile, which written upon with an Egyptian charm they buried in the foundation of a Temple. This for a long time defended the people, but when at the Command of Achmet Ben Tolon the Caliph the leaden Image was melted, the Crocodiles returned to their own malice again.  
The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or fortune of Byzantium stood with one foot in a ship of brass, the Statue concerned the general Genius of the whole City. The ship was a Telesme erected against the dangers of that tempestuous Sea, and while it stood entire stilled the rage, but some parts thereof being (none knew how) broken off and conveyed away, the Sea began to be as unruly as before. The cause whereof being curiously enquired after and discovered, the broken pieces were solicitously searched, found out and put together again, 
Zonara's Annalium Tom. 3. in Anastasio.  and forthwith the winds and seas obeyed.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. And that it might be certainly known that this indeed was the cause why the ships could not safely arrive, the pieces of the brass were again taken away. Thenceforth whatsoever vessels touched upon the Coast were driven bacl by the violence of the winds. This confirmed them in opinion that the breaking of the brazen ship was that which hindered their Carriages from coming up to the City. They therefore caused the ship to be most carefully repaired.  
These Consecrations (for so also they are called) were more usually but not only practised in the East. For Gregory of Tours reporteth, that at the repairing of a Bridge in Paris, there was found the Images of a Serpent and Dormouse in brass, and that at the taking away of these, the Serpents and the Mice came up in great number. More might be added of the Serpentina columna, 
Leunclav. pandect. hist. Turc. Num. 130.  and the Statue Equestris ahenea, set up (this latter) against the Plague in Constantinople, the destruction whereof hath been followed with fearful and periodical mortalities. 
Mizald. Cent. MS. Gaffarel. curiosite●. innoyes sur la sculpture Talismani que des pers. c. 6.  But enough hath been said, Mizaldus may be seen, and the late Author of the Curiosities.  
If we draw all up, the Sum will be the Ancient Rite of Averruncation, That in case a City or Country should be infested with any plague either of disease or noxious Creature, the Talismans' were consulted and desired to erect an Image of the plague under a certain Influence of Celestial Configuration.  
And this I say was the cause why the Philistin Astrologers gave counsel that golden Images should be made of the Haemorrhoides, and the Mice that marred the Land, to give glory to the God of Israel.  
The Telesme against the Mice according to Paracelsus is to have this manner of Consecration. Make an Iron Mouse under the Conjunction of Saturn and Mars, and in the House of ♃. Imprint upon the belly Albamatatox, etc. Then place the Telesme in the middle of the house, 
Archidox. mag. l. 3. p. 135. edit▪ Lat. G●ermanice, p. 102.  and the Vermin shall instantly leave the place. More than so he promiseth. Take a live Mouse and tie it to the Iron Image, and it shall die immediately. But I undertake not that the golden Mice were so ceremoniously consecrated; yet that they had a telesmatical way of preparation answerable to the beginnings and mediocrity of the Art, my own reason, and above that the weight of Maimons' words induce me to conclude.  
I say (saith he) of that of Samuel concerning the Images of the Haemorrhoides, that they were so called not so much from their external form, 
More Nevoch. Part. 1. c. 1.  as from a secret influence within, remedial against the plague in the hinder parts.  
The Astrologers had perceived that this God had been pleased with the Brazen Serpent, which Moses the Talisman (so they would account him) set up upon a pole in the wilderness, Numb. 21.8. And I need not stick to affirm, that this Brazen Serpent against the fiery Serpents was the first occasion (I say not given) but taken, of all these telesmatical practices.  
And thus also we may come to know (See Pliny Lib. 10. C. 27. Cyrenaici Achorum: Deum muscarum multitudine pestilentiam inferente, invocant, why the God of Ekron was called by the name of Baalzebub, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as the Lxx) or the Fly-God. The Greek Copies of the Evangelists for the most part read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beelzeboul, Deus or Belus Stercoreus. So the Printed Arabic and the Hebrew Translation of St. Mat. But I presume not originally. And so Saint Hierome observed, for seeing the Idiom of Zebul is Syriack, it would have been expected, that that Paraphrase should not have read as it doth, (and undoubtedly ought) Beelzebub.  
But for the reason, if any could be given, Scaliger was likely to give as good as another, and yet his reason is, that the Scripture put this name upon the God of Ekron by way of derision, quoth in Templo Hierosolymitano Muscae carnes victimarum non liguriebant, quum tamen Gentium fana a muscis infestarentur propter nidorem victimarum.  
True indeed it is out of the Pirke Avoth, that a Fly was never seen in the Slaughter-house of the Temple. And 'twas a privilege of the Jewish Sacrifices above those of the Heathen. But that therefore the God of Ekron should be called the Fly-God, is a reason below that man's sagacity. He was properly so called, as the most learned Selden. But for the cause he confesseth, Nequeo dicere, nee mihi quis alius opinor satis potest. 
●yntagmat. 2. c. 6.   
But the Ekronites were pestered with noisome flies; To avert this Nuisance the Astrologers set up the Image of a Fly Telesmatically endued; the people finding the benefit of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made it a God. The Israelites themselves did as much to the Brajen Serpent.  
It will be to the purpose here to add a not much unlike accident of Heathen story noted by the Scholiast of Aristophanes in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to these words of the Poet.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
He telleth you there that Phallus is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A long pole fitted at the top with a coriaceum virile pudendum, and that this used to be set up in honour to Bacchus, etc. It was a kind of Priapus, the Figures whereof I had rather you should see in the Marbles.  
It happened (saith the Scholiast) that some of these Images were brought from Eluthera, a City of Boeotia to Athens. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And the Athenians did not so duly and honourably receive the God, but this rash advice of theirs did not so well succeed unto them.  

Scholiast. Aristoph. p. 272. Edit, Froben. An. 1547  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the angry God struck them with an incurable disease in the Secret parts, which being given over as impossible to be dealt with by any art or legerdemain, they made haste to send to the Oracle, and this answer was returned, that the only way to be rid of the disease was to receive the God with all reverence. The Athenians persuaded by this made themselves Images of these things, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) privately and publicly, and with these they did honour to the God in memory of the Disease.   

CHAP. IX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Act. 19.35.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is falsely; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not fully rendered. Our own Translation is; And when the Town clerk had appeased the People, etc.  
But than it should rather have been as in Thucydides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. The Reader of the common Records, as the Scholiast there.  
But a man of this calling, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as the Greek Orator of Aeschines) must not have undertaken upon the unweildly people. The Syriack therefore and Arabic Translations render it, A chief man of the City. The  as the vulgar, simply, The Scribe, truly enough to the Letter, but not filling up the sense, nor themselves well knowing what they mean. De Dieu findeth in the glossary, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Scriba, Tesserarius. Therefore (saith he) Quum hic in Vrbe Epheso designatur aliquis qui absolute vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 merito intellegitur praefectus, qui militibus Symbola & munia praescribit.  
But none of all this will do right to the word. 'Tis thus.  
At that time the Asiarchae (so they are termed ver. 31.) who advised Paul not to adventure himself into the Theatre exhibited the Olympics at Ephesus to the honour of Diana, which is a reason to me why Paul notwithstanding his purpose in the spirit to go to Jerusalem, yet stayed in Asia for a season to win the more to his way, out of that solemn confluence of Heathen Saints then gathered together, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, out of the whole Common of Asia.  
In these Celebrations three principal Officers of Ludicrous, but Holy State were concerned.  
The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I learn this of an ancient Author quoted by Joannes Antiochenus Melala, 
Joh. Anticeh. MS. in Arch. Baroccian. Bibl. Bod. Lib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in the 12 Book of his Chronography. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
That after the reviving of the long intermitted Sports (by an Edict from the Emperor Commodus) in the same Sacred Sanction Aphronius a Citizen of Antioch, and one of the Expraefecti, was first named Alytarcha, under the person whereof he was daily honoured and adored by the name of Jupiter. And during the Solemnity, never came within doors, or lay upon Bed, but slept upon the ground, in the open air, lying upon stones covered over with a rush mat, and clean Carpets. His Habit was a long guilded Robe white as the Snow, upon his Head a Crown of Carbuncles, Pearls, and other precious Stones. In his hand an Ivory Sceptre and white Sandales upon his feet.  
The Grammateus than first chosen by the Senate and People was Pompcianus by Name, a Quaestor, and descended of the Roman Senators. His habit also was a long white Robe, upon his head a Crown all of Gold made after the Laureate Fashion. And Him they honoured and adored under the Name of Apollo.  
The same Senate and people chose Cassius Illustrius Amphithales, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Procopius Illustrius Caesariensis, etc.   whose habit was in like manner a long white Robe of Silk, upon his head a wreath of bays, in the middle (or hanging at his breast) a golden pectoral, upon that the figure of Jupiter. He was honoured and adored by the name of Mercury, as I find all this in the learned Domninus his Chronography, etc. So Johan. Antiochenus.  
The office of the Grammateus I conceive to have been the registering of the Victor's names, the time and Style of Rewards, etc. Which were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Records of the Holy Conquerors, as the inscription upon the Farnesian Marble: and the receipt or Office of these Records was answerably termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See Fabers Agonisticon, Lib. 3. c. 23. & 27.  
And such a Scribe or Actuary as this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Who when he had appeased the people, said, ye men of Ephesus, etc. Which how proper it was for him to do, will be easily confessed by them that shall consider what the Tradition hath that the Alytarcha was named by the Emperor, but the Grammateus and the Amphithales were chosen by the People themselves. And the Grammateus was first in order.   

CHAP. X. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Act. 19.35. 
What man among you is there that doth not know that the City of Ephesus is a Worshipper of the great Goddess Diana? etc.  

Quatuor Evang. Epist. Apostol. & Apostolor Act. Ms. Arab. in Arch. Bibliot. Reginens.  SO we translate, as the vulgar, Cultricem Dianae.  
The Arabic Paraphrast doth not seem to have understood it. Junius his Translation of that is, Viri Ephesii, quie nescit Civitatem Ephesiorum esse Artemidis magnae. His note in the margin is, Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est hic. I had otherwise thought it might be an error in the printed Copy, but I found it so too in a fair pointed manuscript in Queen's College Library.  
For the Greek, the Etymologists notation is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Attically 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ One that maketh clean the Temple. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Phavorinus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one that sweepeth the Church. But Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Not one that sweeps but adorns and beautifies the Temple, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Scholiast. Arist. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 61. Astronomic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. Lib. 4. C. 7.  as the Scholiast upon Aristophanes.  
The word is sometimes read in Latin and elsewhere then in the inscription cited by Gruter. for Julius Firmicus saith Defluens a. ☿ Luna si plena lumine feratur ad ♃ facit magnos etc. Neocoros quoque aut prophetas, vel Sacerdotum principes. And the same Author in another place. Serapis in Aegypto colitur, hic adoratur (i. e. Alexandria.) hujus simulachrum Neocororum turba custodit, & ad memoriam vetustatis errans populus ordinem sacrorum in honorem integerrimi ac prudentissimi hominis constitutum contentiosa hodie animositate custodit, etc. Where also it may be noted that in great and frequented Temples, the Neocori made up a considerable number, and were distinguished therefore into degrees of order, as by that in the body of inscriptions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a ●o. Gotofred edit.  and by the vetus Expositiototius orbis, C. 18. in the Description of Alexandria.  
The word is (by those who do it most properly) translated Aeditua, so the Syriack. And it is the uttermost sense the Interpreters have as yet gone down into. We may render it as the Italian Translation by Deodate, Sagrestano, the Sacrist of the great Goddess Diana. But to be said here in so collective a sense of a whole City is without any known parallel in Books, 
Master Selden.  if men of the greatest conversation in these have sufficiently observed.  
In the marbles, (though less in these, but in the Greek Coins most frequently) it is found from the beginning of the Empire down to Gallienus. The inscriptions are in those of Augustus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the Tiberian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; In others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Antonius Augustinus his note upon the word, is, Questa parola per intender la dia molto ha' far a quelli che veggono le Medaglie con qualche diligenza. That it hath perplexed even those who have perused the Medals with the greatest circumspection and sagacity.  
Casaubon to the Monumentum Ancyranum, hath this opinion. 
Animadvers. in Sueton. p. 131.  That when Caesar Augustus and the succession by his example, granted to provincial Cities the erection of Altars and Temples, and exhibition of the Olympics, etc. for the upholding of common Interest, and to confess the honour and Divinity of the Emperors, the Cities so indulged, accounted it a special grace to be styled the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacrist of the Solemnities.  
For other Moment's making up to the untying of this hard word, I remit you to Master Selden upon the fourth Arundel Marble: where I think there is as much said, as by the revealed stock of Antiquity could possibly have been, though you may see to the latter Petit. variar. Lect. Lib. 4. C. 10. But I shall see you down something out of an ancient Author, which will reconcile the word to this very sense and require it to a less strange and unlikely sound.  
That the word is a term of Devotion respecting to these holy Games, the mentioned Marble intimateth enough, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Sacrum Certamen, etc.  
And the reverence indeed was of such an intemperate height, that not the solemnity itself only, but the people also for the time being, and the victors ever after were accounted and called Holy.  

Johan Antiochen. ubi Sup.  For, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
If any of the Company, whether Maiden or young Man, upon the acclamations of the holy People, were crowned, The Crowned as victor, was to spend the rest of his days in a cloister: for immediately after the Games were ended he was consecrated a Priest; likewise the virgin votaries, if crowned, were made Nuns.  
Nay so yet more holy was the opinion of these games, that the Emperors themselves accounted it no fall of Majesty to bear the Alytarcha's part and be a May-King, or Mock-Jupiter in these Revels.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Emperor Diocletian (as the same Author out of Domninus) took upon him the person of the Alytarcha, with this difference only, that whereas the Alytarcha wore a long white Robe of Silk, the Emperor wore one of purple. In all other respects he was habited as the Alytarcha used to be, holding in his hand a holy Sceptre, and doing reverence to the People.  
And as if he had been greater in these then in the Imperial Robes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. i. e. The Olympickes ended, he would be King no longer, saying, I have put off the Empire by putting on the habit of Immortal Jupiter. And so continued ever after.  
The like was done by Maximinian, as the same Author in his life.  
Put all this together, and the sum will be,  
That the Celebration of these Games in this or that City of the Common, was a Solemnity throughly sanctified in the opinion of the People, as an observance of high devotion and Religion to the Gods and Emperors, the performance whereof could not be done without a Priesthood of Ministers.  
And to that sense the Asiarchae ought rather to have been rendered, not Principes (as the vulgar (or Primores,) as the Syriack and Arabic) that is, the Chief of Asia, as we: (though this will hold too) but Sacerdotes Summi, The High Priests of the solemnity: the devotion whereof could not but move the City so obliged very much to affect the Dignity and Title of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to aedituate such a piece of Divine Office, where so many Gods were present by their Proxies, where not the sports themselves, but all the Company were reputed Holy for that time, and some accounted so ever after.  
The Grace of this how often it was granted to this or that City, (as to some it was the fourth time) so often was the stile expressed in the imperial Coins, to the present purpose that of Vulcrian serveth best.  
Upon the Reverse 3 Temples, in the midst an Altar, 
Du Choul Discourse. de la Religion des anoiens Romans' p. 117.  with the fire kindled, and wreathed about with a Serpent (the heathen Hieroglyphic of Mysteries and religion) with this inscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Upon the face 3 heads, answerable to the 3 Temples; The first of the Emperor himself, the other of his two sons, Gallienus and Valerian Caesar.  
For the Connotation of the turn or time as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. with mention of the Deity sometimes, but so often without it. The reason is hard and slippery. The last resolution that I know to have been made is this: That in all likelihood. The Mater Deum or the mother of the Gods was common to all the Cities of Asia; And that whensoever the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written with a note of the time only, as in those of the Gallieni; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In those of Caius; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. and most constantly so, The mother of the Gods is to be understood. Otherwise, if the special Deity of the place be mentioned, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those of Maximine, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the God of the place is to be meant single.  
Certainly the Games could not wear out so much of their old relation as not to be principally addressed to the Gods of the first right, though not without a flattering concernment of the Emperors, the Gods below (as the times than were) having taken the place of those above. The old Gods of the Games were Jupiter in the first place, and the next Apollo. And that the respect to them continued still and beyond these days of Claudius, is plain by the note before, where the later is represented by the Grammateus, the former in the Alytarcha's part. And so I doubt not to understand the Reverses, where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are set down without expression of the Deity. Where 'tis otherwise (and that is not often, especially if the last Observers Note be good; 
M. Petit.  vixque aliter usurpatum praeter tria qoud sciam exempla reperias) It is a special super-acknowledgement of the God of the place; as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The great Diana of The Ephesians, whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the City of Ephesus now was. It is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the now Sacrist of Diana. And why the mention should be so often ('tis only so for aught I yet know) of this Diana is not so strange, if it be considered that she was not only great of the Ephesians, but of all the Common; and to whose shrine there went up a more famous and frequent pilgrimage of Devotaries, then to any Holy Laud of theirs whatsoever.  
This is thsense of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and this was the meaning of the Actuary.   

CHAP. XI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Act. 19.24. 
For a certain man named Demetrius a Silver smith, which made Silver Shrines for Diana, etc.  
THE Syriack Paraphrast leaveth the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he found it. The Arabic and Aethiopick translate it Silver Images. Beza, Templa argentea, Silver Temples, but meaning by this certain Coins stamped upon with the Figure of Diana's Temple.  
Such indeed as these are found, Silver too, and among those of Claudius.  
And 'tis the more probable, 
Julius Pollux. Onomastic. Lib. 9 c. 6.  for that some ancient Coins have been called by the name of their Expresses, as the Athenians had a certain Coin (saith Pollux) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the figure of an Ox imprinted upon it. So the Peloponnesians had a kind of Coin called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Suidas) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Hesychius) from the figure either of a Swallow or Tortoise enstamped upon it.  
And the Jews too had a Coin of very aged Memory called by the name of the Print, which was a Lamb, to intimate (as it sounds to me) Him that was slain from the beginning of the World. 'Tis said in the 42 and last chapter of Job, that all his friends gave him a Piece of Money: The Syriack there is pecudem unam. So the vulgar. The Greek and Chaldee, A Lamb. The Original is, Kesita, and but twice more found in Scripture, Josh. 24.32. which repeateth over that of Gen. 33.19. where Jacob is said to have bought a parcel of Land for a hundred pieces of money. So we, The Margin is, or Lambs. But that is, as the Talmudists expound it, money enstamped upon with the Figure of a Lamb. R. Akiva said, 
Talm. in Rosh. Hassanah. fol. 26. a.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. When I travailed into Aphrica, I heard them call money Kesita, or by the name of the Lamb, but to what use will this be? why, to the expounding of that which is said in the Law: a hundred Lambs, that is, pieces of money, Gen. 33.19. etc.  
It cannot well be otherwise, for if we take he price of the field in Lambs (not doubting neither but that the old manner of exchange by wares was then most possible) what shall be said to Saint Steven's Tradition, that the field was bought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for a price of Silver, the same field, though Abraham be put there in stead of Jacob, corruptly enough notwithstanding what Master Broughton hath said, yet there it stands still, and upon irreconcilable terms in Reverence to the Book. Use that reverence still, the Book will be the bigger, and the Scripture the less.  
The Heathens say too, that the impress of a Sheep was marked upon their first Coin, and from thence their money was called Pecunia: and Varro saith that the hint of this was given a pastoribus. The Roman Shepherds might have it from the Hebrews, to whom this trade of life was more famously peculiar.  
But the truest understanding is that of Erasmus, that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were little silver Chapels representing the form of the Ephesian Temple, with the Image of Diana enshrined.  

Ammian. Marcellin in Juliano. Lib. 22. Num. 12. Dio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. 40. fol. 8●. De Militia Roman. Lib. 4. Dial●g. 5.  And to this agree the Heathen Rites; For Asclepiades the Philosopher, Deae coelestis argentum breve figmentum quocunque ibat solitus est secum afferre, was ever wont whithersoever he went, to carry about him a small silver Image of Urania.  
And Dion saith of the Roman Ensign, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That it was a little Temple, and in that the Figure of an Eagle set in gold, But this to Lipsius is but Intricatum aliquid, ubi enim in Nummis usquam tatis effigigies? quin nudae eae conspiciuntur (& centenae aliquot extant) sine tegmine ullo Sacelli? In columna tantm Trajani nesci● quid in alis Aquilarum imponitur, quod Sacelli figuram refer●, etc.  
'Tis true, that in the Coins this is very rarely expressed, 
Du Choul. p. 187.  though it be certainly found in a Reverse of Maxentius, Silver. The Eagle and Temple in Trajan's Pillar (though this use be made of it by some) cannot so justly be wrought over to this meaning. However 'tis a thing that will hardly go down with any body, that Dion should not know what belonged to the Roman Eagle.  
But the matter is not great. 'Tis more to this purpose, which the same Author mentioneth. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 39 p. 62.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a little Temple of Juno set upon a Table, and turning towards the East.  
This indeed is enough to declare the use of these Little Shrines in the Heathen Devotions, but supplieth not the main want of a like acception of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passing (as in the Text here) in the diminutive sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the like.  
'Twill be very hard to find it so elsewhere. And therefore make the more of this lucky passage in an old Scholiast upon Aristotle's Rhetoric. 
Arist. Rhet. Lib. 1. C. 15.   
Aristotle saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that Callistratus accused Melanippus for cheating the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of three Holy halfpenny farthing. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are rendered by the Latin Interpreters fabri aediles, or templorum constructores. As if the Architecture of a Church were any one man's artifice. The old Scholiast expounds the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Temple makers. But that is, (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, certain small wooden Temples enshrined with Images they made to sell.  
A like sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; See in Codin, De Officiis Aulae Constantinopol.  
And such Temples as these (abating the Material) were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Silver shrines not for, but of Diana, made by Demetrius and the Craftsmen to be sold. And the respect of this was that which moved the quarrel. The great Goddess indeed was pretended, but at this time there was a solemn confluence of all the Lesser Asians, to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Holy Games celebrated at Ephesus, to the honour of other Gods, but to Diana in chief. And it must needs have been very much out of the Craftsmens' way, if it could have been persuaded (as Paul endeavoured to do) that these enshrined Idolilloes of Diana so much bought up by the devout people, were no Gods because they were made with hands.  
And such a shrine as these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c. 7. vers. 43. as the Lxx rightly translate that of Amos the Prophet, c. 5.23. The Original is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Siccuth or Succoth Malcecem; that is, not an Idol so called, as the vulgar and others; but the Tabernacles of your King or Moloch. Their King was Saturn, whom the Persians and Arabians called Civan or Cavian, as Aben Ezra truly observed, and the Persian Glossaries make to appear. 
Predrom. Copt. C. 5. p. 147.  The Egyptians called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as may be seen in the Coptick Table of the Planets.  
The Idolatrous Jews were to call a Heathen God by the Natives name, Ciun or Civan. The Natives were the Arabians, in whose wilderness they then were.  
Therefore the Prophet retained this word. But the Lxx as translating to Ptolemy, rendered Rephan, which St. Steven followed. In these little Tabernacles they enshrined (as the Ephesians those of Diana in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Figures which they made to worship (it was the figure of a Planet) The Figures of Saturn, or the Stars of their God Rephan.   

CHAP. XII.  Job 26.6, 7. 
Hell if naked before him, and destruction hath no covering.  
He stretcheth out the North over the empty place, and hangeth the Earth upon nothing.  
THough Hell be naked before Him that made it, (and yet he made not death) as to us, destruction hath a Covering: I have wondered much at the Curiosity (how learned soever) of some who undertake to set down the subteraneous Geography of this place, and describing it so confidently as if they had been there already, not the Gates and Chambers of death only, but the very points of the Compass in that Region and shadow, 
Rusca. de infern. etc.  and how many Souls may sit upon the point of a Needle.  
I will only put these men in remembrance of the Syriack Reading in the last verse; where instead of those words (but how little a portion 〈◊〉 heard of him?) that Translation rendereth, Et qualis serme malus auditus est de eo? which seemeth to confess, as if our best expressions of the works of God were but in a manner to give the Maker ill language.  
And if it be so, then for men to speak of Hell as if it were Naked before us too, is to give him the Lye.  
But my business is to tell the meaning of Job in the next words, He stretcheth out the North, etc.  
The North here is not to be taken for the Terrestrial Globe, as the Jews would have it, for they are deceived who think the latter clause to be a Repitetion of the former.  
The North is meant of the Heavenly Expansum, as the word extending sufficiently intimates. And though the North only be named, yet the whole sphere is meant. And yet not only for this reason (as all think yet) because the Northern Hemisphere was principal as to Job's Respect, and the Position of Arabia, but because this Hemisphere is absolutely so indeed, 'tis principal to the whole, for as the Heavens and the Earth are divided by the middle line, the Northern Half hath a strange share of Excellency. We have more Earth, more men, more Stars, more day. And which is more than all this, 
Ridley of Magnetical bodies and Motions. C. 9  the North Pole is more Magnetical, than the South. For I have always observed (saith a learned man in this experience) that the Pole of the Magnet which seateth itself North, is always the most vigorous an strong Pole to all intents and purposes.  
This North (that is the whole Firmament) He stretched over the the Empty Place, that is, not the Air, as it useth to be said.  
The word in the Text is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tohu. This word signifies Nothing. So the molten Images, Esai. 41.29. are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wind and Tohu, that is, Confusion, as we. Or Wind and Nothing. For therefore it is that Saint Paul said that an Idol is Nothing in the world. But especially it signifies that Nothing in the Chaos before the Air or Earth was made; as Genes. 1. The Earth was Tohu, that is, Nothing, or as the Lxx translate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invisible, or (as the Saxon turneth it) the Earth was y●ael, idle. Over this Tohu or Nothing it was, that He stretched the North or Firmament, and then hanged the Earth upon the same Nothing. But of this manner of appension somewhat more is to be said.  
God in the beginning (as Mercator deviseth) struck a Centre in the Tohue or Inane, endued with that quality as might call unto the congenial parts of the Chaos, which immediately applying themselves gathered into this Globe. Which pretendeth, as if the Frame consisted by an Equilibration of parts to the Centre of Gravity, as it continues to be mistaken by common Philosophy. But it is time to know that the Earth doth not hang ponderibus librata suis,— but by magnetical vigour impressed by the Maker upon the whole Frame, but especially communicated from the Centre to both the Poles by Meridional Projection, by which engagement, and conjuncture of parts, the whole so firmly and obstinately consisteth, that if by statical impulsion as Archimedes undertook, or by a higher distress it should be forced from this situation, it would eagerly and instantly return to its own place again.  
The thing is certain from the conformity of the Needle, to the Axis of the Earth in all parts of the world.  
From the Reasons of variation (and the variation of that too) caused by an unequal proportion of this Magnetical force in several parts of the Globe; 
Gellibrand of the variation. of the variation, etc.  from the Experiences made upon the Terrella or little Earth of Loadstone, the Poles whereof being found out by the filings of steel or otherwise, if a needle or small wire be applied to the Equinoctial parts, it will place itself upon a Meridian, moved from thence it maketh an acute Angle to the Axis.  
About 34 degrees from the Aequator it makes a right Angle, from thence it continueth to be recto major, till it come to the Pole itself, where it standeth perpendicularly.  
Therefore the Globe of the Earth consisteth by a Magnetical dependency, from which the parts cannot possibly start aside, but which howsoever thus strongly seated upon its Centre and Poles, is yet said to hang upon Nothing, because the Creator in the beginning thus placed it within the Tohu, as it now also hangeth in the Air, which itself also is Nothing, as to any regard of Base or Sustentation.   

CHAP. XIII. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Luk. 13.19. 
It is like a grain of mustard seed which a man took and cast into his garden, and it grew and waxed a great tree, and the fowls of the Air lodged in the branches of it.  
Pythagoras' said, Sinapi principatum habet ex his quorum in sublime vis feratur. That Mustard seed hath the preeminence among those things whose power is to ascend upwards: 
●lin. Nat. hist. lib. 20. C. 22.  which might seem to pretend to the growing spirit of this grain, had not Pliny preengaged us to the sense of operation, quoniam non aliud magis in nares & cerebrum penetret.  
The grain especially of the second sort, quae rapiciam frodem exprimit, is not unapt to shoot forth in a garden soil under what clime soever not intemperately cold, and to a proportion of height more than ordinary; and 'tis one of those which a great Naturalist of our own bids us make experience of, whether it would not grow out of a Staggs horn. Cent. 6.550.  
But of so prodigious a stature as the Gospel describeth, I could not find any observation made by those who have most of all noted upon the exotic simples. It is to be imputed to the strange pregnancy of the Hebrew earth, concerning which, as of their City, very great things have been spoken.  

Ke●●b. fol. 3. b.  In the Babylonish Talmud R. Joseph saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
A certain man of Sichem had bequeathed by his Father three bows of Chardell or Mustard, one of which was broken off from the rest, and it yielded nine Kabs of seed, and the wood thereof was sufficient to cover over the Potter's House. The same Tradition is remembered in the Jerusalem Talmud cited by Tremelius, 
Tremel. in Mat. 13.31.  out of the second (it should have been the seaventh Chapter) of Peah, or de angulo agri, the Corner of the field to be left for the poor, etc. and here the bow yeiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not nine, but there Kabs of Chardell or Mustard seed.  
In the same place of the Jerusalem Talmud (quoted also by Tremelius) Simon the son of Calaphta saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had a stem of Chardell in my garden, into which I could climb up as into a figtree.  
Though I doubt not but the Doctors overreach, yet it at gueth so far the extraordinary growth of this Herb in tha● good Land, that our Saviour is quit of the strangeness an● wonder of his words.  
So when he saith that the Mustard seed is the least of all seeds, though it be not precisely true in respect of the smalle● seeds of Poppy, Rue, etc. yet it is as properly spoken to the Jew as if it were, who when he useth parvis componere magna, commonly doth it by the grain of Mustardseed: so in the More, 
More Nevoch. p. 1. C. 56. fol. 37. b.  Maimon maketh a comparison betwixt the Firmament and a grain of Mustardseed. They are comparable, (saith he,) in the three dimensions, though the one be of the greatest and the other of the smallest magnitude.   

CHAP. XIV.  Mat. 6.1. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Take heedth at you do not your Alms before men, etc.  
VEry ancient Copies have it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so the Vulgar. Take heed that you do not your righteousness, etc. which is the word for Alms in the Oriental phrase.  
That of Solomon, Prov. 10.2. The treasures of wickedness profit nothing, but righteousness delivereth from death: The book of Tobit rendereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Alms deliver from death. So the Lxx Psal. 24.5.  

Perush. Ben. Syra. 10. Alph. 1. Psal. 17.  The Hebrew ancients say that David gave Alms to the poor every day, and moreover as oft as he went into the Synagogue or School, saying those words, I will behold thy face in righteousness, etc. as the Perush to the wise say of Ben Syra. Where also poor man's box is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the box of Righteousness.  
The poor indeed in Scripture are called Domini bonorum nostrorum. Prov. 3.27. Withhold not good from them to whom it is due. Mibhahalau from the owners thereof. And therefore to give to the poor is but suum cuique tribuere. Aristotle's Justice.  
The Hebrew stile of begging intimateth alike. Their Maunders use to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 think me worthy, Or 'tis just that I receive. Vajikra Rabath, Sect. 34. Nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Da mihi praeceptum, Give me the commandment. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for so Alms is called in the Jerusalem tongue, saith the Gloss to Semoth Rabath. Sect. 36. which is the reason why our Saviour called those riches withheld from the owners thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The unjust or the unrighteous Mammon, Luk. 16.9. The Targum upon Hosea 5.11. calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mammon diskar, the Mommon of a Lie, so Shakar most properly signifieth, but is often rendered by the Lxx, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which therefore may bear the same signification Hellenistically in this place, and opposing to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or true Mammon in the next verse, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth both.  
The Syriack and Arabic render Mammona iniquitatis, the Mammon of iniquity, which is the proper meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and first respected unto by our Saviour, that is Riches unjustly detained from them to whom it i● due. Or (to take Shakar Arabically) the Mammon of the Poor.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, before men.  

Talmud. in ●●●gig. fol. 5. ●.  R. Jannai saw one giving a Luz (the fourth part of a Shekel) to a poor man before company, he said unto him, it had been better not to have given him at all.  
Nay he (say they) that doth his righteousness in secret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a better man than Moses our Master.   

CHAP. XV.  2 Tim. 3.8. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Now as jannes' and jambres, etc.  
COnsidering what Saint Paul citeth else where out of Aratus, Epimenides, etc. He might possibly take this from Numenius Apamensis a Philosopher of Pythagoras his Sect, quoted by Aristobulus in the book dedicated to Ptolemy Philometer. The Philosopher delivereth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. See for the rest Euseb. Pamphilus Evangel. Praeparat. l. 9 pag. 241. Edit. Steph. 1544. the sum of this Tradition is, that jannes' and jambres the famous Magicians of Egypt, were accounted worthy to contend with, and thought to come not fare behind the great Moses in the matter of the Plagues.  
Otherwise the Apostle might learn this at the feet of Gamaliel.  
For jonathans' Targum readeth Exod. 7.11. And Pharaoh called the wisemen and Magicians.  
And they (that is, the Magicians jannes' and jambres) did the like with their enchantments.  
Pharaoh called them (saith an Arabic Geographer) out of Ansana, an ancient City of Egypt pleasantly situated by the Nile, Vrbs antiqua, aedificio, Viridariis & locis am●nis ad animum relaxandum aptis perpulchra, 
Geograph. M●liens. 1.4. Climate. ●.  plurima fructibus & fertilitate atque f●ugibus abundantissima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And this is commonly called the City of the Magis, and from hence Pharaoh called them upon appointed days to contend with Moses the Prophet. Upon whom be peace.  
The manner of the contestation is set down in Menachoth cap. col. Haccorbonoth Hatsibbur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. i. e. John and Mamre said unto Moses, 
Talmud in Menach fol. 85. a. Shemoth Rabath. Sect. 9  thou bringest straw to Apharaim. He said unto them, men use to bring herbs to Jarak.  
The meaning is (as the Gloss there, and Sherirah in the Baal Aruch) Aphraim was a place in Egypt abundant in corn, and to bring straw thither was (to speak it in the heathen phrase) to bring Owls to Athens. So for Moses to show his Legerdemain in Egypt, where the black Art was so notoriously known. Moses retorted them upon like for like.  
Jarak was a place abounding with Herbs, and yet all men carried their herbs thither. See the learned Buxtorf. Lex. Tit. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

Plin: Nat. Hist. lib. 30. C: 1.  The Tradition was not altogether unknown to Pliny, by whom the Contestation is called Magices factio a Moses & Janne & Jotape, Judeis pendens. Apuleius also maketh mention of Joannes a great Magician mistaken by Pius for Saint John.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sive Vita Mos: fol. 5 6.  In the Dibre Hajamim Mosis they are called janne & Mamre, and said to have been the two sons of Balaam. So Jonathans' Targum, Numb. 22.22. and the book Zohar upon the same place. fel. 90. Col. 2▪ Where they are called Jones and Jambres, as in the Tauhuma fol. 40. But Gedaliah in the Shalshelet saith; that their native Names were John and Ambrose fol. 13. Col. 2.  

Palladius in vita Macarii.  Palladius tells us of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. An enchanted Garden in Egypt where Jannes and Jambres the Magicians of Pharaoh intended to lie buried, and Macarius saw the place, the Well, the Iron chain, and brazen bucket, etc. the Magicians hoped to enjoyed this Paradise after death.  
But they failed of this expectation, for as the sounder ancients receive, they were drowned in the Red-sea. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the sages of blessed memory deliver (saith an old Midras upon Exodus 15.20) that what time the Egyptians were overwhelmed in the Sea, the two Magicians John and Mamre were drowned with them.  
The same Tradition I find in an Arabic Catena upon the place in Exodus. 
Catena Arab. MS. in Pentateuch. cap. 27.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. The tenth (Plague) He brought out the Children of Israel with a strong hand and a mighty Arm, but Pharaoh and his Host was drowned in the Red Sea, called also Mare Suph, and Mare Calzem. 
Vid. Geograph. Nubiens. p. 5. Clim. 3.  And these are the names of the Magicians which stood up against Moses and Aaron, and resisted the work of God before Pharaoh King of Egypt, Dejannes, Jambarus, and Sarudas. These caused Pharaoh and his People to transgress, and God destroyed them with Pharaoh and his Host in the Red sea, etc.  
The place was that part of the Red sea which lieth upon the Coast of Jethran, a dangerous and Tempestuous sea, saith the Arabic Geographer, 
Geog: Nubiens. p 3. Clim. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. and in this place it said that Pharaoh (cursed of God) was overwhelmed.   

CHAP XVI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Genes. 41.45. 
And Pharaoh called Joseph's Name Tsophnat Paaneah.  
THat which is here stood upon, first is; whether the Imposition of the Name be out of the Kings own Egyptian, or out of Joseph's native language. If Egyptian it be, (saith Aben Ezra) than I know not what it meaneth: If Chaldean, than I know not the name of Joseph, etc. The first word Tsophnat, may seem reducible to the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tsaphan, which signifieth, to Hid●, but for the next, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It hath no fellow in Scripture, 
R. Bechai in Penta●. fol. 56. A. Col. 1.  saith Bechai 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. but I find (saith he) in a certain Oraison 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hampaaneah Neelamim, A Revealer of Secrets.  
But whosoever will derive this Name from the Hebrew (Calvin may better say it then I) are but argute ridiculi. The imposition of new Names in the Egyptian, as in the Persian Court, 
Joseph. ●Jacchiad. Paraphras. in Dan. cap. ●. 7.  was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a reflection of honour and worship, saith Don Joseph. And considerable circumstance of this reputation it needs must be, that the Names should be given out of the Prince his own Tongue, from whom the honour descended. Putatur esse vocabulum Aegyptiacum, saith Buxtorfe. 'Tis certain. For besides the Authority of Philo Ramban, and others, it is assured by the Copticke Pentateuch, which expressly readeth; And Pharaoh changed Joseph's name into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Samaritan readeth as the Hebrew: but the Lxx as the Copticke, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
So the followers of that, though I meet with an Arabic version of the Greek Pentateuch in Syriack letters, reading not as the Lxx, which it translateth, but as the Hebrew Tsophant Paaneah: a difference which I was not able to reconcile unto that common consent which appeareth against it. Though I meet also with another Arabic Translation of the Greek, rendering much after same rate, where yet the word is set down in the Margin right, and in Coptick Characters, 
Pe●tateuch. Arab. MS. in Arch. Laudinis.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psonthom Phanek, with this Arabic note upon it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. And the meaning of this name in the Language of the Place (the Egyptian) is, One that knoweth secret things.  
The Armenian Translation rendereth, And Pharaoh called Joseph Fesuut. But what the meaning of this shomld be, the most learned among themselves are confessedly ignorant.  
This is all inconstancy of reading I could observe. For the Interpretation, Procopius saith it signifieth, Fertilitatem sive commondam Aeris temperiem. Saint Hierome rather in words then sense otherwise, rendereth it, Salvator Mundi. So the vulgar. Vertitque nomen ejus, & vocavit eum lingua Aegyptiaca, Salvatorem Mundi. And the Author of the Lexicon to the Complutensian Bibles setteth down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paaneah, Orbis, Mundus: but did very well to add, Secundum Translationem nostram. And yet to save the credit of the vulgar, the Roman Expositors generally rest themselves upon this meaning. And the reason given is, eo quod orbem ab imminentis famis exitio liberasset. But this should rather have been the reason why the same Joseph was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shor, Th● Ox. Gen. 49.6. as Jarbi and the Jerusalem Targum there. For the seven fat kine in Pharaoh's dream, were joined in presage with the seven full ears of Corn, as the mysteries of cheapness and Fertility.  
The Impress of an Ox hath the same signification in the Ancient Roman Coins. And an Ox of old (as Varro saith it) was counted a man's fellow: for by the Law of that time, 
Varro de Re. Rust. Lib. ●. C. 5.  He that should take away an Ox his life, was to redeem it with his own.  
In an old Roman Marble, the Complete Husbandman is described holding a Bullock by the mouth, and setting his lef● knee upon the Back: which Camerarius unridleth out of the Hieroglyphickes; where a Bull is written for the Earth, as Macrobius is his Author in the Saturnal. Mahomet's Parable was, that the world was supported by an Ox, the Head whereof was in the East, which whether it respecteth to the strength of this kind, to be an Allusion to the former sense (as it might be) I distinguish not.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But there be that think (saith the Tradition in Suidas) that the great God of Egypt, Sarapis, was no other than Joseph. And the Stories run parallel, for this Api● is said to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a certain rich man, etc. who during the dearth at Alexandria, supplied the People's wants at his own proper cost and charges, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To whose memory therefore, after his death, A Temple was erected, and in that an Ox dedicated, as being the Hieroglyphic of an Husbandman.  
But whosoever he was that revealed to Saint Hierome this gloss of the name, Salvator mundi, sufficiently abused the Father. Moses Aegyptius expressly affirmeth that after diligent inquiry made of the Natives themselves, he received this Notation of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hammegulleh nistarim, a revealer of Secrets. The Copticke beareth him infallible witness, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Phanec signifieth vates, an Augur; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Psonthon, futura, things to come. So the Greek Interpreters. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; What meaneth Psonthomphanec saith Theodoret? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i.e. An Interpreter of hidden things, 
Theodoret. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  or one that was able to tell the understanding of Dreams.  
So Zonaras, Philo, Josephus, etc. Nam & prodigiorum agacissimus erat (saith Justin out of Tregus Pompey) & somniorum primus intelligentiam condidit. 
Scholiast. Arab. Ms. in Pentat. in Archiv. bodleian.  Thus also the Scholiast upon the fore quoted Arabic version of the Greek Pentateuch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. This interpreted, is the name of one that can interpret hidden things.  
The Babylonish Targum, as that of Oncelos, leave out the name, but render as before. And Pharaoh called Joseph the man that revealed Secrets, as the one; or the man to whom Secrets were revealed, as the other. And thus the Rabbins universally. One of the Jews entitleth his Commentary upon the Pentateuch Tsophnat Paaneah. Another calleth his Book Paaneah Razah, which is all one. A revealer of Secrets. The Syriac Translation setteth down the Name and rendereth accordingly. So the Onemasticon Syriacum cited in the Prodromus Coptus. Likewise the Arabic Paraphrases, as well the Vatican Copy, as that of Erpens Edition. They Express diversely, but their Interpretation is the same.  
The collector of that which is called the Chronicon Alexandrinum, attained to this sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which interpreted, is one to whom it is revealed what shall be hereafter, and delivereth moreover, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the Egyptians, after the introduction of those plagues upon them by Moses, called him Psontho●pha●che, or one that knew things to come.   
Gen. 4.15. 
And the Lord set a mark upon Cain, lest any one finding him should kill him.  
ONe will needs persuade us that some other Copies read it, & posuit Deus Cain in signum, that God made Cain an example: If he knows any Hebrew or Samaritan Copies that read so, he knows more than all the world besides do. If any other Copies, he knows nothing to the purpose, for 'tis Impossible for that sense to be wrested out of Original. So that upon the matter there is no variety of Reading at all. Only the Persian Taric or Chronoligie in stead of cain, setteth down Kabel, by what Tradition or Corruption I know not, unless to swallow the murderer up in his Brother's name. Therefore the Translations universally agree, excepting one or two Arabic versions of the LXX, who translate it vachukka, And the Lord imprinted, etc. as if the mark had been made with a pen of iron, or the point of a Diamond.  
I observe but one Criticism noted upon the Text, and that by Moses Gerundensis. It is that he saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signum dedit, or signum fecit, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & signum posuit, to show (saith he) that it was a mark of that kind that it should stick by him. It may be added that whereas we translate it, And the Lord set a mark, we may render it, And the Lord set a Letter. For so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oath signifieth too, and giveth name all the Letters of their Alphabet.  
According to the natural Magicians and Cabalists, the first man Adam and all the rest of mankind in his right had divine original marks imprinted upon them by the finger of God. The marks (as they receive it) were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pachad and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chesed The first was to keep the Beasts in awe of men, The latter to keep men in love one with another. The first they otherwise call the left hand and sword; the other the right hand and sceptre of God. These characters at the first were very strong and of great prevail. But since the prevarication these Traditioners say they grew very much defaced and worn, and very hardly to be distinguished either by Man or Beast; not utterly defaced, but partly remaining, and so much the more or less legible, as the man hath more or less blotted out the Image of God in him. Quod sintiens Cain (saith Cornelius Agrippa) timebai, inquiens ad Deum, Omnis qui inveniet me etc.  
So fare as this holdeth, it was necessary that Cain should have a new mark set upon him, There could not be much of the old impression in him. R. Menabem saith that he was of a Diabolical extraction, begotten of seed conveyed by the Serpent into the Woman, He is said indeed to have been of the wicked One. 1 John 3.12.  
But 'tis certain and enough that he made the earth guilty of Blood, innocent blood, the righteous blood 'tis called, his own brothers too, so soon and first of all, and in so small a World of Mankind.  
The Conducement of all this is but Cabalistical, and so to go.  
For the mark itself. The Greek and Latin diversities are not great, the most and Soberest concentre in this misunderstanding of the Lxx, who translate that which should be vagus & instahilis, a vagabond and a runnagatie & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, concluding from thence that the mark was nothing else but a continual trembling and consternation of his whole Body, especially his head. (I wonder how they knew that) manifestly pointing out and distinguishing him to any one that should cross the way, which very opinion is also quoted by Don Isaac Aba●bi●ell out of his Wisemen. But besides that this sentence cannot be safe from a mistake in the ground, The mark must needs be more signal than so.  
Aben Ezra quoteth some to say that a strong heart was given to Cain, which made him formidable to all, and that this was the mark; but my own opinion (saith he) is that the Lord set a Real Mark upon him, but the Scripture hath not declared what it is. R. Solomon saith that it was a mark imprinted in his forehead. Theodoret saith it was such a one as rendered him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Barrabas is called in the Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a notable prisoner, a notorious one it should be, or as the Saxon, stragne þeofman a strong thief. This manner of expression must needs be derived down from some visible mark imprinted at the first. And the occasion could not be given before cain's time, for he was the first man that ever had a mark (such a mark) set upon him.  
The Author of the Arabic Catena maketh him proof against man and beast and all the Elements. He saith that the mark was such an impression upon Cain, 
Catena Arab. Ms in Arch. Bodleian. C. 8.  as enabled him to walk and be securely among the wildest of the Beads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A sword could not enter him, fire could not burn him, water could not drown him, the Air could not blast him, nor any Thunder or lightning could strike him, etc.  
In the Berisheth Rabath or great Genesis, R. Judah saith that the mark was a circle of the Sun rising up upon him. R. Aba said that it was a dog delivered to him, and Isaac Abarbinel reporteth from them, that this was Habels' dog wherewith he was wont to keep his sheep, but appointed now by the blessed God to keep cain's body. R. Joseph said, that it was a Horn branching out upon him. Others say it was a Letter taken out of the Tetragrammaton, &c. See R. Isaac Ben Arama in his Commentary upon the Pentateuch, fol. 30. a. Col. 1. Ole Tamid. fol. 43. a. Col. 1.  
These Traditions are wild and distant, and cannot reconcile any belief.  
But in the vision of Ezekiel, 
Ezech. 9 3, 4. etc.  the Lord said unto the man that had the writer's Inkhorn by his side. Go through the midst of the City etc. and set a mark upon the foreheads of the men that sigh and that cry etc. He was utterly to slay old and young, maids, women and children, but he was not to come near any one that had the mark upon him.  
If it can be found out what mark this was, I think it may be as equally devised what that was which was set upon Cain, lest any one finding him should kill him.  
The Margin there is, Mark a Mark. Theodotion, the Vulgar, etc. more expressly set down, mark a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou, which is the last letter in the Hebrew Alphabet. And the Original is without controversy so, as Junius hath very earnestly proved upon the place. Sixtus Senenfis may be seen Kib. 2. p. 115, 116. Biblioth. Sanctae.  
I am not of their Interest who would contrive this Letter into the sign of the Cross (otherwise a mark of all reverend estimation) but this Letter is nothing like it in the Hebrew or Samaritan Alphabet, in the Aethiopicke it sufficiently resembleth, but that cannot be brought over to this concernment. Saint Hierome indeed, Origen etc. are quoted to the contrary; but 'tis all one as to bid one not to believe his own eyes. Unless we will prefer that manuscript Alphabet in the Vatican transcribed by Bellarmin and Villalpendus before all the general trust. In this Alphabet the Samaritan Tan is so much like a Cross ♓ and no more.  

The Doctors say so in Shabba of the Talmud fol. 55. Col. 1.  'Tis enough that it was the last Letter of the Hebrew Alphabet, and so the ancient Hebrew Doctors hold themselves as R. David upon the place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our Doctors (saith he) of blessed memory, interpret the word Th●u here to be the Letter Thou, etc. This Tradition follows. That the blessed God said unto Gabriel, Writ upon the foreheads of the just men the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Th●u in ink; but upon the foreheads of the wicked writ the same letter in blood, etc.  
The same Doctors deliver elsewhere, that the mark which was set upon Cain was the first letter of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teshuba which signifieth Repentance. If it be so, (and 'tis very likely) these repenting men in the vision, and Cain had one and the same mark; the first letter of the word for Repentance and last of the Hebrew Alphabet; but to be set down in the Samaritan Character, because the vision was before the Captivity. The form of the Character was this N. Th. or as the manuscripts thus, Z.  
'Twas a mark of repent Murder, it pointed out the Justice of God enough, but his mercy more. The vengeance seemeth to have meant his Death by the same violence, but by a long expected and accidental hand. The Mystery of the mark was of easy tradition from one to another, for the world was not so presently numerous. The sentence of itself went forth severe enough, but was not given to stand all. He was promised to be a Vagabond and a Runagate, but you find him in the next verse getting of Children, and building of Cities. And by the greatest Man in the East of his Time. It is to be thought that it was a custom of those parts for the Head of the Family to offer up set and solemn extraordinaey Sacrifices for the Children; for Job said, It may be that my Sons have sinned and cursed God in their hearts, etc. 
Job. 1 5.  And therefore I think it not unlikely that Adam the High Priest of the World then, should do his uttermost to make an atonement for this Blood. Josephus himself saith, that he was quitted of the Murder by Sacrifice, but he saith too, what no man yet hath believed, that it was by his own.  
I know not how to account his long life a down right punishment, but indulged by the mercy of God, and necessary to the multiplication of mankind. As the Greater before, so the Lesser Worlds now were but in their Chaos, till the Soul of Society was infused, and then they became a politic Living thing. 'Twas Cain that first built a City, and called it after the name of his son H●noch.  
I cannot impute his invention of Arts to the Curse. Though simplicity of Living might become a new made world, and the beginnings of things; yet the growth towards a Commonwealth and stature of People, required an exaltation of the first homeliness by a device of crafts and mysteries.  
I conceive no great matter in this, that Cain went out from the presence of the Lord. So did Adam and Eve too. But Cain went and dwelled in the Land of Nod. And Abarbinel saith, that he findeth in our Latin Books that Cain dwelled in Hodu (so the Eastern Geographers call India) and that 'tis possible that place may be called so from Nod, in the sense of wand'ring, etc. But how wand'ring is to be reconciled to dwelling, some body would do well to say.  
The greatest part of Cain's curse lay in this, that there was a separation betwixt him and the Faithful Church of that time, concluded up in the family of Seth, Said Aben Batric saith (Saint chrysostom also and Epiphanius, as they are quoted in the Catena Arabica) that our Father Adam after the Fall retired himself into a Mountain of India called the Holy Mountain, prophesying that from this Mountain one should ascend, and another go down; He meant Henoch by the first. The other was Cain, who said to his Brother (according to the Samaritan, etc. Descendamus in Campum, etc. And in these plains the Murder was committed. After which the Family of Seth kept themselves to the Hill, instituting a Holy Life, and were therefore called The Sons of God; But the Cainites continued still, as they increased, to inhabit and take up the valley, leading a life there so wretched and forlorn, that as James the Bishop of Sarug in Mesopotamia saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither the Children could tell who were their Fathers, 
Jacob. Sarug. Epis. in ●at. Arab. Ms. c. 15.  nor the Fathers which were their Children, etc.  
Therefore these Cainites were called the Sons of Men. And thus fare he went indeed from the face or presence of the Lord.   

CHAP. XVIII.  Zach. 6.12. 
Ecce Vir, Oriens nomenejus.  
Behold the man whose name is the East.  Zach. 3.8. 
Adducam ego servum meum, Orientem.  
I will bring forth my servant, The East.  
TO redeem this place (and many other equally engaged) from the received sense: I must needs lay down this new ground.  
That the special presence of God ever was and is in that part of the Heaven of Heavens which answereth to the Equinoctial East of the Holy land.  
Here I desire not to be told over again, that God is in all places. I know it. Or that he is in all places alike. I know that too, and in what respects. But I am sure he is otherwise present in Heaven than in Hell, and so otherwise in one part of Heaven, then in another.  
Neither is it to be thought, as if there were an East or West point in that place which needeth not the Sun or Moon to shine upon it. Nevertheless I require that that part of the highest Heavens which answereth to the Equinoctial East of the Holy-Land be so called for the present, and I will prove it hereafter that the Scripture hath called it so already.  
Now to make good the ground, you may hear what the Ancients say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; To the Gods we attribute the Eastern part, saith Porthyrie de Nympharum Antro; and these parts are called by Varro in Festus, Deorum Sedes, The God's abode: for Cincius and Cinnius Capito gave this reason, why the left, that is the Eastern Omens, were more prosperous than the Right.  

Physicor. Lib. 8. Text. 84.  But more expressly, and excellently, the Philosopher himself, The First Mover (saith he, meaning God) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. must of necessity be present either to the Centre or Circumference of his Obbe, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; but motions are most rapid in the nearest distance to the Impression; Therefore the Mover ought there to be. But that part of the Sphere is most raptly moved, which is most remote from the Poles: therefore the Movers place is about the middle line. It is the reason (as I think) why the Equinoxes are believed to have so sacred an import and signification in Astrology; for by them it is judged (saith Ptolemy) as concerning things divine. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. and the service belonging to the House of God.  


De Coelo. l. 2. c. 2. Text. 15. Averro. l. 2. Text. 3.  
Proxima autem faucibus utrinque impesiti Montes coercent, Claustra Abila Africa, Europae Calpe, Laborum Hercules metae. Quam ●b causam indigenae Columnas ejus Dei vocant, ●redunt que perfossas exclusa antea admisisse maria, & rerum naturae mutasse faciem. Plinan Prooem. l. 31.  
Averro. in Arist. De coelo Lib. 2. Text. 3. Plin. l. 6. c. 17.   But the Philosopher's meaning is not, as if the Mover presented himself alike unto the whole Circumference, but assisting especially to that part, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from whence the motion doth begin, that is Orienti, to the East, as Aben-Rois rightly, Vnde quaedam Leges, adorant deum versus Orientem. Which is the reason (saith he) why some religious worship God that way.  
But the Equinoctial East passeth through the whole Circle.  
Of Necessity therefore 'tis to be meant of some certain position; nor is it possible to mean it but of the horizontal segment of the then Habitable world: the uttermost bounds whereof from Sun to Sun, they absolutely termed East and West. In the Philosopher's time the Circle of this Horizon passed through the Pillars of Hercules in the west, and the Altars of Alexander in the East. Those of Hercules if (as it is most received and probable) and which I myself have seen, saith Aben-Rois) they were the Calpe and the Abyla raised up at the letting in of the Sea; it is the place where the Arabians fix their great Meridian, but in honour to Alexander, unto whom, (and not as others, unto Hercules) they ascribe this Labour. For those of Alexander, as both himself and his Geometers Beton and Diognetus deliver it, the River Hyphasis, or as Ptolemy calleth it, Bipasis, was Terminus itinerum Alexandri, Alexander's Non ultra, Exuperato tamen Amne, arisque, in adversa ripa dicatis, which yet he transpassed, and set up Altars on the other side, whereabouts they are found in the Emperor's Provincial Chart with this Adscription. High Alexander Responsum accepit, usque quo Alexander? that here the Oracle should say, Alexander no further. Tabul. Peutingerian. Segment. 7.  
The Arabic Meridian passeth through the tenth degree of Longitude from that of Ptolemy, 
Abulfed. Arab. MS. in Arch. Biblioth publ. Cantabrigiens.  so Abulfeda the Prince in the beginning of his Geography. The River Hyphasis Ptolemy placeth in 131.35. The difference of Longitude is about 120 degrees. The second part of this is 60. And because the Meridian of Jerusalem is 70 degrees from that of Ptolemy, that is, 60 from the Arabian; the Holy City was as it was anciently termed, Vmbilicus Terrae, the Navel of the Earth, 
Ptol. Geog. l. 7. Asi● Tab. 10.  precisely placed betwixt the East and West of the Habitable world.  
Therefore the Equinoctial East of Jerusalem is the Equinoctial East of the whole, and answering to the first Movers Receipt, which therefore was said to be in Orienti Aequinoctiali.  
This is fair for the Heathen. The Christian hath fare greater reason to believe it, and yet believeth it less.  
But for late resentments they are not much to be valued. This is not the only old truth which is overgrown with Time and Interests. Some men purposely yield themselves intractable to such things as they are not willing to hear of. This is the strongest and most impertinent kind of unbelief, fitted only for this or that Generation, and getting up for the present to a repute of wisdom above that of the Children of Light.  
There is a foolishness of God which is wiser than all this.  
For the matter, the best and the oldest of the First times were fully satisfied of this Article, for it may be reckoned among those of their substantial belief.  
The Notion of Paradise in the Christian acception was that part of Heaven where the Throne of God, and the Lamb is. The Notion is elder than so. 'Twas the Reverend Say of Zo●oaster, the Magician in the Chaldaean Oracles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Seek Paradise, that is as the Scholiast Pletho, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The all enlightened Recess of Souls. The Scholiast Psellus yet more sagely, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Chaldaean Paradise (saith he) is a Choir of divine powers encircling the Father.  
This grave saying of Zoroaster holdeth very well with Irenaeus his Tradition.  

Irenaeus adv. H●es. Lib. 5. C. 5.  He delivereth, That the Receipt of Just and Perfect Men is a certain Paradise in the Eastern Part of the Third Heaven. And moreover he saith, that he received this Tradition from the Elders, that is, (as he himself interpreteth) ab Apostolorum Discipulis, from those which heard it from the Apostles.  
See Saint Basil. De Sp. Sanct. 6.27. Gregory Nyssen orat. 5. in Orat. Dominic. Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. Lib. 9 C. 17. or fol. 97. b. of the Greek, Gregentius in Bibliotheca Patr. Anastas. Sinait. in Hexatmeron. C. 7. etc. in all which you shall find as much as this comes to. But you have Scripture for it also.  
The Sun of the Morning said, I will ascend up into Heaven, and sit in the sides of the North, that is, (if Hieronymus Magius may expound it) in the left side of the North, or Eastern part of Heaven where the Throne of God is thought to be. He makes himself the surer of this, because of that horrible vision in Esdras the appearance whereof was from the East. But the vision in Esdras, hath no greater Authority than a Latin Translation corrected by no Original; besides what Interpolations there be, not coming so near to Canonical Scripture, as to be taken for Apocryphal.  
But the fault is not so much in the Book itself. The Original we know whatsoever it were, is given over for lost as yet. But the Arabic Translation hath escaped. The Manuscript I meet with entitleth two Books unto Ezra the writer of the ancient Law. 
Cod. Arab. MS. in Arch. Bod.  The second containing the Canonical and received Ezra and Nehemiah; The first is this fourth Apocryphal, but very clear of the suspected passages.  
No mention here of the two strange Beasts Henoch and Leviathan: No dividing of the Age into twelve parts, etc. I have cause to believe, that it is the most authentic remain of this Book; though for the horrible vision it availeth me nothing, for it beginneth at the third Chapter of the Latin, and endeth in the fourteenth, not imperfectly, but acknowledging no more.  
In the Visions of the Temple, The Glory of the God of Israel passed through the Eastern Gate; Therefore that Gate was shut up, and might not be opened any more but to the Prince, Ezech. 44.2.  
It is generally confessed that the representations there made cannot be taken for any Temple which before was, or which afterwards was to be in Jerusalem; also that it is to be meant of the Jerusalem which is above.  
And so the Eastern Gate may be said to be, Extra terminos hujus mundi, not in this but in the other world, as Saint Hierome concluded.  
But whatsoever the Vision describeth, whether a Temple made with, or one made without hands, yet this is plain, That the Glory of the God of Israel was seen to come by the way of the East.  
But of this I make no great matter. That in the Relation, Chap. 7.2. If it look not this way, I know not which else it can.  
The words are,  
And I saw another Angel ascending from the East (from the rising of the Sun) having the Seal of the Living God, etc.  
Some of the best of the Ancients (as Primasius, etc.) doubt not to set down here Christ himself in stead of this other Angel. Then it was he that ascended from the Rising of the Sun.  
But because this Book also is a Piece of Scripture, which very few men (and the fewer the better) have made bold to understand▪ I shall make use of an Authority which is sufficient of itself. Ps. 68.32, 33. David saith, Sing unto God ye Kingdoms of the Earth, O sing praises unto the Lord, Selah. To him that rideth upon the Heaven of Heavens (which were) of old, etc. So we translate it, or from the beginning.  
This runneth counter with that strange Interpretation of Gen. 2.8. by the Chaldee, Theodotion, Saint Hierome, and some more. Plantaverat autem Dominus Deus Paradisum a principio, And the Lord God planted a Garden of pleasure first, or from the beginning. Which leaveth the Cabalists in a probable condition, for they say that seven things were made before the Creation, and they reckon this Garden for one.  
But now since that, men have better advised themselves, and generally translated the Place as the Lxx did of old. And the Lord God planted a Garden Eastward or toward the East.  
It should be so here too, which rideth or sitteth upon the Heaven of Heavens Eastward, or in the Eastern part. (The same word Kaedem is used in both places) so the Old Saxon, fram.  
So the Lxx, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so the Syriack, Arabic, and  Translations. Indeed the Syriack and Arabic of the Maronites Edition rendereth with some difference and transposition of the Original, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 audire fecit vocem suam ab Oriente, vocem fortem, He made his voice to be heard from the East, a strong voice.  
And thus I found it also in an Arabic Manuscript, the precept. Relig. quoted hereafter.  
But I have an Arabic Translation of the Psalms (the possession whereof I am bound here to acknowledge amongst many other favours to the Learned Master Selden) which rendereth the place closer to the Original. 'Tis there, sing, unto the Lord riding or fitting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Heaven of Heavens in the Eastern part.  
They that would have it otherwise, seem to understand it better than the Apostolical men did (for I cannot account the Authors of their Constitutions very much below.)  
Then rising up (say they) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Constitut: Apostol. l. 2. c. 61.  and turning towards the East let them pray unto God which sitteth upon the heaven of heavens in the Eastern part.  
This is the ground I promised to lay down.  
The superstructions I mean to set up upon it, shall help to assure the ground itself as well as be assured by it.  
This is the reason why God planted a Garden in Eden Eastward.  
The simplest meaning and most resolved upon, is, that Moses described in respect of Judea. But than it had been sufficient for the Geography to say Bieden for Eastward added nothing to the situation. Others therefore coming nearer to the words translate it ab Oriente Edenis, referring it to the Country of Eden. And so the Garden was planted Eastward, that is upon the Eastern side of Eden. But consider the word again, and you'll find that Mikkedem, Eastward, respecteth to Paradise not to Eden. And therefore Mercer, nil obstat (saith he) generaliter accipere in parte mundi Orientali consitum fuisse tunc Paradisum Orientem Solem versus.  
But to lose over no more of that time which hath been curiously spent upon the Delineations of Paradise, 
Moses Bar Cepha de Paradis. lib. 3●. ●. 13.  not only what Damaseen and the Bishop of Bethraman deliver. That at the beginning of March the Sun always riseth directly over Paradise.  
The meaning of Moses is this, that the Garden of Eden was planted towards the Equinoctial East of the Holy Land. And the meaning of that is, that the Sanctum Sanctorum of this Mother Church pointed toward the part of Heaven, where the Sun riseth in the Month Nisan.  
The Sanctuary of Paradise was that Recess of the Garden which was distinguished and made so to be by the presence of the Tree of Life. 'Tis said indeed, that this Tree of Life was placed Betoch haggan, that is (as we translate it) in the middle of the Garden. And S. John seems to bear us this witness too in the Apocalypse. But Tremelius knew this was but an Hebraisme in the old, and but an Hellenisme in the New Testament. And therefore the Woman's answer in his Translation is, Sed de fructu illius arboris quae est in horto hoc etc. And yet because the conjunction here is discretive, But of the Tree, one concludeth from thence, that therefore it must needs be in the middle of the Garden, though the Hebrew be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not Said, but, And of the Tree. I know it may be taken for but, as elsewhere, let it be so. Yet the He is emphatical both to the Tree and to the Garden. And so the words are, But of the Tree which is in this Garden God hath said etc.  
Do we think that God spoke unto Moses out of the Centre of the Bush, or that our Saviour would have the man and the millstone thrown into the very middle of the Sea? The Tree stood in the Eastern part of the place. Otherwise why the Cherubins and the flaming sword upon this side of the Garden to keep the way of the Tree of life?  
And whither should it respect but this way, that Cain went and dwelled in the Land of Nod on the East of Eden. Gen. 4.16. Nay the Man himself, when he was driven out was assigned to dwell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over against the Garden, as the Greek addeth, that is on the East of Paradise, as the Greek is rendered by the versio Arab. Ms. LXX, in Arch. Bodl. Gen. 3.24.  
The truth is (how strange soever it may seem to be) that Adam worshipped God in Paradise toward the East, and so did the whole world till Abraham's time.  
The Hebrews deliver that God created Adam with his face towards the East. I cannot tell that, but that he was no sooner dispatched out of the dust, but he fell down to the same earth again, and adored his maker this same way, there is this great probability.  
Besides they commonly used words for East, West, etc. in the holy tongue there be 4 other Names assigned to the 4 Cardinal points of Heaven of a more especial and sacred Imposition, and expressed from the measure of a man. The East is otherwise called Mizrach, i.e. the rising, the West, Maarab; that is, the setting of the Sun, etc.  
But in the Holy way the East is called Kedem, that is, the face or forepart, the West Anchor, the backpart. The North Smol, i. e. the Left; the South Teman, that is, the Right hand. But the Heaven could not be said to have a Right hand or a Left, or if it could, then seeing the East was Kedem the face or forefront, the North must have been the Right hand, not the South.  
Indeed Kedem properly signifieth not the face, but that which is before the face. It is the same with Kibla in the Arabic. It is certain therefore, that these Impositions respected either the making of the first man toward the East (which amounteth to as much (or rather the religious posture of that time, and that Adam called the North the Left hand, and South the Right, because he himself in the service of God turned his face towards the East.  
I know there be that will tell you, that the reason of this Imposition was the Shecina Bemmaarab or sitting of God's presence upon the Ark in the Western part of the Tabernacle and Temple with his face towards the East; as if these names had not been imposed long before the Ark was known or thought of in the world: Nay before Abraham was, these were, and yet this passeth with some for a very happy Criticism.  
But however, that not only Adam, but the whole world also worshipped toward the East till Abraham's time, my Authors are not only Maimon in his More, but the great Saint Ephrem also and others in the Arabic Catena. 
Caten. Arab. Ms. C. 3●. in Genes.  The Tradition there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. from Adam till Abraham's time, which was the space of 3328. years, they worshipped towards the East.  
It depends from the very same ground, that the most solemn piece of all the Jewish service, I mean that great atonement but once a year to be made by the Highest and most Holy man, and in the most Holy Place, was performed toward the East, quite contrary to all other manner of addressement in their devotion. So I interpret that place Leviticus. C. 16.14 15.  
It is commanded there, that the High Priest shall do with the blood of the Goat as with the blood of the Bullock, and that he shall take of the blood of the Bullock and sprinkle it with his finger upon the mercy seat Eastward.  
Strange it is to see what shift the Expounders have made to make good this place. They are much troubled to know how the Priest can be said to sprinkle the blood Eastward; they may well enough, for they suppose the Priest to have stood with his face towards the West.  
Tawos' the Persian paraphrast rendereth it super faciem propitiatorii in Oriente, upon the mercy-seat in the East, Meaning I think, as an Arabic Translation of the Greek, On the Eastern side. The Greek itself is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eastward, as the English. So the Chaldee, the Syriack, Saadiah Gaons' Arabic, etc.  
All word for word, for indeed the Text could be no plainer than it is. That the Blood was to be sprinkled Eastward. The meaning is thus. It is known that the sprinkling of blood, this blood especially, was the Figure of him, who by his own Blood entered in once into the holy place, and obtained eternal Redemption. 
Mishn. Talmud in Tamid. c. 4. fol. 35. B.  Heb. 9.12. Aaron therefore though at other times he still turned his face towards the West; Nay though at the kill of this very Goat, and this Bullock he not only turned his own but even their Faces also towards the West, 

Mishna Talmud in Joma, c. 3. fol. 35. b. Matmonid. in Jom. haccippurim.  
Isych: Hierosolom. in Levit. c. 16.   as the Talmud in Joma; yet when he was to execute this greatest Course of the Mystery, he placed himself on the wrong side of the Ark; and turning his back to the beggarly Rudiments of the world, he sprinkled this blood Eastward. The Jerusalem Isychius understood his meaning. It was done (saith he) to represent the Man Cui Oriens nomen ejus, Whose Name is the East.  
You may perceive also that the Scripture intimateth enough that the Man Christ came down to us from the very same Eastern part. The ground laid is able to put a like understanding upon the places.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Baruch) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Look about thee O Jerusalem, towards the East, and behold the Joy that cometh unto thee from God. Baruch. 4.36.  
I know there be that lose this prophecy upon the captivity. I am not certain but that Cyrus may be pretended by the Letter; but I assure myself that our Saviour lieth hid in the Mystery.  
Olympiodorus perceived this. Look about thee, O Jerusalem, towards the East, etc. that is, (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Towards Jesus Christ our Lord the Sun of righteousness etc. That the Messiah is aimed at, will be certain to any one that will but consider the prophecy, for none else could be called the Everlasting Saviour, verse 22. But he that saith look about thee toward the East, appointeth them to a certain place, and not nigh: but then why toward the East? It is evident, that he means it of that part from whence the Saviour is said to have come down from Heaven, and was made man.  
Therefore the Father is said to have raised up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab Oriente Justitiam, Righteousness from the East, Esay 41.2. That is as Procopius, Hierome, and Cyrill, Christ our Righteousness.  
The more part I know, crook the Prophecy to the Patriarch Abraham; He is called indeed by the Apocryphal Wisdom, the Righteous; but more duly the faithful Abraham. 
Wisdom. 10.6.  Galat. 3.9. But Righteousness itself is too great and abstract a Name.  
In the 46. Chapter, He calleth a Bird from the East, verse. 11. Some ancient Copies read it I call a just one from the East. Cyrus is certainly to be meant by the outside, (as the Jewish expounders rightly.)  
If our Saviour be included, as by Saint Hierome and Cyrill it is presumed, the insolency of the Metaphor is taken off by Malachy, where the Sun of Righteoussnesse promised to arise with healing in his wings. Mal. 4.2.  
W. tindal's Note (I think 'tis his) upon that place of Esay is a good old truth. The Prophet means (saith he) King Cyrus which should come swiftly, as a Bird flieth, and destroy Babylon, and set the Israelites at liberty. He should fulfil that which the Lord had devised and decreed. In him is figured Christ, which with the light of his word, purgeth the whole world of Error and Idolatry, and setteth the Consciences at peace and liberty. He flieth swiftly out of the East, that is out of Heaven, whereupon he is called the day spring from on high. Luk. 1.78.  
But the Prophecy of Micab is plainer yet: And thou Bethlehem Ephrata, 
Mi●a●. 5.2.  though thou be little among the Thousands of Judah, yet out of thee shall come the Ruler of Israel, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the which (not fearing to do it without example) I translate. And his go forth are out of the East from the days of old.  
And this is one of the reasons (for there is another too) why our Saviour is said to be the Man whose name is the East:  
The other reason is this.  
It was said before, that from Adam till Abraham's time the whole world worshipped towards the East.  
This Original, Principal, and (as it ought to have been) everlasting Ceremony, by an Error of the Persian and Chalda●n worshippers, degenerating into an Idolatry to the Sun, Abraham (saith the learned Maimon) by the instincts of God appointed out the West to his Hebrews, Therefore the Tabernacle and Temple were set towards that side of Heaven, God in the mean time seeming to leave his mistaken place in the East, and come down to this stiffnecked people. This was a Literal, and Pedantical Nation and (to comply with the secret intended mystery) were so to be dealt with. They did, and they did not worship towards the West.  

Maim in Jom. ●akkip. c. 3. S●●●. ●.  'Tis true, all the sacrifices were offered up towards that way. In the Rites of Azazell, the two Goats were to stand with their faces the same way. The pile set up for the Phara Adumnia or Red Cow was to have windows in it, and the prospect of these was to be towards the West. Talmud. in Phara. fol. 96. a.  
The 6 Lamps in the Golden Candlestick were appointed to burn towards the 7th, which was that in the middle, but the face of this (saith Maimon) was to burn towards the most holy place, and that is was called the Western Lamp. Beth. babbech. C. 3. S. 8.  
But all this while they worshipped no more towards the West, then towards the North. They worshipped towards the Ark (it was told you before) or towards the place of that. They do so still. And they were, and they are to do so, because the Sun of Righteousness was to set upon their Horizon. Therefore they were; And they are to do so, because (as to them) The man whose name is the East is not yet brought forth.  
Observe but the Oeconomy and dispensation of this business throughout; and there needeth no more to make good the Ground.  
That this MAN was called the East will appear by the places in Zacharie. c. 6.12. c. 3.8.  
Behold the man, etc. And I will bring forth my servant etc. In the Holy Text it is Behold the man whose name is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tsemech, that is, as not unlearned men have rendered it, the Branch. It is to be noted, that as the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth also germinare, so the Hebrew Tsemach signifieth lucere & eriri, for that which we translate the Brightness, the Syriac rendereth the Tsemach of his glory, Heb. 1.12. And in the Jewish Astrology the Horoscope or East Angle is most commonly so called.  
We are to read the prophecy as the Lxx did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i.e. Behold the man whose name is the East. 
Dialog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 105.  Thus it was urged to the Jew Tryphon in the most ancient times of Justin Martyr. And thus also to James the Jew in a like conference in the Cetab ol borhan c. 6. & 6. meeting.  
The purpose of that book is to prove out of all the Prophets, etc. that our Saviour was the Christ, etc. 
Cetab ol borhan. Arab. MS. in Biblioth. Beliolenfi.  Justus alleged this place among the rest. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The strong God said (by Zacharie the Prophet) Behold a man whose name is the East.  
But Saint Luke puts all out of doubt, where another Zacharie relating to the former faith of our Saviour that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we render it the day spring from on high, or as Erasmus and the vulgar, the East. Which Bez● not knowing how to dislike, and yet considering with himself, that the old Prophecy must be so translated, or else the new must not put it down: Germenex alto, the Branch from on high, but which no man accepted of.  
That the Tsemach in Zachary was the same with Saint Luke's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Beza judged rightly.  
But that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be rendered by Germane, it is convinced by the words following. To give light unto them that sit in darkness etc. And therefore qui Germane vertunt (saith Scaliger of the Tsemach in Zachary) imperite faciunt, audeo dicere neque mentiar, contra verbum Dei; who so translate it the Branch, do ignorantly, nay I may say and say true too, they do contrary to the word of God: The place in Zachary is to be read thus. Behold the man whose Name is the East, and he shall rise up and shine out from under him, that is from under God the Father.  
Jeremy the Prophet would not otherwise be understood c. 23.5. Behold the days come, saith the Lord, that I will raise up unto David, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tsemach Tsaddick, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the righteous East, as the Lxx, that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Severus, Christ the Sun of righteousness, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Eusebius, who elsewhere is called the light of the Gentiles, and the light of the world.  
Tacitus himself doth unawares deliver some such thing as this, Hist. lib. 5. He is there telling of the destruction of Jerusalem; how the doors of the Temple flew open on a sudden, and a more than humane voice was heard, that the Gods were now upon departing, etc.  
These things saith he made some reflect upon an old prophecy that was found antiquis Sacerdotum literis, which foretold, eo ipso tempore sore ut valesceret Oriens, That at such a time the East should prevail. I doubt not but the Prophet who ever he were, directed himself to the Man, Cui Orient Nomen ejus, whose name is the East. Zach. 6.12.  

Greg. Mag. Moral. in Job. cap. 1.  In relation to this Name of Christ the Christians also by some have been called Orientales. 'Tis Gregory the great's Moral upon those words of Job, That he was the greatest man in the East. Referring to the same the blessed Virgin hath been termed Orientalis porta, the Eastern gate; as if that were the meaning of Ezekiel's vision c. 44. So Saint Ephrem upon those words of Jacob, this is the house of God and this is the Gate of Heaven. This saying (saith he) is to be meant of the Virgin Mary, who became as it were another Heaven, truly to be called the House of God, as wherein the Son of God that immortal word inhabited; and as truly the Gate of Heaven, for the Lord of Heaven and Earth entered thereat; and it shall not be set open the second time, according to that of Ezekiel the Prophet. And I saw (saith he) a Gate in the East: the glorious Lord entered thereat, thenceforeh that Gate was shut, and is not any more again to be opened. Caten. Arab. C. 58.  
It is not to be omitted that his Star appeared in the East, and that the wise men came from thence; but which is more to be observed that the Angels sent from God, with the Gospel of this Nativity, they also came from the East; for their Temple is to be seen upon the East of Bethlem, as the Nubian Geographer.  
He was borne too in the Eastern parts of the world.  
Nay he was borne in Orientali angulo Civitatis Bethlem, 
Eccl. Hist. lib. 5. c. 17.  in the Eastern part of Bethlem, as the Venerable Bede out of Adamannus. The Heavens also met the Earth at this time, for the Autumnal intersection (one of the Equinoctial Easts) was the ascendent of his Nativity. But of this there is more to come.  
The holy men of Jerusalem hold a Tradition generally received from their Ancients, that he was buried also with his Face and Feet towards the East. It is affirmed by the Geographers of the Holy Land. But that he ascended up into the Eastern part of Heaven, it hath had the most ancient and full consent of the whole Church. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Damascene, when he was received up into Heaven he was carried up Eastward. It was the cause why they read that place of the Psalmist. Qui ascendit super Coelum Coeli ad Orientem; utpote, saith Origen, a mortuis post passionem resurgens, & in Coelum post resurrection ad Orientem ascendants. Who risen from the dead after his passion, and ascended up into Heaven towards the East after his Resurrection. So the , who ascended up into the Heaven of Heavens in the East. In like manner the Syriack and some Arabic Translations. But then the Greek should have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in the 18 of that Psalm. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Ascendisti in Altum.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not properly said but of him that ascendeth his Horse or his Ass, upon which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is said to sit. Say unto the daughter of Zion, behold thy King cometh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sitting upon on Ass, Mat. 21.5. It fully answereth to the Prophets Laroceu, which the older Translation rendered very fitly as concerning the letter, who rideth (or fitteth) upon the Heaven as it were upon a Horse. ver. 4. So the Oracle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. O thou that sittest or ride upon the Heavens.  
But the Prophet Esay is plain for the Ascension, as I find him cited in the Cetab. ol barhan cap. 4. & 1 meeting.  

Cetab el borhan Ms. Arab. in Archiv. Bibl. Baliolens.  James the Jew urgeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. as the Prophet Esay saith. The Lord alone shall be exalted and liftedup above the East. The strong Lord shall be exalted in righteousness.  
So he readeth the 16. ver. of the 5 Chapter. But the Original as now received maketh no mention of the East, or lifting up. If then it had not, a Jew must needs have known it; and I see not with what face it could be urged in this Conference; but I begin to think what Justin Martyr charged upon this people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 
Liber Ms. Arab. de precept. Relig. part. 1. c. 14. de Oratione. Liber excat in biblioth. D. Henrici King. Epi. Cices●rensis.  He makes it appear to Tryphon, that the Jews had circumcised their Scripture too, p. 83. of the Dialogue.  
If our Saviour ascended into Heaven by the Eastern part, we need not doubt but that he will return by the same way which he went. The Angels intimate as much. I meet with an Author which testifieth that he himself said that he would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Furthermore (saith the Author) we are to turn our faces toward the East (in the time of prayer) because that is the Coast concerning which the Christ, unto whom be glory, said that he would appear from thence at his second coming. And I think he referreth himself to those words of our Saviour, 
Mat. 24.27.  sicut exit fulgur, etc. Hear therefore what Saint Damascene delivereth as from the Apostles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And thus shall he come again in like manner as he was seen to go up, answerable to what He himself said. For as the lightning cometh out of the East, and shineth even unto the West, so shall also the coming of the Son of Man be. We worship him therefore towards the East, as expecting him from thence.  
And this (saith he) is by unwritten Tradition from the Apostles.  
A Canon to this purpose I find ascribed to their Name in the Arabic Code. 
Cod. Conciliorum Arab. Ms. in Arch. Rouen. Biblioth. Bodlei.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When ye pray (say they) turn yourselves towards the East. For so the words of our Lord import, who foretold that his return from Heaven at the Latter day should be like the lightning, which glittering from the East flasheth into the West. His meaning is that we should expect his coming from the East.  
I was ready enough to think that the mention here made of Lightning was to intimate the suddenness and precipitation of that coming, but not being able to devise any special reason (other then what is here given) why the Lightning should rather come from the East, I had the less to say against the Tradition. Paul de palataio saith, that this meaning of the words is made good by the common consent of all Christians, Credentium quod in Oriente Humanitas Christi sedeat. Ab eo ergo loco veniet ubi nunc est; believing that our Saviour as respecting his humane Nature sitteth in the Eastern part of Heaven, There he is, from thence therefore he is to come.  
Therefore that sign of the Son of Man, that other Baptist as it were of his second coming, is expected to be seen in the East.  
A sign of the Cross it is to be, as the Father's chrysostom and Saint Ephrem promise. And the Aethiopian Church is so sure of it, that (as their Zebo saith) it is professed among the Articles of their Creed. That it shall appear in the East, it is undertaken by Hippolytus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For a sign of the Cross (saith he) shall rise up more glorious, than the Sun itself, shining from the East into the West, to give notice unto the World that the Judge is coming.  
Considering all these things, I am altogether of their mind who persuade themselves that the Seat and Tribunal of that last Judgement shall be placed in the Air over against the Mount Olivet.  
Jeel the Prophet is thought to have foretold as much, when he saith that all Nations shall be gathered into the valley of Jehosaphat; and his feet shall stand in that day upon the Mount Olivet; which is before Jerusalem towards the East. I cannot devise (saith one) for what reason the Prophet should make so particular a Description of this unto them that knew it so well. It is certain, saith another, spectare haec ad diem judicii, that these things are to be meant of the day of judgement, etc. And if Clemens may be trusted; the Apostles themselves understood not otherwise.  

Lib. ●estivalis in Dedicatione Ecclesiae.  Our Forefathers lived and died in this hope. Let us think (so the Priest used to preach upon the Wake days) that Christ died in the Este, and therefore let us pray besely into the Este, that we may be of the nombre that he died for. Also let us think that he shall come out of the Este to the doom. Wherefore let us pray heretily to him and besely that we may have grace of contrition in our hearts of our misdeeds with shrift and satisfaction, that we may stoned that day on the right hand of our Lord jesus Christ. etc.  
It is said indeed, But of that hour; it is not said, but of that place knoweth not man. Yet not to be so particular as to point out the very Mountain or Valley, or to take care with the Doctor in the Jerusalem Talmud, how the bones of Wise men shall roll under the earth into this place, most manifest it is that this great assize is to be holden upon the Holy Land. Here the World may be said to have been created, and here it was redeemed; Here the Sun risen first, and here the Sun of righteousness; here he died and was buried, and the third day he risen again from the dead, ● h● ascended up into Heaven from hence, and shall come thither again at the end of the world to judge both the quick and the dead. And therefore Quid non statis viri Galilaei? Why stand you not gazing ye men of Galilee? this same Jesus which is taken upon from you into Heaven, shall so come in like manner as ye have seen him go up into Heaven. Act. 1.11.  
I reinforce all that hath been said with an ancient profession of the Eastern Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Commentar. Arab. MS. in Pentateuch. c. 5. in Archi. Bodleianis.   
We pray (say they) towards the East, for that our Lord Christ when he ascended into Heaven, went up that way and there sitteth in the Heaven of Heavens above the East, according to that of David the Prophet in his Psalter. Praise the Lord which sitteth upon the Heaven of Heavens in the East. And in very deed we make no doubt but that our Lord the Christ as respecting his humane nature hath his seat in the Eastern part of the Heaven of Heavens, and sitteth with his face turned toward this world. To pray therefore or worship towards the East, is to pray and worship towards our Saviour.  
And that all this is to be meant of the Equinoctial East (which also is to be considered) it is made to appear by Moses their Bishop of Bethraman in his discourse of Paradise l. 1. c. 13. He saith there, that the place towards which they prayed, is that over which the Sun riseth in the month Nisan, which is the Vernal Aequinox.   

CHAP. XIX.  Exod. 23.19.34.26. Deut. 14.21. 
Thou shalt not seethe a Kid in his Mother's Milk.  
THe Chaldee renders this, Thou shalt not eat flesh with Milk. So the Arabic of Erpenius his Edition. That of Saadi● Gaon not much differently. Thou shalt not seethe or dress flesh with milk. The Jerusalem Targum is, It is not lawful for you, O my people the house of Israel, to seethe or to eat flesh and milk mixed together. This sense may seem to have a ground from the like prohibition of Linsey-woolsy garments, and the sowing of a field with mingled seed. Levit. 19.19. besides the present observation of the Jews, who have practised this sense of the Tent immemorially for aught we yet know.  
And this seems to be a strong argument for this Reading to be right, for it is not readily to be suspected, but that the thing which is now and hath been so long done by them must of necessity acknowledge itself upwards to some uncontroleable Tradition of theirs. For it can hardly be thought that a whole profession of Worshippers should possess themselves of such an opinion without a general and confessed witness of their Ancients:  
The Jews Kitchen (as if there were a sex in meats and dishes too) is divided as their Synagogues where the Women pray by themselves in another Room. They are indeed of the Congregation, but not of the Company. And this should be so. But to keep the Milke-pan from the company of fleshpots. To have one dish for Flesh, and another for white meats, and to have a supernumerary knife for Cheese and Butter (for these and flesh may not be cut with the same) and to quote for all this the Prohibition here spoken of: Thou shalt not seethe Kid etc. is to make the word of God of none effect by their Traditions. Mat. 7.13.  
'Tis more than I need to do to set down the particulars of this Superstition, or all their distances twixt flesh and milk. See Maimon in the Halaca of forbidden meats. c. 9 Sect. 1. Shulean. Aruc. in Halac. Basher Vecbelch. Numb. 87. If not, 
Leon mode de gli Rit. Hebr. part. 1. c. 3. n. 3. & part. 2. c. 6. n. 12.  see the Late Rabbin in his Book of modern Rites, or the Learned Buxtorf. Synagog. Jud. c. 26.  
The sum of it is, that by this law they may not seethe or eat flesh, and milk together.  
But did not Abraham their father, when he entertained Angels instead of men under the Oak of Mamre, take butter and milk, and the Calf which he had dressed, and set it before them? and they did eat etc. Gen. 18.8.  
If this practice of the Jews be grounded upon a misinterpretation of the Text, than the more ancient and universal it is, the Error is the greater. That the Text is absolutely misunderstood is a clear and granted case, 
Mat. 15.3.  and will be plainer yet anon.  
And how these men use to transgress the Commandment of God by their Traditions is believed enough.  
I will here set down but this instance. Psalm. 17.14. We render it as we should, Whose belly thou fillest with thy hidden things. They read it, and the North shall fill their bellies, and misapply it to the matters of generation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. whosoever, say the Doctors in Beracoth, 
Talm. in Beracoth fol. 5. b c. 1.  shall set his Bed North and South shall beget male children, Ps. 17.14. etc. Therefore the Jews hold this Rite of Collocation (and by these very words of the Psalm) to this day. Therefore also at the Celebration of their Nuptials, the Bride is appointed to stand with her face turned towards the North or South, as an Omen of happy procreation both for the Number and Sex of Children. They tell you also of David's harp hung up upon the Tester of his Bed, which being every midnight constantly blowed upon by the Northern wind, warbled of itself. Talm. in Berac. fol. 3. b. As if David's Bed had been set in this posture too.  
And yet all this (how much soever pretended) is none of the right reason why the Jews place their Bed's North and South. They are bound to place their Beth Haccisse, or house of office, in the very same situation, so that he that sits down to cover his feet may have his face turned towards the North and South, but by no means toward the West or East. Talmud. in Bera. fol. 62. a.  
For however the Doctors Alphesi and others in contemplation of the Causes of this have sought out many inventions, yet the reason of the last is the reason of the first. Which the Gloss giveth to Beracoth c. 1. fol. 5. b. And it is, That the uncomely Necessities of Nature (or Matrimony) might not fall into the Walk and Ways of God, whose Shecina or dwelling presence lieth West and East, etc.  
The Lxx rendereth it, Thou shalt not seethe a Lamb in his Mother's milk, and so an ancient Arabic Translation of that Thou shalt not dress. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Lamb in the milk of his Mother.  
The Persian Paraphrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Na Kosheani Bashache der shire madreau. Thou shalt not kill a Kid in the milk of his Mother.  
This reading seems to suggest a ground for their interpretation who would have it to be thus. That no man of Israel should seethe a Kid of the Goats, or Lamb of the flock, or any other youngling in the milk of the dam; that is, as some, the dam with the young. As in the case of a Birds nest: others make it respect to their sacrifices, that no man might bring a Kid or Lamb etc. to the Lords House before the eighth day; for seven days it was to be with the dam, and then it might be brought to him; Otherwise they say that however they might sacrifice any young thing even in the milk of the Mother (for Samuel offered up a sucking Lamb or Lamb of the Milk) because the Religion of the thing would bear it out, yet in common eating it might not be, that is, they might not eat a Kid so long as it was with the dam, or sucking.  
Let it be taken notice of here that the Lxx and the Arabic Translation of that were not much out in translating the place Thou shalt not dress a Lamb, etc. for Gedi signifieth a Kid of the sheep, as well as the Goats. And in Exodus you'll find a Lamb of the Goats, as well as the Sheep, Chap. 12.5. So that this cannot be depended on.  
To refer it to the sacrificing of a Lamb or Kid before the eighth day will not be sense, for this is otherwise forbidden before, and in plainer words, Seven days shall it be with the dam etc. Exod. 22.30.  
And to make it concerned in their common eating, as to forbid cruelty or put a restraint upon delicious feeding, imposeth yet more absurdly upon the Law.  
Isaac ben Solomon (adopted son to one of the Kings of Arabia, and a famous Physician of his time) in his book of diets translated out of the Arabic hath this consideration upon Goat's flesh.  
Sunt enim Lactentes, sunt & vicini suae nativitati, sunt quoque juvenes & decrepiti. 
Isaac I●dae diaetis particular. part. 4. c. ● Carne Hircina.  Lactentes vero sunt caeteris animalibus in sapore & nutrimento praestantiores. Lac enim naturalem eis praestat humiditatem, eorum complexio temperata est in calore & humiditate absque sui corruption. Facilem ergo & subtilem dant diaetam. Et quo diutius lacte nutriuntur eo meliores ac teneriores erunt.  
The Author saith, that no flesh whatsoever can more exactly nourish then that of a sucking Kid, or Kid of the Milk, and moreover that the longer it is with the dam, by so much it is the more excellent meat.  
The same Author saith de Agnis Lactentibus, of Lambs of the milk, pessimum dant Sanguinem, that they breed the worst blood and as bad as that of an old Goat.  
Experience teacheth all this to be true.  
And would you have it so then that the Lawgiver should forbid his people the worst of meats to restrain delicacy, or the best of nourishments to avoid a cruelty? And yet this is the case of the Text.  
But now to make way for that sense which the Prohibition indeed intendeth to, I think fit to lay down these grounds; And they are such as will need to be taken better notice of by those that hereafter shall undertake to tell the meaning of Moses Law.  
Know then from Him that ●new it best and first (the most learned Maimon) that the precepts in the Law, those of this kind especially, are still set down with a reflex upon the Heathen Rites, and not of those only of simple Idolatry, but most of all such as were complicated with Magical and unreasonable Superstition.  
Neither is the Respect of these Laws so large and indistinct, as to look upon all the Heathen in Gross, but referring purposely to that neighbouring part of Paganism professed by the Egyptians, Canaanites, Chaldaeans, and Amorites.  
These Superstitions were termed by the Ancient Rabbins, Viae Amorhaeorum, the way of the Amorites, that is, ways which the Jews are bound to call Heresy. Otherwise they were called Zabiorum, or Zabaistarum Cultus. i e. The Eastern Idolatry.  
These Rites the Zabii had written in many books; a good part of which were translated into Arabic, and these Maimon made use of, as the Sepher Hattalesmaoth or book of Telesmes. Sepher Hasharah, Sepher Tamtam, Sepher Maaloth baggalgal, Sepher Isaac●. A book of Isaac the Zabiist of all the Rites and Customs of their Law. But the book of greatest account, saith Maimon, is the Sepher Avoda Henbattith, or liber de Agriculture Aegyptiorum. By this book you may judge of the rest, and of this by a strange passage quoted out of it in the Sepher Haccozri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. or as the Books of the Avoda Henbattith, which make mention of some certain names, janboshar, Tsagarith and Roani, and they say that these (men) were before Adam's time, and that janboshar was Adam's Tutor. etc. ●o●ri. lib. 1.  
Out of these Zabian books, this latter especially, Maimon made good the greatest part of the Ceremonial Law, and which is more made it familiar too, and reconciled the strangeness of those precepts to any man's proportion of reason and belief. Only about the case of wine why God would have that used in sacrifice, seeing that the Zabii did so too he confesseth himself to be very much troubled, and not knowing how to refer it.  
Yet he giveth a reason from some others, that God with a Respect had to the 3 principal parts of man, The Heart, the Liver, and the Brain, would have his sacrifices be made up of three answerable things, Flesh, Wine, and Music, More: part. 3. c. 46.  
But in other cases the prohibition in the Law (for the greater part) lies against some Rite or other of Magical Idolatry.  
So from this prohibition in the Law Levit. 19.19. Thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed, nor thy vineyard. Deut. 22.9. The Hebrew Doctors lawfully conclude, that all divers kinds of Trees are to be meant as much. As to graft one Tree upon another of another kind. And Maimon turneth this back upon the ways of the Amorbites. For the Zabii (saith he) used so to do, They observed such a place of the Moon, made such a suffumigation, uttered such and such words at the graffing of one Tree upon another, assuring themselves, that those Rites were necessary to fructification. More part. 3. c. 37.  
I should think that Saint Paul had an eye upon this, when he tells his Amorite or Gentile that he was but cut off from the wild Olive, and graffed contrary to Nature (that is, the ways of the Jews) into a good Olive Tree. Rom. 11.24. As things stood before, so heterogeneous a branch might not be inserted, but now Saint Paul was in Saint Peter's case. He was not to call any thing Common or Unclean.  
Maimon repeateth there another practice of theirs to the same purpose, but such a one as will uncover too much if it be rendered in our words.  
But the fittest instance to this end is from the Laws of blood. It is forbidden there that any man of Israel should eat blood.  
Also it is commanded that the Blood be sprinkled upon the Altar, and moreover that it be covered with dust, or sprinkled upon the ground as water.  
Some of the Zabii did use to eat the blood, some others who reckoned this to inhumanity, at the kill of a Beast reserved the blood, and gathered it up into a vessel or trench, and then sitting down in a Circle about the blood they eat up the flesh, and satisfied themselves with an opinion that their Daemons fed upon the blood entertaining a strong conceit that this manner of sitting at the same Table with their Gods would engage them to a nearer tie of conversation and familiarity, and promising to themselves also that these spirits would insinuate themselves in dreams and render them capable of prophecy and things to come.  
In reference to these ways of the Amorites, God expressly forbade his people to eat blood, for so some of the Zabii did; and to meet with others who gathered it up into a Vessel, he commanded that the blood should be spilt upon the ground like water.  
And because they eaten their sacrifices in a Circle round about the blood, He also commanded that the Blood should be sprinkled (not about but) upon the Altar.  
So here it is forbidden to any man of Israel to seethe a Kid in the milk of the Dam.  
It is certain that this must respect to some Idolatrous Rite of the Heathen, for to take any other course with it is not to tell the meaning, but to make a shift with the place.  
Here to hope for any such custom to be found of the Heathen in gross, the labour hath been sufficiently lost already.  
If it were true, as Tostatus said (but did not believe himself) that the Gentiles used to sacrifice a Kid sodden in the dams milk to the God of the fields, it would make very much towards the matter. Thus much is so, that Sylvanus was the God of the woods and fields, and that milk was one of those things which were to him offered in Sacrifice, as a Kid to Faunus. Milk also was among the Sacrifices of Pan the God of the Shepherds, and the same was offered to Cores in the Ambarvalia. There is reason also why a Goat and Goat's milk should be of Reverend importance in the Heathen devotion, for Jupiter himself sucked not other milk than this. It is expressed upon a Reverse of Valerian silver. The young God upon a she Goat holding by one of the Horns, with this Inscription Jovi Crescenti. Neither is it to be denied, but that in the sacrifices of Bacchus both a Kid and milk were offered. But of a Kid sodden in the dams milk in any Rites of late Heathen devotion it resteth to be revealed as yet.  
One Simler noteth, that some of the Hebrews say, that the Ismaelites used to seethe a Kid in Milk. 'Tis true indeed Abarbinel saith they do so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this very day. But see what Aben Exra said to that upon the same place of Ezod. 23. etc.  
By the Ismaelites we are to understand the Arabians, that is, the Saracens before, and the Turks now. And yet in whose Ritualists as Ben Casem, Side Ben Hali, Abdalla etc. if you find any such thing, it will be more than could be expected from them that have looked for it too.  
That they eat Milk and Goat's flesh also I know, so do we too; And what then?  
If they did to the Text here, they are to seethe a Kid in Milk, which is more I think then the best man in the Kitchen will undertake to do, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unless he take time to do it (as Aben Ezra saith.) But this is not all, a Kid is to be sodden in Goat's milk, and which is more than that too, it must be the milk of the dam.  
The first words bear a troublesome sense, and the last are so plainly Magical, that of themselves they prevent any other way of interpretatian. Therefore Abarbinel made his recourse thus fare this way, as to think that it was an Idolatrous Rite of the Heathen, To seethe a Kid in Milk at the time of in-gathering of fruits, hoping by this to propitiate their Gods.  
And he pretendeth as for a ground of his meaning the Spanish mesta a kind of Country feast which their Shepherds use to make themselves merry at twice a year with Kids and milk.  
But to eat Kid or milk, or both, is a continual Nothing to this purpose.  
The very words themselves instantly import a Magical preparation. Therefore the very learned Maimon, though he interpret this place for company as the ordinary Jews do, yet he doubted not to cast it upon the way of the Amorites, for this reason, because he finds it twice annexed to the 3● anniversary turns in the year, Exod. 23.19.34.26. Tribus vicibus conspicietur omnis masculus tuus, etc. And this reason (saith he) magnum apud me pondus habet, licet eam hactenus in libris Zabiorum nondum viderim, very much prevaileth with me, though I have not met with it in the Zabian books.  
But it seems the Karraite (quoted by Master Cudworth a learned man of the equal University) had met with this Tradition. The Karraite saith, that  
It was a Custom of the ancient Heathens, at the In-gathering of their fruits to take a Kid, and seethe it in the milk of the Dam, and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a Magical way to go about and besprinkle all their Trees and Fields and Gardens and Orchards, thinking by this means they should make them fructify and bring forth fruit again abundantly the next year. So the Karraite.  
Note this also, that these Zabians might not make any other but a Magical use of a Kid. 
More. N p. 3. c. 46.  These Worshippers did sacrifice to the Seirim or Daemons in the form of Goats; Therefore the eating of Goat's flesh was forbidden them. Notwithstanding, nay for that reason the Magical use of Goats was Holy and religious.  
The Magical preparation of a Kid hath a plain respect unto the Seirim or Goat-Devills. But for the reasons of the manner they cannot be given, for than it were not Magical.  
'Tis enough that such a thing was used in the way of the Amorites, and therefore expressly forbidden to the people of God. Also it may very well be thought that the People of God themselves (some of them) drew down this Example of the Zabii into their own practice. Why not this as well as sacrificing to the Seirim or Devill-Goats? Levit. 17.7. If the people of God did so, that is seethe a Kid in the milk of the Dam, to hasten the maturation of their Fruits, than this was the reason why the Prohibition is so often repeated in the Law.  
Maimon quoteth a like practice of the Zabii out of their book Avoda Henbattith.  
They purified certain things (which the book nameth) having observed when the Sun was in this or that degree. They performed some Magical operations, and so went away with this persuasion, that whosoever should besprinkle a new planted Tree with this charm, the Tree would fructify in a shorter time than otherwise would have done.  
This affordeth another likelihood for the Karraites Tradition of seething a Kid etc. that this also was to be found in the Zabians books, though the learned Maimon had not yet met with it.   

CHAP. XX.  James 4.13, 14, 15. 
Go to now ye that say, To morrow we will go into such a City and continue there a year, and buy and sell, and get gain.  
Whereas ye know not what shall be on the morrow. For what is your life? it is even a vapour that appeareth for a little time, and then vanisheth away.  
For that ye ought to say, If the Lord will we shall live, and do this or that. 1 Corinth. 4.19. 1 Pet: 3.17.  
IT was a Custom among the Jews, especially and first to begin all things with God. They undertook nothing without this Holy and devout Parenthesis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If God will. They otherwise expressed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If the Name please, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If the Name determine so. And by the Name they mean the great one, Jehovah.  
It was a phrase of so common speech with them that they contracted it into an Abbreviation of their kind, which to avoid repetition at large, useth a letter for a word. The Abbreviation is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is not only a Phrase of the Jews and Scripture, but of all the men of the East.  
You rarely meet with a book written in the Arabic, but beginneth Bismillahi, In the name of God, etc. An Alcoran especially, or any other book of their Divinity. And for the Alcoran, it does not only All, or the whole Book begin so, but every Surat or Chapter of that Scripture, as they account it.  
Not only so, but they make a common use of this very expression If God will. Their words are, (and the Persians use the very same) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Si Deus voluerit, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If the High, or Almighty God will, as Nassyr Eddyn in his Commentaries upon the Arabic Euclid, at the end of his Preface to the tenth book, and elsewhere.  
The Arabic Nubian Geographer beginneth his book, in the Name of the merciful and compassionate God, from whom is help. And in the end of his Preface, he saith the same thing in more words. Quapropter potentissimi ac summi Dei, quen unum & solum esse fateor, qui sufficientissimus atque optimus Protector est, auxilium exposco.  
From the Oriental part of the World this manner of speech descended down upon all the Inhabitants of the Earth. The Greeks' render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the same with the Latins Deo volente, If God will. Of which you may see more, and very much to this matter, if you consult with Brissonius de Formulis etc. Lib. 1. p. 68, 69. etc.  
Indeed it were very much, if we men of what Nation soever under Heaven, should go about any thing without this seasonable condition of God's help. If we live, and move, and have our being in him, (as Saint Paul quoteth out of Aratus) and the Scholiast Theon interpreteth to be meant of God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) certainly we ought not to venture upon any thing without A Jove principium. As he ought to be in all our thoughts, so especially in those of enterprise and design, be it of the greatest, nay be it of the smallest undertaking. Especially we men, (I can believe the Angels of God do so too) for though the Gospel say, that the providence of God cometh down to the price of a Sparrow, (and were not two of these sold for a farthing?) Yet Maimon saith that God doth not take care for Oxen, but setting all other things aside maketh it his only business to procure the matters of Mankind. See his excellent discourse upon the Providence of God. More. Nevoch. Par. 3. C. 17.  
Considering the engagements either of God's provision, or men's usual Fatalities, one would think this manner of speech to be equally natural to the whole race of Mankind, yet (as I said before) the Jews gave the first example, and they themselves brought it into use, but upon this occasion.  
It relateth to one of the wise say of Ben Sirrah an old Sage of theirs, and believed by them to be Jeremy the Prophet's Nephew. The saying is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
i.e. The Bride went up into her Chamber, but did not know what was to befall her.  
Upon this the Perush there maketh this Explication. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. Let a man never say (he will do) any thing, without this (exception) If God permit. There was a man who said, To morrow I will sit with my Bride in the Bride-Chamber, and will know her there. They said unto him, say, If God will. He said unto them, Whether (God) will or will not, to morrow I will sit with my Bride in my Bride-Chamber. So he did. He entered with his Bride into the chamber, and sat with her all day. At night they went both to bed, but they both died before they knew one another. When they found them dead in the morning each by other, they said the saying of Ben Sirrah was true. The Bride went up into the Bride-Chamber, but did not know what was to befall her. Upon this they said. Whosoever hath a purpose to do any thing ought to say If God permit, Otherwise he is not like to prosper.  
The words of Saint James have a full respect upon this Tradition, you may easily perceive it, if you mark these words.  
To morrow we will go etc. especially the close. We shall live, and do this, or that.   

CHAP. XXI.  Amos 6.1, 3, 4. 
woe unto them that are at ease in Zion, etc.  
Ye that put fare away the evil day, etc.  
That lie upon beds of Ivory, and stretch themselves upon their Couches, and eat the Lambs out of the flock, and the Calves out of the midst of the Stall.  
NOt so much to interpret the place, as the interpretation of that; and moreover to tell the meaning of a hard word in the Law, I make this animadversion.  
The Note upon this in the Midler Rabath, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 
Mid. Rab. fol. 238. Edit. Cracov. Vent●ae. 1●8.  Go down and see how every tribe hath a Maiuma of its own, and when any one is minded to go to his Maiuma, he causeth all his flock to pass before him, and chooseth out the fattest, and killeth it, etc. But saith the Author of the Gloss here, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have not found, nor heard what should be the meaning of the word. David de P●mis saith it is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the name of an Idol. As Philip Aquin●● thinketh, 
Arach. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  it answereth to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Marbeck in the Text, and is to be rendered, Saginarium, The stall. Munster expounds it, Socius Comes. The Arach quoteth the word in this passage out of the Megillath Evah, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. And they bring in the Maiumas into the Theatre with his head uncovered. But for the meaning of the Maiumas either here, or in the Midbar, the Interpreters have left it in a very doubtful condition. I may possibly have better luck, (I pretend not to so much skill as they had) in expounding the words.  
Though the word in the Aruch and in the Midbar be the same, yet by the sense they cannot be of the same signification. The word in the Aruch (as I think) is taken from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the very next word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and meaneth not otherwise.  
But for the meaning of the same word in the Midbar, it must needs bear another manner of construction: And if it be not that which is to follow, it will be hard, I am sure, to say what it is.  
The  Author of the Gloss conjectureth from the sense, 
C. De Mai●ma L. unic. Cod. Theod. lib. 15. tit. 6.  that it is to be meant of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Festival day. And this was the meaning of the Midbar, and to be understood of that Maiuma in the Justinian and Theodosian Codes.  
And that was (if Suidas knew it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. A Roman Solemnity celebrated in the month of May, when the Chief of the City of Rome were wont to go to Ostia, and there disport themselves, thrusting one another into the waters. The Gloss to the Basilica nameth not what, but saith it was a kind of Solemnity observed by the Romans in the Month of May, but that it was done at Rome, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the honour of Maia. And in Aethicus the Cosmographer it is found that the People of Rome went in procession with the Consul to Ostia Castorum celebrandorum causa solennitate jucunda. Tacitus also maketh mention of a certain sacrifice done at Ostia in the Castor's Temple, sed ventorum marisque causa factum, saith Ammianus Marcellinus, Lib. 19 To Lipsius, 
Ad Lib. Annal. 11.  all this is one and the same with the Maiuma in the Law.  
If there were no more in it then so, Hotoman did well enough, out of Vandulphus, to reckon this among the innocent sports: though that he should say it was Armorum ludicra exercitatio, cum aliq●ot adolescentes mense Maio oppidum in aqua positum dimissi in aqua ludibundi oppugnabant, is by I know not what authority.  
The Civilians make some less; none more of the matter:  
Bartol said, it was Ludus quidam, a kind of sport.  
Cujacius, Alciat, Gothrofride etc. hold themselves to the Tradition of Suidas, and Gothofride refers ●us to Gregory's cosmography; Cujacius more correctly, to his chronography.  
But it should have been, not Gregorii, but Georgii Chronographia. Nor is Georgius ●edrenus to be meant, as Cujacius thought: but Georgius Theophanes. And the words are:  
O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which Anastasius Bibliothecarius rendereth; Praeterea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facta Imperator in Sophianis sedit cum filio suo etc. Hist. Miscell. lib. 23. Gyraldus guessed it to be the Floralia, with which indeed it can compare in obscenity and debauchment.  
But it is not made known by any of all this, what the Maiuma was. 'Twas an Oriental Celebration (as Baronius well observed) but of what sort, only Johannes Antiochenus hath discovered. The Author had before related out of Pausanias the Chronographer, that Sosibius an Antiochian had left as a Legacy to the City of Antioch, the yearly Revenue of fifteen Talents of Gold, towards the expense of the public sports: which by the corruption of the Feoffees having been disposed of the wrong way, the Citizens petitioned the Emperor Augustus, that it might be restored to the first use. Which was granted: but the same case falling out again, they addressed a like suit to the Emperor Commodus, by whose commands the Legacy was again shared, 
Joh. Antioch. Ms. in Archiv. Baroc. Bibliothec. Bodleian.  and a due portion thereof set out for the Olympic Games; another for the Circensian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. In like manner also for the trietericall sports (celebrated by night in Tents, I mean the Orgia, that is the Mysteries of Bacchus and Venus, commonly called the Maiuma, for that they were solemnised in the month of May) a considerable sum of the Gold was set out for the charge of Lamps and Candles, and other necessaries for this Solemnity or Wake, in which they took their pleasure for the space of thirty whole nights together etc.  
I must not here uncover the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Clem. Alex. in Pr●trep.  as Clemes Alexandrinus calls them: It is not once to be named amongst us, what this people did in the dark: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as the same Author.  
Illud vero (saith the Emperor Arcadius) quod sibi nomen procax licentia vindicavit, Maiumam, foedum atque indecorum spectaculum, denegamus. Cod. Theodos. Lib. 15. Tit. 6.  
It was forbidden, as (Meursi●s took it) by the LXII. Canon of the Synod in Trullo: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc.  
But the reading there is not, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first of May; but, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the first of March. And so the Arabic Code 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. 
Cod. Concilior. Arab. MS. in Archiv. Bibl. Bodleian.  And the first day of the first Month, that is, Nisan or March.  
For the derivation of the word, if any such disport in the waters was made, as Suidas remembreth to us, it were obvious to fetch it from the Oriental 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Majim. Or if it were found that these Orgia were first, or most celebrated at Maiuma (the sea side of Gaza) 'tis possible that the place might give name to the celebration. Which hath the more colour, 
Metaphrast. Ms. in Archiv. Baroc. Feb. 25.  for that in the Tetrampodus or Quatrefois of that City upon an Altar of stone there stood a marble statue of Venus, representing the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; of a naked woman, etc. as Marcus Diaconus in vita Porphyrii Gazcorum Episcopi: otherwise, the Authors own derivation must be taken.  
If the Prophet may at all be understood in the sense of the Midbar, it foundeth not much unlike to that which the Emperor Julian told the Antiocheans in his Misopogon.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There's none of you all (saith he) but can willingly spend upon your private banquet and feasts, and I well know how much many of you can throw away upon the Maiuma: but for your own, or the City's safety no man offereth up any thing either in private or in public.  
The word of Amos is: Woe to them that are at ease in Zion etc. The stretch themselves upon their Couches, and eat the Lambs out of the flock, and that chant to the sound of the Viol. etc. That drink wine in bowls etc. But they are not grieved for the afflictions of Joseph.   

CHAP. XXII. The meaning and Considerations of Light in Scripture.  
GOD is Light, and in him there is no darkness at All John 1.  
The Reflection of this Original Glory shining upon the dust, the dust became Light, that is man, for so the Ancients termed him; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Phavo●inus, we call a man light: but the opacous body of sin interposing itself betwixt this borrowed Light, and the Fountain, cast a shadow, the shadow of death.  
The darkness being so thick and so exceeding, that (if we regard what the Master of the Sentences hath said) the Sun itself shined 7 times brighter before the fall, then ever it did since.  
To bring the world out of that darkness into this Marvellous Light, the day spring from on high was to visit us. To prepare for this day there first appeared a Burning and a shining Light. John 1. but he was not that Light, but came before to bear witness of the Light. Soon after Jesus, 
julii Schiller. praefat. in Vranograph. Christian. p. 6. Col. 2.  that is (as in the China Tongue it signifieth) the rising Sun, that Sun of Righteousness, himself arose with healing in his wings, Malac. 3. It was then the longest Night in all the year; and it was the midst of that, and yet there was day where he was; for a glorious & betokening Light shined round about this Holy Child. So the Tradition, and so the Masters describe the Night-peice of this Nativity.  
At his Transfiguration a greater Light shined about him. His face was brighter than the Sun, and his very Clothes whiter than the Light. Till now the Father of Lights himself dwelled in the thick darkness, never showing himself but in a Cloud; but in these last days, he is God manifest, 1 Tim. 3.16. and in the Brightness of his glory, Heb. 1. I do not find, (saith Venerable Bede) among so many Angels, that were sent before the Law, that ever any were seen with a Light shining about them.  
Now a Light shineth about S. Peter in the prison, and about Saint Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a very great Light. Nay a Light shined about the Shepherds too. And though it were then the dead of the Night, yet the word was brought by the Angel body Natus est, etc. This day is borne to you etc. Therefore also at the setting of this Sun which was the Reverse part of the Mystery, darkness fell upon the Earth, the Natural Sun eclipsed in the midst of Heaven, and therefore the Moon making it more than Midnight in the subterraneous position all of the colour of Saturn the signifier of blackness, who rising from the Horoscope beheld these two Eclipses in a square Malignant aspect.  
Not so only, for in the self same day (which is more perhaps than you have heard of) there happened a natural defection of the Moon in the 11 of Libra, beginning at Jerusalem about 6 in the Evening, in so much that the Sun was no sooner gone down, but the Moon appeared in the East Eclipsed of more than half her Light; So that as the Light was taken from that day, so darkness was added to that Night, and within the space of 6 hours, the Sun was once unnaturally, and the Moon twice Eclipsed. The Calculation and Figure of this Lunar Eclipse, you may see (if you will) in Chronologia Catholica Henrici Buntingii fol. 237. b. & 238. a. See also Sethus Calvisius in Tiberius Caesar. ad An. post Ch. n. 33. to the 3 day of April.  
As our Lord himself, so his Gospel also, is called Light, and was therefore anciently never read without a burning Taper, etiam sole rutilante ('tis Saint Hieromes Testimony) though it were Lighted in the Sun. Supposing therefore out of Albumazar, that every Religion is governed by some Planet, as the Mahometan by Venus, the Jewish by Saturn, etc. Some Astrologers did not inconveniently to attribute the Christian to the Sun.  
Not the Gospel, but the Preachers of it also are called Lights; Vos estis Lux Mundi, ye are the Light of the World; and the first Preacher of Repentance was said to be Lucerna arden's, &c. a burning and a shining Light.  
The careful Church perceiving that God was so much taken with this outward symbol of the Light, could do no less than go on with the Ceremony. Therefore the day of our Lord's Nativity was to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Epiphany, or appearing of the Light; and so many Tapers were to be set up the Night before, as might give Name to the Vigil Vigilia Luminum. And the Ancients did well to send Lights one to another, whatsoever some think of the Christmas Candle.  
The receiving of this Light in Baptism they called not usually so, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Illumination, which further to betoken, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Eucholog. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A.  the rites were to celebrate this Sacrament, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. with all the Tapers lighted, etc. as the Order in the Euchologue. The Neophytus also or new convert received a Taper lighted and delivered by the Mystagogus, which for the space of seven days after he was to hold in his hand at Divine Service, sitting in the Baptistery.  
Who perceiveth not that by this right way the Tapers came into the Church, mysteriously placed with the Gospel upon the Altar, as an emblem of the truer Light?  
It was imitated again by the white garment received at the same time in Baptism, as the Emperors expound it in Theodesian's Code; Coelestis Lumen Lavacri imitantis novam sancti Baptismatis Lucem vestimenta testantur. Cod. Theod. de spectac. So the Priest in the order of Severus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Change (saith he, bespeaking the new Converts) your Garments, and be white as the Snow, and let the Light shine as the Angels.  
Remaining yet unto us of this is that which we more commonly call the Chrisom, (ab unctione, as the Manual, etc.) wherewith the women use to shroud the Child, if dying within the Month. Otherwise it is to be brought to the Church at the day of purification.  
But by an Order of Baptism in Edward the sixth's Liturgy of the year, 1549. it was to be put upon the Child at the Font; for the Rubric is, Then the Godfathers and Godmothers shall take and lay their hands upon the Child, and the Minister shall put upon him his white Wester, commonly called the Chrisom, and say Take this white vesture for a token, etc.  
And good reason; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, White doth best of all become the Children of Light, saith Clemens Alexandrinus.  
The Apostles in the Alcoran are called Elhavariuna, the white men, Viri vestibus albis induti, (as our Robert of Reading translated it) Men clothed in white apparel. So also they are called in the Arabic Preface to the four Evangelists, and for the same reason,  viri doctissimi putant, saith Kerstenius in vit. 4 Evangelist. p. 16. Some Commentatours upon the Alcoran I know give another derivation of the word, but it concerneth not this place. 'Tis the colour of the Angels , Apoc. 4.4. Nay the Ancient of days Himself is said to go in White, Dan. 7.9.  
And that our Holy Garments are of this colour, the reason is good, as respecting the Gospels Light.  
The funeral Tapers (however thought of by some) are of the same harmless Import. Their meaning is to show, that the departed souls are not quite put out, but having walked here as the Children of the Light, are now gone to walk before God in the Light of the Living.  
The Sun never arose to the Ancients, no not so much as a Candle was lighted, but of this signification. Vincamus was their word, whensoever the Lights came in, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for Light (saith Phavorinus) betokeneth victory. It was to show what trust they put in the Light, in whom we are more than conquerors. Our meaning is the same, when at the bringing in of a Candle we use to put ourselves in mind of the Light of Heaven; which those who list to call superstition, do bu● darken Counsel by words without knowledge, Job. 38.2.  
But the Rising of the Sun was observed with a more solemn Oraison; For no sooner did this Light appear, (so the Syriack Ritual) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but every man was to turn himself towards the East, and worship God, and then say this prayer. Jesus full of Light, in thy Light may we see Light, for thou art the true Light, which enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world. Enlighten us with the glorious Light of thy Heavenly Father.   

CHAP. XXII. Gen. 1.7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tehom Rabath. And God made the Firmament, and divided the waters which were under the Firmament from the Waters which were above the Firmament, etc.  
Upon my uttermost strife with this Place, 
Job. 26.8. Albert. de Saxon. lib. 3. Physic. Q. 6. art. 62. conclus. 3. Mendoza virid. Lib. 4. problem. 47.  I see not how it can be well avoided but that an Abyss of waters must be granted to be above the Supremest Orb. God I know hath bound up the waters in his thick Clouds, and the Cloud was not rend under them. And the Air itself is not so unlike to water but that (as some undertake) it may be demonstrated to be navigable; and that a Ship may sail upon the Convexity thereof by the same reason that it is carried upon the Ocean.  
But to take these waters for the Cloudy part of Heaven, is not possible from the Text. For the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rakia or Expansum is to be meant of the whole Frame, for He called the Firmament Heaven, and the waters are to be above all this; for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meal, cannot be otherwise (but violently) construed, notwithstanding what Paraeus, Junius, and others have informed.  
And 'twas too suddenly apprehended of those who think that the Waters above the Heavens called upon by the Psalmist and the three Children in their Song to praise the Lord, can be taken for the Watery Region of the Air, for in the same Canticles, by an express enumeration of all the Meteors, this Region is distinctly invited to the like Celebration. O every Shower and Dew, bless ye the Lord, etc. Fire and Hail, Snow and Vapour, Stormy wind fulfilling his word, etc.  
According to the first Model of the Creation the stories of this Great Pile stood not as now they do. The Earth was without form and void, i. e. (as some would have it, But I have told you the meaning of it before) unbecomed with that glorious furniture which now it hath, standing all covered over with a Globe of waters vastly extending, which the Maker did, to show that the Earth was his before he gave it to the Children of Men, Psal. 115.16.  
Here he might have stayed his hand reflecting upon himself this Mighty Power which could settle such a ponderous mass upon itself. But to show also that He created it not in vain, but form it to be inhabited, Isay 45.18. He divided the waters from the waters by a Firmament or Heaven.  
The waters below this Firmament he commanded to gather together, which made the Seas.  
And the dry land appeared. Not now so precisely globous as before, But recompensed with an extuberancy of Hills and Mountains for the Receipts into which he had sunk the waters. In the space above the Firmament, He laid up the Depth in Store houses, Psal. 33.7. From whence when He uttered his voice (as at the Flood) there was a multitude (or Noise) of Waters in the Heavens, Jer. 10.13.  
And whosoever shall look back with an uninterested eye upon that immane, & (if the Scripture had not said it) all incredible Deluge will be fare to seek how such an impossible confluence of waters could otherwise be assembled together.  
For to lay the charge of this huge effect unto the Stars, or any Conjunction of the Superior Bodies, as Abraham and Albumazar did, is not to release, but entangle the Wonder; For besides that those Lights above are not entrusted with so unlimited a power, no not in their strongest conspiracies of Influence; the Astrologers tied the Conjunction to a false time, as the Learned Mirandula fully enough, though himself not so truly, hath declared against them.  
A Conjunction indeed there was of ♄ and ♃ going before the flood, but looking upon the effect at such a distance as could be of no considerable avail.  
And indeed for any hand the Stars could have in this matter we are to receive it at the same rate as that of the Arabian Astrologers to the Egyptian Caliph.  
They answered that the cause of Noah's flood was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that there happened at that time a Conjunction of all the Planets in ♓ Pisces. 
Sceptre Juchasin fol. 148. b.   
And yet the same Astrologers foretold of a particular deluge to be at such a time in the Deserts of Arabia, which (if the Story mock not) proved true; for the Pilgrims to Mecca (so that saith) were drowned upon those Sands, where others before time had perished for want of waters.  
And to give up that account which the Common People in Philosophy use to do, that these mighty waters could be emptied out of the bottles of Heaven, the Clouds whatsoever or Condensations of Air runneth us a ground upon a ridiculous course in Nature, or indecent in Miracle; whereas if we betake ourselves to this other way, one only intercourse of Omnipotency will serve the turn, to force down the motion of these waters by a high Hand, which otherwise according to Received Nature must have been more than 100 years in falling.  
What if it reigned 40 Days and 40 Nights, had it reigned 40 years what could this have done towards such a heap of floods as prevailed above the highest mountains 15 Cubits upwards? be their perpendicular height taken after the most moderate estimation.  
So that in justice of reason we may conclude, that these Decumani fluctus could not be raised without a supply from this great Abyss; and unless one depth had called another.  
And the Scripture itself confesseth as much, that the fountains of the Tehom Rabath or this great Deep, or (as the Angel calleth them in Esdras) the Springs above the Firmament, were broken up, Gen. 7.11. the same Deep upon the Face whereof the Darkness was. Gen. 1.2. for the Spirit of God moved upon the waters.  
And at the abatement of these waters when God remembered Noah, the same Fountains of this Deep are said to have been stopped Gen. 8.2. which can admit of no other (but an miraculous) sense; for we cannot understand it of any subterraneous Abyss, without an open defiance to the Principles of Nature.  
Therefore betwixt the Heavens and the Heaven of Heavens there must be a Tehom Rabbah, or great Deep, and for this it is that he is said to have laid the Beams of his Chambers in the waters, Psalm. 104.3. His upper Chambers it should be (as the Saxon rightly) and it maketh very much for the matter, for it will follow from this that these Chambers were the Heaven of Heavens. Where the Lord is upon many (or great) waters. Psal. 29.3. And Wisdom saw him set this compass upon the Face of the Depth. Prov. 8.27.  
And he is said to have watered the Hills from these Chambers Psal. 104.13. Not from the middle Region of the Air, for the Tops of some Hills (whose heights are his, Psal. 95.4.) are lifted up above all the Clouds. But he watered the Hills from this great Abyss, when at the flood those Cataracts of Heaven were opened.  

Joel. 3.18.  But let the Hills be taken for such as flow with milk, and drop down with new Wine, even thus also it may be said, that he watereth them from these Chambers, that is, from Above. The reconcilers on the contrary part are forced to make use of more unmannerly Constructions.  
But let the Chambers be taken as before v. 3. by result at least it was that from these he watered the Hills whatsoever, and satisfied the Earth with the fruit of his works v. 13.  
I am almost persuaded to think, that until Neahs' time The Lord God had not caused it to rain upon the Earth, but a mist went up and watered the whole face of the ground. Gen. 2.5, 6. And a River went forth of Eden to water the Garden etc. vers. 10. But in he 600 year of Noah's life, in the second month, etc. Gen. 7.11. He caused it to rain upon the Earth, etc. v. 4.  
It is no stranger a thing then to find the whole Earth in such a case for that time as the Land of Egypt hath been ever since, or those everlasting Hills which (the days of Noah set out) were never yet wetted with the dew of Heaven. If it be otherwise, how could he then first set his Bow in the Cloud? for as Porphyry said it must have been there before.  
I say the, that proportioning the perpendicular height of the Mountains to the Semidiameter of the Earth, there is nothing to hinder but that this abundance of Waters supplied from the Springs above the Firmament might be sunk into the Caverns of the Earth, from whence it hath been upon occasion called forth by the heat and influence of the Host of Heaven. And so ever since as Heat and Cold, Summer and Winter, Day and Night, so the Former and the Latter Rain hath not ceased.  
Our Saviour may seem to have pointed to those Springs above the Firmament, where he bringeth in Father Abraham, saying to the Richman, And besides all this betwixt us and you there is a Great Gulf fixed, etc. Luk. 16.26.  
All this is intimated in the name of Heaven, Shammajim, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the waters there, 
Talmud in chagig. C. 2.  as R. Jose in Chagiga. fol. 12. a.  
If it sound ill that any corruptible Nature should be lodged above the Heavens, it will be answered, that the Heavens themselves are in no better condition whose matter howsoever trusted by some ill husbands in Philosophy to an inamissible Form, yet hath been found subject to the like Passions with that here below, as the well known T●●ho hath demonstrated in the case of the New Star.  
To doubt the passage of the Blessed through this great Abyss is an effeminacy of Belief, for not to say that the Children of Israel passed through the Red Sea upon dry Land: These waters are themselves to pass through that fire unto which the Heavens and the Earth which are now, are reserved and kept in store, 2 Pet. 3.7.  
The suspension of these waters in a violent situation (if such it be) I no more marvel at then that the thick Clouds bound up with so many Waters should hang in the Air unrended under them: less than at the Stretching of the North over the empty places, or the hanging of this Earth upon Nothing, Job 26.7.  
In all this I must acknowledge that there is something of the Paradox (which yet hath been done over by others too and more elaborately) and so I would be taken for the present, 
Vid. Scheineri Ros. V●sin.  but that is till I can see how otherwise the Text itself can be likely to come off clear.   

CHAP. XXIV. Deut. 22.3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lapis errantium. And with all lost things which he hath lost, and thou hast found, shalt thou do likewise.  
TO this purpose The Great Stone in jerusalem remembered of by the Gemara in Baba Metzia, 
Talmud. in Bab. Meiz. fol. 28.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. In Jerusalem there was a stone of the Strays. He that had lost or found any thing, was to repair thither. He that had found was to stand there to produce it. He that had lost, to tell the Signs and Makers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He that had found any thing that was lost, was to cry it three times, and after seven days once more, etc. Ibid. See also the Misne Torah, Part 4. Halac. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cap. 23. Sect. 3.  
But the Benefit of the Provision reacheth not unto us, for by the Rules in Baba Kama, (and generally by all their Canonists) A Jew is not only not bound, but forbidden too to restore any thing that is lost, to a Christian. And yet by the jerusalem Talmud, He is bound to restore for the sanctifying of the name of the Lord, as the Tseror Hammor hath observed.   

CHAP. XXV. Heb. 12.24. Sanguis Abel. And to the blood of sprinkling which speaketh better things then that of Abel.  
SOme Copies (as the Regia Biblia) read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which speaketh better things than Abel. So Fabricius translated the Syriack, but unfaithfully. For there it is, as We, Better things then that of Abel. So the Hebrew, The Arabic yet more expressly. Speaking more then, or above the blood of Abel.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; But did the blood of Abel speak, saith Theophylact? Yes. It cried unto God for vengeance, as that of sprinkling for Propitiation, and Mercy. Which is Cyrils also, and the most received Interpretation.  
And yet Theophylact (as Oecumenius also) is more inclinable to think, that the voice of this blood is that whereby Abel though he be dead, yet speaketh. That is (saith Photius) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the expressions of memory and Celebration, in that Testimony given him by the God that answereth by fire. So Theodotion rendereth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. And the Lord had respect unto Abel's Offerings, and set them on fire. By which he obtained witness that he was Righteous. God himself thus testifying of his Gifts, Heb. 11.4.  
He is therefore called the Righteous Abel. And this blood is called the Righteous Blood, and reckoned from him, Mat. 23.35. Luk. 11.50.  
And the Blood of Abel was so Holy and Reverend a thing, in the sense and Reputation of the old World (they say so) that the men of that time used to swear by it. The learned Master Selden hath observed as much out of Sahid Aben Batric, That the Sethians took a Solemn Oath upon the blood of Abel that they would not go down from their Holy Mountain into the plain of the Cainites.  
The same Tradition is to be found in the Arabic Catena, where also I observe that they used to say their prayers in the name of this Blood, 
The Arabic Copy which I go by is written in Syriack Letters and there indeed the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alzaghar, but mistaken as I think for that which I have put down.  as in a short Litany there said to have been conceived by Noah, and daily prayed in the Ark before the Body of Adam.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cat. Arab. c. 24.  

The Prayer of Noah.  
O Lord, excellent art thou in thy truth, and there is nothing great in comparison of thee. Look upon us with the eye of Mercy and compassion, Deliver us from this deluge of waters, and set our feet in a larger Room. by the sorrows of Adam thy first made Man, By the blood of Abel thy holy one, By the Righteousness of Seth in whom thou art well pleased, Number us not among those who have transgressed thy Statutes, but take us into thy merciful care: for thou art our Deliver, and thine is the praise from all the works of thy hands for evermore.  
And the sons of Noah said, Amen, Lord.   
Here I shall need to make you a Note or two as concerning this Prayer. It may possibly seem strange to you, that this oraison should be so daily said before the body of Adam.  
To take you off from that, you must know that it is a most confessed Tradition among the Eastern men (and Saint Ephrem himself is very principal in the Authority) that Adam was commanded by God (and left the same in charge to his posterity) that his dead Body should be kept above ground till a fullness of time should come to commit it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the middle of the Earth by a Priest of the most high God.  
For Adam prophesied this reason for it, 
Saidus Patriarch. Alexand. Arab. MS. in Archiv. Bibliothec. Pub. Cantabrig.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that there should be the Redeemer of him and all his Posterity.  
The Priest who was to officiate at this Funeral they say was Melchisedec; and that he buried this body at Salem, which might very well be the middle of the habitable world as then, and that it was indeed so afterwards, it hath been told you before.  
Therefore (as they say) this body of Adam was embalmed and transmitted from Father to Son by a Reverend and Religious way of conveyance, till at last it was delivered up by Lamech into the hands of Noah, who being well advised of that fashion of the old world, which was to worship God toward a certain place, and considering with himself that this could not be towards the Right (which was the East) under the inconstancy and inconvenience of a Ship, appointed out the middle of the Ark for the place of Prayer, and made it as Holy as he could by the Reverend presence of Adam's Body.  
Towards this place therefore the prayer was said, not as terminating any the least moment of Divine worship in the body (it were a stupid thing to think so) but (where it ought to be, and where all worshippers do, or should do so) in God himself and only him, as the very Tradition distinctly cleareth the case. 
Caten. Arab. c. 25. fol. 56. b.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And so soon as ever the day began to ●o break, Noah stood up towards the Body of Adam, and before the Lord, he and his sons, Sem, Ham, and Japhet, and Noah prayed, etc. and his Sons and the Women answered from another part of the Ark, Amen Lord.  
Where you may note too, (if the Tradition be sound enough) the Antiquity of that fit custom, (obtaining still, especially in the Eastern parts) of the separation of Sexes, or the sitting of women apart from the men in the Houses of God. Which sure was a matter of no slight concernment, if it could not be neglected, no not in the Ark, in so great a straightness and distress of Congregation.  
That this was a practised use in Primitive Christianity, I think is not much doubted of.  

Jac. Gothofred. Maris cap. 3. Maris cap. 3.  And to this sense the learned Gothofred (by a strange reach of unusual sagacity, untieth or entangleth (for I know not which to call it yet) that intractable passage (as to us) of St. Paul to the Corinthians, 1 Cor. cap. 11. v. 10. For this cause ought the woman to have power on her head because of the Angels. So we translate according to the received Greek, which is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But Gothofred would have it to read thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [exuvium] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And then the English must be. For this cause ought the woman to have a veil or covering upon her head because of the young men.  
It is not denied at all but that a vail or covering is to be meant here, and indeed the vulgar translateth it so.  
And for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be written instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was an easy and obvious escape.  
Though I dare not altogether undertake for the Reading, yet I will add this improvement to it.  
In a Manuscript Arabic Translation in Queen's College library, I find indeed the place rendered thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And for this cause it is commanded that there should be a Sultaan, or Dominion upon her head because of the Angels.  
But in the Printed Arabic Translation set forth by Erpenius, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zadaan, I am confident it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Radaan, ('tis mistaken but by a point) And then the English is, For this cause it is commanded that there should be a veil upon her head, etc.  
I would willingly have known how the , Armenian, and Coptick Translations deal with the place, but that could not be, for they are not here to be had for aught I could find out at least.  
The other Note I shall need to make you, will concern that passage in the Prayer, By the sorrows of Adam.  
The Eastern Traditioners mean by this a continual sadness and contristation of heart, which Adam had, and made for the loss of Paradise, and his first Estate.  
It Is noted of him by James Bishop of Sarug in these words, 
jacob. Sarugens. in Cat. Arab. C. 14.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Adam turned his face towards the Garden of Eden, and from his heart lamented (his fall.)  
The same Traditioners give this very reason for Enoch's translation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, We say that Enoch sat down for the space of three hundred years bewailing the Transgression of Adam, And for this cause God took him up unto him. Caten. Arab. C. 20. fol. 47.   

CHAP. XXVI.  Isa. 66.14. 
Your bones shall flourish like an Herb.  
OF the interruption of the Souls Immortality, betwixt the moment of death (it must not now be called Departure) is the insidious debate of these eager days. A fit and more congenial time to bring this Monster to the Birth, (though there is not strength to bring forth) was never yet endeavoured to be wrested out of the hands of Providence, by the greatest deepness of Satan.  
The Familiar that conversed so much with Cardan's Father told him, That their Spirits and the Devils die too. 'Twere good believe this also.  
But if the Beasts and we have all one breath, then why do not their Spirits too return to God that gave them? If Incorruption have put Corruption on, we may very well eat and drink as we do, for to morrow we die indeed.  
The unlikely Heathen ploughed in more hope than so. In hieroglyphical learning, the Egyptians set down the Axis of a Pyramid for the Soul, and therefore the Figure of their Sepulchers was Pyramidal. The mystery is Geometrical, that as by the conversion or turning about of a Pyramid upon his Axis, the axis remaining still the same, there is a Mathematical creation of a new solid or Cone, so by the Revolution of a certain time of years about the soul (the soul continuing still the same in a constant course of immortality) a new body shall arise and reunite again.  

Augustin. Steuch Eugubin.  Indeed he that will turn over the Books, De perenni Philosophia, will find that these Heathens did believe not only this, but the greatest part of our Divinity more than we ourselves do.  
I am induced to believe that without any further subtlety or arrogancy of dispute, there is an invincible argument for the thing secretly imprinted in the Instinct and Conscience of the Soul itself, because it is every good man's hope that it shall be so, and every wicked man's fear that it will. And that at least a parcel judgement may presently be pronounced upon his wand'ring Soul.  
However the opportunity of this part of Scripture doth not so directly call upon me to any such kind of Controversy. Indeed I would be taken to be so secure of the Souls Immortality, that I am going about to leave the Body itself in a very fair Condition of Incorruption. And I see not but that it may very well suit with the Immoderations of the time to advance up the immortality of the Body, when men have so little to do as to raise suspicions upon that of the Soul.  
The Jews commonly express Resurrection by Regermination, or growing up again like a Plant. So they do in that strange tradition of theirs, of the Luz an immortal little bone in the bottom of the Spina dorsi; which though our Anatomists are bound to deride as a kind of Terra incognita in the Lesser world, yet theirs, (who know the Bones too, but by Tradition) will tell ye that there it is, and it was created by God in an unalterable state of incorruption, that it is of a slippery condition and maketh the Body but believe that it groweth up with, or receiveth any nourishment from that. Whereas indeed the Luz is every ways immortally disposed, and out of whose everliving Power fermented by a kind of dew from Heaven, all the dry Bones shall be reunited and knit together, and the whole Generation of mankind recruite again.  
There is a better temper and holding a more lawful correspondency in that Rite of theirs, which of old they observed, and still do at their Funeral Celebrations.  
It is thus taken notice of by their late rabbin Leo Modena, Nell ritorno dalla fossa, ogn' uno spianta dell' herba dalla terra, due o tre volte, e se la getta dietro dicendo quelle parole del Salmo, espuntarano dalla citta come l'herba della terra, per segno della resurrectione. That is, As they return bacl from the Grave, every one of them plucketh up the Grass from the ground twice or three times, and throweth it behind him, saying those words of the Psalm, (they shall flourish out of the City like the grass of the Earth) in token of the Resurrection, etc. De gli riti Hebraici di questi tempi Part. 5. Cap. 7. num. 4.  
In some places they say these very words of the Prophet here, Your Bones, etc. The Rite is very proper, as to show that the dead are not quite plucked up, but only cut down like a flower, which at the return of time reinforcing from its root and stock, springeth up again.  
But if our Bones are to flourish like an Herb, we have a surer word of experience from the Fact. If a vegetable can be called up out of its ashes, there is a stronger pretence to our urns.  
The Grounds of Chemical Philosophy go thus.  
The Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury, are the principles into which all things do resolve. And that the Radical and Original moisture whereby the first principal of Salt consisteth, cannot be consumed by Calcination, but the forcible tinctures and impressions of things, as Colour, Taft, Smell, nay and the very forms themselves are invisibly kept in store in this firm and vital principle.  
To make this good by the Experiment, they take a Rose, Gillyflower, or any kind of Plant whatsoever. They take this Simple in the Spring time, in its fullest and most vigorous consistence. They beat the whole Plant in a Mortar, Rootes, Stalks, Flowers, Leaves and all, till it be reduced to a confused Mass. Then after Maceration, Fermentation, Separation, and other workings of Art, there is extracted a kind of Ashe● or Salt including these Forms and Tinctures under their Power and Chaos. These Ashes are put up in Glasses, written upon with the several names of the Herbs or Plants, and sealed Hermetically, that is, the mouth of the Glass heated in the fire, and then the Neck wrung about close, which they call the Seal of Hermes their Master.  
When you would see any of these Vegetables again, they apply a Candle or soft Fire to the Glass, and you shall presently perceive the Herbs or Plants by little and little to rise up again out of their Salt or Ashes in their several proper Forms, springing up as at first (but in a shorter time) they did in the Field. But remove the Glass from the Fire, and immediately they return to their own Chaos again.  
And though this went for a great secret in the time of Quercetan, yet Gaffarel saith, A present ce secret nest plus si rare; 
Curiositez. innoyes. L. 5. N. 9  car Mounsieur de Claves un des excellens Chimistes de nostre temps, le fait voir tous les jours, etc. that now 'tis no such rare matter, for Monsieur de Claves, one of the most excellent Chemists of these days, useth to make show of this at any time.  
And therefore hear the word of the Lord, O you dry bones, Come from the four winds O breath, and breath upon these slain that they may live, Ezek. 37.  
O Earth, Earth, Earth, hear the word the Lord. Thy dead men shall live, with my dead body shall they arise; Awake and sing ye that dwell in the dust, for thy dew is as the dew of herbs, and the Earth shall vast out the dead. Esay 26.19.   

CHAP. XXVII.  1 Cor. 15.36. 
Thou fool! That which thou sowest is not quickened except it die.  
THis admirable instance of the Corn is one of those things which Saint Paul was taught at Gamaliel's feet.  
In a discourse concerning the Resurrection, had before Julius Caesar the Emperor, (& at which Rabban Gamaliel was present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Cleopatra the Queen asked R. Meir, and said, We know that they that lie down (the dead) shall live, because it is written, And they shall spring up out of the City like the herb of the ground, but when they stand up (from the Dead) shall they rise up naked, or in their Clothes? He said unto her, 
Kal Vechemer is as much to them as Argumentum a minori ad majus, or the contrary as to us.  Kal Vechomer from the Wheat. What of the wheat which is buried naked, and yet riseth up very well clad, how much more the Just men who are burird in their Clothes? Caesar said unto Rabban Gamaliel, etc. Talmud in Sanhedrin, C. 11. fol. 90. b.  
It will be worth the knowing to observe here a practice of the Greek Church not yet out of use, and very properly concerned in this matter of the Corne.  
The use is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. to set boiled Corn before the singers of those Holy Hymns which use to be said at their Commemorations of the dead or those which are asleep in Christ.  
And that which the Rite would have, is to signify the Resurrection of the Body.  
And that it is indeed a well enough proportioned emblem, the Author which I quote hath endeavoured to express with more elegancy than I looked for.  
His Title is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is, 
Mathaem Blastares Hieromenachis. Gr. MS. in Arch. Baroccian. bib. Bod.   
What is the meaning of the boiled Corn at the Commemoration of these that sleep in Christ, and at the Holy Mysteries of the Saints?  
To which he is not content to make a Man come down, and compare with all the little moments belonging to an ear of Corn; but he would have you know too, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That death here is manifestly both the Father and the Mother of Life. The Earth labours not after the ordinary way of a woman in travail. Her infant Corn is not quickened except it die, should it live still, it could not be form in the womb. And consider with me the miracle of these throws. The Earth only receiveth but the bare Corn, and restoreth it again by corrupting it, and delivereth it up in a much better fashion than it took it in, habited anew as to all respects of appointment in the parts. And can we receive a more forcible impression of argument for our own restauration, then from this example?  
The Author saith yet more, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And how should all these stalks grow up from one grain of corn, and that as good as dead? The wonder of this is fare above that of the Resurrection of our bodies, for then the Earth giveth up her dead but one for one, but in the case of the Corn she giveth up many living one's for one dead one. O the intolerable madness of unbelieving men! They see that the Earth giveth up to the Husbandman that which it received not, and should it be accounted among the impossible things that the same Earth should surrender up (to the Creator too) that which she hath received in pawn? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as the Author goeth on.  
Here (though the opportunity seems to be very fairly offered) I avoid to gain any reputation towards the Resurrection of our Bodies from that parcel Rising of Legs and Arms, etc. which useth to be seen and believed at a place in Egypt not fare from Gran Cairo, upon Good Friday and the Eve of that.  
'Tis true indeed (if the thing itself be so) that in this case too our Bones do flourish like an herb, for those little Resurrections are not seen to rise, but risen.  
And so like Limbs of Immortality they spring up from the Earth, as they did from that other Deadness of their Mother's womb.  
We ourselves grow thus up too like the Grass of the Field; we are not seen but found to do so.  
'Tis so with these forerunning parts. If you draw near to touch a head or a leg, you shall perceive no more of this Resurrection for that time, but if you give bacl, and leave the Miracle to itself, you shall presently find it more a man at your return.  
Because I mean to make no more use of this wonderful prevention of those that sleep, than what I first pretended to, I shall be bound to trouple you the less with any much repetition of the particulars. You may find a competent store of this matter in Camerarius his Historical Meditations, C. 73. of the first Century. I will add to that this only out of Simon Goulartius, from the Relation of one Steven Duplais, an eyewitness, and a man of very good and sober note in his acknowledgement.  
Il me desoit d'avantage avoir (comme aussi firent les autres) touch divers membres de ces resuscitans. 
Sim. Goulart. Histoires admirabil. T. 1. fol. 32.34. etc.  Et comme il vouloit se saisir d'une teste chevelue d'enfant, un homme du Care s'escria tout haut, Kali, Kali, ant materasde, c' est a dire. Laisse Laisse, tu ne scais que cest de cela. i e. And he told me moreover that he had (and others had done so too) touched divers of these rising Members; And as he was once so doing upon the hairy head of a Child, a man of Cairo cried out aloud, Kali, Kali, ant materasde, that is to say, Hold, Hold, you know not what you do.  
That which seemeth to be wanting to the authority of this strange thing is, that there should be no ordinary memory (none at all I can meet with yet) of the matter in any of their own Books. That in the Greek Liturgies out of the Lesson for the time, I know not how to make reckoning of, as enough to this purpose, in any other Books of theirs, and some likely ones too, I meet not with any notice at all. And yet as to that I can retort this answer upon myself, that a thing of so cheap and common belief amongst them could not fitly be expected to be written out as a rarity by themselves, and sent forth into these unbelieving Corners of the World: Which though it may pass for a reason why there should not be any such common report of the thing, yet leaveth me scope to think, that there is some special mention of it in the Arabic or Coptick Histories, which when it shall be met with if it be found to refer up the Wonder to some excellent and important Original, it will the better defend this matter of Fact, from the opinion of imposture.  
Indeed the rising of these arms and legs otherwise is but an ill argument to be used for the Resurrection of our bodies, for 'tis easier to believe this, than that.  
The Arabic Nubian Geographer telleth of a place in Egypt called Ramal Alt sinem, or the Sands of Tsinem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Where there is a great miracle of the most Glorious God. And it is, that if you take a bone and bury it in these Sands for the space of seven days, by God's permission it shall turn into a very hard stone, etc. Clim. 3. Part. 3.  
And what if all our Bones were buried in the Sands? As if God were not able even out of those Stones to raise up Children unto Abraham.  
If the Phoenix of Arabia should prove to be an Utopian Bird, (as I will not now suspect after such a size of Apostolical Authority, and so sufficient a countenance given to that) It will be enough for us that the Swallows know their time too (as well as the Stork) and after such a manner as if they knew (or at least would have us to know it) ours too.  
These at the beginnings of winter use to fall down in heaps together into the dust or water, and there sleep in their Chaos, till hearing the voice of returning nature at the Spring, they awake out of this dead sleep, and quicken up to their own life again.  

Georgius Major  A Commentatour upon the Corinthians to this fifteenth Chapter, affirmeth that he himself found a company of Swallows lying dead under an old Table in a Church at Witteberge, which for want of the natural time of the year, were by an artificial heat recovered unto life again.   

CHAP. XXVIII.  Matth. 3.4. 
And the same John had his Raiment of Camel's hair, and a Leathern Girdle about his Loins, and his meat was Locusts and wild Honey.  
THe rest is plain enough, but for the Locusts there hath been a great deal of unnecessary Criticism devised, and as it falls out to make the word in a worse case than it was before, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word, & it can signify nothing here but Locusts, and the question needs not to be whether these be man's meat or no, it is certain that the Jews might eat them by the law of Moses Leu. 11.22. 
In Dioscorid. Lib. 2. C. 46.  And Mathiolus upon Dioscorides saith that this was the reason why John Baptist made use of them as a strict observer of the Law.  
But that they are eaten in the East and elsewhere, you may see Kerstenius his Note upon an Arabic Translation of Saint Mathew's Gospel. And John Leo in his Description of Africa; But that which is here to the purpose is the note of Agatharchides in his Tract upon the Red Sea; where he speaks of the Acridophagi, or eaters of Locusts. He saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That their habit of body is thin and meager, etc.  
So Cleonards Note of the Country people of Fez in Africa, will be fit to the matter. It is in his last Epistle to his Tutor Latomus, towards the latter end.  
Nova de Bellis, nihil ad Brabantinos: neque enim strepitum armorum audietis, alius est Exercitus quem Deus his regionibus immisit; paucis ante diebus Fesae vidisses Coelum obductum locustarum agminibus, quae hic non solum saltant, sed avium ritu volitant. Jam coram video minas priorum prophetarum, multis in locis Nocte una sata perdunt universa, bellum strenue cum iis gerunt rustici. Nam plaustra plena Locustis advehunt Fesam, nam hos hostes vulgo hic commedunt. Ego tamen sum tam delicatus, ut malim perdicem unam quam locustas viginti, quod totam hanc regionem gens locustica devoravit. i e. I can tell you news of wars, but not like yours in Brabant; 
Vid. Eustath. in Hexaemeron.  No noise of weapons here, 'tis another kind of Army which God hath sent into these Coasts. Within these few days you might have seen the whole Heaven clouded over with Troops of Locusts, such as do not hop about like your Grasshoppers, they fly here like Birds. Me thought I saw here fulfilled in mine eyes that of the old Prophets. In many places they will destroy you all the Corn in one night. The Country people fight very stoutly with these Locusts, they bring them home by whole Cart loads to Fez, and then eat these enemies when the have done; but for my own part I am so tender palated that I had rather have one Partridge then twenty Locusts; for that these Locusts have devoured this whole Country.  
And this indeed was the thing to be spoken too, for as the coarseness of the Raiment, so the slenderness of the diet is equally to pretend towards a rigid and austere condition of life. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Com. Arab. MS. in Alcoran. a▪ wernero citatus.  And as to this sense I shall make you this new Note out of an Arabic Commentary upon the Alcoran. The Tradition is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
That John the Baptist when he was yet a Child, being in company with some of his fellows, they asked him to play with them, but he said unto them, I was not created for sport.   

CHAP. XXIX.  Isa. 13.22. 
And the wild Beasts of the Islands shall cry in their desolate houses, and Dragons in their pleasant Palaces, etc.  
'TWas spoken of Babylon, and the Prophecy is fulfilled.  
A day's journey from hence (saith Benjamin Bar Jona in his Itinerary) is Babel, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. This is that Babel which was of old, a City of thirty miles in breadth. 'Tis now laid waist. There is yet to be seen the Ruins of a Palace of Nebuchadnezar, but the Sons of men dare not enter in for fear of Serpents and Scorpions which possess the place.  
Now you may read the rest of the Prophecy.  
V 19 And Babylon the Glory of Kingdoms, the Beauty of the Chaldees Excellency, shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah.  
V 20. It shall never be inhabited, neither shall it be dwelled in from generation to generation, neither shall the Arabian pitch his Tent there, neither shall the Shepherds make their fold there.  
V 21. But wild Beasts of the Desert shall lie there, and their houses shall be full of doleful Creatures, and Owls shall dwell there, and Satyrs shall dance there.   

CHAP. XXX.  Luke 15.10. 
Likewise I say unto you, there is joy in the presence of the Angels of God over one Sinner that repenteth.  
THese words of our Saviour will sound the less strange to you, if I help you to a counterchange of Eastern Expression.  
Would you think that in Heaven itself, whither when we come all tears shall be wiped from our eyes, there should now be weeping and mourning for the dead in sin because they are not? 'Tis a Tradition firmly received by the Jews, and from them derived to the Mahometans.  
In an Arabic Manuscript of theirs this answer of God to Moses, is found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O Moses etc. 
Lib. quaest. Arab. MS. a ●aul. citat.  Even about this Throne of mine there stand those, and they are many too 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that shed tears for the Sins of Men.  
If there be tears and sorrow in Heaven for one that is gone astray, how much more ought there to be Joy over a sinner that repenteth?  
And our Saviour was not the first that said it.  
The words have a reflex upon that old position in the Hebrew Divinity. 
R. Chimhi. in Isay 57.19.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. That a Repenting man is of greater esteem in the sight of God, than one that never fell away.  
This is the meaning of that expression, more than ninety and nine just persons that need no repentance.  
Their Elders talk higher yet of this excellent virtue▪ Saint Austin might have returned another answer to him that asked him what God employed himself about before the world was made. He was making Hell? No such matter.  
The Doctors in the Talmud say, He was creating Repentance, 
Talmud in Joma. fol. 86.  or contriving all the ways how he might be merciful enough to the Man he is so mindful of, and to the son of Man so much regarded by him.  
They say more. That one day spent here in true Repentance, is more worth than Eternity itself, or all the days of Heaven in the other world.   

CHAP. XXXI.  Isay 57.15. 
For thus saith the High and Lofty one that inhabiteth Eternity, whose Name is Holy, I dwell in the High and Holy Place, with him also that is of a contrite and humble spirit, to revive the spirit of the humble, and to revive the heart of the contrite ones.  
BUt will God dwell upon the Earth? The Heaven of Heavens cannot contain him. How much less this House which we have built?  
All things are full of God. He is therefore called in the Holy Tongue, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hammakom, the Place. Or that Fullness which filleth All in All. God (as the great Hermes) is a Circle, the Centre whereof is e'er where, and the Circumference no where. If I climb up into Heaven thou art there, if I go down to Hell thou art there also.  
Nor is he present only to these real Capacities of Earth and Heaven, but even also to those Imaginary spaces of incomprehensible receipt and infinitely extending. He is there where nothing else is, and nothing else is there where He is not.  
But then are we to think, that we men have his Company but as the Devils have, to tremble at? No: The Cry there is, What have we to do with thee thou Son of the most High? Not so here, But why art thou so fare from me O my God? Psal. 10.1. The Finger of God is there, as in the Plagues of Egypt. Exod. 8.19. But his Right Hand is here. Psal. 20.6. They have God Almighty, we All-sufficient. There He is a consuming Fire. Heb. 12.29. Here Immanuell, God, not against but, with us.  
Therefore it is that though He were here before, yet upon our occasion He is said to bow the Heavens and come down.  
He was seen at Moria. At Peniel Face to Face. Gen. 22.30. The Patriarch Abraham invited him to Dinner, and He lay at Lot's House all Night. Jacob wrestled with him at Mahanaim, and got the better, and would not let Him departed except He blest him. He passed once by Moses in the Clift of the Rock. He met him often at the door of the Tabernacle. He wandered with his People in the Wilderness. When the Ark stood still, so did He: When the Ark set forward, He also was spoken to to arise. Rise up Lord, (the Leader said) and let thine enemies be scattered. Numb. 10.35.  
To allow for all this we are to take knowledge of some considerations, according to which it may stand with the divine Immensity to be as differently present in some places, as alike in All.  
We can do no better than rest ourselves upon that ancient and well advised of distinction delivered in the School.  
God (saith the Master) by his presence, power and Essence, immutably existeth in every Nature and Being, indetermin'd by Circumscription or definition; He is otherwise and more excellently present with Saints and Holy Men, by his Grace and Holy Spirit. But most of all and most excellently present by Union Hypostatical, in the second Person in whom the Fullness of the Godhead dwelleth bodily, etc. 1 Dist. 37.  
To these three Molina superaddeth the fourth and fifth difference, the one per peculiaria signa, giving instance in Jacob's Ladder; the other whereby God is present, Cum Conciliis & summis Pontificibus.  
But these differences are written upon as supernumerary by Nazarius, Gonzales, etc. The two being indeed but one, and that no other than the second of the three whereby God is present by his Grace and Holy Spirit.  
By presence, power, and essence, the Doctors generally mean; by the first, an appropinquity of Vision that all things are open and naked unto his sight; by the second, an Approximation of power, that He worketh in, and ruleth over All; by the third, an Indistance of his Being to all things whatsoever, of Actual or possible existence.  
Thus God is intimately and indivisibly present with all and with every thing. Nay thus he is also present with Nothing (if so we are to call that vast Receipt without the Universe comprehending infinitely this created Nature of Things) which needing not to be argued from any actual operation or conserving causality sufficiently followeth the Nature of Immensity.  
'Twould imply a Contradiction to say he could be actually present with that which is not, or with that which shall be, before it is, yet not to say that He is there where Nothing else is, 
Gonzales disp. 17. nu. cod. Bonavent. in. 1. Th. q. 8. d. 2. Alex. Hal. p. q. 9 Memb. 5. Capreol. n. 1. dist. 37.  or shall be put himself, is to say he is not Infinite. Nor is it otherwise answered by those Doctors which pretend to the contrary sentence; for though they cannot be gotten to say that God is present without, yet they confess He cannot be comprehended within the Universe, making all up with a Negative Extra, and Potential existence, as to no purpose they may be seen, in 1. Thom. q. 8. & 1. Sent. didst 37.  
Relating to this first Respect of Presence, Power, and Essence, we say that God equally disposeth of himself to all things and men, and that he cannot thus be more in one place then another.  
But the Respect of Grace and Spirit super induceth a Special influence and Immediation of blessings, and imprinting the Nature, or Being whatsoever with a much more intimate and more excellent Relation. Thus God is said to be nearer to this man then to that, more in one place then in another. Thus he is said to departed from some & come to others, to leave this place & to abide in that, not by Essential application of himself, (much less by local motion) but by Impression of Effect.  
It may be said of all places, Deus hic est, God is here But of some, as Jacob of his Bethel, Vere Deus hic est, Truly God is in this place. Vere, that is, saith Saint Bernard, Certius & Evidentius, by a more evident and more effectual presence. With just men, faith he, God is present, in veritate, In deed, but with the wicked, dissemblingly, ('tis the Father's expression) in dissimulatione.  
As he is to all and in all places, he is called in the Holy Tongue, Jehovah, He that is, or Essence; but as he useth to be in Holy places he is called Shecinah, that is, He that dwelleth or presence.  
And this Shecinah is taken by some of them (as R. Menahem) for the presence of the Messiah, by others for the Ruach hakkadoes, or presence of the Holy Spirit, as the Chaldee Paraphrast upon Gen. 45.27 And so the Hebrew School maketh even with ours; for Jehovah signifieth the first member of the distinction for Presence, Power and Essence; Messiah, for the Last or Hypostatical union, and the Holy Spirit for the second. Indeed the most general and constant sense of this word Shecinah to the Jews, meaneth still a more intimate application of the presence of God to such a Person or Place; then that of his common and equal Abode. He is said to dwell there (saith Maimon) where he putteth the marks or evidences of his Majesty and presence. And he doth this by his Grace and Holy Spirit. Therefore Churches are said to be the Houses of God, and good Men the Temples of the Holy Ghost. 
More Part: 1: C. 25.   
This is the Reason why Michael the Archangel is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Princeps facierum, or the Prince of the presence, in the Book of Zorobabel; for in their account he is so near to the King of Heaven, as to be admitted to sit down by him, and register the good Acts of the Israelites.  
'Tis in his power also to blot them out again as occasion shall be given him. Talmud. in Chagigah. fol. 15. a.  
As to the respect of Gods applying himself to a person, they have an old saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Shecinah will dwell with the meek and Humble Men, but flieth away from the proud and angry. Which seemeth to me to cast a light upon those words of Saint James, C. 4.6. God resisteth the Proud, but giveth grace unto the Humble.  
The Greek is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, God sets himself in array against the proud. The words are quoted out of Prov. 3.34. The Syriack Translation whereof is deturbabit, He will cast down, but the Chaldee is, illusores propellet, that is, He will cast the proud or scornful men fare away out of his sight, but giveth Grace to the humble, that is, draweth near unto them, and dwelleth there by his Grace and Holy Spirit.  
And thus also you may the better understand the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the verse before going, where the spirit that dwelleth in us is said to lust to envy.  
One of the wise say of Ben Syra is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Mitte panem tuum super faciem aquarum, & super aridam, & invenies eum in fine dierum. i.e. Cast thy Bread upon the face of the Waters, and upon the dry Land, and thou shalt find it in the end of days.  
To this the Perush or Exposition saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Let thy Table always be prepared for whosoever comes, that thou mayest be accounted worthy to have the Shecinah rest upon thee. So that they account God will dwell with such a man as keepeth good hospitality.  
They say also, that the Shecinah will not rest upon a sad or sorrowful man, but upon a wise, a valiant, or a rich man it will. And many like recesses they have to this purpose, capable enough of a good construction.  
As to the other respect of God's application of himself to a place, The Son of Halaptha said, Wheresoever 2 or 3 are sitting together and conferring together about the Law, 
Pi●ke Avoth C. 3.  there the Shecinah will be with them. 'Tis the meaning of our Saviour, where he promiseth: Wheresoever two or three are gathered together, there am I in the midst of them. As if he had said, The Shecinah shall be there, or there I will be by my dwelling presence or special exhibition of myself by signs of Blessing and Grace.  
In other places he is only said to be but in Holy places to be wonderful. Psal. 68.35. The face of God is every where alike. Quo fugerem a fancy tua, said the Psalmist? whither can I fly from thy face? He said not quo fugerem, etc. whither shall I fly from thy Back parts, for these are more visible in one place then another. 'Tis there, as every where, The Lord. But here the Lord merciful and gracious, slow to anger and abundant in goodness and truth.  
Therefore even the most high thus dwelleth in Temples made with hands, and though Heaven be his Throne and Earth his Footstool, yet we men can build him a House. A House of Prayer (as it is called) unto all Nations. And this is the place where his Honour dwells. We say it again, not more essentially here, but more graciously, 
S. Maximus Mystagog cap 24:  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as the blessed Maximus, by the grace of his holy Spirit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which though not seen by us, is yet always resident in the Holy Church.  
So the Apostolical form of consecration (as we receive it of the Metaphrast.) May it please the merciful God that thy most holy Spirit may inhabit in this House which we have built in thy Name, etc.  
The presence of this Holy spirit applying to the Place consecrate by a secret and invisible kind of incubation, dischargeth it of all those black encumbrances which the Prince of the Air might intrude upon it, and bringing it under the shadow of the Almighty, exalteth it to a Reverential state of holiness and Divinity, which intermixing with that Space and Site of Ground, not by gross adherence, but by energetical Communion, induceth a nature and condition, apt to quicken and assure devotion, and disposeth the Acts there done to more Illustrious and infallible effects of blessing and success.  
In regard unto this great and glorious presence, I am moved to reflect upon two principal inconsiderations. The singularity of some, and the irreverence of almost All. The first is theirs who prefer the Barn before the Church, as if God would be more at home in their outhouses then in his own dwelling Mansion. He heareth indeed whatsoever prayers, wheresoever made, but his ears are said to be arrect and intent only to those that are made in this place. I know that our Father is to be prayed to in secret, but that is that he is not to be prayed to in the corners of the streets, that is, those ends and corners of the streets where the Gates are, as the  very well rendereth. For the Eastern fashion is to have a Gate almost to every street, so that these Corners of the streets were eminently open and the fittest places that could be chosen for one to pray in, that did it therefore that he might be seen of men.  
The King Hezekiah was heard upon his bed, but his prayer, what was it, but that he might go once more to Church? 2 Chron. 20.5. And even then though in that extremity, he could not go up into the house of the Lord; yet at least he turned himself in his Chamber that way, supplying what he could not do by bodily remotion with holy Ecstasy and transportation of mind.  
But the greatest fault is committed by those that come, for as we demean ourselves, 'twere much better for us not to be there, or if we be, that God himself were away. How unreverently we enter and departed and yet how fearful is this place! But in the Business itself, how most unseasonable we are and strangely impertinent! By the Constitutions called Apostolical the Deacons charge was to overlook the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that no man whispered, that no man laughed, nay that no man so much as nodded his bead, or twinkled his eye. Tu vero (saith Saint Ambrose to his Virgin) in ministerio Dei, tusses, excreatus, abstine, he would not suffer her in time of Divine service no not to cough, or to spit aloud.  
Instead of any such severe appointment, we sit like those in chrysostom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, shrugging, yawning, and benumbed with dulness. And would it were no worse than so.  
Our whole deportment there is so intolerably notorious and desperately profane, that if Saint Paul's Infidel should come in, he would be so fare from falling down and worshipping, that he would presently be bound to report, God is not in you of a truth, 1 Cor. 14.25.  
Some Christians do more Reverence to the outside of a Church, than we to the presence of God within it.  
Those of Habassia if in a journey (though upon the speed) they are to pass by a Church, no man is so unreverent as to sit still upon his horse; 
Viaggio fatto nell Ethiop. c. 26.  ma dismonta fin che pass a piedo la chiessa & el cimeterio per un grand pezzo, but dismounting himself (saith Alvarez) he walketh on foot till he hath left not the Church only, but the Churchyard also very fare behind him.  
Will you take an example from the Turks, while it is called to day, and ere yet they rise up in judgement against us?  
Their Church behaviour is after this [another] manner. Called to prayers by the Illah Illahi, or the voice of him that cryeth (for they have no Bells) they first wash themselves, 
Maronit. de moribus Oriental. c: 10.  then, putting off their shoes at the threshold of the Mosque door, summo cum silentio discalceati ad instratum pavimentum accedunt, Emamus sive Antesignanus Orationem incipit, emnes sequuntur, & dum flectit genua alii idem praestant, & illo erecto, caeteri se erigunt, & ipsum, vocem attollentem, vel deprimentem, adstantes imitantur; ubi neminem tussientem, oscitantem, deambulantem aut confabulantem in venias, sed summo silentio oratione peracta resumptisque calceis discedunt. i.e. They draw near with great reverence to the Pavement of the Mosque covered over with Carpets, or Mats, as it may. Then the Emam or Highpriest beginneth prayers and all the company follow him, and when he kneeleth down, they do the like, and when he standeth up they do so too, imitating his voice throughout, either in elevation or depression of the Tone. And here you must not think to find any one coughing, yawning, walking or talking, but having performed the service with all possible silence they put on their shoes add departed.  
Nay a Turk, (a 
* Sic vero stabant in mesquidis suis immobides, ut in illo solo defixi, aut ibidem succrevisse viderentur, nulla tussis, nullus screatus, nulla vox, nullus circumacti corporis aut respicientis motus, etc. Immo si vel dig● to scalpant caput, perisse sibi precationis fructum arbitrabantur. B●sbeq. Epist. Sect. 3 ●loban: Cottovic: Itiner. c. 4.  Turk I tell you) should he but scratch his head in time of Divine service would be verily persuaded that he should lose the benefit of coming to Church for that time.  
But the very Heathens themselves will go before us into the Kingdom of Heaven.  

Saxon Grammat. Hist: Dan. lib: 14. fol. 158. edit: Basil. 158.  Saxon Grammaticus telleth us of the Priest of Arcon, that he had the house of his Idol-God in so much Reverence, that he held it not lawful for him not so much as to fetch breath in that place, Quo quoties capessendo vel emittendo opus habebat, toties ad Januam procurrebat, ne videlicet Dei praesentiam mortalis halitus contagio pollueret, and therefore as oft as he had occasion so to do, he was to go to the Church door and do it there, lest happily the presence of God might receive some pollution from the breath of a man.  
When I think of these things I cannot but remember myself of those words of our Saviour quoted out of the Moralities of these lost men (as we reckon the matter) Whatsoever you would that men should do unto you, do you the same unto them. But that this should be The Law and the Prophets— His other words elsewhere, It shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah at the day of Judgement, etc. put me to as great a stand: What do you tell me of Christians? Get to be Heathens first.  
I'll tell you what an Arabic Commentatour upon the Turkish Alcoran hath said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. 
Commentar: Arab: Ms. in Alcoran: a werner o citat.  He that desireth to escape (Hell) fire, and go into Paradise, let him believe in God, and the day of judgement, and do to every man as he would be done by.  
And what would you have these Heathens to be? some of their own Prophets have said, that God is the Centre of all things, especially of of all men. And as the respect is from the universal merit of Christ. I am sure the lines are all drawn equal, and the difference will be only in the application and tendency to this point. The Christian accounts (and justly too) that he moves thither by a stronger and more proper inclination, and yet some have entertained so good an opinion of the Heathens morality and good course of life, that they think their case to be not much unlike that experiment in the Staticks of two bodies moving downwards, which how unequal soever in size and gravity, yet if they be of the same figure and matter, the heavier will not prevent the lighter in the falling and concurrence, but they will both meet together in the Centre at one and the same time.  
But what have I to do with another man's servant? The worst you can say by these men, is, that they have not the knowledge of Christ, but we say we know him, and contradict ourselves again, by doing the works of our father the Devil. They are blind indeed, but our case is worse, for we say we see. And which do you think is better, not to know Christ; then to have no Cloak for denying him?  
You know who said it, that the Christian Religion had been the cause of all the distractions in these parts of the World; I am sure it hath been the pretence, and how controlled by private interest, and crooked to engagements of every ones particular, we may find in all other States as we now feels in our own.  
As we make it, Religion is indeed but a politic engine of State, as useful for the battery as defence, and as equally tractable to the Ruin as to the conservation of a Commonwealth, necessary to the turning of affairs here below, but of no concernment to the other world.  
If it be any thing else, why doth every man profess it to a scope and end of his own, and never brings in God but by the by? Why do we give the Enemies of God every day new occasion to blaspheme? Why do we come hither to see our Faces in this mirror of the Word, and straightway forget what manner of men we were? Briefly, why do we live without fear, and die without Wisdom?  
There be many other & those horrible accidents of life too, that may convince us to our heads that we are indeed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only men almost that are without God in the world, but so foul a Failing in that only thing too, which can pretend us to be good, even in our own opinions (and in which the dogs which are to be without (as we think) ever did and still do out go us, cannot but expose us to the scorn and derision of him that dwelleth in Heaven.  

Luk. 9.51.  Our Saviour himself when he went up to Jerusalem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. as one makes bold to construe it, put on a new Face, as to go into the Temple, you may think what you will of that Temple, but however you are to know that there is a greater than Solomon here.  
How we can lay the ground better for the Heathen, or worse for ourselves, then by neglecting this great point of Devotion, as confidently as we therefore receive the Sacrament itself unworthily, I will not say I cannot, Let every man tell himself.  
That we dare to do thus before the Angel Eccles. 5. 'Tis not possible but such Prayers should be turned into sin. Thus, 'Tis iniquity even the solemn meeting. But take we heed lest we come to know that God was here by his departure from hence, and that voice be uttered out of our Temples, which was once heard out of that of the Jews, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Migremus hinc.   

CHAP. XXXII. But by my name Jehovah was I not known unto them.  
COncerning the pronunciation of the Tetragrammaton under it's proper consonancy of Letters, when, by whom, and in what cases the word Jehovah may be uttered, a very sufficient account hath been already given by the Learned B●xtorse, Drusius, and others.  
It may be added, that this thing was not unknown to the very Heathen themselves, as a Chronographer of Antioch quoteth it out of one of their Ancient Divines.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
He quoteth Orpheus to say that he heard from the Oracle the Ineffable Name of God, Hericepeo. And that the Interpretation thereof in common speech, is Council, Light, The Giver of Life, etc. Joannes Antiochenus Melala 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Libro 3. Chronic.  
To think this word to be Greek, besides the Interpretation here given, the very sound of it is plainly averse. It betrayeth itself enough to be of the Eastern Notation, and of the Hebrew to choose; And yet to bring it home to any one or more words in that Language like itself, or especially meeting with the Interpretation made, I could find no way.  
It was obvious to doubt after this rate at the first, but the last resolution that could be made with any likelihood necessarily determined in some recess of the Cabalists.  
Amongst their Arithmetical Traditions they have this number of the Name Jehovah. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kep● or Kepeo, which they deduce after this manner.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Ten times 10. is 100 five times 5 is 25. behold 125. six times 6. is 36. Lo 161. Five times 5. is 25. Hare or Heri, behold, Kepeo or 186. which is a numeral Hamphorash or expression of the Name of God, and the Oracles meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. XXXIII.  Matth. 22.26. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
And they (the Pharisees) sent unto him rthei Disciples with the Herodians, etc.  
SErarius in his Herod reckoneth up (if he sufficiently distinguish) ten several opinions of these Herodians, and lastly confesseth that he knows not which to fasten upon.  
It seemed to Drusius that they were certain Grecians brought up by Herod out of the Desert into the habitable Land, and there by him instituted a Sect, therefore called Herodians from their Authors name, and from the place from which they were brought, 
●raeterito●. ad Mat. 22.16. Comment: ad voc. N. Test. posl●r. 23. Buxtorf. in Lex. Talmud. Cholin. fol. 13.8. b.  Dorsians. For so he rendereth the Baal Aruch in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodes Rex adduxit secum Graecos ex deserto, & educavit eos in Terra habitata & fecerunt sectam, vocatique sunt de Nomine ejus Herodianis, & Dorsiani a Loco unde abducti fuerunt. The Learned Casaubon, Beza, and others received it upon this trust. But (as the Master in these things hath noted already) The Aruch there citeth the Tradition of the Elders in Cholin cap. Siluach hakken, sive Demissio Nidi, for it treateth of that Mosaical precept, Deut. 22.6. Thou shalt not take the Dam with the Young. Concerning which the Mishna there saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. that the Extent of the Law reacheth only to birds, and to those only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which are not prepared. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Geese Hens which nestle in the Garden, but if they nestle in the House, as the Herodian Doves, a man is not bound to let go the Dam.  
The Aruch Perush or exposition of the Herodian Doves, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Herod the King brought Doves out of the Desert, and bred them up in the Land inhabited, and they became a Breed, and they were called Herodians from his name, and from the place from whence they were brought Dorsians.  
So Bartenora and R. Solomon's Gloss, and Ramban saith, that they were so called from Herod, because He was the first that bred up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doves in the House.  
And so the Gemara itself expoundeth the Mishna fol. 139. b.  
And again these Herodians are reckoned among the Hens and Geese in Shabba. fol. 155. b. where the Mishna saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. They set not water before the Bees, or before the Doves of the Dovehouse, but they set it before the Hens and Geese, and the Herodian Doves. And the Gloss expoundeth as before. The Herodian Doves were of a tamer and more domestic kind than those of the Dovehouse, and 'tis likely too that they were of a rarer and more outlandish breed, especially because Josephus in the description of Herod's Palace amongst other moments of Gallantry and Magnificence, 
Josephus de Bel. Judaic. l. 6 c. 13.  makes mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Many Towers stored with tame Doves. This would not sound so big to us, and 'tis nothing indeed without this understanding that the thing was very rare in Judaea then, and newly brought in by this Herod, a man noted to be of a vast and curious mind.  
But what the Herodians were we may partly know by the old Scholiast upon Persius, to these words of the Poet. 
— at cum  
Herodis venere dies, unctaque fenestra  
Dispositae pinguem Nebulam vomuere lucerne  
Tortantes violas, rubrumque amplexa Catinum  
Cauda natat Thynnis, tumet alba fidelia vino,  
Labra moves tacitus, recutitaque Sabbata palles.  Sat. 5.1.  
Herodes apud judaeos regnavit temporibus Augusti in Partibus Syriae. 
Scholiast. ves. in Persiu●.  Herodianis ergo diem Natalem Herodis observant ut etiam Sabbata, quo die Lucernas accensas & violis Coronatas in fenestris ponunt.  
Herod (saith the Scholiast) reigned over the Jews in Syria in the days of Augustus, The Herodians therefore observed his Birthday (as the Sabbaths also) setting up in the Windows lighted Candles encircled with Violets.  
The reason of this Honour done to Herod was, for that these Jews believed him to have been the Christ. mistaking the Non deficiet Sceptrum in Jacob's prophecy, under which Title of heresy, they are accounted by Epiphanius among the Sects of Judaisme. But Epiphanius should have referred the Faction to Herod the Great. Tertullian before him delivered the same Tradition, Lib. de prescript. ad Haer. cap. 46. Victor. Antiochen. etc.  
And nothing (saith Casaubon) seemeth to me to have been more probably set down concerning these Herodians then this, but his Quotation out of Drusius it to be corrected as before.   

CHAP. XXXIV.  Esay 9.6. 
And his Name shall be called Wonderful.  
ANd very well it might be so, not only for the usual observed reasons, but for something else too which may be noted anew.  

Fulvius Vrsi●●●.  I know 'tis enough to fill up the measure of this great Name, that He was God, as the Jewel quoted by a Learned Antiquary expresseth him in the most excellent & short sufficiency. The Gem representeth the Image of our Saviour in his younger days, 
jan. Ru●gers. varlar. Lect. L. 1. ●. 1.  then when he increased in Wisdom, Stature, and Favour with God and Men. With this Inscription, T.K. ●. that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Antiquary took it, a Stripling of hopeful note in the Macedonick War. But a Critic of good worth who had the opportunity (and knew how to use it) of seeing a Jewel of the very same kind in the French Kings Archives, judged with others by a better proportioned rate of sagacity, that the Inscription ought to be read on this manner, I. X. ●. I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Jesus Christ God.  
But I am not going about to declare his Generation this way, for who can? I mean to tell you how wonderful The Son of Man was; and what happened unto him as he was made like unto one of us.  
It will be a moment of that sort which ought to do, (if it does not) stir you up to wonder.  
It was an accident (if it be to be called no more) which fell out at his Nativity, and such a one (if I take the height of i● right) as might very well be in company & consignify with that work of God, that strange work, that Act of his, that strange Act which he brought to pass, when a Virgin was to conceive and bear a Son, and a Woman to encompass a Man.  
Here I must tell you that I mean to deceive his Expectation who thinks I am going about to give Judgement upon any of my Saviour's Accidents of life from the Influences of the Stars or Planets.  
The Star which guided the Wise men (or as the Saxon hath well enough rendered it, fungal Whitegan, the Astroligers or Astrological Prophets) is enough of itself to forbid any man this impertinency.  
To show how little those in the Firmament or lower Heavens should have to do with his matters, he had a Star of his own, appointed to another Sphere, and moving by another kind of motion than those in their Course, purposely created for and by Him, and made to walk in the Air, and keep place with the Magi. It must Have been in the Air, otherwise it could not have directed the Wise men to the place, 
Tycho Bracheus Nobilis Da●●●s.  as the most Noble Tycho hath excellently observed.  
It was a Star because they were Astrologers that were to be guided by it. And it was a new one, because none of the old could have done it, for the verticity of any of those could not have come and stood over the place where the young Child was.  

Numb. 24.17.  This star appearing out of order bid a defiance to all the Persian Astrology, and let the Starre-gazers know, that there was one of Jacob now risen, which was not to be found in their Barbaric Sphere.  
Nevertheless, and though I mean to do as I have said, I will take Liberty to set down here the Figure of our Saviour's Nativity, that is, with what Face the Heavens looked upon the earth at that time as to the Horizont of Bethlehem.  
In the Sphaera Persica (saith Aben Ezra out of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) there ariseth up in the Face of the sign Virgo a beautiful Maiden, she holdeth two ears of Corn in her hand, and a Child in her Arms, she feedeth him and giveth him suck, etc. This Maiden (saith Abumazar) we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adre nedefa, the pure Virgin. She bringeth up a Child in a place which is called Abrie (the Hebrew Land) and the Child's name is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eis● (Jesus) Introductor, lib. 6. c. 1.  
This was enough to make Albertus Magnus believe that our Saviour Christ was borne in Virgo; and therefore Cardinal Alliac erecting our Lord's Nativity by his description casteth this sign into the Horoscope. But that was not the meaning of Abumazar. His meaning was (saith Friar Bacon) quod beata Virgo nata fuit quando Sol est in Virgin, & ita habetur signatum in Calendario, & quod nutriet Filium suum in Terra Hebraeorum. That the said Virgin was borne the Sun being in that sign, as also we have it set down in the Calendar, and that she was to bring up her Son in the Hebrew Land.  
But according to the received Tradition of the Church, our Saviour was borne the 25 day of December at midnight in the year of the world 3967. The Circle of the Sun was 9 and of the Moon 1. etc.  
Therefore the Ascendent of his Nativity was not ♍ Virgo, but ♎ Libra, and this was the Figure of the Heavens.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 JESUS CHRISTI Domini nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An. M. 3967. Decemb: die 25. Nocte media. Ad Latitud. Horizont. Bethlehem. Juxta Calculum Prutenicum.  
I tell you I do not this as if I thought the Star of Jacob were Subject to his own Firmament. I abhor to say as Cardan did, that Jupiter's being in the ascendent was the cause of his so soon disputing with the Doctors; or that he so often traveled from place to place, because the Moon was with Mars in a Terrestrial sign, or that it should be from Saturn's altitudes, that our Saviour should be so often seen to weep, but never once to laugh, much less, that Saturn with Venus could make him to have a mole in his Face. He quoteth Josephus for these two last accidents, but you will not find it there. That excellent Author giveth indeed a very grave and honourable testimony of Jesus Christ, in the 4th of the 18th book of his Antiquities, but without any such mentions as these.  
But still I do but hold you in hand.  
That which I may lawfully and innocently observe in the Scheme of our Lord's Nativity concerneth thus.  
First the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Righteousness was very fitly borne in Libra, the sign and Constellation of Justice. Next to this the Redeemers Horoscope was quite contrary to that of the World. The Ascendent of the Creation was Aries, for the World was created in the Spring, as to the position of judea. I cannot stay to prove it here, I have done it elsewhere.  
But much above all this there fell out at this time a Conjunction (the greatest that can be) of the 8 and 9 Spheres in the Head of Aries. From whence it will follow that whereas at the beginning of this world the Asterisms were all out of their proper places, (it pleased God to have it so) now at the restitution of the world, they were all found in their own divisions. It is an appearance of that kind which nature can show the World but once. The same Figure of the Heavens never could before, nor never can fall out again, unless the World should unreasonably last against all Christian expectation, by the most moderate Account, for if you cast about the slow Revolution of this period, it will trouble you to call these or almost any other the latter days.  
The period according to some is to finish a Circle of 30, if not 40 thousand years.  
This great year began at our Saviour's Nativity, but for any man to expect that it should ever have an end, as to us and this World, cannot be thought of, but upon grounded Atheism and absurdity.  
I have only one thing here to confess, that this figure of our Saviour's Nativity is erected according to the Dionysian rate of account, which useth to be called Vulgar initium annorum Domini. The vulgar Epoch of the years of Christ, but demonstrated to be false (as they themselves doubt not) by Mercator, Christmannus, joseph Scaliger, Sethus Calvisius, Suslyga the Polonian, and others, Masters all in Mathematical Chronology; some of them demonstrate that this Aera is false by one year, some by two, others by three, the Polonian by four, and some others by five. But when I saw that there could be so many true Accounts, I thought it best to sit down and abide by the old false one, as well in reverence to the Tradition of the Church, as for the rare appearances in the Scheme itself, sufficient of their own strength to evidence, that this was the time both for the year and day, though reason and Tradition should pretend against it.  
And because there be some (and some too that know not why they do it neither) who continue to call in question the Antiquity and truth of this day, I will put in a little more weight into their scale who have very well assured this matter already both by historical tradition and Mathematical demonstration.  
That which I mean to superadd first, is an Apostolical Canon as I find it in joseph the Aegyptian's Arabic Code 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 
joseph. Egypt Cod. Concillor. Arab. Ms. in Archivis Roanis Bibliothecae Bod.  Also that you Constitute an Anniversary feast at the Nativity of the Lord Christ in the day in which he was borne, and that was the 25 of the first Canun, for this is the principal of all the Feasts. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost.  Also that you do every year celebrate the Feast of Alchamim or Baptism of our Lord the Christ upon the day in which he was baptised by John the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Forerunner, and that was the sixth day of the second Canun.  
A Persian Ephemeris to the same day of the same Canun setteth down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nativitas Eisi, or the Birth of jesus. 
Persica Ephemer●… Ms. Case Scyroac. Tabulae Astronom. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Loudin●… Biblioth Bod.   
So Alkas Cyriacus in a Calendar of the like Nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the Nativity of jesus Christ.  
The same Author to the sixth day of the latter Canun (january) puts down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. the feast of the Epiphany, or Benediction of the Waters.  
The Syriack Church observeth alike, and as concerning this Benediction of the Waters at that time of the Epiphanie you may see what their Mar. Michael Chindis (out of 
* 
That is jacobus Orrohaita as he is quoted by Moses Barcepha the Bishop of Bethraman in his Commentaries of Paradise, and oftentimes in the Catena Arabica by the name of jacobus Al●ohavi which is all one.  
The Learned Master Selden in his Interserenda to Eutychius hath a very good note out of the same Author as concerning Helena, that she was brought up and taught to read the Scriptures by Barsica Bishop of Rhea in Gazirat, and taken to wife by Constantius the Emperor with the consent of her Parents, etc. For Algezira he took it right It is the same with Mesopotamia, but for Rhea he saith Vbinain hac Rhea ego 〈◊〉 nescire fateor▪ See Orte●ius in E●e●…a, and Leunclavius his Onomastic. in Ro●…a.  
It was a City and seat of a Bishop in Mesopotamia. And so 'tis put in by the Arabic Nubian Geographer at the beginning of the sixth part of the fourth Clime Verum Algezira est quod includitur inter Tigrim & Enphratem ejusque urbes sunt R●…co etc. Roba, Harran, Sarug &c,   james the Bishop of Vrhoia) hath said, as he is quoted by Marsilius de Columna in his Hydragiologia, p. 506.  
chrysostom imputeth a great Miracle to this consecrated Water. He saith (the Patriarch Severus in his Syriack Ritual saith as much too) that our Saviour Christ when he was baptised, sanctified the Nature of the Waters.  
And for that reason (saith Chysostome) it is a custom of the People at the Epiphanie to fetch of the Waters and reserve it by them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and look whatsoever water is drawn that day it will not corrupt in a long time, no not in a whole year, and sometimes not in two or three, but remain as sweet and fresh as at the first drawing.  
But as concerning this day of our Lord's Nativity Sahid Aben Batric hath noted in his History that he was borne upon the 25 of December, which is observed by the learned Master Selden already, and (as I think) out of the life of Augustus, De Anno Civili veterum jud. Cap. 8.  
But the same Author in the life of Constantine saith it again, and endeavoureth to prove it there, in his discourse of the Celebration of Easter. The result whereof (as it maketh to this matter is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. And our Lord and redeemer jesus Christ was born the 29 day of Cohiac, & upon the 25 day of the first Canun.  
And for the Epiphanie or Baptism of Christ he saith it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the eleventh day of Tiby, and upon the 6 day of the second Canun. So the Coptick or Egyptian Calendar, 
Saidus Batricides Arab. Ms. in Constantino magno. Liber penes est Illustrissimum Seldenum: coctat etiam in Archivis Bibl. publ. Cantabrig.  Athanas, Kircker, de Comput. Eccles. Copt. c. 3.  
The same Tradition both for the Nativity and Epiphany. You may have two out of joannes Antiochenus in the beginning of the 10. book of his Chronograpby. 
johan. Ant. Melala in Arch. Barocciants.  He saith that jesus Christ was borne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Upon the 25 of the month of December. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And that be was baptised in Jordan a River of Palestine upon the 6 day of January, etc.  
I was willing to note out of them for both the Holy days, because some of the Eastern profession (they are not many to that whole Church) observe the memory of these matters in a shorter line than we do, thinking, out of Saint Luke, that our Saviour was borne and baptised upon one and the same day, which to them is the 6. of january. The thing I have seen done here by an Armenian Priest of Haleb (or Aleppo) within the regard and compass of my own conversation.  
The Rubric of the Celebration he shown me indeed in his Armenian Calendar, but the uttermost authority I could gain of him to refer it to, was a Tradition of Saint james to be found in their books (he told me so) but unknown to us as yet.  
The ancient Runick Calendar doth not only acknowledge the 25 of December▪ to be the day of our Saviour's Nativity, but for that reason too makes this day the beginning of the year, and the Night before (which indeed was the time) they call Modranect or the mother Night (our own Saxons did so too.) And the day itself is expressed in the Danish wooden Almanacs by an Infant wrapped up in Swaddling clothes. See Olaus Wormius de Fast. Danic. lib. 1. c. 12. l. 2. c. 9   

CHAP. XXXV.  Rom. 9.3. 
For I could wish myself were accursed (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) from Christ, for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh.  
WHen a Son of Israel would express the extremity of his brotherly kindness towards any one of, or towards all the Children of his people, he entitled himself by a kind of devotion to all the mischance and evil that should befall his Brother, wishing the whole patience upon his own head.  
These Excesses of Compassion used to go under this form, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sim ego expiatio ejus, or that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecce me in expiationem. 
Aruch in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Let me be, or behold I am his Expiation. That is, 
Sanhed●in. C. 2. fol. 18. a.  saith the Aruch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Behold I am in his place to bear his iniquities. So all the people to the High Priest in Cohen Gadol of the Sanhedrin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be we thy Expiation, that is, saith the Gloss, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be we in thy stead for whatsoever is to happen unto thee. Rabbi Samuel said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Sons of Israel, be I their Expiation, etc. that is, their Redemption as Rambam, and 'tis a form of speech saith he to express, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the exceeding greatness of his love.  
This will make you the less marvel at that strange ejaculation of Moses, when for the same people of Israel's sake, he wished to be blotted out of the Book of God.  
Not without reference to this form of Devotion is the Apostles wish here, that he might discharge the unhappy condition of his Brethren all upon himself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for I could wish myself to be an Anathema from Christ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: So Hesychius and Phavorin●s, a man accursed, or not to be kept company with, or as Pohtius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a man separated. The Arabic Translatition is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that my body were Moharrama, an unlawful thing, or forbidden from Christ. The word itself as the sense respecteth to the Haerem, which was the second degree of Jewish excommunciation, whereof the first was Nidui, the third Shammatha, and wheresoever in the New Testament the Reference is made to the second degree, Anathema is singly named, as where to the third Maranatha is added, which is but the Syriack Interpretation of Shammatha, Dominus venit, which is therefore called by the Talmudists the Anathema or excommunication of the God of Israel.  
Stephanus in his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hath a Tradition more concerning the word Maranatha, then to be left out in this place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. he tells of a Shepherd belonging to the Syrian Laodicea, who being thunder-stricken cried out, Ramanthas, that is, God from above, for Raman signifieth Above, Athas, God. So Philo.  
Phavorinus indeed saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, High Things. And 'tis true it doth so, and in the Syriack too.  
He saith also that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the God above. 'Tis almost so indeed, and then Ramanthas or Ramas' Atha might be the same, as the High God cometh.  
But by a smarter guests which some men have made, 
Heinsius in N●v●m Testament.  Ramanthas was but a common Country pronunciation of the right Syriack words, and served the Shepherds turn instead of Maranatha. So he would have said, Dominus venit. And so it seems the Imprecation was more familiarly used among the Syrians than we knew before.  
For these three kinds of Anathema see others, but especially the learned Buxtorfe in his Lexicon Talmud.  
The Condition of a man lying under the censure of Haerem, is delivered by the Doctors in Moed Katon. Rabbi joseph saith. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 
Talmud in Moed Katon fol. 15. a. jore Dea. num. 3.4. Sect. 2.  An excommunicate by Nidui may teach or be taught, hire, or be hired, but the Muchram or excommunicate by Haerem may neither teach nor be taught, neither hire nor be hired, but he may study alone that he forget not his learning, and he may make himself a little Cottage for his necessaries.  
Maimon saith that he is not permitted to have any manner of conversation with any man, only he may buy himself victuals. Madda. c. 7. but no man might eat or drink with him. Shulcan Aruc in jore dea, Numb. 334. Sect. 5. From whence that of the Apostle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with such a one no not to eat, 1 Cor. 5.11.   

CHAP. XXXVI.  Act. 11.26. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And the Disciples were called Christians first in Antioch.  
THey were called Nazarites before (the Mahometans call them so still) from jesus of Nazareth, as now Christians from Christ.  
joannes Antiochenus can tell tell you who gave them that Name. 
And now you may know whence Suidas had it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i.e. At the beginning of the Reign of the same Claudius Caesar, ten years after jesus Christ our Lord and God was ascended up into Heaven, Evodus received the Episcopal Imposition of hands, and was made Patriarch of Antioch the great in Syria, immediately succeeding to Saint Peter the Apostle. In whose times the Christians were (first) so called, for this Bishop at a conference held with them named this name upon them, whereas before that they called Nazarites and Galilaeans.  
But that which I have most an eye upon here is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were called Christians? 'Tis an expression below the moments and circumstance of the matter. We do not now name the least Child of the Company (so fare as we can stretch our Interest) without a full appointment and congregation of witnesses; and do we think that they baptised the whole profession with so narrow a regard of Ceremony and Solemnity. The word will approve itself otherwise to you then so. And the meaning of this, Joannes Antiochenus can best of all tell you. When the Provinces submitted themselves to the Imperial Government, the use was for the Emperor to cause a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or public Edict to be drawn up and proclaimed openly upon the place. The tenor whereof was first, to entitle himself to all respects of dominion and supremacy over that people, and then to abate from this by a popular insinuation of all possible sacredness and liberty of the Subject. This Latter indeed was ad faciendum, etc. but these men were as good as their words.  
An instance of this manner of Nun cupation (I know not what to call it else in English) take here from the Author I promised you of.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Joan. Antioch: Ms. Chronograph. lib. 9   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
When the City of Antioch had ye Ided itself up into the subjection of the Roman Empire, an Edict of the Liberties thereof was sent by Julius Caesar, and openly proclaimed at Antioch upon the twentieth of May, the Tenor of the Edict was, At Antioch the Holy, Sacred and free City, the Metropolitan Queen, and Precedent of the East, Cajus Julius Caesar etc.  
The Provinces used to return the honour of these Privileges back upon the Emperor by this way of acknowledgement.  
To keep the Emperor's Grace in perpetual memory, they reckoned all their public affairs ever after from the time of that. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Therefore (saith the same Author) Antioch the Great in honour of the Emperor fixed their Aera in Cajus Julius Cesar, and made this year of Grace the first.  
Therefore this Aera of theirs was peculiarly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because at the fixing of this the Emperor did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, publicly name himself to all the Title of Dominion, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and publicly entitle them to all the Privileges, Immunities, etc.  
From this Antiochian use of the word, and in this very State sense the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saint Luke was, and is to be taken.  
Saint Luke was a Physician of Antioch. One of our Greek Catalogues makes mention of D. Lucae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a certain Recipe of Saint Luke's, but I have not seen it as yet.  
But the matter is that He was of Antioch, and having occasion to record unto Theophilus, the first naming of the Disciples Christians, and that this was done at Antioch, made use of their own word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which he would be understood that the Imposition of this new name was openly and circumstantially done, and in as solemn and public manner as it might.  
Saint Paul maketh use of the same word in the same sense, Rom. 7.3. So than if while her Husband be living she be married to another man, she shall be called (the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) she shall be notably called, or notoriously known to be, an adulteress in common fame and voice.  
Here indeed it is taken passively (as no doubt it might) but Saint Luke useth the word in the first and most original way of acception, for though we translate it were called, as some Arabic and almost all Translations do, yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is there to be understood.  
And so it is. And the Disciples first styled themselves Christians, etc. You will perceive as much by this passage of Joannes Antiochenus concerning Augustus Caesar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. i.e.  
And the most Sacred Augustus then began to be the first and only Monarch of the Empire, and Prelate of the Holy Rites, (Sacrorum Antistes) and he styled himself (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) thus.  Caesar, Octavian, Trophaell, Augustus, the Mighty Emperor. And he reigned, etc. 
And by this Passage you may correct a pitiful one of the same pretence (there be many more in that Book that need as much) in the Chronicon Alexandrinum. There it is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Editioner) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Reader the Editioner perceived what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to be. But for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is to be set down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the other place is to be read not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which is the principal thing of note here as to the Active and first acception of the word.  
Otherwise Rader is not so much to be found fault with for the Text as the Translation sometimes. I confess where he turns the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by tributa or vectigalia, though it be fearfully false, yet is not so foul an escape as some others there.  
There is a vast difference 'twixt Tributes and Telesmes (for so the word ought to have been rendered) and yet might be easier mistaken by him (as at that time) than it can now be done right by some others.   

CHAP. XXXVII.  Heb. 3.12. 
Take heed lest there be in any of you an Evil heart of unbelief, in departing from the Living God.  
THe Arabic is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An obdurate and unbelieving heart, and which goeth fare, or quite away from the Living God.  
'Tis a fearful thing too to fall out of the hands of God. The Imaginations of men's hearts are only evil and continually, therefore the Spirit of God doth always strive with them, if it did, our Spirit would faint under him, and the Souls which he hath made.  
If a man do start aside (as we all and often do) like a broken Bow, God puts us together again and fastens us unto himself as soon, and taking as good hold as he can.  
And these things (saith Holy Job) God will do once and twice, that is, oft times for a man.  

Hos. 11.8.  To day if we will hear his voice. To day, that is, whensoever a sinner, etc. He will turn and repent, his heart will be turned within him, and his Repenting rolled together.  
And all this that our hearts may not be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin.  
Every man whatsoever hath this long day allowed him. And O that thou hadst known even in this day of thine! but now it is hid from thine eyes.  
This is that hard heart of unbelief which we are bid here to take heed of; this looseth all our hold, and utterly estrangeth us from the life of God, and leaveth us altogether without him in the World.  
Our other back-slidings and variations from him, how wide and distant soever, yet may be thought to be but like those of the Compass, more or less according to a less or greater interposition of earthly mindedness, but this is like to that of the Magnet itself, which while it lieth couched in the mineral and united to the Rock, it conformeth to the Nature and verticity of the Earth, but separate it from thence and give it free scope to move in the Air, and it will desperately forsake its former and more public instinct, and turn to a quite contrary point. So as long as a man is fastened to the Rock Christ and keepeth but any hold there, he will still be looking less or more towards the Author and finisher of his Faith; but broken off once from thence, and beginning to be in the open Air and under the Prince of that, he presently turneth aside from the living God, and pointeth to a Pole of his own.   

CHAP. XXXVIII.  Matth. 6.2. 
For thine is the Kingdom, etc.  
Glory be to the Father, etc.  
I Am going about to conclude this small matter of Book with some notice upon these two Doxologies.  
For the first, the question hath been made up so high, as to leave us in doubt whether it be a piece of Scripture or no: Beza confesseth it to be magnificam illam quidem & sanctificam, a most high and holy form of expression, sed irrepsisse in contextum & quae in vetustissimis aliquot Codicibus Graecis desit, but to have crept into the Text and to be wanting in some very ancient Copies.  
That it should be wanting in some others is the less wonder, because it is not to be found in that Vetustissimus Codex given by himself to the University Library of Cambridge.  
It is not a full book of the New Testament, but containing only the four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles. The Book is written as well in Latin as Greek, but both in the same greek Character. And it is that of the great Capital kind, which in their opinion, who use to judge of these things, is the uttermost reputation of antiquity which could be pretended to.  
In this book the Clause is not to be found (so fare as possibly I can remember) either in the Greek or Latin.  
I had occasion once to say as much as this amounts to, before the most Reverend and Learned the Primate of Armagh, and the Doctor of our Chair the now worthy Bishop of Worcester, but was forced to yield to so great a presence with this only answer, that even this Copy too was corrupted by the Heretics.  
I knew it might be, and deny not but it may in some other part of Genealogy or the like, but how any Heresy could possibly serve its turn upon this Clause (I know that of the Trinity) at least to me the way doth not so easily approve itself.  
I confess the Syriack hath it, but I know not what then.  
The Arabic hath it too, not only the printed Copy by Erpenius, but a Manuscript too of very good and gallant note in Queen's College Library. Yet in the Medicean Copy I do not meet with it. And in that which Kerstenius hath noted upon, the Clause indeed is set down, but not running along with the Text. 'Tis written above in Red letters, and pointed to by this Note in the Margin. Non haec in Aegyptiaco, & sunt in Romano & Syriaco. So that there is no more to be gained by this, then that the Clause is extant in the Syriack and the Roman (that is the Greek here, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alrumi signifieth so too) which is no more than we knew before for the Adversary part, and so much less too, that it is not to be found in the Coptick or Egyptian form, which also may be known to be so by that Specimen in Athanasius Kircherus.  

See the learned Master Seldens Commentary upon Eutychius.  The Mahumedans have another Lord's Prayer, called by them the Prayer of Jesus the son of Mary. But that endeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And let not such a one bear rule over me that will have no mercy upon me, for thy mercy's sake O thou most merciful.  
But this is not material enough. Indeed the Mahumedan forms of prayer are more for, then against the thing. But it moveth not a little that the Clause should not be extant in the Gospel of the Nazarites, or that secundum Hebraeos, (as it useth to be called) This Gospel was commonly believed in Saint Hieromes time to be ipsius Matthaei Authenticum. Very ancient how ever it was. And that the prayer itself was there I am sure, for Saint Hierome upon those words Panem nostrum quotidianum, 
But for the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Give us this day, &c: See the Learned Salmasius about the latter end of his third Book, De Foenore Trapezitico.  etc. noteth that the Hebrew in this Gospel was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mahar, panem crastini da nobis hodie, who because he takes no notice of this clause doth as good as say it was not there, for if it had, so substantial a variety and concerning him so much, could not possibly have escaped his Annotation.  
The whole engagement of the Latin Church against this Clause though very strong and preponderating, I let alone. The Greek use of it is more against us then the Latin leaving of it out. Their Services equally subjoin it to other Orisons, and to this. As to the Prayer that beginneth O' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. Eucholog. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. B. To the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Euchol. fol. B. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Euch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A To the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Prayer to be said over such as had eaten of any unclean thing to renew in them a capacity for the holy mysteries. Euchrl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. To the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A prayer which they said at the foundation of a house. Euch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A.  
They subjoin it also to their Hymns, as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Typic. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 B. Col. 1.  
But it is yet more manifest, for secondly we find sometimes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ B▪ Col. 1. In the Eucholog. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 B. where also the Rubric writeth over it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Eod. A giving us to understand that they have it in no other condition, then of any other Loud Respond: as by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I undertake them to mean.  
Other times again we find the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the Typic. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. Col. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. Col. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. Col. 1. & 2.  
Moreover also whensoever we find them immediately, we find them still distinctly rehearsed, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is always the peoples, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is always the Priest's Repetition.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Eucholog. fol. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. & B. Typic. fol. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. Col. 2. & B Col. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. & B. Col. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. & B. Col. 1. & 2. and infinitely elsewhere.  
And yet for all this (and more than this too, if I had a mind to put it down here) I will not say as Erasmus did, magis taxanda fuerat illorum temeritas qui non veriti sunt tam divinae precationi suas nugas assuere. He doubts not to call it but a Trifling patch tacked to this Holy form by some rash and unadvised hand.  
Nay I will not say so much (though that be much less) as Kirstenius did, quae certe a pio quodam fidei imbecillis tanquam nova precatio addita fuit, that it was added anew by some good meaning man, but not very well knowing what he did.  
I would not be moderate against the Scripture where I can possibly avoid it.  
Therefore I note here two things which do principally prevail with me for the Antiquity and Authority of the Clause.  
In Lucian's Philopatris, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Let those alone, (saith Triephon to Critas) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And say that prayer which beginneth from the Father, and let the glorious Hymn conclude it.  
Rigaltius noteth upon Tertullian, that by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Pagan meant the Lords Prayer● if he did, than it may very well be thought that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to go for this Doxology. And if that be so, the Testimony is beyond all exception, for then the Clause was of the Prayer in Trajan's time, or (which was not much under it) the time of Marcus Antonius Philosophus, and that was less than two hundred years after the prayer was made.  
And that this should be the meaning of Lucian is the more likely, because the Interlocutours in that Dialogue make it their business to cast a scorn upon the Christians, and their Profession, for first they fall upon the Holy Trinity. Deum alte regnantem magnum, aethereum, atque aeternum Filium Patris, Spiritum ex Patre procedentem, unum ex Tribus & ex uno tria, which how well soever it soundeth is but a Jeer there.  
And of Saint Paul they say (what think ye? 
For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see Julius Pollux his Onomasticon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be rendered as it useth to be, justo naso praeditus, therefore I have guessed at it by the Characters of the Greeks and Trojans in Joannes Antiochenus quoted out of Dictys Cretensit: But do you see Isacius Porphyrogenet▪ in Janus Rutgers. var. Lect. L. 5. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The bald-ill-nosed Galilaean, that was carried up through the Air into the third Heaven, and taught there very marvellous matters, etc.  
Then having spoken their pleasure of the Lords prayer too, and sufficiently despised our ways, they lastly address themselves (as such fellows should do) to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or unknown God at Athens. See the end of the Dialogue.  
But I promised you another Reason; you shall have it.  
Note that our Lord gathered up his Form of Prayer out of the Traditions of the Elders. It must not seem strange to you. If you know how to consider of it, you will perceive that nothing could be more purposely done.  
That it was so will be easily evident from this Recollection out of their own Euchologues.  
Pater noster qui es in Coelis fac nobis gratiam, Nomen tuum Domine Deus noster sanctificetur, & memoria tua glorificetur in Coelo desuper & super terram inferne. Seder Tephill. Lusitan. p. 115.  
Regnum tuum regnet super nos in seculum, & in ●ternum. Sepher Hammussar. 49.1.  
Pii priores dicebant remit & condona omnibus iis qui vexant me, Com. in Pirk. Avoth. fol. 24.  
Ne inducas nos in manus tentationis, sed libera nos ab occursu malo. Seph▪ Hummussar. 9.12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Quia tuum est regnum & regnabis gloriose in secula seculorum, i.e.  
Our Father which art in Heaven be gracious unto us. O Lord our God hallowed be thy Name, and let the remembrance of thee be glorified in Heaven above, and upon Earth here below; let thy Kingdom reign over us now and for ever.  
The holy men of old said, Remit and forgive unto all men whatsoever they have done against me.  
And lead us not into Temptation, but deliver us from the evil thing. For thine is the Kingdom, and thou shalt reign in Glory (or power) for ever and for evermore.  
Therefore there is the same reason for the Clause as for the whole Prayer, and the reason as from hence is very full and following.  
You find such a kind of Doxology at the end of Noah's Prayer, and you will generally meet with some such thing in the Common forms of Eastern Devotion.   

CHAP. XXXIX.  Matth. 28.19. 
Go and teach all Nations and baptise them in the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.  
FOr the Gloria Patri,  
It is most commonly believed that this Hymn was composed by the Council of Nice. The Cardinal Baronius is of opinion that it is more ancient than so; and that from the Primitive times it was appointed by the Apostles themselves to be sung by the new converts in Baptism; and Saint Basil seems to him to say as much; but it is to be presumed that this Hymn was not ancienter than the cause of it, and that was the Arian blasphemy; though otherwise it is most true that the Antiquity thereof is to be fetched out of the ancient form of Baptism, so fare the Cardinal was right. I go about to make up what is wanting on his part.  
The form of Baptism set down by our Lord himself, was, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.  
It was purely observed until such time as that Heresy broke forth which durst to say of the second person, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There was a time when he was not; than it was added unto by the Church, with sicut erat in principio, As it was in the beginning, etc.  
So the order in the Euchologue.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Then the Priest holding the N. upright, and turned towards the East, (themselves also turning the same way) saith, The Servant of God N. is baptised in the Name of the Father, Amen, and of the Son, Amen, and of the Holy Ghost Amen, now and for ever and for evermore, Amen.  
The very same was to be acknowledged by the N. in his own person, 
Severus Patriarch. Alexandrin. In Ordine Baptismi Syrico.  for so in the Syriack order 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then turning towards the East he saith, I such a one do confess and believe and am baptised in thee, and in the Father, and in the Holy Ghost, now and for ever and for evermore, Amen.  
Of a confession it soon became to be a Hymn, and then it was, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We give Glory to thee, the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, now and for ever and for evermore, Amen.  
And thus it was uttered at the first only by the new Converts and the rest which happened to be present at the Baptism. It was afterwards annexed to the Antiphones, 
The Te Deum is a kind of Creed expressed in the fashion of a Gloria Patri, etc.  and after that to all the Psalms and Hymns; The Te Deum for a special reason excepted.  
Gregory the great annexed it to the Versicle: Domine ad adjuvandum nos festina, O Lord make haste to help us, etc. as in our own Liturgy, where also we find it in the Litany.  
In the Greek Services we meet it very often, and no less than 6 or 7 times in their Order of Baptism; the Church it seems taking all other, but especially that occasion to inculcate unto her Children the Incomprehensible and unbelieved Article of the Trinity.  
Therefore the first matter of the Gloria Patri were the words of our Saviour In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. And because at the uttering of these words the Priest and the N: were to stand up and turn themselves towards the East, therefore also the Hymn itself was to be said or sung the same way. And so we observe it. In the Litany (our own I mean) we seem a little to transgress, for no man riseth up to that Gloria Patri; but we are to consider that this verse was there inserted, when the Litany was, what it is now, but called, Procession, a procedendo, and then it was no exception.  
In some places the Gloria Patri etc. only was said toward the East, but the sicut erat in principio towards the West. Whether to put a difference betwixt the divine and the humane part of this Hymn, or for what other reason is of no necessity to inquire.  
It was said or sung to wards the East by the Greek use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Pentecostarium fol. 4. b. Col. 1. The Priest in Saha's Typicum saith it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the holy Table: but that also is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, toward the east, is in the Liturgy of the holy Mount. Eucholog. fol. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And here I must tell you (how much soever you see written to the contrary) that you will not find any the least mention of Adoration towards the Altar in the whole stock of Church Antiquity, Greek, Latin, Arabic, or whatsoever: you will think perhaps I take too much upon me, but you will find it to be true; and where you think you meet with any such thing, understand it still of the East, or else you will be out. And for want of knowing this, all the discourses which have been so lately written to this purpose have very absolutely miscarried.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

A NOTE OF THE TEXTS of Scripture which are purposely interpreted or any otherwise referred unto.  

Genesis.  
Gen: I.VII. pag. 113  
Gen: 2.5, 6. 116  
Gen: 2.8. 78  
Gen: 4.8. 72  
Gen: JU.XU. 67  
Gen: VII. TWO. 116 & 117  
Gen: VII. XII. 28  
Gen: 33.19. 52  
Gen: XLI. XLV. 63  
Gen: 49.8. 2   

Exodus.  
Ex: VI III. 146  
Ex: 7.11. 61  
Ex: 15.10. 62  
Ex: XXII. XIX. & XXXIII. XXVI 92  
Ex: 32.32. 158   

Leviticus.  
Lev: 16.14, 15. 82  
Lev: 19.19. 97   

Numbers.  
Numb: 21.8. 41   

Deuteronomy.  
Deut: XIV XXI. 92  
Deut: XXII. III. 118  
Deut: 22.9. 97   

1 Samuel.  
Sam: VI.U. 35  
2 Sam: V VI.VIII. 29  
2 Sam: I. XVIII. 1  
2 Sam: 18.33. 22   

1 Kings.  
1 King: 10.4. p. 21  
1 King: 17.19. p. 22  
2 King. 4.8. p. 22  
2 Chron: 9.4. p. 21   

Job.  
Job 1.5 71  
Job 2.13. 24  
Job XXVI. VII. 55   

Psalms.  
Psal: 24.5 60  
Psal: 33.7. 114  
Psal: 68.18. 87, & 88  
Psal: 68.32, 33. 78  
Psal: 68.35. 140  
Psal. 104.3.13. 116  
Psal: 104.3. 21  
Psal: 148.4. 116   

Proverbs.  
Prov: 3.27. 60  
Prov: 8.27. 116  
Prov: 10.2. 59  
Ecclesiastes 11.1. 139   

Esaiah.  
Es: III. XXVI. 24  
Es: 5.16. 88  
Es: IX.VI. 150  
Es: XIII. XXII. 134  
Es: 14.12, 13 76  
Es: 26.19. 127  
Es: 38. 22  
Es: 41.2. 83  
Es: 41.29. 56  
Es: 46.11. 83  
Es: 47.5. 26  
Es: LVII. XV. 136  
Es: LXVI. XIV. 124   

jeremiah.  
Jer: 10.13. 114  
Jer: 22.13, & 14.11. & 13. 11  
Jer: 23.5. 86   

Ezekiel.  
Ez: 9.3, 4. 69  
Ez: 37.9. 126  
Ez: 44.2, 77  
Daniel, 6.10. 11   

Joel.  
Joel, 3.20.12. 90  
Joel, 3.18. 116  
Amos, VI I.III.IV. 104  
Micah, 5.2. 84  
Zechariah; VI XII.III.VIII. 73  
Malachy, 4.2. 83  
Tobit, 3.11.17. 12  
Baruch, 4.36 83   

The Song of the three Children.  
37.45. 114   

Matthew.  
Mat: JII.IU. 132  
Mat: VI.I. 59  
Mat: 6.5. 141  
Mat: VI XIII. 165  
Mat: XI.XII. 27  
Mat: 12.34. 41  
Mat: 18.20. 140  
Mat: XXII. XVI. 148  
Mat: 23.35. 119  
Mat: 24.27. 89  
Mat: XXVII. XLVI. 5  
Mat: 28.19. 170   

Mark.  
Mar: XIU.XU. 7  
Mar: XV. XXXIII. 5   

Luke.  
Luk: 1.78. 84.85  
Luk: 9.50. 146  
Luk: 11.50. 119  
Luk: XIII. XIX. 58  
Luk: XU.X. 135  
Luk: 16.9. 60  
Luk: 16.26. 117   

john.  
john 19.25. 25   

Acts.  
Act: I. XIII. 7  
Act: 2.46. & 3.1. 9  
Act: 7.43. 54  
Act: 9.10. 17  
Act: IX. XXXVII. 7  
Act: XI. XXVI. 160  
Act: 18.22. 20  
Act: XIX. XXIV. 51  
Act: XIX. XXXV. 43 & 46  
Act: XX. VIII, IX. 7   

Romans.  
Rom: 7.3. 162  
Rom: IX. III. 158  
Rom: 11.24. 97  
1 Cor: 5.5.11. 160  
1 Cor: 11.10. 122  
1 Cor: XV. XXXVI. 128  
2 Tim: III. VIII. 61  
Heb: XII. XXIV. 119  
Heb: III. XI. 164  
Iam: 4.5, 6. 160  
Iam: IU. XIII.XIU.XV. 101  
1 john I.U. 109  
1 john 3.12. 68  
Revel: 7.2. 77   
FINIS.   

GREGORII Posthuma: OR, Certain Learned TRACTS: WRITTEN By JOHN GREGORY, M. A. and Chaplain of Christ-Church in OXFORD.  
TOGETHER With a short Account of the Autor's LIFE; and Elegies on his much-lamented DEATH.  
Published by his Dearest Friend J. G. B. D. of Merton College.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden Lion in Little- Britain. 1649.   

TO My highly-honored Friend, FOR VIRTUE and LEARNING, Ed. Bysh, Esquire.  
SIR!  
NOt to Dedicate This to Your Name and Patronage, were to commit a double Trespass; one against the Will and Purpose of the Dead, (if that may be called a Trespass in this profane Age) another against my own Obligations to Your singular Worth; which hath so highly engaged both the Author and myself, as that for me to think of any other Patron than Your Noble Self, were both Ingratitude and Impiety: But the greatest Examples this Age can give me, shall never prevail with me to be guilty of either.  
Wherefore, to You, (who durst be charitable at such a time as that, and so Ingenuous, as to appear a Lover of Learning in this Age) to You (I say) do I present these Posthums of Your Learned, and now much-Lamented Client; a man so entirely affected to Learning, as that the very foresight of this Barbarity (wherein Learning and Learned men were to be the Objects of Scorn and Cruelty) broke his heart.  
Time was, (even among the Heathen) that Learning was a sufficient Protection against Tyranny; witness Antonius' Triumvir, who, when Varro (his Enemy, and of a contrary Faction) was Listed for Death, He thus gallantly superscribed his Name,— Vivat Varro Vir Doctissimus.  
But I forbear: And having now (Sr!) too long perhaps insisted on the Caus of my Sorrows and this Dedication, I hearty recommend You to the Grace of Him, who is able to uphold You in these evil Days; and to enable You, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to stand in this slippery Age.  
Your Worship's humbly Devoted, John Gurganie.   

A Short Account of the Autor's Life and Death.  
THe Desire of Being is not Ambition, but a generous Appetite and relish of Immortality, which Nature herself prompt's the Creature to: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an Apostolical Testimony, that the whole Creation aims not only at a Being, but an Eternity of Wel-beeing also. I cannot wonder therefore at the Egyptians Industry to preserv their Memory and Figures to Posterity. 
2 Sam. 18.18.  Nor at Absolom's Pillar, He having no Heir to perpetuate his Name; which, if good, is rather to be chosen then great Riches: These may perish with the wicked, but the Memory of the Just shall be blessed.  
Who then can distrust, or oppose this Happiness of good men, so long since assured by Him which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Eternal God, Blessed for ever? Surely none, without the guilt of theomachy or Ingratitude. Upon this Consideration, the wise Son of Sirach, that Eloquent Encomiast, raised his Monumental Pillar to the Patriarches; hence, doubtless, he took his Rise to that lofty Panegyric of the Primitive Saints; Laudemus Viros gloriosoes, 
Ecclus 44.1.  etc. Let us now prais famous men, etc.  
And, in Imitation of Him, I might say much in Commendation of this Author, whose Worth (aswel natural as acquisite) was the Miracle of his Age. But my Account shall be brief and plain, as most suitable to the sadness of my Thoughts on this Subject, leaving all Flourish and Fancy to the Gallantry of poetry; from whose sweet strains I shall not long detain you.  

Camden 's Brit.  Amersham, in the County of Buckingham, ennobled hitherto only by the Honourable Family of the russel's, may now boast as much in the Birth of this Author; which happened on the 10th of November, 1607: And though his Parents were but of mean Extraction and Estate, 

Ovid Metam. lib. 9  Ingenuâ de Plebe virum, nec census in illo  
Nobilitate suâ major, sed vita fidesque  
Inculpata fuit, etc.—   
Yet of such noted Piety and Honesty, as gained them love and respect from the Best of that Place. Whence this their eldest Son, about the 15th year of their pious Education of Him, was chosen by my worthy Friend Dr Crook, to wait upon Sr William Drake, (and soon after, on Sr Robert Crook) at Christ-Church in Oxford; where they had the happiness to be under the Tuition of the most Ingenuous and Learned Dr George Morley, whose Directions and Encouragements to study were so exact and impressive, as that they soon eased him of farther trouble with this Author.  
The Account of this his young Scholar's Studies being above the Leisure of a Tutor to receiv; (especially one so greatly and publicly engaged) For besides mine own Observation of him, (enjoying him no small time in my Chamber in Christ Church) he confessed unto me, That, for divers years, he studied 16 of every 24 hours, and that with so much appetite and delight, 
Aenea pila, Diog. Laërt. & Lud. Viu. de Cor. Art.  as that he needed not the Cure of Aristotle's drowsiness to awake him, or my Observation of his Indefatigable Industry, which Magnetically drew my Affections toward him, my Love being as great to Learning, as my Nature unapt and impatient of extraordinary Labours. Hence I loved him unto a Filial Adoption, and after confirmed it by an Academical Exercise for our first Degrees; wherein, his Worth, like the Rising of the Sun, began to discover itself, darting forth such fair Hopes and Glimmerings of future Perfection, as were quickly espied by the then vigilant Dean of Christ Church, Dr Duppa, since Lord Bishop of Sarum, who immediately received him into favour, and soon after made him Chaplain of Christ Church, and, after that, his own Domestic, and prebendary of Chichester and Sarum.  
For which Favours, he now began (about 26 years old) at once to publish to the World his Worth, and Gratitude in the Dedication of his Notes on Learned Ridley's Civil Law, to his and my honoured Patron, the Bishop of Sarum. In which Notes, he made an earlie Discovery of his Civil, Historical, Ecclesiastical, Ritual, and Oriental Learning, together with the Saxon, French, Italian, Spanish, and all Eastern Languages, through which he miraculously traveled, without any Guide, except Mr Dod the Decalogist; whose Society, and Directions for the Hebrew Tongue, he enjoied one Vacation near Banburie. For which Courtesy, he ever gratefully remembered him, as a man of great Piety, Learning, Gravity, and Modesty; of which Graces also this Author was as great a Possessor, as Admirer.  
Hence those many Tracts, both in English and Latin, were bashfully laid by, in his youth, as Abortives; some whereof I have here published, and entitled Posthumas, as so many Testimonies and Monuments of his general Learning.  
For which he was much honoured by the Acquaintance and Favour of men of the greatest honour and eminence in Learning, 
Archbish. Laud, B. Montague, B. Lindsey, Mr John Selden, etc.  that this Age hath produced; besides the Correspondence (in Points of Learning) which he held with divers famous Men abroad, aswel Jesuits and Jews, as others.  
And now being like the Sun in his Zenith, ready to shine in his greatest lustre, Behold, the whole Kingdom began to be clouded with Judgements, 
Ovid. Met. lib. 1.  (Sic Deus inductâ nostras caligine Terra● Occuluit—) like that Egyptian Darkness, which even then began to damp, and hath since quite extinguished the greatest and purest Lights of this Nation, such as were not to be paralleled by any other for Piety and Learning. Among whom, notwithstanding the Hope of a clear Day preserved this Learned Author awhile sufficiently spirited for Study, whereby he composed and published (a little before his Death) those his Excellent Notes upon some Passages of Scripture, in which kind of holy Study he intended to spend the rest of his Life.  
But, behold! after 20 years' trouble with an Hereditary Gout, improved by immoderate Study, and now invading his Stomach, Atropos stands ready to cut his Thread of Life, being laboriously spun out but 39 years: when, foreseeing the Glory was now departing from our Israël, his Spirits began to fail in an extraordinary manner.  
For Recovery and Supportation whereof, (his first Noble Patron, the Bishop of Sarum, being disabled by Sequestration, etc.) the liberal hand of a second Maecenas was presently extended, which though it could not save him (as Christ's did St Peter) from perishing in these waters of Affliction, yet 'twas not in vain: for, as our Saviour said of that Unguent, so may I of his last Patrone's Charity, 
Mat. 26.12. Joh. Antioch. Hist. translated out of Greek into Latin with Annotations.  Was it not to bury him? yes, and to raise him too with the Trump of Fame being very active and free toward the Publication, not only of this Posthumous Offspring, but also of some other of greater Expectation.  
And here, Reader! I cannot but drop a Tear for the loss of that his excellent Piece, entitled by himself, Alkibla.  
In which Tract, with very great Judgement and Learning, he vindicated the Antiquity of Eastward Adoration, (especially in all Churches) as far beyond an Altar or a Crucifix, (the Romish Bounds) as the Flood preceed's in time these Superstitious Distinctions of the Christian.  
Which gallant Refutation of that Popish Error, I the rather mention, because some suspected him a Favourer of that Way; but, to my certain knowledge, their Jealousy was unjust and groundless; he having often declared and protested, not only to me, but also to many of his familiar Friends, his Abhorrence of Popery, and his sincere Affection and Constancy to the Protestant Religion, as it was established in England by Acts of Parliament.  

At Kidlington, Mar. 13. 1646. and was buried in Christ-Church in Oxford.  And as he lived, so he died also, a most Obedient and Affectionate Son to his Distressed Mother the Church of England; for whose Sufferings he forrowed unto Death; a more painful and exquisite Martyrdom then that by Fire or Sword: By these the Soul break's prison in a minute to an Eternity of Liberty and Felicity; that keep's us on the Rack of Death, not only to the Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1 Cor. 15.31.  we die hourly.  
This Account would have run into a Volume, should I have given you a Particular of his Virtues; as, his Courtesy, Humility, etc. not disdaining the meanest Scholar, nor proud of his victorious Discourses with the best Learned. And how free and liberal he was of his Treasury, to the full satisfaction of all Inquisitors, I may confidently appeal to all that knew him.  
But I must not so remember my lost Friend, as to forget myself in my Promise of Brevity; nay, I will rather choose to be somewhat indebted in this kind to the Dead; well knowing, the Mourners following, will completely discharge those Arrears: To whom I now therefore hastily refer you.   

Upon the DEATH of my dearest Friend, the AUTHOR.  

WOuld you the Caus, why this my Son did die?  
'Twas, to prevent my Immortality.  
As Twins, informed by one soul, part being dead,  
The sad survivor lives half-murthered:  
So I, in my Retirements, being fixed  
On Him, in Me both Life and Death are mixed.  
Nor craves our 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Motto less; though God denies  
To match our Wishes with our Destinies.  
What then remains, but that I often look  
Upon thee, and enjoie thee in thy Book?  
Whose Learned Matchless Lines shall still bring forth  
Thy Lovers, as Eternal, as thy Worth.  
Who, when we are in Bliss, will sigh, complain,  
And curs the Age, suffered thee to be slain.  
Slain by an Ichabod; and many more: 
1 Sam. 4.24. 

Masters Oxonienses.  
Cartwright Oxonienses.  
Digs, etc. Oxonienses.     
Whom though this hate, the next Age will adore.  
Whose Ashes shall revive, if any be  
Fit Subjects for Celestial Chemistry.   

Thus Shine ye Glories of your Age, whilst We  
Wait to fill up your martyrology.  
And envy not this our Ambition, though  
You wounded were to Death, We have scars too;  
And from those darts: but with this difference; You  
Let them stick fast, which we with scorn withdrew.  
Thus different Glories in one Sphere may be  
Equal in Height, though not in Dignity.  
Whilst, like that Manna past, or that in store,  
The Lest was filled, nor is the Greatest more.   
J. G. B. D.   

An ELEGY On the Learned AUTHOR.  

THough yon close Anchorite's contracted   
Made his innarrowed Carcase seem a Crowd:  
Yet the caged Votary did wider dwell,  
Then Thou, in thy large Roof, and spreading Cell.  
Both lived alike immured: but, Mansions space,  
To Him, was Emptiness; to Thee, was Place.  
Which the Retirement's different Ends decide:  
Thine was, to Toil and Sweat; but His, to Hid.   

Who, though sat down contented with the Store  
Thou brought'st from Nature, coveting no more:  
Yet, like a Wealthy Heir, by that Advance,  
Thou hadst lived high on thy Inheritance.  
Who ere is born to an Estate to is hand,  
Is full as Rich, as He that buie's his Land.  
And such wert Thou: but, least free Nature's Gift  
Seem mis-bestowed, unless improved by Thrift;  
'Twas thy strong care to melt down Native Parts,  
And shape up great Endowments into Arts.  
Hence sprung Thy vigorous Pains, unwearied Sweats:  
Whilst each past Toil, edge to fresh Toil begets.  
Till thy torn Nervs, stretched in their Search before,  
Grow suppler by it, and so put on for more.  
And thy Bend Thought o'er his deep Object cracks:  
Nor Torture bring's, but Patience from thy Racks.   

Oft did the Sun owe Thee his Morning Streams,  
And at thy Earlier Taper light his Beams.  
When, now declining in his West, and gone,  
Thou badst him sleep, for Thou wouldst Journey on.  
When Midnight Silence did thy Motions see,  
As Night were made for all the World, but Thee.  
Nor did thy watchful Temples harbour Rest,  
Till thy great Monster-Scruples fell suppressed.  
Alcides' scorned to deem his Labour sped,  
Whilst Hydra wore, or threatening Tail, or Head.  
No empty, Surface-Learning could suffice,  
No Light, no Floating Notions bound thy Eyes.  
But down thy Plummet dive's to th' deepest sound,  
Still mining through, till it had pressed the Ground.  
Art hath her Quicksands, which no Hold endure:  
He strikes the Bottom that will Anchor sure.  
While dull we find the Found, the same Mark hit,  
The shackled Circumscription of Our Wit:  
Thy unconfined Enquirie bids at more,  
Launches in deeps, never fathomed before:  
Plough's the rough Deserts up, scorn's old Abode,  
Or Prostitute Directions of a Rode.  
Yet thy Nice Pilgrimage doth never stray;  
But, turns the crooked Maze, to Beaten-Waie.  
So, through wild Seas the adventurous Keel is hurled,  
Not to Loose this, but Find the other World.  
Thy vigorous Brain releiv's from lazy Rust,  
Disguised in Characters, but more in Dust,  
Grey Customs, which our dead dismettled Sloth  
Gave up, to surfeit the undaring Moth.  
Crazed Giants thus distressed Damsels hold;  
Not by their strength, but, 'caus their Champion's cold.  
Euclid and Ptolemy were so thine Own,  
As the fair Building's is the Cornerstone.  
Whose beauteous Pile doth by the Basis clime:  
Yet This preceed's in Worth, though That in Time.   

Astrology so obeyed Thy Learned Eye,  
As all the Wheels and Clockwork of the Sky,  
By Curious Nature were asunder ta'en,  
To guide Thy Art, and then set up again.  
And when her Motions jar, her staggering Team  
May fix afresh, by Thy King Henry 's Scheme.   

The Sacred Hebrew thy Judicious Rage  
Pursued, to find its Mystic Parentage;  
With Keen, and Eager, yet with sated Flight:  
Not to Ride-over, but O'ertake the Light.  
Rude Rabbins, like rude Herbarists go to't:  
They mar the Plant, by digging for the Root.  
Thy Numerous Language could have circuit run  
T' Interpret Countries to the Travelling Sun;  
Discourse ' a his Rising to the Western Seas,  
And phrased his business with th' Antipodes.  
Yet this bright Stock thy Bounty did afford,  
As thy Disbursement still, but not thy Hoard:  
Not to amuse the Needy, but supply:  
'Twas thy Dominion, not thy Tyranny.  
Hence, when I asked thy Torch to light my Way,  
And gained some Twilights from Thy Glistering Day;  
Thy Liberal Art the Labyrinth did undo,  
With the same Cheer, as I had been thy Clew.  
Thy Candid Guidance back the Compass brought,  
And called Me Tutor still, for being Taught.   

Now these Loud Parts, like a Shril-thundering Peal,  
Which is the Belfree's Pride, but not its Weal,  
Rend thy frail Tenement, and made us see,  
Thy music's Excellence, and Cruelty.   

An Envious Gout, the Leaguer of thy Feet,  
To awe thine Industry, lay armed to meet  
Thy wakeful Midnight-Watch; and brought Thee back,  
For each Raw Learned-Night, a Fortnight's Rack.  
And when the single Threats of one Disease  
Bark at thy Vigilant Moons, but not displeas:  
When Customary Anguish now sat by,  
Like thy Companion, not thy Malady:  
The Enraged Mischief made her Party strong,  
Swelled her vexed Unity into a Throng:  
Charming Confederates their mixed Powers to reach,  
To storm the Fort, for She had made the Breach.  
Till the Fresh Host possessed of every Part,  
Whilst Gouts secure thy Joints, the Rest thy Heart;  
Thy over-numbered Corpse at last did fall,  
No one sick Patient, but an Hospital.   
M. LL.   

TO THE MEMORY OF My dear Friend, and Tutor, Mr. JOHN GREGORY.  

I'll not accuse thy Fall; that well-placed Fate,  
Made thee th' Desire of th' Age; no more the Hate.  
'Tis just it wants, what it contemns: that They  
Wander unpitied, who despise the way.  
Fools their own Sentence still, and Judgement are:  
They beg their Ill, and suffer that false Prayer.   

Nor will we pity Thee; since what thy Mind,  
In its Restraint, and Prison, could not find,  
Pressed with its Body, and the Time, it now,  
Freed from th' ungrateful Loads, does clearly know.  
Truth's thy Possession; and what e'er begun  
Of Knowledge here, ends how in Vision.  
Error, and Wonder cease; and that Pure Fire,  
Which, when it covered lay, and shaded here,  
Thou couldst not fully, by its languishing,  
Faint Ray, discover the True Face of things:  
(As colours are not judged i'th' Twilight, where  
Wants Darkness to be hid, and Light t' appear:)  
Shines out unclouded now, and does enjoy  
All its High Essence dares, a Bright, Full Day  
Of Knowledge; where Pure, Unmixed Light does strean;  
No false Refraction, nor Errors in the Beam.  
No Doubtful Colour (that Veil of Shade and Light)  
Disguises things; no Distance breaks the sight.  
But that Unbounded Glory, that Certain Light,  
Commands all Objects, Sure, and Infinite.   

Let it not wrong thy Memory, that we,  
Admiring what thou Now art, do pass by  
Thy Knowledge Here, as if 'twere wanting; no;  
What Man could find, Thou needest not Die to know.  
Language was thine, and what that Language frames:  
Thou wert not seen only in Empty Names.  
Those the Materials of thy Knowledge were,  
But not the Work: Thou only enter'dst there,  
Where Others rest; and loaden with their rich Prey,  
Thou brought'st home thence Arts, numerous, as They.   

'Twere idle to recount them: by thine own  
Remains th' hast left us, they are greater known,  
Then by our Faint Report. 'Tis They must raise  
Trophies, that will outlive all Lesser Praise.  
For, to the same Duration Sacred be  
The Aged Relic, and the Memory.   
R. GOODRIDGE.   

UPON THE DEATH Of my Loving Friend, Mr JOHN GREGORY.  

SUre it must needs be so:— or else I should  
Think Providence but little understood  
The State of things; when a dull senseless Tree  
Stands, and outlive's a Jewish Pedigree:  
But Man, whose Knowledge might new Worlds create,  
And so compose a wiser Book of Fate,  
Him, the least breath must scatter into Air,  
As if his dust not yet compacted were.   

For I don't speak of one, whose Destiny  
Was but to make a Sermon, and so die.  
Such, as the Law deliver in a Cloud,  
Thicker than God at first did, and as loud.  
Such, as blaspheme by Preaching, ne'er have done,  
Until their Comments make an Alcoran.  
Who scare the Turk from being Christian,  
And Indians fear they then should put off Man.   

He searched Religion's Source, Gospel, and Law,  
From Moses in the Flags, to Christ in Straw.  
And was so skilled in these Antiquities,  
That he could almost tell where Moses lies;  
Who was 
† 'Tis the opinion of a Learned man, that Melchisedeck was not called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he had no Father and Mother, but because it was not known, who his Father and Mother were.  Melchisedeck's Father; Rectify  
A Jew even in's own Genealogy.   

Who says he dieed too soon, that had lived o'er  
All Ages whatsoever were before?  
And knew so much of Language, that, alone,  
He might have saved all Nations in their own  
Idiom and Dialect, though there never fell  
A Cloven Tongue, or other Miracle.   

Great Citizen of the World! though thou die'dst here,  
Yet thus we prove, thou wert born Every where.  
And, like the Sun too, didst thou never sleep,  
But when we called it Night, thou still didst keep  
Thy journey on; till with as large an Eye,  
Thou viewd'st the Univers, as much as he.  
But thou couldst not endure (alas!) to run  
O'er the same Circle still; so having done  
Surveying this our Globe, thou wentest to see  

* Galileans probably conjectured all the Planets were inhabited Worlds.  What other worlds did do, aswel as we.   

Thus art thou fled, and left us here to be  
Sad Ruins of an University.  
What Ignorant Malice could not reach unto,  
Nor War itself, thy single Fate did do.  
The World began at Noon, but thy bright Ray,  
(More glorious Sun!) did set at thy Midday.  
Now we don't mourn our State, for at thy Fall  
'Tis fit this Kingdom perish, World and all.  
Our heap of Stones at Christ-Church proves to be  
But a more spacious Monument to thee.  
And when we purified from this Age, shall name  
And dedicate a Temple to thy Fame;  
we'll call this Island thine, which is no less  
Famous for thee, then it's unhappiness.  
When Cities, Temples burnt shall be forgot,  
And Sacrilege too; the prais of thee shall not.  
Parents shall hither bring their Sons of Years,  
To pay their Tribute in a Sea of Tears;  
And pointing to thy Tomb, cry, There are found  
Oxford and Gregory in one yard of Ground.   
Fr. Palmer.   

Upon the much deplored Deceas of Mr John Gregory, Chaplain of .  

HEnce Exclamations on Disastrous Fate,  
Let none here call the Stars unfortunate,  
Or rail at Lachesis: The Soul that's gone  
Scorns such a whining Celebration;  
And dares that Author whosoever he be  
To search into the Stars so far as he.   

Since Life was lent him till he had a view  
Of all the Mysteries that Nature knew,  
And had a perfect Knowledge of each Art,  
That either Rome or Athens could impart;  
'Twas time (now Learning's banished) to suspend  
His labour, and to get to his Journei's end.   

Should this so sad Intelligence be sent  
The Hebrews and Chaldeans would lament:  
The Syrians and Arabians (though so far)  
Would send to know this an Ambassador;  
But vain and fruitless would their Labour be,  
When none could give an Answer t' it but He.   

He, so admired of all, that had alone  
Diversity of Tongues for's Portion;  
So fluent, so redundant in them all,  
That each which he had got seemed Natural.   

The Pious Fates gave him a lingering Death,  
Fearing all Arts might perish in one breath:  
But fearing too that if he should live long,  
All Nations would again become one Tongue,  
They added this Confusion to the world,  
And thus together too his Ashes hurled.   

Asscend, Departed Saint, to be a Guest  
To Dialogue with Abram and the rest;  
Thou hadst most Tongues, but know thy Joie's excess  
Is far more now then Angels can express.    

Epitaphium Joannis Gregorii.  
NE premas Cineres hosce, Viator,  
Nescis quot sub hoc jacent Lapillo;  
Graeculus, Hebraeus, Syrus,  
Et qiu Te quovis vincet Idiomate.  
At nè molestus sis,  
Ausculta, & caussam auribus tuis imbibe:  
Templo exclusus  
Et avitâ Relligione  
Jam senescente, (nè dicam sublatâ)  
Mutavit Chorum, altiorem ut capesceret.  
Vade nunc, si libet, & imitare.  
R. W.   

The Particular Titles of this Book.  

I. A Discourse of the LXX Interpreters; the Place and Manner of their Interpretation.  
II. A Discourse declaring what Time the Nicene Creed began to be sung in the Church.  
III. A Sermon upon the Resurrection, from 1 Cor. 15. ver. 20.  
iv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a Disproof of him, in the 3d of S. Luke ver. 36.  
V Episcopus Puerorum in Die Innocentium.  
VI De Aeris & Epochis, showing the several Accounts of Time among all Nations from the Creation to the present Age.  
VII. The Assyrian Monarchy, being a Description of its Rise and Fall.  
VIII. The Description and Use of the Terrestrial Globe.    

A DISCOURSE OF THE LXX INTERPRETERS; The Place and manner of their Interpretation.  
JVstin Martyr saith, that the Translation was performed, not in the City of Alexandria, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the description whereof, let it be given according to Philo Judaeus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 448.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. that is, The Isle Pharos lieth under Alexandria stretching itself toward the City, washed about not with a deep, but, for the most part, a shallow Sea, which considered with the largeness doth very much abate from the streperous nois and turbulency of the waves, This (Isle) of all other places thereabout being judged the most convenient for privacy and quietness, and where the Law might be best attended by every man in his most retired meditations, here the Seniors remained, and taking the holy Bible into their hands, they lifted both it and them up into Heaven beseeching Almighty God not to fail them in their purpose, etc. So Philo.  
Aristaeas' speaketh more distinctly for the Place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. that is, Three days being passed, Demetrius took (the Seniors) along with him, and having gotten over the Heptastadium and the Bridge, he brought them to the North parts of the Isle, where he placed the Assembly in a höus fitted for them, standing upon the shore, free from all inquietude, and having all the conveniences of situation, &c, And it seemeth to me, that by these words of Aristaeas, something more may be discovered concerning the Place; for the probability from hence is good, that the House here spoken of, should be meant of that famous Tower which Sostratus of Cnidus set up in this Isle Pharos, to direct the Mariners in the dangerous Seas about Alexandria: And the situation very well agreeth, because the Tower also stood North, and upon the Sea side. And the Nubian Geographer, where he describeth this Tower, telleth us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that there were certain Cells erected in it. But Justin Martyr putteth us out of doubt: for he saith, That the Place where the Cells were set up, was 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 17  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ubi Phari speculum aedificari contigit, which is all one with that we believed.  
And we have cause to think, that seeing the King intended this matter of the Translation, with so much Princely care and providence, that he would make choice of such a Seat, as might most eminently adorn his purpose; and therefore it was answerably done to choose the Tower, which was every way worthy of this glorious employment: for the Arabic Geographer saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the whole world cannot show such another Building as this Tower, whether we consider it for the Materials, or for the manner of the Structure. The Reader may see a large description of it in this Author, in the third Part of the third Clime.  
But seeing the thing was done in Egypt, let the Story of it also be delivered in their Language, and set down in Hieroglyphics.  
And did it not well become the business, that the Scripture should be translated in this Place? In a Tower: to note out to the Interpreters, the Sublimity of those things which they had now in hand; that when they went up to their work, every step they asscended might elevate their Minds one degree nearer to the Contemplations of Heaven. And how fitly was it done by the Seaside; that but a little of Earth might be seen to those, who had now to deal with such things, as had nothing in them that was Terrene? But most of all convenient it was, that it should be done in this Tower; For that which hung out a Candle to the doubtful Mariner in the perilous Seas, did it not well that it should also hold out A light to the Gentiles? The Coast of Alexandria was dangerous for any, least of all for the Natives, because they were acquainted with the Passages; but a stranger durst not venture without some direction from this Beacon. Such was our way to Heaven; intricate enough to all Nations, yet more obvious to the Jew, because to him were committed the Oracles of God: But we the Gentiles having no other direction but the light of Nature, could not so well tell how to pass the Streits to Heaven, without some help from the Word; which, though it were always a Light, yet was it never held out unto us, till this time of the Translation: and therefore was it very singularly congruous, that from this Place, from whence the Seafaring men took their notice by a Light, to escape the hazard of those ways they knew not; that it should pleas God also, by the Lantern of his Word, to give aim to the People that sat in Darkness. 

Musaeus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  Therefore when ever thou shalt chance to go that way, inquire out for Pharos. Any remainder of this Tower would be worth the seeing, and Justin Martyr, though there were but a stone left upon a stone, yet he went purposely to take notice of it.  
Why the King should make choice of the Isle for the Interpretation rather than the City; one reason was, to avoid the disturbance of the multitude, for Alexandria was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A City full of Inhabitants, as it is observed by the Scholiast upon Dionysius Afer. And in times passed even before it was Alexandria, it had been very much frequented with a confluence of People; for so it is noted unto us by the Prophet Nachum, where he would know of Nineveh, Wither she thought herself Better then Populous No, that is saith Chimki 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alexandria in Egypt as it is also interpreted by that Ancient Chaldee Paraphrase, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Art thou better than the great Alexandria, etc. Targum in Hac.  which was performed by the son of Vziel seventeen hundred years past.  
Another Reason was for the safety of the Translators, and this is given by Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. where he urgeth this Reason from the unhealthfulness of the Place, which happened to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. by the variety and constancy of the diseases which reigned among the People. For besides the general distemperature of the air of Egypt, which was calidus & nocivus, 
Joh. Leo African.  hot and hurtful; as it is affirmed by * one that knew it well, insomuch that a Plague at Grand Cairo could cut off twenty thousand in one day: besides I say, these more universal Conditions, Philo intimateth from a particular Caus, that there should be a more usual Mortality here then elsewhere, and that was, The Concourse of all manner of living Creatures to ●his Place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And it is to b●● conceived, that the Author meaneth by this not only a multitude of Men, but also that great variety of strange Beasts and Fowls which were continually bred up about the Court in Alexandria, mention whereof is made by Ptolemy the King in his Commentaries, Lib. 12. which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And these Creatures were transported from all parts of the world, and there bred up not only for their Rarity, and the King's Recreation but also to furnish his Table; for so it seemeth by ptolemy's words in that Book— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where he noteth concerning those Pheasants that were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the King of Egypt had of them not only brought out of Media, but also hatched at home in such a Number that his Table might be served with them when he pleased: though we may observe by the way, that these kind of Birds in those days, were (for the most part) kept for the Eye, rather than for the Belly; insomuch that Ptolemy the King in the book before cited professeth, that he never tasted of a Pheasant in all his life; whereupon Athenaeus observeth, That if this noble King had lived in his days, wherein the Luxury was such, that every man must have a Pheasant at his Table, (though he had already written 24. Books in this kind, yet) he saith, that he would surely have written one more purposely to note out this thing. This by the way; because Philo saith, that the Places within the City were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, full of all manner of Creatures. And this howsoever urged by him only for a greater Caus of Infection, yet it may be thought by some to have a further aim; for the Egyptian being ware of this, that the Jew was bound to make a distinction between clean and unclean beasts, might apprehend it in the strictness; and therefore carefully remove the Seniors from the very sight of those things which were an abomination unto them. But in this we have but prevented the Curious, and therefore if the Conjecture be not sound enough, it may be the less regarded.  
But more than what is urged by Philo for the ill disposition of the place may elsewhere be observed.  
The Prophet Nachum saith, that Alexandria is situate upon the waters, not only because the waters lay all about it, but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that they were conveied into it under ground, as Chimhi there hath it. And the Arabian more plainly in the Nubian Geographie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the river Nile coming from the West, runneth under the Arches of all their Houses: The manner how this was done is set down by John Leo in his description of Africa, Cuique ferè domui Civitatis ingens cisterna concamerata, crassisque innitens fornicibus substructa est, in quas exundans Nilus per Aquaeductum in planitie, magno artificio constructum extra Alexandriam, deductus sub e●us moenibus demittitur, etc. This artificial conveyance of the River though it be otherwise acceptable to the Inhabitants yet it could not be without some annoyance to the Air, the Complexion whereof suffered much alteration by the noisome vapours which risen up out of the waters, which in tract of time putrified in their Cisterns. It is the experience of this John in the words following. Cisternae porrò temporis successu turbidae ac coenosae redditae plurimis aestivo tempore languoribus occasionem praebent, etc. And the same Author affordeth us yet another inconvenience to make us more sure of the Insalubritie of this Place: And it ariseth by reason of certain little Gardens planted near to the City, the fruits whereof were of such an ill Condition, that the Inhabitants were thereby made subject to very noxious Fevers and many other diseases: for so John reporteth in the Chapter aforesaid: Juxta aquaeductum per quem Nilus in civitatem transmittitur, exigui visuntur Horti sed quorum fructus ad maturitatem perventi accolas noxiis febribus aliisque morbis afficiunt, etc.  
These things considered, the Reason was good, why the Isle should be chosen rather than the City, to be a Place for the Interpreters.  
Thus much therefore we are come to know upon good Authority, that our Translation was made in the great Tower of the Isle Pharos, near to Alexandria in Egypt; we go on to a more distinct designation of the Place, the consideration whereof shall also discover unto us after what manner the thing was done.  
FOr the Manner of the Translation; The opinion of some is, that the Seniors were assembled in one and the same place, where they performed the work by comparing what was severally done by each of them, and delivering up that for granted which could be agreed upon by all. This opinion hath received its ground from the words of Aristaeas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. And indeed, the encouragement from hence for that way seemeth to be very good, the words themselves being scarcely able to bear any other construction, then according to that which hath been said.  
Nevertheless, it is believed by others that they did the work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as John Zonaras hath i●) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Each of them being in a several Room, and when the work was finished, they all met and compared together what every Man had done; and it was found, that they differed nothing either in since or manner of expression, but agreed in all, etc.  
This later way of the Story, however it may seem to exact upon our belief, as making Report of more incredible circumstances; yet it may be taken up upon the greatest trust of Antiquity, having to allege for itself the constant and most undeniable Testimony of the Ancients.  
The Jews report it from an immemorial Tradition, which their Talmudists deliver in the 10 Book of Soeder Moed, in the Chap. Megillah Nikra which is the 3d. and fol. the 8. B. and the 9 A. where the text of the Talmud saith on this manner, 
Talmud. in Soed. Moed.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, There is no difference between the Sepharim and the Tephillim and Mezuzoth, save only, that the Sepharim may be written in any Language; but the Tephillim and Mezuzoth only in the Syriack Tongue. But Rabban Simeon the son of Gamaliel saith, that the Sepharim also might not be written in any other Language, the Greek only excepted. By the Tephillim and Mezuzoth, the Doctors meant those Schedules which were inscribed with set forms of devotion, and placed upon the posts of their Houses, or otherwise worn in their foreheads.  
By the Sepharim, or Books they intent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Books of the Law, the Prophets and the Hagiographa, and so the Sepharim are here expounded by the Gloss upon this place. By occasion of these words in the Mishna, R. Jehudah relateth this Story in the Gemara, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, We receiv it by Tradition, that King Ptolmai assembled together the seventy two Seniors, and placed them in seventy two several Conclaves, not making them acquainted with his purpose, (after that) going in to each of them, he said unto them, Writ me now down the Law of Moses the Master. The Blessed and glorious God put understanding into every man's heart; and they all accorded in one and the same sens. So the Talmudists.  
The very same circumstances of the Story are set down in their Massicta Sopherim, and by Abraham Zacuth in the Book Juchasin, besides the four Editions of their Hebrew Josephus, or Goreous son: in all which it is also extant. Among the Arabians there hath as yet come to my Hands one only Chronologer of these times, said the son of Batric, and he also maketh the same report. And because this Author is not as yet made public, it shall be here set down what he saith; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
Said Abe● B●ta Arabs in Historia Eccles.  And in the twentieth year of the Reign of (Ptolemy) the King went up to the City Jerusalem, and brought with him from thence seventy Men of the Jews unto Alexandria, and commanded them, saying, Interpret unto me your Book of The Law and the Prophets, out of the Hebrew into Greek. And he put every one of them into a several Cell by himself, that he might see now each of them would interpret apart. And when they had finished their work, the King saw what every Man had done, and their writings all concorded, nothing was contrary in any one of them. So the Book (of the Interpretation) was sealed up, and put into the House of their God Serapis, etc.  
Thus, said, the Son of Batric, according to the Manuscript Copy of his Historia, which I saw at Cambridg in the Archives of their Public Library.  
Philo Judaeus, though he maketh no express mention of the Cells, yet if he doth not intimate some such thing, let the Reader tell us what he meaneth by this: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And they sat down privately by themselves, and having no other company but the parts of Nature, the Earth, the Waters, the Air, and the Heavens, (the Mystery of whose Creätion their first work was to discover; this being the beginning of Mose's Law) they prophesied, as if they had been divinely inspired; not one, one thing; and another, another; but all in the same sens and words, as if they had been prompted by some invisible Director.  
In these words, however it may be said, we are not certain that the Author intended our matter of the Cells; yet thus much we can be sure of, That he pointeth out such a way of Interpretation, as carrieth with it no less of wonder, than the former.  
But Justin the Martyr a Samaritan speaketh it plainly, and with a very remarkable Confidence; as we read in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Gentiles: where he saith, That the King appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to each of the Interpreters a small several Celestina, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that every man might perform the Interpretation by himself. And having said something of their wonderful agreement, he provideth against the incredulity of all Men, by this resolute enforcement, strongly urged from his own experience.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. that is, This, O ye Gentiles, we report unto you, not in the guis of a Fable, or a feigned Story; but as a received Tradition, delivered unto us by the Inhabitants of the Place: for we our selus also being at Alexandria saw the remainder of those Cells; and they are yet to be seen in the Isle Pharos at this present day.  
To this undoubted Testimony of Justin Martyr, may be added that of Irenaeus, who in the same Centurie maketh the like report. Ptolemy, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. considering with himself that if they should be suffered to confer one with another, they might perchance conceal something of the verity of their Scripture by ways of Interpretation; he separated them each from other, and commanded them that every man should translate the same part; and this order was observed in all the Book, etc. And concerning their agreement, he saith, That they all set down the same things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in the same Sens, and in the same Words; insomuch, that all people that were then present acknowledged, that the Translation was made by the inspiration of God, etc. And that the wonder of the work might not be an hindrance to itself, to make it seem the less probable, for being strange, He excuseth it by another of the same kind, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And we have the less cause (saith he) to marvel, that God should thus do, seeing he wrought as great a Miracle for his Scripture, by the hand of Ezra in the Restitution of the Law.  
In the third Centurie, the credit of the Story is upheld by Clemens of Alexandria; and in the fourth, by Cyril of Jerusalem. Clemens saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that every one of them having interpreted by himself, according to his proper Inspiration, the Translations were Compared, and they were all found to agree both in Sens and Words.  
But Cyril more perspicuously, and at large.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that is, And (the King) providing that the Interpreters which were sent him, might not come together, appointed for each of them a several Celestina in the Isle Pharos, near to Alexandria: and to each of them was delivered the whole Bible to translate. And being thus separated the one from the other, every man's part was finished within the space of seventy two days, at which time they all met together; and having compared their Translations they were found to concord; not only in the meaning, but also in the very Manner of expression. For this Translation was not set forth in pleasing words, or the pomp of humane Sophistry, but all was interpreted by the same Spirit by which it was first delivered, etc.  
In the fourth Centurie, we find the Tradition remembered by Epiphanius, but not without some alteration of the Circumstances; for he saith, that the Translation was performed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in thirty six Cells, by two and two in a Cel. But Secarius hopeth to reconcile this to the former: for though (saith he) there were but six and thirty Cells, yet each of these were double: and so every two of the Translators were separated the one from the other by a Partition.  
This Moderation of the words, though it hath not so much evidence as would be required, yet it hath a notable pretense: because Epiphanius himself saith, that the Cells were double: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And it may seem also to be the Emperor's mind, in Cap. Sancimus of the 146. Novel. where he saith concerning these Interpreters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that being divided by two and two, and set in several places; yet they all delivered up the same Translation etc. But these words of the Law would not willingly be Put to this Construction: That of John Zonaras is something nearer to the Reconciliation: for he writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that the Interpreters of the Law were divided into Couples, and that they were placed every one in a several Conclave. For so much may seemingly be gained by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which noteth out one separated from Company, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to be said of him that is alone, and talketh to himself; for so the Gloss of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is given, both by Hesychius, and Phavorinus.  
But if this way of the Story will not be reconciled to to the former, than it must be said that Epiphanius was but one, and that his Testimony is not of greater Authority than theirs that went before; and the less, for coming after them: and that the Tradition (as it useth to be) was otherwise told afar off, then nearer home; and that Epiphanius spoke as he heard say: whereas Justin Martyr was himself at Pharos, and ●aw the Tower and that which was left of the Cells, and was throughly informed by the Inhabitants of the Place.  
Thus we see with what confidence this passage of the Story hath been reported and received, during the space of five hundred years, since the time of the Translation. And it seemeth to have been done upon the best security; because not only the Jews and their Talmudists, but also the Reverend Fathers of the Church, stand bound to make it good; And these, besides their Estimation otherwise, aught in this especially to be looked after, for that they are all ancient, and because they all agree: pure Antiquity being the safest Judge of things done in times past, and consent of Authority the surest argument of such Antiquity. When we say that they all agree (if it must needs he) we except Epiphanius; but why should we so do, seeing that his thirty six Cells, if they were doubled, (as he saith that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) are as many in number as the seventy two of the rest are? If they were not, it lesseneth but the number of the Cells; taketh little away from the Miracle of the Interpretation: or if it did, yet the single testimony of Epiphanius will not be seen through such a cloud of Witnesses.  
But besides our Authority from the Ancients, we may gain some probability toward the credit of the Cells, if it be enquired into the Causses which ought to move the King to resolve upon such a way for the Translation.  
Two Reasons especially may be urged for this: the one whereof especially concerns the purpose of the Translation, and both of them the King's Satisfaction.  
For the Purpose of God in the Translation, it was one of those things which might be required for the coming in of the Gentiles, that the Scripture should be provided before hand, in such a Language as would be most generally known at the Primitive times; therefore it was necessary that all religious care should be had of the Translation, and that it should be safely laid up and reserved for the time appointed: And that the Kings of Egypt might see to this, it was needful that they should be prepossessed with a strong Conceit of the Divinity of this Law: and this could not be more conveniently done, then by such a miraculous Circumstance of the Interpretation: For otherwise, why should Ptolemy think more divinely of the Law of Moses, then of his own? seeing that all ways of Religion would seem strange, but that we are taught betimes to fear: and till we receiv a Spirit of Judgement to discern the Right way, every way is thought to be wrong; but that which we are brought up in. And why should Ptolemy have a better Opinion of Moses, then of his Hermes Trismegist? who as he is accounted by some to have gone before this Moses in time, so by others he is thought not to have come far behind him in worth and excellency. But what could Moses teach to them, who had all his learning from thence? for he was brought up a Scholar in Egypt. And what would be thought of these Scriptures, when the King should hear it read in Osee, that God commanded a Prophet to commit Adultery? and in Exodus, that he taught his own People how to Cousin the Egyptians?  
That of Solomon: as the Wise man dieth so dieth the Fool, how would it stand with their Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls? according to which, the Soul of a Wise man ought to pass into such an one; and the soul of a Fool, into an Ass.  
For the Resurrection of the Body, small comfort was to be had from the dry bones in the valley of Jehosaphat. The Egyptian had better hopes then these, for he had his dead Bodies still to show; and such as had gotten by their Mortality, for they were every day less subject to Corruption then before.  
And whereas it is said, That there was no God like the God of the Hebrews: Can the King believ that, when he should find in these Scriptures that even this God also had a Right Hand, and a Son? or if he had been so much better than those of the Heathen, was it likely that Aaron his own high Priest would have preferred their Apis, or the Calf of Egypt before him?  
when these things should come to be considered by the unsanctified discretion of the Heathen, how could they choose but appear far beside, and below their own Majesty? for such untoward Notions as these must seem to be, could never argue to him that perfection and transcendency of Style and Matter, which the Law of Moses had pretended: therefore that the King might be brought on to a reverend estimation of those things, it was much to the purpose that he should be thus prepared by a wonder: for it greatly concerned the safety of the Translation, that it should be first esteemed by the King: for otherwise, Principles so avers from the Gentiles manner of Devotion, had never been suffered to lie at all, or not long in the Library at Alexandria; because, even the opinion of a new way in Religion, can never prosper without a Precedent, and such an one as is beyond all exception; and though it be never so wisely suggested, yet it seldom gaineth reputation from lesser examples, then that of a King: And it seemeth, by that we find in Justin Martyr, that the Miracle wrought the very same effect in Ptolemy, as we would have it, for he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that the King perceiving that these seventy Men had all agreed, not only in the matter, but also in the Manner of their Interpretation, insomuch that no man differed from another not in a word; but every man expressed the same conceit, and by the same phrase: he stood amazed, and nothing doubting, but that the Interpretation was wrought by Divine Power; he acknowledged that the Interpreters were worthy of all honour, as being Men to whom God did bear a peculiar respect: and having first given them condign reward, he took order for their departure into their own Country, etc.  
And the same effect which the wonder wrought upon the Prince, it wrought also upon the People; for so it appeareth by that which is already observed out of Irenaeus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Thus we see that the purpose of God in the Translation would not only endure, but did also  conveniently require, that something in the Business should be miraculous; for the King's better instruction, and that the Scriptures might have so much honour and admiration, as might gain them something in the Opinion of the Heathen, and preserv them from the Injuries of Time.  
And this was to be the first Reason.  
The second Reason, for which the King ought to take such a way for the Translation, is, For that he made question of their Fidelity.  
And that this may be accepted for a sufficient Caus, it shall be set down, That the King's mistrust was raised upon such surmises as were no way frivolous, but contained in them matter of moment.  
For it could not be expected from any Nation in those days, that they should be trusty in revealing the Secrets of their Religion; but from the Jews it would be thought impossible: for this Nation stood so nicely affected to their Sepher Hattocah, or Book of the Law, that even in the slightest Circumstances, it was observed with an incredible Curiosity of Devotion.  
Mahomet Abulcasim the Son of Abdalla, regarded the esteem of his Alcoran so far, as to provide by a Law that upon the outside thereof, this Caution should be always written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no Man touch this Book but he that is Pure. And the Law is yet in force among the Turks for some special Alcorans of note, one of which sort inscribed in the same manner, may be seen in the Archives of our public Library.  
But the Jews not contented with so much Care, used a more intolerable kind of Circumspection; for Rabbi Nehemiah saith in the Massichta Sopherim Chapter 3. Halak. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That no man may lay (their book of the Law) upon his Knee, nor lean upon it with his Elbows, when he readeth it. And Halac the 10. it is commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that no man shall spit in presence of this Book, nor offer to turn his back upon it.  
And in the same Tract, Halac 13. it is said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, That no Man shall lay this Book under, or upon his bed; or at his beds feet; neither shall any Man sit upon his Bed, having this Book lying upon him; for Rabbi Eliezer did thus, and a Serpent came and bitten him. All this Care was taken for the outside, but much more for that which was within.  
To let pass other Circumstances, which would make this manifest, we have need only of that one which most of all concerneth our matter in hand. And it is, That for the most part among the Jews, it was accounted an odious profanation of this Law, if it were any ways communicated to the Heathen.  
To this purpose note that of the Junior Becchai, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Because (saith he) there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the wisdom of our Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pure words, and worthy to be kept secret. Therefore saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou art bound to conceal them, and never to impart them, according to the since of that which is written, They shall be to thee, to thee alone; and not to the stranger with thee. So the son of Afer at the beginning of his Commentary upon the Law, fol. 3. A. Col. 1. Therefore that which Maimon saith contrary to this in Halaca Tephill of his Misne Torah. cap. 10. must be otherwise excused; for Elias the Levite in his second Preface to the Hammasoreth, expressly affirmeth from the Tradition of the Ancients, that nothing might be communicated to the Gentiles, save only the seven Precepts of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sons of Noah: but as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the History of the Creätion, the Law, and such like; whosoever shall impart these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He shall go down to the grave in sorrow, and his life and soul shall be consumed, etc. The Rabbin goeth on, and hath much ado to excuse himself there to the Jews, by whom he was given over for a Reprobate, only for teaching his great Patron Cardinal Giles the Hebrew tongue; because their fear was lest by this means the Cardinal might come to the understanding of their Law.  
But more than this, (that it was unlawful for the Jew to make any other Nation acquainted with their Law) it may be added, that there was a reason in special, why it should be dissembled to this Ptolemy, Because the Communication of it had succeeded so ill in the days of his Father. For Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having learned, that the Jew would do no manner of Work upon a Sabbath day, made that an opportunity to take their City; which was as easily as ingloriously done: because no man upon that day would resist him, For to them it was a breach of the Sabbath, even to save their lives. And this is objected unto them by Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the History of Alexander's Successors, where he setteth down this Story, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, There is a certain Nation called the Jews, and they inhabit the great and well fenced City Jerusalem. This City they negligently yielded into the hands of Ptolemy, and would not take up arms for their own protection; choosing rather to become vassals to a stranger, then to defend themselves upon the Sabbath day. These Reasons if they stood alone, had enough in them to make the King mistrust his Interpreters: and yet, if Antiquity have not misinformed us, there will be one Reason more, which itself alone ought to have prevailed, though all the rest had been wanting: For we find that the Translation was twice performed, and that the Seniors disagreed the first time. In this passage of Story, I suppose, we shall tell the Reader some news; Our Author is one Armius, of whom we know nothing more than his name, his words shall be here set down, as we find them cited by an Arabic Commentator upon the Pentateuch, in his Preface to that Work.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Arab●, Mss. in 5. lib. Mo●ses literis Syriacis conscriptis. In Bibliotheca Bodleian.   
Thus saith Armius the Chronologer. In the nineteenth year of the Reign of Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy, the King commanded that they should gather together the Seniors of the children of Israël, and that they should bring with them the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Book of the Law in their hands, and that each of them in several should translate it accordingly, as it should be revealed to his understanding. And the Seniors came and presented themselves together with their most divine Book of the Law. And the King's command was, that every man should translate the whole Book. And it came to pass that the Seniors disagreed in their Interpretation: and the King commanded to put them in Prison, and in Chains, etc. Thus we see that the King was led by good Reason to a suspicion of his Interpreters, and that therefore in all probability he would take such a course for his Translation, as we have already made report of, According to the Testimony of the Ancients.  
But nothing ever lighted so heavy upon this matter of the Cells as the Authority of S. Heirom, which was the more likely to oppress it, by reason of his great learning and general repute; because a Testimony, for the most part, is not measured by its own validity, but the Autor's worth; and we do not usually observe what force it may have in itself, but from whence it came.  
S. Hierom, when he cometh to consider of the Translation of the seventy, seemeth to deride the passage of the Cells, and forsaking the constant Tradition of his forefathers, in a very neglectful manner, peremptorily setteth down upon his own trust, that the History of the Cells is vulgò sine Autore jactata, but a Common Report bruited abroad under no man's Authority. And elsewhere he saith, That he cannot devise who it should be that first contrived these seventy Conclaves in the fictions of his brain. Nescio quis primus Auctor 70. Cellulas Alexandriae mendacio suo exstruxerit, quibus divisi eadem scriptitârint, etc. His Reasons follow, 
* Cùm Aristaeas ejusdem Ptolemaei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & multo pòst tempore Josephus nihil tale retulerint, sed in unica Basilica congregatos contulisse scribant non prophet âsse, etc. Hiero. Praefat. in Pentat. Ep. 104. p. 341. Tom. 3.  Because Aristaeas, and long after him Josephus can tell of no such thing, but the contrary: and because also, that if it had been so, it could not be accounted for a Translation, but a Prophecy. So S. Hierom.  
But before we receiv his Testimony, it shall be examined and compared; and leaving his Reasons to the last place, we will first of all beseemingly moderate the strong Opinion of his Name.  
True it is, than S. Hierom in Learning and Knowledge could not be inferior to any of his time; and therefore being a great Scholar, he might the easilier fall into that common infirmity of those that know much, go about to raise his own Reputation by the ruin of another Man's. If the Father were thus inclined, he could not be without so much of a Critic, as would teach him to Censure; which things while we do, our Ambition seeking for its own safety, always aimeth at those that are farthest off, and least able to help themselves. Therefore the Ancients, and those that are dead, are more easily reprehended, than the latest and the living. It is not for me to say that the Reverend Father was guilty in this: and yet if he were not, why is it objected unto him by his Adversary Ruffinus in the second Book of his Invectives. 
Pag. 181. Tom. 9  Quid ergò mirum est (saith he) si me minimum, & nullius numeri hominem laceret, si Ambrosium secet, si Hilarium, si Lactantium, si Didymum reprehendat, 
Pag. 1ST. ibid.  etc. and afterwards he saith, that he spared neque antiquos, neque novellos scriptores, sed omnes omnino, nunc imperitiae, nunc in●ptiae notat; neither the Ancient nor the Modern Writers but charged them all, and every one of them with unskilfulness and folly; ut erat in quod intenderat, vehemens: So eager he would be for his own opinion, as learned Vives hath noted concerning him, in his observation upon the 42. Chap. of Austin 18. Book De Civitate Dei. But if this be to be suspected, as coming from his enemy; yet how shall he be there excused, where he would not spare Saint Paul himself at a Criticism? for reading that place in the Epistle to the Collossians. Quae sunt rationem quidem habentia, etc. he writeth to 
* Quaest. 10. p. 433. Tom. 3.  Algasia, 
Chap. 2. v. 23.  that the Conjunction (quidem) is there redundant; and that S. Paul had often done as much as that came to, propter imperitiam Artis Grammaticae, etc. He saith, that the great Doctor of the Gentiles did not understand his Grammar; as if the Spirit in Scripture would not look to the Syntax; or if not, as if he that had disputed among the Philosophers at Athens, had been so ignorant in his Accidence, as not to know how to place a Conjunction.  
He that could say of S. Paul, that he was an ill grounded Scholar, 'twas no marvel that he Censured Lactantius, S. Ambrose, S. Hilary and Didymus; and yet if these also could not escape his reprehension, I should not willingly trust him with Aristaeas; nor our History of the Septuagint.  
But let the Father be pardoned for being a Critic; and take S. Hierom in the best since: let him be a Man of a most mature and most moderate judgement, and one that could think as well of other Men as of himself; yet why are we bound to believ S. Hierom rather than Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clemens of Alexandria, Cyril of Jerusalem, and the rest? why one Man rather than so many? why a late Author, rather than those that went before him?  
But let it be supposed, that this learned Father could discern above all this, yet his Testimony could not be taken for this matter, because we find it guilty of partiality.  
For we are to be advised that S. Hierom, having gotten a competent knowledge in the Hebrew tongue, by great industry and conversation with the Jews, especially his constant Tutor Barrabas, undertook a new Translation of the Bible, according to the Original.  
This though in itself a very laudable and pious Enterprise, and pretended also to be most necessarily done, because of divers and dangerous Corruptions wherewith the Greek Translation was found to be encumbered, yet because it was preferred in an age which was strongly addicted to the Septuagint, it would not be taken at the Father's hands: Therefore all Men cried out upon S. Hierom, satisfying themselves with this, That the Greek Translation was delivered by the peculiar inteecourses and inspiration of God, and therefore ought not to be so desperately handled by a Man; that the wisdom of the Church had thus long received it with an irresistible devotion; and why therefore should it now be called in Question, or what hope could there be of a better; and therefore what need of another Translation? This we are sure of, because it may be discovered by the Father's own Complaint against the Men of his Time. See the Prologue to his Hebrew Tradition upon Genesis. 
Heiro. proae. a● Trad. Heb. in Gen. p. 451. tom. 3  Neque verò 70 Interpretum, ut invidi latrant, errores arguimus, nec nostrum laborem illorum reprehensionem putamus. See also his Apology against Ruffinus, Chap. 7.8. And it very well appeareth by the words of Austin in his Epistle to this Hierom, where he declareth himself to be very much against his new Translation. See the 43. Chap, of his 18. Book De Civitat. Dei. Quamuìs non defuerit temporibus nostris Presbyter Hieronymus, etc. In his 8. Epistle he goeth about to control the Father by this Dilemma. Those things (saith he) which were Translated by the Septuagint, Aut obscura sunt aut manifesta; 
August. Epi. 8. fol. 82. Tom. 2.  si obscura sunt, te quoque in eyes falli potuisse non immeritò creditur; si autem manifesta, superfluum est te voluisse explanare quod illos latere non potuit: either they were easy or hard to be understood; if easy, to what purpose then should you explain that which they could not be ignorant of; if they were hard to be understood what hopes can there be that you should not be deceived as well as they? 
Heiro. Praef. in Paralipo. 1. Epist. 107 ad Chromatium Episc. pag. 343. Tom. 1.  But the Father here disputeth ●ex falso supposito, framing his Argument as if the Translation of the Septuagint had escaped till that time without the contraction of any error or Corruption, which if it had been, S. Hierom confesseth himself to be in all the fault in his Epistle to Chromatius, which is the Preface in Lib. Paralipom. Si Septuaginta Interpretum pura, & ut ab iis in Graecum versa est editio permaneret, superfluè me Chromati, Episcoporum Sanctissime atque doctissime, impelleres ut Hebraea volumina Latino sermone transferrem, quod enim semel aures hominum occupaverat & nascentis Ecclesiae roboraverat fidem, justum erat etiam nostro silentio comprobari, etc.  
Nevertheless, by this it is perceivable how unwilling S. Austin was, that there should be a new Translation and though afterwards upon better advice, he was contented to see it, Ideo autem desidero interpretationem tuam de Septuaginta, etc. Epist. 19 fol. 18. A. ibid. yet he would never yield to this, that it should be read in Churches, and he giveth the reason, Propterea me nolle tuam ex Hebraeo interpretationem in Ecclesiis legi, nè contra Septuaginta Autoritatem tanquam novum aliquid proferentes magno Scandalo perturbemus plebes Christi, quarum aures & Corda illam interpretationem audire consueverunt, quae etiam ab Apostolis approbata est: lest it being taken as some new thing introduced against the Authority of the Septuagint, much scandal should be given to the people of God, whose hearts and ears have been all this while accustomed to that Translation as a thing approved by the very Apostles themselves. And S. Austin speaketh this out of some experience; for he had already told S. Hierom, 
Quidam f●ater noster Episcopus cùm lect●ta●e ●nsti●uisset in Ecclesia cui praee. etc. Aug. Heironym. Epist. 10. so, 10. a. 1. Col,  in his 10. Epistle, of a certain Bishop who had given way that this new Latin Translation should be read in his Church, but with very ill success; for when the people understood that S. Hierom in the Prophecy of Jonah, had put it down Hederam instead of that which anciently, according to the Greek, had been Cucurbitam, there was a great tumult raised among the Parishioners, insomuch that the Bishop was forced to ask Council of the Jews, who notwithstanding that they had answered, that the Original word might bear either of those Constructions, yet the people would not be contented till the Bishop had blotted out Hedera, and set down Cucurbita, according to that which was before.  
And certainly, the New Translation took so ill abroad that some one or other, to put by the Opinion of the Thing feigned an Epistle in the name of S. Hierom, 
Scribit ●rater EusEbius se apud Afros Ep●scopos etc. Apolog. adver. Ruffin. lib. 2. p. 248. Tom. 2.  where he maketh the Father to confess how ill he had done in Translating the Original Scripture into Latin; seeing that in the Hebrew text there was no truth at all; he also maketh him to say, that this was a thing done in his younger days, and by the instigation of the Jews; and this Epistle was found among the African Bishops by Eusebius, by whose means it was conveied to S. Hierom.  
These things are acknowledged by S. Hierom himself in his Apology against Ruffinus, where also he saith, Ergò ille qui Epistolam, sub nomine meo, poenitentiae fixerat, quòd malè Hebraea volumina transtulissem, objicere dicitur me in Septuaginta condemnationem Scripturas sanctas interpretatum, ut sive falsa sunt, sive vera quae transtuli, in crimine maneam, dum aut in novo opere fatear me errâsse, aut recens Editio veteris condemnatio sit. This was the general voice against the new Translation, and S. Hierom liked it the worse, 
Ruffin. in Heirom. pag. 181. Col. 1. Tom. 9  because it was taken up against him by his great adversary Ruffinus in his second Invective, Septuaginta duorum virorum per cellulas interpretantium, unam & Consonam vocem dubitandum non est Spritus Sancti inspiratione prolatam, & majoris id debere esse autoritatis, quàm id quod ab uno hoc, sibi Barrabba asspirante, translatum est; 'tis no doubt (saith he) but that one concording voice of the seventy Seniors in their Cells, was uttered by divine inspiration, and therefore I hope is to be preferred before the Translation of one man, who had no other instruction but from his Tutor Barrabbas.  
The new Translation succeeding so ill, S. Hierom had this to do, to give satisfaction to the men of his time, and by all means to be quit with his Antagonist.  
Considering therefore that the complaint of all men was unadvisedly grounded upon too great an estimation of the Septuagint, which every Man urged to himself from the miraculous manner of the Interpretation, the Father conceived that this prevailing opinion might receiv some abatement by a comely and well tempered disparagement of that wonder; therefore he gives out in one place, that this great sound of the Cells was but a rumour of the Ordinary people: and not contented to say so, elsewhere he is bold to call it a fable; hoping by this, that if he could but take off the people from their opinion of the Cells, he might gain upon them for his own Translation.  
The purpose of S. Heirom in this, though we grant it to be good, yet we cannot think but the Project was bad: and therefore the Father herein is altogether forsaken by his great friend S. Austin; who on the other side laboureth so much the more to set up the old Reputation of the Septuagint, which he hath not spared to do in the most prevailing ways, though he lived at the same time with S. Hierom, and was well acquainted with his Tenets, and loved any opinion the better for being his. Austin therefore in his 8 Epistle to S. Hierom speaking of the Septuagint, thus he professeth, De quorum vel consilii, vel spiritûs majori concordia, quàm si unus homo esset, non audeo in aliquam partem certam ferre sententiam, nisi quòd eis praeeminentem Autoritatem in hoc munere sine Controversia tribuendam existimo, etc.  
In his Commentary upon the 87 Psalms, he saith, their Authority is such, ut non immeritò propter mirabilem consensum, divino Spiritu interpretati esse credantur, etc. And whereas S. Hierom had put off this passage of the Cells with a Nescio quo Autore, as if the Autors of it had been ashamed to show themselves, Austin is not afraid to say, that those which reported this were multi, & non indigni fide; many, and worthy to be believed: And if it be so (saith he) that the Translation was made by several Men, in several Cells, and yet no man discorded either in since or words; Quis huic autoritati (where he directly aimeth at S. Hierom) confer aliquid, nedum praeferre audeat? who is he that shall dare, I will not say to prefer any thing above, but to confer any thing unto the Authority of this Translation.  
And because S. Hierom hoped it might follow as an absurdity, that if the work had been performed in the same manner by several Men, and in several Places; it was to be thought not a Translation, but a Prophecy; S. Austin believeth it to be a very good Consequence, and affirmeth that it was therefore said to be done Prophetically, because concorded so wonderfully. Qui Autoritate propbeticâ ex ipsa mirabili Consensione perhibentur. Quaest. super Josue Lib. 6.  
And forasmuch as S. Hierom had taken notice of divers differences between the Hebrew Text, and the Greek Translation, 
Manifestum est autem Interpretationem illam quae dicitur Septuaginta, in nonnullis se aliter habere, quàm inveniunt in Hebraeo, qui eam linguam noverunt, & qui Interpretati sunt singuli eosdem libros; hujus item distantiae caussa si quaeratur, cur tanta Autoritas Interpretationis Lxx multis in locis distet ab ea veritate qua in Hebraeis Condicibus invenitur nihil occurrere probabiliùs existimo quàm illos Lxx, eo spiritu interpretatos, quo & illa quae interpretabantur dicta fuerunt, quod ex ipsa eorum mirabili consensione firmatum est, etc. Ergò & ipsi nonnul● in eloquio narrando, & ab eadem voluntate Dei, cujus illa dicta erat, et cui verba servire debebant, non recedendo; nihil aliud demonstrare voluerunt, quàm hoc ipsum, qoud nunc in Evangelistarum 4. concordi quadam diversitate miramur. August. de Consens. Evangelist. Lib. 2. C. 66. fol. 105. Tom. 4.  S. Austin saith, that there is no reason why we should think otherwise of these, than we do of that harmonious discord which is found to be among the four Evangelists; for as there the same-Spirit guided each Man's Pen to mean, and yet not write the same; so here the same inspiration, which had formerly instructed the Original Writers, did now also direct the Translators to set down the very same things, but in a different way.  
Therefore in whatsoever the Authority of S. Hierom could prevail against our Story, it may be overborne by that which hath been said, most of all by the ponderous Testimony of S. Augustine.  
We come now to Consider of his Reasons; the later whereof bearing no notable force in itself, may be passed by, but the former standeth thus.  
That there could be no such miraculous Circumstance in the Translation, as this passage of the Cells, because then Aristaeas, who undertook a particular Narration of this whole Matter, would not have omitted this, if he had known it; and he could not choose but know it, if it had been done, for he lived at the same time, and the Reason prevaileth yet further, because Josephus, relating this History out of Aristaeas, maketh no mention of any such Matter.  
This Reason I was always afraid off: for besides that it is the stronger for being given by S. Hierom, it hath also such a proper validity in itself, that if we should not fairly decline it, it would injure the probability of all.  
But the inconvenience that may arise by this Reason we sufficiently avoid, if these three things can be brought to pass. 1. That the History of the Septuagint which now goeth abroad under the name of Aristaeas, is not the entire work of that Aristaeas, who lived in the days of Ptolemie. 2. That the true Aristaeas had this passage of the Cels. 3. That Josephus left it out, and the Reasons why.  
For the first, which concerneth Aristaeas, That he is to be taken for a spurious Author, we are already prevented by the learned Vives à Castro, Scaliger, Vossius, and others, who have all set down their judgements against this Author. and those that have spoken most moderately, have said (that which is the very truth indeed) That the Compiler of this work was much later than the days of the Translation, and that the Story as now it is, was gathered together out of Josephus, Eusebius, Epiphanius, and some others, which are not now at all, or not yet extant.  
But because the Credit of any Author, especially those that are Ancient ought not to be disparaged upon a slight or frivolous ground, the Causses shall be set down which have necessarily moved hereunto.  
The principal Reason rendered by Vives and the rest, is, For that some things are cited by the fathers out of Aristaeas, which are not to be found in the Story as now it stands: Instance is made in Epiphanius concerning the Cells, and in the Letters which passed between Ptolemie and Eleazar the Priest, which are not delivered by the Fathers, as they lie in the Story; but have a manifest variety, and such as cannot easily be reconciled. This Reason is good, and maketh much against the Compiler, who would be called by the Name of Aristaeas. But something shall be added out of our own Observation.  
The Author of the Present History saith, that Demetrius going along with the Seniors to the Isle Pharos, went over 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Heptastadium and the Bridge, etc. But this passage is manifestly taken out of Josephus, who though he undertake to set down the Story according to Aristaeas, yet he doth not follow him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, through the whole file of his Narration; but ofttimes, and especially where he would be brief, he taketh his own ways of expression; Therefore when he cometh to tell how the Seniors were conducted by Demetrius from the City to the Isle, he delivereth it under the Circumstances of his own time, as if they had passed over the Heptastadium and the Bridge, because that indeed was the way in his days, and as he thought in the days of Aristaeas.  
But if our information be rightly given, we shall find this to be a notorious Anachronism: for at the days of the Translation Pharos was an Isle, and therefore they could not pass over thither by Land.  
Homer telleth that in old time this Isle Pharos lay a whole day and a night's sail from Alexandria. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  

Eus●ath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 1500 Edit. Rom. 1550.  ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  And the Archbishop of Thessalonica saith upon this place, that this was so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. in the days of the Ancient Heroës, but since that time it hath been turned into earth by the River Nile. Such a property indeed the River hath, because it continually draweth much mud; as is observed by Aristotle, Eratosthenes, and many others, but that it should do it in this proportion, it is altogether incredible.  
For by the Judgement of the best and most skilful Mariners, A ship under sail having wind and tide, may ride as far in the space of one hour as shall answer 8000 paces upon the land, which multiplied into 24. make up 192000. Therefore the distance between the City and the Isle must have been 192 Miles: and so much earth must have been gathered together by the Attractions of Nile since the time of the Trojan wars. But concerning this, Aristides said well in his description of Egypt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer, saith he, indeed writeth, that Pharos is as far from Alexandria as one can go by sea in a day and a night. But saith Aristides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I know not how I should believ him.  
But while Pharos was an Isle, the true distance between it and the City, as it hath been usually and experimentally accounted, was about seven Furlongs; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or nearer upon a Mile: This space was in after times wrought into an Isthmus by the bold industry and expenses of Cleopatra, which from the measure of the distance was called Heptastadium.  
This is most confidently reported by Ammianus Marcellinus in Julian. lib. 22. p. 285. Haec eadem Regina, Heptastadium, sicut vix credendâ celeritate, ità magnitudine mirâ construxit, ob Caussam notam & necessariam. Insula Pharos, etc. à civitatis litore mille passibus disparata, Rhodiorum erat obnoxia vectigali, quod cùm indè quidam nimium quantum petituri venissent; foemina callida semper in frauds, sollennium specie feriarum, iisdem publicanis secum ad suburbana perductis, opus juss erat irrequietis laboribus consummari, & septem diebus totidem Stadia, molibus jactis in Mare, solo propin quanti terrae sunt vindicatae. Quò cum vehiculo ingressa, errare aït Rhodios, Insularum, non Continentis portorium flagitantes, etc. that is, The same Cleopatra raised the Heptastadium, not more wonderful for its magnitude, then for the expedition of the business; and she did it for a reason very necessary and well enough known. The Isle Pharos, which was about a Mile distant from the City, paid Tribute to the Rhodians; which being by them too intolerably exacted, the Politic Princess, always tightly able to deceiv, upon a time withdraw's the Publicans into the Suburbs, as if there had been some great Holiday to be kept. In the mean time she had set men a work to cast mighty heaps into the Sea; which being followed with indefatigable pains, seven furlongs of Sea were made into Earth within the space of seven days; and the City continued with the Isle. This don, the Queen road over in her Chariot, and told the Publicans, that they were much deceived to come and require Impost for the Isle, for that was now become a Continent, etc. Whereas the Historian saith, the Isle was tributary to the Rhodians. The Reader must not be ignorant, that these people, by reason of their great experience in Navigation, were for a long time Lords over all the Seas, and in all Marine matters prescribed rules to other Nations: insomuch, that the Imperial Law in all Titles which concern the Sea, still goeth according to the Law of the Rhodes: unless it be where it is otherwise required by the unalterable customs of particular places. So saith Docimius in the Law, 
Jus Graeco Rom. in Le. Naut. p. 278  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
And therefore it is, that when Eudaemon of Nicomedia made complaint to Antoninus, that in a wrack upon the coast of Italy, he had been robbed by the Publicans that inhabited the Cycladeses, 
Digest. De Leg. Rhod. de act. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Emperor returned this answer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, I indeed am Lord of the Land, but as for the Sea, it must be judged by the Law of the Rhodes: Title 2. of the Digest. cap. 9 This by the way, but by that of Ammianus Marcellinus we are certainly informed concerning the time, when Pharos first began to be a Peninsula.  
Therefore if Aristaeas make mention of the Heptastadium, he ought to live either in, or after the days of Cleopatra; but the true Aristaeas was dead long before.  
But Benjamin bar-Jona is against us: for he reckoneth the making of this Isthmus among the acts of Alexander the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And there (Alexander) raised up a Bank at the Haven of Alexandria, the space of one whole mile within the Sea. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 121.  But this cannot be: for than it shall never be pardoned his Historians, Plutarch, Q. Curtius, and especially Arrian, who was testis oculatus, if striving, in some things, to make him greater than he could be, they should neglect in other things to make him so great at he was. All that ever yet undertook the mention of this Mighty Prince, have not spared to say as much as could be believed, and do we think they would leave out that which ought to be? 'Twas enough for the renown of Alexander which other Autors have said, 
Parte jâ Climate. 4.  concerning his Non ultra in the East: and yet the Arabic Geographer asscribeth also unto him the Pillars of Hercules in the West: and saith moreover, that by the help of his Mathematicians, he digged up an Isthmus, and joined two seas together: See this Author in his first Part of his 4. Clime.  
That which is already recorded of this Mighty Conqueror, by Historians more commonly known, is as great a burden as fame can bear, and yet I have seen two Greek unpublished Autors in the Baroccian Archives, 
Archivae Bara. B●blioth. Bod.  that have gone beyond all that is yet extant, as if they would set down not how much Alexander could do, but how much 'twas possible for the Reader to believ; for so they have screwed up his Acts to a most prodigious and incredible height, that nothing more can be expected from the Historia Lombardica, or the most impudent Legend: and yet I find nothing at all said of this Agger.  
Justin hath said much for Alexander out of Trogus Pompey, and much is set down by Diodorus; to say nothing of Zeno Demetrius, printed at Venice in vulgar Greek; and a French Author not extant, both which have written the life of Alexander, and that they might lie by Authority, they have done it in vers: and yet none of all these ever durst to say, that this was any of his Acts, to join Pharos to Alexandria: nay Plutarch in the life of this Alexander saith, that Pharos was an Isle in those days, and very well intimateth, that the Isthmus was congested in after times. Therefore if this would not be remembered, neither by those who knew all that Alexander did, nor yet by others who durst to write more than they knew: Bar-Jonah is not to be regarded in this matter.  
But Joseph Scaliger troubleth us further, for he saith, that this Isthmus was raised per Superiores Ptolemaeos, by the former Ptolemies: and his Authority for this is out of Julius Cesar, in the third book of his Commentaries De Bello Civili, towards the later end of that Book, there Cesar saith thus.  
Haec insula objecta Alexandriae portum efficit: sed â superioribus regionibus in longitudinem passuum 900. in mare jactis molibus, angusto itinere & ponte cum oppido conjungitur.  
At the first reading of these words, I marvailed how Scaliger could pick out the thing which is pretended, seeing that here is no intimation to that purpose; but upon a further inquiry, I found in the Critical Notes upon this Place, that Brodaeus would have it read, A superioribus Regibus, and out of this varia lectio, Scaliger got his Superiores Ptolemaeos.  
Suppose we then that the true way of reading should be according to Brodaeus, yet how will Cesar be trusted for this, in whose judgement we all know that the Pailing up of an Isthmus would be too great a work for a woman; in comparison whereof Cesar's Ditches and Trenches could bear no reputation? Therefore it concerned the Dictator to darken the glory of Cleopatra, for fear that should eclipse his own: therefore the exploit is obscurely suggested in terms of generality and ambiguity, that it was done A superioribus Regibus, which whether it be to be understood of Ptolemie Lagus, and Philadelph, or of those which succeeded, who can tell us; and if it be not, it maketh nothing against us. But why are we bound to read Regibus, seeing that in the most ancient and the correctest Copies, we find it constantly written, A superioribus Regionibus? and so it is to be referred to in longitudinem passuum 900. à sup. Region. etc. or otherwise it may follow the force of the Conjunction (said) which leadeth to another way of Interpretation; and either of these ways, seemeth fully to satisfy the Autor's meaning, and affordeth a Construction proper to the Place. So we see, that these words of Cesar are not of force enough to overthrow the Testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus: therefore it holdeth still that Pharos remained an Isle till the days of Cleopatra; and we are sure that Aristaeas was dead long before: therefore for him to make mention of the Heptastadium is an inexcusable Anachronism: and there needeth nothing more to prove the first thing which was required, That the Author of the present History of the seventy, cannot be that Aristaeas who was to live in the days of Ptolemie. Now we are to prove that the true Aristaeas had this passage of the Cels. And this will be easy to do, because Gedaliah in his Shalshelet Hakabbala (professing to set down this History of the seventy Interpreters, briefly out of Aristaeas') toward the later end of his Abstract useth these words, 
R. Gedalea in Shalshelet fol. 23. & 24.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And every day the King asked them the Interpretation of some hard say, and dark sentences (which may be seen at large in this 
* Of Aristaeas he meaneth.  Book) And they still gave him such an Answer as was to the purpose, and wellpleasing in his sight; insomuch that the King marvailed greatly, etc. After this (saith he) they were conducted to a certain Island 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about a mile distant from Alexandria, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to each of them was appointed a several Conclave., etc.  
We cannot imagine the Author to be so notoriously impudent as to have cited this out of Aristaeas, if it had not been there.  
Therefore now if we give the reason, why Josephus should leave it out, we have brought that to pass, which was required to be done.  
Josephus having had good experience of the Heathen, not only by his conversation with their Books, but also with themselves, made observation of that, whereof he himself afterward found cause to complain: that as they made little account of the Nation of the Jews, and their Religion; so they slighted their Antiquities, and misbelieved any thing that could be said or written for their Renown. Josephus being well ware of this, and desirous by all means that his work might find Acceptation with the Gentiles, took diligent heed to make the disposition of his History of such a temper, as that nothing should be proposed so incredible, as not to bear some congruity with such things, which had been known to be before, and were like to be hereafter.  
Therefore when he cometh to the miraculous passages of Holy Writ, he useth a fair way of Dissimulation, still moderating the wonder of a work, that he may bring it down to the Heathens Faith, and make it fit for ordinary belief.  
The Reader shall willingly believ this, after experience made in an Instance or two.  
When Josephus cometh to tell of Israëls' departure out of Egypt, and how they passed through the midst of the Sea upon dry land; he relateth the Story bonâ fide, but withal superaddeth thereunto a most unwarrantable Extenuation. His fear was, lest the Gentiles would think much to believ, that the unruly waves of the Sea should not only stay, but also give back at the shaking of a Rod, and the voice of a Man. And this would be the rather doubted of by the Heathen, because notice had been already given unto them by Artapan, that howsoever the Heliopolites in Egypt reported concerning this matter, not much otherwise then Moses himself had done; yet the Tradition of the Memphites was, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, That Moses being well acquainted with the conditions of the Place, observed the Reflux of the waters, and so brought over his Troops by dry Land.  
Therefore Josephus, that he might make this easy to be believed, maketh it equal to that which no body doubted of; persuading the Reader, that this was all one with that passage of Alexander the Great and his Company, through the Phamphilian Sea.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Whether (saith he) the thing were done by the Council of God, or that the Sea should do it of its own accord, no man ought so to wonder, as if it were a thing unheard of, that the Sea itself should make way for the men of those old and innocent times, when as but the other day, as it were, the Pamphylian Ocean gave way to great Alexander King of Macedon, and his followers: and when they had no other road to pass by, the waves themselves marked them out a path, rather than any thing should hinder the design which God had purposed them unto; and that was to put a period to the Kingdom of Persia.  
But let us see how these two Matters differ in their Moment's, and how unlike the passing of Alexander is to that of Israël.  
Strabo can tell us the truth.  

Strabo lib. 14. p. 666. & 667.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, About Phaselis there is a straight of the Sea, where Alexander passed over with his company, for the hill Climax lying upon the Pamphylian Seas, leaveth a narrow Passage upon the Shore, which at a low ebb is so dry, that it may be passed over on foot; but at the flowing of the waters, it useth to be covered all over with the waves. Now because the way of the Mountain is round about and precipitate, travellers, for the most part, take this way by the shore, if the Sea be calm; and it was Alexander's hap to come that way in the winter Season, who committing most of his acts to fortune, set forward before the waters were gone off, so that he and his followers were fain to wade all day long in the Sea up to the middle, etc.  
The Reader may here see whither Josephus have not destroyed the Miracle by lessening it, and made it cease to be a wonder, while he strive's to make it fit to be believed.  
The same Author, when he should tell us how the Sun stood still in Gibeon, and the Moon in the valley of Ajalon he talketh of a great Thunder and Lightning, and of strange Hail, which is something more too, then what the Scripture saith: but to the purpose nothing is said, save only, that the day was longer than it used to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 123.  
For the days to lengthen was an ordinary thing, to those who lived between the Tropic of Cancer, and the Arctic Circle; and for the same day to be longer than ever it had been, would not be so incredible to the Heathen, because they had already heard, of one night as big as three; for such a thing as this had happened, when Jupiter begat Hercules of Alemena, and this was told them long before the time of Josephus, by their divine Orpheüs in his Argonauticks. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  When Hercules was born (saith he) 
Three days the Sun leaving his wont Light,  
Lay hid, and made of three, but one long Night.   
Again, Josephus when he is to set down how the King Nabuchodonosor was changed into a Beast, he scarcely obtaineth of himself at first, to call it any thing but a Dream; and afterwards, when he speaketh of it as of a thing done, he saith no more but this, That the King lived seven years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, privately; as if to dine and sup alone, had been to eat grass like Oxen, 
Dan. 4.25.  and to be from the society of Men, had been all one with being turned into the condition of a Beast; not that we believ that the King of Babel was transformed into a Brute, though the literal sens of the Text seem to lead us on to such a Metamorphosis; but that, to bear the mind of a Beast under the shape of a Man, was more than to keep one's Chamber; and to departed from ones own self argued somewhat else then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, To be private. And yet Josephus says no more, nay, he crave's pardon for this, as if it had been too much to say that such a thing could be done in a Dream. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 10. cap. 11. pag. 311. & 312.  etc. No man (saith he) I hope, will blame me for this; for I have set these things down as I found them in ancient writings: showing hereby that his care was, not so much that things might appear done in themselves, as that they were truly related by him.  
If it be said that the Retrocession of the Sun and shadow in the Dial of Ahaz, was as great a wonder as any; and yet that it was fully and faithfully reported by Josephus, the Reader shall have this satisfaction, That however the moment of this Miracle consisted in the Retrocession of the Sun itself, yet the most visible part thereof, and that which would be most of all observed was the Retrogradation of the shadow, which obtained so far above that which was the cause of it, that in the Book of the Kings, the whole Miracle is reported with no other fame then this, of the shadows going back, without any mention of the Sun at all. Now the Historians hope was, that if the more obvious part of the Miracle concerning the shadow could be persuaded, then that must necessarily follow, And Josephus might know that there was no cause why the Heathen should misbeliev the Retrocession of the shadow, because their Mathematicians could tell them that such a thing as this might be done by Nature. For.  
Let a Plane be set equidistant to the Horizon of a Right Sphere in any part of the Earth, between the Equator and the Tropics; the point of whose Verticitie let it be less elevated than the Parallel of the Sun's Declination, and let the Plane be Sciaterically prepared,, and it shall be necessary for the shadow of the Sun to go back, according to the Rules of that Art. etc.  
Let A B C D be the Horizon, A E C the Meridian, B the East point, and D the West. Let B E D be the Equator cutting the Meridian in E. Let F G H be for the North Parallel of the Sun, cutting the Meridian in G. Let the seemeth of the Place supposed to be between the Equator, and the said Parallel be the Point I, by which draw a vertical Circle K L I M, touching the Parallel F G H in L, and another, N O P I Q cutting the same Parallel F G H in the point O, between L the point of contingency, and F the point, where the Sun shall begin to rise when he entereth into the Parallel F G H, and again in the Point P, between L the said Point of contingency, and the Point G in the Meridian, and draw yet another Vertical F R I S by F the point of the Sun's rising, and therefore cutting the Parallel F G H in R between the Points P and G.  
Now because the Sun being in any great Circle of the Sphere, the Shadow of any Style erected upon a Plane, at right Angles, is necessarily projected upon the Common Section of the Plane of the Circle and the Style.  
Therefore the Sun being in the Vertical Circle F R I S, and in the point of his rising F, the shadow of a Style perpendicularly erected upon the Horizon of such a Place, whose seemeth Point shall be in I, cannot recede from the Plane of that Vertical F R I S; but shall cut the Western Semicircle of the Horizon in S at the same place, where the Parallel T S opposite to the Parallel of the Sun, cutteth the Horizon; so that the distance of the Shadow in the Horizon from the Meridian Southward shall be the Arch A S. Again the Sun being elevated above the Horizon and placed in O, ●●mmeth to the Vertical N O P I Q, and then the Shadow of the said Style shall cut the Horizon in Q, and the distance from the Meridian will be the Arch A Q, greater than A S, But when the Sun shall come to L, the Point of contingency, and so be in the Vertical K L I M, then the shadow of the Style shall cut the Horizon in M, and the distance of the Shadow from the Meridian will be the Arch A M, greater than A Q, and the greatest which the Shadow can have that day.  
Therefore from the time of the Sun's being in F, the point of his rising till he came to L the point of contingency, the Shadow of the Style went still forward from S by Q to M.  
Afterwards the Sun moving from L to P shall be again in the Vertical N O P I Q, and the Shadow of the Style shall again cut the Horizon in Q; and the distance of the Shadow from the Meridian shall again be the Arch A Q, as before when the Sun was in the point O. Therefore the Shadow is gone back in the Horizon, from the Point M to Q nearer to the Meridian. Again, the Sun moving from P to R, shall be again in the Vertical F R I S; and the Shadow of the Style shall cut the Horizon in S, and the distance thereof from the Meridian shall be the Arch A S, as before when the Sun was in F, the point of his rising. Therefore the Shadow is gone back also from M by Q to S. Therefore in any part of the Torrid Zone, where the Elevation of the Pole is less than the Declination of the Sun, the Shadow of a Style perpendicularly erected upon a Plane, may have a natural visible Retrocession, which was required to be done.  
But Peter Novius, however he acknowledgeth that the Retrogradation of the Shadow is according to nature in the Case proposed, yet in the Matter of Hezekiah, he understandeth it to be miraculous; and he maketh the Miracle to consist in this, That it was not done as the Proposition requireth, within, but without the Tropics, between that of Cancer and the Arctic Circle, for in such a position of Sphere, the Dial of Ahaz was placed.  
But learned Clavius (whose way of demonstration we follow) maketh it plainly to appear, that the same thing may be done as well in the one Place as the other: And it must needs be so, for in our own Elevation, here at Oxford, (which lieth in the same Position of Sphere, though not under the same Latitude with theirs at Jerusalem) a Plane may be fitted for such a Polar Altitude as shall be less than twenty three degrees and an half, and then it will have the same site in respect of the Sun, as if it were placed between the Tropics, and so the Retrocession of the Shadow must be as natural as before.  
Therefore it must be said against Peter Novius that the Miracle was not in the going back of the Shadow only, but the Sun: for so it is set down by Isaiah the Prophet.  
And whereas it was set down in the beginning that the most visible part of the Miracle was the Retrocession of the Shadow: that shall here be proved, because to the strength of our Observation it is required that this should be.  
The most received opinion concerning the Degree in the Dial of Ahaz is, That they should be meant of Hours: so indeed the Targum rendereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and at the first view it seemeth most reasonable, According to this, the Sun went backwards ten hours, therefore he had gone forwards 150 Degrees of the Equinoctial line, (for he is to go every hour fifteen) therefore also he had yet to go thirty degrees, which is the compliment of 180. the Semicircle of the day.  
The time then of the Miracle was within two hours of night, and the Retrocession of the Sun itself was as visible as that of the Shadow: for he had gone back above three parts of the Hemisphere.  
But this could not be. For the Prophet asked the King whether he would have the Sun go ten degrees forward, or ten degrees backward: but if degrees be taken for hours would he ask him whether he would have the Sun go 10. hours forward, when there was but two to go? For the Sun was then Occidental, 60 degrees past the Meridian, and within two hours was to leave that Horizon: So that if the King had required, that the Shadow should have gone 10. degrees forward, the Prophet must have gone back from his word; for that which was promised was more than could be done.  
Therefore it seemeth that the degrees in the Dial of Ahaz are to be understood of those in Heaven, where they are most properly and primarily so called. Therefore the Sun together with the whole frame of the superior world, went so far backward in the diurnal Motion, as made up the space of ten degrees in the Equinoctial Line, which answered to two third parts of an hour in the Dial of Ahaz:  
Therefore the Retrocession of the Shadow was much more visible, then that of the Sun: For we all know that the space which the Sun goeth in half an hours time and a little more, is better noted in the Dial, then in the Heavens: For, by reason of the great distance of the Sun's Eccentric from the surface of the Earth, the Angle of vision is so Acute, that it cannot transfer a perceivable species of so rapt a motion. And as it cannot be perceived in the going, so neither would it easily be observed when it was gone; for an Arch of 10. degrees in so vast an Orb as that of the Sun, would never be distinguished by those that stand here below, unless it were Geometrically observed by a Quadrant or Astrolabe: the knowledge and practice whereof, I think was not so common in the Kingdom of Israël. Therefore though the main condition of this Miracle was, that the Sun itself should go back, yet that which was most apparent, was the Retrocession of the shadow: And because Josephus knew that this would be accepted among the Gentiles, as a matter not without Nature's compass, he ventured, upon this encouragement, to set down the whole wonder. For it was not his desire purposely to smother any thing that was Miraculous, but only so to qualify the paradoxal part of things, that they might pass among the Heathen without scorn and derision: Therefore in all places where there could be any pretense, he useth no dissimulation. So in the History of Balaam, he durst to say, that a dumb Ass forbade the madness of the Prophet: 'Twas strange indeed that an Ass should speak; but why not an Ass as well as an Ox? which had often happened in the Roman State; and once above all the rest Livy reporteth, that to the great terror of the Consul Domitius, an Ox uttered these words, 
Livius lib. 35.  Roma cave tibi.  
And thus Josephus would have been content to do the rest, if there could have been the like reason; but being desirous to train up the Heathen by Probabilities to a good conceit of his Nation, and those things which were written of them; he must not lay too great a task upon their belief, and therefore still when his History leads him to the Narration of a strange thing, he always temper the discourse with a convenient mixture of Possibilities; and howsoever it sometimes endanger's the main Matter, yet we shall seldom find him reporting a wonder sincerely; but having warily taken off that which could seem incredible, he proposeth the Action under such easy circumstances, as shall make it concord with humane reason, and common apprehension.  
By this time, the Reader may know the Reason why Josephus, when he is to relate the History of the seventy, out of Aristaeas, willingly omitteth this passage of the Cells, because it was like to sound very incredibly in the Heathen's ears, that a Book should be so prodigiously translated; that threescore and twelv Jews should be shut up in so many several Cells, and after so many days, each Man should bring out the same Interpretation. The same, not only in the since and Notion; but the same also for order and Manner of Expression; and which was more, the very same, word for word. Therefore he that readeth Josephus shall plainly perceiv, that when he cometh to this Circumstance, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 354.  he leaveth it quite out, and instead thereof sayeth no more but this, That the Seniors made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a most accurate Translation: and that they did it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in seventy and two days, etc.  
Nevertheless the compiler of that Aristaeas which is now exstant, when he had brought the Story thus far on, considering with himself, that this matter of the Cells was a remarkable Circumstance of the Translation, and strongly urged by Justin Martyr; he resolved with himself, that he would by no means leave it altogether untouched; and yet because he could find no such thing in Josephus, (whom he especially followed) he durst not set it down plainly and expressly, but in stead of that which should have been, he leaveth the Reader thus in doubt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And these words howsoever they may bear a very natural sens against the Miracle of the Cells, yet it would not much wrong their propriety, if they should be rendered in this Manner. Illi verò singula eodem modo Interpretabantur, apud se conferendo (codices Hebraeos cum suis versionibus) etc. And if this meaning of the words might go free without contradiction, Aristaeas also may be cited for the Cells, as A. Castro hath laboured to bring it about. But this we seek not after, only that there may seem to be some Ambiguity, and the more, because Azarias the Idumaean who translated this Aristaeas which is now exstant, into Hebrew, when he cometh to this passage, understandeth it in favour of the Cells, and hath given up his Interpretation accordingly: for instead of those words of Aristaeas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. he hath left us as followeth.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et ecce hi accinxerunt se pro virili, & modum hunc obseruárunt; utique unusquisque ex eis seorsim transtulit singulas ejusdem (sc. legis) parts, deinceps contulerunt inter se omnes translationes, etc.  
By all this we come to know the Place where, and the Manner how, the Holy Scriptures were translated by the seventy Seniors: That the performance hereof was a matter of Wonder and Admiration, for they were all Separated at the doing of it, and yet all concorded when it was done: That we are directed to believ this by the most warrantable Testimonies of the Ancients: That it is agreed upon by the Latins, Greeks, Hebrews, and Arabians: That besides this Authority, there is good Reason for it: That there is no Authority or Reason against it, but that of Saint Hierom's, and that this is brought to a Nullity.  
FINIS.   

A DISCOURSE, Declaring what Time the NICENE CREED Began to be Sung in the CHURCH.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

A DISCOURSE Declaring what time the Nicene Creed began to be Sung in the Church.  
Quest. What time the Nicene Creed began to to be Sung in the Church?  
BEfore any thing can be directly said to this, we must first look a little aside upon the beginnings and improvements of Church-music. In the recollection whereof, not to go so far back as David's chief Musicians, or the Father of them that play upon the Harp and Organ; It is certain that the Jews had a set solemn way of Musical Service, but how to be compared unto, or drawn up to any correspondency with our ways, I know there is one hath undertaken, but doubt, (and more than so too) whether any man is able to perform.  
As the matter stands within the compass of Ecclesiastical time, properly so called, The Apostolical itself was not without such a proportion of that Ceremony as the infancy and Cradle of the Church could afford, Carmen Christo quasi Deo canere solitos, etc. That they were wont to sing an Hymn to Christ at their Congregations, it seemeth by the Junior Pliny to Trajan. But their Music about that Time was non clamans, sed amans; It had more of the Devotion than the Voice: sent up with heart enough; but for the harmony, much after the rate of their other accommodations, from the simplicity whereof as unequal time took off, so it added to the grace and glory of it. The Church Music had these degrees to rise by; the first and rude performance was done plano cantu, by Plain song; as the Psalms are most ordinarily read in Cathedrals, or at the best, but as they use to be sung in Parochial Churches, where though sometimes the nois may seem to pretend to a dash and sprinkling of Art, 'tis most commonly (and 'tis well if it be no worse) but all in the same Time and Tune: from Plain Song they got up to Discant; and first of all to contrapunctum simplex, a simple kind of Counterpoint, and then Music was in Parts, They sung not all the same tune, but by way of consonancy, yet so as the Music answered note for note: as if there stood a Minim or Sembrief in the upper part, there stood another against it in the lower and inner parts: so that this Music needed no bars.  
To this the rare, but intemperate Invention of the Masters hath added the Contrapunctum figuratum, consisting of Feuges, or maintaining of Points, alteration of the Keys, etc.  
But this last accession came especially in with the Organ: of the Antiquity whereof something also is to be said.  
And here we must not think that the Organs in the old Testament were any such things, as that which we call so now. 
Marin. Merfen. De Instrum Harmon. lib. 10. Prop. 44.  We read it in Job chap. 30. verse 31. and my Organ into the voice of them that weep. The Syriack rendereth it, my psaltery, clean another Instrument of a Triangular form, as you may see by the description of Mersenius. The Hebrew word in Job is Hugab, which the Chaldee still turneth Abuba: Now Abub signifieth properly an Ear of corn, with the stalk or straw; By Translation it signifieth a Pipe made of such a Reed or Stalk, fistula ex novarum frugum calamo confecta. The word is Arabic too, and there it is pronounced Anbuba, from whence the Latin Ambubaja, betraying itself by the sound to be none of the Roman race. And the Hebrew Organ may be otherwise of Brass or Iron, 
Ambubajarum Collegia Hor.  as Maimon to that place in Erchin of the Talmud, C. 2 § 3. And therefore Jubal taught no body to play upon any such Organs as ours. David's Organ was but a kind of Pipe, what kind soever it was.  
Our Organs are of a later and another manner of Invention.  
Navarr in his Book, De Oration. and Hor. Canon saith, and sayeth it again, that the use of Organs was not received in Thomas Aquinas his time. 
Balaeus.  This Doctor was born in the Year 1221. But our Author, De S●riptorib. etc. as Mantuan also, atrribute the bringing in of Organs to the Pope Vitalian. Then it must be about the Year 660. But to make short, The Organ is not of the Western, 
De Gest. Francor. lib. 4. c. 113.  but the Eastern institution. Aymon saith, that the first Organ they had in France was made more Graecorum, by one, cui nomen erat Georgius, Imperante Ludovico Pio, ejúsque sumptibus. Lewes the Godly began his Reign in the Year 813. Mich. Glycas and Const. Manasses yield the Invention to Theophylus his time, a Greek Emperor of the Year 830. but Marianus Scotus, Martin-Polonus, Platina, the Annals of France, Aventine, and the Pontifical itself, all agree, that the first Organ that ever was seen in the West, was sent over into France to King Pipin, from the Greek Emperor Constantinus Copronymus, about the Year 766. Res adhuc Germanis & Gallis incognita (saith Aventine) instrumentum Musicae maximum, Organum appellant, 
annal Bosorum. lib. 3. f. 300.  cicutis ex albo plumbo compactum est, simul & follibus inflatur, & manuum pedúmque digitis pulsatur, etc. And so we have the Antiquity of Organs in the West. But in the East, they cannot be less ancient than the Nicene Council itself, as appeareth by the Emperor Julian's Epigram upon the Instrument.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  

Martin. Morentinus in Praefat. ad Misopogon. ubi de vita & Script. Juliani.  Quam cerno alterius naturae est fistula, nempe  
Altera produxit fortasse haec aenea tellus;  
Horrendum stridet, nec nostris illa movetur  
Flatibus, & missus taurino è carcere ventus  
Subtus agit leves calamos, pérque ima vagatur;  
Mox aliquis velox digitis insignis & arte  
Adstat, concords calamis pulsátque tabellas,  
Ast illae subitò exsiliunt, & Carmina miscent.  
And now it may be thought that the Antiquity of the Organ is brought far enough back. 'Tis true for the Instrument; 
Zonar. Tom. 3. Annal. in Michaele Imperator. p. 127.  but for the Church use I am in doubt. Zonara's telleth us of an Organ set up by one of the Greek Emperors, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all of pure gold; But what? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. not to put the Church in Tune, but to cast a glory upon the Court and draw foreign admiration upon the Emperor.  
I had occasion to show an Armenian Priest the Chapel here, and perceiving him to cast his eye upon the Organ, I asked, whether there were any such sight to be seen in their Churches? He answered, No such matter: neither did he know till it was told him, what to call them; and yet this man had lived 14 years under two Patriarches, Constantinople and Alexandria.  
But more than this. In the Greek Liturgies I meet with Music enough, and more indeed, than I can tell what to say to, but not so much as the mention of an Organ in all their Books. The old Greek-Latine gloss setteth down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Organarius: but that will make nothing to the matter, an Organist there must be, where the Instrument itself was: but whether that were in the Church, or only in the Emperor's Courts, is the doubt. And for the present time, it is as good as taken for granted, that there is not an Organ to be seen in any Church of the Eastern world.  

Bruschius de Monaster. German. fol. 107.  In the West indeed the Greek example is very magnificently out-don: Bruschius reporteth of an Organ set up in a Minster of Germany, by the Abbot of the Covent there, cujus maxima & medioxima fistula habuerit in longitudine pedes 28, in circumferentia spithamas 4; the Diapason whereof was 28 foot in Length, and the Compass about proportionable, we have never an Organ here abouts of that Pitch.  
But how anciently such things have been done, 
Ecclesia nostra non assumit instrumenta musica, sicut Citharas & Psalter●a in divinas laudes nè videatur Judaizare 2a. 2ae. Q. 91 Art. 2  even in this part of the World, is hard to judge. The words of Thomas Aquinas imply no less, then that there was no Ecclesiastical use of Organs in his time; however it was not long after, before they got into the Church: for Durand maketh mention of them, as of things received before his time. Rational. lib. 4, c. 34. lib. 5. c. 2. his time was about 1280. etc.  
§. Note one thing more, That the most ancient and original form of Christian Liturgy, is the order of Baptism▪ It must be so in reason▪ and from thence the main parts of all Common Prayers are translated; the Creeds especially, for those, and the Pater noster were the first Rudiments of the Catechumeni, and gave beginning to all Divine Service.  
And if a case should lie against the Athanasian, I hold the ground to be good from hence, that it was not properly put into the Liturgy, because it was not yet received into any order of Baptism.  
The Creed in use, before the Fathers met at Nice, must needs be that which is called Apostolical; for they had no other: But since the Council, the Nicene form was generally received into all Orders of Baptism in the other Church, as the Greek, Syriack, Ethiopick, Armenian and Coptick Orders: But the Rubric in all is as in the Syriack, Haiden amar, not then the Priest shall sing; but, Tum dicit Sacerdos, Credo in unum Deum, etc. In the Latin Church indeed, sometimes the Symbolum Constantinopolitanum was repeated, but most commonly the Nicene. And all the Roman Tradition fasteneth the Institution thereof upon the times of Pope Mark, which was about the Year 366. and immediately succeeding upon the Council itself. And for the manner of Recitation, Berno saith, Ille enim ob Arrianorum haeresin Symbolum Nic num in Missa decantari ordinavit, &c Another saith, That he ordained it should be done Altâ voce; And the same Father saith, That by a Canon of the third Council of Toledo, it was ordered concerning the Creed, that it should be passim clarâ voce decantatum, secundùm formam Ecclesiarum Orientalium.  
Now out of all this to frame an Answer to the Question. By all the Orders of Baptism, the Catechumenus was first to make his Abrenunciation, to renounce the Devil and all his works. And this he did with his face turned towards the West. That done, he was to turn himself towards the East, and make profession of his Faith in the words of the Nicene form (since the Council) But which is principally to be noted (as to this business) all this was to be done Altâ voce. The Church as it received the Form from the order of Baptism, so it retained the posture of conversion (towards the East) and manner of pronunciation.  
So much therefore is certain, that the Nicene Creed, (or what form soever) was always recited in a different Tone, A louder voice at the least: but, because the Canon maketh mention of Decantari, and that this was to be done secundùm formam Ecclesiarum Orientalium: Two things will be granted upon this: One is, That there was a kind of Modulation in the Pronouncing of the Creed; another is, That this was not Roman in the Original, but from Eastern Example. The Sum of both is, That either the words dici & decantari must be confounded: or that, dureing the good simplicity of time, the pronunciation was made by Dici, only with the difference of Altâ voce, but afterwards graced with a measure of Harmony; yet such an one, as cannot be compared higher, then to the matter of Plainsong; for I am deceived, if the Eastern Music ever improved further. Antiphones I know they had, and upon what Seraphical occasion, if Sozomen deliver it rightly; but this came to no more than our alternation, at the most ordinary singing of the Psalms, by way of Responds, but all in the same time and tune, & without any Discant at all.  
Therefore to say all at once. The Singing of the Nicene Creed, as now it is, with all the Ornaments and figurations of Harmony, is but a Yesterday business, and contemporary to the Organ, but however the same Creed hath been most certainly Sung according to the improvements of time, and at the least in plano Cantu, in a plain Song-fashion, ever since the date of the Council itself, and for the Reason given out of the Order of Baptism.  
FINIS.   

A SERMON UPON THE RESURRECTION, From the 1 Corinth. XV. XX.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

A SERMON UPON THE RESURRECTION.  1 Corinth. 15.20. 
But now is Christ risen from the dead, and become the first fruits of them that sleep.  
THe perfection of God is, that he can have no Hope; the perfection of Man is, that he can attein unto the end of his Hope. If in this life only we had Hope, we were of all men most miserable. The very Heathen themselves though in other things run cross, yet all concentered in this Faith. Divine Plato believed, and taught, that there should be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Regeneration of things, in the revolution of time. The Egyptian Sages determined the space to be a Period of 30000 Years: therefore in their Hieroglyphics, or holy Writings, the Character of the Soul was a Pyramid. The Correspondency is, that, As a Pyramid, (if it be turned about upon its Axis, the Axis continuing still the same, is Geometrically transformed into a new solid Cone: So Mortality having gone it's Round, as it were, in this Circle of Time, upon the immovable Centre of the Soul, shall become a new Body, and unite again. It is the Reason, why the Sepulchers of their Kings were set up in a Pyramidal form, as they are seen to be at this day.  
Those that understand not the Mysterious, and Mathematical part, (which I could speak no plainer) may receiv the sens and meaning; that, even these unlikely men ploughed in Hope.  
But we need not instance Men; the very unreasonable part of the Creätion, even the Creature itself, now subject to vanity, traveleth under the pain of this Hope; and by a certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Lifting up of the Head, as S. Paul expresseth it, earnestly exspecteth, as by an eager and understanding Confidence, to be delivered into the glorious liberty of the Sons of God.  
And yet I fear me, we preach but to CORINTHIANS still; and that, if the company were divided, as at the Council where S. Paul pleaded his cause, I doubt me the most part would be Saduces, and might be called in question, for not having Hope of the Resurrection of the dead. We pretend indeed, as if we had no continuing City; but, that we look for one to come. But when I see that our inward Thoughts are, that our houses shall continue, and our dwelling places to all generations: When I see that this their way is, I am ready to think, the wise man dieth as the fool; and to compare Man being in honour, unto the Beasts that perish. When I see the incomprehensible Patience of God, still drawing us, as he did Ephraïm, with the cords of a Man, with the bonds (in the Hebrew 'tis, Densis funiculis amoris, with the Thick bonds) of Love: And the infinite Security of the People on the other side, drawing Iniquity with Cords of Vanity, 
Isa. 5.18.  and sin as it were with a Cart-rope: I dare not go about to consider, what shall be the end of these Men.  
We are all ready to wish with Balaam, that we may die the Death of the Righteous, and that our last end may be like His: but, when I see men live, as if they never thought to die; and die, as if they never thought to live again: when I see that instead of shining Lights, they go out like Snuffs, in the midst of a crooked and pervers Generation; ready to say to their departing Souls, as that great Unbeliever, Animula blandula, vagula, etc. I seem to be so far from giving an account of the Hope that is in me; that, in contradiction of King Agrippa's words to S. Paul, I am almost persuaded not to be a Christian.  
The greatest Argument in our own opinion, that we are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as have no Hope; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Atheïsts, or without God in the world, is, that we come up to his house, to be here taught of his ways, etc. But this word of his hath too truly proved a Mirror, wherein we daily come to behold our selus; but with no greater Impression, than we do our Natural faces; we go away, and straight forget what manner of men we were.  
But thou believest, thou sayest, that this body of thine shall rise again. Thou dost well: the Devils also believ and tremble. But wilt thou know, O vain Man, that this Faith without works is dead? The Tree is known by its fruit. And can I think, that thou, which all this while dost but cumber the ground, and bringest forth nothing but wild grapes, dost believ, that as this Tree falleth, so it shall lie?  
But let all this be a Transportation and Exstasis: the best shall be supposed; that there is no man here, but knoweth in whom, and what he hath believed; and therefore cannot be thought to boggle at the great Article of the Resurrection. But thus much, I am sure, must be granted me; that we all put the day of our death far from us. For it is not possible, that they who remember their later end, should thus sin. The mistrust however of Infidelity in the former, and the certain experience of our supineness in the later, moved me to reflect upon you these two Common, (but therefore the less noted,) Considerations.  

1. The ●●st is the end of our Life, Death.  
2. The second is the end of our Hope, Resurrection.   
And first of the first Fruits expressed here. Secondly, of the whole Lump; implied in the Inference, But now: But now is Christ risen, etc. And first of the end of our Life: but which I mean to consider of, not under the discourageing term of Death; but as it is here comfortably secured, under the Type and Adumbration of Sleep.  
Sleep, and Death are of so near a Kin, that Galen saith of them, 
Lib. de cause. pulls.  that they are Brother and Sister: answerable to that in Homer's poetry, where they are both said to have one Mother, and to be begotten of the Night. Somnus Mortis imago, is the old saying; that Sleep is the Lecture of Death. And 'tis a Masterpiece; of which that of the Comedian may be affirmed, Qui utramvis rectè novit, ambas noverit: He that hath been asleep, may know Death at first sight. Plato in his Phaedon, is not contented to say, they are alike; but, in a manner, the same; and, that Sleep is a very kind of Death.  
When the Scripture speaks of men's departure from hence, the usual Phrase is, not to say such an one died; but, such an one slept with his Fathers. And the same Spirit speaketh to the Dead, but as we would do to those that are not yet stirring. Awake, awake, Sing ye that dwell in the dust.  
We are all here but Strangers and Pilgrims; and our being here we use to call but This, that is no, Life; but the Passage, and Journey to another. While 'tis called to day, we travel on through the ways of this World: but the Night cometh, and no man can work at the approach of this Evening. We die; that is, we rest from our Labours.  
When we go to take our Natural rest, we enter into our Chambers, and shut the doors. Such a Room as this is the Sepulchre. A Churchyard, in the expression of the Ancients, was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a dormitory, or Sleeping place. And in the 36 of Isaiah and the 20 verse, the Grave is no otherwise termed; where the people appointed to Die, are bid to go but into their Chambers and shut the doors about them. And we need not fear to trust our selus: for, he that liveth, and was dead, and is alive for evermore, hath the Keys of Hell and Death.  
Having entered our Chambers, and shut the door, the next thing we do, is, to commend our selus to God. So the Martyr Stephen, when he was to fall into that other sleep, first said his Prayers; Lord Jesus receiv my Spirit.  
This don, we put off our Clothes: So Naked we came into this World, and Naked we shall go out, etc. The Raiment of a Man, (saith a Learned Rabbin) is his Body: And, had our Father Adam stood, we had needed no other. Thou hast Clothed me, saith holy Job, with Skin, and with Flesh: when therefore we die, we are said, in S. Peter's language, to put off this Tabernacle; as, in S. Paul, when we rise again, to be Clothed upon with our house from Heaven. O'er night we put off this weed of Mortality: but the Morning cometh, and we shall be covered again with our skin; and put on Incorruption, our Better , as to go and see God in this Flesh. The same flesh we put off the night before; but with this difference, that this Fowl Garment, which could not be kept Unspotted of the world, shall in the mean time be washed clean in the Blood of the Lamb.  
Our Clothes put off, we lay our selves down, and take our rest: And, to Die, in the Prophet Isaiah's Phrase, 
Isa. 43.17. & 57.1.  is but to lie down in our Beds. And when thy days shall be fulfilled, saith Nathan to David, and thou shalt sleep with thy Fathers: so indeed we read it, as we may; but the Original is, And thou shalt lie down with thy Fathers. 2 Sam. 7.12. So Asa, the King's Coffin is called a Bed. 2 Chron 16.14. and our forefathers, in their Saxon tongue, style a Burying place, legerstoƿ, or place to lie down in: as in the Laws of King Canute. Numb. 3.  
In the Case of Natural Rest, 'tis not the whole man, only the Earthly part falleth asleep; the Soul is then most awake. The body's Night is the Soul's Day: our Better part, saith Cardan, is never it's own man till now, when exalted unto a State of Separation, (as it were) in the body, it spendeth the time in Contemplations, free, and congenial to its own Extraction. So in the sleep of Death, 'tis not the totus Homo: the Body indeed is dead, because of sin; the Soul is then most Alive. Here, as a Servant, it is still required to the Exigencies of the Body; having no time of its own to spend, but what it can get by stealth, when the Master is gone to bed. But there, like its Redeemer, free among the Dead, and delivered from the Encumbrances of the Body, it beginneth to be a Soul to itself, minding that which is above, and looking with a more piercing eye upon the Invisible things of God.  
It is noted by the Naturalists, and we find it true in observation, that not nois awaketh Natural Sleep more suddenly, than an Humane voice: Nay, though it be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that dead and dangerous sleep; as the Aphorism noteth it in Hypocrates. But especially the Experiment holdeth, if the voice calleth upon him in his own name. But, that we shall all be awaked out of this other Sleep, by the sound of our Proper Names, is more than I can pretend to: though S. Peter's call was, Tabytha surge; and our Saviour's to his Friend, Lazare veni foras, Lazarus come forth. To say nothing to Epiphanius his Tradition, that, when our Lord went down into Hell, and there found our Father Adam fast; he took him by the hand, and called him by his own Name, in the words of S. Paul, Surge Adam qui dormis (so indeed some Ancient Copies read it,) Arise Adam, thou that sleepest, and stand up from the dead, Christ taketh thee by the hand. But this I am sure of, that we shall all be awaked by a voice, the voice of an Archangel; and the word shall be, as some think, Surgite mortui, etc. Nor shall it be the voice of a God, and not of a Man; it shall be an Humane voice: for, by the Archangel, we are to mean the Son of Man. For the hour cometh, in which all they that are in the Graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, Job. 5.28. Which why it should be strange of us, I know not; since it is true of the Swallows, by a certain and confessed Experience, that when the Winter cometh, they lie down in the hollow of a Tree, and there falling asleep, quietly resolve into their first Principles: But at the Spring's approach, they are not so (though throughly) dead, but that they hear the still nois of Returning Nature, and awaking out of their Mass, rise up every one to their life again. Ego novi hominem, etc. I know a man (saith the Learned Prince of Concordia) who, in his soundest Sleep, could walk, talk, writ, and dispatch any business of the most required Vigilance. They seem to have had some such conceit of Death, who hold it no absurdity, to write Letters to their dead Friends; as the Emperor Theodosius to S. Chrysostom, more than thirty Years after his deceas; as if Death were a kind of live Sleep; Such an one as that, which Jupiter sent of an Errand, to awake Agamemnon. And may we not as properly say, that to be Dead, is to be Alive; as to say, to Die, is to be Born? And yet the Ancients (as if Corruption had been their Father, and the Worms their Mother) were wont to call the days of their Death, Natalia, not Dying, but Birth-days. Mos inolevit in sancta Ecclesia, it hath been the custom in the holy Church, (saith Haymo,) when a Saint of God departed this life, to call it not the day of his Death, but the day of his Nativity. That which we call Death's, they call Life's door: Seneca himself said as much; Dies iste, quem Tutanquam Supremum reformidas, Aeterni Natalis est. As if all this were so indeed, the Jews to this day, stick not to call their Golgotha's, Batte Caiim, the Houses, or places of the Living. At the least they have an Effectual life in them: for the Mummies are known to be most sovereign and Magistral in Medicine; and the Principal Ingredient of the weapon-Salv, is the Moss of a dead Man's-skul: as the Recipe, delivered by Paracelsus to Maximilian the Emperor.  
Once more, and I leave the Parallel. Sleep, we know, is most natural to Animal-Creatures; and for Men so Necessary, that Aristotle saith, that the end of it in us, is, Bene Ratiocinari. And yet he himself is cited by Olympiodorus, to have known a Man, who never slept in all his Life. And the strangeness hath been quitted by an Experience of later days. The Comparison holdeth in the Sleep of Death: 'tis Omnibus communis, common to all men, as we use to say. And yet some Jews believ, that the last age of Men shall be so long lived, as to prevent the Resurrection; But S. Paul himself hath promised, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that we shall not all die; some shall be changed. And therefore 'tis no vain Article, which we so daily profess; that our Saviour shall come to judge both the Quick and the Dead: We are to say then of all those that are departed this life, as the Jews of their Father Jacob; Non est Mortuus: or, as our Saviour of Lazarus, and the Maid; Why trouble you your selus? they are not Dead, but Sleep. And when a Friend leaveth this world, we are to bid him but Good Night; in sure and certain Hope to meet again, in the great Morning of the World.  
But now, How long, how long, Lord, Holy and True? will some say: or, as those in S. Peter, Where is the promise of his Coming? For, since the Fathers fell asleep, all things continue to be as they were from the beginning to the Creätion. But these Men have not the knowledge; and this is to be spoken to their shame. The Lord is not slack, as concerning his Promise: for, Behold, he cometh quickly; and his Reward is with him. When we awake out of our natural sleep, be the Night never so long, to us it seemeth but a Moment. And the Night is no longer, in the Prophet David's account, Psal. 30.5. For, his Anger endureth but a Moment: that is, weeping may endure for a Night, but joie cometh in the Morning. 'Tis not otherwise in Death: for, when first we awake out of this sleep, we shall think that we did but then lie down; and were it a thousand Years, it would seem no more to us, than it doth to God himself; but as one day.  
It is Observable, that the Holy Ghost, which accounteth Natural Death, as a Sleep, yet calleth the Life of a Sinner by the name of Death. To be truly Dead, is, to be Dead in Trespasses and Sins: And therefore S. Paul, not making mention of the Great Resurrection, bids his Corinthians awake to Righteousness, and sin not. For a Righteous man hath more Hope in his Death, than a Sinner in his Life: and no man can be Dead to Nature, that is Alive to God.  
But, if to Die be but to fall Asleep; we should put off this Garment of Flesh with as good a will, as we do our Clothes. And that we may sleep well in the night, we should forbear sleeping in the Day, not Idleing in the Market, as those in the Parable; nor sitting down in the seat of the scornful: but working out our salvation: for the Sleep of a Labouring man is sweet.  
And that we may rest in these Beds, in an undisturbed peace, we are to provide, that no Innate Furies, no Stings of Death, like gross and restless Vapours, do arise from a guilty Conscience. Such a man will be scared with Dreams, and terrified with Visions, and be full of toss to and fro, until the dawning of the the day. Job.  
And because to the Conciliation of Rest and Sleep, it is required that there be a Moderate Repletion, (for Paulus Aegineta maketh this to be of the Definition:) we are by no means to go to bed, till first of all we have sat down to the Great Supper; till we have eaten of that Bread, and drank of that Cup, which show the Lords Death (but our Life) till he come; and are therefore, not unfitly, termed by the Fathers of the Nicene Council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sacraments, and Emblems of the Resurrection. This don, we may lay our selves down in Peace, and take our Rest: for the Lord will make us to dwell in safety. And, as the Disciples to our Saviour concerning Lazarus, if thus we sleep, we shall do well. Of the first Consideration thus much: Pass we now from Death to Life; from the end of our Days, to the end of our Hope, Resurrection.  
I Said, that was twofold: Frst of the first Fruits: then of the whole Lump. And first of the Resurrection of our Saviour; but, which I am not here to make Proof of; for it is taken for granted in the Text. But if any should be so foolish, and slow of heart, as not to believ all that is written in the Prophets; the Heathen Tacitus will tell you one Article, in the 15 of his Annals; That he suffered under Pontius Pilate: And the Jew Josephus addeth the other, in the 18. of his Antiquities; That he risen again the third day from the Dead.  
That which most properly I am to make known to you is, upon what Consideration our Saviour can be called The First: then, by what Analogy The first Fruits. The Patriarch Enoch was Translated; and the Prophet Elias went up to Heaven in a fiery Chariot: And the Assumption of Moses hath been disputed for by some; though it should seem, by the Contention betwixt the Archangel and the Devil about his body, that there was no such matter. Howsoever, these all rather died not, then rose again. As for the Rising of Samuel, to which the Cunning Woman of Endor pretended, it was nothing less than a Resurrection; 'twas an Apparition. And Saul should have said to the Woman, as He to Her: Why hast thou deceived me? for this is not Samuel. Elisha indeed raised up the Shunamite's Son: and our Saviour raised up his friend Lazarus, after he had been Dead four days: And yet still This was the first Resurrection. The rest did not go before, as the Scripture seemeth to say, but followed This. For, as he was a Lamb, slain; so was he a Lamb Risen too, from the beginning of the World. The rest were Raised, He only Risen from the Dead. Elisha's dead Bones raised up Another Man's; Our Saviour's dead Bones raised up themselves. They raised Others, by His power; He, Himself by his own.  
To say therefore, there was any Resurrection before This, is to say, that Abraham was before Christ. The rest were all but second Brothers in the Resurrection: He only was Primogenitus Mortuorum, the first begotten of the Dead.  
We have seen in what since our Saviour is to be accounted the First: I am now to tell you, in what Proportion he standeth to the First Fruits.  
But then I am to lead you back to the Old Law, of the Omer, or Sheaf. Levit. 23.9. Where the Children of Ifraël are commanded, that at the reaping of their Harvest no Bread, or Parched Corn, or Green Ears be eaten in their dwellings, till a Sheaf of the Frst Fruits be offered, and Waved before the Lord, together with a Lamb for a  Offering. The Traditions here (and not unnecessarily) supply; that, those who lived far from the Holy City, might eat of the New Corn, when Midday was passed: for that is was presumed, the Sanhedrim would see the Sheaf offered up ere that time. Thus the Letter, and Ceremony: which, how well it is answered in the Truth, and Substance, I shall briefly show you.  
The Typical Sheaf, (as the Doctors deliver in the Talmud,) was to be cut down in the Night: So was the True. 
Codmenac.  He was cut down indeed in the Day time; but the Darkness was the greater: for the very Light of This Day was Darkness; and therefore how great was that? A darkness, that indeed might be felt. A darkness over the face of the whole Earth: Such an one, as in the Beginning was over the face of the Deep, before the Creator had said, Let there be Light. And though the Scripture maketh mention but of Darkness till the Ninth hour; yet most certain it is, that That Day had another Darkness, about the Twelfth hour, of Nature's own Provision. For, by the Astronomical Tables, the Moon was at that time almost totally Eclipsed: So truly were these First Fruits cut down in the Night,  
The Typical Sheaf thus reaped down, was carried into the Court-yard of the Sanctuary, threshed, parched, ground; then lifted up, and waved before the Lord: So was the True. The manner of the Jews Threshing was by the Treading of Oxen, and Wheels indented with iron teeth. And did not many Bull's compass Him about? And was not He bruised for our Transgressions? His Hands, and his Feet were pierced; and all his Bones were out of joint: they had been broken too, but for the Prophecy. He was Parched: for, was not his strength dried up, as a Potsherd? Did not his Tongue cleav to the roof of his Mouth? And was he not brought down to the dust of Death? You may hear him say all this himself, Psalm 22. He was lifted up too: for, as Moses l●fted up the Serpent in the Wilderness, so was the Son, etc. And he was waved too, (as some compare it) by an Earthquake, at the Resurrection. But instead of Waving, the Text translateth it; The Sheaf was Separated. So were these first Fruits: and the Desertion was so great, that he cried out, His God, His God had forsaken him. Lastly, there was an Extraordinary Lamb to be offered up, as due to the Sheaf. And if one should ask us, as once the Son did the Father; Behold the fire, and the wood; but where is the Lamb for a burned Offering? He would be answered, that God would provide himself a Lamb. Ecce Agnus Dei, Behold the Lamb of God. But that which most of all concerns is, the Condition of the First Fruits: That was, till These were offered up no Man of the Land of Israel might eat of his New Corn; 'twas yet Profane, and Cursed, as the Ground that bore it. But, the Sheaf once offered up, the whole Crop is entitled to the Consecration. For, if the First Fruits be holy, saith S. Paul, then so is also the whole lump. This also is the case of the Resurrection: for, if Christ, the first Fruits, be risen; then They also that are His, the whole Lump, at his Coming. The Harvest is the end of the World; and the end of our Life is in the seed time: Churchyards are the Plots; which, therefore, the high  most properly term, God's Aeres, or Glebe Land, wherein the Dead are sown a Natural body; but the Crop shall not be such, as wherewith the Mower filleth not his hand, or he that bindeth up the Sheafs his bosom. It shall be with the Fat of the Kidneys of Wheat, as Moses in the Song. Deut. 32.14. 'Tis sown in Dishonour; it riseth again in Glory. And the Reapers are the Angels, who shall gather and bind us up again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Betsror hachaiim, into the Bundle of Life, as in the 1 Sam. 25.29. which words therefore the Jews use to repete in their Diriges, and inscribe upon their Tombs.  
The First Fruits being risen; take any one of us any grain of Corn in the whole Lump, and cast it into the ground, if it die not, it abideth alone: but if it die, it bringeth forth much Fruit. For the Life of the Lump, like Corn in the Earth, is laid in the First Fruits in God: The instance of the Corn is so pregnant, that the Greek Churches, in their Commemorations of the Dead; use to boil Wheat in water, and set it before them, as a convincing Symbol of the Resurrection. And my Author is bold to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that This is the Greater wonder of the two; that the Resurrection of the Corn is more Prodigious than that of the Body. Strange indeed it is, that a grain of Corn should not quicken, except it die: But much more strange, that out of one grain, and one as good as Dead, should spring forth such a Numerous Increase. As for our Bodies, which are sown in Corruption; the Earth, when she shall give up her Dead, will render, but as the Talon hid in the Napkin, the same again; or one for another. But the Husbandman receiveth his own with Interest: shall I say that this Grain hath gained him Ten Grains? Nay, in some parts under the Line, they reap the profit of a Thousand for One.  
In Relation to the First Fruits, we are called by Saint Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Complantati, such as are planted together with him in Likeness of his Resurrection. Correspondently the Prophet Isaiah saith, Our bones shall flourish like an Herb. Now the Herbs and Plants, we know, however cut down, yet reinforcing from the Root, spring up, and rise again. We use Vulgarly, but Improperly, to call the uppermost of the Branches, the Top of a Tree: but we are corrected by Aristotle, in the Books De Anima; where we are taught to call the Root, the Head; and the Top, the Feet. In the Revers of this Comparison, the first Fruits are the Root, and the Head; we, the Branches, or Members. And in the 36. of Isaiah, the Head acknowledgeth the whole departed Race of Mankind to be his Trunk, or Dead Body. We read it: Thy Dead Men shall arise; With my dead Body shall they arise. But the rest is put in by the Translators: The Original is, Thy dead Men shall arise: they shall arise, my dead Body. Seeing therefore that the Axe is not laid to the Root of the Tree, what though the Branches be lopped off by Death, there is still Hope in the Tree, saith Holy Job. For though the Stock thereof die in the ground; yet through the sent of water, 'twill bud and bring forth boughs like a Plant; which withereth over night: but being watered with the dew of Heaven, springeth up afresh in the Morning. And therefore in the same Prophecy of Isaiah, the Dew of dead men is likened to the Dew of Herbs: Ros tuus, Ros Olerum. To this say the Jews, in the Book Zohar, That, at the last Day, a kind of Plastical Dew shall fall down upon the Dead, and engender with Lu●, the little Bone spoken of before: and so out of this, all the rest of our Bones, and the whole Man shall spring forth. But we are not to give heed unto Jewish Fables: and therefore it shall not be here enquired, who shall be the Father of this Rain; or, Who should beget these drops of Dew. Sure we are, that though touched by Death we shrink up, like that sensitive Plant: yet we shall soon quicken by his Influence, whose Head (in the Canticles) is filled with Dew; and his Looks as with the drops of the night. In Exprobration therefore unto Death, and Mortality, we know whose use it was to bury their dead in their Gardens; sowing their Bodies with as much faith, as their Fruits, and equally expecting the spring of Both. 'Tis for no other reason, that we ourselus stick our Hearses with Flowers, and go forth to the grave with Rosemary. Our Precedents were the Jews, whose ancient Custom it was by the way as they went with their Corpses, to pluck every one up the Grass; as who should say, they were not sorry, as men without Hope; for, their brother was but so cropped off, and should spring up again in his due season.  
But the Prophet Isaiah's Comparison of the Flourishing of our Bones like an Herb, is yet further made good, by (as I think) one of the greatest Secrets, that are yet known in Nature. A Learned Chemist, who spent much time in the Contemplation of Tinctures, and Impressions of Vegetals, to prove the Great Principle of Salt, made this experiment. He took several Herbs, and Plants, and calcined them to Ashes: he put up the Ashes into several Glasses, sealed Hermetically, and written upon with the several names of the Calcined Herbs. When he would show the Experiment, he applied a soft flame to the Glasses; whereforthwith he might perceiv the self same Herbs rising up by little and little out of the Ashes, every one in his proper form: and, the flame subtracted, they would return to their own Chaos again.  
The Spectators, as the Chemist, beheld this with the greatest Admiration; and giving thanks to God, concluded from thence the Resurrection of the Dead Body.  
We may take an Omen of our Rising again, from the Time of our Saviour's Resurrection. The first fruits risen in the Spring: and that's the time (so the Senator Manilius) wherein the Phoenix riseth out of her ashes. And 'tis the time wherein the Egyptians celebrate their Annual Resurrection: for upon the 26. of March, they solemnly go to a place by Nile, where they see, and touch the Bodies Rising out of their Graves. It will seem strange, I confess, but it hath been seriously testified, and believed. Howsoever we shall take this, but as a staff of Egypt; a broken Reed, or, but such an one, as Gehazi laid upon the Dead Child. But the master cometh shortly, and shall command the Breath to come from the four Winds, and breath upon our Slain; and then these Bones shall live.  
But I would not have this Doctrine two partially applied: our Saviour indeed is said to be the first Fruits of them that sleep in Him. Those that sleep in Him, are such, which here awake and stand up from the Death of sin. For, as there is a second Death; so, Here is a first Resurrection. In the great morning of the World the Dew shall fall down upon the dead in Christ; as that other Dew upon the Fleece of Gideon; and the rest of Mankind shall be dry. But another dew shall fall upon the ungodly; a Blasting Mildew: and then the rest of the ground shall be wet, and the Fleece only shall be dry. The ' wicked lie in the graves like Sheep, (saith the Psalmist) that are appointed to the Slaughter; and the Righteous shall have dominion over them in the Morning. In the field of the World, where our Saviour is the first Fruits, the Good are the Wheat; and the Bad are the Tares: which as they both are cut down alike, so shall they both alike be gathered up: But the Tares for the Fire; and the good Corn for the great Husbandman's Barn. They seem indeed to be of the Lump; but no more title to the First Fruits, then that, as these were cut down, so those were sowed in the Night.  
If these things be so, what manner of persons ought we to be, in all holy Conversation? But if the Resurrection were to be argued from the Sanctity of Life; there was never less Hope of it, than now. Nay, we take the only course to prove that our Saviour is not yet Risen. 'Tis but the Conversion of S. Paul's Proposition: If Christ be not risen; then you are yet in your sins: But you are yet in your sins: and ye know what follow's.  
In all holy conversation, etc. Why, there was never more Holiness pretended to; never less practised than now. And ye must not count me your Enemy, because I tell you this Truth What streining here is at the Gnat of a Ceremony; by them which can swallow whole Camels of other Profitable Abominations? How odious is the very name of a Cope, or a Surplice to those, which yet can love the garment spotted with the Flesh? All possible means hath been taken, to purge the material Temple of any suspicious Rust, contracted by the inconsiderations of Time: but the Temples of our Bodies, and they should be those of the Holy Ghost, they are Painted still, Painted Sepulchers. They appear well outwardly; and we have been persuaded to wash our selus in Jordan, from the Romish Leprosy: we do well; only in this, the Lord be merciful unto me. We will have Rimmons still; And what was Rimmon, think ye? 'Twas the Strumpet Lady of Lust, and Wantonness.  
If it be well to deface a Picture in a Church; will it not be much better, to restore the Image of God in our selus? I do not say that these things ought they not to have done: I leave that to a higher Discretion: but, I may, and must say that if the other things be left undone, ye have but washed the outside of the Platter. What availeth, if the Statutes of Omri are not ●●●pt; when other Judgements shall be turned into Wormwood, and the fruits of Righteousness into Hemlock? Talk of Christians! Get to be Heathens first. I can believ that these men hope to rise again: for they say, and they do as they would be done by.  
The Body and Blood of Christ; are the Sacraments of Resurrection: but, can I think them to be so, to Them, who so duly come to Receiv them unworthily. It is the cause, (saith S. Paul) many are weak and sickly among you, and many sleep.  
If ye be indeed risen with Christ, seek those things which are above. But do they do so, that sit brooding upon this Earthly pelf, to hatch a Cockatrice Egg? Or, such an one as the silly Ostrich leaveth on the Sand? Do we seek those things which are above, but as we do these which are below? We can light a Candle, and sweep the House; and balance that eternal weight of Glory, with a falls Measure.  
Will you hear the end of all? Fear God, and keep his Commandments; for this is the whole duty of man. Pretend to what you will: Pure Religion, and undefiled before God, and the Father, you know what it is: It is, to visit the Fatherless, and Widows in their Affliction; and to keep himself unspotted of the World.  
FINIS.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. OR A DISPROOF OF HIM, in the 3. of S. Luke. v. 36.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. OR A DISPROOF OF HIM, in the 3. of S. Luke. v. 36.  
WHen to assure, even the Scripture itself was accounted but Distraction; And whilst the holy Cares of those Primitive Souls slept securely upon the more instructing parts of the Book of God, The Enemy came and sowed Tares in the Genealogies, proportioning his Temptations to the more obnoxious Parts, and more exposed to the chance of Transscription, or Industry of violence.  
To reconcile the Greek Book of the Generations to the Hebrew Accounts, the Deliberations have been many, Learned, and insufficient.  
Moses saith, That Arphaxad begat Sala, and Sala begat Heber, etc. S. Luke saith, That Arphaxad begat Caïnan, and Caïnan begat Sala, and Sala begat Heber, etc. which (seeing that the same Spirit equally guided both the Pens, 
Beda. Pr●f. in Act. Apost. ) I can never wonder at enough (saith one) & propter ingenii tarditatem vehementissimo stupore perculsus, nescio perscrutari.  
But leaving S. Luke awhile to the success of this inquiry. Certain it is, that the supernumerary Caïnan is most originally to be charged upon the seventy, but quod nemo scire (saith Scaliger) neque unde hauserunt, neque cur potuerint hactenus caussam reddere potuit. He saith that no man can tell from whence they had it, or could ever yet give a Reason why they should put it in.  
Concerning this Translation, the Traditions are, That under the Reign of Ptolemy Philadelph, and by the agency of Demetrius, seventy and two of the Elders of Israël were invited over to Alexandria with the Originals of their Law: That they were appointed a Recess in the Isle Pharos, where, in the space of seventy two days they rendered it into Greek: That the Translation first diligently revised and approved of by the Jews there frequently residing at that Time, was carefully and solemnly put up and reserved in the King's Library. So Aristeas, and from him Josephus. Philo seemeth to intimate as if the Translation had been severally and unanimously performed, that is by two and two in a Celestina, as Epiphanius, and the Emperor in the Novels.  
But by the fuller Authority both of the Jewish and Christian Interest, It was Translated all alike, and by every one in a Separate Conclave. 
Antiquitat. Judaïc. l. 12. ●. 2.  So Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, the Talmudists in Megillah Nikra. fol. 9 A. in Massichta Sopherim c. 1. Halac. 8. Abraham Zacuth in Juchasin.— R. Gedalias in Shalshelet Haccabala. fol. 23.24. etc. And Justin Martyr would have the Gentiles to know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That this is no Fable or fictitious Relation, for that He himself had been there and visited the ruins of the Cells, and received this Tradition from the Inhabitants of the Place.  
It is added moreover by the said Aben Batric, that Simeon the Just was one of the Interpreters, and that upon his unbelief of a Passage in the Translation which prophesied of Christ, it was given unto him not to see death till he had seen the Glory of God. Whom when he had taken up in his Arms, he then began that his Nunc Dimittis; Lord now lettest thou thy Servant departed in peace, etc.  
For the Translation he expressly affirmeth that the whole was performed by each of them in his several Celestina, no man dissenting from another: and that the several Copies were all sealed up and put into the Temple of Serapis.  
And yet contrary to all this one Armius (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) quoted in the Preface to an Arabic Version of the Greek Pentateuch saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Catena Arab. in Pentateuc. M●s. in Arch. Bodleianis.  That the Elders disagreed, and that therefore the King commanded they should be put in prison, and under chains.  
An eager and famous Contestation passed betwixt Saint Hierom and S. Austin about this matter; the former attributing so little to the Story, that with him The Cells and Separation are but a Fable: the later so much, That he accounteth their varieties from the Original, to be no less harmonious than those of the Gospels.  
But forasmuch as the Testimonies, notwithstanding their number and concurrence, may be all thrust up into the single authority of Aristeas, and that so substantially disabled by Scaliger, the most indifferent men take part with Saint Hierom.  
The truth of all may seem to be as followeth.  
The Talmudists in Sopherim deliver a Tradition of five Elders who translated the five Books of Moses for Ptolemy the King. 
Sopher. c. 1. Halac. 7.  etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that this was a sad day to the House of Israël, and like the days of the Calf, etc. And the time of this Translation is to this day kept a fast, and noted in their Calendar with a Miracle of three day's darkness, which, as they say, was then upon the Earth.  
The Tradition seemeth to point us to that version of the Law performed before the times of Alexander the Great, 
Clem Alex. 1. Storm.  as Aristobulus testifieth in his first book to Ptolemy Philametor: But the Tradition erroneously casteth it upon the days of Ptolemy when not the Law only, but the Prophets also were translated, and by the seventy Elders, as before.  
Those among the Jews who read the Law in this Translation were called Hellenists, otherwise the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Korin lemephrah. Such as read the Law backwards as the Talmud, in Sota fol. 32.6.  
In the Jerusalem Talmud it is said, that R. Levi coming to Caesarea, and hearing them read the Shemang, or Audi Israël (a Section of the Law) Deut. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hellenistin, or in Greek, would have hindered them, which R. Jose perceiving, angrily said; He that cannot read it in Hebrew, shall he not read it at all? Nay let him read it in any tongue whatsoever, that he understandeth and he hath done his duty. Sota. c. 7.  
This preposterous way of Reading (as it was taken) bred a diversity of conversation, and was the cause of many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or murmur betwixt the other Jews and Hellenists; for so we are to read, not Grecians. Act. 6.1.  
For the Translation, I believ it to be that which for the greatest part of the main body is yet exstant, and that it was performed at such a Time and Place, and possibly by such a Number of Elders; for the Cells, the Separation, and miraculous consent of the Interpreters, with other pompous circumstances remembered by Aristeas, I assure myself they were all afterwards devised by the Hellenists to advance the reputation of their Scripture, against that of the other murmuring Jews: which, derived down to the Fathers of the Church in such a disguis of Miracle and Antiquity, and which is more than that, expressly quoted by the Evangelists and Apostles, rather than the Original, was easily received with that precipitation of Reverence, as gave not time to consider what licentious courses had been practised upon it.  
In this Translation as now received, besides many other various Readins, two irreconciliable differences from the Original have passed, the one purely Chronological by a numerous excess in the Anni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The other is not so only, but also the Interposition of another Caïnan into the Series of the Geneälogies. This later committeth the new Testament with the Old; The former leaveth the Old upon plain terms of contradiction to its self, and is so vast, as in fixing the Aera of the Flood to leave the Hebrew Computation many hundred years behind; and so absurd; as to let it follow that Noah died before the Flood, and Methusalem lived after it.  
To reconcile either of these two to the Original, upon my duest consideration of all that hath been devised, I find to be of an impossible performance.  
To defend the Translation against the Original, as the Romanists immoderately undertake, putteth us upon an unreasonable and ensnaring consequence: which howsoever men corrupted by engagement may more indiscernably swallow up, yet super-induced upon a sincere and unmixed faith, removeth the ancient Landmark, and betrayeth us to Atheïsm and instability of mind, dividing a Kingdom against itself, and tossing the Ark of the Church to and fro, like a wave of the Sea.  
No man (I know) hath more to the purpose solicited this cause then the very learned Morinus, and yet I can perceiv that after all other stones removed, he is forced with Baronius to report himself to the Tradition of the Church, which, how Catholic soever, bringeth no more to pass then this: That the Greek Computation hath been universally received from the very beginnings of Ecclesiastical Time. There was reason for it, for it pleased God (who even in these things despiseth not the ways of Men) that the Scripture might be the sooner known, and to the more, to suffer it to pass rather by the streams, then from the fountains, to which the access was harder, and the differences but such as imported no substantial inconvenience in the ways of salvation.  
But if universal Tradition be of that moment in this matter, then what shall become of the Vulgar Edition, which must be maintained by that Party, and yet cannot be but upon the same terms; where notwithstanding we find these sums cast up, not by the Greek, but the Hebrew reckoning?  
As for their Cardinal Aliac, who undertook to make good this Computation of the seventy by the great Conjunctions from the Figure of the World, judgement is already passed upon him by the Earl of Mirandula. 
J. Picus Mirand. Ad. Astrol. lib. 5. c. 9   
The ways of Reconciliation and defence being thus shut against us, The Translation itself must be called in question and written upon as supernumerary and corrupt.  
For the Anni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 'tis evident from the method and demeanour of the undertaking, it is not of that kind as could fall out in Time, or by Transscription, but of deliberation and purpose, the Numbers for the most part increasing by a centenary accession.  
By the Original, Seth was 105 years old when he begat Enos: By the Septuagint he was 205. Enos was 90 years old when he begat Caïnan; The Greek is 190, etc. contriving so as to cast all up into a set and intended form of Imposture.  
'Tis otherwise manifest by the different Traditions of this Period, not only as it is summed up by the Ancient writers, Demetrius, Eupolemon, Timotheus, Nicephorus, etc. but in the Copies themselves, and their Translations, as in some Arabic versions of the Greek Pentateuch I observe, in the Ruff Bible, and the Samaritan Pentateuch; which also I undertake to be no Original, but to have been drawn out of the Greek Fountains, as, in respect of that, I may call them.  
For the Later, S. Luke I know is dangerously pretended; but in so low a Spirited and Shifting way, as that the Evangelist must needs be a loser by the hand.  
We must speak it out, that however it hath appeared in the Later Copies of that Gospel, 
C●d. Antiquiss Euang. & Ad. Apost. gns. gr. lat. Arch. Bibl. Pub. Cantab.  and so derived down to the Syriack and Arabic Translations, etc. yet the Old Originals received it not; as also Beza hath noted, more importantly his vetustissimus Codex, whereunto I myself also can bear him Witness, that it is not to be found, either in the Greek or Latin.  
But neither was it exstant in the Ancient Copies of the Septuagint. That in the King's Library at S. James' I confess to have wherewithal to bear out some repute of Antiquity, especially if it should be, as the Patriarch who sent it over pretended, written by the hand of Tecla, a Disciple of S. Paul's. 
Menolog. Sept. 24.  But the Menologie (none of the worst remembrancers) maketh no mention of any such Act of the Saint; and if it had, we know of what moment to make that kind of trust.  
But suppose the Caïnan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have been exstant in the Copies of S. Paul's time, this will not be good enough security against the Testimony of Berosus the Chaldean, a man of Ptolemy Philadelph's own time; who, 
Euseb. Praef. Evang. lib. 9 pag. 24.  in his Babylonish History, accounting the Series of the Patriarches after the Flood, setteth down Abraham 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the tenth Generation, and therefore Caïnan could not be reckoned upon: which moreover is confirmed by Eupolemon's like tradition of the same Series.  
This only doubt can be raised, whether Berosus, though he published his History after the times of the Translation, yet might not compose it before, under the times of Alexander, which also were his. But if he did, than I say that he took the Series from that other ancienter Greek Translation of the Pentateuch, mentioned by Aristolûlus, and so the Testimony is the greater.  
But the Caïnan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not exstant in the Septuagint of S. Paul's Time. If it had, 
Theoph. Antioch. 3. Lib. add Autolyc. Irenae. Lib. Epiphan. Ep. 55.  Theophilus Antiochenus immediately following would not expressly have left it out in his Epilogism. No more would Irenaeus, Epiphanius or Eusebius in theirs. And those that know how the case stood betwixt S. Hierom and this Translation, know he could not possibly have passed it over, had it been to be found in the Copies of his Time.  
But neither is it exstant in the Vulgar Edition, the Samaritan Pentateuch, or the Ruff Bible, translated out of the Septuagint, for there it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arphaxad begat Sala, and Sala begat Eber.  
True it is, 
Ms. in Arch. Bodelian. 5.  that I meet with this Caïnan in two Arabic Versions of the Greek Pentateuch, but evidently translated since the corruption was set on foot.  
But it is of more moment than all this, that it never was, nor could be in the Original, out of which the Elders translated, and that by an invincible Note of the Masora marked upon the place.  
Nor did ever any Translation out of the Hebrew acknowledge it. Not the Targums whatsoever, not the Vulgar Latin, not the Spanish or the Vulgar Greek, both translated by the Jews themselves, and printed at Constantinople in Hebrew letters; Not the Persian Paraphrase by Tawos. The Arrabick by Saadiah Gaon, or that other by the Jews in Mauritania, set forth by Erpenius.  
But neither is the forgery constant to itself; for though we meet still with it in the Book of Genesis, yet in the better Copies of the Chronicles it is not found, the Projector so much forgot himself.  
Manifestly therefore both Caïnan and the Numbers came in the wrong way, the design whereof, what it was, and managed by whom, I go about to show.  
In the first Verse of the first Chapter of Genesis, the Hebrew א, standing in their Arithmetic for a thousand, is six times found. From hence the Ancient Cabalists concluded, 
Gemara Tal. in Helec Sanhedrin. fol. 97. a R. A Zar. in Im●. Been. c. 43.  That the World should last six thousand Years, because also God was six days about the Creätion, and a thousand Years with him are but as one day; therefore after six days, that is six thousand Years duration of the World there shall be a seventh day, or millenary Sabbath of Rest: concerning which Justin Martyr to Tryphon the Jew, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, And there is a certain man among us whose name is John, one of the Apostles of Christ, who, in his Apocalyps, hath foretold of a thousand Years to be enjoied in Jerusalem, 
In the Revelation made to him.  by those which shall believ in our Christ. The same also was asserted by Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, Apolinarius, and Irenaeus, as S. Hierom in his Catalogue, and hath been of late days by very Learned men awaked out of a long sleep, and even now is by some, to no good ends, more than enough resented. Though this was wont to be one of the reasons, why, the Revelation was accounted but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Gregory Nyssen, and not called by S. John's, but the Heretic C●rinthus his name. Other Asspersions raised upon this Book by Eusebius, Dorotheus, Dionysius, etc. are summed up by Erasmus, and more forcibly urged then fully answered by Beza.  
I may add, that the Canon of Scripture we go by, groundeth much upon that Enumeration subjoined to the last Canon of the Council of Laodicea, which yet is not found in the very ancient Manuscripts. Gretser mentioneth one, and I meet with another here at home. 
Synodic. Gr. Ms. in Arch. Baroc. B. Bod.  Nor is it exstant in Joseph's Arabic Code, where only the Canon of the Council is set down, with a note upon the Idiötical Psalms. And yet in the same Code, in the Apostolical Canons, contrary to the trust of all the Greek Copies, 
Cod. Concil. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Rouen. B. Bod.  it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Revelation of S. John called the Apocalyps, but immediately follow the Constitutions of Clement, and recommended to the Church upon as equal terms. In a Manuscript Arabic Translation of the New Testament in Queen's College, only this Book of the Revelation is wanting.  
In the Arabic lives of the four Evangelists observed upon by Kirstenius, the note is. Observandum quoque est, hunc Autorem né verbo quidem uno mentionem facere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. Joannis, 
P. Kirs●en. in Vit. 4. Evan. Arab. fol. 50.  quam quidam hunc Evangelistam in Patmo scripsisse asserunt quâ autoritate ipsi videant. Atque adeò semper iste Liber inter Apocrypha reputatus est.  
But the Author doth make mention of the Apocalypse in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but this period (saith Kirstenius) doctioribus hujus linguae considerandum relinquimus. I dare not own the doctioribus, but the Reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the meaning is, And the report goes, that S. John delivered up the Apocalypse to his Disciple Phughir. So express is the mention, and no stronger the Tradition.  
But in derogation to a Book wherein too much may so soon be said, at lest enough, be the writing never so Canonical, the Argument is most intractable, and to the usual reach of Men so intricate and lost in Mystery, that unless the Times reveal faster than yet they have done, no man will be found worthy to open and to read the Book, neither to look thereon.  

Chap. 5.4.  Not to repete over Cajetan's Exponat cui Deus concesserit; Calvin, the Man whose prais is in the Interpretation of the word of God, Sententiam rogatus de Libro Apocalypseos (so Bodin report's him) ingenuè respondit ●e penitùs ignorare quid velit tam obscurus Scriptor; 
Joh. Bodin. M●th. Hist. c. 7.  qui qualísque fuerit nondum constat inter Eruditos.  
But this later part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerneth me not so pertinently as the former, that is the six thousand Years duration of the World, unto which more than what was said before must be added out of Lactantius, Sicut ipsum hominem Deus die sexto ultimum fecit, etc. ità nunc die sexto magno verus homo verbo Dei fingitur; that as God made man last in the sixth day, 
Lactant. L. 7. c. 14.  so in the great sixth day or millenary of the World, the true man was made by the Word of God.  
He saith also that mention was made of this Tradition by the Sibylline Oracles, the great Hermes, and the old Histaspes King of the Medes.  
More expressly Clemens, Timotheus, and Theophilus as they are quoted by Joannes Antiochenus Melala. 
Joh. Antioc. Ms. in Arc. Barr. Bib. Bod. Chronograph. l. 10.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, That upon the sixth day (as the Scripture hath foresaid) God made man, and man fell by sin; so upon the sixth day of the Chiliad (or sixth millenary of the World) our Lord Jesus Christ came into this World, and saved man by his Cross and Resurrection.  
To the same purpose Aelfric an Abbot of our own, in his Treatise of the Old and New Testament to Sigwerd of East Hoolon. ꝧ adam ge tacnude þeondam sixtan daege geseapen ƿaes þarh god usne helen christ þe come to þissere ƿosulde [on þaere sixtan ylde] & us ge eSniƿoSe to his ge licnesse. That Adam who was shapened by God upon the sixth day, betokeneth our Saviour Christ; who came into this World (in the sixth Age thereof) and renewed us after his own likeness.  
For this duration of the World, I think it well enough retorted upon Lactantius by one of the Jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that God hath not made haste to do according to this saying; for as Lactantius compute's, the Time is already past and gone; and yet the World continues to be as in the days of old, etc. R. Azarias in Imre Binah c. 43. fol. 142. though some of us Christians have so little to do, and think our selus so well acquainted with the unsearchable ways of God, 
Cunmannus Fliusbachius.  as to bid our Readers take it upon their word. Mundi hujus aetatem supra sex millia annorum, tanquam certam & immotam metam quam Deus mundo, sapienti & inscrutabili consilio determinavit; non excursuram esse etc. And what will become of the millenary Sabbath of Rest, if the six thousand Years whereon that depends be of no weightier consideration?  
But to weaken or defend the Tradition, I have no engagement upon me. It yieldeth me this Observation, That in the Opinion of those which held it, Our Saviour was to come in the Flesh in the sixth millenary of the World.  
But by the Hebrew Account, the Messiah was to come long before, as the Angel Gabriel prophesied in the seventy Weeks determined upon that People.  
It amounted therefore to this. That either the Tradition must come down to the Text, or the Text made to come up to that.  
In the Arabic Catena, and there only, I find the Imputation laid upon the Original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, That the Jews cut off from the Ages of the World 3600 Years, co conceal the Epiphanie of Christ, that their Books might not convince them of the contrary, etc. Caten. Arab. C. 19  
I begin to think how readily Morinus, and others of the Romish Party will resent this Testimony. Learned Men, I confess, but of a strange brow, to pretend to the world, Chronologiam juxta Lxx Interpretum numeros subductam, Antiquis Hebraeorum codicibus videri conformem, That the Chronologie computed according to the Numbers in the Septuagint, probably differeth not from the Ancient Hebrew Copies.  
But for the Sincerity of the Hebrew Text, the Foundation of God and man standeth sure. And for that of Julius Africanus) the only thing which hath been urged to purpose in this Caus) it shall be unexspectedly answered. Julius Africanus saith, That the Jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. themselves delivered this Computation of years taught by the Spirit of God in Moses, and out of the Hebrew Histories, etc. Not meaning, as Morinus would have him, that the Greek account was drawn from the Ancient Originals of Moses, but as Joannes Antiochenus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. For like as God made Man in the sixth day, as Moses expoundeth, 
Psal. 90. Orat. Mos. etc.  (who also hath it in his writings) That one day of the Lord is as a thousand years etc.) So in the sixth millenary day, our Lord Jesus appeared.  
And this was all Moses had to do with it.  
That the things was done by the Jews, I deny not; but, by those, I mean the Hellenists. And I take upon me, that the Corruption proceeded not by subduction from the Hebrew, but the accession to the Greek Scripture, and that it was done hard by the times of the Translation, and to no other end then to what I pretended: which was to make the Accounts fall even with their Tradition of the Messiah coming in the sixth millenary of the world, as it falleth out by the Epilogisms of Demetrius, cited by Alexander Cornelius; Eupolemon, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus; 
Euseb. P. Evang. p. 248.  Timotheus and others, cited by Joannes Antiochenus; differing some from the rest, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. But all agree in this, that our Saviour came in the sixth Chiliad.  
(The distinctest Enumeration of this Account is that of Theophil. Antioch. before the Insertion of the Caïnan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. That is, Adam was 330 Years old when he begat Seth Seth 205 Enos Enos 190 Caïnan Caïnan 170 Malaleël Malaleël 165 Jared Jared 162 Enoch Enoch 165 Methusalem Methusalem 187 Lamech Lamec 188 Noah Noah 500 Sem Sem 100 Arphaxad Arphaxad 135 Sala Sala 130 Eber Eber 134 Phalec Phalec 130 Ragau. By this Account there passed from the Beginning of the World to the 700 Year of Noah's life 2362 Years; from thence to the 130 Year of Phalec 529, which added to the former Sum, maketh up from the beginning of the World to the same time 2891 Years. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as the same Period of Theophilus. From the Flood to the time at which Abraham our forefather begat Isaac, 1036 Years; from Isaac the son of Abraham to the Sojourning of the People with Moses in the Wilderness 660 Years: from the death of Moses to the death of David the Patriarch 498 Years; from thence to the Captivity in Babylon 518 Years; from the beginning of Cyrus to the end of Aurelius verus 744. Years: that is from the Flood to the death of Aurelius 3456 Years; to which if we add the 2362 Years from the Creätion to the Flood, the Total is 5818 Years, Substracting from thence 192 Years, from the 42 of Augustus to the death of Aurelius, our Saviour cometh into the World in the 626 Year of the sixth Millenarie.  
But the Tradition as otherwise delivered will have it so, That our Saviour must come precisely at the sixth hour of the sixth day, or very middle of the sixth Millenarie. So the Arabic Catena 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
Cat. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Bib. Bod.  The Lord Christ was to be manifested after the end of 5500 Years for the Redemption of Adam, as be promised, saying unto him. The sixth day at noon I will come unto thee, and redeem thee. Caten. Arab, ubi Suprá.  
And therefore Eustathius Antiochenus observeth, That Christ was Crucified the sixth Hour of the sixth Day, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to intimate the middle of the sixth Millenarie.  
The form of the Period (as it standeth to this Alteration) is drawn up by the Patriarch Nicephorus, in his Chronicon: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5500.  
So Joannes Antiochenus, Eusebius, the Aethiopian Calendar, etc.  
But also the Tradition especially required, that the 6000 Years should be equally divided by the times of Phalec, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. saith Eustathius Antiochenus. Phalec in the Hebrew signifieth Division; and the time of the World's duration, was divided by his days into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Joannes Antiochenus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Joan. Antio. Ms. Lib. 2.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From Adam to Phalec 3000 Years according to the Prophecy. So Cedrens. p. 12. Suidas in Phalec, and Hesychius in the Questions of Anastasius.  
To reconcile the Numbers to this, it was proceeded after this manner.  
By the Period of Theophilus, The interval from Adam to Phalec was 2891 Years: To this 110 Years were to be added. First therefore, and to make it look the more unlike a cheat, they cut off 20 Years from Methusala's sum; and whereas Theophilus had reckoned him at 187, they set him down 167; as in some Copies it still standeth. Then it was from Adam to Phalec 2871 Years. This don, they insert a new Caïnan, assigning Him 130 Years, which, added to the former sum, precisely maketh up 3001 Years from Adam to the 130 Year of Phalec. And therefore Caïnan was not taken into the seventy, out of S. Luke as the learned Grotius prejudged, but contrarily: which how likely it might be done by such in whose opinion this Translation stood upon the same terms as S. Luke's Original, is not hard to be believed.  
And yet the Arabic Catena can tell you the very day of this Caïnans death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And Caïnan died upon friday the thirteenth of Elul, and his Sons embalmed him, and buried him, and lamented over him 40 days. Caten. Arab. C. 32.  
And they make him the Patriarch of a Nation, but agree not. Eustathius Antiochenus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Sogdians. Eusebius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Gasphenians. Fasti Siculi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Sarmatians.  
Cedrens saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That he read the Giants Books to the men of his Time, which he found by chance as he was walking in the Fields.  
In Eustathius Antiochenus, He is the Inventor of Augury and Astronomy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Glycas, and Georgius Syncellus talk as if he had continued the Tables of Seth. And so I find it in a Manuscript Chronicle. 
Anonym. Chron. Ms. in Arch Baroc. Bib. Bod.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That after the Flood, Caïnan the Son of Arphaxad wrote Astronomy, having found the doctrine of the Stars written by Seth and his Sons in Tables of Stone.  
But none of all this is due to Caïnan the son of Arphaxad, but to Caïnan the son of Enos, as I shall make to appear by as sound a Tradition as these, written back to Aristotle out of India from Alexander the Great.  
When I came (saith the King) into the Land of Pharsaiacon, etc. 
See the Arab. Geog. p. 23.24. de aloës, a like Tradition of Aristot. & Alu. Sepher. Juchas●a. f. 3. b.  The Natives said unto me, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lo here in this Isle the Sepulchre of an ancient King, whose name was Caïnan the son of Enos, who reigned over the whole World before the Flood. He was a wise man, and endued with all kinds of knowledge, and had power given him against the Spirits, Devils, and destroying Angels. This Man by his wisdom foresaw that the blessed God would bring a Flood upon the Earth, the prophecy whereof he wrote in Tables of Stone, which here we have; and the writing is Hebrew, etc.  
This is the right owner of those parts and Inventions: That other Caïnan was a man of the Chiliasts making, one with whom things stood all otherwise then with Melchisedec.  
This man had neither beginning of days, or end of life, but in the Genealogies.  
FINIS.   

Episcopus Puerorum, IN DIE INNOCENTIUM. OR, A Discovery of an Ancient Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an anniversary Bishop among the Choristers.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

Episcopus Puerorum, IN DIE INNOCENTIUM. OR, A Discovery of an Ancient Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an anniversary Bishop among the Choristers.  
IN the Cathedral of Sarum there lieth a Monument in stone, of a little Boy habited all in Episcopal Robes, a Mitre upon his head, a Crosier in his hand, and the rest accordingly.  
The Monument lay long Buried itself under the Seats near the Pulpit, at the removal whereof, it was of late years discovered, and translated from thence to the North part of the Nave, where it now lieth betwixt the Pillars, covered over with a Box of Wood, not without a general imputation of Rarity and Reverence, it seeming almost impossible to every one, that either a Bishop could be so small in Person, or a Child so great in Clothes.  
Having consulted with the most likely men I knew (whereabouts I then was) to what Moment of Antiquity this could refer, the Answer still was, that They could not tell, and from one too from whom it seldom used to be so, the late Learned Bishop Montague, who also earnestly appointed me to make further enquiry after the thing, not doubting but that there would be something in the matter at least of curious, if not substantial observation.  
Returning therefore from thence, By Salisbury I obtained a perusal of the Old Statutes of that Church, intending afterwards to have looked over the Leaguer Books. But finding in the Statutes a Title, De Episcopo Choristarum, concerning the Chorister Bishop. I began to think my business was well nigh done already. And indeed a Circumstance of the Chapter directed me to their Processional, and so I came to perceiv that the meaning of the Monument was thus.  
MATH. II. XVI. 
Then Herod when he saw that he was mocked of the Wisemen was exceeding wroth, and sent forth and slew all the Children that were in Bethlehem and in all the Coasts from two years old and under, according to the time, etc.  
The Monument is altogether concerned in the memory of this Massacre. First therefore a little shall be said of That, and then something of the day itself.  
Here not to give Herod so many ill words neither as some do, and yet as an aggravation of the foulness of this murder, and by the insolence of the Martyrdom, to excuse the holiday, it will be at least to some purpose to observe a little of the Ancient Reverence and Holiness of Children.  
The Title of the Day remembreth them by a full and proper expression of Innocence. 'Twas impossible to christian the Feast more incomparably. The word Innocence is of a vast reputation, and yet dares not signify any thing here below but the State of the first Man, and that of Children, and therefore thus far suffer them to come to you, and forbidden them not  
He must needs have little of a Man, nothing at all of God in Him, that could break into a Circle of such harmless and undefended Simplicity.  
The Jews themselves thought nothing fit to be a murderer of this kind, but a Devil; and a She-one too: that the fearfulness of the Sex might dispose to more unruly and more barbarous resolutions of Inhumanity.  
This Shee-Divel they call by the Name of Lilith. It is taken from the Night, for so the word signifieth first. And it will be something to you when you remember yourself of that ordinary superstition of the old wives, who dare not intrust a Child in a Cradle by itself alone without a candle. You must not think those people know what they do, and yet you may perceiv their silly ways to derive from an Original much better, and more considerable than can be guessed at from their prone and uninstructed way of performance.  
That which we read, Job 1.15. And the Sabeans fell upon them, etc. The Hebrew is, And Seba came. ('tis a hard Book that.) The Syriack Translation is, Et irruerunt Latrones. And the Arabs or thiefs came in upon them. But the Chaldee rendereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That Lilith the Queen of Smargad came, etc. And Elias in his Methurgeman saith, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This was a City of the Sabeans called in their Language by the name of Smargad. 
Glossa Talmud in Nidda fol. 24. b.  And that this Lilith was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a kind of shee-Divel which killed Children. The 
* Aben Ezra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Castra Seba.  Gloss to Nidda saith so too, and describeth her to have wings and an humane Face: You may hear more of this Fairy Queen, if you can meet with that Edition of Ben Sirrah, which was Printed by the Jews at Constantinople, with the Books of Tobit, the Book of Zorobabel, etc.  
By this discourse how slight soever it may seem to be, I shall be able to attein my serious end. For, for this reason, as especially as any other, the Hebrew women as 
* Exod. 1.19.  lively as they were wont to be, yet now in dread of this Hobgoblin, solemnly observe this custom (enchantment you may call it) at this very day.  
When the great bellied woman's time is come, the Father of the Family, or for want of him, some holy man or other (for this is required too) is desired to come to the Room where the woman is to lie in; and then, and there he is to draw a Circle upon the several walls of that Place, and upon the doors, both within and without, and moreover also about the Bed, etc. And he is to inscribe these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adam Chavah Chuts Lilith. that is, Adam. Eve. Cut Lilith. And so the Child is thought to be sufficiently defended.  
The Heathen Stories of their Strix, as our own later ones of the Lamiaes (they are the same) I let pass. Only I stay to wonder, that it should be their black business to kill Children, seeing that the principal preparations whereby they Exercise, are made either of the Skin or Flesh of a Child. Of the skin they make their Virgin Parchment, a thing of great importance, as to them, and in which all their Spells and Charms are to be written. Of the Flesh decocted to a Jelly, they make their Unguents, with which they do things of so rare and unreasonable consequence. This practice of theirs as maliciously bad as it is, yet more and more confesseth to my purpose, the secret strength of Innocence, and sanctity of Children.  
Therefore by the greatest right of Nature, these Infants ought to have been proof against the most barbarous and unhappy hand.  
But you will marvel the less (and the more too) when this is added to it, That Herod's own Son was one of the Company.  
The Scripture indeed maketh not this mention, but yet you have it from a very good hand: Cùm audivisset Augustus inter pueros quos in Syria Herodes Rex Judaeorum intra bimatum jussit interfici, filium quoque ejus occisum, ait, Meli●● est Herodis porcum esse quàm filium. When Augustus Cesar (saith Macrobius) had heard that Herod the King of the Jews his own son was one of those Children, which from two years old and under were commanded by him to be slain in Syria, he said, 'Twere better to be Herod's Hog then his son. 
Sextus Senens. Bibliothec. Sancta Lib. 70.  Macrobius Saturnal. lib. 2. cap. 4.  
Sixtus Senensis quoteth this Answer of Augustus out of Dion Cassius his Roman History, in the life of this Emperor, but I do not find it there.  
The same Author quoteth this passage out of Philo Judaeus his chronography. Herodes Ascalonita anno trigesimo principatûs sui tyrannici Sanedrim ex domo David delevit, & Annalaeum quendam, atque alios Sanedrim ex proselytis suffecit qui nimiùm videbantur in Lege eruditi, tum & Salomen sororem suam, & virum ejus de tribu Juda, itémque proprium filium, quem ex uxore ejusdem susceperat, interfecit, quòd diceretur jam in lege promissus Christus natus. Only the last words are to the purpose, itémque proprium filium, etc. That Herod killed his own son too, because it was reported that Christ, who was promised in the Law, was now born.  
If this were the reason, it seemeth a little to reflect upon the matter of the Innocents'.  
But indeed if the Story had been fully and expressly set down, it must have gone for nothing. For this is but that Philo, which with others of the like pretended Authority, (Berosus, Metasthenes &c.) Amius the Monk hath so lately obtruded to this world. But the impudent forgeries of this fellow, the learned Joseph Scaliger, Sethus Calvisius, etc. have very quickly and sufficiently chastised.  
And yet this ignorant Man is as reverently quoted by Rabbi Azarias in his Meor Enaiim, 
Meor Enaiim fol. 89. etc.  as if he had written the Wisdom of Solomon.  
But the strangest thing indeed is, that Josephus himself should take no notice of this matter, not only not of the saying of Augustus, but nothing neither of the kill of the children, a Passage very unexspectedly omitted by so great a Courtier and so good an Historian, especially one that spared not to set forth the rest of Herod's indignities to the full.  
It is enough to draw some doubt upon the Tradition of Macrobius. Joseph Scaliger believeth it all; but yet his wonder is, that Augustus should make such a return upon Herod, seeing that he himself did the Murder, not only upon this, but upon all the three sons. I do not perceiv that the Learned Man hath cause enough. Herod did but cast the envious part upon the Emperor (and officiously too) but left the main and principal guilt upon his own head, and therefore nevertheless, to all this the Emperor might very fitly retort, as he did, That it were better to be Herod's Hog then his Son.  
But what son of Herod's could this be? It must be Antipater; or it must be none. But Antipater was more a man then to be reckoned among the children of two years old and under. And moreover then that, Antipater was not at Bethlehem, nor thereabouts at that time.  
I know not upon what terms to make this hold, unless it may be thus.  
Herod had obtained of Augustus the killing of two sons already, and now solicited for the third. It was presently upon the kill of the Infants that Herod's Messengers came to Rome with the Accusations of his son Antipater, and so both the Passages came to the Emperor's ear at the same time, and this later, for the nearness was misreckoned into the bargain.  
There is another Circumstance or two, which make the Murder so much the more concerning.  
One is,  
(You must not take it for a thing done: but therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the expression is the greater.)  
Now the Dead did bury the Dead. This blood cried so loud, that Rachel heard it in the Grave, and risen to execute the Funerals.  

Jer. 31.15. Mat. 2. 1●.  In Rama was there a voice heard, Lamentation and weeping, and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children, and would not be comforted, because they were not.  
But why Rachel? And why should this voice be heard in Rama?  
Note here the Situation of Rachel's Tomb, out of the Arabic Nubian Geographer.  
At verò Bethlehem, Locus videlicet ille in quo natus est Christus, 
Geograph. Arab. Nubiens. Clim. 3. Part. 5. p. 115.  distat ab Hierosolymis sex millibus passuum, & è media via ista habetur Sepulcrum Rachel, matris Joseph & Benjamin filiorum Jacob, Quibus salus. Huic Sepulcro duodecim sunt Lapides impositi, impendétque testudo lapidea concamerata, etc. So the Maronites in their Translation.  
Bethlehem, to wit the Place where Christ was born, is distant from Jerusalem six miles; and in the middle-waie there standeth the Sepulchre of Rachel the Mother of Joseph and Benjamin, the sons of Jacob; upon whom be health. The Sepulchre is erected of twelv stones, and an Arch of Stone above, etc.  
So the Geographer.  
This was in the Tribe of Juda, but confining upon that of Benjamin, where Rama was. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rachel, in the Oriental Languages, signifieth a Sheep or Lamb, And so an Innocent was very fitly called up to mourn over these Infants, who died in the Caus of the Lamb of God.  
And the voice of this Lamentation was heard in Rama, because Rama was in the Tribe of Benjamin.  
Benjamin was that Son of whom Rachel died in childbed, and though his Father gave him this Name, yet his Mother would have had him called Ben-oni, or the Son of Sorrow.  
The next is,  
§ That though otherwise there is a large indictment of Inhumanities' against this Tyrant, yet his miserable and uncommon death is rather imputed to the shedding of this (though much of the rest was his own) Blood.  
That this world, and he parted by an unusual course of Mortality, and by the judgement of God too, (at least in common reputation) Josephus is clear.  
Severe execution being done upon the two Sophisters and their Scholars for pulling down the Golden Eagle, which (to acknowledge the Roman Empire) Herod had set up upon the greatest gate of the Temple, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, Henceforth he was taken with a disease, which seizing upon the whole state and habit of his body, tormented him exceeding severally. A Fever he had, but not of any acute kind▪ an unsufferable Prurigo over all his body, with continual tortures of the Colon. By the Tumours about his feet you would judge him to be Hydropical, To this a strange inflammation of the lower Belly, and such a putrefaction of the Genitals as bred Worms; moreover than this, a shortness and difficulty of Breathing, with a Convulsion of all the Parts. This moved those of that time who pretended to know the mind of God, to give out that these diseases were inflicted upon Herod for his murder of the Sophisters, etc.  
Josephus hath a fuller Tradition of this Event, C. 8. of the 17. Book of his Antiquities. And if you consider the common Translations of both, you will find it fit that this other should be set down here too. The matter will not only be to turn the Greek, but (if it may be) to render it so, that especially the words may signify a distinct and Artificial description of Herod's disease, as Josephus meant, and indeed expressed it like himself.  
I do not threaten here to do very much neither: This I am sure of; The Translators understood the matter but meanly, (and yet one of them was a Physician too). I will do what I can, towards that I pretend to, and leave what is like enough to be wanting to those, whom it may more properly concern.  
Josephus his other words are these.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But the disease of Herod grew yet more bitterly violent, God exacting this judgement of his enormities upon him. He had a Gentle Fever, that is, not expressing itself so much to the outward touch and feeling, as more grievously burning him within: a strange appetite, and desire still to take something in; but nothing would stay with him, An Ulcer of the Entrails with hard conflictations, especially of the Colic Gut. A Phlegmatic Humour appeared about his feet, and Shining too; More than this, the disease had got about the lower Belly, and more than that, there was a putrefaction of his Genitals, and it bred worms. An Orthopnoea, or shortness of breath, and that also very unpleasant. A troublesome flux of Rheum, which caussed a perpetual Asthma: And the Patient not having strength to resist these things, there followed a convulsion of all the parts. It was said therefore by the Divines of that time, and those which it then stood upon, to give holy judgement of these things, that the hand of God was upon the King, to punish him for his so often repeated horrible offences.  
Here I must tell you though, that I do not see any such extraordinary moment or manner of Fatality in this dissolution.  
The disease indeed was especially complicate of a dropsy and dysentery. The Orthopnoea, Dyspnoea, Spasmes, etc. nay and the Fever itself too for aught I know, were but accidents of one or both. 
Hippoc. de victûs ration. Lib. 3. sect. 4.   
The dysentery (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was (and the worse therefore) especially in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Dropsy was of that kind which from the fashion of the Inflammation, is called Ascites. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth (as Galen saith) to Hypocrates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the lower region of the Belly comprehended between the Navel and the Genitals. There the Inflammation was, and it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Tradition saith, Therefore the Dropsy was of that kind which I said, and of a malignant State.  
There is nothing makes the matter look so like a Judgement, as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But this Putrefaction of the Genitals might very possibly be an Accident of the Dropsy, this kind especially. If it were not; it might be otherwise Natural enough, and you may hear of it in Hypocrates, and in the very same words used by Josephus here. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aphoris. Lib. 3. § 7. Aph. 21.  
And yet you shall see how this Tradition hath improved itself under the Christian's hands, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Chronicon. Alexand p. 488.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, And Herod being struck with a grìevous dropsy, the whole state of his Body corrupted, and the Worms crawled out. Thus he departed this life, receiving a just vengeance of that murder, which he committed upon the Children in Bethlehem for our Saviour's sake.  
Cedrens hath it out of another Author, that this Herod was famously known by the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Child-slaier. Herod might be so called for the kill of his own sons.  
But I wonder where the Author had this.  
Indeed Eusebius himself hath said more than comes to his share, as to this matter. Even he also accuseth Herod of this horrible disease, and chargeth it upon the murder of the Children, but (which was the Sleepiness of the Forgery) he quoteth Josephus for it too.  
Our own Elfrick the Abbot as unadvisedly, who having told the Story, closeth it up with this rash doom upon Herod & se yfela cining, and the wicked King died Miserably. Photius hath delivered it more expressly bad, and to not since of Traditional belief. I know there is a kind of well meaning in these devout Lies; but no more acceptable to him whom it seemeth to concern, than the cutting off of a Dog's neck. The Christian interest is more absolute and sufficient of itself then to need a supererogation of this kind.  
The simplicity of Joannes Antiochenus is more useful here then the Judgement of Eusebius. He telleth the History of the Children out of the Scripture itself, and then maketh this end of Herod's matters, out of Clemens the Chronographer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And immediately Herod being taken with an incurable disease, was eaten up of worms and so died. Joan. Antiochen. Melala Chronog. Lib. 10. Ms. in Arch. Baroccian. Biblioth. Bodleianae.  
But this Herod the Great, was not eaten up of Worms neither; There's a difference betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Act. 12. 2 Macab. 9  or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This indeed was the disease of which the other Herod died. Antiochus died so too: and both by the plain and visible judgement of God, the which, where it is not very notably and convincingly revealed, it were good to make as little use of our own Augury as we can.  
In the other Herod's case, S. Luke saith that an Angel struck him. This Angel in Josephus, is but an Owl, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and a Germane Soothsayer had told the King as much before. Antiquit. Lib. 18. C. 8. But of this in a more proper place.  
But if Herod the Great had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or eaten up of Worms, and by the judgement of God too: is it to be thought that this judgement looked asquint upon all the rest of this King's enormities, and cast a full eye only upon the Massacre of the Children?  
This is but to deliver up Herod to Satan here, that his soul might be saved in the day of the Lord. Would you have such a man thus taken from the evil to come? Rather than so, if you would have a damnation upon Herod that sleepeth not, let him have his portion in this life. Let him die the death of the Righteous, and let his last end be like his.  
Though he may seem to you to be never so much plucked off from God's right hand, yet you do not see that this man was written Childless: though he had drank so deep of the Blood of Innocents', Still there was one left, and one of his own Race too, to ●it upon the Throne of Jury. you are not to reckon of these things according to your own angry way of vengeance. The right profligati homines, and those that are notoriously engaged, especially in interested impieties, are most usually condemned to prosper here, that they may be the more secretly and justly reserved to the blackness, and darkness of their own other World.  
But if you will now, Herod shall be left in the very same case that you would have him.  
Let it be so, that he was judged here, that he might not be condemned hereafter; or, let both be true, ('tis so sometimes) Then I believ with you that the doom did as principally, and immediately reflect upon this Murder of the Innocents', as upon any of all the rest.  
There is an aggravation in the Number too; at least if the account be honestly given up to our hands.  

Menolog. Decemb. 29. Antholog. f. 132. a.  The Greek Tradition in the Rubric to the Day, is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That it was no less than fourteen thousand.  
The  Church reckoneth of as many in their Missal Memorials.  
I know not what to say to this, but if it beee so, than Thou Bethleëm Ephratah art not so little among the Thousands of Juda, Mich. 5.2.  
It will not be much beside the matter, if here I remember you of this Story.  
The Town of Hamel in the Duchy of Brunswick was exceedingly pestered with Rats. There happened to come to Town a Roguie Fiddler, who undertook presently to quit the Place of all the Vermin, upon condition to receiv such a sum of money for his pains. The Burghers agreed. The Fiddler betook him to his Pipe, at the sound whereof the Rats came all forth, and followed the fellow quite through the Town to the River Weser, where they were all drowned. The Piper (the Pid'e Piper they called him) came to demand his money: but the sum was now thought to be too much, especially the thing being done so easily too, and so unexspectedly: yet they allotted him a good sufficient reward; but the fellow would have his bargain, all or none; or else he would come by it as he could: They bid him take his Cours. The fellow set his Pipe to his mouth and to work again as before. And all the Children followed him out of the Town, to the vale of Koppenburgh, where the Mountain seemed to open and receiv in these little ones into a preposterous womb, and so closed up again. but certain it is, that it was never yet heard of where, or how that Earth delivered herself of these children again. The Number of the little ones was 130. And the thing was done in Sermon-time, upon the 26 of June, in the Year 1284. as Sethus Calvisius out of the Annals of the Place.  
The special Reason why this Story is here set down, is that which follow's. In the memory of this disaster, The Men of Hamel date all their public Matters especially, from this Exodus, or going forth of the Children, setting it down next to the Year of our Lord.  
Ammianus Marcellinus telleth of two that suffered unjustly under the Tyranny of Valentinian, 
Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 27. p. 369 & 370. Edition. Lendenbrogian.  Quorum memoriam apud Mediolanum colentes, nunc usque Christiani locum ubi sepulti sunt, Ad Innocentes appellant. whose memories the Christians at Milan do yet celebrate, And the Place where they lie buried is called, The Innocents'. These two last digressions were not intended to be mistaken, but by this uninterrested disguis, the more to justify the Celebrations of these our own Innocents' indeed. The several practices of whose Memories, I would have here taken as they are received, and they shall be more justly then affectionately delivered.  
Brocardus in his description of the Holy Land, pointeth you to the very place where these Infants were slain. Item (saith he) ostenditur locus occisionis Innocentium puerorum.  
Adrichomius and others tell you of a Chapel there about Bethlehem dedicated to their memory, and under that a Vault, in the which these little Bodies lie buried.  
The description of this Vault you have in the Viaggio da Venetia. Al Santo Sepolcro. Verso l'oriente glie un altra grotta, overo caverna, giu bassa, & stretto, ordinata in modo d'una Croce. é qui furono sepolti gli santi Innocenti, etc. Ancora ne sepeliron una parte di ditti Innocenti fra Bethlehem & Bethama, otto miglia, lequali sepolture se vedeno ancora hoggi di. that is, Eastward, there is another Grott, or Cavern lying low underneath, and the passage very narrow, it is contrived into the fashion of a Cross, and here (some of) the Holy Innocents' lie buried. Another part of them lie buried in the way betwixt Bethlehem and Bethanie, for a matter of eight Miles distance: And their sepulchers are to be seen to this very day.  
This is all the Local memory of these Infants I met with. And 'tis more too then the good Arabic Nubian Geographer had heard off.  

The Day.  §. For their anniversary Remembrances concerned in time, I do not find their Day among the Ancient Holy Ones.  
There is a Greek Apostolical ('tis called so) Institution of the Church Holiedaies. 'Tis true; They are but few there, Indeed they could not be many, as then. This bloody seed of the Church was not yet so much cast upon the ground.  
The Greek Enumeration acknowledgeth, and appointeth S. Stephen's Day to be kept Holy, but of the Innocents' no mention there at all.  
The Arabic Translation of this Constitution hath more Holiedays than the Original, and the Hypapante for one.  
And you are to rest (say they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Festival (called) Aibubanti, and that is the entrance of the Lord Christ into the Temple. Constitut. Arab. Ms. fol. 67. a.  

Codex Concilior. A●ab. Joseph. Egypt. Ms in Archiv. Rouen Bibl. Bod.  This holiday is called in the Roman Church Purificatio B. Mariae. We call it so too: and from the Saxons, Candlemas-Daie; Here the Arabic Greek word Aibubanti (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) seemeth to betray the trust of the Translator, and therefore though it fall not so directly within my business: yet it is not to be let go.  
It passeth unaccepted against, that this holiday was first made at Constantinople, 
Meursii glos. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and no sooner than the times of Justinian the Emperor, if it should be so. The Arabic Constitution doth not so providently begin with Ego Petrus & Paulus, etc. as the Greek; and then afterwards insert a holiday of Justinian's making which was no less than 500 Years after.  
But to make this up as well as I may.  
It is certain that the Arabic Translator followed some other Greek Copy then that which is now most usually received.  
It is certain also that this very holiday was very anciently and immemorially observed in the , the Coptick, and the Syriack Churches, etc. and by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or, Ingressus Domini, the entrance of the Lord into the Temple. So that for the Thing and Celebration it is absolutely old enough, if not Apostolically so; yet however (and which is the matter) much deeplier engaged in Antiquity then the times of Justinian: But for the Greek word here in the Arabic disguis, it is not so ready to give a just account. (And yet if I should say, that the Greek word were as ancient as the thing, though not in use and solemnity at Constantinople, till those very times of Justinian. I know not what any man could happily say to the contrary.  
And so I have discharged the Translator as I could. But as to my own matters, It is to be confessed here, that though the Arabic Constitution maketh more Holiedays than the Greek, yet it maketh no reckoning of Innocent's day at all: neither indeed do I find this Festival in any of the Eastern Almanacs.  
For however there be Lessons appointed for this day, 
Novum Testamentum Syriacum Ms. in Arch. Biblioth. Bod.  set down at the end of some Syriack Translations (as well Manuscript as Printed) of the New Testament, yet the holiday is not to be found in the Antiochian Calendar.  
And though the  Church in the Celebration of their Corban or Communion, useth to make a very solemn and devout Memorial of these Innocents', yet there is no Day assigned to them in the Calendar of that Church Neither was it to be looked for. For the Coptick Almanac itself (which is known to prescribe to this other) hath it not neither.  

Athanasius Kircher. Grammat. Copt. Sect. 6. C. 3. pag. 332  Indeed, None of all these Calendars acknowledge more than seven or eight Holiedays throughout the whole Year; that is, the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Epiphanie, etc. Praeter haec Festa celebranda, alia non invenio. More than these I find not, saith One, (and of the Roman interest too) It is his note to the Coptick Calendar: And the reason importeth alike for all the rest. 
Alkas Cyriac. Tab. Astron. Arabs. Ms. in Archiv. Laudin. Biblioth. Bodleian.  'Tis true. I can tell you of an Arabic Calendar of Alkas at the end of his Astronomical Tables, where I find this Day put down under the name and title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Occisio puerorum, or, The Murder of the Infants. But I can perceiv too that this Calendar is not very ancient, as well by the Memory of Saint Chrysostom there in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, The death of John of the Golden mouth. (as the Eastern Men use to call this Father, and he is often so quoted in the Arabic Catena): as also by an evident plainness of the Roman engagements there, not only from the very great number of Holiedays, but of such too as expressly belong to the Relation, and the (late too) institution of that Church.  
Here I do not mean to sit as Judge upon the Holiedays, as concerning their Number or Manner of Celebration. I mean only to speak to you a few words of peremptory and indifferent Truth.  
1. That in the most Primitive and Apostolical times, the Calendars yielded up but a very short, and only principal account of Saints and Martyrs; yet (which is to be noted by some body) The Nativity of Christ is always one, and one of the chiefest; and moreover then that, the saturday and Sunday (would you have me call them both Sabbath days, or which is worse, that which was the eighth, the seventh day) were held in equal reverence of Keeping, and Observation.  
2. That the Reason why so few Saints-days were observed in and about the first Times, how substantial soever as for that present, and exigency, yet draweth on no necessary Example upon us, were it not that the Eastern Churches in a full Body, had left the matter to this Day, at the very same rate as they found it then, without making any considerable addition to that small number, any where, and in the most set and leading Places (as the Coptick, Antiochian Churches, etc. none at all.  
3. That it is most likely, that in the Times immediately succeeding to those which are granted for Primitive, the remembrance of Saints and Martyrs was practised but in gross, at the Solemn confessionarie Commemorations of all together, in the memorial part of their Communion, and this only by a naked rehearsal of their good Names (as at the first) without any appointment of particular days to this or that Saint. The flying tracks of these Commemorations, you may discover in our own latest reformed Liturgies, or if you would see it nearer to the Top of Time, then let your recours be to the Aethiopíck Missal: you may see that in the Bibliotheca Patrum, or if you be curious and would see it somewhat more Original, you may Read (that is this part of it) in the Prodromus Coptus. C. 2. De Coptit. Moribus p. 37. & 38.  
4. Lastly. That the first assignment of these Remembrances in gross, to set, and single days, and increased too to so notorious a Bulk, was very probably the design of the Greek, but much more especially of the Latin Church, and for the most part not so anciently neither as to be reflected upon, with any commanding or convincing Reverence, nay nor done (when it was) to that just and clear purpose, as would be wished for in this Case.  
'Tis true, 
So Meursius his Glossare in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  The blood of these Innocents' was dear and precious in the sight of God, and like that of all his Saints. The Day of one's death is better than that of one's Birth, as by an excellent abuse of expression, the Church hath very well rendered the Place, But do you think that a Report of this kind will make these bones fat? (Pro. 15.30.) your selves it may.  
'Tis true too, that a good Name is better than precious Ointment (Eccl. 7.1.) but do not you know, that these dead Flies, (with Reverence to your Saints be it spoken) do make this Ointment (which in the right since indeed would be very precious) to have a stinking Savour?  
Let me tell you the Truth (though I do it with an un-forward will) This is one of the Little Follies that will stick upon you, who otherwise might be accounted to have been Men in Reputation for Wisdom, and Honor. Ecclesiastes 10.1.  
And now I think almost as much as could be, hath been said against the day of these innocents'. And yet for all that it is certain that the holiday is of very old standing in both the Churches. And thus, and thus it was celebrated.  
As nearer home, I shall begin with the Use of the Abbey of Oseney here at Oxford, (it was so, but the Maps will cheat you now (indeed they are cheated themselves) 'tis ubi Troja fuit.)  
By the use of this Church they were wont to bring out upon this day, the Foot of a child, prepared after their fashion, and put upon with red and black Colours, as to signify the dismal part of that day. They put this up in a Chest in the Vestry, ready to be produced at the time, and to be solemnly carried about the Church, to be adored by the People.  
My authority for this you have here set down, out of an old Ritual of that Place, and observed to me by my very good, and learned friend Gerard Langbain, Doctor of Divinity, and Provost of Queen's College.  
The Rubric in the Ritual is, Item notandum quòd in die Innocentium, post Primam, preparetur Pes innocentis, viz. cum rubro auriculari, nigróque panno super auricularem posito, qui jacet in quadam cista in Revestuario, & postea in Karola deferatur, ut adoretur à populo.  
The Rumick wooden Calendar useth to distinguish these Holidays, not as we, and other folk do, but by a pretty kind of Hieroglyphical Memory.  
As instead of S. gregory's day, they set you down in a Picture, a Schoolmaster holding a Rod and Ferula in his hands. It is because at that time (as being about the beginning of the Spring) they use to send their children first to School, Adeò superstitiosi sunt quidam, etc. and some are so superstitiously given, as upon this night to have their children asked the question in their sleep, whether they have any mind to book, or no; and if they say, yes, they count it for a very good presage, Sin tacuerint aut negent, stivae eos adjudicant, but if the children answer nothing, or nothing to that purpose, they put them over to the Plough.  
So for S. George's day they picture a Horse; for S. John Baptist's, A Lamb; ad agnum Dei, de quo vaticinatus est respicientes.  
For Simon and Jude's day a Ship, because they were Fishers; and so (to come to the matter) for Innocents' day, the drawn sword of Herod. Olaüs Wormius, Fast. Danicor. Lib. 2. Cap. 19  
It hath been a custom, and yet is elsewhere, to whip up the children upon Innocent's day morning, that the memory of this Murder might stick the closer, and in a moderate proportion to act over the cruelty again in kind.  
Lewis the eleventh was so sad and serious a remembrancer of this Martyrdom, that he would not be interrupted by any affairs of State how important soever, in the Strictest Sanctification of their Day. Philip de Commines.  
But the most commensurate Recollection of this day's business (did not the Superstitious part spoil the Decorum) is that, which we are now about. A celebration of the day, and the divinest parts of that, by a Service and Solemnity of children.  
The Episcopus Choristarum was a Chorister Bishop chosen by his fellow Children upon S. Nicholas day. Upon this day rather than any other, because it is singularly noted of this Bishop (as S. Paul said of his Timothy) That he had known the Scriptures of a Child) and led a life sanctissimè ab ipsis incunabilis inchoatam. The Reason is yet more properly and expressly set down in the English Festival.  
It is said that his Fader height Epiphanius, and his Mother joanna, etc. And when he was born, etc. they made him christian, and called him Nycolas, that is a man's name, but he keepeth the name of the child, for he chose to keep virtues, meekness, and simpleness, and without malice, also we read while he lay in his cradle, he fasted wednesday and friday: these days he would souke but ones of the day and there with held him pleased, thus he lived all his life in virtues with this child's name. And therefore chilldrens done him worship before all other Saints. etc. Lib. Festivals in die S. Nicholas fol. 55.  
From this day till Innocents' day at night (it lasted longer at the First) The Episcopus Puerorum was to bear the name, and hold up the State of a Bishop, answerably habited with a Crosier, or Pastoral-staff in his hand, and a Mitre upon his head, and such an one too some had, as was multis Episcoporum mitris sumtuosior, (saith one) very much richer than those of Bishops indeed.  
The rest of his fellows from the same time being, were to take upon them the Style and countefaict of prebend's, yielding to their Bishop (or else as if it were) no less than Canonical obedience.  
And look what service the very Bishop himself with his Dean and prebend's (had they been to officiate) was to have performed, the Mass excepted, the very same was done by the Chorister Bishop, and his Canons upon the Eve and the holiday.  
By the Use of Sarum (for 'tis almost the only place, where I can hear any thing of this, that of York in their Processional seemeth to take no notice of it) upon the Eve to Innocents' Day, The Chorister Bishop was to go in solemn Procession with his fellows ad altare Sanctae Trinitatis, & omnium Sanctorum (as the Processional, or ad altar Innocentium sive Sanctae Trinitatis, as the Pie) in capis, & cereïs ardentibus in manibus, in their Copes, and burning Tapers in their Hands, The Bishop beginning, and the other Boys following. Centum quadraginta quatuor. etc. Then the Verse, Hi emti sunt ex omnibus, etc. And this is sung by three of the Boys.  
Then all the Boys sing the Prosa Sedentem in supernae majestatis arce, etc. The Chorister Bishop in the mean time fumeth the Altar, first, and then the Image of the Holy Trinity. Then the Bishop saith modestâ voce, the Verse Laetamini, and the Respond is, Et Gloriamini, etc. Then the Prayer which we yet retain.  
Deus, cujus hodiernâ die praeconium Innocentes Martyrs non loquendo, sed moriendo, confessi sunt, omnia in nobis vitiorum mala mortifica, ut fidem tuam quam Lingua nostra loquitur, etiam moribus vita fateatur; Qui cum Patre & Spiritu Sancto, etc.  
But the Rubric to the Pie saith, Sacerdos dicat, Both the Prayer, and the Laetamini, that is some Rubrics do, otherwise I take the Benediction to be of more Priestly consequence, than the Oremus, etc. which yet was solemnly performed, by the Chorister Bishop, as will follow.  
In their return from the Altar Preceptor puerorum incipiat, etc. The Chanter Chorister is to begin De Sancta Maria, etc. The Respond is Felix namque, etc. & sic processio, etc.  
The Procession was made into the Choir, by the West door, and in such order (as it should seem by Molanus) ut Decanus cum Canonicis, infimum locum; Sacellani, medium; Scholar's verò cum suo Episcopo ultimum & dignissimum locum occupent, etc. That the Dean and Canons went foremost; the Chaplains next; The Bishop with his little prebend's in the last and highest place; the Bishop taketh his seat, and the rest of the children dispose of themselves upon each side of the Choir, upon the uppermost Assent, the Canons resident bearing the Incens, and the Book; and the Petit Canons, the Tapers, according to the Rubric. Ad istam Processionem pro dispositione puerorum scribuntur Canonici ad ministrandum iisdem; Majores ad thuribulandum, & ad Librum deferendum; Minores ad Candelabra portanda, etc.  
And from this hour to the full end of the next day's Procession, Nullus Clericorum solet gradum superiorem asscendere cujuscunque conditionis fuerit.  
Then Episcopus in sede sua dicat versum. Speciosus formâ, etc. Diffusa est gratia in labiis tuis, etc. Then the Prayer. Deus qui salutis aetenae, etc. Pax vobis, etc. Then after, the Benedicamus Domino, Episcopus puerorum in sede sua benedicat populum, in hunc modum, that is, The Bishop of the Children sitting in his Seat, is to give the Benediction, or bless the people in this manner.  
Princeps Ecclesiae pastor ovilis cunctam plebem tuam benedicere digneris, etc. Then turning towards the People he singeth or sayeth (for all this was in plano cantu, that age was so far from skilling discant, or the Fuges, that they were not come up to Counterpoint) Cum mansuetudine & charitate humiliate vos ad benedictionem; the Chorus answering, Deo gratias. Then the Cross-bearer delivereth up the Crosier to the Bishop again, & tunc Episcopus puerorum primò signando se in front sic dicat. Adjutorium nostrum in nomine Domini, the Chorus answering, Qui fecit Coelum et Terram.  
Then after some other like Ceremonies performed, the Episcopus Puerorum or Chorister Bishop beginneth the Completorium or Complyn, and that don, he turneth towards the Choir, and saith, Adjutorium, etc. then last of all he saith, 
Benedicat vos omnipotens Deus,  
Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus.   
In die Sanctorum Innocentium ad secundas vesperas accipiat Cruciferarius baculum Episcopi puerorum, et cantent Antiphon. Princeps Ecclesiae, etc. sicut ad primas vesperas. Similiter Episcopus puerorum benedicat populum supradicto modo, et sic compleatur Servitium hujus diei. Rubric. Processional.  
And all this was done with that Solemnity of Celebration, and appetite of seeing that the Statute of Sarum was forced to provide, sub poena majoris Excommunicationis nè quis pueros illos in praefata Processione, vel alias in suo ministerio, premat aut impediat quoquo modo, quò minùs pacificè valeant facere et exsequi quod illis imminet faciendum, etc. that no man whatsoever, under the pain of Anathema should interrupt or press upon these Children, at the Procession spoken of before, or in any other part of their Service in any ways, but to suffer them quietly to perform and exsecute what it concerned them to do.  
And the part was acted yet more earnestly, for Molanus saith, that this Bishop in some places, did reditus, census, et Capones, annuò accipere, receiv Rents, Capons, etc. during his Year, etc. And it seemeth by the Statute of Sarum, that he held a kind of Visitation, and had a full correspondency of all other State and Prerogative, for the Statute saith. Electus autem puer Chorista in Episcopum modo solito puerili officium in Ecclesia (prout fieri cousuevit) licenter exsequatur, Convivium aliquod de caetero, vel visitationem, exteriùs, vel interiùs, nullatenus; sed in domo communi cum Sociis conversetur, etc. Ecclesiam, et Scholas cum caeteris Choristis statim post Festum Innocentium frequentando. etc.  
More than all this, Molanus telleth of a Chorister Bishop in the Church of cambray, who disposeth of a Prebend which fell void in his month (or Year, for I know not which it was) to his Master, quasi jure ad se devoluto, Quam collationem beneficii verè magnifici Reverendissimus Praesul, cùm puer grato animo Magistrum suum bene de Ecclesiâ meritum nominâsset, gratam, et ratam habuit.  
In Case the Chorister Bishop died within the Month, his Exsequys were solemnised with an answerable glorious Pomp and Sadness. He was buried (as all other Bishops) in all his Ornaments, as by the Monument in Stone spoken of before it plainly appeareth, the express or Image whereof I have here set down in the dead Posture, as repeteing over a passage of that kind, which deserveth to be remembered, though it were not fit to have been done.  
For this Antic at the Feet of the Child, it is also a little to be spoken to.  
This Manner in Sepulture is very ancient and usual, both in the Christian, and the Common Interest; and yet, me thinks, 'tis a hard matter to six a through paced Reason upon it.  

Geographia Nubiensis Part. 3. Cli. 47.  The Arabic Nubian Geographer hath this piece of Story. He very fully describeth the sepulchers of the Septem Dormientium (the thing I think is not so, but will serve the turn, as if it were true) and then saith.  
At the Feet of these Dead Sleepers, and to each of them a Dog lay to the Tomb, his head reflexed upon his Tail.  
It will be a safe and easy way howsoever (and I think 'tis true too) that all these appointments of Gentry came down from the Egyptians. It seems we have not observed yet how much of the great business of Heraldry we have taken from them; whereas we that wonder at this odd kind of writing, express and turn it into English our selus. Pausanias' in the Boeotica, where he speaketh of the sepulchers of those Thebans, which so stoutly fell in the Macedonick war; saith, that their Tombs had no Inscriptions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the statue of a Lion stood by as to signify their courage (and fortitude.). Ptolomeus the Phaestion rendereth the Original of these things up to Hercules. But that huge Name signifieth so much, and so little, that I know not how to make the Synchronism.  
The matter, if it be taken from the Original, is plainly Hieroglyphical. That People were the First, that read neither backwards nor forwards, but a way of their own. Caussinus and others may be seen to the 37 Hieroglyphic of Horus Apollo.  
For the Thing here, The Head indeed and forepart was much defaced, but it was not untoward to guests the Dragon by his tail, where yet I did not only make use of my own Sagacity (such as it is) but of that also of my Ingenious friends, M. Edmund Chilmead, and M. Richard Goodridge, who discovered no otherwise upon the Place.  
The little Monster (I think I may call it so) seemeth to acknowledge itself to some Noble Family, but I believ 'tis higher yet; and as to express a Bishop in every point, referreth up to That of the Psalmist, Conculcabis Leonem & Draconem, etc. For the Smallness of this Matter had reason to entitle it to the divinest looks they had at that time; and a child of this kind might be thought sit enough to tread upon the Old Serpent.  
In the Greek Traditions concerning the day I find not any thing like to this Manner of Celebration. 
Durand. lib. 7. cap. 44. Numb. 15.  And in the Latin but very little. Durand indeed maketh mention (and only so) of the Benedictio Puerorum in die Innocentium. Beleth saith as much. Nocturnos & universum Officium crastinum celebrant Diaconi, quòd Stephanus fuerat Diaconus, & ad Lectiones concedunt Benedictiones (quod tamen facere non debent, saith Durand) ista tamen ut ejus diei Missam celebret Hebdomodarius. Sic eodem modo, omne officium perficiunt Sacerdotes ipso die beati Joannis, quòd hic Sacerdos fuerit, et Pueri in ipso Festo Innocentum, quia Innocentes pro Christo occisi sunt. Beleth Divin. Offic. Explicat. Cap. 70. The Saxons had, and kept the day, as it seemeth by their Evangelistarie, where the Rubric to the Gospel is Ðys godspel seal on cyldamasse dag. This is the Godspel for Childmass or Childermass day. But of any Chorister Bishop, as to bear a part in the Observation I did not attein unto: and since I can almost perceiv that it was not much to be expected, and I am not to dissemble that a very ingenuous friend of mine M. Thomas Barlow of Queen's College suggested to me as much. The Custom doth very much appear to have taken its rise from the Romish; but how anciently, I must confess, I know not. It began to loos itself more especially from the times of the Council of Basil; in the 21 Session, whereof it receiveth this sharp rebuke.  
Turpem abusum in quibusdam frequentatum Ecclesiis, quo certis anni Celebritatibus nonnulli cum Mitra, baculo, et vestibus Pontificalibus more Episcoporum benedicunt, (quod Festum Fatuorum vel Innocentium, vel puerorum, in quibusdam regionibus nuncupatur) etc. Haec sancta Synodus Statuit, et jubet etc. nè haec, aut similia ludibria exerceri ampliùs permittant. Session. 21.  
I know not whether it will be best to say, that the Reverend Fathers might have been less mistaken, but that the Festum Fatuorum was a distinct holiday from the Innocents' day is a clear case by Durand. ubi suprá.  
Otherwise I think it is not much to be thought, that God took any very great pleasure in this Sacrifice of Fools.  
It seemeth indeed to suit well with Flesh, and Ceremony, that the Memories of the young Innocents' should be kept in store by a holiday of Children, but 'twas but strange fire. The word of the Lord was precious in those days, when the Child Samuel ministered before Him in a Linen Ephod.  
All this notwithstanding you may note too, That these are not the least of those little Ones which have been made capable of this improper excellency.  
Baronius telleth of an Archbishop of Rheims consecrated at five years old. But see Sethus Calvisius to the Year after Christ 925. yet a little further, and that you may the less be moved at this small thing represented here unto you in such grand apparel: I shall set down in the last place (as connatural to the business) a Story of an Episcopus Piscis, ●ora Fish in Bishop's habit, you must not question whether this be jure Divino, or no: This Sea-ghost appeared in this form and fashion.  
You may find as much in Gesner and others, but Rondeletius is my Author, and these are his words.  
He had related before of a Monk-Fish, and then he saith.  
Monstrum aliud multò superiore mirabilius subjungo, quod accepi à Gisberto Medico Germano, cujus antè aliquoties memini, quod ipse ab Amsterodamo cum literis acceperat; quibus ille affirmabat, Anno 1531, in Polonia visum id Monstrum marinum, Episcopi habitu, & ad Poloniae Regem delatum, cui signis quibusdam indicare videbatur vehementer se cupere ad mare reverti, quò deductus, statim in id se conjecit. Sciens omitto plura quae de hoc Monstro mihi narrata sunt, quia fabulosa esse arbitror, Ea est enim hominum vanitas, ut rei per se satìs mirabili, praeter verum plura etiam affingant; Ego qualem monstri iconem accepi, talem omnino exhibeo, vera ea sit anon, nec affirmo, nec refello. So Rondeletius. Not to bestow much upon the Translation, In short it is: That in the Year 1531 a Fish was taken in Polonia, Such an one as represented the whole appearance and appointments of a Bishop. This Sea-Monster was brought to the King, and after a while seemed very much to express to him, that his mind was to return to his own Element again, which the King perceiving commanded that it should be so, and the Bishop was carried back to the Sea, and cast himself into it immediately.  
There is a stranger thing belonging to this Story than the thing itself, that Cromer who lived then, 
Cujus corporis magnitudo facies ac cultus, talis erat omnino qualem videmus Episcopi cujusdam Romani.  and wrote the History of Polonia at that very time, should know nothing of the matter.  
Bellonius saith, that this Fish was for all the world like to a Roman Bishop, suâ mitrâ, suíque reliquis ornamentis, etc. What Popery in the Sea too? Away with these Babbles: 'tis a marvel that such fopperies should be pretended, to the beating down of substantial Truths, (because you and I must live forsooth,) and yet the things themselves should signify just nothing at all.   
FINIS.   

DE Aeris & Epochis. SHOWING The Several Accounts of Time among all Nations, from the Creätion to the present Age.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

DE AERIS & EPOCHIS. Showing The Several Accounts of Time among all Nations, from the Creation to the present Age.  
TO determine the Confusion of Things, Chronologie taketh part with History, which interweaving the Account of Time with the passages of Story, rendereth the Series more distinct, and fit for comprehension.  
Not to be curious about the description of Time, 
Confession. 11. cap. 14.  whereof S. Austin confessed, Si nemo ex me quaerat, scio; si quaerenti explicare velim, nescio. 'Tis the measure of all our Motions, and is divided By the two greater Lights of Heaven, into Days, and Months, and Years, Gen. 1. The two lesser parts of Time will offer themselves in the consideration of the greater.  
A Year, though it might have been as truly said of any other Star or Planet, yet is it now made proper to the Sun and Moon, whose Revolution in the Zodiac is the general definition of this part of Time, so that every Month, in the stricter sens, should be taken for a Lunar Year: but that use hath prevailed against the right acception, making the Moon's Year to be that space of Time wherein she measureth the Zodiac twelv times, or maketh twelv Conjunctions with the Sun. This course she dispatcheth in the space of 354 days, 8 hours, and some odd minutes, eleven days, or well nigh before the Sun.  
The Sun's Year is the Revolution of his Motion in the Ecliptic, which if it be accounted in the Zodiac, it useth to be called Annus Temporalis, because it so distinguisheth the quatuor Tempora, Summer, Winter, etc. It is otherwise termed (and indeed most properly) Annus Tropicus or vertens, because the Astronomers of old reckoned this Year from the Tropics first, as it may seem, though after also from the Equinoctial's depending upon the Sun's entrance into these Points, 
Cabasil. in 3. Ptolem. C. 2.  which they used to observe with a great brazen Circle planted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the square Porch at Alexandria, mentioned by Hipparchus, whom Ptolemy citeth in the third of his Almagest. & 2. Chap. which is concerning the quantity of the Year.  
If the Revolution be accounted from any fixed Star to the same again, the Year is then called Annus Sidereus, first appointed by Thebit the Arabian, and very much advanced by the late learned Copernicus against the unsounder opinion of Ptolemy, in whose judgement it seemed as deceivable as to account from the wand'ring Saturn, or Jupiter.  
A Year therefore in our most useful sens, is that space of Time, in which the Sun passeth through the twelv Signs reckoning his Motion from under any one of the fixed Stars (but from Aries to choose) unto the same again.  
The precise Quantity of this Year in Days is determined of by all to be 365, but the surplus of Hours and Minute's hath very much and vainly exercised the most curious.  
To say nothing of Democritus, Harpalus, Meton, Aristarchus, Archimedes and others, who assigned each of them his several Quantity. Julius Cesar's Mathematician setteth down 365 days and six hours: Hipparchus and Ptolemy found this to exceed as much as made up the three hundredth part of one day. Albategnius doubled this proportion. The Correctors of the Roman Calendar like none of these, and whereas all the rest adjudged the Surplus to be less than the fourth part of a Day, Copernicus findeth it to be more, and setteth down 365 days, 6 hours, and 40 seconds. Censorinus therefore said well that the Year consisted of 365 days, and one part of the sixth, but how much, saith he, no body knows. But the Julian proportion, as most ready for calculation, hath obtained in Chronologie. 
Emend. Tempor. l▪ 1.  Erit igitur (so Scaliger said of his) instituti nostri fundamentum Annus Julianus.  

CHAP. I. Concerning the Characters of Time.  
A Character in Chronologie, is a certain Note whereby an infallible judgement is made of the time proposed.  
They are either Natural or Civil. Natural, as Eclipses, the Cycles of the Sun and Moon, etc. Civil, as the Sabbatical Years, the Indictions etc. Their importance in History is more than their appearance. Sine his, without these (saith Scaliger) omnis conatus irritus, 'tis to no purpose to go to work. Character temporis (as the same Author) constituit fines audaciae Computatorum, ut qui in hoc negotio Characterem negligat non magìs fit audiendus, quàm qui negat principia. Can. Isagog. We begin with the natural Characters, and first   

CHAP. II. Of the Eclipses.  
Eclipse is more properly said of the Moon then of the Sun. The Eclipse of the Moon is caussed by the Interposition of the Earth. The Eclipse of the Sun by the Interposition of the Moon, therefore the Sun cannot be Eclipsed but when he is in Conjunction with the Moon; nor the Moon, but when she is in opposition to the Sun: yet neither do the Eclipses come to pass, as often as these Lights oppose or conjoin; for than they should be Monethlie: Only that Conjunction or Opposition maketh an Eclipse which is Diametral; that is, when the centre of the Earth and the centres of both the Luminaries shall be in the same line, which happeneth to be there only, where the Moon's Eccentrick cutteth the Sun's in that Line, which is therefore called the Ecliptic. This intersection is (as needs it must) but in two places, called by Ptolemy the Nodi, one asscending, the other descending. The Arabians term them the Dragon's Head and Tail, from the fashion of the Intersections as they imagine it. But neither do these Intersections keep one certain place, but moving make a Circle of 18 Years, so that the Eclipse of the Moon which shall fall out the tenth of December next, in the 20 deg. of Gemini, shall 18 Years hence come to pass in the same Sign again.  
Therefore Eclipses being Periodical, the beginning of the World supposed, the Astronomer by Calculation can attein to any, and all that ever have been by the same Rules, by which he foretelleth those that shall be so, that if anie where in Story this Character shall occur, nothing can more assure the Time.  
Let Instance be made in the Beginning of the Grecian Empire, the appointment whereof dependeth upon the Battle at Arbela, or (as Plutarch correcteth) at Gaugamele. Eleven days (saith the same Author) before this fight an Eclipse of the Moon was seen. 'Twas the second hour of the Night, saith Pliny, the Moon then rising in Sicily. Astronomical calculation demonstrateth that this Eclipse (all things considered) could not fall out but in the second Year of the 112 Olympiad, which was the 3619 of the World, the Sun being then in the 24 deg. of Virgo. And therefore that God in Cicero mistook the course of the Stars, who presaged, 
Cic. de. Divinat. lib. 1.  that if the Moon should be Eclipsed in Leo, a little before the Sun's rise, the Victory should fall on Alexander's side. So indeed it did, but neither was the Moon then in Leo, nor the Sun in the East. 
De Emend. Temp. lib. 5. Chronolog. Bunting. fol. 126.  For such is the assurance of this Character, that though the Astronomer learn of the Historian, that there was an Eclipse; yet where, and ofttimes when it was, the Historian might learn of him.  
Eusebius and Dio set down that there was an Eclipse of the Sun a little before the death of Augustus; but by a Calculation Astronomical, the Eclipse was not of the Sun but of the Moon, nor was it a little before, but a little after his death.  
S. Hierom reporteth, that in his time (about the Year of Christ 393) so terrible a darkness overshadowed the earth (obscurato sole) that every man thought the World was at an end. Nos scindimus Ecclesiam (saith he to Pammachius) qui ante paucos menses, circa dies Pentecostes, cum obscurato Sole omnis Mundus jam jámque venturum Judicem formidaret.  
But the Astronomers find that there could be no Eclipse of the Sun then, nor near about that time; but in such cases they answer, that the Interposition was made by some unusual exhalations, of that opacity, which might intercept the Sun's light, in as great a measure as if the Moon had come between; Such an one was that Eclipse (as some Historians miscall it) which was seen so often in one Year before Cesar's death, and that of the Year 798, the Sun being so dark for 18 days together, ut naves in mari aberrarent, 
Scal, in Prolegom. pag. 51.  which was a greater Eclipse than the Moon could make.  
Yet neither is it here to be dissembled that the Astronomers themselves do not always agree about this infallible Character, for Moller findeth out, by his Frisian Tables, many Eclipses which cannot be attained unto by the Prutenick Tables, or those of the King Alphonsus, etc. To excuse this, we are to lay an imputation upon their Tables, as being not all exacted from the same Hypotheses, or not performed with like elaborate erection: Or otherwise we are to say (supposing the Tables to be exact) that some error was committed in the calculation of the Eclipse. And in this case we are to guide our selus by the greatest Masters in the Art. For what if Moller say that the Year of Cesar Augustus his disease cannot be demonstrated by the Eclipse of the Moon in the beginning of Tiberius, because the Moon was Eclipsed both the Year before and after. Sethus Calvisius may satisfy, that neither of those could be total, as this was, and whereas the one of those was seen at 7, the other at 8 of the Clock at night, this was seen at 5 in the Morning.  
And therefore all this notwithstanding, the Character is to be accounted excellent and of singular importance, which Aristotle himself, not ignorant of, appointed Calisthenes at the siege of Babylon, to reserv with all possible care the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Astronomical calculations of the Chaldeans, as Simplicius relateth. And the care was taken, yet none of these observations (though known to be very many) could escape the injury of time, save only three Eclipses, which came to ptolemy's hands, unto which, himself added three more of his own observation, serving very much to the advancement of Historical Truth, though this be but a small number, in comparison of those many which the Historians here and there have committed to Memory; for indeed we are not for this matter, much less beholden to ignorance then to knowledge. We know when it was that a Roman General durst not give Battle for fear of an Eclipse: and that of the Moon in the beginning of Tiberius, as one mentioned, 
Tacitus Annal 1.  as Tacitus can tell us, affrightned the mutinous Soldiers into order and accord: And 'tis not long since the Conqueror of the Indies persuaded the Natives, that he had complained of them to their Moon, and that such a day the God should frown upon them, which was nothing else but an Eclipse, which he had found out in his Almanac.  
However this ignorant Admiration was an occasion to the Men of those days, not to leave so strange an Accident, as an Eclipse out of their Story, especially if it happened to be great, or concurring with any notable design: little aiming at that which the reach of those days hath brought to pass upon them, which by turning over the leavs of that celestial volume, recovereth their Eclipses again; and by application of this Character, maketh as sure of the time proposed, as if it had been written in Heaven.   

CHAP. III. Concerning the Cycle of the Sun.  
THe division of the Year into 52 Weeks, because it setteth off one day supernumerary, maketh an alteration in all the rest; so that the days of the Week (which use to be assigned by the letters of the Alphabet) fall not alike in several Years; but Sunday this Year, must fall out upon the next Year's Monday, and so forwards till seven Years; and (because the Bissextile superaddeth another day every fourth Year) till four times seven, that is twenty eight Years be gone about. This Revolution is called the Cycle of the Sun taking name from Sunday, the Letter whereof (called therefore Dominical) it appointeth for every year. It is found by adding nine (for so far the Circle was then gone about) to the Year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 28. So to the year following 1639, if 9 be added, the numerus factus will be 1648, which divided by 28 leaveth 24 for the Cycle of the Sun.   

CHAP. IU. Concerning the Cycle of the Moon.  
THe Cycle of the Moon is the Revolution of 19 years, in which space (though not precisely) the Lunations do recur.  
For because of the Sun and Moon's unequal motions, the changes falling out inconstantly, the time of Conjunction could not be still the same. This variety the Ancients perceiving to be Periodical, endeavoured to comprehend what Circle it made in going about. Cleostratus the Tenedian persuading himself, that the Variety finished within the space of 8 years proposed his Octaëtris, affording thereby no small direction; But the error of this was discovered in part by Harpalus first, and after that by Eudoxus, but more fully by the learned Meton, who, finding that the Revolutino was not completed in less time than the space of 19 years, set forth his Enneadecaëtris, within the Circle whereof the Lunations (though not exactly) do indeed recur; so that if the Quadrature of the Moon shall fall out as this day of this year; the like shall return again, the same day of the 19 year succeeding. This Cycle is therefore called Cyclus decennovennalis, and from the Author Annus Metonicus, from whose Athenians the Egyptians may seem to have received it, as the Romans from them, in letters of gold; from whence, (if not from the more precious use of it) it obtained to be called, 
Origan.  as yet still it is, the Numerus Aureus, or Golden Number. It was made Christian by the Fathers of the Nicene Council, as being altogether necessary to the finding out of the Neomenia Paschalis, upon which the Feast or Easter, and all the Movable rest depended. Itself is found by adding an unite to the year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 19, the remainder shall be the Cycle of the Moon, or if nothing remain, the Cycle is out, that is nineteen.   

CHAP. V Concerning the Ferial Character.  
THe Character of any Time proposed, is that which remaineth after all the Septenaries be cast away from the whole sum converted into days.  
In rationibus Solis & Lunae (saith Scaliger) de dierum aggregato semper abjicimus omnes septenarios; & residuum, cum horis & scrupulis est Character temporis propositi.  
So the Character of a Month consisting of 29 days, 12 hours, and 793 minutes, is 1. 12. 793. that is Feria primahor. 12. min. 793. for so much remaineth more than the Septenaries. The Ecclesiastical year of old, began at Easter, the first Week whereof was all holiday, the days being distinguished by prima, secunda, tertia, etc. added unto Feria. From thence the days of any other Week began to be called Feria prima, secunda, etc. 'Tis a Character of good assurance if the Historian set down Quâ Feriâ, what day of the Week the Act was done. And if he set down what Holy or Festival day it was, 'tis a double Character. An Example shall be the deceas of great Otho, which, as some Historians cast, happened in the Year of Christ 972, as others, in the Year 973, but they say too, that he died the seventh of May, upon the fourth day of the Week, and a little before Whitsuntide; but the seventh of May could not fall upon the Feria quarta, but in a year whose Dominical letter was E. which was the Letter of 973, as 'tis certain from the Cycle of the Sun, which that year was 2.  
Besides, the Cycle of the Moon was 5, therefore the Terminus Paschalis that year was March the 22, therefore the 11 of May was Whitsundaie, which cannot be said of the years before or after. Therefore 'tis certain that Otho died that year, or else he died not that day.   

CHAP. VI Concerning the great Conjunctions.  
COnjunctio superiorum is not the same thing now as of old. The ancient Astrologers called no Conjunction great but that of trium Superiorum, when Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars met altogether. But the later finding the effects of the two conjoined more strong and prevailing then of the three; have given the name of a great Conjunction only to that of Saturn and Jupiter.  
These two superior Planets finishing their Circles in unequal time, they make three Conjunctions in the whole Revolution. The twelv Signs in Astrology are divided into four Trigons, or Triplicities, each denominated from the connatural Element; and so they are three Fierie, three Aery, three Watery, and three Earthy. Nineteen years, and some odd days and hours gone about, Saturn and Jupiter meet together in Signs of the same Triplicity: 198 years gone about they meet in signs of several Triplicity, but not altogether in complying: 794 years and 214 days gone about they meet in Signs of contrary Triplicity. The first of these is called Conjunctio Minor; the second Media. This latter Magna, the great Conjunction, when Saturn joineth force with Jupiter in the fiery Trigon or Triplicity, which though it happen in 794 years, and 214 days, yet it useth to be accounted by the Numerus rotundus of 800.  
By these Conjunctions, Cardinal Aliac undertook to reform the whole State of Chronologie, and make infallible demonstration of the years of the World.  
To bring this about, he first of all supposed out of Albumazar the figure of Heaven when the World began: That the Horoscope was in the seventh of Cancer, and that the Sun was in the 19 of Aries, the rest of the Planets accordingly assigned.  
This taken for granted, he brought himself to that first and great Conjunction, which falling out in the watery Triplicity, insinuated such an influence into the Inferior bodies, as brought upon the World that universal Deluge, as Aoniar, and Albumazar delivered out of their Ancients. By this Conjunction he assigned 2242 years for the Interval betwixt the Flood, and the beginning of things, but which was neither true in itself, nor following his own Principles. And therefore we may imagine what Conclusion he was likely to make, whose foundation was not better appointed: though otherwise a great Conjunction may be set down among the Characters of Chronologie; but rather to assure, then to find out the moments of time; and more concerning that which is to come, than those which are gone and passed.    


Concerning the Civil Characters, and first of the Sabbatical Years.  
AS the Jews every seventh Day, so their Land every seventh year kept a Sabbath, which was therefore called Annus Sabbaticus, and the whole seven, Hebdomas Annalis, a Week of Years. These seven years seven times told made 49 years, and the 50 was their Jubilee, so called from Jobel, which, as some Rabbins interpret, is as much in Arabic, as Aries in Latin; 
Talmud. in Rosh. Hassana.  for so Aquiba one of their Doctors reporteth, that when he traveled in Arabia he heard the people call a Ram Jobel. Add hereunto that when the Jubilee came, a great sound of Trumpets was to be made through all Israël in sign of the Remissions, and these Trumpets, they say, were made of Rams horns. But this, though favoured also by the Chaldie Paraphrase, yet soundeth not so credibly to the Learned, 
Targum in Josu. 6. v. 4.  especially the known Arabic not acknowledging that word. And if not, than it may be said, that Jobel signifieth any Musical (however horrid) sound, so called as Masius helpeth it out, from Jubal the Father of them which play upon the Harp and Organ.  
The Jubiles though by Institution beginning at the 2500 year from the Creätion, yet are Proleptically reckoned from the beginning of the world; which also was considered by the Author, for the first year of Moses his first Jubilee, was the last of the 51 Jubilee from the World's Creätion, accounting from the Autumn where the Jubiles begin.  
If it be said that such or such a thing was done in a Sabbatical year, 'tis a very good Character in the Jewish Chronologie.  
'Tis an ordinary opinion that Nebuchadnezar was the same with that Nabopolassar in the Canon of Ptolemy; But 'tis certain out of the Prophet Jeremy, that the 18. year of Nebuchadnezer was a Sabbatical year, and it may be demonstrated out of the Almagist, that the 18 of Nabopolassar was not, therefore they were not the same by this Character.  
But in accounting the Sabbatical years, this rule is to be observed, that the same year which endeth one Jubilee, beginneth the next, or otherwise the Scripture itself would be charged with error. And therefore Bucholcer and others who were not ware of this, are not to be trusted for their Sabbatical Chronologie. 
Hescych. Lexic. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eusebius himself was not much better advised: and yet Hesychius could tell that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the space of 49 years.  
Those who think the Sabbatical years noted in the Jewish Calendars not to be truly so called, may as well say so of their Sabbatical days. Those who think the Sabbatical years were disused in the Captivity, must consider better of the Prophet's words, who, when they seem to say such a thing, are not to be understood of the simple celebration, but the Moral Solemnities, as Jer. 34. and elsewhere. Those who think the Sabbatical years, though instituted, yet never to have been observed among the Jews, may repent of that mistake as well as Scaliger himself. In Frag. p. 34.   

CHAP. II. Concerning the Indictions.  
INdiction ab indicendo. 'Twas the Revolution of 15 years, devised, as our Bede thinketh, to avoid confusion in Chronologie, likely to arise from the Common use, which was to say, such a thing was done in such a year of such a Reign, without considering what time of the year the King that then was begun to rule, or what time the Predecessor ended. But why this period should be called an Indiction, the causses given saith Calvisius, multae sunt quas si legas, cùm diversissimae sint, incertior abis quàm accessisti. Several reasons are set down in Sir Henry Spelman's glossary, out of Cedrens, Scaliger, Paul Petavius and others. The first and greatest pains about this were taken by the learned Onuphrius, yet unprofitably. Scaliger considered of a new reason, but which Baronius refuteth ad Annum Christi 312. Scaliger again replieth in his next edition, and seemeth to acquit himself of the Cardinal's exception, 
Scalig. in Prolegom. p. 210.  but cannot be heard neither by Petavius nor Calvisius, though as much adored by this later, as slighted by the former. And indeed saith Petavius, this is one of those things which could never yet be found out, through very much enquiry hath been made after it.  
Indiction is most properly said de Tributo Indicto, 
Cod. lib. 10. Tit. 16.  as appeareth by the Title in the Code. And because these Tributes indicebantur in Quinquennium, therefore that which was wont to be called Lustrum, was otherwise acknowledged by the Name of Indiction, answering to the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as in Circle, so in use; the Indiction being nothing else but a Roman Olympiad. Succeeding times put tertia Lustra together, and called three by the Name of an Indiction; so reckoning their years, and beginning at the Emperor Theodosius, saith Cedrens, but deceiving himself, for the 273 Olympiad in the Fasti Siculi hath this Synchronism. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Here begin the Indictions of Constantine. He saith of Constantine, for that before this time there had obtained in the Antiochian use, a Julian Indiction. Indictio Juliana Antiochensium, beginning in Julius Cesar, 48 years, Ante C. N. noted therefore in the same Fasti with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the first Indiction, but as I think of 5, not 15 years. Those of Constantine began (as was said) in the 273 Olympiad, in the third Consulship of Constantine, and second of Licinius. Therefore they began 312 years' post Ch. Nat. as only Petavius is not certain of. Therefore the Indictions began at the very dismission of the Nicene Council; succeeding, saith Onuphrius, in place of the Olympiads, which, as unchristian, the Emperor had forbidden.  
The same Author citeth a Canon of the Council, That the Bishop's Rescripts etc. should bear the date of the Indictions, etc. but to be taken upon his own trust, for the Canon, saith Petavius, is not there to be found.  
But certain it is, that the Indictions began at this time, consisting of 15 years: and if not with some relation to those three years, during which the Council assembled, allowing for each of those a Lustrum or Quinquennal, then likely for the reason given by Venerable Bede, or at leastwise for some other which we know not off.  
And because at the very same time the Emperor celebrated his Vicennalia with great largesses and distribution of dole unto the people, as the use was; therefore the Greek of New Rome rendered the Latin Indicto by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, distributio, and Palladius in the life of S. Chrysostom, saith, that the Asian Bishops came to Constantinople, decima tertiâ Distributione, And with the same respect, the Rescript of Honorius relaxeth the debita contracta, usque ad initium Fusionis quintae, meaning the Indiction. Cod. Theod. De indulgent. lib 6.  
The Emperor Justinian made a Law, That no Writing should pass without the date of the Indictions etc. sic enim (saith he) per omnia tempus servabitur, etc. L. Sancimus Novel. 42. And the providence was material, for the Indictions have proved to be an excellent Character in Chronologie, for the assurance of things done since the times of Constantine.  
For the time of the year, the Indictions were fixed in September originally, as may be seen by the Rescript of Anastasius in L. ult. de An. & Tribute. And in the 24 of that Month as the Subscriptions testify: but not alike retained in both the Empires, for by the use of Constantinople, they begin at the Calends of September, since the time of Justinian saith Scaliger, and that in conformity to their new year, which began at the same time: but the Western Caesar's date from the 24 as of old: The first useth to be called Indictio Constantinopolitana, the second Caesarea, add to those the Roman Indiction, beginning (as their year also) from the Calends of Januarie.  
When we find in Story that such a thing is said to have been done in such an Indiction, as Indictione primâ, secundâ, tertiâ, etc. the number is still to be understood of the same, not several Circles. For instance. Pelagius the Pope being accused of the Faction, against his Predecessor Vigilius, went up into the Pew, and putting the Gospel-book upon his head purged himself by Oath. This was done saith the Appendix to Marcellinus, Indictione secundâ. He meaneth not the second Indiction, but the second year of the seventeenth.  
To give an instance of this Character.  
Rome (saith Prosper, Cassiodorus, etc.) was taken by Alaric the Goth. Varane and Tertullo Coss, or at least, as Marcellinus, Varane solo Cos. for his Colleague Tertullus was not chosen till the Calends of Julie. Marcellinus addeth, that it was taken Indictione octauâ. Orosius, and Cedrens undertake that this was done in the year post. Ch. Nat. 411. but this answereth to Indictio nona, therefore the City was taken the year before, by this Character.   

CHAP. III. Concerning the Periods.  
THe Indictions, as the Circles of the Sun and Moon are very assuring Characters even by themselves, sed eorum fallax est usus nisi quaedam ex illis Periodus instituatur, but of much greater certainty, saith Scaliger, if brought into a Circle or period; which was also considered by Dionysius the Abbot, who therefore (taking some example from Victorius Aquitanus) multiplied the Cycle of the Moon into the Cycle of the Sun, that is 19 into 28, which made up 532 years, and so it was called the Cyclus Magnus, and from the Author, Dionysianus. Unto this the great Scaliger superadded the third Character of Indictions, the Revolution whereof he multiplied into the other two, that is 532 by 15, and the whole Circle was 7980: and this is that magna Periodus Juliana Scaligeri; Juliana, from the Julian form, by which it measureth, and Scaligeri, from the last Hand.  
The admirable condition of this Period is to distinguish every year within the whole Circle, by a several certain Character: for, as in that of Dionysius, Let the Cycle of the Sun be 2, and the Moon 3, or whatsoever, in what year soever; the same never had, nor never again could fall out within the space of time: so in this of Scaliger, let the Cycle of the Moon be 5, that of the Sun 23. Let the Indiction be 6, as it falleth out this present year 1638. I say the same Characters shall not again concur till the revolution of 7980 years be gone about.  
This Period the Author fixed in the Tohu, or eternal Chaos of the World, 764 Julian years before the most reputed time of Creätion, so that the Circle is not yet out, but shall be the 3267 of the Incarnation.  
This he did, that he might comprehend all, and more than ever was done, all Aeras, Epoche's and Terms in Chronologie, and in special, that of Orbis Conditi, which, through variety of opinion, was so inconstantly disposed of, that Chronologers knew not where to fix themselves: then also that he might give some account for the Heroïcal times of those Egyptian Dynasts pretending Antiquity many years further back into the Chaos, than the Mosaïcal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Beginning.  
All this and more he hath brought to pass by this incomparable Period, which bringing the three Characters to a concurrence yearly, distinct and several, must needs deliver up a most infallible account of time.  
To advance the opinion of their concurrence, let them first be singly considered.  
Josephus saith at the end of his Antiquities, that he finished that work in the thirteenth year of Domitian, and 56 of his own age, etc.  
Scaliger demonstrateth by the Circle of the Moon, that either he saith not true of the thirteenth of the Emperor, or else himself was one year elder. 
De Emend. Temp. l. 5. p. 476.  Again,  
The Chronologers are not a little ashamed that they should not be able to satisfy, as concerning so late and famous a Calamity, as the siege of Constantinople, by Mahumed the second: especially recommended to posterity, not only by the deep impressions of so vast a Misery, but also by some secret concourse of Fatality, as being both built and lost by a Constantine, and the son of Helen.  
Thus far they agree, that the City was taken either Anno 1452, or else 1453, post Ch. Nat. they agree also for the most part, that it was taken the 29 of May, feriâ 3.  
The Patriarchical, as also the Political History set forth by Crusius, equally affirm that the City was taken in the year, 1453. Chalcondyles and Hieromonachus his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 report, that it was the year before, but all agreeing that the day was tuesday, the 29. of May.  
I say that the year 1452 had 5 for the Circle of the Sun, therefore the 29 of May could not that year fall upon tuesday, but the day before, therefore either the City was taken the year 1453, or else it was not taken the 29 of May; but they all agree that it was taken that day, therefore it was taken that year, by the Circle of the Sun. Therefore also the state of the City stood 425 years longer than Valens the ginger foretold, who being demanded concerning the fate of Constantinople, erected the Figure of Heaven for the Nativity thereof. The Horoscope was Cancer. Having considered the Stars he gave this Judgement, that the City should live to the age of 696 years, but those are past and gone, saith Zonaras, except he would be meant of the flourishing state, for otherwise he was deceived.  
The Character of Indictions of what importance it is, that therefore absolute Chronicle of Marcellinus can testify. Quod cùm singulis Collegiis consulum (saith Scaliger) suas Indictiones reddat, nihil habemus hodie perfectius in eo genere. de Emend. Temp. pag. 513.  
By an old Roman Inscription. Such an one died Consulatu Stiliconis secundo & 7 Kal. Novembres Die Beneris oh Ramires Ouarta. Marcellinus noteth this Consulship with Indictione tertiâ, therefore it was in the year of Christ 405. but the Cycle of the Sun for this year was 22, therefore the 7 Calends of November could not fall out upon friday, but the day before. Besides the second Consulship of Stilico succeeded immediately the sixth of Honorius, but the year before had 5 for the Circle of the Moon: for Claudian saith, that Honorius entered the City the Calends of Januarie, Lunâ adhuc rudi, therefore the New Moon was in the end of December, which could not be, except the Cycle had been five. Therefore the year before the sixth Consulship of Honorius was the year of Christ 403, therefore the sixth Consulship of Honorius was the year 404; and therefore the second of Stilico was 405. In this demonstration the three Characters all concur, but not periodically, yet to the making up of a strange Truth; for by this it will follow, that he which inscribed the Tomb did not know the Consul's name, though he lived at the same time. Scaliger therefore. Quàm barbari sunt & impuri (saith he) qui doctrinam Cyclorum irrident. De Emend. Tempor. p. 514, 515.  
Thus much assurance we can make to our selus from the several abilities of each Character, but which if they meet together in this Period, set such a mark upon the time proposed, as maketh it to be known from any other whatsoever, within the duration of the world, or the whole Circle at least. Artificiosissima Periodus! as Helvicus admireth, with many others: so that the Author needed not to break forth into his Nos qui eam excogitavimus periodum hanc satìs laudare non possumus. Canon Isagog. Lib. 3. Yet  
Salian (otherwise a great Annalist) looseth a Chapter or two in the disparagement of this Period, as he expected it should redound, but it falleth out unto his own. The absurdness of his exceptions betray him thus far, that he could have no juster cause why to expose this period, then that himself had been so unfortunate as to build his Annals upon a less during foundation. But of what accomplishment this Period is, I think we may best of all be judged by Petavius, the most open mouth against that great restorer of Chronologie. This Petavius saith, that there is not one thing in that whole Book, De Emendatione temporum, not liable to just reproof, this only period excepted, than which he confesseth to know nothing more important for the advancement of Chronologie: and therefore earnestly commendeth it unto general practice, assuring all men that by this means, the most insuperable confusions of time may be reduced to order, with most incredible eas and effect.   

CHAP. IU. Concerning the Aeras.  
IN the account of Time, there must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Vnde and the Quo. Accordingly Chronologie whatsoever, fixeth itself upon some certain term, to which the reckoning shall refer. The most natural Term would be the World's creätion, from which the Jews and we Christians account our Times, though we rather from the Redemption: Si origo Mundi in Hominum notitiam venisset indè exordium sumeremus. Censorin. De Die Natal. Cap. 20. Some of those who could not attein the World's beginning, reckoned from their own. So the Romans ab Orbe Condita. Otherwise this Account useth to respect either some great Name, or some Notable event. So the Greeks account from their Olympics, and the Assyrians from Nabonasser.  
These or the like Terms of Computation, Censorinus expresseth by the word Tituli. They are most usually known by the Names of Aera & Epoche. They are called Epoche's, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à sistendo, quòd illis sistantur & terminentur mensurae temporum, saith Scaliger, De Emendatione Temp. Lib. 5. pag. 358.  
Aera (say the Alphonsine Tables) Hispanis dicitur tempus limitatum ab aevo aliquo sumens exordium.  
It was first of all said of the Aera Hispanica respecting the time of Cesar Augustus. The Spaniards to comply with the successes of their Triumvir (for the Division assigned Spain to Augustus) received at that time the Julian form, accounting the same from the Emperor under this Style (as Sepulveda conceiteth) Annus erat Augusti, or A. oer. A. which in time for want of Interpunction was put together, and became the word Aera. Sepulved.  
To this, Scaliger. Ridicula saith he, Ridicula, & tamen illi viro erudito adeò placuit Commentum suum, ut ejus rei gratiâ duntaxat scriptionem illius Libelli de emendatione Anni suscepisse videatur, etc.  
James Christman fetcheth the word out of his Arabic, from Arah, computare; which, because of the Spanish usage, might receiv some probability from their conversation with the Moors; But the Arabic Geographer in the second part of the fourth Clime deriveth this Etymon ab aere flavo, and the Saracen calleth this term Aeram Aeris, that is, saith Christ-man, Aeris solvendi Fisco Romano, meaning a certain Tribute imposed by Augustus, first upon the Spaniards, and afterwards upon the whole Empire.  
Some (but most unreasonably) derive the word from Hera, one of the names of Juno, so Garcios Loisa out of Hincmare, as he thinketh; others from the same word, as it betokeneth dominion, so they force it; they should rather have considered that Hera in the Spanish tongue signifieth time, though from a Gothick Original, from whence our Saxons had their gear, or year, as we now call it. And this may seem to bear some relation to the word, especially for that Aera is oftentimes used for Annus in Isidore's Chronicle and elsewhere. Sir Henry Spelman's glossary may be seen in this word. Scaliger, Petavius, Calvisius and others confirm, that Era in old Latin signified as much as Numerus, and 'tis manifest enough out of Nonius Faustus Regiensis, and Cicero himself; and this they hold to be the most likely derivation of the word, if it be, yet he that first observed it was Resendius a Spaniard, in an Epistle to a friend of his, who required his Opinion concerning the Aera Hispanica.  
But because this Etymon doth no way intimate why that use of the word should be peculiarly taken up among the Spaniards (except it were true which Scaliger considered that it was in use elsewhere, but against which Petavius hath given a probable reason) the Notation in the glossary would rather be taken, and so it may be a word of the Gothick derivation, translated thence to the Spanish use, and properly said of their Epoch, but now the common name of all others.  
Those Aeras or Epoche's are severally to be fixed, and first of all that of Orbis Conditi.   

CHAP. V Aera Orbis Conditi.  
MUch question hath been made among the Chronologers, in what time of the Year the World should begin, and more, as some think, than needed. Not so, for beside that for either reason also this ought not to be indifferent to learned men, yet in Chronologie it importeth necessarily that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it is therefore called) be assured to some certain time, wherein the Account shall determine; seeing therefore it was necessary that some one term or other must be taken, why not the true to choos?  
If the Question were asked indefinitely, whether the World began in the Spring, the Summer, the Winter or the Autumn, the answer must be, That it began in all. For so soon as the Sun set forth in his Motion, the seasons immediately grew necessary to several positions of the Sphere, so divided among the parts of the Earth, that all had every one of these, and each one or other at the same time.  
The Question therefore is to respect some particular Horizon; and because it is not doubted, but that the Sun first to this upper Hemisphere, and in special from the Horizon of our first Parents; The Quere is to be moved concerning the Holie-Land; at what time of the year the World there began.  
'Tis agreed upon by all, that it began in some Cardinal point; that is, that the Motions began from the Eastern Angle of the Holie-Land, the Solstitial or Aequinoctial points one or other of them asscending in the Horoscope. Nay, Mercator excepted, scarce any man doubteth but this point was Aequinoctial, either in the Spring, or Autumn. Whether in this or that, was anciently a great Question between the Doctors Eliezer and Joshua, as the Seder Olam relateth.  
Scaliger Joseph, and (because he did) Sethus Calvisius, Torniellus and others, fix this beginning in the Autumn, which also was the Opinion of our Bacon long ago.  
But the Father Julius was not of his son's mind. Mundum (saith he) primo vere natum Sapientes autumant, & credere par est. So the more part Maintain, and for the best reasons. And if it were not otherwise evident, Nature itself is very convincing, whose Revolutions begin and end in the vernal Aequinox. Nor can any other good reason be given why the Astronomers should deduce all their Calculations from the Head of Aries.  
The Aera of the Flood falleth within the 1656 year of the World's Creätion, as the Hebrew Scripture is plain, why 'tis otherwise in the Greek account shall be said hereafter.   

CHAP. VI Nabonassar's Aera.  
WAs of all profane ones of the greatest note and use. Altraganus Albategnius and the King Alphonso's Tables call him Nebuchadonosor, or Nebuchadnezar, deceived as it seems by the Almagest. So ptolemy's Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Magnae Constructionis, is called by the Arabic Translators Althazor and Serig, who, at the instance of Almamon their King, turned this book into that language, and that they might speak ptolemy's title in one word, they set down Almageston, that is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Great Work. The Translators of this Almagest use to render ptolemy's Nabonassar by Bechadnetzer, giving too much heed to the likeness of Names. Alfraganus and Albategnius followed the Arabic Translation of Ptolemy, and the Alphonsine Tables, the Latin Translation of that.  
Mercator, Funccius, the Prutenick Tables; Origanus and many others confound this Name with Shalmanesser's, the Assyrian King. But James Christman maketh demonstration that the times agree not, besides other circumstances added by Scaliger inducing the same truth, with the evidence whereof Origanus holding himself convinced was not ashamed to make his retractation.  
Yet Christman and Scaliger themselves found it an easier matter to tell who Nabonassar was not, than who he was. It seemed to Christman, that he might be the same with Beladan the father of Merodach, or at least that he was a King of Babylon, whose own name was unknown, Nabonassar being the Royal Name of that Kingdom, as he thinketh, and common to them all. Scaliger putteth this together, and assuring himself that Nabonassar was the same with Beladan, maketh no doubt but that was the name of the King, this of the man. So the 5 book of his Emendations, but the third of his Isagogical Canons, confesseth this also to be a mistake.  
This Error was first discovered by the Appearance of ptolemy's Canon, which setteth down a List of the Babylonish, Persian and Roman Kings, from Nabonassar's time, to the time of Ptolemy. Mention was made of this Canon by Panodorus, Anian, and George the Syncellus, amongst whom Scaliger (but lately and not entirely) met with it. Sethus Calvisius received a Transcript of a more perfect Copy, from D. Overal, Dean of S. Paul's; the Original whereof is exstant in Biblioth. Bodlian. and set out with ptolemy's Hypothesis by D. Bambrigge.  
The Canon beginneth, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nabonassari 14.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nadii 2.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chinceri & Pori 5.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Jugaei 5.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mardocempadi 12.   etc.  
Nabonassar therefore was King, not as some thought of Egypt, but Babylon; who for delivering his People from the subjection of the Medes, was made the Aera of their Kingdom; from whom the Chaldeans (and the Egyptians therefore) accounted their Celestial Calculations. For his Synchronism, The Canon setteth him down the fifth before Mardocempad or Merodach-cen-pad, the same with Meredach Baladan, who sent Messengers to K. Ezechia to inquire concerning the Retrocession of the Sun. But for a more certain demonstration of the time, three Lunar Eclipses noted by Hipparchus, are set down by Ptolemy in the fourth of his Almagest. The first was seen at Alexandria the 16 day of Mesori, in the 547 year of Nabonassar. This Eclipse by the Julian Calculation and Tables of Calvisius, fell out upon friday the 22 of September, at 7 of the Clock in the afternoon, and 20 minutes; the Sun then being in the 26 of Virgo. It was the Year 4513 of the Julian Period, that is the 3749 from the World's Creätion, out of which if we deduct the 547 years of Nabonassar, the remainder will be 3203, the year of the World's Creätion, wherein this Aera was fixed; The day as the King Alphonsus, and before him the Translators of the Almagest have delivered, was Dies Thoth, or Mercurii; answering to the 26 of the Julian February, beginning (so Ptolemy) at high noon, the Sun then entering into Pisces, and the Moon, being in the 11 degree and 22 minutes of Taurus. And the same conclusion will follow from the two other Eclipses, reduced in like manner to our Calculation.  
And to put all out of doubt, Censorinus saith that the 986 Year of Nobonassar was the 238 of Christ, but that was the 4951 of the Julian Period. Therefore Nabonassar's Aera began in the 3967 year of the same Period, which was the 3203 Year from the World's Creätion. So that the Aera is undoubtedly assured.  
This Aera still accounteth by Epyptian years, which are therefore called Anni Nabonassarei, and because it began upon wednesday, the first day of their first Month, which (as the day itself) they hold holy to Thoth or Mercury) useth to be called Nabonassar's Thoth.   

CHAP. VII. The Aera of the Olympiads.  
THe Olympic Games were instituted for the exercise of the Grecian Youth, by Hercules (as the Tradition goes) to the honour of Jupiter Olympius, near unto whose Temple they were performed in the Olympian field. The Exercise was called Pentathlon, or Quinquertium, from the fivefold kind. The Victor was crowned with an Olive, and triumphantly carried in a Chariot into his own City, and, which is to the purpose, his name was publicly recorded.  
The time was (as only Pindar hath revealed) at the full Moon which followed the Summer Solstice. They were celebrated every fifth year; and the Interval was called an Olympiad, consisting of 4 Julian years, and the odd Bissextile day, which was the cause, as some think, why this form of year was first introduced.  
The first Celebration by Hercules vanishing in the Intermissions, grew to be less famous than the restitution by Iphitus, whereof so much more notice hath been taken then of the other, that this which was many years after, is yet accounted for the first Olympiad. The time or Aera whereof is assured by the Character of that extraordinary Eclipse, which the Sun suffered with our Saviour, noted by Phlegon to have happened in the 202 Olympiad, which multiplied by four maketh 808 years, between the first Olympiad, and the Passion of Christ.  
Besides that, Thucydides reporteth that in the first year of the Peloponnesiack War, on a summer's day in the afternoon, there happened an Eclipse of the Sun, so great an one, as that the Stars appeared. This Eclipse, by Astronomical Calculation, is found to be the second day of Julie, in the year before Christ 463, at which time (as Crusius calculateth) the Sun was Eclipsed in the 6 of Leo, half an hour after 5 in the afternoon, the digits of the Eclipse were 9, and four third parts, therefore almost one fourth part of the Sun was visible, respecting the Horizon of Athens, but in Thrace the Eclipse was well nigh total; so that the Stars were seen.  
This therefore was that Eclipse which Thucydides saith was seen in the first year of the Peloponnesiack war.  
In the fourth Year of the same War, the same Author saith that Donius Rhodius won the Prize in the Olympics, and this was the fourth year of the 87 Olympiad, and that was the 460 year before Christ. If therefore the 87 Olympiads be multiplied by 4, they become 348 Julian years, which if they be added to 460, the total will be as before, 808 years, or the 202 Olympiad before the Passion of Christ.  
Again Thucydides reporteth, that in the 19 year of the Peloponnesiack War, the Moon was Eclipsed, and this was as Diodorus Siculus relateth in the fourth year of the 91 Olympiad. That Eclipse of the Moon, as Crusius calculateth, fell out upon the 27 day of August, in the 445 year before the Passion of Christ. If therefore 90 Olympiads be multiplied by 4, they make up 360 Julian years, to which also must be added the three first years of the 91 Olympiad, and then they are 363, which added to 445, make up 808 years before the Passion of our Saviour, which falleth with the 3173 year of the World, and is the Aera of the Olympiads.   

CHAP. VIII. Aera Vrbis Conditae.  
THe Italians, by an old custom, used to account their years from the time of their first Plantation; yet in this the lesser towns were more happy than the Mother City: Rome herself not having attained to know her own beginning, till Cato's time; who considering the absurdity, searched the Censor's Tables, and bringing down the account to the first Consuls, got within a little of Vrbs Condita. It rested only to make good the Interval from the Regifugium to the Palilia; so the Aera of the first foundation is called from the Rites done to Pales Pastorum Dea, the Shepherd's holiday as we may call it, celebrated the same day the City was built. Propertius Lib. 4.  
Vrbi festus erat, dixere Palilia, Patres  
Hic primus coepit moenibus esse dies.  
The Interval, as Cato found it, amounted to 243 years, Terence Varro (who at the same time studied the point) reckoned one year more; and from thence, saith Scaliger, in factiones duas res discessit, there became two sides, one for the Catonian Palilia, the other for the Varronian; though Petavius (that Scaligero-mastix) affirmeth that the former was not Cato's opinion; and Sethus Calvisius demonstrateth that they were both but one.  
This Epilogism was found out by Tarutius (or as he is more rightly called (Taruntius Firmanus, a great ginger of those days, who at the solicitation of Varro cast the Nativity of Rome; which to recover, he first of all tried for the Founder's Horoscope. To attain to this, he entered into a consideration of the main actions of his life; and because he had understood by Tradition that there happened an Eclipse when Romulus was conceived in the womb, he went the Hermetical way, as that is called, to find out the Nativity by the conception.  
After consultation with the Stars, and a due comparison of this with what was otherwise known, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he confidently pronounced this Judgement.  
That Romulus was conceived in the first year of the second 
Plutar. in Roma.   
Olympiad, the 23 day of the (Egyptian) month Choeac, at the third hour of the day, the Sun being then totally Eclipsed. That he was born the one and twentieth of the Month Thoth, about the Sun rising. That the Foundation of Rome was laid the ninth day of Pharmuth between two and three a clock in the morning, the Moon being then in Jugo. So the ginger.  
Otherwise the Tradition was (which also Taruns considered) that the Foundation of Rome was laid in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, the Sun and Moon then being in an Elliptical conjunction, which defection was noted by Antimachus the Teïan Poet.  
For the first Eclipse, as his Tables (which are said to be those of Hipparchus) directed him, it fell out in the first year of the second Olympiad, upon the 23 day of the Month Choeac, which answereth to the 24 of June at three a clock in the morning. Yet according to Tyche, ptolemy's, and the King Alphonsus their Tables, the latitude was then so great that there could be no Eclipse at that time. So Sethus Calvisius and others. Nicolas Muller pretended, that this Eclipse could not be found out by the Prutenick Tables, but by the Frisian, which he was then about (his own and more elaborate) he promiseth to account for it. Calvisius answereth, that the Prutenick Tables according to Copernicus his Hypotheses were most exactly performed, and that he doubted Muller could not stand to his word. Yet since that Muller hath calculated this Eclipse, and found it to be by his Frisian Tables, according as the ginger set down.  
Henry Bunting findeth it in the second year of the second Olympiad, one year later than the ginger. And this may seem to be nothing out of the way. For Dionysius Halicarnassius reporteth, that Romulus as he came not into the world, so he went not out without an Eclipse. Now Romulus reigned 37 years, at which very time the Sun was Eclipsed, upon saturday the 26 of May about 7 of the clock in the afternoon▪ the Sun then setting at Rome; and the greatest absurdity Calvisius could find in this was, that it setteth off but 18 years for the age of Romulus at the building of Rome; which as he thinks could not make him mature enough for the importance of this undertaking; but considering all other circumstances agree so well, the Acception is unjust enough.  
For the other Eclipse pretended to be at the Foundation of the City. Nicolas Muller findeth that also in his Frisian tables, yet confesseth it could not be seen at Rome; but in Asia 'twas visible he saith, and so might be known to Antimachus.  
And this maketh something for the ginger, who (as Cicero citeth him) found the Moon at the Foundation in Jugo, that is, as Solin may seem to interpret it, in Libra; the rather, because the Poet Manilius saith, that Rome was built in Libra. So Petavius: but Solinus (though he knew not what he said) yet saith too, That the Sun was then in Taurus, which is demonstrated by Bunting, and moreover, that it was in the twentieth degree; and therefore the more learned Scaliger and his Calvisius interpret the Astrologers in Jugo, to be the same which is now said in Nodo, which is as much as to say, that the Sun and Moon were then in Conjunction, as Muller saith well, and that the Sun was intra terminos Eclipticos, within the Ecliptic terms at Rome, but not so far as to make the defection visible in that Horizon.  
Howsoever the ginger according to his Calculation set down that Rome was built in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, which Terence Varro took for his resolution; and so reckoned from the Regifugium to the Palilia 244 years; Marcus Cicero, Titus Pomponius Atticus and the Emperor Augustus approving the Epilogisms, and besides them Plutarch, Pliny, Paterculus and others, and 'twas the received opinion; and is infallibly demonstrated in Mercator's Chronologie, by eight several celestial Characters or Eclipses, which calculated to Nabonassar's Aera fall even with the ginger. To say nothing of Crusius, who hath done something to the same purpose, or Peter Appian, who evinceth the same (I say not how truly) out of the Figure of the Heavens, which Turnus found (but as Julius Solinus describeth it) at the laying of the Foundation, Verrius Flaccus in the Fasti Capitolini setteth down Rome built in the fourth year of the sixth Olympiad, one year later; and the Canons of Eratosthenes in the first year of the seventh Olympiad one year more, or rather but one in all; for the Registers of the Capitol agree with Cato, and he differeth nothing from Varro, if Calvisius may be Judge.  
Therefore altogether neglecting Temporarius his morosisitie (who was so far out of conceit with Turnus, that he would not believe that there was ever such a man as Romulus) we say that Rome was founded in the third year of the sixth Olympiad which was in the year of the World's Creätion 3198, and before the Incarnation 750.   

CHAP. XI. Aera Septimanarum Septuaginta, the seventy Weeks.  
THis Aera was fixed by the Angel Gabriel, Dan. 9 seventy Weeks (saith he to the Prophet) are determined upon the People, etc. verse 24. Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the Commandment, to restore and build Jerusalem unto the Messiah the Prince, shall be seven Weeks, and threescore and two Weeks, etc. And after threescore and two Weeks shall Messiah be cut off, but not for himself; and the people of the Prince that shall come shall destroy the City and the Sanctuary, etc. And he shall confirm the Covenant with many for one Week, and in the midst of the Week he shall cause the Sacrifice and the Oblation to cease, and for the overspreading of abominations he shall make it desolate, even until the consummation, etc. So the Angel.  
The Weeks are to be understood not of days, but Years; and those not of the Moon, but the Sun; and so 70 by 7 is 490 years, from the time of the going forth of the Commandment etc. unto the Abomination of desolation. But where to begin or end this Epilogism, is the vexata Quaestio, as Scaliger calls it, a question that hath endured the greatest controversy, involved with circumstances of such notable intricacy, that a Scholar of very great parts ('tis reported by one that knew the man) fell mad with studying how to make this good.  
Some reckon the Epilogism from Cyrus, others from Darius Hystaspis, and some from the seventh, others from the 20 of Artaxerxes Longimanus, accordingly ending the Weeks, some at the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus, others at the destruction of the Temple by Pompey, or that of Herod, or else at the Passion.  
The truest of the falls, is that which beginneth at the seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and endeth in our Saviour's Passion: for this maketh a good account of the years. It was the opinion of the learned Bunting, Funccius, etc. but that which I perceiv to be rested upon, is the judgement of Scaliger followed by Calvisius, and this beginneth the Epilogism at the second year of Darius Nothus, and determineth it in the final destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. For the Angel saith expressly, that after seven Weeks and sixty two weeks, the Messiah being cut off, the holy City shall be destroyed etc. and that in the middle of the seventieth week the Sacrifice and Oblation shall cease, and for an overspreading of abomination, etc. which is plainly called by our Saviour, the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet etc. and therefore no question, but the feventie Weeks are to end with the Holy City. Their beginning was to be from the time of the going forth of the Commandment, etc. And this, though such an one was given first by Cyrus, and thirdly by Artaxerxes, yet most purposely from Darius Nothus in the second year of his reign. The 13 year of Darius Nothus is the 20 of the Peloponesiack war by Thucydides that was the 92 Olympiad, and this was the 3538 from the World's Creätion, or 4302 of the Julian Period, therefore the 2 year of Darius Nothus was the 4290 of the Julian Period, and that was the 3562 from the world's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 6 and the Moon 15. And the Interval is expressly 490 years. For the Holy City was destroyed in the seventieth year of the Incarnation, which was the 4019 from the World's Creätion, and the 4783 of the Julian Period; the Cycle of the Sun was 23, and the Moon 14.   

CHAP. X. Aera Alexandrea,  
WHat time Seleucus began to succeed in his part of the Empire of Asia, The Greeks disusing their Olympian account, set up a new Aera, which though it reckoned from the reign of Seleucus, yet it bore the name of the conqueror from whom it was called Aera Alexandrea Graecorum, or Syr● Macedonum. Seleucus began to reign twelv years after the death of Alexander, as appeareth by Albategnius and the Almagest; which consenteth also to Diodorus Siculus, who affirmeth that the first year of Seleucus was the first of the 117 Olympiad.  
Therefore this Aera was fixed in the 4402 of the Julian Period, which was the 3638 from the world's Creätion; the Cycle of the Sun was 6, and the Moon 13. The Aera was fixed saith Scaliger (though Petavius will not yield it) by Calipus of Cyzicum, who finding that Meton's ciclus decennovenalis exceeded the Moon's Revolution one quadrant of a day, put four of these together, and detracting from thence one whole day for the quadruple excess of hours, gave an exacter account of the Lunations then before.  
This Cycle the Author to the honour of Alexander began the 28 of June, in the Summer Solstice at the new Moon, which followed the fight at Gangamele. And this was in the year of the world 3619 as the Eclipse assureth which happened eleven days before, but because this fell out to be in the second year of that Olympiad, Calippus altered his mind, and stayed nineteen years to make his Period concur; but Alexander deceasing within seven years, the Aera could not begin till twelv years after, which was the first of the reign of Seleucus, and 3638 of the World.   

CHAP. XI. Aera Dhilcarnian  
IS the same with the Alexandrea Graecorum, and hath nothing proper but the Name, which itself also is nothing but Alexander in other words as by the Arabic Geographer and otherwise 'tis made known. Dhilcarnain, that is, habentis duo cornua, as Albumazer's Translator expresseth it. So Alexander was called with relation to the Ram in Daniel's Vision as some divine, but then they are fain to read it Ailcarnain, not considering that it is not the word in Arabic as in Hebrew, for a Ram, the Arabians if they had meant thus, would have said not Aiie, but Hamelcarnain; but let that pass, for the word written in its own language manifestly importeth no more than one that hath two horns.  
So Alexander, saith Christman, might be called either for that his Empire was bipartite into Asia and Syria, (which is not altogether so true) or otherwise, for that he joined the East and West together with Conquests, holding as it were the two Horns of the World in his Victorious hands.  
And this he saith, because as Hercules in the West, so Alexander set up two Pillars for a non ultra to the Eastern World. The Arabians themselves say more; For though the more commonly known Historians of this Conqueror Q. Curtius and Arrian out of his Ptolemy and Aristobulus take no notice of Alexander's falling in the Western World, (Cedrens excepted, wheresoever he had it) yet the Arabic Geographer doubteth not to affirm, that he was the man by whose appointment and Design that Isthmos Gaditanes was cut out, and the Atlantic Ocean let into the Mediterranean, so making that Straight or Fretum (therefore not to be termed Herculeum) now called the Sreights of Gibraltar, or as it should be Gebal Tarec, that is Tarec's Hill, so called saith the Arabic Geographer from Tarec the Son of Abdalla, who having transported his Barbarians over the Straight, secured his Army with the Natural fortification of that Place. Geographus Arabs. 1. par. cl. 4.  
But why Alezander should be called Dhilcarnain or habens duo cornua, Scaliger's reason is beyond exception, and which Petavius himself could not choos but commend. Alexander to raise himself a reputation of Divinity, suborned the Priest to entitle him the son of Corniger Ammon, thenceforth the Cyrenians, who had formerly used to express this Jupiter horned in their Coins, transferred this honour to the Conqueror, and so the reputed son, as the Father was known by the name of Corniger which when it came to the Arabians was to be said as here it is Dilcarnian.   

CHAP. XII. The Jews Aera.  
ALexander the Great with his Grecian Army marching towards Jerusalem with all intention of hostility, the High Priests and Levites came forth to meet him, all in their Holy Garments. The King beholding this reverend Assembly, made an approach himself alone, and drawing near to the High Priest fell down and worshipped. The Captains wondering to see the son of Jupiter Ammon, who had given command that all men should worship him, himself to fall down to a Jew, Parmenion drew near and made bold to ask him the question. To whom Alexander; 'Tis not the Priest saith he, but his God whom I adore, and who in his very habit appeared unto me long ago at Dius in Macedonia, and encouraged me in my undertake for the Empire of Asia. This don, the King ascended the Temple, where Sacrifice first done to God, the prophecy of Daniel was brought forth, the high Priest turning to that place which foretelleth of a mighty Prince of Graecia that was to conquer the Persians, which, the circumstances well agreeing, the King readily applied unto himself, and so departed very well pleased, and full of hope, leaving the People to their Ancient peace. 
Antiquitat. Lib. 11.  So their Historian Josephus; and the Book Taanith Cap. 9  
But it is added moreover by Abraham the Levite in his Cabala, that the High Priest by way of acknowledgement made faith to the King, that all the children which should be born that year to the holy Tribe should be called by his Name; and moreover that from the same Time they would henceforth compute their Minian Staros, or Aera of Contracts, etc. fol. 3.   

CHAP. XIII. Aera Dionysiana Philadelphi.  
A Celestial year is such an one as keepeth touch with the Sun, the Months whereof begin at his entrance into the Signs precisely, and especially serving for the Prognostication of the Seasons. Such a kind of year Dionysius an ginger in Egypt set up after the example of Metan and others; (as by Theon 'tis noted upon Aratus.) The Aera whereof he fixed in the first year of the famous Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelph. 'Tis often cited in the Almagest, which also giveth Testimony that this Aera began in the 463 of Nabonassar's Thosh, 
Ptolm. lib. 10. C. 4. & 5 Almagesti.  which was the fourth year of the 123 Olympiad, answering to the 4429 of the Julian Period, which was the 3665 of the world's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 5, and the Moon 2.  
But neither was this this year of Dionysius merely celestial, 'twas also civil, as Scaliger discovereth▪ yet of no greater use in History to reconcile one place in that golden book (as the same Author termeth it) of Jesus the son of Sirach. That wise man saith that in the 38 year when Evergetes was King, he came into Egypt, etc. but how could that be, saith Scaliger seeing this Ptolemy reigned but 26 years. To say as some do that he meant the years of his own life, 
Emendat. Temp. lib. 5.  or the life of Evergetes, is rather to excuse the Author, then interpret him. And therefore 'tis to be said that he referreth to the Dionysian Account, in the 38 whereof he might come into Egypt in the time of Evergetes. And therefore Petavius upon his Epiphanius first, and again in his Doctrina Temporum, had little reason to fall so foully upon the much more learned Author of this and many other admired Revelations.   

CHAP. XIV. Aera Hispanica.  
JVlius Caesar in the fourth of his Dictatorship, appointed his Mathematicians to the Correction of the Roman Year; 
Dion lib. 11.  which is the beginning of the Julian Account. The The 283 whereof Censorinus saith, was the 1014 of Iphilus, and that the 986 of Nabonassar. Therefore the Julian Account began the 703 of Nabonassar which was the 4669 of the Julian Period, and 3905 from the World's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 21, and the Moon 14. Seven Years after, and 38 before the Nativity of Christ, the Spaniards being brought under the subjection of the Empire, received also this form of year; their Aera from that time forth bearing Date from hence: which though it was the fifth of Augustus, yet the Style went in the Dictator's Name; and so the King Alphonso would be understood in his Tables, when he calleth this Term Aera Caesaris, meaning the Dictator.   

CHAP. XV. Aera Actiacae Victoriae. etc.  
CAEsar Augustus having triumphed over Antony and Cleopatra in the battle of Actium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Dion, became himself to be Monarch of the World, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. insomuch that he gave command that the Empire should begin to compute their Acts from this daie's Achieument; which was the second of September by Dion. It was the year of the World 3919, and 4683 of the Julian Period; as otherwise, and also by an Eclipse noted in the Fasti Seculi, 'tis manifest; yet by the decree of the Senate, this Aera was fixed in the destruction of Alexandria, which was taken August the 29, of the year following, 'twas the 16 Julian year, and the 294 from the Death of Alexander.  
Till this time the Egyptian account measured by Nabonassar's year, consisting of 365 days, without any intercalation of the odd hours; in the place hereof the Julian form succeeded; And because the Egyptians called every day in the year by the Name of some God, which were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and every year of their Lustrum's or Quadriennals in like manner, which were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Anni Deorum, these years were henceforth called in honour of Augustus, Anni Augustorum Deorum, or Anni Augustorum, as 'tis recorded by Censorinus, who only mentioneth them by this Name.  
This Aera Actiaca continued in use till the time of Dioclesian, who having gained himself an Opinion of Wisdom and Fortune among his People, thought himself worthy from whom the Computation should now begin, which was done. It was therefore called by those of the Empire Aera Dioclesianea; but by the Christians Aera Martyrum Sanctorum, from the great Passion of Saints in the 19 of this Emperor's Reign, wherein more than one hundred forty and four thousand Christians suffered persecution in Egypt. Thus Ignatius the Patriarch of Antioch answered Scaliger by his Letters; Virro, saith Scaliger, quo doctiorem Oriens nostro seculo non tulit. But the Aera Martyrum and that of Dioclesian begin at the same time; as Christman upon his Alfraganus proveth out of Abull Hassumi an Arabic Historiographer. And to assure the beginning of Dioclesian's Aera, Theon upon the Almagest noteth an Eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria, 
Theon. Hypom. 6. in Ptolem. Almag. p. 248.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in the 81 year of Dioclesian, and 1112 of Nabonassar. Ashyr the 29, and 6 of Phamenoth, and this Eclipse, exacted to the Julian form, happened November 25, a little after midnight, in the year of the World 4313, and 364 from the Incarnation; the Sun was in the 5 of sagittary. Therefore Dioclesian's Aera was fixed in the 1032 of Nabonassar, which was the 284 from the Incarnation. Therefore as it is called Aera Martyrum, it referreth not to the persecution in the 19 of Dioclesian, but to that of his first year, wherein Diodorus the Bishop celebrating the Holy Communion with many other Christians in a Cave, was immured into the earth, and so buried all alive. Eusebius in Dioclesian.  
This Aera is used by S. Ambrose, Epiphanius, Evagrius, Hermannus, Contractus, Bede and others. It stood in common Christian use, until the times of Dionysius the Abbot, who in stead hereof brought in the Aera of Christ's Incarnation, so that (as Peter Aliac, our Bede, and others) the Christians did not use to reckon by the years of Christ, until the 532 of the Incarnation, yet Scaliger may be seen, De Emend. lib. 5. p. 495. & p. 496. & p. the 18 of his Prolegomena.  
Nor is it to be thought, saith Christman, that this Aera Martyrum was utterly abolished, except we mean it of Rome; for saith he 'tis yet in use among the Egyptians, Arabians, Persians, Ethiopians, and generally the Eastern men.  
Scaliger saith it once and again (how truly I doubt) that it never was but as it still is used in the Egyptian and Ethiopian Churches: No doubt,, but that it was most proper to Egypt where it first began, for which cause it is called by the Arabians Teric Elgupti the Aera Aegyptica. From the Egyptians the most part of the world received it, though the Abassines or Ethiopians in a director line, as whose Patriarch and Religion is subject to that of Alexandria. The Ethiopians call it the Anni Gratiae.   

CHAP. XVI. Aera Christi Nati.  
DIonysius the Abbot who as we said was Author to the world of accounting by this new Aera, infinitely more concerning then that of Dioclesian, fixed the same in the 4713 of the Julian Period which answereth to the 3950 year from the World's Creätion, so that the Anni Christï were not in use of Computation till the 532 year after the Nativity, as it was fixed by Dionysius. This Dionysian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more accurate in Chronologie find to be at fault, but not themselves agreeing upon the difference. To say nothing of the Bishop of Middleburgh, who affirmeth that this Aera was behinde-hand with the true Nativity 22 years, and that S Paul himself had revealed this to him, though afterward he changed this opinion, S. Paul it seems not being in the right, and believed that this Aera was so far from being 22 years behind, that it was two years beforehand with the truth. Capellus laboureth to prove that it is a Metachronism of six years, Kepler of five, Decker of four, others of three, Scaliger of two, who demonstrateth, as he himself thinketh, that the first year Dionysian of Christ ought to be reckoned the third Learned Bunting one of the first who took this exception, demonstrateth that the difference is but of one year. He proveth it thus. Taking for granted out of S. Luke, that the thirtieth year of Christ is Synchronical to the fifteenth of Tiberius. He noteth an Eclipse of the Moon set down by Tacitus in the first year of Tiberius, the two Sexti, Pompeio & Apuleio Coss. This Eclipse happened upon thursday the 27 of September, in the 4727 of the Julian Period, which was the 3963 from the World's Creätion. And seeing, as most certain it is, that this Eclipse fell out in the first year of Tiberius, and that the fifteenth of Tiberius answereth to the 30 of our Saviour's age, it followeth, that the first of Tiberius was the fifteenth of our Saviour; and the first of our Saviour was the 4712 year of the Julian Period, one year sooner than the Dionysian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as it may be, the very same; for 'tis doubted what S. Luke meaneth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; our own Translation rendereth, that Jesus began to be about thirty years old, etc. which considering, and that the first of Tiberius was but the beginning of a year, the difference may seem to come within compass of some reconciliation.  
For the time of the year. The Alexandrian, and therefore the Ethiopian and Armenian Churches deliver that our Saviour was born the 6 of Januarie, the same day he was baptised, accordingly they celebrate both the Festivals in one day of the Epiphanie, which for that it hath been of some standing in those parts, prevailed so far with Causabon, as to forsake the more received opinion, but not considering how slenderly this Tradition pretendeth. Some question of of old there was in the Church of Alexandria (so their Clement reporteth) as concerning the day of this Nativity. To resolve this doubt they observed this course: The day of his Baptism supposed, which as we, they held to be the Epiphanie, they supposed also out of the forequoted place of S. Luke, that our Saviour was born and Christened the same day, for that he was 30 years old when he was baptised. Their conclusion therefore was, that our Saviour was born the sixth of Januarie, which how consequent it is I need not say. The forenamed Bishop of Middleburgh setteth down our Saviour born in April. Beroaldus thinketh, he was born about the beginning of October. So Scaliger; Calvisius about the end of September. As for the day saith Scaliger, Vnius Dei est, non Hominis definire: and Hospinian persuadeth, that the Christians did not celebrate the 25 of December, as thinking Christ was then born, but to make amends for the Saturnalia.  
How much better had it been for these men to content themselves with the Tradition of the Church, then by this elaborate unfruitful search to entangle the Truth.  
The Religion of this 25 day, though Scaliger say it, non est nupera neque novitia, 'tis Apostolical by the Constitutions of Clement. etc.  

Antiquitat. Lib. 11.  Nor doth Chrysostom's Oration say much less. The Catholicus Armeniorum in Theorinus Dialogue makes this good by Ancient Monuments brought from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus Vespasian; or if this Authority could be rendered suspicious, we cannot elude the Persian Ephemeris, nor the Astronomical Tables of Alcas, in both which our Saviour is set down born the 25 of December. And truly the strange and rare position of Heaven at this Nativity, doth not a little reinforce my belief, though otherwise not much given to admire matters of this nature; for Cardan finds it in the Figure of our Saviour, there happened this day a Conjunction of the two great Orbs, which is of that kindle, which Nature can show the World but once, except the World endure more than forty thousand years.   

CHAP. XVII. Aera Passionis Dominicae.  
NO less question hath been made about the Year of our Saviour's Passion, then that of his Nativity. Thus much is certain, That he suffered upon friday the fourth of Nisan.  
Not to take notice of the Acts of Pilate cited by the Heretics in Epiphanius. Clemens of Alexandria delivereth, That our Saviour suffered in the 16 of Tiberius, and 25 of Phamenosh,, which answereth to the 21 of March; but our Saviour suffered upon friday, therefore the Dominical that year was E: but the 16 of Tiberius had 11 for the Cycle of the Sun, therefore the Dominical Letter was not E, but A: therefore either the Passion was not upon that day, or else it was not that year.  
Epiphanius affirmeth that our Saviour suffered the 20 of March, but he suffered (as before) upon the feria sexta, therefore the Dominical must be D, for otherwise friday could not fall upon March the 20. This happened Anno 19 of Tiberius; but the Cycle of the Moon for the year was 15, therefore the Passover that year was not celebrated March the twentieth, but the fourth of April, and feria not sexta but septima.  
Many other forms of this opinion are set down by the Ancient, but which will not endure the touch of these Characters.  
Phlegon Trallianus noteth an Eclipse of the Sun the fourth year of the 202 Olympiad, the most horrible that ever was. No man ever doubted but this was that which the Scripture noteth at our Saviour's Passion, observed also by the Astronomers in Egypt, reported to have said those words, Aut Deus Naturae patitur, etc. The Reverend Father Dionysius may be seen in his Epistle to Polycarpus and to Apollophanes, but who when he saith, that this was done by the Interposition of the Moon, doth not a little betray his Tradition; for the Sun and Moon were then Diametrically opposed, and the Moon herself totally Eclipsed in Libra to the Antipodes of Jerusalem; therefore the Eclipse was supernatural.  
The fourth year of the 22 Olympiad answereth to the 19 of Tiberius, and the 33 of the Nativity, which was the 4745 of the Julian Period, and 3982 of the World, in the 78 Julian year, and 780 of Nabonassar; and because it was feria sexta, therefore it was the third day of April, there happening the very same day a natural Eclipse of the Moon in the 11 of Libra, which began at Jerusalem at 5 of the clock and 49 minutes in the afternoon. Therefore this day was exceeding terrible, for the Sun was totally once, and the Moon once totally, and twice Eclipsed.   

CHAP. XVIII. Hegira Muchammedis.  
MAhomet having introduced a new Superstition, which the men of Mecha impatient (as all other of alteration) resented not, was forced to fly that place. This flight of his, or persecution, as he had rather it should be thought, in allusion to that of Dioclesian, and compliance with the Christians Aera Martyrum, was called Hegira Muchammedis, that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the flight of the persecuted Prophet. It fell out upon friday the 16 of Julie, and 622 of the Incarnation, beginning (as their years are Lunar) from the new Moon of that time, but which they account not as others from the Conjunction itself, but from the Horning, which is the cause why they set up in their Steeples a Crescent, as we a Cross in ours. From this Aera Fugae Muchammedanae they reckon their years.   

CHAP. XIX. Aera Jesdigerdica.  
THis Aera was fixed, saith Albumazar, Anno Hegirae 11, Rabie prioris, 22. fer. 3. which answereth to the 16 of June, Anno Christi 632, so called from Jesdagerd the last Persian King, in whom that Empire saith Haithon the Armenian, was lost the same year of our Lord unto Othman the Saracen; to be reckoned not from the inauguration as Alphraganus and Isaac the Monk and some others, but from the death of Jesdagerd.  
The Persians begin their year at the Vernal Aequinox accurately observing the Sun's entrance into the first point of Aries, which day they call Neuruz, that is, Novus dies; from ruz, which in their tongue signifieth a day, and Neu, novus, new; entertaining this time with great solemnity, which they hold so sacred, that no Matrimony there is accounted legitimate if not contracted in the Spring.  
Now, because the Egyptian year, to which that Aera did apply, still anticipated the Sun's motion, and gave an unjust account of the Equinox, the Sultan of Corasan or Mesopotamia, appointed eight of the most learned Astrologers of that age (amongst whom Aben sina or Avicen was one) to make an exact determination of the Tropical year, which was done as they could. This new form was fixed in the Aequinox observed by them, the Sun entering the first point of Aries, Thursdaie the 18 of Phrurdin at two of the Clock in the afternoon, in the 448 year of Jesdagard, and 471 of the Hegira, which was 1079 of the Incarnation according to Dionysius. The Cycle of the Sun was 24, the Moon 16.  
This Aera from the Style of the Emperor was called Gelaloea, that is, Aera Augusta or Imperatoria, as that word signifieth in the Persian Dialect.   

CHAP. XX. What is Proleptical, and what Historical Time.  
HIstorical Time is that which is deduced from the Aera Orbis Conditi. Proleptical is that which is fixed in the Chaos: The Jews call it tempus Tohu, as the Chaos is called by their Moses, Gen. 1. So the new Moon which they suppose to be upon the second of the fix days, that is, if the Luminaries had then been, they call Novilunium Tohu, for that as yet there was neither Sun nor Moon.  
The first example of Proleptical Time was given by the Greek Church, who in their Computations follow the Holy Scripture of the Septuagint. Therefore their Aera Orbis Conditi is fised in 5500 year Ant Christum Natum. Their more Artificial men, perceiving that this vast Epilogism was good for somewhat else, besides the measuring of Times, applied it to the Characters, and they found that divided by 19 and 28, it gave the Circle of the Sun and Moon, but divided by 15 it gave not the true Indiction; therefore they added 8 to the sum, and so it became a Technical or Artificial Period, comprehending the three Characters, and because it supposed 8 years of the Tohu, it was Proleptical; but which the Times following not considering reckoned Historically, as if the Aera Orbis had then been fixed; but are thus to be corrected.  
This Account is used by the Maronites, Grecians, and generally by the Eastern Church, it is called Aera Graecorum, or more properly Periodus Constantinopolitana, from the Seat of the Empire, where it may seem to have been devised.  
By this Example Scaliger made up his Julian Period, which itself also, as this, consisteth of Time, partly Historical, and partly proleptical.   

CHAP. XXI. Considering the Causses of that infinite Variety which is found to be amongst Chronologers.  
FRederick Husman in his Epistle to the Elector Palatine reckoneth up 40 several Opinions concerning the Connection of those two famous Aeras; this of Christi Nati, and that other of Orbis Conditi. And I doubt not but this diversity might be redoubled if any body would undertake that such frivolous pains.  
The extremest variety is that of the Greek and Hebrew Scripture, making a difference of two thousand years; an occasion justly taken by some equally to disparage the authority either of the one or the other. For it cannot be but that this Epilogism must be detracted from the Hebrew, or superadded to the Greek, there being no mean way of reconciliation. But certainly, the Hebrew (though I hold it not so every ways incorrupt, as if not one jot or title of the same suffered the common fate of time) yet I believ it to be the Original, and by the incredible diligence of the Masora, subservient to the greater providence of God, to retain more of it's own purity, than any other Scripture whatsoever; and therefore that it resteth in the Greek Translation, to account for this difference: yet neither do I think that choice Assembly so neglected by God in a matter so importantly cared for by him, as to recede so foully from their Original.  
I rather cast this corruption upon the dregs of Time, assuring myself that this imposture was put upon us by the Hellenists, those among them who affected that ancient Heresy of the Chiliasts; the conceit whereof I affirm to be the occasion of this corruption.  
Other differences in that Connexion have these lesser Causses.  
That profane History maketh no certain account of Time before the Olympiads.  
That in the Roman affairs (a most important piece of History) the Consulships are not registered in the Fasti with that distinction and care as was necessary, experience whereof hath been made by the industrious examinations of Onuphrius and Cuspinian.  
That the Historians themselves generally did not consider so much the designation of Time, otherwise then with a reference to their own Aeras, which were but uncertainly fixed.  
That many of them wrote not the History of their own Times.  
That some of them took liberty to relate those things inclusively, which others related exclusively.  
That several Nations reckoned not by the same form of years. That all Nations not Christian, affected an Opinion of greater Antiquity than their own beginnings, endeavouring therefore to leave the Story of their rising as possibly uncertain to posterity, as in them lay. So the Egyptians tell us of Heroes past, who by their reckoning reigned long before the world was made; which they say with as much credit, as the Indians tell us, that they have outlived four Suns already, and that this which we have is the fifth from their beginning: To say nothing of Janbazar Tsareth and Roani, men that lived before Adam's time, as the book Heubattish makes report, and that one Sombasher was Adam's Tutor.  
But the greatest cause of all is for that Professed Chronologers of our own times, such as Funccius, Beroaldus, Bucholcer, nay Satian, Baronius, Torniellus, and Gordon themselves were altogether unacquainted with any Artificial way of this work, not knowing how to make application of Natural and Civil Characters to the assuring of Times. One of the first who began to know what was to be done in this matter, was the most learned, and perceiving Mercator, who Instituted a Chronologie by way of Demonstration Astronomical. To this beginning, something by Crentzeim was added; but very much more by Bunting the Author of a most elaborate Chronologie, demonstrating by the Characters of Eclipses, the Sun and Moons Circles, and with Calculation of every Eclipse since the world began.  
But this Art hath received greatest perfection from that excellent work of Scaliger de Emendat. Temporum, upon whose grounds Calvisius hath erected a most incomparable Chronologie for demonstration of time by Eclipfes, and Cycles of the Sun and Moon severally applied to every year, yet wanting so much to accomplishment as may seem to be added by the incredible pains of Helvicus; who excelleth Calvisius (though otherwise excelled by him) in Synchronismes infinitely added, and the application of the Julian Period, which why Sethus Calvisius should not measure is very much to be marvelled. These two therefore put together make up Chronologie every ways absolute, and brought to such a perfection as needs not to be added unto; for though I doubt not, but that even those also are sometimes failing, as for some other necessary and unavoidable defects; so also for that they are not throughly advised, whose Tables Astronomical they best and most securely may follow. Yet I assure myself the differences caussed by this is but very small and insensible, that it cannot be much amended though never so much care should be taken, and that by tampering it may be made much worse, as by the learned, infinite and equally unprofitable pain of Petavius, is too well known. Therefore good it were, that Chronologie brought to this degree of compliment, might expect no extremer hand, but being stamped with the impression of some public authority, might go currant in general Opinion, without farther clipping or defacing upon whatsoever specious and pretending reformations.   

CHAP. XXII. Of Canon Chronological.  
THe designation of Time secundum intervalla, the Chronologers call Canon: which if it set the Aeras down singly is termed Canon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: if it make a Connexion of them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
An Example of the first is, From the Aera of the Julian Period Anni Unto that of Orbis Conditi 764. Unto the Universal Deluge 2419 Unto the Birth of Abraham 2711 Unto the Destruction of Troy 3530  
An Example of the second is,  
The Creätion fell out in the 764 of the Julian Period. The Flood came upon the earth Anno 1656 of the Creätion, and 2420 of the Julian Period. Our Saviour Christ was born Anno Mundi 3949, Anno Period. Jul. 4713, Olympiad 194, and 748 of Nabonassar.  
This Connexion of things is called Synchronism, whether it be of the intervals themselves, or together with the Story.  
An error committed herein is called Anachronism: and either saith too much, and that is a Prochronism; or too little, and that is a Metachronism.   
FINIS.   

THE ASSYRIAN MONARCHY, BEING A short Description of its Rise and Fall.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

THE ASSYRIAN MONARCHY, BEING A short Description of its Rise and Fall.  
A Monarchy, as the Philosopher discourseth in his Politics, is the government of one man over many. According to the degrees of this Principality, the word Monarchy, is equivocal; in the prime meaning intending The Lawful Absolute Rule of some Prince, either Elected or Succeeding, exercising Dominion corresponding with the Law of Nature, and the Right of Nations. Thus His Sacred Majesty is a Monarch or sole Governor within these his Realms.  
In a wider and unjuster since, A Monarchy is taken for The Peremptory Authority of some Mighty Potentate, whose Right and Title for the most part is his Sword; or, if he he Succeed, 'tis in the Ambition and Tyranny of his Progenitors, by which he usurpeth power where he pleaseth, striking into the hearts of Men rather the fear then the love of him, whereby he enforceth his unwilling Vassals to an unnatural Obedience. Thus the great Turk may be called a Monarch; for in this since, though it seem to secure itself under the protection of an acceptable name; yet a Monarchy thus taken, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  differeth little from that which Aristotle calleth the (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) vice of a Monarchy, to wit, a Tyranny.  
Historians take more notice of this later, because the more notorious: of this kind were those 4 great Monarchies unto whose Kings, as to famous Epoches, the straggling and unbounded affairs of the World are orderly reduced.  
In this number the Kingdom of Ashur beareth a place, and the first; the Description whereof we have here undertaken. In the consideration of this, we shall observe in it a triple Vicissitude, which the Babylonians and Assyrians underwent, in the continuance of this Government. The first from Nimrod to Ninus, in which time the seat of the Kingdom was at Babel: The second from Ninus to Asarhaddon, and in this interim the Assyrians prevailed at Niniveh; The third and last, from Merodac to Belshazar; in which again Babel got the better, which it held till all was lost to the Medes and Persians.  
And for the greater illustration, to all this we will promise the Description of the Land of Ashur; as knowing this full well that the circumstance of Place as well as Time addeth much to the understanding of the Story.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
THe Land of Ashur was so called, from him that first planted a Colony from Babel in those parts, whose name was Ashur the Son of Sem. It is the opinion of that learned Rabbin Don Isaac Abarbinel, in his Commentaries upon the first Book of Moses, called Bereshith in Parasha Noach, fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Assur the son of Sem dwelled in Assyria, and from his name it was so called. To this opinion among the Ancient Greeks, only Eratosthenes attained, as he is introduced by the Scholiast of Dionysius the Alexandrian, a Geographical Poet, his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Among the Modern Suidas hath embraced this conceit there, where he pleaseth to retract his own, in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So also amongst many others, Gemma Frisius for the Latin Writers, in his 22 Chapter of the Division of the Earth: from the Jew Josephus, who also favoureth this Assertion. The Etymologist therefore, who ever he were, hath deceived himself in assigning the Etymon of this word Assyria, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. vide Etymologicum magnum in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hesychium in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  while he forgeth this distinction between it and Syria; that Syria should be that part of Asia which was overwhelmed in the Deluge, and was therefore so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which also are the words of Hesychius) but Assyria, saith he, was that part which having escaped the Flood was so called from 〈◊〉 the Particle Privative, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this is a Fable befitting the Greeks, whose Nation hath been seriously taxed by its own Autors, for their luxury of invention in fabulous discourses.  
In the next place we are to free the Description ensuing from the equivocation and ambiguity of the word Assyria, which is sometimes taken for itself, at other times for the whole Region of Syria; in that since comprehending in it more than itself, to wit Palestine, Syrophoenicia, Syria, Damascena, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Chaldoea, sometimes more, sometimes less, according to Strabo & Pliny, and many others. But our Master Ptolemy to deliver the delineations of the world from the Ataxy and confusions of the Ancients, dealt more accurately in his observations. 
Ptolemaeus Asia tab. 5. cap. 1.  He therefore in his first Chapter of the fifth Table of Asia, describeth our Country in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. In which description Ptolemy hath vindicated this Country to her proper limits; aptly sequestering Assyria from the rest, comprehending the Country within the confines of the great Armenia upon the North, Mesopotamia upon the West, Susian upon the South, and Media towards the Sun rising. The chief of ptolemy's followers in this are Dominicus Marius Niger, in his Geographical Commentary upon Asia; whose words I forbear to insert, because they are but the mere Metaphrase of the description already given. Besides him 
* Pag. 159. Tigurinae editionis.  Vadian hath done the like in the Chapter which treateth of the Situation of Assyria. So also Gemma Frisius in his 22 Chapter of the Division of the Earth, and Marcianus Heracleotes, who in the description of Susian the Province, 
Marcianus Heracle●tes in cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  thus writeth; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He saith that the North limit of Susian is Assyria: and Ptolemy had said before, That the South limit of Assyria was Susian. The agreement of these Autors I oppose to the distraction of others, in reading whereof diligent heed would be taken of the ambiguity of the word Assyria, lest the Reader not being sufficiently cautelous, might happily be then least acquainted with the Country, when he hath traveled most about it.  

Longitudo & Latitudo Assyriae.  The Latitude of Assyria is Northern, cutting off from the Equinoctial towards the Pole Arctic an Arch of a greater Circle, containing about 5 degrees and ⅓ from the 34 degree to the 39 and 20 scruples. The Longitude accounted in the middle Line, from the great 
* In the assigning Geographical Longitude, we find an observable difference. The Moderns accounting from the Isles called Azores, guided by the variation of their compass: the Arabians account from the Pillars of Hercules, or the straits of Gebaltarck, corruptly called Gibraltar; Titus Abelfeldea, Some also from Arius under the Line, and others otherwise: but Ptolemy from the fortunate Isles, and him here we follow.  Meridian of the World, is from the 78 degree to the 84. In assigning this Position, we we have rather inclined to Ptolemy, than the modern conjectures of later Writers; for though instruments be more exact, and men's experience more universal, yet what shall all that do, cùm jam Seges ubi Troia fuit & Ninus in ipsa Nino requiratur: when 'tis brought to such ruin, that if the founder himself should rise again, Ninus would scarce find Ninive, through he sought it in itself. According therefore to the Longitude and Latitude assigned, The site of this Country is in the North part above the Torrid Zone, between the Tropic of Cancer, and the Arctic Circle, under and about the fourth Clime: the longest day being some 14 hours, and one second part. This Situation is approved by Rabbi Abraham in his description of the Climes, his words are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, The fourth Clime beginneth at the end of the third, to the Latitude of 36 degrees of the equal line in the North portion, and his day is fourteen hours and one second, and passeth through Assur. So far the Rabbin. We conclude therefore, That the position of this Region is an Obliqne Sphere, whose Phaenomena are these: They enjoie, as we do, both a Vernal and Autumnal Equinox, the Sun being in Aries and Libra. Their site is in the South part of the North temperate Zone, therefore their air is pleasant. 
Vitello Alhazen.  The Sun never culminate's in their Senith point, that being placed beyond the Tropic of Cancer, which is the extremest circle of the Sun's Motion in his Northern declination. And because the Optics teach, that every Opacous body projecteth his Shadow to a part directly opposite to the body luminous, therefore the Sun being either in the Northern or Southern Signs, their shadows are never directed to the South, but contrariwise: therefore they are Heteroscii. Lastly, they have the Pole Arctic always elevated, and the Antarctick always hid.  
For the Astrological site of this place, it is comprehended within the first Quadrant, in the part Oriental and Meridional, and is therefore subject to the second Triangle under the Dominion Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn, the Planetary Lords being Saturn and Venus Oriental: in regard of whose rule in that earthly Triplicity, the inhabitants must needs be of a disposition wanton and lascivious, in apparel gorgeous, in Religion Idolaters: And because the Assyrian in special is subjected to Virgo, and her influence is Mercurial, therefore our inhabitants must be great Astronomers. Thus Ptolemy, Cardan, etc. But whether it be so or no, let their Ghosts dispute before Minos and Rhadamanthus. Thus much is certain, That the manners of the Ancient inhabitants most aptly corresponded with this Prognostication, and if any urge the contrary at this day, these Autors may easily find an answer; that besides the translation of the Perigaeum and Apogaeum of the Planets, the precession of the Equinox, and the Sun's lesser Excentricity, 'tis apparent that the Signs in the eight Sphere have forsaken their places in the first Mover; Aries now being in the d●…decatemorie of Taurus; and Pisces in the place of Aries. And so much may suffice for the general application of Theoretical Geography, to the Practical description of this Country. Before we enter the particular parts, our discourse shall tread awhile upon the Borders; Where first on the North part we meet with the Armenian Mountains, which might have been slightly passed over, but that they show the place where once Noah's Ark rested. That it rested in Ararat, or Armenia, Moses beareth witness; that it rested in that part of Armenia, wherein we have placed it, may be a conjecture not without probability, because Ptolemy placeth the Country Gordiena directly upon the North adjoining in Situation to these Mountains. Now that Country was so called from the Gordiaean Mountains, upon which the Ark rested, as is approved by a double Paraphrase of two Ancient Chaldeans, Jonathan the son of Vziel, and Onkelos; the one translating that Text of Moses, to wit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mountain of Ararat by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardu, the other by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardon, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elias in Methurgeman.  both intending the Gordiaean Mountains (whereof Strabo and Curtius discourse) Elias also in his Methurgeman allowing their interpretation.  
Of these Mountains Stephanus maketh mention in his Book De urbibus. So also Elmarinus the Arabian translated by Erpenius, and another of that Nation whose name is unknown, cited by Schickard in his Taric of the Kings of Persia. The later thus writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, This is (Mount) Godius, upon which that Ship rested, that Ship of Noach, on whom be peace. But whereas this Author calleth the Mountain Godius, Schickard admonisheth that it is an error of the Transcriber, who in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gordi writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gadi. It is apparent then that the Ark abode upon the Gordian Mountains; but where or upon which, that is yet doubtful.  
Rabbi Benjamin Tudelensis who traveled through all parts, to visit his Countrymen the ten Tribes dispersed, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rab. Benjamin in Itinerario. citante Schichardo.  giveth notice in his itinerary, that the place where the Ark rested is four miles distant from Gezir Ben Omar, and that is an Isle Situate in the midst of Tigris, at the foot of the Mountains of Ararat. The Armenians also design the place, urging Tradition for a certain Mountain heretofore called Gordie, but now Gibel No, as Andrew Thevet intimateth in these words:  
Au rest quelques christians Levantins, entre autres, 
La Cosmographie Universelle Livre. 8. Chap. 15.  les Armeniens & Caspiens mainetiennent que ceste Arch s'arresta en la Montaígne que l'on nommoit jadis Gordie, à present dit par aucuns du païs, Gibel Not.  
We have also those among the Moderns, who have placed this Mount under a peremptory Longitude and Latitude as a thing ordinarily known: yet for aught I perceiv, Posterity in this hath obtained of Antiquity nothing more than the very name, and that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Testimony of Nicolas of Damascus, not Lobar, as Epiphanius: 
Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. à c. 4.  though Junius would correct the other by this. It was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 birath, which in the Armenian tongue signifieth properly any stately Edifice, such as this vast Vessel might seem to be: In after times 'tis like they called their Ships by the same name, and thence the Greeks traduced the same signification: for so Suidas, Hesychius, and the Etymologist conceiv of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that it often is taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and therefore Lycophron in his Cassandra calleth the Argonavis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In this conjecture that it may pass the better, know that great Scaliger hath born his part, as the Reader may find in his notes upon the Greek fragments, 
Scaliger in Notis ad Fragmenta. pag. 40.  added as an appendix to his admired industry in the Emendation of the Times. Thus much shall suffice for our abode in the North of this Country, where the Reader may pardon our long tarrying for Noah's sake.  
Upon the East, as was said, this Region is bounded by the Medes, in special by the mountain Zagros, whereof a most Ancient Geographer maketh this mention, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Upon the South we shall find first Susian, the Province so called from the Metropolitan City Susis; which the Etymologist saith, might be derived from Susia, signifying in the Syrian tongue a Horse, for that this place afforded good Horses. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Etymolo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenaeus.  Indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Syriack signifieth so: but his other conceit is more probable, that it was so called from the Lilies which grew thereabout; as Aristobulus and Chares most aptly determine in Athenaeus, this only is their error, that they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a Lily in the Greek tongue, whereas they ought to have said in the Hebrew; for the Jews indeed call a Lily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shusan: and therefore was this place so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the pleasure of the place, because of so many Lilies wherewith it was most naturally and pleasantly beset.  
Here the Kings of Persia kept their Courts in Winter, because the Region hereabouts was then most temperate, though in Summer it was so extremely hot, that when the Sun was in the Meridian, the Lizards and Serpents could not pass by the way, but were strucken dead with the extraordinary fervour which the Sun beams projected, 
Strabo lib. 15. Geog.  being multiplied more strongly by the reflection of certain Mountains not far from thence, 
Strabo. lib. 15. Geog.  as Strabo the Author most probably persuadeth. Who also addeth, that for this cans the Inhabitants were forced to make earthen floors upon the tops of their Houses, the depth of two cubits, for no other reason, but to free themselves from the intolerable heat. Strabo ibid.  
By this City ran the River Vlai, as Daniel calleth it. 
Pliny. Herodotus. Maximus Tyrius.  Ptolemy and Pliny writ Eulaeus; no great error: it was also called Choaspes, because that runneth into it. This River was venerable in the opinion of the Kings of Persia, who always drank of this water wherever they were. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benjamin in Itinerario fol. 20.  Rabbi Benjamin hath observed, that, in his time, among the ruins of Elam stood Susan the Castle, in time past the Palace of Ahasueros, having yet many fair and goodly buildings from the days of old. He noteth also, that he found there 7000 Jews in 14 Synagogues, there being before one of them erected the Sepulchre of Daniel the Prophet. Thus Rabbi Benjamin; in whose days it seemeth by what he saith afterwards, that the River was built upon both sides, and the city divided into two parts, that dissevering them both; whence it came to pass in aftertimes, that the one part by reason of commerce thriving more than the other, it was superstitiously imputed to daniel's Tomb, which the richer part then kept; this fond conceit once set abroach caussed great emulations, and in fine to compose the debate, Singar 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shach with the Persians and Arabians and the neighbouring inhabitants, signifieth a King: from whence is derived that form of Speech which we use at the Chess-game, when the King is taken: to wit of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shach Mat, commonly Checkmate which in this language signifieth, The King is dead. Shichard in Taris Regum Persar.  Shach commanded that the Tomb should be displaced and set upon the Bridge, in the midst of the River Vlai, that so both parties might enjoie their vanity with an equal participation. Not far from Susis we have placed the plain of Dura where Nebuchadnezar erected the golden statue, that stately Trophy of his Idolatrous worship. Thus Junius hath noted upon that place in Daniel. 
Dan. 3.1.   
Next unto Susian, also upon the South is placed the land of Nimrod, 
Babylon.  or Babylonia, and therein not far from Tigris the City Erce, which Ptolemy in a pardonable error, calleth Aracca. From hence passing over the River, we draw near to that pregnant Relic of the new world's ambition, Babel by name; so called from the event of that, because there their Language was confounded. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  For so the Hebrews intimate by the word Babel, a word which in our mother tongue we yet retain from our Saxon Ancestors, as they from Askenaz; for when we hear a man speak confusedly, we say he bable's. The foundation of this City was laid in Nimrod's pride, and therefore must needs have a fall; and the fall thereof was great: upon these ruins King Ninus built again, but with more humble intentions, and more happy proceed. Semiramis continued the work, and enclosed all within a wall of that height and thickness, that we shall hereafter in her life make bold to ask the question, whither 'twas hers or no; in the mean time, doubting lest it will prove too great a work for a woman.  
This City hath been deservedly set forth by the industry of many, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodotus saith, the wall was 52 of the King's cubits in thickness, Q. Curtius 32 foot in thickness. Quintus Curtius lib. 5.  and those most famous Writers; as Strabo, Diodorus, Herodotus, Solinus, Pliny, and Eustathius upon Dionysius Afer, etc. For the form of the City, it was four square, as Herodotus saith; the walls so thick that two Coaches might meet upon the breadth: for the Circuit, the Autors above mentioned agree not. The most exact Tradition for this is that of Clitarchus, that the wall was 365 furlongs about, which divided by 8, set off for the Quotient 45 ⅝, the number of English miles in the whole compass, allowing eight furlongs for one mile. Clitarchus addeth, that the wall was finished in one year, each day one furlong, till the 365 was completely ended, which is the just compliment of the Julian Solar year in days, not respecting that fraction of Hours and minutes, in which the Astronomers agree no better than our Clocks and Dial's, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as the Proverb is. The height of the wall was 200 Cubits, the Towers 10 foot higher than the Wall, To approve what hath been said concerning this spacious City, hear what the great philosopher discourseth in the third of his Politics, that Babylon was so wide and ample, that three days after it was taken, one part of the City knew nothing of it. The buildings in this place were not continued to the Walls, nor to themselves, and if there had been no more society among the inhabitants, than there was among their houses they had scarce ere come together; for their dwellings were all asunder; but the reason was politic to avoid the fury of fire, and undergo a siege in war, for the waist which lay between the houses, in time of a siege was sown and the increase sufficient to maintain themselves within themselves: by reason whereof it was impossible to win this city: for against a famine they had thus provided, and other way there could be none, for the wall of the city was an impregnable fence against the strongest Rampires; and hence it was that Darius could not attein to the conquest of Babylon, without a famous stratagem, as Justine relateth out of Trogus Pompey. 
Justin. lib. 1  This City opened itself at an hundred gates, and those all of brass. In the midst of the City upon the one side of Euphrates stood the King's palace, a stately and sumptuous structure, on the other side of the river likewise in the midst stood the Temple of Jove Bell, and in the midst of that were erected 7 lofty towers upon the eighth, that being a furlong high, and as much in breadth, from the top of this Tower the Chaldeans made their Astronomical observations as the noble Tycho in his Vraniburgum. 
See in Tycho's Astronomical Epist. the description of this Vraniburgu.  In this Temple was placed the golden Image of Jupiter, which was to be seen in the days of Diodorus the Sicilian, in height forty foot.  
We have reserved for the last place, that bold attempt of Art in the Horti pencils, that pleasant Paradise which the Syrian King planted upon the battlements of a Tower, the top whereof was the base of the whole work, the foundation of the garden was laid in stone, above that were placed Hurdles compacted together with slimy sulphur, these were covered over with brick, and that overlaied with Sheets of lead, upon which was cast abundance of earth manured with that dexterity, that plants grew there as properly as in their native soil. Strange indeed it was to see a wood upon the top of an house, and that trees rooted in stone should grow 50 foot in height; and yet the credit hereof hath an interest in the best Autors, both among the Greeks and Latins. And this was once the flourishing estate of Babylon, that fiery furnace in which it pleased God to dissolve the hardest hearts of the most refractory Jews. But now Bel is bowed down and Nebo stoopeth, no Arabian pitcheth his tent there, nor Shepherd his fold: But Jiim crieth in the Palaces, 
Isa. 13.19.  and the Houses are full of Ohim; The Ostriches dwell there, and the Satyrs dance there.  

* Ibid. Mesopotamia.  Thus leaving Babylon the beauty and pride of the Chaldeans, we come unto Mesopotamia, which bordereth upon this Country South and by west. This is called in Scripture Aram naharaim, that is Aram between the two Rivers, to wit, Tigris and Euphrates, here Abraham sojourned at Carras, famous for the sight of Crassus: this also was the Country of Laban the Syrian. 
L. Florus.   
Further West Tigris boundeth Ashur: Moses calleth it Hiddekel, which Rabbi Chimchi derive's from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either saith he, because the waters are of a sharp taste, or else because they are of a swift course. The Chardeans call it diglath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Arabians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aldiglath, all for the same reason: for the word Diglath or Diglito, as Pliny hath preserved it, is corrupted out of Hiddekel; or if Diglath be a primitive, the reason is notwithstanding the same, for that also signifieth a thing narrow and swift. 
Aristoteles ad Scholiast. Dionys. Af. Alexand.  Let Josephus be the interpreter. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for this cause also it was called Tigris, though Aristotle himself hath said otherwise, who, as he is introduced by the Scholiast of Dionysius Afer, testifieth that in times past this river had been called Sulax, which, saith he, signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prone or precipitate (such indeed it is) and in after times Tigris, from that Tiger which carried mad Bacchus, I know not whether. But the word itself discovereth its own Etymon, Tigris from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gir, signifying in the Persian tongue an arrow: to which if we add the Hemantick letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tau, we have the word entire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tiger or Tigris, because the stream of this river ran so swift, that it was most like the projection of an Arrow out of a Bow. and this is the opinion of Quintus Curtius, and others. And well might notice be taken of the swiftness of this River, the stream of whose current usually ran as fast in one day, 
Shickard Taric Regum Pers. p. 206.  as the most nimble footman can do in seven, if Shichard hath not mistaken in his Taric of the Kings of Persia; where he citeth Pliny and Solinus, but none could give him occasion so to say, save only Dionysius Afer in these words, where speaking of Tigris, he thus setteth down 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Which words perhaps Shickard might understand in that sens, in which we have cited him; but the Poet's intent is far otherwise, as he may understand that readeth his Scholiast who best understood him; for Eustathius upon those words thus discourseth,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (id est Tigris & Euphrates) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Eustath. in Dion. Afr. etc.   
Wherefore, according to the judgement of the Scholiast, the meaning of his Poet is, that the distance of the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates, is as much as the best fitted traveller could go in seven days; that is as much as if he had said, Mesopotamia in breadth would prove to a good footman seven day's journey. So though Tigris be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of all Rivers the swiftest, yet in this opinion he hath made more haste then good speed. We have sufficiently lingered upon the borders of Assyria, we will now travel in the Country, beginning first with Adiabene because because as Pliny and Solinus testify, Adiabene est Assyriorum initium. The beginning of Ashur is that part which is called Adiabene, for here 'tis probable that the founder made the first plantation of his Assyrians, because the King Nimrod first conquered this place, and settled the Government in a Metropolis erected by himself.  
It was called Adiabene, not as the Greeks have vainly conjectured from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because this was a place of hard passage, as Strabo, Eustathius, and the rest; for this conceit is refuted by Marcellinus, a traveller in these parts, who witnesseth that he passed over a certain River called Adiavas, from which the place was called first Adiavene, 
Ammianus Marcellinus in vita Juliani. pag 302 edit. Lugdun  which word when it came among the Greeks, they changed, υ into β necessity often urguing them to this, for want of that letter in their Alphabet, so where the Original readeth David, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Septuagint they read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Evangelists retaining the same.  

Ninive orbs.  In Adiabene that which first and best deserves our diligence is the thrice noble seat of Ninus. The Scripture style's it both in Moses and the Prophets, urbs magna Deo, and therefore seeing God himself hath taken notice of it, we will take the more.  
It was called Ninive from Ninus, quasi Nini, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naveh, that is the habitation of Ninus, because Ninus set the last hand to the compliment of this City, and there kept his Court.  
But he that laid the first foundation was the son of Cham, not Sem; though our English Metaphrase hath so translated. To decide the matter hear Moses himself: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which words, our Translation taketh Assur for a person, which beyond all doubt should be taken for a place, and then it runs thus: From that land (to wit Babylon) he (that is Nimrod) went out into Ashur and builded Ninive. And this is the meaning of Moses in the mind of that most learned Jew Ramban, or R. Moses ben Nachman, as shall appear by his gloss upon the place, as he is cited by Abarbinel in his Commentaries upon Bereshith.  
Ramban saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramban in Abarbinelis Come, ad Bereshith. These words intent thus much. Out of that land went Nimrod to rule over the Country of Ashur and there he built Niniveh, and the rest of that Province's great Cities, whereof (Moses) maketh mention, and this Text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is all one as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Thus Ramban, who also citeth a Concordance necessarily requiring the like exposition in the like case, as saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, must be rendered as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramban in this is not singular, nor hath wanted his deserved approbation among our own most learned Writers. For thus readeth M. John Drusius, so Tremelius, judicious Calvin, and diligent Paraeus: none without good reason, for what should Assur the son of Sem do among the children of Cham? And again, he that built Babel, was as likely to build Ninive. The founder therefore of this City was Nimrod, for the situation thereof, it was set upon the River Tigris. A late Writer of our own in his Microcosm hath made bold to displace it, affirming that it was built upon Euphrates, which if it do not otherwise appear, I will ingeniously repent the mention of him, whom notwithstanding I should also have spared in this place, had he himself spared great Scaliger in a lesser matter: were it not that I count it frivolous to cite a modern Author in a matter of Antiquity; to this one I could oppose the Authority of many, amongst whom Ninive upon Tigris is as ordinary, as London upon Thames. But to fetch that situation upon this River, from the same fountain which they did, I appeal to the Ancients.  
Amongst the Latins Pliny is plain, that Ninus the City stood upon the River Tigris. Among the Greeks thus Herodotus, speaking of a certain Trench, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: where out of all doubt, though the Text be something cryptical, yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to be referred to Euphrates, or the Trench, but to Tigris, as the same Author expoundeth himself in Euterp, where he plainly saith, that Tigris runs by Ninive. Arrian in his book of the affairs of old India speaking of Tigris thus writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that is, Tigris running out of Armenia anciently a great and famous City, 
Arrian. rerum Indie.  etc. where a trusty and faithful Writer hath plainly set down our desire. To these we add the last and greatest, our master Ptolemy, according to whom we have placed this City upon this River towards the Sun rising.  
Besides this consent of the Greeks, sum up the whole truth in the Authority of an Hebrew Geographer, and he, testis oculatus, to wit, the forenamed Benjamin Tudelensis in his itinerary, where making mention of that City which the Arabians call, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benjamin. Itinerar. fol.  and others from them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Almozal, saith that City is built upon Hiddekel (that is Tigris) on the one side, over against Ninive, a bridge only between it and Ninive; if therefore Mosal be built upon Tigris, there being but a Bridge between it and Ninive, it is apparent in the judgement of an eie-witness, that we have placed it where it should be. Only Diodorus dissenteth whether by an error in the Text, or by misinformation, one or other it is likely: for we must not forsake all these, to lean to one. The reason of his error might be, because in fine these two Rivers meet and become one and the same.  
Ninus therefore was set upon Tigris, not as Diodorus upon Euphrates, nor upon the River Lycus, as M Nicolas Fuller in his Miscellanea, who for that opinion citeth all those almost, whom we have introduced for the contrary, adding also Ammianus Marcellinus, an Author as he saith beyond all exception, which we deny not; only this we have found, that both he and the rest are by Fuller in this matter misinterpreted, as he that diligently readeth shall be ready to testify. For the situation thus much. For the circuit and compass thereof, the Prophet Jonah describeth it to be a great City, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jonae. 3.  even in the eyes of God, of three day's journey, Diodorus saith, that the sides thereof were inaequilater, the longest sides containing 150 furlongs in length, the shortest 90. According to which dimension of the parts, the whole circuit must be 480 furlongs, which divided by eight, set off for the Quotient 60, the number of English miles, measuring the compass of this city. The words of Diodorus are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. where the Author having discoursed upon the immense and ample circuit of Ninus, addeth, That the Founder failed not of his purpose: for after him (saith he) never any erected the like City, whether we respect the greatness of the Compass, or the stateliness of the Walls: for the Walls were in height one hundred foot, and so thick that three Chariots might ride upon the breadth together. He addeth also, that the walls were beset with a thousand and five hundred Towers; each of them erected to the height of two hundred foot. So far Diodorus: whom after ages may for ever gratify for this precious monument of Antiquity, (which he alone seemeth to have preserved) for the illustration of that which the Holy Ghost in Scripture more than once inculcate's concerning this vast and mighty Ninive.  
That City of Babel and this of Ninive by a fatal vicissitude held up the Assyrian Monarchy, till the time of Daziavesh the Mede, and Cyrus the Persian. It suffered many overthrows, before it received its last: two famous, the one by the irruption of the River Tigris, which at an inundation broke out upon the wall, and threw down twenty furlongs thereof, which destruction, (notwithstanding the stream of Interpreters runs otherwise) yet let the Learned inquire whether it were not plainly foretold by the Prophet Nachum in those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And with an Inundation passing by, he shall make a full end. 
Nachum c. 1 versu.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Septuag. Chronologie seemeth to deny this interpretation; but each man must consider, that the time of this Prophet, or his Prophecy is not determinate by any authority of Antiquity, and therefore in the Moderns can be but conjectural. That the River made this ruin, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diodorus is a pregnant witness. The second destruction was undertaken and ended by Nebuchadonosor the King of Babel, as the Jews in their Chronologie testify: So Rabbi Saadias' upon the Prophet Daniel. And indeed this City was too great to be destroyed at once, being as we have said 60 miles in compass. The Reader at the first sight may judge it incredible, 
He should say twelve thousand. See Joha Leo Affricanus.  were not Alcaire in Egypt at this day extant to correct his unbelief; a place, as Buntingius hath noted, no less in circuit; and so populous, that there once died of the Plague in one day twenty thousand.  
The Prophet Jonah writeth, that in the city of Ninive, by the testimony of God himself, were more than one hundred and twenty thousand persons, which could not discern between their right hand and their left. If there were so many children, then at the proportion, the inhabitants were almost innumerable.  
The Tomb of Ninus was almost as admirable as the City; but of that in his Life.  
It may now be said of Ninive, which once was of a great City in Strabo, Magna Civitas magna Solitudo: The greater Ninive was, the greater are her ruins: for now, The rejoicing City that dwelled carelessly, that said in her heart I am, and there is none besides me, how is she become a desolation? a place for beasts to lie down in; every one that passeth by her shall hiss and wag his head. Zephan. 2.15. Against this City prophesied Jonah, Nachum, Zephanie, etc.  
It is at this day falsely called Mosall, and at that place Nestorius his Sectaries have taken their Shelter, that Heretic of Constantinople condemned by a Synod at Ephesus, etc.  

Arbelitis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ir. Bel.  Next unto Adiabene is Arbelitis, so called from the most ancient city Arbela, which notwithstanding, what Strabo hath said of the son of Athmoneus, I would diligently derive of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It Bel, that is the City of Belus, who was no doubt the first founder thereof, after the death of Nimrod. At Arbela was that bloody battle between Darjavesh and the great Alexander for the Empire of the world, as the common tale goes: but Arrian in the description of this expedition affirmeth the contrary, from the testimony of two eie-witnesses, Ptolemaeus and Aristobulus: adding that the battle was pitched at Gaugamela; the same thing Plutarch hath observed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Scaliger giveth the reason of this mistake, Because, saith he, Arbela was famous, and therefore better deserved to carry away the credit of such a victory than Gaugamela, a poor obscure Village, which before him Arrian hath said, 
Solinus. Arrianus in expeditione Alexandri. Strabo lib. 16. Geog. Scaliger in lib. de emendatione temporum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gaugamela intestina Cameli significans.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gaugamela (saith he) is no city, but a village, and but a little village, the place no way famous, and bearing but a homely name. And therefore he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whereas he saith that Gaugamela is known but by a homely name, it deserves further enquiry. Scaliger saith, that the word Gaugamela is in the language of the place as much as the inwards of a Camel, which signification the word indeed will bear in the Assyrian tongue, but for what reason? The learned Critic answers, That some of the Ancients have said that a Camel's Inwards were there interred. Causabon in his notes upon Strabo, deriveth it from Geh and Gamal, Geh signifying an eminent high place; but Strabo himself hath given the best, and the most ancient Etymon, who setteth down that it was called Gaugamela, that is, saith he, the House of a Camel: and this will hold, for so Gaugamele might with a facile error be written for Naugamela, there being no difference between Gimel and Nun, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  but a small apex or excrescence, which ofttimes escape's the Printers diligence, and more often might the Transcriber's haste: and seeing it was Naugamela from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nauh Gamal, it signifieth properly and aptly the house or habitatio of a Camel. The reason of this imposition is well rendered by Strabo, because saith he, Darius the son of Hystaspis bestowed that place of rest and food upon his weary fainting Camel, which had tired out himself in his hard service. At Gaugamela therefore, not at Arbele was fought that famous battle of the two mighty Monarches for the Diadem of the world, which fortunate Alexander brought away, Heaven itself bearing witness thereto by an Eclipse of the Moon.  
Not far from Arbela is the Mountain Nicatorium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Strabo calls it (for in Ptolemie we find it not) Alexander the Great gave it that name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ptolomae is lib. Gaeog.  vinco, that it might be, as to this day it is, a constant Trophy of that famous victory which this King atcheiv'd at Gaugamela.  
In this Country of Arbelitis, Strabo also placeth the City Demetrias, as also the Temple of Aeneas, and the Palace of the King of Persia, with the bituminous Fountain, all which we have set down according to his description.  
Upon the River Caprus standeth Oroba; which Junius well conjectureth to be no other, then that which Moses in Genesis calleth Rehoboth. In the South coast of Arbelitis, between Caprus and Gorgus, Ptolemy placeth Thelbe, which perhaps was so called from Tubal, as also another City placed by the same Ptolemy in Babylonia without our Chart, so called out of doubt from Tubalcain, for he writeth Thelbecain with no great error.  

Arrapachitidis regio.  Next to Arbelitis is Arrhapachitis, so called from Arrhapa, a City lying in this coast East and South upon the limits of Apolloniatis. This Arrhapachitis, Junius had once conceived to be no other but Arpatis, and the chief city thereof to have been that Arpad, which is spoken of in the Kings, and elsewhere: but this Learned Commentator correcteth himself in the 49 of the Prophet Jeremy, vers. the 23. This Coast doubtless took its name Arpachetis, from Arphacsad, the son of Sem, and brother to the founder Assur. Here lieth Darna, Obana and the rest, places better known by their names then ought else. Next them the Sambatae, and below Appolloniatis, famous for the Metropolis from whence it had its name. These names are reckoned up by Vadian, Glarean, Volateran, and Niger; men who altogether followed Ptolemy in their chronography of the Land of Ashur: more than the names will hardly be found either in them or elsewhere, only Apollonia, nor much of that. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deserves our consideration, for which we gratify old Isidore the Characenian cited by Athenaeus, for otherwise we had never attained to the knowledge of that place which Moses calleth Calanne in the land of Singar, for that Calanne without question is the Metropolis of this Country Calonitis which our Author old Isidore calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we have placed it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he, lieth so, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  that it is separated from the Medes by the Mountain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we have said.  
Thus we have endeavoured the delineation of the famous frontiers of old Ashur, which the reader if he pleas may behold in our Chart; always provided that he be not offended at this, that we have drawn the lowest parallel equal to the highest of that Latitude; for 'tis easily known to my slender skill, that seeing Topographical plains are all portions cut out of the entire Spheres, therefore the Parallels as they increase in Latitude ought to bear a different proportion to their Meridian's: yet this curious course we took not in a matter that needeth it not, but projected the Chart upon a Parallelogram, because in a distance no greater, for a purpose of no greater moment, the disproportion can nothing prejudice the Description.  
THe State-Government of Assyria was Regal, it began in Tyranny, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrarium quod Imperio reg. id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which Aristotle calls the Vice of a Monarchy: it continued under the succession of absolute Princes from Jove Bel to Belshazar. The policy which this Country did enjoie was as in all other Kingdoms, Ecclesiastical and Civil. In their Ecclesiastical policy we consider their Religion. God they served, but not the true; nor one, but many and falls. either Deities, for the most part, were placed in Heaven; the Sun, Moon and Stars; and indeed, were men allowed to choose themselves a God: this was somewhat a tolerable impiety, for such great Astronomers to adore the Host of Heaven.  
The Manner how they worshipped the Sun is set down by Macrobius, 
Macrobius Saturna primo. Cap. 17 et 23.  who describeth the Image under which this Planet was adored, adding unto his description a Symbolical interpretation. To the Sun they sacrificed Horses, and the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. secundo De Mapogetis loquens. idem etiam Xenophon de Armeniis scribit, eandem etiam caussam reddens lib. quarto, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  reason was, because they judged it convenient, that the most nimble God should be served with the swiftest Oblations. The Altars whereupon these Sacrifices were offered, they erected either in open Courts, as 2 Reg. Chap. 21. verse 5. or else upon the tops of their Houses, as Zeph. 1.5.  

Isaiah.  Tremelius supposeth that the Prophet intendeth this God of the Sun by that which he calleth Nebo, but that deserveth further enquiry: Doubtless Nebo was some notable Statue among the Teraphins, and what they were we will now strive to discover. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Taraph the root and singular of Teraphim seemeth properly to have signified any dishonest disgraceful matter, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  as Elias Tisbites intimateth in the word Taraph; where also he insinuate's both the affinity and Etymology of the Latin word turpitudo, from this Hebrew word Taraph. For so saith he the Latins call, id quod turpe est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Turpitudo. 
Turpitudo Tesbites in Taraph.  And for this cause the Hebrews called that Magical divination of their Heathen neighbours which was made by enchanted Heads and Statues Turpah, and those Images so charmed Teraphim: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ex Pirke R. Eliazer perec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  for the Teraphim were certain Lar or household-gods in which the Devil made answer to the simple Heathen; their making is thus set forth by Tisbites out of Rabbi Eliezer. in the 36 Chapter whose words we may render in this manner, speaking of those Idols, I have found (saith he) that the Teraphim are thus contrived. They cut the throat of a first born male, they pull off his head and powder it with salt and odours, (Then) they writ upon a plate of Gold the name of an unclean Spirit putting that under the head, than place they this head upon some wall, setting burning Lamps before it, and so worship in the presence thereof, and of these Laban asked counsel, etc. as we have set down in the margin foregoing. So the Chaldee Paraphrast in Hosee rendereth Teraphim by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mechauvi, Indicans, showing or declaring: For that was the condition of these Teraphim, as Rabbi Chimchi also approveth in the Root Taraph and Delrio an expert Magician in his Animadversions upon the words of Laban.  
The like is set down in the Book of R. Simeon Ben Jochai which is called Zohar. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the words of Moses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Laban went, etc. It is therefore manifest, 
See M. Selden De Diis Syris.  that the Teraphim were nothing else but the heads of first born males, made and erected under the influence of some certain Planet under whom some certain Spirit (as Orifieb over Saturn was predominant, whose name must be engraven in some thin plate, and placed ceremoniously under the Head, this don, Lamps must be solemnly burned before it, and then after some diabolical Exorcisms, Necromantically performed the head shall prove vocal. The tale goes current amongst us, that our Countryman Roger Bacon once framed such a kind of Magical Machination in Brass. Doubtless Albert the Great spent thirty years to frame out a statue like a man, and in the end by the apt composure of certain engines and many moovable machinations, 
Aquinas hearing the statue speak broke it to pieces.  taught the Image to speak; but 'twas much, if not Magic: for speak it did and that so Articulately, that it well nigh frighted a great Schoolman out of his wits, even Thomas Aquinas himself, as Boterus relateth.  
That which persuadeth us that the Idol Nebo was one of the Teraphim, is the Etymon of the name; for Nebo is derived from a root, which signifieth to Prophecy or Divine, as they did by the Teraphim, for that reason of the word is rendered by the Jews. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Caetera lege in loco Citato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Theoc. in pharmaceutria. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Scholiast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholiastes ibidem. Qui sese purificant in hortis ponè Achad in medio, comedentes carnem porci, Abominationis, & muris, confundentur unà dictum Jehovae. Isa. cap. ultimo.  So Abarbines upon that place in Isaiah, Nebo stoopeth.) That the Assyrians used Teraphim is manifest by the Story of Laban. That they were noted Magicians and Astrologers, Simoetha the Witch in Theocritus doth manifestly declare, where speaking of her Veneficial Philtra, she confesseth to the Moon in the Doric Language that she learned those tricks of a Traveller that came from the Land of Ashur, that is, (saith the Scholiast) from a friend of hers that was an Assyrian. Who also addeth, that the Assyrians were a Nation in Magic most exact. And therefore seeing it cannot be determined for certain what this Nebo should be, I know not why this conjecture may not with others have its pardon, seeing it hath brought some probability.  
That therefore the Assyrians worshipped the Sun, 'tis manifest: as also that they worshipped him not under the name of Nabo; this Nabo being, as we have conjectured, some one more noted than the rest among the Teraphim, but if any pleas to ask Antiquity for the name of this great God the Sun, he shall find his Answer in Macrobius, who teleth us that the great God of Ashur was the Sun, and that his name was Adad; which, saith he, by Interpretation signifieth (one) so indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ada in the Assyrian tongue doth signify from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Achad, unus. A greater testimony of this Idolatry than Macrobius, we find in the Prophet Esay in the last Chapter, where God threatneth to confound those that purify themselves in Gardens (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Text) Achar Achad, behind Achad that is either the Temple, or rather some Idol erected to the honour of the Sun, not unhappily placed in the midst of their Gardens, where each spectator might daily behold and admire the pregnant effects of the Sun's vigorous influence, and powerful operation. 'Tis the accurate interpretation of the learned Scaliger, in his notes upon the Greek Fragments, page 35, approved also by another Scaliger of our own, M. John Selden in that choice work of his upon the Syrian Gods. Both these consent that the Idolatrous Rites spoken of in the same vers, make but up a superstitious kind of Lustration. The former part of their gloss is undoubtedly true, the later whether it be or no, it is no way necessary for this place, nor (since they have said it) these years to determine. If we nothing help, it shall nothing hinder that we add thereunto; that in the verse, as we have set down, mention is made of Mice which bear their share in the Abomination, for so saith the Text. They that purify themselves in Gardens behind Achad, in the middle, eating Abominable flesh, as of Swine and Mice, etc.  
Alexander ab Alexandro relateth the most of the Ancient kinds of Lustrations, but maketh no mention of Mice. yet it is to be noted, that many rites performed in these Exercises, were altogether Magical; in that since the Mice may take place, and come within the verge of their Gloss: for a Mous is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Elf which Conjurers are not unacquainted with. Hear what they say.  
Take the liver of a Mous and give it in a Fig to the Swine and they shall follow the donor which way or whither he listeth. 
Pierius de Mure.  Pierius in his admirable discourse upon the Egyptian Hieroglyphics introduceth an experiment to prove this Charm, which himself saw at Patavium.  
All this is the more probable, because as we have already proved, our Assyrians were greatly given to exorcisms.  
And so we have done with their Idolatry to the Sun.  
Herodotus telleth further, that these Assyrians also worshipped the Moon, and good reason, or else they had no God all night, a time as I suppose, wherein they had most need. They worshipped the Moon under the name of Mylitta, which word Scaliger hath well noted, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mylitta, Mylitta, sig. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Notis ad fragmenta Vet. Graecorum, etc.  in their Language signifieth Genetricem, in which since it may not unaptly be applied to the Moon, whose power though ordinary, Philosophy supposeth to be merely passive, yet not without a Contradiction, the same Philosophy allowing the light of the Sun to have a sensible and necessary activity upon the inferior bodies, allowing also the light of the Moon to be borrowed from the Sun, and 'twere a notable incongruity, that the same light should be active in the Sun, and passive in the Moon; but if the Moon did nothing help the second causses in Generation, yet in the bringing forth 'tis evident, for this is most certain, though every Midwife hath not observed so much, that the most easy delivery a woman can have, is always in the increase, toward and in the full of the Moon, and the hardest labours in the new and silent Moon; which Astronomers call the Synod or Conjunction, which was the reason that the Midwives heretofore did always in such a case implore the aid of this Planet, for the safe and easy delivery of their Infants. 
Terent. Andria.  An Example hereof we may have one among many in the Comedy, where the woman in the extremity of her travel, cry's out to the Moon, O Juno Lucina fer opem. And this amongst others must needs be a reason why our Assyrian worshipped the Moon, and why they worshipped her under that name. The Prophet Jeremy maketh mention of this worship in the 7 Chapter, where he calleth the Moon the Queen of Heaven, as our English Translation hath very well rendered. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reginae Coelorum.  The Prophet addeth that the Women made Cakes to this Queen; And why the Women? First because the Moon was a Queen. 2. Because the Women at their labour were most beholding to the Moon, who by her great moisture mollifie's the Secundine and makes the passage easy for the delivery of their children. This Custom of offering Cakes to the Moon our Ancestors may seem not to have been ignorant of; to this day our women make Cakes at such times, yea the child itself is no sooner born, but 'tis baptised into the names of these Cakes; for so the women call their babes Cakebread. Add hereunto that the Saxons did Adore the the Moon, to whom they set a day apart, which to this day we call Moon-daie.  
And thus we have run through the chiefest Idolatries of this Nation: much more might be said, and perhaps hereafter shall be: in the mean time we will only add a Conjecture concerning Nisroc. Sennacherib, as he worshipped in the house of Nisroc, was slain by his two sons; who or what this Nisroc should be, is so doutbtful, that Peter Martyr could find nothing in all the Ancient Writers to explain the matter, his own opinion dependeth upon the Etymon of the word Nesrac which signifieth (as he saith) Deum fugae mollis, a God or a Jove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whither as to a Sanctuary Sennacherib might betake himself, it may be so, I rather suppose, if I may be so bold, that rac in this place signifies the Sun; for so this people sometimes called the Sun, as Francis Junius hath noted upon Shadrac in the Prophet Daniel. So then this Temple was an Asylum built in Ninive, to the Honour and under the protection of the Sun, who was therefore called Nesrac, that is the Sun of flight, for the reason given.  
It might be added how these Nations applied their devotion to the rest of the Planets, as to Venus that is Shar: in the honour of whom their Feasts were celebrated by the same rites that the Roman Saturnalia, the servants sitting down, and their masters attending: So also we might put in Chiun, whom some call Saturn, but of these, 
See M. Selden.  for aught I find the matter is not so manifest; 'tis only apparent that they worshipped the Sun and Moon chief: and the rest of the Host of Heaven in their order: but of that order and manner we have nothing certain yet to say, time may perhaps favour our industry, and make us acquainted hereafter with that, which now we must not be ashamed to confess our selus ignorant of. In the interim, we must content our selus with what hath been said, briefly concerning their religious polity. Their Civil customs shall now take their places.  
The King of Ashur was assisted in the Civil Government by a treble Magistracy, chosen all out of the gravest and most noble within the Realm; The first sort were to look to the placing of their Virgins according to that manner which shall hereafter be declared: as also to give judgement in Matters of Adultery, etc. The second in matters of Theft: The third in the rest.  
Physicians these people have none, they being such who cannot save any man by their profession, till they have lost some by their practice. The custom here was, that all diseased persons should be conducted to the Marketplace, convenient provision being made for their safety there. The reason was, that all passengers by should visit them, by enquiring out the nature of their disease, and giving counsel for the remedy out of profitable experience made by themselves, either in themselves or some others, upon the like occasion. And to this purpose it was provided by a peremptory Statute, that no man should dare to pass by the Marketplace, till he had made such inquisition as is aforesaid. Herod. in Clio. Strab. lib. 16.  
In this Country, it was not in the power of a private man to bestow his daughter in Marriage, but this was done by a public Officer appointed for that purpose. The manner was thus.  
Once every year, all marriageable Virgins were brought by that officer into the Marketplace, and there set to Sale; if they were beautiful, the fairest to those that gave most: when all the best were thus bestowed, the Money which was paid in for them, was given to the rest which were not so comely and meritorious in their beauty; every one being supplied with a dowry proportioned to her want: By this means it came to pass, that still the Gentry and most wealthy amongst the Men had the fairest among the Women, they being best able both to buy them and to keep them. Contrarily, the Commons and poorer people, 
Strabo. Herod. ibid.  who had not means to compass the best, had means given them to be content with the worst. A Law not so provident as plausible, and however it fitted their Common wealth, it would be very unapt for ours.  
Here followeth a Custom most detestable and unfit for any. Every woman throughout all the Country, was bound once in their lives to repair to the Temple of Venus, and there to prostitute their bodies to whomsoever, that would but throw down a certain piece of money, were it less, or more; which money was given to the Temple, and to the honour of the Goddess. Their manner was thus. The Women sat down in the Temple, distinguished one from another by little lines of Cord, which he that would might take away, or break, if the Woman seemed to be coy; and so take their Strumpet out of the Temple into a by-corner, etc.  
The Epistle of Hieremie, (if that be his which we find annexed to the Apocryphal Baruch) maketh mention of this horrible and impious practice.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And the women encompassed with lines, sit down in he Allies, burning Bran for perfume: but if any of them drawn by some that passeth by lie with him, she reproacheth her fellow that she was not thought as worthy as herself, nor her Cord broken.  
This Venus also they called Mylitta, as they might for as good reason as they did the Moon: but as in their Gods so in the names of their Gods, he that readeth shall find notable confusion. Master Selden understandeth by Succoth Benoth, nothing else but this Temple or Tabernacle of Venus: from Benoth also he deriveth her name. Let the Learned examine it. Be the conceit true or falls, it is attended with an egregious dexterity in the carriage, and probability in the conjecture.  
The Assyrians bury their dead Corpse in Honey, for the most part, and cover over the bodies with the Wax, their manner of Lamentations for the Dead, is to beat their breasts, and to besmear their faces with dirt not unlike in this to the Egyptians, 
Strabo. Herod.  of whom, see what Herodotus writeth in Euterpe.  
Arrian maketh mention of certain sepulchers of the Kings of Ashur found by Alexander amongst the Fens in Babilonia:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Lib. 7. expedit. Alex.  A like place to this I have not as yet found, etc.  
Their Habit in Apparel was to wear long garments, one without of Woollen, another under that of Linen, we may call the first a Coat, the other a shirt; they had without these a white Mantle. They always wore rings upon their fingers not without a seal, they never walked without a staff, and their staves had knobs carved with a Rose, or Lily, or such like. Herod. Strabo. ibid.,  
Against Ashur prophesied Balaam the Magician, Esaie, Jeremy, Zephanie, Nahum, and others.  
And this was the State of ancient Ashur, in her flourishing times, under the famous Rulers of the first Monarchy.  
In this Country these Kings acted their parts, especially at Babel and Ninive; the Assyrian one while bearing Rule, otherwhile the Babylonian: as hereafter shall appear.  
Having thus briefly and rudely surveied the position and disposition of the Land of Ashur, peculiarly and properly taken, especially the two famous and Royal Seats of the Assyrian Monarchy, Ninive in Ashur, and Babel in her borders: it remaineth that we address our selus to discourse the succession of her Kings, which Chronologically undertaken, aught according to the rules of that Art, to proceed either per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the master Chronologer Eusebius hath done in his first books; or else per annos expansos, as the same hath done in his second. Upon which see Scaligers most learned Animadversions, and his Notes upon the first.  
But the injuries of time have so far prevailed against the Method of this Monarchy, that we cannot make use of any of these artificial ways, the wounds in our golden head being so near to mortal, that no Principle or Rule in Art may touch them to the quick; and therefore our industry must attemper itself to the necessity of this Ataxy and confusion, which the neglect of Ages past hath breed in this unfortunate portion of History.  
The first therefore and most Ancient Description of this Kingdom of Ashur was performed by God himself, who upon a time discovered to the King of Babel, in the night Visions, the State and nature of this Monarchy under the form and figure of a golden Head: under the form of a Head, because it bore the first and chiefest place among those Governments which were eminent in the World. A Head of Gold; First, because it was the most renowned among the Monarchies, as Gold among the Metals. 2. For it's great and admired Strength; Gold being the strongest of all Metals, because best and most nearly compacted. And for this cause also, this Kingdom in another Dream of the Prophet's own, is compared to a Lion. 3. For its Perpetuity; Gold being the most durable Metal; and this Monarchy of the longest continuance, which also seemeth to be intended by the Eagles' wings upon the Lion; for the Eagle is observed to be of a lasting constitution, as King David intimateth in the 5. vers of the 103 Psalms, and notwithstanding this bird continued long, yet she might live much longer, but that her upper beak crooketh in time over the lower, and so she faileth, not with age, but hunger.  
See here the Prophets own Monument, as it is preserved unto us in the tongue of the Chaldeans.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  

Nehuchadnezar's Vision.  Thou O King, art this Head of Gold. This Images Head was of fine Gold. After thee shall arise another Kingdom inferior to thee. His Breast and his Arms of Silver. And a third Kingdom of Brass. His Belly and his Thighs of Brass. And the fourth Kingdom shall be hard as Iron. His Legs of Iron. And whereas thou sawest the feet part of Iron, and part of Clay; the Kingdom shall be divided, partly strong, and partly broken. His Feet part of Iron, and part of Clay.  
In this choice Lecture of Antiquity, which the Ancient of days vouchsafed to read to his Prophet Daniel, to illustrate the night and darkness of the King of Babel's dream; we find the vast affairs of the wider World, summed up into a Microcosm, a stately statue of Heterogeneous structure, indigitates the various passages and different occurrences, which had been, or were to be in the world; and all this in a Dream, because all these things should pass away like a Vision of the night.  
In the Golden Head, behold portrayed, as it were, the face of the first Monarchy. In the breast of Silver, behold the second, stretching out her two arms over the two mighty Kingdoms of Media and Persia. The brazen paunch swells out in the ambition of proud Alexander. The thighs of the same Metal, but weakened by division, represent the Successors of that great Captain, in special the 2 more noted Rulers of the North and South. The Iron-leggs lighting upon an Age like themselves, 
So most of the Writers determine though I will not as yet, but in the mean time I have set down the most ordinary.  stand out for the * Roman fury, whose Martial presumption, under the protection of their Grandsire the God of Battle, crushed the rest of the World in pieces like a Potter's Vessel. In the heat of these Commotions, behold a Stone cut out of the Mountain without hands, and falling upon the Statue grind's it to powder. This Stone the bvilders refused, but is now become the head of the corner. 'Tis that Rock Christ, who instead of all these petit Dynasties, hath introduced an everlasting kingdom, but his Kingdom is not of this World. In the continuance and encreas of this spiritual Dominion, the strong union of the Iron legs devide's itself, and becomes partly Clay, whilst the Roman Eagle displayed with two Heads, declares that the power of Rome is imparted to Constantinople, and the Western Empire fallen under the rising of the Eastern.  
Letting pass the rest of the members, only the head is that which we intent to discourse of.  
A golden Head, this Prophet style's it, be it so: but it is now so far distempered with the drossy injuries of time, that the greatest Alchemist in History can scarce extract one dram of the pure and primigenious metal. Annius a Dutch Monk undertook the cure of this broken Head, thinking to salv up the matter, by stuffing up the wound with forged fragments, obtruded to the World under the security of old promising names of undoubted Grandees in Antiquity; Egyptian, as Manetho; Chaldeän, as Berosus; Persian, as Megasthenes, whom he falsely calleth Metasthenes. Munster undertook the defence of this Annius his Countryman, but without cause or Commendation, he that would hear his reasons let him repair to his cosmography; 
Munsteri Cosmograph. l. 3. c. 8. pag. 362.  and read the beginning of his discourse concerning Germany: many a creadulous Reader hath been deceived, by giving too much reverence to naked names for Berosus his sake, believing Annius in that of Berosus, which Berosus never dreamt of.  
Scaliger therefore upon better consideration and stricter examination, seriously abhors him. Calvisius both refute's him and condemns him: No master in History, but denies him: we may conclude him therefore Adulterine, and yet not indictâ caussâ: for in the continuance of this discourse, we shall be disturbed with unhappy opportunities to prove him so to be. In the mean time, this supposititious crew shall nothing prejudice those precious relics of lawful Antiquity, though they bear the same name with the Author of these spurious pieces: for to refuse the good because the bad have usurped their names, were a consequence most preposterous, best fitting the stubborn Logic of a Jew, who therefore abhorred the true Christ when he came, because there had been before him a falls Messiah called by the name of Jesus of Nazaret.  
Leaving therefore this faithless Monk to his unadvised admirers, we will follow the steps of sacred Moses, and the best of those Jewish glosses, whose Autors have sat in Moses' seat; where these fail us, we shall have recours to the better Berosus of the two, to the true Manetho, Megasthenes, Alexander Polyhistor, Diodarus, Herodotus, and Dionysius of Halitarnassus, etc. adding conjectures where necessity enforceth, but with that moderation that shall best become our Minority. In the later part of the Monarchy, the sacred style of the Holy Ghost will help us in the high Priest's Annals or Chronicles, in the Prophets Esaie, and Daniel and elsewhere. Had the entire works of Berosus the Chaldean Priest remained perfect to these days, or those two Volumes which Juba wrote concerning the state of Ashur, this labour might have had better success: we should also have been much informed by Abydenus, had not he suffered wrack with the rest under the injurious behaviour of a careless age: however we will make the more of those choice remainders which are yet left; out of which we will endeavour tenderly and carefully to gather together the decayed pieces of this maimed Monarchy.  
Though this Historical work in hand be in nature practic, yet it must be indebted to the Theory of this Art, for some certain terms, as Aeras or Epoches, Characters of the Sun and Moon's Circle, the Eclipses, and the Letters Dominical. First of all an Aera in Theorical History, is a certain bound or Terminus à quo, whereby they restrain the infinity and indifferency of Computation. It was called Aera from an indifferent error which escaped the Transcribers of the Spanish Computation. 
In Libro de correctione Anni.  So Sepulveda (and he a Spaniard) conceiveth in his book of the Correction of the Roman Year, where he saith that His ancient Countrymen for the great respect they bear to Augustus Caesar, thought nothing more worthy than his Name, from whence matters Noteable might bear their Date; and therefore when they would point out a Time wherein such or such a thing was done; they said, Annus erat Augusti, it was such a year of Augustus: that form in time began to be contracted when men wrote in haste, so that instead of Annus erat Augusti, they set A. oer. A. and after a little more negligence put this together and spelt it into a word of Art; so that now Aera in History signifieth a determinate and set time from whence Chronologers account their years, as each man dateth his Letter in the Aera of our Lord, when he setteth down (as we do at this time) dated the 20 of December, in the Year, that is, in the Aera of Christ, 1630.  
Scaliger lighting upon this Conjecture of Sepulveda, reprehend's both the Conceit, and the Author; 
Lib. de Emendatione temporum.  the Conceit because falls, as he intimateth in the Chap. De Aera Hispanica, maintaining that the word Aera signified as much with the Ancient Latins, as Summa, and that in old Spanish Monuments, it was not set Aera, but Era, and therefore could not be corrupted out of A. oer. A. The Author he reprehendeth, because he seemeth to be so far in love with this new Conceit, that for no other reason he writ the whole Book of the correction of the Roman Year▪ only to acquaint the World with this plausible devise. A hard censure from a matchless man, for whom it had been happy that he had been ignorant but of this one thing, that he knew so much. James Christman, Keckerman's most learned Master, fetcheth this word out of his Arabic. It was called Aera saith he, from Arah; which in the Arabians tongue signifieth computare, to reckon. 
Christm. in lib. de connexione Annorum.  The Reader may enjoie the privilege of this variety, and take his Choice, if he take them all, he may perchance lack the right, and he shall not take much amiss if he take any; by either, and by that we have said he may easily understand in what manner the word is used in History.  
In stead of Aera which the Latins used, the Greeks writ Epoche, the same in effect; it being derived from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying inhibere, because an Aera or Epoche doth restrain matters noted in Antiquity to that certain time which is so called. Concerning the Circle of the Sun and Moon each Almanac can tell; as for Eclipses, 
Simplicius in Secund. lib. de Coelo.  the Babylonians being great Astronomers observed the most that were visible in the Horizon of Ashur during the space of this Monarchy, as Misthenes searched out in the Chaldean Achieves, at the request of Aristotle in the time of Alexander; but these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came not to our hands, where any such observation shall be found to be, we will make use of that which is left, and griev for what is lost.  
That which first require's our diligence, is to find out whither this Monarchy were the first; which will prove a question, though it is not ordinarily doubted of. The reason of the Question is the account of Affricanus; which Scaliger following findeth it to reach backward beyond the Flood, and therefore he setteth down according to Julius Affricanus, two Dynasties before this of the Assyrians; the first of the Chaldeans whose State was overthrown by the Arabians, 
In libello Canonum Isagogic.  and then theirs by the Babylonians. The Scripture maketh no mention of any King before Nimrod, and this Monarchy of Syria is amongst all the Greeks and Latins accounted the most ancient; yet if it were as Julius saith, than were they but some petit governments, or else, which is most true, this Assyrian Monarchy was the first after the Flood, 
R. Aben Ezra.  which also is the very mind and speech of a great Doctor among the Jews.  
The second thing to be done, is to find out the Aera of this Monarchy, when it first began; which that it may be the better performed, we must first make sure of the great and grand Epoch of the World's Creätion, unto which the most of Nations direct their Chronologies. Supposing therefore out of Christian Philosophy, that this World had a beginning, 'tis most probable that it began in some Cardinal point of the Celestial Motions, either in the Solstice, or in the Equinox. Gerard Mercator supposeth the World's Creätion to have been about the Summer Solstice, the Sun being in Aries, but the Contrary will appear. The greatest controversy holds to the Equinoxes, the most holding that the Creätion was in the Vernal Equinox; the best, in the Autumnal. The Saeder Olam or Jewish Chronologie relates, that there was a great disputation between Rabbi Josue and Rabbi Eliezer concerning this Aera: Rabbi Josue striving for the Vernal, Eliezer for the Autumnal: The Latter will be found to be the most Orthodox in the opinion, as shall thus appear.  
And first no man can Question, but that the world began in that Period, from whence the old world reckoned their years, which he that maketh trial, shall find to be from the Autumnal intersection, as is most apparent in accounting the time of the Flood. Scaliger in Cap. de Conned. Mundi.  
This manner of Computation Abraham taught the Egyptians, as an Ancient Author Alexander Polyhistor testifieth. 
Euseb. l 9 de praep.  This Custom the Egyptians long retained, the Opinion always: for so, according to their mind, Julius Firmicus the great ginger reporteth that this was current, that the World was Creäted in posterioribus Librae: as we find, saith he, in the Barbarian Sphere. He spoke with a respect had to the Phaenomena of his time; but it appeareth plainly what the Egyptian Sphere, which he calleth Barbarian, 
See for the reason the great Critic upon the Sphoera Barbarica of Manilius.  had determined for the Epoch of the World's Creätion.  
The like Attestation may be observed in the Ancient Etrurians, whose custom was at the beginning of every Year, in stead of other Kalendars, to fix a Nail in their great Temple, which Festus Rufus and Livy witness to have been done in the Autumn.  
Add hereunto, that Moses calleth that the seventh Month, which in some part answereth to the Autumnal Equinox: This Month was called Aethanim, which the Chaldie Paraphrast expounding, confirmeth all that hath been said in these words.  
The Month Aethanim, which is now the seventh, was anciently called the first Month. Wherefore the Almighty God laid the foundations of this greater World in the first day of the Week at Even, beginning the 26 of October. the first portion of Aries being in the first House, and the first of Capricorn in the tenth, Libra, in the seventh, and Cancer in the fourth. The Sun, if then he had been, should have entered the first degree of Libra, Mercury the twelfth, and Venus the fourteenth: The Moon at the Conjunction: Saturn in the first of Aries, Jupiter in Virgo, Mars in Leo, and the Dragons-head in Pisces.  
This was the figure of the Heavens when they were first form, the same being Astronomically calculated and erected according to Tycho's Tables. See Calvisius.  
The Aera of the Deluge reckoned from hence will easily appear out of Moses, who listeth to search his Genealogies of the old World, shall find the sum to be 1656 years, with a fraction of 46 days.  
The Septuagint accounteth more, the Samaritans less: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Computus Samariticus ad Scaligerum, id est, Min Adam el Mocho Meeth Shanah, &c, from Adam to his death are 130 years, etc.  

Saeder Olam, Rabath & Z●tah.  That which we have set down is the account of the Hebrews both in their great Chronologie and the less, and is most agreeable to their great Prophet Moses. These things being done, we shall the better find out to what Aera our Kingdom of Ashur must be referred, which shall be found out in this manner.  
A priori this cannot be, but à posteriori thus. It must be observed in what year the City of Babylon was taken in the time of Alexander the Great, and that may easily be accomplished by the help of the Olympiads, and Nabonassar's Aera. Calvisius, with others, hath done it to our hands, and it is exact. It was saith he in the 3619 year of the World. This year of the World was the 1902 year of the Babylonish Monarchy, as the Chaldeans themselves declared to Calisthenes the Philosopher who was employed in this search, at the entreaty of his Tutor Aristotle, the latter sum being deducted from the former, 
Simplicius in Secund. lib. de Coelo.  there remaineth 1717 the Epoch or Aera which we sought for within a small matter. And for this we are greatly engaged to the dextrous care of our great Philosopher, whose diligence if it had not here also helped us, the beginning of this Kingdom had put Chronologers to an endlels labour. And now we dare believe Diodorus; he saith that the state of Ashur stood from the first to the death of Sardanapalus 1360 years, from thence to the taking of Astyages by Cyrus, Clesius a Physician of Cnidus accounteth 313 years, which thing happened in the year of the world 3391, in the first year of the 55 Olympiad: so 313 added 1360 make up the Sum of 1673, which deducted out of 3391 the year of the destruction of the Medes, there remaineth for the Epoch of this Babylonish Monarchy 1718. Wherefore from hence we must begin to reckon the Acts, Lives, and Successions of these Kings of Ashur: we begin therefore with the first; to wit, Nimrod.   

NIMROD. Annus Mundi 1718. Ante Christ. Nat. 2230. Cycle of the Sun 18. Cycle of the Moon 12.  

Nimrod.  
NImrod was the son of Chus, and he the son of Cham, for so saith Moses. And Chus begat Nimrod; and going forward, describeth the Man to be a Mighty Hunter, so famous, that it became a Proverb to say, Even as Nimrod a mighty Hunter before the Lord. The Text plainly showeth that this Nimrod was a King, when it saith, That the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel; the same also in the same words declareth, that he was a Babylonish King; So that our Monarchy was begun at Babel by Nimrod. In that he was called a Mighty Hunter, Aben Ezra expoundeth it in the better part; but for that he is reprehended by Ramban, who affirmeth that he was indeed a Hunter, but not to procure God's Altars, Offerings, as the other supposeth, because it is said he was a Hunter, mighty before the Lord; but he was called a Hunter, because he was so indeed; but not so only, but an oppressor too: his continual conversation with bruit beasts changed his humane disposition into a barbarous and agrestick behaviour, and the privilege of Dominion which he had long used over the beasts, he began to usurp over Men. So Ralbag expoundeth, He began, saith he, to be Mighty; that is, (saith the Rabbin) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parash. Noach. because he began to hunt after Domination or Principality. 
fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  The same Rabbi in the same place saith, that he was called a mighty Hunter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he was mighty to hunt men, and to subdue them under him. Don Isaac Abarbinel intimateth a reason of men's subjection to him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Because he made himself a mighty Hunter of Beasts and subdued them, the sons of men seeing that Bears and Lions were subdued before him with all their might, they also for fear of him submitted to him.  
It appeareth therefore by the general consent of the Hebrews, that this Nimrod was the founder of the Babylonish Kingdom, and that by a Tyrannical kind of absolute power, he subdued the world to this new kind of Government.  
Among the Greeks, hear what Epiphanius hath said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Others have said as much.  
Some have thought this Nimrod to be Ninus, others to be Belus, both unadvisedly; for that Nimrod was not Ninus, Justin approves out of his Author Trogus Pompey; for it was, saith he, from the beginning of this Monarchy till the time of Sardanapalus 1300 years, but he reckons that beginning from Ninus: but we have proved before, that the Epoch of this Kingdom comprehendeth 60 years more, and therefore cannot begin in the reign of Ninus, but 60 years before; which 60 years must be restored to some King before Ninus, either to Nimrod or Belus, or else divided between them both, and that is most likely; because Eupolemon an ancient Author maketh mention of Belus the second, which could not be without some reference to a Predecessor of the same name; and this without all question was our mighty Hunter, who after he had possessed a World of degenerate minds with the opinion of his greatness, easily wrought the unsettled fancies of the Vulgar sort into a necessary and undoubted superstition. The true God they had forgotten, or else they never knew him; a God they must have, quia nulla gens tam barbara, etc. Nimrod opposeth the fortitude and felicity of his designs, and easily intrappeth a multitude to worship him, who must needs worship some one, and besides him knew not whom: therefore instantly they call him Baal; or as we corruptly writ Bel; which in our language signifieth a Lord: and because after his death another succeeded, both in his Place and Name, he was called Bel from his Dominion, and Bel the second because Nimrod had reigned before him. This conjecture can produce a Patron to enforce the probability. 'Tis Abarbinel upon that place in Esaie. Bel is bowed down and Neho stoopeth. His words are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read the rest in that place.  
The Rabbin saith that the Latin Scribes have written that this Nimrod, who reigned first in Babel, made himself a God, and commanded that they should serve him, because 'twas he that first had builded Babel, etc. after this he made an Idol after his own Image and called it Bel.  
To this purpose the Rabbin concerning the Stature of Nimrod: I had said nothing, had not Methodius said too much; who affirmeth, and from him Luca Tudensis, that this Nimrod was no less than ten Cubits high, believ this that will; if it were, or could be so, the seventy Interpreters did well to call him a Giant.  
Of the manner of his death, Annius hath made Berosus lie, Spirits took him away; and Funccius will needs believ this, as appeareth by his Gloss upon the Fiction, that is (saith he) The Devils took him away for his grand Impiety, etc.  
Cedrene saith, that Nimrod was called Evechous▪ this he took from an Ancient Author Estiaeus of Miletum whose words are these.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which either are the words of the Author we have said, or else Eusebius. Vide Eusebium Scaligerianum. pag. 14.  
I find in one of those Manuscripts which were transported from Baroeïus his most famous Library to the University of Oxford, an observable abstract of Chronologie deduced from Adam, thence I transcribed what I found most convenient, for the illustration of that which we have now in hand. First therefore for the life of Nimrod, the Abstract saith thus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Tale aliquod ad Cedrenum Lego & ad Chronicon Alexandrinum, ubi vide.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & paulò post. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rursus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The Author we see giveth a pregnant testimony to what we have said, 
See also Cedrens for this of Orion, and the Chronicon Alexandrinum.  adding also one thing more than we knew before that this Nimrod at his death was Deified, as in his life we have proved, so that he seemeth to be a God of some note, but if we mark, we shall find that his divinity transcends not the eight sphere.  
As his place was changed, so his name, that from Earth to Heaven, this from Nimrod to Orion: The Greek Poets would laugh at this, as we will now at them, having undoubtedly found the truest meaning of this Constellation. I will not burden the discourse nor employ the page with their vain Fictions; who list elsewhere to see them, let him repair to Higinus, Aratus, Manilius, Stoffler upon the Sphere of Proclus, and the nameless Scholiast upon Cesar Germanicus that was found in Sicily. This only I may say that, the Conceit was truly Poëtical; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, merely made, not told, as having no footstep in Story, nor foundation in Verity, save only their misconceit of the name Orion, quasi Urion: This infirm Gloss upon that word, however at the best not able to stand by itself, was after made far more impotent by their halting between two opinions; one while conceiving Orion to be that he is; another while to be Arctophylax: far widely guessing, the one being in the North, the other in the South. See Hesychius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But how well our Author accordeth with the truth, we shall see and greatly approve. That Orion was a Hunter, the Greeks themselves confess. So Theon upon Aratus his Phaenomena page 539 of that which was printed in quarto at Paris.  
Moses recordeth the like of this Nimrod; the Fables also say he was a King; and in Jansson's Globes he is called Bellator fortissimus. The Astronomers of Arabia call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Algebar, that is as the Lxx doth, the Giant. All this agrees. Add hereunto his posture in the Heavens, highly becoming his profession, to show he was a Soldier, he is placed with sword and Buckler, and is therefore called by the sweetest Poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Musaus' in Her. & Leandro. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  To beetoken his Huntsmanship he holdeth in his hand the skin of a wild Beast, and in the Asterisms of Cesar Germanicus, he hath a Bow ready drawn: besides this he hath a Hare at his Feet, and the two Dogs behind. 
Cisleu f●o●n Cesil because of the inconstant weather which is caussed at the rising of this Star; for Cesil signifieth inconstancy;, of this see R. Benjamin in his itinerary.  Let now the Reader judge: nay Homer saith, That is Orion's dog, in these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to which Theon in Aratus addeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. because Orion being a hunter must have his Dog to follow him. Of this Orion Moses maketh mention, if he wrote the Book of Job, Chap. 9 and 9 yea God himself in the 38 of that Book, because he had to deal with an Arabian, questioneth him in his own Astrology, Canst thou bind (saith he) the swift influence of the Pleyades, or loos the bands of Orion? The Original in both places, as also in Amos, who had it from hence, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cesil, so called from the inconstancy of the weather at the Astronomical Asscension of this Constellation: from whence also their Month Cisleu.  
That this Cesil here signifieth a Star all agree, the difference is amongst them, which of all those innumerable Lights, this Cesil should be. Hierome by the instruction of his Jew no doubt, translate's it Orion. Rab Jonah in M. Kimchi saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by this Cesil is meant that great Star which the Arabians call Sohel: 
Rab. Jonah in Rab. Kimchi.  this Sohel is not Orion, but Canopus a bright Star that strikes the Horizon of Rhodes, and is placed in the Argonavis, as James Christman most truly collecteth out of the Arabian Alfraganus; and for this cause the learned Linguist turns head upon the whole strain of Interpreters who translates (with a general consent) Orion. I will not be so bold, because I am not so well able: yet I should ask his leave to follow the old interpretation for one reason of my own, because I see the Chaldee Paraphrast renders that word Cesil by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth a Giant; and therefore in all probability intended this mighty Hunter great Nimrod, bold Orion.  
The Reader may perchance ask one question, why Nimrods' name should be changed into Orion. I answer as near as I can conjecture, that this is the reason: Being upon the earth as he was, he was fitly called Nimrod, which signifieth a Tyrant; but when he began to be numbered among the Stars of Heaven, he was not unaptly termed Orion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or which signifieth the Sun, in the plural in Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orin, which signifieth the conspicuous Lights of Heaven, as these Stars in Orion rise to the elevation of Chaldea, glittering 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hipparchus of Bythinia in his Asterisms.  upon the Equinoctial in the North and South part of Heaven.   

Synchronism.  
The Language is Confounded, and the Earth divided.  
And therefore a man of note born at that time was called Peleg, that is Division, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dividere.  
In Nimrod's time Serug deserveth to be remembered, if that be true which Suidas writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
The Author saith, he was a Carver of Images, nay he addeth, that he was a teacher of Idolatry. If so, than this might be the man that made Nimrod God; see Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the same in Estiaeus of Miletum, whence Suidas had it. Eusebii Scaliger, pag. 13.  
Nahor is born in the thirtieth year of Serug, he lived one hundred and forty eight years; and was Abraham's grandfather.  
Nimrod teacheth the worship of the Host of Heaven, maketh the Sun the greatest God above, and himself below. See Abarbinel, upon Genesis at these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abarb. in par. Noach.  
Of the worship of the Sun we have already discoursed in the Manners of the Assyrians; from these the Idolatry spread itself to the Egyptians, Persians, Medes, and throughout the whole world: No Nation but worshipped the Host of Heaven. The Scythians worshipped the North Star, and called it the Iron  Nail. As for the Planets they were the constant Gods of all Countries, to whom the very Weekdays have been by the most Ancient Nations religiously dedicated. We will instance only in our own, Sunday and Moon-daie from the Sun and Moon; tuesday from Tuisco, Mercury; wednesday, from Woden, Mars; thursday from Thor, Jupiter; friday from Friga, Venus; saturday from Seater, Saturn.  
These were the first Gods the Greeks knew, and therefore they called from these all other; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because these kept their continual course without interruption.  
The Paeonians adored the Sun under the form of a Cup-dish. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Maximus the Tyrian, Serm. 38. Because the Sun seemeth to resemble that form, and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes taken for Solis Orbis.  
The Reason that moved Nimrod to command the worship of the Sun, was first, the manifold benefits redounding to Men by this most glorious Planet: Secondly, because the Sun was chief amongst the Planets, which these Nations easily knew by their great searches of Astrology.  
Nimrod teacheth the worship of fire, as seeming to bear a great affinity with the Sun; or else because it was the custom of Sem's God to answer by fire, as at Abraham's offering when the birds were divided, and as some think, at Abel's offering; for this was a great argument of God's acceptance if he consumed the offering; which is the reason, that where the English Metaphrase readeth, Thou shalt accept our offerings, Psal. 51. The Hebrew saith, Thou shalt consume etc. The like was done in the time of King Solomon, and in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes under the Maccabees, whereof see Josephus in his Hebrew History.  
It might therefore come thus to pass, that these perceiving that there was a voice came in the fire, and the fire only appeared and consumed the offerings, upon this conceit they thought reverently of the fire; This Idolatry also was not contained within Vr of the Chaldees, but the Persian had it in high estimation. Herod. Diodor. Q Curtius, Arrian, Strabo, etc. After these the Trojanes, than the Romans.  
Maximus Tyrius very elegantly reprehendeth this kind of Idolatry in his Sermon aforesaid. Suidas and Ruffinus tell a Story of our Chaldeäns concerning their God Fire. Suidas thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The sum is, that the Chaldeäns once upon a time carried their God about to try the mastery amongst all others, so it came to pass that the fire consumed all Gods that were made, of brass, gold, silver, wood or stone: but when they came to Egypt, Canopus the Priest worked wililie, and to save the credit of the old Gods, makes a new in this manner: He takes an old water vessel full of holes, stopped up with wax, and upon this he set's the head of an old Idol, in comes the fire, and being placed under the God, the wax melt's, and the fire was extinguished: from henceforth the Fire lost its credit among all Nations, as it is at this day.   

Belus 2.  
THis Belus whether he were this Son or Nephew of Nimrod, or what affinity to him he might have, Antiquity discovereth not. Reyneccius is bold to conceiv, that this was Arphaxat; if ye ask the reason, he answereth, Because S. Cyril calleth this Belus Arbelus, which he indeavoureth to wring out of Arphaxat; the conceit as I conceiv is slender, though this Author deserveth well of all Historians.  
Sanchuniathen, an ancient Author among the Phoenicians, affirmeth that this Belus was the Son of Saturn: This was Nimrod so called by the profane Autors, as many have conceived: if so, then Nimrod is he of whom Ovid speaks, that in his time the Golden age flourished, So Eupolemon.  
Certainly that Conceit of the Poets, in comparing the Ages of the World to Metals, seemeth to have sprung from Daniel's own Comparison, which he relateth out of the King's dream concerning the Head of Gold, the Arms and Shoulders of Silver, etc. In that since, Nimrod might be Saturn; & Belus might be his successor, to wit, Jove; for so this Bell was called: And thus, forgiving Ovid the fable, this is nothing else, but what he hath said, That the golden Age, that is, the Age designed by the head of Gold, was in the days of Saturn, that is, Nimrod. 'Tis ordinarily granted, that Ovid had seen the books of Moses, and under the same privilege he might also read the Prophet Daniel, fetching his golden days from hence, and Saturn from thence.  
Whereas this Bell was called Jove, it is to be understood, that as Bel was a name proper, first to the true God (for so he is called in Osee,) so Jehovah also was a sacred expression of the Trinity in Unity at the first, and afterwards by the Sacrilege of a crooked generation unaptly given to these arrogant Kings. Belus perhaps first called the Sun so, and himself afterwards; as Nimrod did the Sun by the name of Bel: which name the Sun still kept in Phoenicia long after these times, for there they called the Sun Baalsemen, that is the Lord of Heaven. And that the Sun was called Jove, the Devil confesseth in the Oracle of Apollo Clarius.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
When or where this Bell died it is unknown; and how many years he lived, is altogether as uncertain: this only is true, that 60 years must be distributed between him and his predecessor, but at what proportion this distribution should be made is no way manifest.   

Synchronismi.  
OF the Sicyonians. See Pausanias, Suidas, Homer remembreth them. Iliad β.  
The Kingdom of the Sicyonians was founded in the Reign of Belus in Peloponnesus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same see also in the successions of Affricanus. both say that this Kingdom was first founded by Aegialeus, from whom Peloponnesus was first called Aegialia. Note the Antiquity of the Greeks, whose first beginnings were founded in Sicyonia: which place was so called from Javan, who first pitched his Tent there, For Sicyon is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Succoth Javan, or it may be set Succah Jon, the dwelling of Javon, by whom throughout the whole Scripture the Hebrews understood the Greeks: hence Iönes, and the Iönick tongue, in which the most ancient Poets are exstant.  
Terah the Father of Abraham is born.   

Ninus.  
THis Ninus was the Son of Belus, so all profane History affirmeth by a common consent, Justine, Diodorus, and the rest.  
The brief discourse of this King's life, see in Justin. Ctesias of Cnidas wrote the better part of his more noble expeditions, but Diodorus confesseth that none ever writ them all. Diodorus ex Ctesia. He made war with many Nations, and was the first as these Autors think that violated that community which men formerly enjoyed. It seems he was the first that they knew; but Moses telleth us of one before him, and Eupolemon of another.  
Ninus made war with the King of the Bactrians, in which war his Captain Menon fell in love with Semiramis in which suit Ninus was corrival and got the Gentlewoman; not her good will; doing not what she would, but what he listed; for that, Menon becomes desperate, and for the loss of his Love casts away himself. Ctesias.   

Synchronismi.  
FRom Ninus to Sardanapalus is 1300 years. Justin out of Trogus Pompeie.  
Zoroastres reigned in Bactria, Justin.  
Farnus in Media. Diod.  
Ariaeus in Arabia. Diod,  
Barzanes in Armenia. Diodorus.  
In the time of Ninus also Vexores was King of Egypt. Tanaïs' of Scythia. Justine ex Trogo.  
Salian thinketh it absurd that there should be any King before the division of the World, and therefore condemneth Julius Affricanus for his Dynasties of the Arabians, and reprehendeth Justine for these Kings of Egypt and Scythia, which are set down by Trogus Pompeie. So, as if the succession had been long. But Justine, and these Autors deserv our credit: for the Aera of the Egyptian dynasty, or the Scythian, I find in the falls Berosus too much, elsewhere too little, Diodorus is best, but with him the first Kings of Egypt were all Gods. See further, Diod. Lib. 1.  
In the Reign of Ninus great Abraham was born.  
Because the Nativivitie of this famous Patriarch Abraham is of special note and use in History, it seemeth to deserv more at our hands, then to be carelessly committed to the protection of a bare Assertion; meriting rather some peremptory proof, especially since learned Scaliger hath conceived the contrary. Rather therefore then we will doubt of his credit, we will for his sake call the truth in Question, doubtingly demanding  
Whether Abraham were born in the 43 year of King Ninus, yea or no?  
A great Master in History, and our only guide in Chronologie affirmeth, Eusebius Pamphilus, and he out of the reverend relics of old Castor, Thallus, etc. first in his first Book, and again in his second, which he calleth his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In both he useth these and the same words.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. the same Author pleasing himself in the verity of this persuasion, repeat's the same again in his Evangelical Preparative, where he beareth witness to himself, and to what he had said elsewhere,— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ità Epiphanius lib. 1. pagina 10. edit Basiliensis.  The Reader may be pleased to note his confidence in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and his great industry herein, in those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. George Cedrens and Epiphanius, no way mistrusting such elaborate Canons, 
Cedrenus in, Compendio Histor.  take it for granted; proposing and approving the Authority of this great Chronologer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wonder we then what should moov great Scaliger to set down Abraham born in the year of Beluchus, long after Ninus. His follower and admirer Helvicus hath no other reason but the authority of his great example. The truth is Scaliger confesseth that his forerunner in this conceit was George Syncellus, a Monk. This George was learned but (in the opinion of Scaliger) a most severe Critic, and Censorious judge of Fusebius Pamphilus, whose Chronologie he transcribed and examined. In his Examination, he found that Eusebius undertaking to follow Affricanus, yet when he comes to the Trojan times, forsaketh him, interrupting the succession by rasing out four Kings at once. Thus indeed Eusebius hath done. Salian a diligent Writer among the Moderns, 
Animadversion. Scalig. ad Eusebium, pagin. 15. & in Notis.  excuseth the error of his History, by the Heresy of his profession: as if an Arrian (if he were one) might not be a good Historian. We shall forbear to seek to save his credit, by discovering so much of his infamy: but the reason why he thus did, was to rectify the errors of Affricanus, whose Chronologie though it will no ways hold in all points, yet it best agreeth this ways; for if we restore him his four Kings again he himself will be found subject to greater inconveniences, and more abound in Anachronisms, than before. This I then rather incline to, for my own particular, because I have considered, that though George Cedrens professeth himself in the first page of his work, constantly to follow the aforenamed Syncellus, yet in this matter he refuseth him: at once acknowledging and leaving his error, for Cedrens plainly setteth down our Patriarch born in the 43 of Ninus as aforesaid. Thus to the probable falsehood of renowned Scaliger, 
Thus also Salian, Funccius, Angelocrator, Alapide, Narclerus: but this later desscenteth one year, or else the the Printer was too blame  we have set down the probability of the contrary; to his greatness we oppose three to one, and those all great, who cannot but demerit our belief, because their process is Astronomical, and their Chronologies faithfully contracted out of the larger Volumes of Celestial Revolutions and infallibly grounded upon the Laws of Heaven. These are Gerard, Mercator, Cethus, Calvisius, and Capellus; who all consent in this, that Abraham was born in the 43 of Ninus, which was the thing to be proved.  
This Man for his Admirable skill in Celestial contemplations was noted by many Autors among the Heathen. Herataeus of Abdera wrote whole Volumes of his Acts and Monuments. Berosus observeth that he was a great Astronomer: and Josephus saith he read this part of the Mathematics to the Egyptians.  
Nicolas of Damascus relateth a brief Story of his life agreeable to Moses.  
Alexander out of Eupolemon maketh mention of this Abraham, testifying that he was the inventor of Astrology among the Chaldeans, they tell also of his Expedition, and Melchisedeth, etc. Euseb.  
Artapanus recordeth, that the Jews were called Hebrews from Abraham; he saith also that Abraham went into Egypt and taught the King Astronomy, the King's name he calleth Pharetho, his words are (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: He would say Pharaoh. Thus Artapanus in Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Melo in his Discourse against the Jews writeth also of this Abraham, and saith that he was so called, to express thus much in force, to wit his Father's Friend, one part of his name signifieth a Father indeed; and the other, according as it might be written, might be forced to signify a Friend: but let that pass. This Melo telleth of his two wives, of his sons by both, and summeth up his whole Story. Of these testimonies: See more in Eusebius Pamp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Concerning Abraham thus Eusebius.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 19  
See also what Julius Africanus hath storied of Abraham, and his Expedition to Pentapolis. Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pag. 19   

Ninus.  
Colophonius Phaenix a Poet, hath thus set forth the life of this Prince.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Ninus vir quidam fuit, ut audio, Assyrius, qui auri Mare possidebat: Et alia, copiosius quàm arena est Caspia.  
Astra nunquam vidit, nec forsitan id optavit.  
Ignem apud Magos Sacrum non excitavit.  
Et lege Statutum est: Deum nec Virgis attigit.  
Sacrificiis, Deos non est veneratus: jura non reddidit.  
Subjectos sibi populos affari non didicit: ac nè numerare quidem.  
Verùm ad edendum, ac bibendum strenuissimus.  
Vinúmque miscens, caetera in Saxa amandabat.  
Vir ille ut Mortuus est, hoc de se testimonium reliquit omnibus.  
Sepulchrum hoc conspicatus, nunc ubi Ninus sit, Audi.  
Sive sis Assyrius, sive Medus, sive Coraxus, sive à supervis Indus capillatus; frivola non denuncio.  
Quondam ego Ninus fui, Spiritumque vitalem, hausi: Nunc verò aliud nihil, quàm serra factus sum.  
Quicquid comedi, habeo; quicquid volupe mihi fuit.  
Et quiquid pulcharum foeminarum in amore lascivii.  
Opes, quibus eram beatus; inimici coeuntes.  
Auferent, hoedum ut crudum quae bacchantur Thyades.  
Ad inferos cùm descendi, nec aurum, nec equum.  
Nec argenteum currum egi.  
Cinis jam multus, qui olim Mitram gestavi.   

Athenaeus lib. 12.  
Diodorus speaking of this Ninus giveth another report, for he saith this Man was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, born to be Martial, and valorous even to emulation.  
Ninus made war with the Armenians in which case their King Barzanes perceiving himself too weak, conquered his enemy by his submission: which Ninus ingeniously apprehending, as generously rewarded, and restored the Kingdom to the King again.   

Diodor. lib. 2.  
Ninus dyeth, and was buried in the Palace, in memorial of whom was erected a most stately Monument in Height nine furlongs, and in breadth ten: a wonderful sumptuous Tomb, if Ctesias say true. But Scaliger saith, that he was Scriptor Nugacissimus; If he were, I wonder much that Diodorus should so often use his Authority, as is most certain that he doth.  
Concerning the City which Ninus builded, the Author of the Chronological Abstract before cited, saith thus,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

Semiramis.  
ALL Writer have showed their good will to make the world acquainted with the renown of this manly woman, but in their discourse there hath been as much deceit, as in her desert. Diodorus confesseth her pedigree to have no better Authority then from the Fables. The most say she was the Wife of Ninus; so Ctesias and Diodorus, and many besides: but Conon in Photius saith, she was the Mother of Ninus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But the error of this ancient Author is most apparent, for by Ninus he meaneth Ninias, who also was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Affricanus witnesseth: and so indeed she was the Wife of Ninus, and the Mother of his son Ninias, which Conon undoubtedly meant: for he saith that the reason why she was supposed to be his wife was, because she unwittingly lay with him. Justine expound's the Autors mistake, who saith indeed that she would have been incestuous with her Son; which fact her son by an unnatural kind of piety, punished with her life.  
Because Diodorus saith, that when this Semiramis was exposed (according to the Ancients) a Shepherd took her in, whose name was Simma. Reyneccius conjectures from hence, that she was the Daughter of Sem. 'Tis uncertain who, or what she was: Semiramis she was called, which because it signifieth a Dove in their language, therefore it seems her Subjects for the sacred memory of her names sake worshipped the Pigeons ever after.  
But Scaliger saith he findeth no such word in Syriack in that sens; the Critic shall be pardoned for that, 'tis like there is now no such world; However, there might Vetus verborum interit aetas, Et juvenum ritu, florent 〈◊〉 modò nata, vigéntque. So the Poet in his Art Poëtica.  
Words have their ages: the Obsolete die, and young Phrases grow up and thrive in their places. Hesychius emboldeneth us, for he saith that,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If Semiramis be a Wood-Pigeon in Graece, it may perchance have been an Hous-Pigeon in the Country of Ashur.  
Semiramis her exploit of the Elephants in the Bactrian and Indian war, see in Diodorus.  
The Germane Writers say, her son Treb●ta built Trevers, which they peremptorily conclude out of their own presumption upon the rotten reputation of an old eaten Epitaph.  
Of the great Stone which this Queen caussed to be cut out of the Armenian Mountains, see also Diodorus lib. 2.  
Justin relateth out of Trogus Pompeie, that this Queen after her Husband's death, fearing in the subject's hearts some disloial prejudice of her son's minority, invested her Majestical spirit in her son's habit, and approved herself to be by valiant acts, not what she was, a woman; but what they thought her to be; a Prince discreet, politic, and most fortunate.  
This Queen built the walls of Babylon. So Ovid, as we have said; so Dionysius Afer 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
The Anonymus Scholiast upon Aristoph. saith, that she builded the City.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And so many others have been deceived with her fame, and attributed to her name the building of the City, who had erected nothing but the walls, nor those walls whereof Diodorus speaks; for both those, and the City were builded by a Syrian King: as Didorus confesseth of the Horti pencils, and might have done of these also; however he, and they that think otherwise, deceiv themselves: for this was done by the King of Babel, as we will prove out of Berosus, in the life of Nebuchadonosor.  
Semiramir reigned 42 years, Justine, Africanus.  
Semiramis erected herself a Tomb, inscribed thus, What King soever wanteth money, let him open this Monument, and take his desire. This Darius Hystaspis assaying to do, found a check within the Tomb, wherein the Queen had thus written, Nisi vir malus esses, haud sanè mortuorum loculos scrutâsses.   

Synchronismi.  
SEmiramis fenceth in Babylon the head-city with a famous wall, 
Coctilibus muris cinxisse  
Semiramis urbem.  Ovid. Metamorph. She builded a Wall, but not that famous Wall which the Greeks tell of, but for that are reproved by the true Berosus.  
In the time, and by the appointment of Semiramis the first Eunuches were instituted: This the Queen did for necessity, but the Kings after her used it amongst their royal superfluities: a thing ordinary in the Persian and Babylonish Court.  
That this Queen was the first appointer of this chaste attendance for her Bedchamber, Ammianus testifieth.  
In honour of Semiramis the Kingdom of Ashur bore the Dove in their Coat armour; but it is out of my element to blazon it, either by Planets or otherwise: for this Coat-armour is scarcely found among the Heralds: nor can it be certain what the Field was, though the charge is known to be a Dove, yet because 'tis a Princes, one thing is undoubted, that Emperors and Kings ought to bear Gold in their Arms, and then it might be thus;  
The Field is Sol, a Dove volant proper, etc.  
Learned Pierius endeavouring as near as he can to read all things in Egyptian Characters, supposeth the Story of Semiramis her Dove, to be Hieroglyphical, noting out her notable lasciviousness; for so he saith, that this Queen was venereous.  
Autors indeed are divers; but the most are of a contrary opinion. Many suppose that place in the Prophet Hieremie, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mippone hreu haiônah, fugire à fancy Columbae, to be understood of the Assyrians, because as we said, they bore the Dove in their Warlike ensigns. So Cornelius à Lapide, and many others, following the Interpretation of Hierome, who at the 13 of Esaie writeth, that God calleth Nebuchadnezar, Columbam. So a most Ancient Saxon Translation in the Library of Christ-Church in Oxford, from the face of the sword of the Kulver. If the Interpretation pass, as it may, that which hath been said may make for the illustration: for then 'tis thus, Flee from the Sword of the Dove, that is, from their sword who display their Banners in the field with the Ensign of a Dove.  
Herald's may here take notice of the Antiquity of their Art, and for their greater credit, blazon abroad this precious piece of Antientrie; for before the time of Semiramis we hear no news of Coats or Crests.   

Zames sive Ninias.  
OF this King see Justine out of Trogus Pompeie.  
A fragment out of Ctesias in Athenaeus relateth, that he was a Luxurious Prince.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Sic Ctesias.  
Diodorus also maketh mention of this Zames Ninias, in whom see further.  
That this Ninias spent his time otherwise then became a Prince, Trogus relateth in Justine in these words.  
Filius ejus Ninus contentus elaborato à parentibus imperio, belli studia deposuit & veluti sexum cum matre mutâsset, rarò à viris visus in foeminarum turba consenuit. Posteri quoque, ejus exempla seguuti, responsa gentibus per internuncios dabant.   

Synchronismi.  
ABout the time of this Ninias, happened that remarkable Judgement of God upon Pentapolis, or the five Cities, to wit, Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboïm and Segor; which deserves to be remembered as well by us, as a profane Historian Cornelias Tacitus; whose attestation to Moses in this matter is well worth our consideration.  
The Author having described the Lake of Sodom, addeth as followeth,  
Haud procul indè campi, quos olim uberes magnísque urbibus habitatoes, fulminum jactu arsisse, & manere vestigia, terrámque specie torridam vim frugiferam perdidisse. Nam cuncta sponte edita, aut manu sata sive herbâ tenus aut flore, seu solitam in speciem adolevere, atra & inania velut in cineres evanescunt. Ego sicut Judaïcas quondam urbes igne coelesti flagrâsse concesserim, ità halitu lacûs infici terram, corrumpi superfusum spiritum eóque foetus segetum & Autumni putrescere reor, Solo, caelóque juxtà gravi. Tacitus Hist. lib. 4. pag. 619. Lipsianae editionis in octavo.  
The Author of the Abstract before mentioned, when he cometh to Ninus, setteth down to succeed him one Thourias, who was called Ares, to whom he saith they made the first Statue, and called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is Lord God:) of which saith he the Prophet Daniel hath made mention. Suidas either had this from this Author, or he from Suidas, who hath written the same; for as I know not the Author, so neither his time. It was after Eusebius; how long, I yet cannot tell, whereas they cite Daniel, we are to understand, not that Man of desires, but his name's sake, entitled to the Story of Bell and the Dragon, which who will may read more at large in Hebrew, then 'tis found in Greek, if they will patiently revolv the Stories of Josippus the Jew, called also Gorionides. After Thourias the Abstract placeth lame, than Sardanapalus; omitting that whole succession of Affricanus without recompens, more than of Thourias and lame, neither of which are known.  
Thus far the better hand of pure Antiquity hath helped us.  
Julius Affricanus reckoneth up the Kings from Zames to Sardanapalus; and after him Eusebius: and amongst the Moderns, Funccius, Angelocrator, Henningius, Reyneccius, and divers others. Those that deserv greatest commendation, are first and chief Sethus Calvisius in his judicious Chronologie: After him Salian in his Annals; so Joseph Scaliger in his Isagogical Canons.  
However I might have both their help and Authority, yet I forbear so to fill up the great Chasm in this part of our Monarchy: yet it shall not be said that I refused to follow such great Leaders, for a little reason.  
Amongst others, these two have principally persuaded.  
First because the Account of Africanus, reckoned per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, summing up the years of each King together, agreeth not with the Computation of the years in general.  
Secondly, because we find in Autors of undoubted Credit, some Kings of Ashur, whom notwithstanding we find not in the succession of Africanus: as for Example, Moses maketh mention of Amraphel, whom the Hebrews would have to be Nimrod: grounding their conceit upon a fabulous Etymology; because they say Abraham was brought before Nimrod for burning his Father Terah's Idols, and being then but three years old, discoursed before the Tyrant concerning the Creätor of Heaven and Earth: Nimrod proudly replied, that it was he that made the Heavens and the host of Heaven; if so said Abram, then say thou to thy Sun, that he should rise in the West, and set in the East, and I will believ thee: Nimrod thus exasperated with the child's audacity and discretion, commands that he should be cast into the fire; therefore the Jews say, that he was called Amraphel from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amar and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phul that is dixit descend, he said to Abraham, go, go down into the fire, and this say they is Vr of the Chaldees, out of which God brought Abraham. This Story is in the Book of Maase Torah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & postea. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Munster's Annotations upon Genesis where these words and the entire Story is set down out of the aforesaid Book▪ but this discourse is idle.  
Again Suidas maketh mention of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who reigned after Ninus; and Macrobius of one Deleboris: but of these or either of them, Africanus saith nothing. Some would have that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Suidas to be Arius in Affricanus: their reason is a Conjecture from another name, which this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had: for which see Suidas, in this word Thurias.  
Besides all this, Diodorus reckoneth but thirty Kings from Ninias to Sardanapalus; But Affricanus accounteth more. This disorder and disagreement in the matter hath moved us to break of the Succession in this place from Ninias to Sardanapalus, interposing one only Prince, of whom Diodorus maketh mention, that in his time happened the Noble Expedition of the Argonauts, and the wars of Troie. The King's name was Teutames; but in what place to rank him, I find not, not following Affricanus.  
So doth the Abstract, leaving out all those Kings which in Affricanus and the falls Berosus were suspected adulterine: a thing in this nameless Author much to be regarded; for certainly he took it for granted, that this part of the Succession was merely lost, and without hope of recovery. I will add one reason more, which at this instant takes me up, that the maintainers of these Kings, reciting their names, put's the Readers off so slenderly, that we cannot but suspect them; for of each King they still disgracefully report that he did nothing worthy of memory: a likely matter, that all those Kings were idle.  
The Trojan war is famous, and a great part thereof Fabulous.  
For the History, see Dictys the Cretian, and Dares the Trojan; translated, the one out of the Phoenician Language, 
Or rather our own Josephus Iscanus.  the other out of the Greek tongue by Cornelius Nepos; though some have called in question the credit of both these.  
See also Valerius Flaccus in Latin, and Apollonius in Greek for these Argonaute●s.  
The last King therefore of the first state of this Monarchy was Sardanapalus; as Diodorus and Trogus make mention. Diodor. lib. 2. Justin ex Trogo libro. 1.   

Sardanapalus.  
He was the son of Anacyndraxis. A most obscene and most lascivious Prince, set forth not only in his nature, but his name also, as Cicero hath observed.  
Justine relateth his wanton and enormous practices; so Diodorus, and Athenaeus, Suidas, and many more: scarce an Author that passed by his infamy, without a reprehension and reproach.  
An Ancient Author, Duris in Athenaeus deserveth to be read concerning the manners of this womanly and effeminate Prince: Hoc solo imitatus virum, (saith Justine) in this only he was like a man, in that he burned himself. Of the manner how, read Athenaeus; and of the reason why, see Causabon's discourse upon that place.  
The most renowned Atchieument that ere this Prince brought to pass was, that he built two Cities in one day, Tarsus and Anchialus: as the Epitaphsi make mention in the Autors aforenamed.  
For so Aristobulus report's, that his Tomb was set at Anchialus thus inscribed,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, Sardanapalus, Anacyndraxi filius, Tarsum & Anchialum eodem die condidit. Ede, bibe, lude: nam caetera omnia nec hujus sunt: that is, not worth a fillip. For so his Statue was carved, as if his hands had given a fillip, and his mouth had spoken those words.  
The like Epitaph was inscribed upon a stately Monument in Ninive, in the Chaldee tongue, which the Greek Poet Chaerilus thus translated:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Caetera vide apud Amyntam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenaeus.  
The like was at Tarsus, where S. Paul was born: at which this Apostle without question alluding to that place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let us eat and drink, for to morrow we shall die.  
The great Enormities of this King brought forth the Confusion of the Kingdom, the instrument whereof, was the Rebellion of his Captain Arbaces Governor of the Medes, with whom Sardanapalus fought for the Monarchy, and got the victory once, and the second time: upon which success the effeminate Prince presuming, the third time in a secure disdain went not in person, because also the Oracle had undoubtedly foretell, that the State of Ninive should never totter, till the River Tigris proved hostile; which in the King's judgement could never be. But it fell out otherwise; for in this third Skirmish, Tigris swelling over his bounds, by the vantage of a greater flood then ordinary, played an unneighbourly part, and battered down his own borders; at whose irruption a great part of the impregnable wall was laid level with the ground, the city itself opening to her adversaries, to check the vice of her Governors.   

Synchronismi.  
Tarsus and Auchialus founded by Sardanapalus in one day.  
In the time of Sardanapalus, Arbaces was Governor of the Medes, and Belochus of the Babylonians. Much question might be made in this place, what King continued the Monarchy; whether Belochus were Phul, or no: or if not, who this Phul might be. A question to this purpose is largely discussed in Sir Walter Raleighs History; yet notwithstanding that, and what hath been elsewhere said of that, I ingeniously profess that I am ignorant at this time where to place this Phul: yet for the present, I observe the common order.    

PHUL. Circa Annum Mundi 3182.  

Phul  
IS an Assyrian name, as Scaliger witnesseth: sometimes used alone, as here; elsewhere in Composition, as in this King's Successor, Tiglath Phul Afer.   

Synchronismi.  
IN the time of Phul, Menabem was King in Israël; 2 Kings 15. Josephus, Sed. Olam.  
In Egypt reigned Mycerinus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whose Life and Acts are recorded by Herodotus in Euterpe.  
The Oracle brought word to this King that he should from thenceforth live but six years, and die in the seventh. The King hearing this, commanded that certain Lamps should be made for the night time, which he had purposed to spend in jovialtie, whilst others slept; that so he might delude the Oracle, and live twice the longer by taking so much more notice of his days.  
See Herodotus in Euterpe, pag. 140. circa ista verba.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
About this time Nabonassar lived; of whom see Ptolemy, but he was not yet King.  
Vzias was now King of Juda: in whose days happened that notable Earthquake, of which Josephus relate's, that in the horror thereof, a Mountain toward the West cleft in sunder, and removed from its proper place the space of four Furlongs, or half a mile; and further it had proceeded, had not a greater Mountain toward the East stayed its Cours.  
Of this Earthquake the Prophet Amos maketh mention: by occasion whereof, see what Aben Ezra saith upon that place, page 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and also what Kimchi saith in the next side, in that Edition which Robert Stephanus put forth.   

Tiglath Philassar.  
THis King subdued Galilee.  
He also carried the Tribe of Napthali into Captivity.   

Synchronismi.  
IN the time of Tiglath Philassar, Achaz reigned in Judah: 2 Chron. 28.  
This King had a famous Dial: and therefore the invention of the Sciateries is more Ancient than Anaximenes. This Dial was a South Vertical, placed upon the wall of the King's Palace: So à Lapide: and it stands well with the explication of the Phaenomenon of the Sun's Retrocession. And that it was a Dial, see Peter Nonius, and Clavius, two incomparable Mathematicians, the one in his second Book of Navigation; the other, in the first of his gnomonics.   

Salmanassar.  
Ordinary Chronologers commonly conceived this Salmanassar to be Nabonassar, of whom Ptolemy speaks: But Scaliger dispute's the point against all. Calvisius also; but this last, especially against Funccius. Both agree, that this Salmanassar was not that Nabonassar. Scaliger giveth the reason, both from the name, time, and other Circumstances: which though Sir Walter Raleigh admires, yet he condemns. Time now giveth not leave to inquire, much less to determine the differences. Sethus Calvisius placeth the Prince about that time we have set him. His time is much to be enquired after, it being a most famous Epoch, from whose time Chronologie can demonstrate by the aid of Astronomy, that the Affairs passed since that time, are registered in Heaven.  
Who so saith that Salmanassar was Nabonassar, is deceived; as afterwards shall appear: neither is he any other but himself, and none otherwise called. Scaliger was bold to call him Merodac; but he repent of that in his Canons Isagogical.   

Synchronismi.  
HEre beginneth, or not far of, that Nabonassar's famous Aera, from whence Ptolemy in his Almagest accounteth the Celestial motions.  
He ruled in Babylonia, in the year of the world. 3203, the Circle of the Sun being 19, and the Circle of the Moon 15, the Dominical Letter E. Upon the 26 of February at Noon, the Sun's mean motion being 45 Minutes in Pisces, the Moon in the eleven degree of Taurus, and 22 Scruples.  
The Original of the Samaritans, out of a Colony transplanted by the King of Ashur, they were called Cuthaei, because there came most from Cuth, as Elias Tisbites in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuth.   

Sennacherib.  
OF his behaviour to King Hezechiah, see the Prophet Esaie, and the High Priest's Annals or Chronicles.  
The Egyptians in Herodotus tell a most memorable story of this King: That going forth with his Army against Egypt, it came to pass that one night a Plague of Mice came upon him, and unweaponed his soldiers, by devouring their Harness-ties of Leather. In memory whereof the Priests provided a statue like this Prince in stone, holding a Mous in his hand, with this Inscription;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Who ere beholdeth me, let him learn to be religious; Herodot. in Euterp.  
Some suppose, that this intends that great foil of this king's Army by the hand of an Angel. An Angel might do both.  
This Sennacherib was slain by his Sons in the Temple of Jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Nisroc. See the reason in Rabbi Solomon upon that place. See also the Hebrew Edition of Apocryphal Tobit the first Chapter.   

Synchronismi.  
HEzechiah, King of Judah.  
In his time happened, that strange Phenomenon when the Sun went ten degrees back. Peter Nonius the Portugal discourseth of this wonder and proveth it to be a Miracle, because it was done in the temperate Zone: for (as he proveth) Jerusalem is so situate. This he conceiveth had been no wonder between the Tropics: but he is twice deceived; first because the Sciatericks teach, that if in the Temperate Zone a Plain be elevated less than the Sun's declination, the same would come to pass. 2. He supposeth the wonder to be in the Shadow's going back, which was not; but in the Regress of the Sun itself; for the Shadow might have gone back naturally.   

Asarhaddon.  
HE reigned after the death of his Father, and after this King we read of no successor he had; and therefore History guided by the Circumstances of time, concludes that this was the next vicissitude, wherein the Assyrians again lose their Power; and the Babylonians continue, and end this first Monarchy.  
Some have thought that the Kings of Babel only in this last succession were set forth by the Golden Head: So Hugh Broughton, a most learned man: but there is nothing to defend his Tenet, but his Authority: and that he shall have in some other thing.  
The better to understand the Babylonish Monarchy, we will set down their Succession, which Ptolemy hath recorded from Nabonassar, to the end of this Kingdom. Scaliger made much of this rare Canon, but obtained it not in the perfection: Sethus Calvisius hath the right which he he obtained of an English man, the then Dean of Paul's.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
This I transcribed out of the Greek Manuscript which we have extant in the Archive of our Public Library; and a most precious Monument it is, as Sethus Calvisius truly conceived of it.    

The First King in this last dynasty of Ashur was  

Nebuchadnezar.  
FOr the Composition of his Name, see what Scaliger saith, where he setteth down the Simples of the Babylonish names.  
The Canon calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and there he succeedeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so Nabopolassar was the Father of Nebuchadnezar. He is called sometimes Nebuchadonosor; That he was the son of Nabopolassar, this Canon in Eusebius page 38 saith plainly in these words.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was put in by Eusebius, or else left out of that Canon which we have in the Archives.  
Funccius therefore doth ill to make Nebuchadnezar to be the same with Nabopolassar, which Calvisius hath observed, and for other, and better reasons refuted.  
Megasthenes the Persian thus writeth of this King.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Euseb p 41. etc. i.e. That this Nebuchadnezar was more famous than great Hercules, and that he subdued Lybia, Asia. etc.  
The same Author reporteth, that the Chaldeans relate, that this King returning home, fell mad: and being in a Fanatic vein, foretold the destruction of Babel,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that is, I Nebuchadonosor, O Babylonians, foretell your ruin, which neither Belus our Progenitor, nor our Goddess Beltis shall be able to persuade the fates to remove away. There shall come a Persian Mule, etc. meaning Cyrus. Caetera vide pag. 41 Eusebii scaligerianis.  
The Author intendeth that story of this King, recorded by Daniel, that he was among the beasts, etc.  
Thus Megasthenes hath storied.  
Berosus the Chaldean relateth also the notable expeditions of this famous Prince, and of his sumptuous buildings; and to him he attributeth the walls of Babylon, the Temple of Belus, the Horti pencils: and reproveth the Greeks for their vanity, in making Semiramis the Founder of that famous City; which also is the conceit of Annius in the life of Semiramis, where he introduceth his Berosus to aver that Semiramis built this place from a Town to a City; where the Monk, by a necessary and egregious oblivion, forgot his Method, and made a matchless Author contradict himself. Were there no other reason to disprove this falls Berosus, but this one, it alone were sufficient: when we find, that Annius his Berosus setteth peremptorily down, that Semiramis built Babylon; and yet Berosus in Joseph and Eusebius Pamphilus setteth down the quite contrary, and reprehendeth the Greeks for their vanity in affirming that which the other Berosus doth. For the building of Babylon, notwithstanding it is certain that Nimrod began, Belus continued, and Semiramis enclosed it with a wall: but not that great and mighty wall; for this was the work of our King; as also the Horti pencils, which Curtius and Diodorus witness to have been done by a Prince of Syria, at the request of his wife the Queen; whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris, as Scaliger conceiveth.  
Nebuchadnezar also built the Temple of Bel, and in fine, set his last hand to the entire consummation of a sumptuous City; which makes him cry out in the height of his ambition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Is not this great Babel which I have built? etc. Dan. 4.  
This Nebuchadnezar after he ruled over Babel 43 years, he fell into a disease and died. Berosus in Josepho adversùs Ptol. Appion. Canon. His death was sudden according to Megasthenes: for he saith, that when he made an Oration to the Babylonians, he suddenly vanished. See the fragment in Josephus, Africanus, or Scaliger.   

Synchronismi.  
JUdah carried Captive the first and second time.  
In his time flourished the Prophet Daniel, the most learned among the Captives.  
Daniel built a stately Tower at Ecbatane in Media, which Josephus saith, was to be seen in his days, no way diminished by age, but remaining in the same fresh and sumptuous manner, wherein it was first erected. Joseph. lib. 9 c. 12.  
After the Captivity of Jehojakim, Nebuchadnezar came up also against Jehojakin, and carried him also away Captive; for saith he, thou Jehojakin art no better than thy Father: and taunted the King with a Proverb of those days. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Which in plain terms is, From a bad Dog will never come good Puppies; which is all one with that of the Greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
For this, see the Jews Chronologie, or the Saeder Olam Rabath.  
Nebuchadnezar maketh war with Pharaoh Neco, for his pride, which he conceived out of the victory which he had gotten of King Josias.  
Of this Neco, Herodotus maketh mention; and of a great Battle which he fought with the Syrians at Magdol.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Nebuchadnezar destroyeth the State of Tyre, in the reign of Ithobalus. Philastratus apud Josephum in historiis Phaenicum. Saedar Olam Rabath in the Acts of Nebuchadnezar.  
Nebuchadnezar is driven from Men, and falling mad, liveth no other life then a beast. This he did till seven times had passed over him. Daniel. Saedar Olam Rabath, Josephus.   

Hevil Merodac  
SUcceeded after Nebuchadnezar; so saith the afore-named Berosus, and Megasthenes: they say also, for his libidinous courses he was slain by his Sister's husband, Neriglosoroor, who reigned after him in his stead. This Neriglosoroor must be he whom Daniel calls Belshazar.   

Synchronismi.  
JEhojakin restored to his Liberty. 2 Chron. Saeder Olam Rabath.   

Belshazar.  
THis was the last King of this Monarchy. Why the Canon, and Berosus, with Megasthenes should call him as they do, the reason may be, Because these Kings had new names when they came to the Crown, and those were named from their Gods. So this King being a private man, might be called Neriglissoroor; but when he had the Kingdom, he was honoured with the name of Bel, and called Belshazar.  
This King maketh an impious Feast, and profane's the Vessels of God's House, to quaff in to the honour of Shac: for so these Feast days were called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and they were like the Roman Saturnalia, as we have said, and as Berosus expoundeth in Athenaeus; and Causaubon out of him. Scaliger also in his Notes upon the Greek Fragments.  
In this Feast the King's heart was very merry: the manner is expressed by the Prophet Daniel. In the midst of this profuse Jovialtie God interposeth his Doom: His Fate is written in Chaldee upon the Wall, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And now 'tis plain to read.  Meneh. 
For God hath numbered this Kingdom, and finished it.  Tekel. 
God hath weighed this Golden Head in the balance, and found it wanting.  Perez. 
This Kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.  
In the same night was Belshazar the King of the Chaldeans slain.   

Synchronismi.  
JOsephus interposeth some Kings in this last Succession, more than what the Scripture maketh mention of; and therefore must herein be neglected, and left to the fruition of his proper sens. The truest opinion is grounded upon God's own Prophecy to the Jews, that they should serve Nebuchadnezar, his son, and his son's son; that was Evilmerodac, and Belshazar, and it is observable, that the Abstract  setteth down the Succession, though not in the same order, yet at the same number: His words are— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. He inverts the order, which might not be his error, but the Scribes: 'twas facile, and more likely.  
This order and number also the Saedar Olam exactly retains.    
FINIS.   

THE DESCRIPTION AND USE OF THE Terrestrial Globe.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

then ordinary was to be written upon them. And moreover they could not have been so disposed of, as they are, without the Globe, if they had not been exact Lines. But Use will have it so, and we must call them the Meridian and Horizontal Circles.  

Of the Meridian without the Globe.  
THe Brass Meridian is divided into 4 equal Parts or Quadrants, and each of them subdivided into 90 Degrees, that is 360 for the whole Circle. The reason why this Circle is not divided into 360 Degrees throughout, but still stopping at the 90th, and then again beginning 10, 20, 30, etc. is, because the Uses of this Meridian, so far as in Degrees they are concerned, require not above that Number. As for an Example: One use of the Meridian is to show the Elevation of the Pole, but the Pole cannot be elevated above 90 Degrees. Another is to show the Latitude or Distance of a Place from the Equator, which also can never exceed the 4th part of the Circle; for no Place can be further distant from the Equator than the Pole, which is just that Number of 90 Degrees.  
Upon one of the North Quadrants of this Meridian, of some Great Globes, the Climes are set to the several Degrees of Latitude; and the Length of the longest Day under the several Climes: which (if the Geographers would think so) might very fitly be placed on the Lesser Globe's; for it were but dividing a Quadrant of the wrong side of the Meridian into 90 Degrees, and there would be room enough. In some other Globes the Climes are cast into a Table, and pictured upon some void space of the Globe. But the Division upon a Quadrant of the Meridian, is much more artificial, as hereafter shall be understood. And the reason why a North Quadrant only need to be divided, is, because for the Climes of the Southern Latitude the reason is the same. And the reason why the Division is made upon a North Quadrant rather than the South, is, because our Globes are fitted for our Selus, and all our share of the Earth lieth in the North Latitude.   

Of the Axel and Poles of the Globe and of the Hour Circle.  
FRom the North and South Ends of this Meridian a strong Wire of Brass or Iron is drawn, or supposed to be drawn (for the Artificers do not always draw it quite through) by the Centre of the Globe representing the Axel of the Earth. The North End whereof standeth for the North, the South End for the South Pole of the Earth. Upon the North End, a small Circle of Brass is set, and divided into two equal parts, and each of them into twelv, that is, twenty four in all. This Circle is the only one above the Globe, which is not imagined upon the Earth, but is there placed to show the hour of the day and night, in any place where the Day and night exceed not 24 hours: therefore it is called Cyclus Horarius. The Hour Circle, for which purpose it hath a little Brass pin turning about upon the Pole, and pointing to the several hours, which therefore is called the Index Horarius.  
The small Circle is framed upon this ground, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Heaven 15 Degrees of the Equinoctial rise up in the space of every one hour, that is 360 Degrees, or the whole Circle in the space of 24. So that the Cyclus Horarius is to be framed to that Compass, as that every 24th part of it, or one hour is to bear proportion to 15 Degrees of the Equator below it. And so in turning the Globe about, one may perceiv, that while the Pin is moved from any one hour to another, just 15 Degrees of the Equinoctial will rise up above the Horizon upon one side, and as many more go down below it on the other side. But this Circle is not much for the Geographer's use.   

Of the Horizon.  
THe other Great Circle without the Globe is the Horizon; upon which (yet not as due to this Circle more than any other, but because there is more room) the Geographers set down the 12. Signs with their Names and Characters.  
And because every Sign of the Zodiac containeth 30 Degrees, which is 360 for the whole Circle, the Horizon is divided into 360 Degrees indeed as it ought, but not from 10, 20, 30, 40, so throughout, but by Thirty, that is, 10, 20, 80. and 10, 20, 30. and so along to make the division conform to the 12 Signs, to each of which, as I said, is allotted the Number of 30 Degrees. And the reason of that is in reference to the Sun's Annual Motion, in the Cours whereof he dispatcheth every day one degree under or over. So that he passeth through each of the Signs in, or in much about the space of 30 Days. So that, though some of the 12 Months, answering to the 12 Signs, consist of one Day more than thirty, and one of 2 Days less, yet take them one with another, and the Days of every Month correspond to the several Degrees of every Sign, or without any considerable difference. And after that rate, or much about it, they are placed upon the Horizon, to show in what Degree, of what Sign the Sun is every day of the year. And to this purpose there is set down upon the same Horizon a Calendar, and that of three sorts in some Globes: Of two in the most, the one whereof is called the Julian, or Old, the other the Gregorian, or New Account, reckoning this latter 10 days before the former, and the third sort, where it is found, thirteen. Now though it be true that the greatest part of that which is written upon the Horizon, more nearly concerneth the Celestial than the Terrestrial Globe; yet it is not altogether unuseful here: and especially it will be nothing out of the Geographer's way to take along with him the ground of Difference in the 3, principally in the 2 sorts of Calendars.   

The Reason of the Difference in Computation betwixt the Old and New Accounts.  
A Year is that space of time in which the Sun goeth through the whole Circle of the Zodiac, as from the Tropic of Cancer, to the Tropic of Capricorn, and so to the Tropic of Cancer again, or from the Equinoctial to the Equinoctial, or from any other Point of the Zodiac to the same again. Now, because of the unequal Motion of the Sun (depending upon reasons deeply engaged in the Theorical Part of the Spheer, and therefore here to be taken upon trust) it ever was, and yet is, a very hard matter to determine exactly in what space of time this Revolution of the Sun in the Zodiac is made; insomuch that one said, 
Censorinus de Die Natali.  that the Year consisted of so many days, and how much more or less no body knoweth.  
This uncertainty brought so much confusion upon the Old Roman Calendars, that Time with them was grown a Commodity, and bought and sold at a price. Their Priests, who had to do with this Affair, having in their power to make any year longer or shorter at their pleasure; which the Emperor Julius Caesar looking upon as a matter no way below his greatest consideration, advised with some Egyptian Mathematicians about it, by whose Instructions he found that the Sun's yearly Motion in the Zodiac, was performed in the space of 365 days, and one 4th part of a day, or 6 hours.  
The 6 odd hours he caussed to be reserved in store till every fourth year, that is, till they made 24 hours, or one whole day; so accounting, that the 3 first years should consist of 365 days, and the fourth of 366, one day more; and every fourth year was therefore (as still it is) called the Leap Year, and the thing itself Intercalation, or putting in betwixt the Calendar.  
'Twas very much that the Emperor did, and he left as much to do; for though it cannot yet be found out exactly in what space of the time the Sun goeth his yearly course, yet thus much is made good by infallible experience that the Emperor's Mathematicians allotted too much for the Number of days: they were in the right, for it it is certain no year can consist of more than 365, but for the odd hours it is as certain that they cannot be fewer than five, nor so many as 6; so that the doubt is upon the Minutes, 60 whereof go to the making up of an Hour; a small matter one would think, and yet how great in the recess and consequence we shall see.  
Julius Caesar allotted 365 days and 6 hours to this Revolution, but the Sun goeth about in less time, that is, (according to the most exact Account) in 365 days, 5 hours, 49 Minutes, and a little more; so that the Emperor's year is much about 10 Minutes greater than the Sun's, which must of necessity breed a difference of so many Minutes every year, betwixt the Year, which the Sun itself describe's in the Zodiac; and That, which is reckoned upon in the Calendar, which though for a year or two may pass insensibly, yet in the space of 134 years it will rise to an whole day, that is the Beginning of the year in the Calendar must be set one day back. As for Example: Let the year begin at the Vernal Equinox or Spring: In the Emperor's time that fell out to be at the 24th of March, but now this year it fell out upon the 10th of March, 13 days backwards, and somewhat more, and so if it be let alone will go back to the 1 of March, and 1 of February, till Easter come to be on Christmas Day, and so infinitely.  
To reform this difference in the Account, some of the later Roman Bishops earnestly endeavoured. And the thing was brought to that perfection it now standeth in (so much as it is) by Gregory the 13th, in the Year 1582. His Mathematicians (whereof Lilius was the chief) advised him thus: That considering there had been an Agitation in the Council of Nice somewhat concerned in this matter upon the motion of that Question about the Celebration of Easter: And that the Fathers of that Assembly after due deliberation with the Astronomers of that time, had fixed the Vernal Equinox at the 21 of March, and considering also that since that time a difference of 10 whole days had been passed over in the Calendar, that is, that the Vernal Equinox or Spring; which began upon the 21 of March, had prevented so much as to begin in gregory's days at the 10th of the same, 10 day's difference or thereabouts; they advised that 10 days should be cut off from the Calendar, which was done, and the 10 days taken out of October of that Year 1582, as being the Month of that Year in which that Pope was born; so that when they came to the 5 of the Month, they reckoned the 15, and so the Equinox was come up to its place again, and happened upon the 21 of March, as at the Council of Nice. But that Lilius should bring back the Beginning of the Year to the Times of the Nicen Council, and no further, is to be marvelled at. He should have brought it back to the Emperor's own time, where the mistake was first entered, and, instead of 10, cut of 13 days; however this is the Reason why these 2 Calendars, written upon the Horizon, differ the space of 10 days one from the other. And as the Old Account was called the Julian, from the Emperor; so the New is called from Gregory the Pope and Lilius the chief Agent, the Gregorian or Lilian Account: and the Julian is termed the Old Style, the Gregorian the New, as in the conversation of Letters betwixt Us and Those on the other side of the Seas we may perceiv; Theirs to Us bare date (for the most part) such a day of such a Month, Stylo Novo; Ours to them such a day, Stylo Veteri: And Theirs may be dated There, by their Account, and received here, before they were written by Ours.  
For the third Calendar there need not much be said, though it be more absolute than the second; for it reduceth the Begining of the Year to the Emperor's own Time, and so leaveth the Old Style 13 days behind as it ought to do. But it is very rarely found upon the Orisons of any Globes, neither as yet translated to any Common Use. In the outermost Limb of the Horizon are set down the Names of the 32 Winds of the Compass; to what end will be showed hereafter.   

Why the Meridian's and Orisons which are so several upon the Earth, are but single without the Globe.  
THe Reason of this will be plain, if it be considered that the Orisons and Meridian's, in the use of the Globe, are to be a fitted to any particular place at pleasure; at Oxford, Woodstock, Abingdon, etc. this could never have been done upon the Globe itself; for there must a several Horizon and a several Meridian have passed through every City, Town, or Castle upon the Globe, which if it had been done, besides the confusion, the Circles would have put out the Places; therefore it was ingenuously devised of those who first thought upon it, to set one Meridian and one Horizon without the Globe to serve for all: For in this case the Globe itself may be turned and applied to the Horizon and Meridian with as much eas, as the Horizon and Meridian with impossibility could not be applied to the Globe, as it will hereafter more plainly appear, than it can do yet.   

Of the Quadrant of Altitude, and the Compass.  
MOreover than the Circles framed without the Globe, two other Appendents are to be noted upon; the one relating to the Meridian, the other to the Horizon: the first is the Quadrant of Altitude, and is a thin brass Plate representing the fourth part of a Great Circle, and so divided into 90 Degrees, called therefore the Quadrant; and the Quadrant of Altitude, because it measureth the height of the Stars upon the Celestial Globe, to which it most properly belongeth. The business it hath to do in Geography, is to set out the Zenith of any Place, and consequently to show the Angle of Position, or Bearing of one Place to another, as hereafter shall be taught. It is therefore affixed to the Meridian with a little Screw-pin, to be removed at pleasure from any Vertical Point of any Place, to the Vertical Point of any other. The second is the Compass, which is a Needle touched with a Loadstone, and set in a Box upon the Foot of the Horizon, upon the South side, such another as we see in ordinary Pocket Dial's for the Sun. The Use of it here (as in those) is to point out the North and South for the Rectification of the Globe, as shall be more plainly said hereafter.   

Of the Great Circles upon the Globe, and first of the Meridian's.  
THe Great Circles painted upon the Globe are the Meridian's, the Equator, and the Zodiac; where we must not think much to hear of the Meridian's again. That of Brass without the Globe is to serve all turns, and the Globe is framed to apply itself thereto. The Meridian's upon the Globe will easily be perceived to be of a new and another Use. They are either the Great, or the Less; not that the Greater are greater than the Less, for they have all one and the same Centre, and equally pass through the Poles of the Earth: but those which are called Less, are of less use than that, which is called the Great, though it be no greater than the rest. The Great is otherwise called the Fixed and First Meridian, to which the Less are second, and respectively movable. The Great Meridian is as it were the Landmark of the whole Sphere, from whence the Longitude of the Earth, or any part thereof is accounted And it is the only Circle, which passing through the Poles, is graduated or divided into Degrees; not the whole Circle, but the one half, because the Longitude is to be reckoned round about the Earth. This Great Meridian might have been planted in any place, as at York, or at Richmond, but must of necessity be set in one certain place of the Globe or other, as it is in every several Globe, though not in the same place in all.   

Concerning the Difference of Geographers in the placing of their Great Meridian, and the Causses pretending thereto.  
IN assigning the place of this First or Great Meridian, I observe that the Geographers, whatsoever, still fix it in the Western Parts: And the Reasons are, not only because those were more discovered than the Eastern, to those who had first to do in this matter; but more especially for that the Proper Motion of the Sun and Moon is from the West to the East, contrary to their diurnal or daily Motion; and therefore the Eclipses of the Moon are to be observed from that Part, which is the most learned and certain Rule for the finding out of the Longitudes of Places, by observing how much sooner the Eclipse beginneth in a Place more or less West than another. And moreover, wheresoever they place their Great Meridian, they still reckon the Longitude from West to East, that is, till they come up to 180 Degrees, or the Semicircle; where some of them stay and begin the Longitude again towards the East, calling the first Half, Eastern, the other, Western Longitude. But this Cours, howsoever Artificial enough, yet is not used by the later Geographers, for they account the Longitudes in the whole Circle throughout from West, by the East to West again, some few Spanish Geographers excepted, who, in the Descriptions of their New Indies, reckon the Longitudes quite contrary, from East to West, but which was thwartly in itself, and, in the proof, inconsiderably done. But as the Geographers well enough agreed in the placing of this Great Meridian in the Western Parts; so they have differed much more than it becomed them in assigning out the Particular Place.  
The Author of the Greek Geography entitled to Ptolemy fixeth the Great Meridian (as Marinus the Tyrian (cited by Him) and the Ancients before them) in Hera; 
The Greek Meridian.  or Junonia one of the Fortunate Islands, as they were termed of old, from an opinion of some singular Blessings imagined by the Ancients upon the Genius of those Parts. They are now called by the Spaniard, Islas de Canaria: The Canarie-Isles, better known to us by the Wines of that Name, for the most part falsely so called. Ptolemy, as Pliny also, out of Juba the African King findeth out but Six of these: but the late Discoverers meet with Seven: that is, Lançerotta, Forteventura, Teneriffa, Gomera, Fierro, Patma, and the Gran Canary, which giveth Name to the rest. For the Situation of these Islands they lie not as Ptolemy placed them, within one Degree of Longitude, or little less, but more scattering, and lifted up a little above the Tropic of Cancer about the 30th Degree of the Northern Latitude, in that Part of the Western (otherwise called the Atlantic) Oceän which trendeth upon the Coast of Africa, and are therefore reckoned by Geographers to the African Isles. This was the furthest part of the Earth discovered towards the West to those of about ptolemy's time: therefore the Great Meridian was fixed there, in the Isle Hera, or Junonia, as than it was called, now Tenariff: And from this Meridian all the Longitudes in the Greek-Geographie are taken.  
This the Arabian-Geographers knew well enough; 
The Arabic Meridian.  but holding themselves not to be inferior (as indeed they were not) either to the Indefatigation or Skill of the Greek-Geographers, they hoped to have the beginning of Longitude taken from them, which therefore they appointed to be drawn up on the uttermost Shoar of the Western-Oceän 10 Degrees more East than that of Ptolemy: 
Alphraganus chap. 10.  but they deceived themselves doubly; for first, Their Meridian would not be brought into Example by others: and again, It was not so improvidently intended, as not to serve themselves. For according to the loss, or gains of the Sea upon that Shore, their Longitudes have proved to be importantly different, rightly enough assigned, but falsifying with the Place, as they are justly served. There is not, for the present, any very great Use to the Geographer of the Arabick-Meridian more than to know it; for the Turkish Histories are not so completely derived down to us as to Describe the Territories by Longitude, or Latitude. And for the Arabick-Nubian-Geographie Translated into Latin by the Maronites, though otherwise of a rare, and precious esteem, yet is not commended for this, That the Distances of Places are there set down by a gross Mensuration of Miles: and John Leos Africa is not so well. But when the Learned, and long promised Geography of Abulfedea the Prince shall come to light, there can be nothing done There, without this Meridian. The Prince setteth down the Longitude of Mecca 67 Degrees. The Greek Geography 77: and they are both right, and yet they differ 10 Degrees: for so much were their Meridian set East, or West one than the other. Yet neither is this Meridian presently altogether unuseful, for besides the Longitudes of some places noted by Saracenus, Albategni and others, there is a Catalogue of Cities annexed to the Astronomical Tables of the King Alphonsus accounted all from this Great Meridian, but with this difference, That whereas Abulfedea the Prince setteth down but 10 Degrees distance betwixt the Fortunate Isles, and the Western Shore, the Catalogue reckoneth upon 17, and 30 Minutes: a Difference too great to be given over to the Recesses of the Ocean from that Shore, and therefore I know not as yet what can be said thereto.  

The Magnetical Meridian.  Our own Geographers, the later especially, have affected to transplant this great Meridian out of the Canary Isles into the Açores, or Azores, for so the çerilla will endure to be pronounced. They were so called from Açor, which in the Spanish Tongue signifies a Goss-Hawk, from the great number of That Kind, there found at the first Discovery, though now utterly disappearing. And it is no stranger a thing, then that December should be called by our Saxon Forefathers ƿolfE Monat, that is, Wolf-Moneth; for that in those Days this Isle was mischievously pestered with such Wilde-Beasts, and in that Month more ragingly, though now such a sight is grown so foreign to these parts, that they are looked upon with the Strangeness of a Camel, or an Elephant. The Azores are otherwise termed Ensue; lae Flandricae, or the Flemish Isles, because some of them have been famously possessed, and first Discovered by them. They are now in number Nine: Tercere, St Michaël, S. Marry, S. George, Gratiosa, Pico, Fayall, Corvo, Flores; they are situate in the same Atlantic Ocean, but North-West of the Canaries, and trending more upon the Spanish Coast, under the 39 Degree of Latitude, or therebouts. Through these Isles the Late Geographers will have the Great Meridian to pass, upon this conceit of reconciling the Magnetical Pole to That of the World. Their meaning is, That the Needle of the Mariner's Compass, which touched with the Magnet, or Loadstone, in duty ought to point out true North, and South Poles of the World in all other Places, performeth it only in these Isles, whereas for the most part elsewhere it swerveth, or maketh a Variation from the true Meridian towards the East, or West, according to  unequal temper of the Great Magnet of the Earth: therefore notwithstanding that the Greek Meridian was placed well enough in the Canaries, (as indeed it was, and best of all, because once fixed there) yet it pleased them to think that it would be more Artificial, and Gallant to remove it into the Azores, where (as they would bear us in hand) the Magnetical Needle precisely directeth itself towards the North, and South of the Whole Frame without the least Variation, which might seem to be a Natural Meridian, and therefore to be yielded unto by that of Art, wheresoever placed before.  
This Coincidencie of the Magnetical Meridian with that of the World, Some of them will have to be in the Isles Corvo, and Flores, the most Western: Others in S. Michaël, 
Ridly's Treatise of Magnetical Motions, Chap. 36. Norman's New Attrative, Chap. 9  and S. Marry, the more Eastern of the Azores. 'Tis true indeed that the Variation is less in these Isles, then in some other Places, yet it is by experience found, that the Needle in Corvo North-Westeth 4 Degrees: in S. Michaël it North-Easteth 6 Degrees: And therefore the Great Meridian should rather have been drawn through Fayal, where the Variation is but 3 Degrees to the East; Or especially through the Cape of good hope, where the Needle precisely pointeth to the True North without any Variation at all by a River side there, which therefore the Portugals have called Rio de las Agulias, The River of the Needles.  
But which is more, the Magnetical Needle hath no certain Pole in the Earth at all, and under the very same Meridian is found to  in some places but 3, or 4 Degrees; in other 17, and more; and which is worse (if it be true) the Variation itself hath been lately charged upon with a very strange and secret inconstancy by the Professor in Astronomy of Gresham-College. He saith that the Variation of the Needle at Limehous near London, which Mr Burrows found to be 11 Degrees, 15 Minutes, in the year 1580: M Gunter in the year 1622 found it to be but 6 Degrees 13 Minutes. But He himself in the year 1634 found it to be but 4 Degrees, or very little more; which in the space of 54 years is a difference of 7 Degrees to the Less. So little reason is there why the Greek Meridian should give place to the Magnetical, besides the great confusion which must needs follow, as it hath.  

The Toledan Meridian.  But yet more impertinently, the Spanish Describers remembered before, not only account their Longitude from East to West, utterly against all other Geography, but not contented with the Greek, Arabian, or any Magnetical Meridian, must needs reckon their Indies from that of Toledo. But they are very few that take this course, and this Pragmatical Meridian is only found upon a Map, or two, but hath not as yet gotten (nor is it like to do) any relation to the Globe.  

The Greek Meridian again.  As the case standeth with the Great Meridian, the advice and counsel of Stevinus a Dutch Geographer is very much to the purpose: That the Great Meridian should be brought back to the Fortunate Isles again, that one certain Isle of the seven should be chosen; and in That, one certain place; Exiguus quidem, sed notabilis & perpetuus, As small, but as notable and perpetual as 'tis possible. The Island he assigned was Teneriff, thought to be the same with ptolemy's Hera, or Junonia. The place Pico de Teide, or el pico, The Peak, a Mountain so called from the sharpness of the top, and therefore the place is Locus exiguus, as Small as could be, and 'tis Perpetual, for Hills are everlasting; and as notable, for by the reports of some in Julius Scaliger it riseth above threescore Miles in height, which though it be more than is generally believed, yet thus much is, That it is the highest Mountain in the World.  
This Johnson a great Master of this Art considering with himself, though in his lesser Globe of the year 1602 he had made the Great Meridian to pass through the Isles Corvo and Flores; yet since that, in his Greater of the year 1616 he hath it drawn upon the Peak in Tenariffe, as he expresseth himself in a void place of the Globe. Only, whereas he addeth that by this means the Arabic Meridian, and That of Ptolemy will be all one upon the matter (which he saith was fit to be admonished) it must needs be mistaken. 'Tis true, that the Canaries lie near upon the Coast of Africa: But the Arabians mean not this so much by the uttermost Shore, as the uttermost Points of the Western Land running along by the straits of Gebal Taric, or Taric's Hill, as they rightly (wee Gibraltar) call it, where the Pillars of Hercules were set of old, as our Stories deliver, but of Alexander they say, to whom, and not to Hercules the Arabic Nubian Geographer asscribeth this Labour, naming there the very Artificers which that great King provided himself of to force out the Straight; which may possibly be the reason, why the Arabians (over and above their ambition of Change) draw their Great Meridian by this Part, in honour to Alexander, whom therefore they call not so, but Dhilcarnain, that is, The man of the two Horns, for that he joined the Ends of the Known World together by those Pillars in the East upon one side, and these in the West on the other. Which seeing it is so, the Reduceing of the Great Meridian to Tenariff again will be so far from closing with that of the Uttermost Western Shore, that according to the Account of some they will stand at 15 Degrees distance one from the other, which also maketh show of some reason of the Disagreement betwixt Abulfeda the Prince, and the King Alphonsus in assigning the difference of the Arabic Meridian from the Greek, the Prince allowing but 10, The Catalogue 17 Degrees, which was noted before.  
For any concurrence therefore of the Greek, and Arabic Meridian's by this means, we are not to take the Geographer's word; but nevertheless to embrace this Alteration of his Cours in bringing the Greek Meridian to his place again.  
The same advice of Stevinus is commended and taken by Wil Bleau (a man very like to, if not the very same with Johnson himself) Cap. 4 of his first Part, which teacheh the Use of the Globes according to the Improper Hypothesis of Ptolemy (as the Title termeth it) per terram quiescentem. For the second Part maketh good the same Use of the Celestial and Terrestrial Spheres by the Supposition of Copernicus per terram mobilem. His words are Longitudo alicujus loci, etc. The Longitude of any place is an Arch of the Equator comprehended between two half Meridian's, the one passing through the Place itself, the other through the High Mountain called Pico de Teide in Tenariffe, Qui tam in maximo nostro Globo Terrestri (saith he) quàm in variis Tabulis Geographicis à nobis editis pro Initio Longitudinis terrae assumptus est, & pro eo in bac descriptione semper assumatur, etc. And 'twill never be well with Geography till this be believed in, and made the common and unchangeable Practice.   

What Cours is to be taken with this Variety of Meridian's, and how followed, or neglected by the Geographers.  
ANd now if one may make so bold as to give Law to the Geographers, it cannot be denied but that the readiest and least entangling way of reckoning the Longitudes is to meet again upon the first Meridian in Tenariffe, but for want of this, and till it can be rellished universally, the likest way to the Best is for the Describers either of the Whole, or any Part of the Earth not to fail of setting down the several Meridian's obtaining as then. Also the Difference of Longitude betwixt these Meridian's, and lastly which of those they mean to go by. If I were to draw up (If I could) a New Geography of the Whole Earth, This, or the like to this aught to prepare to the Description.  
That the Great Meridian by the most Ancient Greek Geographers was made to pass through the Fortunate Islands, now called The Canaries. That from thence it was translated by the Arabians to the uttermost Point of the Western-Shore. That our own Geographers removed it into the Azores placing it some of them in S. Michaël, others in Corvo. That the Best of them brought it back to the Canaries again, and drew it upon the Pico in Tenariffe; The same, or thought to be the same with ptolemy's Junonia. That the Difference of Longitude from El Pico to the Arabic Meridian is 10 Degrees more East, according to Abulfeda the Prince. From Pico to the Isle of S. Michaël 9 Degrees. From Pico to Corvo 15, and both so much more West. And such, or such a Meridian I mean to follow.  
To this very purpose the same Abulfeda in the Introduction to his Geography. It is received by Traditon (saith he) that the Inhabited Earth beginneth at the West in the Fortunate Isles, as they are called, and lying waste as now. From these Islands some take the Beginning of Longitude. Others from the Western Shore. The Difference of Longitude is 10 Degrees accounted in the Equator, etc. As for the Longitudes reckoned in this Book, they are all taken from the Shores of the Western Oceän, and therefore they are 10 Degrees short of those which are taken from the Fortunate Isles, etc.  
If we now exact (as I think we may) to this Rule, which hath been lately done by our own Describers especially, we may perhaps find it otherwise then we thought for.  
Here it will not need to take much notice of those who have described the Situation of Countries by the Climes and Parallels. Thus much only, That they had as good as said nothing. I confess I conclude under this Censure, the very good Author of the Estates du Mond, translated by Grimstone. But it was to be noted. For what if I say that Great Britain lieth under the 9th and 13 Climates of the Northern Temperate Zone (as 'tis no otherwise Described to the Site by a Geographer of our own) is this to tell where England is? No more then to tell where the straits of Anian are much about the same Clime and Parallel, and yet 160 Degrees distant and more.  
They are not much more accurate who Describe the Situation of Countries by their Latitudes only as the Gentleman in his Description of Huntingdon Shire inserted into M. Speed. And the most learned Sir Henry Spelman in his Description or Northfolk. It is no more to say the Situation of this, or that place then of any other in the Whole Sphere lying under the same Parallel. But to say the truth, By reason of the Variety of Meridian's. The Longitudes were grown to such an uncertain and confused pass, that it was not every man's work to set them down.  
Mr Carew in his Survey of Cornwall setteth down that Shire in the Longitude of 6 Degrees (I believ he meant 16) as most men account. But what does he mean by that; or what manner of account is it which most men use in this case? Norden in the Introduction to his Speculum Britanniae saith, That the Centre of this Land, which he taketh to be about Titburie Castle in Stafford-Shire is 21 Degrees and 28 Minutes of Longitude. But from what Meridian all this while? for the Longitude may be many Degrees more, or less, or just so much as he saith, and yet all may be true.  
M. Speed more particularly professeth to follow Mercator; as in assigning the Longitude of Oxford, he saith, that it is distant from the West 19 Degrees 20 Minutes by Mercator's Measure. So M. William Burton in the Description of Leicester-Shire. But how are we the wiser for this? Mercator's Measure was not the same, for in his Globe dedicated to the Lord Granvella the great Meridian passeth through the Canaries; but in his great Map through the Azores. M. Gabriel Richardson in the State of Europe yet more distinctly telleth his Reader, That the Longitudes in his book shall be taken from that Meridian, which passeth through the Azores. But whether from that in S. Michaël, or from the other in Corvo is not set down, and yet the Difference is 7 Degrees, and more: But hear lastly the Kingdom's Geographer in the Preface to his Britannia. At insimulabunt jam Mathematici & in crimen vocabunt quasi in Geographicis Latitudinis & Longitudinis Dimensionibus toto Coelo aberrârim. Audi quaeso: Tabulas Astronomicas, novas, antiquas, manuscriptas, Oxonienses, Cantabrigienses, Regis Henrici Quinti diligenter contuli. In Latitudine à Ptolomeo plurimùm discrepant inter se ferè conspirant: nec tamen Terram è suo Centro dimotam esse cum Stadio existimo. His igitur usus sum, In Longitudine autem nullus consensus, concentus nullus. Quid igitur facerem? Cum Recentiores perpendiculum navigatoria pyxide Magnete illitum inter Azores insulas rectà Polum Borealem respicere deprehenderim, indè Longitudinis Principium tanquam à Primo Meridiano cum illis dixi quam nec ubique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 permensus sum. So the Learned Cambden. Where note by the way, that if the Translator hath rendered the Book no better than he hath this Claus of the Preface, the best course will be for those that can, to read it in the Latin. The Autor's meaning I think was this.  
But now (saith he) the Mathematicians will accuse and call me in question, as if I were altogether out in my Geographical Dimensions of Latitude and Longitude. But pray hear me: I diligently compared the Manuscript Astronomical Tables of Henry the Fifth, as well the old, as the new, Calculated for the Meridian's some of Oxford, others for that of Cambridg. In Latitude I found them to differ from Ptolemy very much, but well enough agreeing among themselves: and yet I cannot think that the Earth is any whit startled aside from its Centre, as Stadius did. These Tables therefore I made use of. But in the Longitude I found no agreement at all. What should I do? Considering that the Modern Geographers had found that the Needle of the Mariner's Compass touched with the Loadstone directly pointeth to the North-Pole by the Azorian Isles, I did as they did, and took the beginning of Longitude from thence, as from the First Meridian, but which I have not always set down exactly, or to a Minute.  
And now the least that can be expected is, that the Longitudes of all Places in the Britannia are accounted from the Meridian which passeth by the Azores. But from which of the Meridian's? If it be as the book expresseth ab Vltimo Occidente, 'tis from that of Corvo: then the Mathematìcians have cause to complain, for all the Longitudes are falls. But I can perceiv that the Geographer, though otherwise most accomplished, yet was not so well seen in this piece of the Skill; for though it be pretended in the Preface that all the Longitudes in the Description shall be taken from the Azores, yet in setting down the Longitude of Oxford, he saith, That as he hath it from the Mathematicians of the Place, it is 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands which can never be true, for 'tis but 19 from the Azores reckoning by S. Michaël: But this is not all: In assigning the Longitude of Pen-von-las; or, The Land'send in Cornwall, He saith that is 17 Degrees à Fortunatis Insulis vel potiùs Azoris, from the Fortunate Islands or rather from the Azores. But is is the Difference so small did he think? But 9 Degrees at least.  
But I find by the Longitudes that Mercator was the Man that set up all these for Geographers.  
Mercator first of all kept himself to the Greek Meridian, as, Appian, Gemma Frisius, Maginus, and others; but understanding by Francis of Deip, an experienced Mariner, that the Compass had no Variation in the Islands of Capo Verde. And by others, that it had very little in Tercera, and S. Marry of the Azores, but not any at all in the Isle Corvo, that he might go a mean way to work, and comply with the Common Meridian of the World (as he took it to be). He made his Great Meridian to pass (as himself saith) betwixt the Isles of Capo Verde and the Azores; that is, Through the Isles of S. Michaël and S. Marry, which was afterwards taken for Example by Plancius, Saunderson, and the common sort of others, so that little or no notice at all was taken of the Meridian by Corvo, no not by those of the biggest: expectation, as M. Carpenter, M. Camden, M. Speed, and the rest; although this also was the known Meridian of some Globes of the very same Times; and before that, that is, before they had set their last hand to their Descriptions. And 'tis no marvel, for Mercator's Longitudes were more exactly accounted then before, and therefore they might well take his Meridian along with them. And 'twas not amiss to go by the most received, but then they should have said so, and withal, have set down the three several Meridian's at least, and the difference of Longitude betwixt them; and all this with more distinction than so, that another man should come after them to tell themselves what Meridian they went by.  
And thus much of the First, or Great Meridian.   

Of the Lesser Meridian's.  
THe Lesser are those Black Circles, which you see to pass through the Poles, and succeeding to the Great at 10 and 10 Degrees as in most Globes; or as in some, at 15 and 15 Degrees Difference.  
Every place, never so little more East, or West then another, hath a several Meridian. Shot-over hath a distinct Meridian from Oxford, because more East; Osney hath not the same as near as it is, for it lieth West of the City: The exact Meridian whereof must pass directly through the middle; yet because of the huge distance of the Earth from the Heavens, all these Places, and Places much further off may be said to have the same Meridian, as the Almanac-makers Calculate their Prognostications to such, or such a Meridian where they pretend to make their Observations: But say too, that it may generally serve, etc. And indeed there is no very sensible Difference in less than 60 Miles, upon which ground the Geographers, as the Astronomers allow a New Meridian to every other Degree of the Equator, which would be 130 in all, but except the Globes were made of an Extreme and Unuseful Diameter, so many would stand too thick for the Description. Therefore most commonly they put down but 18; that is at 10 Degrees distance one from the other, the special use of these Lesser Meridian's being to make a quicker dispatch in the account of the Longitudes. Some others, as Mercator set down but 12 at 15 Degrees difference, aiming at this, That the Meridian's might be distant one from the other a full part of time, or an hour: for seeing that the Sun is carried 15 Degrees off the Equinoctial every hour, as was said before. The Meridian's set at that Distance must make an hours difference in the Rising or Setting of the Sun to the several places, as if the Sun Rise at such an hour, such a day of the year at Oxford. In a place 15 Degrees more distant towards the East the Sun riseth an hour sooner. In a place 15 Degrees distant towards the West, an hour later, the same day of this, or that year.  
Now because the Spaces of time are reckoned by the same Degrees of the Equator as the Distances of Place, The Degrees of Longitude have been called Tempora; which word Camden sometimes delighteth to use, as in the Longitude of Bath he saith it is 20 Temporibus, 20 Times, that is 20 Degrees distant from the Great Meridian. He expresseth by the same word in setting down the Latitude, but not so cunningly as I think.   

Of the Equator, and the Lesser Circles.  
THe Equator is the Middle Circle betwixt two Poles graduated throughout, and plainly dividing the Globe into two equal Parts, from North to South, This is the Circle of Longitude, as the Meridian of Latitude; for Longitude is reckoned in the Equator from the Meridian: Latitude in the Meridian from the Equator.  
Crossing this Circle obliquely in the Middle is the Zodiac, the utttermost extent whereof towards the North noteth out the Tropic of Cancer; towards the South, the Tropic of Capricorn, each of them distant from the Equator 23 Degrees, or not much more, as may be accounted in the Great Meridian. Equi-distant from these, and at the same distance from the Poles as the Tropics from the Equator, are set down the Arctic and Antarctic Circles; all offering themselves to sight by their Names, and distinction of Breadth, and Colour, more notably than the rest: by the rest I mean the black blinder Circles equidistantly remooved from the Equator at 10 Degrees difference, and serving the same turn in the accounting of Latitude, as the Meridian's at the same distance in the reckoning of the Longitude. And these are called the unnamed Parallels.  
And so much of the Description of the Earth and Water together; Now of the Waterie-Part by itself.   

The Description of the Waterie-Part of the Globe by the Rumbes of the Mariner's Compass.  
THe Cours of a Ship upon the Sea dependeth upon the Winds. The Designation of these, upon the certain Knowledge of one Principal; which considering the Situation and condition of the whole Sphere, aught in nature to be North, or South. The North to us upon this side of the Line, the South to those in the other Hemisphere; for in making this observation; Men were to intent themselves towards one fixed part of the Heavens, or other, and therefore to the one of these In the South Part there is not found any Star so notable, and of so near a distance from the Pole, as to make any precise or firm Direction of that Wind. But in the North we have that of the second Magnitude in the Tail of the Lesser Bear, making so small, and, for the Motion, so insensible a Circle about the Pole, that it cometh all to one, as if it were the Pole itself. This pointed out the Northwind to the Mariners of old especially; and was therefore called by some the Load, or Lead-Star. But this could be only in the night, and not always then. It is now more constantly and surely showed by the Needle touched with the Magnete, which is therefore called the Load or Leadstone, for the same reason of the leading and directing their Courses: in the Nature and Secret of which Stone, because the whole business of Navigation is so throughly concerned, something is to be borrowed out of that Philosophy.   

The Original of the Mariner's Compass from the Magnetical Constitution of the Earth.  
A Magnetical Body is described to be That, which hanging in the Aërial or Aetherial Parts of the Univers, firmly seateth itself upon its own Poles, in a Situation natural and unchangeable, consisting also of some such parts as separated from the rest can take upon them the nature and conditions of the whole.  
Under this Description the Magnetical Philosophers comprehend the Globes of Saturn, Jupiter, the Sun, etc. but because these Bodies are placed so far above the reach of our Experience, and purpose; it shall be sufficient to make the Description good upon the Earth.  
To do this, I think I may suppose, First, that the Constitution of the Whole Earth may be gathered from the prevailing parts, such parts especially as do bear upon them the Marks and Signatures of the Whole.  
Then secondly, That the parts of the Earth, which lie couched about the Centre, are not of a different or degenerous compliance from these which lie scattered about the Surface; which if any body list to raise suspicions upon, as Mr White hath done, they may; but I am sure they were no nearer Him, when he laid the Foundations of the Earth, than we.  
The prevailing parts about the Surface of the Earth, are the Mines of Loadstone, Steel, Iron, etc. of all which, it is certain, that they are endued with a virtue Magnetical, which enableth them to place themselves in a set position betwixt North and South: And not only these, but even Clay itself, burnt to Brick, and cooled North and South, if it be hanged up in a close place, and left to its liberty, will seat itself in the same Situation.  
But the most vigorous Magnetes are the Stone and the Steel, the Stone especially: And the Steel hath a capacity to receiv a stronger virtue from the Stone, whereby it more firmly seateth itself in the North and South-Position of the Earth, directly pointing out those Winds to the Mariner; not in all parts directly, because in following the Constitution of the Great Magnete of the Whole Earth, it must needs be here and there led aside towards the East or West, by the unequal temper of the Globe, consisting more of Water then of Earth in some places, and of Earth more or less Magnetical in others.  
This Deviation of the Needle, the Mariners call North-Easting, or North-Westing, as it falleth out to be; otherwise and more Artificially, the Variation of the Compass; which though it pretend uncertainly, yet proveth to be one of the greatest helps the Sea man hath; for the Degrees of Variation, which the place itself exactly observed, giveth him a shrewd guess of the same, when he meeteth with the same Variation again, unless the Variation itself should be subject to a Change of Admirable Diminutions as the Late Discoverer calleth it in his Discourse Mathematical, etc.  
This Needle, touched with the Stone, and directing towards the North and South, the Mariners (as the Magnetical Philosophers) call their Directorie-Needle, 
Mr Henry Gellibrand.  not only for the reason intimated, but to distinguish it also from their other, called the Inclinatorie-Needle, because it is also found that the Needle touched with the Stone, will not only turn towards the North, but make an Inclination under the Horizon, as to conform with the Diameter or Axis of the Earth.  
This Motion of the Needle was accidentally discovered by Robert Norman, a Man of great dexterity in the framing and dressing up of the Mariner's Compass. It happened to him, that, as often as he had finished his Needles, and equally poized them upon their Pins, he had no sooner touched them with the Stone, but still the North-Point of the Needle would forsake the parallel Site in which he had placed it, and incline itself to the Axis of the Earth. The reason whereof not presently perceived, escaped a while, with a conceit, as if the Artificer had deceived himself in balancing the Needle; which therefore he endeavoured to correct with a little piece of Wax stuck upon the lighter End (as he took it to be) till at last, being employed in the framing of a Compass, the Needle whereof was to be 6 inches in length, and having polished and leveled it with all possible care, and yet after the touching of it with the Stone, finding one end to weigh down the other, he was forced to cut off some part of the heavier end, (as he still mistook it) and so more, till he had made the Needle unserviceable: whereupon, consulting with some knowing Friends, he was advised to make some Instruments to try out the experience. And it was found to be this very Inclination to the Axis of the Earth, and proportionably, though not equally, answering to the Degrees of Latitude.  
But this Inclination also, as the Direction, is variable, and for the same causses of the Earth's unequal temper.  
But all that which I have said will more evidently and expertly appear, upon the Terrella, or little Earth of Loadstone.  
As the Great Magnete of the Earth, so every Magnetical part thereof, and every part of that, hath Poles, Axis, Equator, Meridian's, and Parallels of its own. The Magnetical Philosophers therefore, to represent unto themselves the Great Nature of the Whole, take a strong small piece of a Rock, which having reduced into a Globous form, they first found out the Poles by the filings of Steel (or otherwise) which will all meet together upon the North and South Points. A Circle drawn equidistantly from these describeth the Equator. This don, they take a small Steel wire, of about half an inch long, and apply it to any part of the Equator, and it will precisely turn towards the North and South Poles, which is Motion of Direction, and marketh out the Meridian's of the Terrella. But supposing a concavity to be let into this Little Earth, in any part, either about the Equator, or betwixt it and the Poles: In that case the Needle will not point directly to the Poles, but will make a Variation; unless it be placed exactly towards the Middle of the concavity, and then it maketh no Variation at all, but turneth directly, as before; which from the Causses justifieth the Directions, and Variations of the Compass, towards and from the Poles of the Earth.  
Remove this Wire from the Equator towards the Pole, and the one End of it will rise up as Norman's Needle did, and the other End will stick down upon the Stone, making an Acute Angle, and describing a Parallel. Remove it nearer to the Pole, and the Angle will be less and less acute, till at a a certain Parallel it become a Right Angle to the Stone. Remove it yet nearer, and the Angle will be Recto Major, or more and more obtuse. Bring it up to the Pole itself, and it will there stand bolt upright, and make one Line with the Axis of the Stone; which maketh good the Inclination of the Needle to the Diameter of the Great Magnete: for if Norman had touched his Needle under the Line, it would have stood level upon the Pin without any Declination at all. If he had touched it in any place beyond the Line, the Inclination, would have been on the South side; but living here more towards this Pole, it must needs fall out as he found it. Nobile experimentum, as Dr Gilbert calls it, and he is bold to say, ut nullius unquam rationis aut mentis compos, etc. that he who had considered of this, and holdeth not himself convinced of the Principles of Magnetical Philosophy, is not to be taken for a man of sens or reason. I know what Scaliger saith to this; Gilbertus Medicus, etc. tres amplissimos Commentarios edidit, in quibus magìs mihi probavit Doctrinam suam, quàm Magnetis Naturam; nam incertior sum quàm dudum. We know what he meaneth by amplissimos: but why tres Commentarios? Sure the Man had not read all his Books, for the Dr wrote six: but England was a kind of Nazareth to this Great Scholar; he would not endure any good should come out from hence.  
But to give the Art and the Nation but their due: 
Norman Burrough wright Gilbert Ridley Barlow Gill●b●and  As there is no point of Philosophy so admirable and secret with Nature as this; so none so immersed in visible practice and experiment, and bred up from the very Cradle to that growth and stature, which now it hath in this very Corner of the World, by English Men.  
Many other Experiments of great Wonder and Satisfaction are made by the Magnetical Philosophers upon the Stone; but to the purpose I speak of, these are the Principal, which is, to give the Reasons of the Needles turning towards the North and South, which is the Original of the Mariner's Compass.  
The North and South Winds thus assured by the Motion either of Direction or Variation of the Needle, The Mariner supposeth his Ship to be, as it always is, upon some Horizon or other. The Centre whereof is that of the Ship.  
The Line of North and South found out by the Needle, a Line crossing this at right Angles showeth the East and West, and so they have the 4 Cardinal Winds; and the Indian 
* They are drawn upon a white China dish filled with Water, upon the Centre whereof there hangeth a Needle of 6 inches long.  Compass consisteth of no more. Cross again each of these Lines, and they have the 8 Whole Winds, as they call them. Another Division of these maketh 8 more, which they call the Half Winds. A third maketh 16, which they call the Quarter Winds; so they are 32 in all. Martin Cortes noteth, that some Mariners of his time divided that Division over again, and so the Compass consisted of 64 Winds: but he noteth also, that this Division was more exact than for the Use. Every one of these Winds is otherwise termed a several point of the Compass, and the Whole Line consisting of 2 Winds, as the Line of North and South, or that of East and West, is called a Rombe. The Spaniards first gave that Name, as Peter of Medina taketh it upon them; yet not out of their own Language, but fancying to themselves that the Lines of the Compass (as indeed they do) much resembled the Spars of a Spining Wheel, which in Latin is called Rhombus, from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to turn about, they call those Lines Rumbos: and the Word hath taken.  
The Compass therefore is an Horizontical Division of the 32 Winds, upon a round piece of Pasteboard set in a Box, in the Centre whereof upon a pin of Latin cinque bored, the Needle or Wires, first touched with the Stone, are placed. This Box hangeth in another Box, between two hoops of Latin, that however the outermost Box be tossed up and down by the Motion of the Ship, yet the innermost may always hang level to the Horizon. It is placed in the middle of the Pupe, upon a right Line imagined to pass by the Mainmast through the Centre of the Ship, and so putteth the Pilot in his Way.  
These Compasses are represented, as they may upon the Globe, by those Circles which you see divided into 32 Parts with their Fleurç de Lis, always pointing to the North. And though the Winds are not set down by Name, yet they may be fetched from the Horizon without the Globe. And the Rumbes are drawn out at length circularly, if the Cours be upon a Meridian, the Equator, or any other parallel; otherwise they are Helispherical Lines, as they call them, that is, partly Circular, and partly Helical or Spiral, as you may see them described upon the Globe.  
In the Globes set out by Saunderson and Molineux, you have the Courses of Sr Francis Drake, and Fourbisher's Voyages; and in Janson's Globe that of Oliver Van-Nort described by the Rumbes, whereby you may judge of the rest.  
The Knowledge of all this is not of less use to the Geographer, than the other Description by Circles; aswel for the Reading of Sea-Voyages and Discoveries of New Lands and Passages, as for that the very Descriptions of the Earth, for a great part, cannot be made without references to the Water.  
As the Earth and Water are wholly represented upon the Globe, so the whole, 
Janson's Globe of the Year 1616. The Great Meridian passeth by the Pike in Tenariff. The Lesser stand at 10 Degrees distance.  or any part of either may be described in Plano, or upon a plane Surface in a Map or Sea-Chart. And of these also something shall be discoursed hereafter; for the present,  
Thus much of the Description: now followeth   

The Use of the Terrestrial Globe; and first of the Rectification.  
THe first care of this is to see that the Foot of the Globe stand level or parallel to the Horizon; for which purpose some Globes have a Plumb-line, and there be that advice for a Triangular Level of Wood, with a Plummet for the purpose, to be applied to any part of the Horizon, after the manner as the Mechanics try their Planes: but the matter is not tied to such a severity of exactness, but that a good Eye may pass for a sufficient Judg. The next thing is, that it be placed in the North and South-Position of the Earth as directly as it may. This dependeth upon the knowledge of the Meridian of the place, but may well enough be done by a Needle, whose Variation is known, such an one as is used to be set upon the South side of the Foot of some Globes, for the same purpose: then lift up the North-Pole above the Horizon so many Degrees as will answer to the Latitude of the Place unto which you mean to rectify, which suppose to be Oxford, therefore the Pole is to be lifted up 51 Degrees, for that is the Elevation of this Place: then find out Oxford in the Globe, and bring it to the Brass Meridian, and there stay it with a piece of paper, or the like, put between the Meridian and the Globe: And you have set before you Oxford with the very same and all respects of Situation upon the Globe, as it hath upon the Earth itself. And this is called Rectification, or right setting of the Globe.   

By the known Place to find out the Longitude and Latitude, and by the known Longitude and Latitude to find out the Place.  
THese Terms of Longitude and Latitude are understood either of the same or several Places. In the first sens they are absolutely called the Longitude or Latitude of this or that place. In the other sens we use to say, The Difference of Longitude or Latitude between such and such a place. The Longitude of this or that place is the distance of it from the Great Meridian, to the Meridian of the Place reckoned in the Degrees of the Equator. The Latitude of a Place is the Distance of the Equator from the parallel of the place reckoned in the Degrees of the Meridian. Therefore if the place met with be under the Great Meridian, it hath no Longitude at all, as the Hill in Tenariffe, unless it be in respect of some other Great Meridian, as that by Corvo, or the other by St Michaël; and of such a place it will be sufficient to know the Latitude. So again, if the place met with be under the Equator, it hath no Latitude at all; and of such a place it shall be sufficient to know the Longitude. But if the place should fall out to be in the very Intersection itself of the Equator, and the Great Meridian it hath neither Latitude nor Longitude; and of such a Place it is sufficiently said, that There it is.  
But if the known Place lie at any distance from the Equator, it is but bringing it up to the Brass Meridian, and the Latitude is found by observing what Degrees the Meridian setteth off. Let Oxford be the Place you meet with, turn the Globe till it lie precisely under the Meridian, and you will find from the Equator 51 Degrees, 32 Minutes of Northern Latitude; and, by consequence, you also have the Elevation of the Pole: for that is always equal to the Latitude of the Place.  
With the same labour you may find out the Longitude, if holding still the Globe you observe the Degrees of Intersection cut off by the Meridian in the Equator: as put the case for Oxford still, it will be found 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands, saith Camden; from St Michaël in the Azores 'tis exactly true by which the Preface promised to go; but from the Fortunate Isles or the Pike in Tenariffe, not out 15.  
In case any of the lesser Meridian's happen to pass through the Place, you may reckon of what number it is from the Great Meridian, as whether it be the 3d, 5th, 9th, etc. and so many times 10 Degrees, (for at that distance they are set) is the Longitude of the Place. The same course may be taken by the Parallels to account the Degrees of Latitude.  
And as the Longitude and Latitude are found out by the Place known, so after the same manner any Place may be found out by the foreknowledge of them. This foreknowledge was first had by Observation of the Eclipses of the Moon, and the Meridian Altitude of the Sun or Stars, but may be now more easily gotten out of the Tables of Peter Appian, Gemma Frisius, Mercator, Ortelius, Tycho, and that annexed to Mr Hues his Treatise of the Use of the Globes, wherein the Longitudes and Latitudes of all the Principal Cities, Capes, Rivers, etc. are set down, but not accounting all from the same Meridian, which therefore also must be considered off: For the named Autors, Appian, Gemma Frisius, and Tycho reckoned from the Canaries, the rest from St Michaël in the Azores.   

Of the Difference of Longitude and Latitude, and what is to be observed in the converting of the Degrees of either into Miles.  
THe Respect of several Places one to another, is called the Difference of Longitude or Latitude, as the Latitude of Oxford is 51 Degrees, the Latitude of Durham 55. The Difference of Latitude is 4 Degrees. The Use of Longitude and Latitude, in the absolute sens, was to make out the Position of any Place, in respect of the Whole Sphere. In this other meaning, the Intent is to show the Situation and Distance of any Place from and in respect of any other. The Situation of a Place to another Place, is otherwise called the Angle of Position; but of the Distance first, and how that is to be made into Miles.  
The several cases put by the Geographers of this Difference, are either of Places differing in Latitude only, or Longitude only, or both. Places differing in latitude only, are all such as lie under the same Meridian, but several Parallels. This may so fall out, as that either both the Places may be in North, or both in South Latitude, or one of them in each. If both the Places lie in North or South Latitude, than it is plain, that if the lesser Latitude be subduced from the greater, the Remanent of Degrees, multiplied into Miles by 60, showeth the Distance, as the Isl' de Maio in the Latitude of 14 Degrees; and the Isle of St Michaël 39 Degrees, are both under the same Meridian: the 14 Degrees are the lesser Latitude, which taken from the 39 the greater, the remainder is 25, which multiplied by 60, giveth the Distance in Miles. If one of the Places lie in North, the other in South Latitude, add the Degrees of both Latitudes together, and do the like.  
The very same Cours is to be taken, if the Places differ in Longitude only, in case they both lie under the Line itself, because there the measure is in a Great Circle, as in the Meridian's of Latitude; but if otherwise it fall out to be in any Parallel, on this or that side of the Line, the case is altered.  
We take for instance the Difference of Longitude betwixt London and Charlton, or Charls-Town, in Charlton Island, so honoured with the Name of CHARLES Prince of WALES, by Captain Thomas James, at his Attempt upon the North-West Passage in the Wintering, the 29th of May, the Year 1632, which was the Day of His Highness' Nativity.  
The Difference of Longitude is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes, as it was taken from an Eclipse of the Moon, observed there by the Learned Captain, Octob. 29, 1631, and by Mr Henry Gellibrand at Gresham College at the same time. It is required that this Difference of Longitude be converted into Miles.  
The Latitude of Charlton is 52 Degrees, 3 Minutes; that of London much about the same. Here the proportion of 60 Miles to a Degree, will over-reckon the Distance almost by the half. The reason whereof shall be first reported out of the Nature of the Sphere.  
However it be certain, that the Artificial Globe (as the Natural is supposed to be) is of a Form precisely round, and may be drawn upon all over with Great Circles Meridionally, yet considered from the Middle Line to the Poles, it hath a sensible Inclination or Depression of Sphere, as it is termed in their words, so that if the Artificial Globe be turned about upon its Axel, several parts of the same Body shall be more swiftly moved then other at the same time; for it is plain, that the Equator is moved about in the same duration of time, as the smallest Parallel, but the Circumferences are of a Vast and Visible Disproportion, and therefore is not possible they should go an equal pace.  
It is upon the same grounds, that the Author of the Use of the Globe per Terram mobilem will tell you, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Earth, though Amsterdam (in the same Latitude with Oxford) keep pace with the Isle of St Thomas under the Line, yet they are of a very different dispatch; for Amsterdam goeth but 548 Miles in an hour, whereas the Isle of St Thomas posteth over 900 Miles in the same space of time, which is after the rate of 12 Miles in a Minute, and more. And all this is true (that is true to the Paradox) from the Inclination of the Sphere: But more plainly yet.  
We see that the Meridian's upon the Globe are set at 10 Degrees Distance, but we may perceiv too that this Distance groweth less and less, as the Meridian's draw nearer towards their concurrence in the Poles, as the Globe itself doth from the Equator upwards, and therefore the Degrees however accounted proportionable, yet cannot possibly be equal in the Lesser Parallels to those in the Equator, but must needs make an orderly Diminution from thence to either of the Poles.  
When therefore it was formerly said that 60 Miles of the Surface of the Earthly Globe answer to a degree in the Heaven, it is to be understood of the Degrees of a Great Circle, and so is always true in those of Latitude, but in the Degrees of Longitude it holdeth only in the Equator itself, but in the Parallels more North, or South the proportion diminisheth from 60 to none at all. So that if I would convert the Longitudes of the Molucca's, or any other parts under the Line into Miles, it is but multiplying the Degrees of Longitude by 60 and the thing is done; but if I would do the like by Oxford, or any other place betwixt the Equator and the Poles, I must first know what number of Miles answereth to a Degree in that Parallel of Latitude. The knowledge of this dependeth upon the proportion which the Equator beareth to the Parallels, which is learned out by the skill of trigonometry, but need not now be so hardly attained to; for the Proportions are already cast up into a Table by Peter Appian in the first Part of his cosmography. They are there set down according to the Rate of Germane Miles, one of which maketh 4 of ours. According to our own Rate they are as followeth:  

The Proportion of English Miles answering to their several Degrees of Latitude.  Deg. of Lat. Miles English. Seconds. 1 59 59 2 59 58 3 59 55 4 59 51 5 59 46 6 59 40 7 59 33 8 59 25 9 59 16 10 59 5 11 58 54 12 58 41 13 58 28 14 58 13 15 57 57 16 57 41 17 57 23 18 57 4 19 56 44 20 56 23 21 56 1 22 55 38 23 55 14 24 54 49 25 54 33 26 53 56 27 53 28 28 52 59 29 52 29 30 51 58 31 51 26 32 50 53 33 50 19 34 49 45 35 49 9 36 48 32 37 47 55 38 47 17 39 46 38 40 45 58 41 45 17 42 44 35 43 43 53 44 43 10 45 42 26 46 41 41 47 40 55 48 40 9 49 39 22 50 38 34 51 37 46 52 36 56 53 36 7 54 35 16 55 34 25 56 33 33 57 32 41 58 31 48 59 30 54 60 30 0 61 29 5 62 28 10 63 27 14 64 26 18 65 25 21 66 14 24 67 23 27 68 22 29 69 21 30 70 20 31 71 19 32 72 18 32 73 17 33 74 16 32 75 15 32 76 14 31 77 13 10 78 12 28 79 11 27 80 10 25 81 9 23 82 8 21 83 7 19 84 6 16 85 5 14 86 4 11 87 3 8 88 2 5 89 1 3 90 0 0  
KNowing then the Latitude of Charlton to be 52 Degrees, and that of London much about the same: I enter the Table, where I find the Sum of 36 Miles, or thereabouts to answer a Degree of that Parallel, therefore muliplying the Degrees of Longitude by 36, it giveth up the number of Miles from the Great Meridian to the Place.  
And very fit it were that these Proportions were written upon the Horizon of the Terrestrial Globes, rather than the Calendars. And what else there is, confessed by themselves to belong of right to the other Globe, and of little use to the Geographer, till this will be, they may be cut upon a Silver-Plate, or Ruler of Box, or some how, or other; for without this Table, the Use of the Globe, as to this Case of Difference, is as good as none at all.  
The last Case is remaining, which is put of such Places as differ both in Longitude and Latitude; for the consideration whereof the Geographers have devised several ways, as the Arithmetical way; That by the Spherical Triangles, by the Semicircle, etc. But the working by either of these is of more time and intricacy than was to be wished. The readiest of all, and not much inferior to the certainty of the rest is the Geometrical way, as Peter Appian (one of the Fathers of this Art) hath termed it; and 'tis no more but this: Let the two Places be the Isle of St Thomas and Tenariff in the Canaries. Take your Compasses and set one Foot of them in Tenariff, the other in S. Thomas, and keeping the Feet of the Compasses at the same distance, remove them to the Equator, or Great Meridian, and see how many Degrees they set off; for that number multiplied by 60 is the Distance of the two Places in Miles. The ground of this Rule is, that the Distance of all Places not differing only in Longitude, are to be understood to be in a Great Circle, and it was known before, that the Degrees of such a one are severally answered by 60 of our Miles upon the face of the Earth. You may do the like in the Quadrant of Altitude as will be seen in the next Invention.   

To find out the Bearing of one Place from another, and what is meant by the Angle of Position.  
THe Zenith is the Pole of the Horizon through which the Astronomers imagine Circles drawn (as the Meridian's through the Poles of the World) so dividing the Degrees of the Horizon as to mark out the Site of the Stars from this or that Coast of the World. And because these Circles are supposed to be drawn through the Semt, or seemeth Alros, that is The Point over the Head, or Vertical Point, The Arabians called them Alsemuth, we call them still Azimuths. And for that the Zenith Point still altereth with the Horizon, these Circls could not have been described upon the Globes, but are represented there by the Quadrant of Altitude, which is the 4th part of any one of those, and most properly serving the other Globe, yet upon the same ground is useful to the Geograher in setting out that Angle which is made by the meeting of the Meridian of any Place, with the Vertical Circle of any other and of the same, called therefore the Angle of Position, or Site. To find this out you are to elevate the Pole to the Latitude of one of the Places, then bring the Place to the Meridian, and it will fall out directly to be in the Zenith of that Elevation upon this ground, That the Elevation is always equal to the Latitude; then fasten the Quadrant of Altitude upon the Zenith, and turn it about till it fall upon the other Place, and the End of the Quadrant will point out the Situation upon the Horizon. Let the Places be Oxford and the Hill in Tenariff, set the Globe to the Elevation of Oxford, that is 51 Degrees of Elevation above the Horizon, then bring Oxford to the Meridian, and it falleth under 51 Degrees of Latitude from the Equator, therefore it is found in its own Vertical Point 90 Degrees equidistantly removed from the Horizon: Fasten there the Quadrant, and move about the Plate till it fall upon the Hill in Tenariff, and the end of the Quadrant where it toucheth the Horizon will show that the Hill in Tenariff beareth from Oxford South South-West: and if you multiply the the Degrees of the Quadrant intercepted betwixt the two Places by 60, you have the Distance in Miles, which was promised before.  
If you find, as you needs must, that the Proportion of Miles upon the Globe doth not always answer to that which we reckon upon in the Earth, you are desired not to think much; for when it is promised that 60 of our Miles shall run out a Degree of a Great Circle above, it is intended upon this Supposition, as if the Earth we tread upon were precisely round as the Globe itself is, and not interrupted with Rivers, Hills, Valleys, etc. which though they bear no proportion otherwise, yet because it cometh to pass by this that we cannot set our course in a Straight Line upon the Earth as the Demonstration is forced to presuppose, we must be contented if some difference fall out.  
The more unhappy Difference will be found in the Longitudes themselves. The Difference of Longitude betwixt Rome and Norenberg (as M. Gellibrand hath already made the Observation) is according to Kepler, but 4 Minutes of Time: Lansbergh reckoneth it at 10 Degrees, Mercator at 12, Stadius at 18, Longomontanus at 16, Stoffler at 18, Maginus at 26, Werner at 32, Origan at 33, Appian at 34, Regiomontanus at 36: with discouragement enough it may be noted, for the Places are very eminent, and of a near Distance: the Men professed able, and for the most part reckoning from the same Great Meridian; and yet the less to be wondered at, if we consider how much in this case must be taken upon trust, even by these Men themselves. We must not think they all spoke this of their own Knowledge, for it is certain the thing might have been, and is done, though not without any at all, yet without any considerable disagreement. I say the Longitudes for a very great part, are exactly enough agreed on. The perfection is not one Man's, nor one Ages Work, and must be waited for. It must not seem strange if I tell you that you may distinguish the more certain from the doubtful by their dsconvenience, for where you find them to agree, you have cause to suspect (for the most part) that they have lain long upon the Lees of Time, not as yet enquired into. But if you find them to disagree, you may conclude that they have been brought to a new Examination. And of these, you are to take the latest, and from such (if it may be) as have done it by their own Observation, as out of the Tables of Tycho before others. The difference of Longitude by Tycho's Tables betwixt Rome and Norenberg is under 4 Degrees, which cometh nearest to Kepler, who also took it himself from two several observations of the Moon. There will still seem to be some want of satisfaction, but it is sufficient for any man to know in this as much as any other man doth.  
If you would convert the Degrees of Longitude into Hours (for this also may be done as well into Miles) you are to allow 15 Degrees to one Hour, upon the Reasons taught before; and that which will be gained by this is to know, by how much sooner or later the Sun Riseth, or Setteth to one Place then to another. As the Difference of Longitude betwixt Oxford and Charlton is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes: that is, 5 Hours, 18 Minutes: and because Charlton lieth West from London, the Sun Riseth so much sooner here then there.   

To find out the several Positions of Sphere, Clime, Parallel, etc.  
THe Latitude and Longitude of a Place once resolved upon, the other Accidents of Sphere will follow of themselves: the Position of Sphere you cannot miss of, for if the Place you try for have no Latitude at all, you know already that it must of necessity lie under the Line itself, and therefore in a right Position. If it have less, or more the Position is obliqne. If it have as much as it can have, that is the Whole Quadrant, or 90 Degrees, the Position is Parallel; the reasons were told before, and may evidently be discerned upon the Globe.  
For the Climes and Parallels, and consequently the length of the longest Day, The foreknowledge of the Latitude leadeth you directly, in case the Climes be set down upon the Brass Meridian, or in any void part of the Globe, otherwise it is but entering the Table of Climes and Parallels proportioned to every Degree of Latitude, and you have your desire. And as by the Latitude you may find out the Clime, so if it happen that you knew the Clime before, as it may in the reading of the Estates du Monde, or the like Describers, you may by the Clime find out the Latitude; And you cannot know either of these, but you must needs know the Zone: And if you know that, you can as easily conclude upon the Distinction of Shadows, for you knew before that the Inhabitants of the Mid Zone are always Ascii or Amphiscii; those of the two Extreme Periscii; those of the two Temperate or Intermedious, Heteroscii. To find out the other Distinction of Habitation you may do thus: Let Oxford be the Place; bring it to the Meridian, where you find it to be 51 Degrees lifted up above the Equator; account so many Degrees of Southern Latitude below the Equator, and you meet with the Antaeci (if any be) in the Terra Australis incognita; remove Oxford from the Meridian 180 Degrees, and you shall find your Periaeci under the Meridian where Oxford was before, about the Bay of S. Michaël in the Kingdom of Quivira, and your Antipodes in the place where their Antaeci stood before, but they are not, for the Place is covered over with Water.  
There yet remaineth one way of Description, but out of Curious Art, and of no great Instruction, yet because it is made use of by some Geographers, and not left out by M. Camden himself in his Britannia, I may tell what it meaneth.   

Of Astrological Geography, and to tell under what Sign, or Planet, a Region, or City is subjected.  
THe Wisdom of the Ancients (it was called so) held an Opinion that not our selus only, the Little Worlds, but the Great Globe of the EARTH also is particularly reigned over by the Dominion of the 12 Signs, and Influence of the 7 Planets; upon which Principle (as we receiv it by ptolemy's Tradition) they divided this Globe into 4 Quadrants by the Intersection of the Equator with the Great Meridian passing by the Canaries. Every of these Quadrants they again divided into 4 Trigons, consisting each of them of 3 Signs of the Zodiac, not orderly, but so as that every Trigon night be made up of one Fixed Sign, one Movable, and the third Common, as they distinguish. The first Quadrant was reckoned from the Vernal by the Pole to the Autumnal Intersection, and was called the Quadrant of the Habitable World: for every one of the other three was to that Time a Terra incognita. The first Trigon of this Quadrant falleth to the Dominion of Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius. The Second to Taurus, Virgo, and Capricornus, and to the Influence of such Planets as are connatural to such Signs. So Britain, France, Germany, etc. fall to the share of Aries and his Planet Mars. Italy, Sicily, etc. to Leo: Norway, Bavaria, etc. to Scorpio; and so forwards, concluding all, and every Part and Province of the Globe under one, or other of the Twelv. But this empty Speculation stopped not here, but would make us believ too, that not Whole Countries only, but every City, Castle, Village, nay, not a private House, or a Ship that ride's upon the Oceän but is thus distinctly governed by their Planets. They do it upon this ground: Those men allow as earnest a livelihood to the Beam in the Timber, and Stone in the Wall as to themselves. And when the first Stone of a Building is laid, a City or House is said to be born, and as Formal a Figure erected of that, as of the Owner's Nativity.  
The Emperor Constantine (though you would not think it) at the Building of his new Rome commanded Valens, (a named ginger of that Time) to Calculate the Nativity, and make Judgement of the Life and Duration of that Imperial City. The Asscendent was Cancer, and the ginger said that the Empire should stand 696 years, and (whether he knew so much or not) he said true; the City lived longer indeed, but all the rest was but labour and sorrow. And for a more private Mansion, there is yet now to be seen the Nativity of the Warden's Lodgings of Merton College in one of the Windows; the Horoscope the same with that of Constantinople; now look what Sign of the twelv shall be found to rise up in the Horoscope or Angle of the East, that is the Sign-Regent of that House, or City. Prepared thus, the Astrologers sit in Judgement upon the Inclinations and Fatalities of States and Men: and how little soever it may seem to us, or be in itself, it was of moment to some of old, for Tiberius (an ginger himself) had the Genitures of all his Nobility by him, and according as he found his own, or the Kingdom's Horoscope to be well, or ill looked upon by theirs, so he let them stand, or cut them off by Legislative Astrolologie.  
According therefore to this way of Description, the Kingdom of England is Astrologically Sited in the first Trigon of the first Quadrant, under the Dominion of Aries for the Sign, and for the Planet Mars; or otherwise under the Dominion of Pisces, now in the Place of Aries, and the Influence of the Moon and Mars. And Silen saith, that the Planet of England is the Moon, and Saturn of the Scots: Vnde homines illius regionis (saith an old ginger) sunt vagi, & instabiles, ludibrio exponuntur, nunc ad summum, nunc ad imum delati. So the Jews and we are governed by the same Stars equally, as Cardan is pleased to say of us; 
* Cardan. in a Tetrabib. Ptolomaei, cap. 3. tex. 12.  A Rebellious and Unlucky Nation, ever now and then making of New Laws and Rites of Religion to the better sometimes, but for, the most part to the worst.  
Now take an essay by all the ways of Description in the Geography of Oxford.  
It lieth in an Obliqne Position of Sphere in the Northern Temperate Zone: The Elevation of the Pole 51 Degrees, 30 Minutes: the Longitude from the Great Meridian in Tenariff 15 Degrees: under the 8 Clime, and 16 Parallel: the Longest Day 16 Hours. The Sign-Regent is Capricorn: the Noon-Shadows are Heteroscian: We are Perioeci to the Bay of S. Miguel in Quivira: Antaeci to the Northern parts of Terra Australis incognita below the Promontory: We are Antipodes to none.    

The Description and Use of Maps and ChartsVniversal and Particular.  
IT was said before that as the Whole Earth upon the Globe, so the Whole, or any Part thereof may be Described upon a Plane: And howsoever the Description by Globe be confessed on all sides to be nearest and most commensurable to Nature. 
Ptolom. Geograph. lib. 1 cap. 20.  Non facilè tamen (saith PTOLEMY) magnitudinem praebet quae suscipere possit multa, quae necessariò suo collocanda sunt loco: neque descriptionem, ut unico momento cerni valeat, toti figurae adaptare potest: sed alterum ad alterius designatonem transferre necesse existit: hoc est aut visum, aut sphaeram: quorum neutrum descriptioni, quae in plano fit, accidit, sed modum quendam ad similitudinem sphaericae imaginis inquirit, ut distantias quae in ea statuendae sunt, quàm maximè commensuratas faciat, ac secundùm eam apparentiam, quia cum vera conveniat.  
This manner of Description hath multiplied into several ways of Device; not only from the different Ingenies of the Artificers, but from grounds in the Art itself, and from the several extents of the Known World at several times. Possidonius conceived it into the Form of a Sling as the Archbishop of Thessolonica noteth to that of Dionysius, After 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Delineation whereof is made by the learned Bertius, who noteth also Ad Fundam Possidonii that Possidonius did not this out of ignorance of the Spherical form of the Earth, but pretending only to exhibit as much of the World as that time was made acquainted with, which cast up together, was not much unlike to that Figure which he fancied. Mercator describeth it under the Form of two Hearts, Orontius of one, and under the same Form is the Arabick-Map cited by Scaliger and James Christ-man, and not wanting to our Public Library, together with the Tabula Bembina, 
In Archiv. Bib. Bodleian.  or Egyptian Map of the World in Hieroglyphics, we are now for as great a reason to call it Tabula Laudina, by whose  expense and Providence we are possessed of that and the like Monuments of the rarest Learning.  
Others have fancied some other ways; but leaving what may be supererogated by Affectation, There be two manners of this Description according to Art. The first by Parallelogram: The other by Planisphere.  

The Description of the whole by Parallelogram.  
THe Parallelogram used to be divided in the midst by a Line drawn from North to South, passing by the Azores, or Canaries for the Great Meridian. Cross to this, and at right Angles another Line was drawn from East to West for the Equator; then two Parallels to each to comprehend the Figure in the Squares, whereof were set down rather four parts of the World than the whole: And this way of Description howsoever not so exact, or near to Natural, yet hath been followed even by such as still ought to be accounted Excellent, though it were their unluckiness to light upon those needy Times of Reformation that had to struggle with that great Neglect and Interruption which passed betwixt the Days of Ptolemy and Ours. Mercator himself, I mean, Peter Plancius and others of about that time, and more lately: And some of them did not perceiv but that the Meridian's might be drawn Parallel throughout, utterly against the original Nature and Constitution of the Sphere, which the Plain Charts were bound to follow at the nearest Distance. Upon the Globe itself we know the Meridian's about the Equinoctials are equi-distant, but as they draw up towards the Pole, to show their distance is proportionably diminished, till it come to a Concurrence; answerably the Parallels, as they are deeper in Latitude, so they grow less and less with the Sphere; so that at 60 Degrees the Equinoctial is double to that Parallel of Latitude, and so proportionably. This is the Ground.  
It will follow from hence, that if the Picture of the Earth be drawn upon a Parallelogramme, so that the Meridian's bee equally distant throughout, and the Parallels equally extended; the Parallel of 60 Degrees shall be as great as the Line itself▪ and he that coasteth about the World in the Latitude of 60, shall have as far to go by this Map, as he that doth it in the Equator, though the way be but half as long. For the Longitude of the Earth in the Equator itself is 21600; but in the Parallel of 60 but 10800, Miles. So two Cities under the same Parallel of 60, shall be of equal Longitude to other two under the Line, and yet the first two shall be but 50, the other two 100 Miles distant. So two Ships departing from the Equator at 60 Miles distance, and coming up to the Parallel of 60, shall be 30 Miles nearer, and yet each of them keep the same Meridian's, and sail by this Card upon the very same Points of the Compass at which they set forth.  
This was complained of by Martin Cortes and others. And the learned Mercator considering well of it, caussed the Degrees of the Parallel to encreas by a proportion towards the Pole.  
The Mathematical Generation whereof M. Wright hath taught by the Inscription of a Planisphere into a Concave Cylinder, which because it cannot be expressed in plainer Terms, take here in his own words, Cap. 2. Of his Correction of Errors in Navigation.  
Suppose (saith he) a Spherical Superficies with Meridian's, Parallels, Rumbes, etc. to be inscribed into a concave Cylinder, their Axes agreeing in one. Let this Spherical Superficies swell like a Bladder, while it is in blowing equally all ways in every part thereof (that is, as much in Longitude as Latitude) till it apply, and join itself (round about, and all alongst also towards either Pole) unto the concave Superficies of the Cylinder, each Parallel upon this Spherical Superficies increasing successively from the Equinoctial towards either Pole until it come to be of equal Diameter with the Cylinder, and consequently the Meridian's, still widening themselves till they come to be so far distant everie where each from other, as they are at the Equinonoctial. Thus it may most easily be understood how a Spherical Superficies may by Extension be made a Cylindrical, and consequently a plain Parallelogramme Superficies, because the Superficies of a Cylinder is nothing else but a plain Parallelogramme wound about two equal equidistant Circles that have one common Axletree perpendicular upon the Centres of them both, 
Element. lib. decimo. Cylindrus est figura quae sub converso circum quiescens alterum latus eorum, quae rectum angulum continent, Parallelogrammo orthogonio comprehenditur, cum in eundem rarsus locum restitutum fuerit illud Parallelogrammum unde moveri coeperat. Axis autem Cylindri est quiescens illa recta linea, circum quam Parallelogrammum vertitur. Bases vero Cylindri sunt Circuli, à du●bus adversis lateribus, quae circum aguntur, descripti.  and the peripheries of each of them equal to the length of the Parallelogramme, as the distance betwixt those Circles or height of the Cylinder is equal to the breadth thereof.  
In this Parallelogramme thus conceived to be made, all places must needs be situate in the same Longitudes, Latitudes, and Directions or Courses, and upon the same Meridian's, Parallels, and Rumbes that they were in the Globe, because that at every point between the Equinoctial and the Pole, we understand the Spherical Superficies to swell equally in Longitude as in Latitude, till it join itself unto the concavity of the Cylinder, so as hereby no part is any way distorted or displaced out of his true and natural situation upon his Meridian, Parallel or Rumb, but only dilated and enlarged, the Meridian's also Parallels and Rumbes dilating and enlarging themselves likewise at every point of Latitude in the same proportion.  
What the Author of the brief Introduction to Geographie meaneth, where he saith, That this Imagination unless it be well qualified is utterly falls, and makes all such Maps faulty in the situation of Places, I know not: The conceit I am sure is grounded upon the very Definition of a Cylinder by the 21. lib 10. Euclid. 'Tis confessed to be but Hypothetical, which is ordinary with Mathematical Men. The Business was (and it doth that) to bring the matter down to common apprehension.  
But however this Description of the Earth upon a Parallelogramme may be so ordered by Art as to give a true account of the Situation and Distance of the Parts, yet it can never be fitted to represent the Figure of the Whole.   

The Description of the Whole by Planisphere.  
THis way of Description rendereth the face of the Earth upon a Plain in its own proper Figure Spherically, as upon the Globe itself, 
definite. 21, 22, 23.  the gibbositie only allowed for: Sed quicunque (saith Bertius) Globum Terrae instituerit in plano describere, deprehendet fieri id uno circuli ambitu non posse.  
As near to a Circle, as it might, Ortelius and others have described it upon one Face. I have seen it done upon four Ovals, but keeping touch with the Nature of a Circle, and of the sphere itself, it cannot well be contrived upon so few as one, or more than two.  
Suppose then the Globe to be divided into two equal parts or Hemispheres. This you know cannot be done but by a great Circle. And therefore it must be done by the Equator or Meridian, for (the Colour is all one with the Meridian) the Horizon cannot fix, and the Zodiac hath nothing to do here. Res est admodum impedita (saith the same Bertius) & per quam difficilis orbem terrarum ejúsque partes describere, & quoth in natura cernitur exactè in Globo, aut tabula spectandum repraesentare observato partium omnium situ & figura, etc. cum suis Longitudinibus, Latitudinibus, Intervallis, & respectu ad partes Coeli, prima & naturae proxima ratio est Spherica: Secunda ea, quae ad Sphaeram maximè accedit ducta in plano, vel Tabula, quam idcirco vulgus Planisphaerium vocat. Sunt autem ejus modi duo. Vnus qui Sphaeram secat in Equatore, & duo efficit Hemisphaeria plana quorum in singulis Polus centri loco est. Circulus autem Equinoctialis loco peripheriae. Altar, qui Sphaeram secat. In aliquo Meridiano ita ut Poli in singulis Hemisphaeriis Hemisphaeriis supra infráque compareant in extremitate axis. First then   

Of the Section by the Equator.  
BUt before that, it must be commonly said of both these Sections, that the Translation of a Sphere from its profundity to a Plain of two only Dimensions, Lineal and Superficial, hath its Generation and Flux (I speak it in their words) from Optical or Perspective Imagination. They would have you (and by the Law of Art they may in infinitum & impossibilia postulare) to suppose the Eye placed near about the Centre of a Sphere of Glass, inscribed with Meridian's, Parallels, etc. in the direct manner as upon the Globe you see the Eye so placed within the concave of this Sphere and fixed upon the Pole, will comprehend a Section upon the Plane of the Equator, describing the Meridian's by Right, and the Parallels by Circular Lines: or fixed upon some point of the Equator, the Meridian which is drawn by that point and the Equator itself will appear in Streight, all the rest in Crooked Lines; for, if the the Eye be fixed upon any point of the Equator, the Meridian's and Parallels will be transferred to Sight, so as to be themselves the Bases of so many visual Cones, the tops whereof shall meet in the same point of the Great Meridian; or if the Eye be fixed upon the Pole, the Parallels will present themselves in like Cones, the sides whereof shall be terminated by the Meridian's, and therefore the Meridian's ought to be Straight Lines, and the Parallels Whole Circles.  
The Projections are both according to Art; but because the comprehension thereof cannot be familiar without saying too much to the purpose before hand concerning the Optical Pyramid, and the Angle of Vision, these things I require; and point you to a more capable way of Conception.  
Suppose the Globe of the Moon in opposition to the Sun, than she is at the fullest. Let her be Rising up in the East, and by the help of Refraction appear, as sometimes she doth, in Diameter so big as a Bushel (as the Country expresseth) suppose another World there, (some Brains do more than so) but do you only suppose it; and suppose also this Lunary Earth to be written upon with Meridian's, Parallels, and all other Distinctions of the Sphere, and as visible as the Body itself. The Globe of the Moon you may be sure is as solid and gibbous as that of this Earth and Water, and yet it is presented to your eye in the figure of a Planisphere. The reason is out of Perspective from the infinite distance. If you grant (as you cannot deny) but that your Sight is deceived in the Solidity, you may very well suffer yourself to be cozened on in the Inscriptions. These Meridian's and Parallels upon this Globe of the Moon, swell out there in whole Circles, in the very same manner as upon the Artificial Globe itself, and yet suppose them to be drawn there by either of the two Sections the Equator or Meridian, as the body of the Moon itself seemeth to you flat, and yet is not, so the Meridian's and Parallels would represent themselves in the very same figure and distance as you see them here below upon a paper Planisphere.  
By this deceit you may perceiv what is meant by that, which would not look so plain, if it were expressed by the punctilios of Art.  
Suppose the Globe to be flatted upon the Plain of the Equator, and you have the first way of Projection, dividing into the North and South Hemispheres, as you may see here in the Map.  
The Pole is the Centre, the Equator is the Circumference divided into 360 Degrees of Longitude; the Obliqne Semicircle from Aries to Libra, is the North-half of the Zodiac; the Parallels are whole Circles; the Meridian's are Straight Lines; the Great Meridian is divided into 90 Degrees of Latitude (and passeth by the Canaries); the Parallels are Parallels indeed, and the Meridian's equidistantly concur, 
Geograph. cap. 24. lib. 1.  and therefore all the Degrees are equal. After this way of Projection Ptolemy describe's that part of the Habitable World, which was discovered to his time.  
Among the late Geographers first, and almost only Postellus and the Noter upon him Severtius have much admired this manner of Section. The Noter saith, Sícque haec Mappa omnium praestantissima, quae veriùs quàm reliquae orbis planiciem refert, ob certissimos ac evidentissimos suos Indices plures, faciliores, ac magìs ad oculum perspicaces, usus habet.  
Since that, Bertius very earnestly and angrily recommendeth it to the Mechanics: Consulent sibi & publico (saith he) si modum istum reddant familiarem. But of the other way he saith, Hic autem modus cùm sit omnium nequissimus, est omnium operosissimus, & tamen hodie in maximo usu. Tantùm valet apud vulgus praeconcepta opinio: which though it may be true enough, yet we are to hear what Ptolemy hath to say himself.   

Of the Section by the Meridian.  
He confesseth the other way to be easiest, but Porrò similiorem etiam (saith he) & magìs commensuratam descriptionem orbis in Tabula faciemus, si Lineas Meridianas imaginatione concipiamus ad similitudinem Linearum Meridianarum in Sphaera, ità ut aspectus, seu oculorum axis in Sphaerae positionem penetret, & per Sectionem quae ad asspectum est Meridiani qui Longitudinem terrae cognitae in duas dividit parts, & Paralleli, qui & ipse bifariam ejus Latitudinem, nec non centrum spherae, quo ex aequo termini oppositi visu comprehendantur, & appareant, etc.  
Quod verò talis descriptio sphaericae formae similior sit quàm prior, per sese patet: quoniam si Sphaera fixa maneat, & non circumvolvatur, quod & tabulae contingit necessariò, quum per medium descriptionis visus constituitur, unus quidem medius & meridianus per axem asspectuum seu visûs in planum cadens in imaginatioonem rectae prebet Lineae: qui verò ex utrâque hujus parte sunt omnes, ad ipsum secundùm concava conversi apparent & magìs illi, qui plus ab eo distant, quod & hic observabitur, cum decenti convexitatam analogia.  
Suppose the Globe to be flatted upon the Plane of the Meridian and you have the other way of Projection. The Equator here is a Straight Line; the Great Meridian a whole Circle; the Lesser are the more, so as they come near to the Great: Therefore that which passeth by the point of concurrence in the Equator, and divideth the Longitude of either Hemisphere into two equal parts is a Straight Line; and Ptolemy saith, that this is the more natural way of Description; and yet it is certain that in this Section the Meridian's do not equidistantly concur. The Parallels are not Parallels indeed, and therefore all the Degrees are unequal.  
However this later way is that which is now most, and indeed altogether in use.   

Example of this in the Description of the Planispherical Map of Hondius.  
THen holding our selus to the more usual way of Projection instead of any other (for the difference would not be much) we set before us the two Hemispheres of Hondius of the year 1627. projected upon the Plane of the Meridian, you may understand it thus. Take the Globe out of the Frame and bring the Great Meridian to the Brass Meridian and you have the East and West Hemisphere. Suppose these two Hemispheres to be flatted upon the Plane of the Meridian, and the Imagination produceth these two faces of the Earth presented upon the Map.  
The Great Meridian passeth by St Marie and St Michaël of the Azores, as you may see in the North-West Quadrant of the East Hemisphere. And yet the Description subjoined to these Hemispheres reckoneth Longitude from the Isles Corvo and Flores, and to make you sure that it doth so, it is said there about the later end, that in the Azores the Compass varieth not at all (about Fayal and Flores) and that for no other reason he took the Longitude of the Map from thence, and not as Ptolemy from the Canary Isles. The Mistake is too great to fall from his own Pen; but it seems the Description was made for some other Map of Hondius where the Meridian passed by the Azores, and ignorantly afterwards intruded upon this, by the Printers or some others, if it were not so the oversight is the greater.  
This Meridian is of necessity doubled upon the Plane, and yet is to be supposed as one, which is easily done, if you reflect your conceit back upon the Nature of the Sphere, for do but fancy the two Faces into a Globe again, and the two Meridian's will become one. You are to conceiv as much upon the lesser Meridian's: And you may see too that they do not equally concur, for those two which are drawn quite cross to the Equator, precisely in the middle from 90 to 90, are straight Lines; all the rest as they more depart from the straight Lines, so to follow the Nature of the Globe they are more and more Circles, and at a farther distance.  
In the Northwest Quadrant of the East Hemisphere, you have the nine Southerly Climes set down, as in the brass Meridian of Saunderson's Globe. The Northern Climes the Author thought not fit to distinguish, but in the East Semicircle of the same Hemisphere, you have the length of the longest Day in hours and minutes, to every several Degree of Northern, and of Southern Latitude, which by a more exact and shorter cut, doth the Business of the Clime and Parallel without more ado, which therefore by some are accounted but superfluous Terms of this Art.  
In the East Semicircle of the other Hemisphere you have the proportion of English Miles to the several Degrees of Latitude for both Quadrants, to the use whereof there is nothing here anew to be said.  
The Line crossing the two Hemisphers is the Equator, in the Degrees whereof the Longitude is to be reckoned from S. Michael; and so the Latitude in the Great Meridian, no otherwise then as it was taught upon the Globe itself, though not with equal Art and assurance from the reasons of Deficiency in this way of Projection rendered before.  
Neither ought any thing to be repeated over upon the Zodiac, the Tropical, the Polar, or Parallel Circles, for they are all the same, and of the same use as upon the Globe, the Cards, and Rumbs are alike.  
The little Circles or Roundlets dispersed here and there about the Hemispheres for the most part give account of the several Degrees of Variation of the Compass in North-easting or North-westing, as also in what Places there's no Variation at all, so as the Straits of Magellan the Roundlet there saith, Ad fauces freti Magellanici deviatio Acû 6 Grad. Orientem versùs; That the Needle North-easteth six Degrees.  
In the Southern Quadrant of the Eastern Hemisphere you have set down three ways of measuring the Distance of Places. The first performeth by a Globe: the second by an Astrolabe: the third by a Semicirle: but the second and third, as not of that readiness in working as the first, may be passed over.  
The first in effect is the Geometrical way, Accipe Globum, quamuìs exiguum, etc. Horidius adviseth you to have a kind of Terella, or little Globe, not adorned with all the requisites of the Sphere, but only traced over with Meridian's, the Equator, and the Parallels: the Meridian and Equator to be divided into Degrees. No more but so, Let the two Places into whose Distance you inquire be London and Paris, find the Longitude and Latitude of both the Places in the Planisphere; then again find the same Longitude and Latitude upon the Globe, than set one foot of your Compass upon the Place where London, and the other foot where Paris should be upon the Globe, and bring your Compass with that Distance to the Equator: And the Degrees intercepted, multiplied into Miles by 60, show the Distance. This is as much as to tell us, that in measuring the Distances of Places there is no great trust to be had to any Planispherical Projection whatsoever: for though that by the Section of the Equator be nearer to the Sphere than this by the Section of the Meridian, yet they are both equally engaged in this Imperfection that they cannot satisfy for the gibbositie of the Globe.   

The Description and Use of Particular Charts.  
PArticular Maps are but Limbs of the Globe, and therefore though they are drawn asunder, yet it is still to be done with that proportion, as a remembering Eye may suddenly acknowledge, and join them to the whole Body.  
They are most commonly described upon a Parallelogramme, but their relation to the Body itself is not to be judged by this. It is not done to that end, but that being but Parts and Members severed from the Whole, they yet might make show of as great an appearance of Integrity as could be allowed.  
Their Place in their Body is to be esteemed from their proper Lineaments, drawn within the Square, that is, such Portions of Meridian's and Parallels as they consisted of in the Globe itself.  
Briefly to the Constitution of a particular Chart, These Moment's especially make up the Projection, the Graduation, The Reference to the great Meridian, the Scale, and the Compass.  

Projection.  The Projection is most commonly (as I said) upon a Parallelogramme, sometimes inscribed with an Oval, as the Map of Flanders, and German Basse in Ortelius; or upon a Circle, as that of the North Pole in Mercator's Atlas: And because no Region is exactly square or round, so much of the bordering Territories are usually thrust in, as may not only declare the Bounds, but fill up the Square too.  
The Projection is mainly concerned in the foreknowledge of the Longitude and Latitude of the Country: And the Latitude is to be expressed by Parallels from North to South, as the Longitude by Meridian's from West to East, each of them at 10 Degrees distance, or the Meridian's at 15, as the Geographer shall pleas, and may be drawn either by Circle, as the Maps of Asia and America in Ortelius his Theatrum; or by right Line, and that either extended, as in the Map of Africa there, or only begun upon the Parallelogramme, as in the Map of Europe; and then the two extreme Parallels may be the North and South sides of the Parallelogramme: but if they be right Lines, they are not (that is, the Meridian's are not) to be drawn direct or parallel, but inclining and concurring to confess the Nature of the Whole, whereof they are such parts, and the named Parallels are more notably to be distinguished then the rest, if they have place in the Map, as in that of Africa you have the Equator, and both the Tropics either graduated, as the Equator, or drawn double at least, as the Tropics, etc.  
For the Graduation. 
Graduation.  The Degrees of Longitude are most commonly divided upon the North and South sides of the Parallelogramme. The Degrees of Latitude upon the East and West sides, or otherwise upon the most Eastern and Western Meridian of the Map within the Square, as in the Descriptions of Ptolemie continually; or if the Projection be upon a Circle, as that of the North Pole in the Atlas, the Degrees of Longitude are set upon the uttermost Parallel, and those of Latitude upon a portion of the Great Meridian, answerable to the Semidiameter of that Latitude. And the Climes may be set down to the Degrees of Latitude, as in the Description of Portugal by Vernandus Alvarus. But it hath seemed good to some Geographers, nay, even to Ortelius himself in these particular Descriptions for the most part to make no Graduation or Projection at all; but to put the matter off to a Scale of Miles, and leave the rest to be believed. Whether this or Mercator's way in the Atlas were more Artificial, I will not judge in the cause of the King of Spain's Geographer.  
For the first Meridian, 
Reference to the great Meridian.  It is a fault you will more generally find, that there is very seldom any expression of that Reference, so that though there be Graduation, and the Longitude set before your eyes, yet you will find yourself uncertain, unless it be told you before, that the Longitudes in Mr Camdem, Speed, Nordon, and the late English Describers generally are taken from Mercator's First Meridian, by S. Michael in the Azores, though some of them indeed (and not M. Camdem only, but such too as made it their business to do otherwise) have proposed the Matter in effect to be done by the Canaries as the Author of the Brief Introduction to Geography, (if I understand him) in these words.  
Upon the Globe there are many (Meridian's) drawn, all which pass through the Poles, and go North and South; but there is one more remarkable than the rest drawn broad with small Divisions, which runneth through the Canarie-Islands or Azores, Westward of Spain, which is counted the first Meridian in regard of reckoning and measuring of Distances of places one from another; for otherwise there if neither first nor last in the round Earth: But some place must be appointed where to begin the Account: And those Islands have been thought fittest, because no part of the World that lay Westward was known to the Ancients further than that: and as they began to reckon, there we follow them.  
But as concerning Mercator himself you have more to look to. Mercator's constant Meridian was that by S. Michaël, and so you will find it in the Atlas, set out by Rumuldus. But in that of Hondius Edition lately translated into English, you will find it otherwise, though you shall see too in what a fair way you are to be deceived of this also.  
In the Description of Island, pag. 33. The Book saith, It is situated not under the first Meridian, as one hath noted, but in the eighth Degree from thence. To which the Margin (but not knowing what) saith,  
That this first Meridian is a great Circle rounding the Earth from Pole to Pole, and passing through the Islands called Azores, and namely the Isle of S. Michaël, as the same Noter to pag. 10.  
He might think he went upon a ground good enough; for in the seventh Chapter of the Introduction, Mercator himself, saith thus:  
Ptolemy hath placed the first Meridian in the Fortunate Isles; which at this day are called the Canaries. Since, the Spanish Pilots have placed it in the Isle of Goss-hauks, which in their Language are called Assores, and some of them placed it in the middle of Spain, etc.  
Now we must hold (saith he) that the Longitude is a certain space or interval of the Equator closed between Meridian's, the one from the Isles called Azores, from whence it taketh the beginning; the other, from that Place or Region, whereof we would know the Distance.  
And yet for all this the Longitudes in that Book are accounted from the Canaries, as you may see in the East Hemisphere, and in the general Description of Africa. The Editioner Hondius would have it so, and (which is marvel the Marginal Noter could choose but know) he himself in the very Beginning maketh this Profession of it;  
Ptolemy, saith he, and we in this Book do make the Longitude to be a segment of the Equator comprehended betwixt the Meridian of the place, and the Meridian of the Fortunate Islands, for from these Islands the Beginning of Longitude is taken, etc.  
Having saved you this Labour in Mercator, you may now be told what is to be done with Ortelius.  
For his own Descriptions he always taketh to ptolemy's Meridian by the Canaries, as you may see in his Universal Face of the World, and in the General Description of Africa, to the Description of Hispaniola, Cuba, Culiacan, etc. he giveth this Admonition.  
Sciat Lector Autorem Anonymunt, qui hanc Culiacanam regionem, & has insulas perlustravit, & descripsit, Regionum Longitudines, non ut Ptolomaeus aliíque solent; à Fortunatis insulis versus Orientem sumpsisse, sed à Toleto Hispaniae umbilico Occidentem versús ex Eclipsibus ab ipsomet observatis deprehendisse.  
The like Note he affixeth to the Description of New-Spain: his meaning in both is, to let the Reader know that the Describer (who ever he was) did not in these Maps account the Degrees of Longitude, as Ptolemy, from West to East, and from the Fortunate Isles; but from East to West, and from the Meridian of Toledo Hispaniae Vmbilico; which is the meaning of Mercator, when he saith, That some of the Spanish Pilots placed the Great Meridian in the middle of Spain. And if you look upon the Longitude in the North and South sides of the Parallelogram, you shall see the Degrees reckoned backwards contrary to the received manner of Graduation. It is no very hard matter to reduce these Longitudes to the ordinary way, but rather than so, you may have recours to the Later Description of America, by Let and others.  
For the Scale, in particular Maps extending to a considerable portion of Longitude and Latitude, it dependeth for the ground upon the Degrees of the Great Circle, and the Proportion of Miles in several Countries to any such Degree. But in Lesser Descriptions it hath more to do with the known distance of any two, or more places experimentally found, or taken upon trust of Common Reputation.  
Here it is not to be thought that the Longitudes and Latitudes of all Places in a particular Chart need to be taken, but of the Principal only, the rest to be reduced by the Radius, the Angle of Position, and the like; and much also in this matter useth to be given to the Common Supputation; all which, the last especially are the Causses why the Maps agree no better, for of all other the Account of the Common People is most uncertain.  
The French Cosmographer of Amiens before named, when he took upon him to find out how many of their Leagues answered to a Degree, took his Journey from Paris as directly under the Meridian as he might, till he road 25 Leagues according to the Account of the Inhabitants of the Place. Nec tamen vulgi supputationem satiatus (saith he) vehiculum quod Parisios' rectâ viâ petebat conscendi in eóque residens tota via 17024 ferè rotae circumvolutiones collegi, vallibus & Montibus (quod facultas nostra ferebat) ad aequalitatem redactis. Erat autem rotae illius diameter sex pedum, séxque paulò magìs digitorum geometricorum, ob ídque ejus ambitus pedum erat viginti seu passuum quatuor. His ergò revolutionibus per quatuor ductis reperi passus 68096 qui milliaira sunt Italica 68, cum passibus 96. In his return to Paris he took Coach, the Diameter of the Wheel was 6 foot and a little more, therefore the Circumference 20 foot, that is, 4 paces. He reckoned upon the way 17024 circumrotations of the Wheel, which multiplying by 4 the Numerus factus was 68006 paces, which amounted to 68 Miles Italian, and somewhat more. And yet according to Common Supputation they that reckon most, reckon but 25 Leagues to a Degree, and 60 Miles to 25 Leagues 8 Miles less. The Cosmographer addeth indeed, that by the same experiment he found, that the French-League was of a greater proportion than two Italian Miles.  
If it could be expected that so exact a course might be taken in all particular Mensurations, we might put the more trust in the distances, and yet you see we might fail too. It is enough in such a case to know the reasons of those uncertainties where the thing itself is so insuperable.  
The Difference of Miles in several Countries is great, but it will be enough to know that the Italian and English are reckoned for all one, and four of these make a Germane Mile; two, a French-League; three, and somewhat more, a Spanish-League; the Swedish, or Danish Mile consisteth of five Miles English, and somewhat more.  
Now as the Miles of several Countries do very much differ, so those of the same do not very much agree: and therefore the Scales are commonly written upon with Magna, Mediocria, Parva, to show the Difference.  
Of Common English and Italian Miles 60 (as you know already) answer to a Degree of a Great Circle: 68 saith Fernelius: it ought to be 63 and somewhat more by the Semidiameter of the Earth, as it was taken by Mr Edward Wright near Plimmouth-Sound; dut 60 is most commonly believed and is the proportion (which in a very small matter) received by Ptolemy himself from Marinus the Tyrian with this approbation: 
Ptolom. Geograph. lib. 1. cap. 11.  Sed in hoc quoque rectè setit partem unam qualium est circulus maximus trecentorum sexaginta, quinginta in terra constituere stadia, id enim confessis dimensionibus consonum existit.  
Of common German Miles 15 answer to a Degree; of common French-Leagues 25; of Spanish-Leagues 17; of Swedish and Danish 10.  
In some Maps you shall find the Miles thus hiddenly set down, as in that of Artois in Ortelius and elsewhere. And the meaning still is, that you should measure the Milliaria magna upon the Lowermost Line, the Parva upon the uppermost, and the Mediocria upon the Middlemost.  
Scala Milliarium.  
In some other Maps, as in that of Westphalia in the same Author, you will find the Scale written upon with Milliaria magna, mediocria, & Horae itineris. To which you are to note, that some Nations measure their ways by hours, concluding of the Distance from the time spent in the going, the proportion whereof may be gathered from this note upon the Description of Helvetia. Continet autem Milliare Helveticum, ut nunc utuntur, spacium duarum horarum equestris; duarúmque & dimidiae pedestris itineris. Computantur ergò octo millia passuum Italicoram pro uno milliario Helvetico.  
Therefore one Hour-Mile of a Journey upon Horse, answereth to four English Miles: And yet it is set down before the Atlas that the proportion of itinerary Hours to a Degree is 20: They cannot both be true, 'tis enough to show how uncertain this way of measuring needs must be.  
For the Use of the Scale it is but setting one foot of your Compass in the little Circles of the places and bringing the Compass kept at that Distance to the Scale, and you have the number of great or middle Miles, according as the Inhabitants of those places are known to reckon.  
The Compass is set down to show the Bearing of Places, and by what Wind and Way the Mariner is to shape his course from Port to Port, as in the Universal Maps and Globe itself.   

Example of all this in the Description of Saxton's Map of England and Wales.  
ALl this may be exemplified in some one Particular Chart. The example useth to be given in the Description of France, but might more properly be made upon a Map of our own Country. There be several of these as that of Humphrey Llyid, that of Wortnel, Mr Speed's Descriptions and others; but we choose that of Saxton, a man recommended unto us by Mr Camden himself in the Preface to his Britannia.  
Nonnulli erunt fortasse qui Tabulas chorographicas hîc exspectent quas lenocinante picturâ oculis esse jucundiores, & in his Geographicis studiis plurimùm interesse fateor; maximè si mutis Tabulis literarum etiam lumen accedat. Hoc tamen praestare facultatis non est nostrae; & Angliam accuratissimè in Tabulis seorsim ornatissimus Vir Thomas Seckfordus Regiae Majestati à supplicum Libellis, suis impensis, & Christophori Saxtoni optimi Chorographi operâ, magnâ cum laude descripsit.  
Saxton drew up Typographical Descriptions of this Kingdom by the Shires and Counties into a set Volume of Tables; but whatsoever can be severally said of them may better be spoken all at once upon his great Chorographical Map of the Whole. A Description, which if it exceed not (as I think it doth) yet may compare with any particular Table made or to be made of any Country whatsoever.  
The Description is of England only and Wales, that it might be the more exact and useful, which expectation is so accurately answered that the smallest Village may be turned to there; Henxey or Botlie, as well as Oxford.  
It is described upon a Parallelogram: the North and South sides are Parallels of Latitude divided into Degrees of Longitude. The East and West sides stand for Meridian's, and are divided into Degrees of Latitude, and every Degree subdivided into 60 Parts, but so, that a Degree of Longitude answereth but to so many parts of a Degree of Latitude, as it ought in that Parallel. The Parallels as the Meridian's are set down at one Degrees distance: the Parallels are Parallels indeed; the Meridian's are Straight Lines, but more and more concurring from South to North, as is required from the nature of the Sphere.  
The Latitude of the Countries is from 50 Degrees 8 Minutes to 55 and 50 Minutes. The Longitude from 17 to 25 Degrees and 9 Minutes: And 'tis reckoned from St Michaël and St Maries in the Azores, as the Geographer himself there expresseth: Longitudinis gradus ab eo Meridiano capiunt initium qui per Divae Mariae Insulam transit, quae omnium Azorearum maximè ad Orientem vergit.  
The middle Parallel of the Parallelogram is at 53 Degrees of Latitude and passeth by Newcastle upon Tine. The Middle Parallel of the Country itself is somewhat of a Lesser Latitude, and may be imagined to pass a not much besides Tidburie Castle in Staffordshire, as Mr Norden thought. And indeed Staffordshire hath been anciently accounted the Middle of England: and the Inhabitants of that Shire are called by BEDE Angli Mediterranei.  
The Scale of Miles is answerable to one Degree of Latitude, and is also divided, as they, into 60 Parts. And a Degree of Longitude answereth to so many Parts of that 60, as it ought in the Parallel of 50 Degrees of Latitude, that is 38 Miles or thereabouts; and therefore the graduation both of the Scale, the Parallels, and Meridian's is exact and according to Art. And in measuring the Distances of the Places, 'tis all one to set the Compass upon the Minutes of Latitude as upon the Scale itself.  
In finding out the Longitude, or Latitude of any City or Town in the Map, the manner is the same as in any other, for the Longitude is to be reckoned in the North and South sides, the Latitude in the East and West sides of the Parallelogram.  
But the Situation and Distance of the Places in a particular Chart are most of moment, the Situations are plain. The Distances in this Map, where I could prove them experimentally, for the most part were found true. They cannot be exact in any Map whatsoever, as Mr Norden himself, who laboured much in this matter maketh his complaint in that necessary Guide, added to a little, but not much augmented, by the late Editioner. The setting down of the places themselves in the void Angles of the Squares pretends very well, but there was not room for the purpose; yet in one respect the New Book bettereth the Old, in that the Bearing of Places is annexed by an expression of the Points of the Compass upon every Square.  
In some Maps of Particulars Country's you may possibly find the Meridian's drawn directly without any hope of Concurrence. And Ptolemy saith it maketh no matter so this caution be observed: Preterea nil referet si aequidistantibus usi fuerimus Meridianis Lineis rectis, quoque Parallelorum dummodo solùm partes distantiae Meridianorum eam rationem sumant ad distantias Parallelorum quam maximus habet Circulus ad illum Parallelum, qui in Tabula hâc medius erit.  
It is all upon the first main ground of the Depression of the Sphere, which in any Descriptions in any considerable Distance from the Line, cannot really be made good upon a Plane, but it to be answered by proportion; for which cause Marinus the Tyrian condemned all Descriptions in Plano; but Ptolemy shown his Error. And from the same Principle is to be derived the understanding of those Titles written over some Descriptions in the Atlas, as to that of Bellovacum, or the Country of Bologna. The Description is, The Meridian's thereof are placed at the Parallels 50, & 45. So to the Description of the Landgraviate of Hessen; The Title is, The Meridian's are distant according to the proportion of the 510 Parallel to the Great Circle. The Author himself giveth you the reason of it in his Admonition set before the Description of France, pag. 242.   

Of Topographical Maps, and for an Example the Description of Middlesex by Mr Norden.  

Geograph. lib. 1. cap. 1.  NOw that you may not be mistaken in Terms, the Description of the Whole whether by Parallelogramme, or Planisphere is most rightfully called Geography in Plano.  
Geographiae proprium est (saith Ptolemie) unam & continuam terram cognitam ostendere quemadmodum se habeat naturâ & positione.  
The Description of any very great part of the Earth, as France, England, or the like, is most properly called chorography.  
Ptolemy himself goeth no further in distinctions; for having said, That Geographie is an imitation of the Picture of the Earth, with intimation of reference to the drawing of the lesser Worlds; he addeth, Porrò finis Chorographicus connexione particulari continetur, veluti si quis aurem tantùm aut oculum imitetur. And indeed the Tables of Ptolemy needed no other Difference in terms. But the late Geographers finding it fittest of all to make Descriptions of small Parcels of the Earth, as Shires and Counties to us, the Circles of the Empire in Comparison to the Greatness of that, and the like; They have fallen upon a third member of this Division, calling these kind of Descriptions topography, though Ptolemy did minutissimas proprietates Chorographiae attribuere. And the word itself will not allow of any very great Distinction from the other, if it had not been gained upon by Use.  
Now as there is no Chorographical Map or Description of the whole Region, or Country of this Kingdom can be more exactly according to Art, or according to Industry more particularly performed than that of Saxton, so for the Descriptions of the Shires or Counties thereof (which must then be called their topography) No man whatsoever hath lighted upon a more exact and present way of Delineation than the Industrious Norden.  
The intent of this Man was to make an absolute Description of the Whole, and every part of this Kingdom of Great Britain: It pleased him to call this purpose, Speculum Britanniae. The first Part whereof (which is only completed) affordeth us a general Description of the Kingdom, with a particular Description and Topographical Table of Middlesex. The Table is projected upon a Parallelogramme, the sides whereof are divided into Miles, so that though the sides look like Meridian's and Parallels; yet they are not so, but a mere Scale, from which therefore are drawn cross the Table small black equidistant lines, looking also like to Parallels and Meridian's, but serving only for the readier taking of the Distances, the Divisions of these Lines from East to West standing for two, from North to South for four Miles. The Letters upon the East and West side, and figures upon the North and South side, serve for the finding out any place by the Direction of the Alphabet: For Example, The Alphabet, saith Brentford. H. 12. See H in the East or West side, 12 upon the North or South side, and then by the Square made by the black Lines you fall upon the Place. The Figures here and there about, which in the Parallelogramme, 2, 3, 4, 5, and to 11 Note out the Principal Highways from London through Middlesex, as number the 4 by Northolt is to show the way to uxbridg, and so to Oxford, etc. This is told you in the Speculum, fol. 49. a. And these Highways are distinguished out by the Lines of Points; for that of One is to define out the Bounds of the Shire, as you may see upon the West side it passeth by the River Colne to Shyreditch, etc. The Capital Letters A, B, C, etc. are to distinguish the Hundreds of the County, as the Speculum saith, fol. 13. A.  
The Compass of 8 Rumbes in the North-East Angle of the Map is of the same known use as in any other.  
Thus had this indefatigable Man intended to all the Shires of this Kingdom, and he seemeth to intimate in the Preface to his Guide, as if the Maps were fully finished. And yet there are but very few of them to be commonly met with, but for Alphabetical Descriptions (the most useful way that ever was or could be devised, especially in small Geography. I think the Work never went further than Middlesex (for aught at least as I can find.) The Greater or Less.   

Of the Resemblance of Countries, and to other things in Art or Nature.  
ANd this also as a Ceremony of the Art is not to be omitted, That the Geographers in their Descriptions not unusually (where it may stand with any due proportion) do fancy the fashion of this or that Country to be like such or such a figure, elsewhere found in some other things Natural or Artificial: our own Island useth to be likened to a Triangle, and it doth not much abhor from that Figure.  
Antiquissimi Scriptores in Polydore Virgil have resembled the Vectis Insula or Isle of Wight to an Egg. Peloponnesus of old hath been likened Platani folio to a Plantain Leaf. Strabo likened Europe to a Dragon. Some of late have likened it to a King's Daughter. Spain to be the Head. Italy the Right Arm, Cymbrica Chersonesus the Left, France the Breast, Germany the Belly, etc. Asia by some is likened to a half Moon. And of Africa one saith, That it is like the Duke of Venetia's Cap. The same Strabo compared Spain to an Oxhide stretched out. Pliny and Solinus likened Italy to an Ivie-leaf, but the late Geographers more comparablie to a Man's leg.  
This is the rather noted, because some Maps also are drawn according to this manner of Fancy, as that of Belgia by Kerius within the Picture of a Lion; for so those Countries have been resembled.  
This cannot always fall out, for when Maginus cometh to tell the Form of Scotland, he could liken it to nothing at all.   

Of the old and new Names of Places, and other Artificial Terms met with in the Maps.  
IN reading the Descriptions you will find great difference betwixt the New and Old Names of the Places, as for Hispalis of old, the new Descriptions read Sevil: for the Adriatic, Sea, Golfo di Venetia: for the Baltic, Mar de Belt, and the like.  
In the Descriptions themselves distinction is most commonly made of this, if the Describers be as they should; but in the Maps it is not (indeed it could not be) so usually observed. To supply this, you have the Introduction to Geography by Cluverius, where the Old and New Names are still compared, the omission whereof is no small fault in some Describers of our own.  
But especially for this purpose is the Thesaurus Geographicus Ortelij. A Geographical Dictionary so called, and is a present Satisfaction in this case.  
You will meet also with certain Terms of Art, (so after a sort they may be called) as Sinus, Fretum, a Bay, The straits, and the like; and though it seemeth to belong unto this place to tell what they are, yet will it not be much to the purpose to make so diligent an enumeration as some would have us, of the Terms Natural and Artificial in Geography and hydrography. In the Natural appertaining to the Earth to tell what Nemus, Saltus, Arbustum, Virgultum, etc. the difference betwixt a Bush and a Shrub: In the Artificial to go down from Regnum, Territorium, etc. to Vicus, Pagus, Villa, Tugurium, and to say that the definition of a Cottage is Rustica habitatio tecta uluâ palustri. In the Natural Terms, Ad aquam spectantibus; Mare, Fretum, Sinus, etc. till you come to Torrens, Palus, Stagnum, Lacus, Rivus. Nothing but a Ditch left out. And Rivus is so called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it runneth along. In the Artificial Terms you are there taught the exact Description of a Cistern, of a Fishpond and a Sink, and all this under the Title and Protection of Geographie. But excepting those, which you cannot choose but know; these are the Terms.  

Insula.  An Island. Strabo called the Whole Globe of the Earth by this Name, because it is encompassed round by the Ocean. This than may be the Great Island. The Less are such parts of the Great, as are surrounded by the Waters. It is called by the Italians, Isola; by the French Isle; by the Spaniards Ysla; by the Dutch Insel and Eijlandt, all which (the Maps so severally naming according to the Country) is not told you in vain.  

Continens.  A Continent, or Part of Land not separated by the Sea, as the Continents of Spain, France, etc. The Belgians call it Land●scap sunder eylandt, A Landscape or Region without an Island. It admitteth of another Sens in the Law: For Ulpian said, Continentes Provincias accipi debere, quae Italiae conjunctae sunt. Tryphon. de Excusat. Tutor. L. Titius, Testamento Romae accepto aut in continentibus, subaudi locis.  
It is otherwise termed, Terra firma; by the French, Terre ferme; by the Italian, Terra ferma; by the Spaniards, Tierra firma, the firm Land. In Greek it is called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epirus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith the Author de Mundo) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Insulas & Continentes divisit.  
Peninsula, or Penè Insula. An Island almost, only in one part joining to the Continent, 
Peninsula.  and that part useth to be called Isthmus, 
Isthmos.  or otherwise, A Neck of Land: Est angustia illa intermedia inter Peninsulam, & Continentem, & veluti quaedam Cervix, quae à Continente, velut à corpore gracilescens Peninsulam cum Continente tanquam caput cum reliquo corpore connectit.  
The digging thorough of these Necks of Land hath been often undertaken, but not without a secret kind of fatality.  
The most famous Isthmus accounted is that of Corinth, hindering the Peloponesus from being an Island, and so putting the Ships to a Circuit about; and therefore (as you may observe Pliny to say) Demetrius Rex, Dictator Caesar, C. Princeps, Domitius Nero, perfodere tentavere infausto (ut omnium patuit exitu) incoepto. Dion saith that Nero's undertake were entertained with a spring of Blood first, and after that auditi mugitus, ululatúsque flebiles, visáque formidabilia Spectra & Simulacra multa, horrible and fearful yells were heard, and many formidable apparitions seen. Yet Demetrius is said to have defisted by the advice of the Artificers, who brought in word that the Bay was higher upon the Corinthian side, which would not only prove dangerous by Inundation, but make the Strait unserviceable when the work was done.  
Herod of Athens, Nicanor, Seleucus, 
Caelius Rhodiginus Lection. Antiqu. lib. 21. cap. 19  and others are summed up by Rhodiginus for the like Attempts, and same success: And Philip the second of Spain had once in his mind to cut through that Straight of Land (I may call it so) betwixt Panma and Nombre de dios to make that vast Peninsula of Southern America (as but for this it were) an Island; but upon further consideration he fell off from the Design.  
The like undertake were forbidden the Cnidians by the Oracle of Apollo; and Pausanias thinketh he can tell the reason: Quoniam rebus divinitus constitutis manum injicere non licet.  
And yet the Arabic Geographer not having heard of any such things, tell's the Cutting of the Streits of Gibraltar, but like another story: Indeed he says 'twas done by Alexander the Great, Qui operariis, atque Geometris ad se convocatis suum de acida illa terra fodienda, & canali aperiendo animum explicuit praecepítque illis ut terrae solum cum utriusque maris aequore metirentur, etc. The sum is, that by the help of Alabii the Geographer, and other Mathematicians he broke through the Isthmus and made it a Strait of Water.  
For the Metaphor the Physicians are even with the Grammarians, for Galen saith, 
Galen ad 3 Sent. Hippoc.  Tonsillas esse locorum ad Isthmum pertinentium inflammationes. Per Isthmum verò oportet intelligere partem illam quae eos & gulam interjacet, quae per Metaphoram quandam ità nominatur abiis, qui propriè dicuntur Isthmi. Sunt autem angusti qui dem terrae transitus inter duo maria sitae. And Julius Pollux hath it, Guttur propter angustias Isthmum dici.  
A Promontory: Mons in Mari prominens, 
Promontorium.  A Mountain or Head of Land butting out upon the Sea. Sceglia sepra acqua in mare, otherwise Capo: so the Spanish El Capo de tierra en mari, A Cape or Head of the Earth in the Sea. 'Tis commonly noted in the Tables by the first letter of the word C, as in the Map of Africa in Ortelius, C. de buona speransa, Caput bonae spei, or The Cape of good Hope. As they set down R for Rio Rivus: R. de la plate, The Plate River: P for Port, P. Grande, P. del Nor, etc. Y, or Y a for Ysla: Y del Poso: Ya del Principe and the like.  

Fretum.  An Isthmus, or Strait of Water. Mare angustum, & quasi brachium Maris interceptum inter duo littora. So called à fremitu Maris, for which cause in the High Dutch it is called De Sund, from the Ancient Saxon sund, as Kilian hath noted: Sound or Sund saith he, Vet. Sax. Fretum.  
You meet it often in the Dutch and Danish Maps, as Milvarts sont, Golber sont; but especially that most famous Streit upon the Baltic Sea, which not unlike the Castles upon the Hellespont commandeth all the Ships in their passage. It is called by them Sound, or Sund: by us the Sound. Instead of Fretum the Italian writeth Streto, or el Streto: the Spaniard Estrecho, as Estrecho di Gibraltar: Gibraltarec it should be, as was formerly noted, for the Mountain (from whence the Strait is named) is so called by the Arabic Geographer, and he saith also that the Gebal (so they call a Mountain) was named from Tarec, the son of Abdalla, who made good the Place against the Inhabitants.  

Sinus.  A Creek or corner of the Sea insinuating into the Land. It is otherwise called Baia, a Bay: a Station, or Road for Ships: a Gulf, as Golfo di Venetia, Golfo de S. Sebastiano, etc.  

Pierre.  A Peer from Petra, because of the Congestion of great Stones to the raising up of such a Pile. 'Tis a kind of small Artificial Creek or Sinus, as the Peer of Dover: the Peer of Portland, etc.   

The Concernment of All This.  
THe things we talk of all this while how like soever they may look to a Book-man's business, yet are such of themselves as Kings and Princes have found their States concerned in.  

Zon. Annal. Tom. 2. pag. 397  Zonara's will tell you that in Domitian's time it cost one Metius his life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for having a Map of the World hanging in his Chamber. The fault indeed was that (as common fame rendered him) he was thought to asspire to the Empire; of the truth whereof, it was taken to be a sufficient assurance, that he should have so dangerous a thing about him as the picture of the Provinces.  
Of what importance Julius Caesar, Antonine, and the other Emperors held these Descriptions is manifest by their very own Itineraries yet to be seen. Felix Maleolus in his Dialogue of Nobility mentioneth a Description of all the World (the known All as then) begun by Julius Caesar, and finished by Augustus, in which he saw set down Gentes & Civitates singulas cum suis distantiis.  
The Tabulae Putingerianae annexed to the Descriptions of Ptolemy by Bertius are famous in this kind. The Notitia utriusque Imperii singularly to the same purpose. Alexander the Great went upon no Design without his Geometers, Beton and Diognetus. They are called by Pliny Mensores Itinerum Alexandri, and their Descriptions were exstant in his time. 
Plin. lib. 6. cap. 17.   
The great Defeat given at the straits of Thermopylae only for want of cunning in the Passages is notoriously known. But the Experience of these things is harder by. Not a day of these we have now, but needeth thus much of a Geographer. And for want of such help Julius Caesar, Quando voluit Angliam oppugnare refertur maxima specula erexisse, ut à Gallicano Littore dispositionem civitatum, 
Roger Bacon Perspect. Dist. ult. pag. 166.  & castrorum Angliae praeviderit, possent enim erigi specula in alto contra civitates contrarias, & exercitus, ut omnia quae fierent ab inimicis viderentur, & hoc potest fieri in omni distantia qua desideramus; etc. saith Roger Bacon in his Perspectives.  
It is propounded by a man ingeniously enough conceited, as a device nothing besides the Meditation of a Prince to have his Kingdoms and Dominions by the direction of an able Mathematician, 
Geographical Garden.  Geographically described in a Garden-platform: the Mountains and Hills being raised like small Hillocks with Turfs of Earth, the Valleys somewhat concave within: the Towns, Villages, Castles, or other remarkable Edifices, in small green mossy Banks, or Spring-work proportional to the Platform: the Forests and Woods represented according to their form and capacity, with Herbs and Stubs, the great Rivers, Lakes and Ponds to dilate themselves according to their course from some Artificial Fountain made to pass in the Garden through Channels, etc. All which may doubtless be Mathematically counterfeited, as well as the Horizontal Dial, and Coat-armor of the House in Exeter College Garden.  
It is known too that a Gentleman of good Note not far from this place caussed the like Geographical Descriptions to be curiously wrought upon his Arras, wherein he beholdeth the Situations and Distances of the Country, as truly and more distinctly than in any Map whatsoever.  

Geographical playing-cards.  The Author of the complete Gentleman telleth of a Pack of French Cards which he hath seen, The four Suits changed into Maps of several Countries of the four parts of the World, and exactly coloured for their Numbers, the Figures 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, etc. set over their Heads. For the Kings and Queens the Portraitures of their Kings and Queens in their several Country habits, for the Knaves their Peasants and Slaves, etc.  
It is certain that the greatest and most public affairs of any State have their dependence upon foreign Cases passed, or especially present. There is not so great an alteration in the Whole, as some Men think. The Carriage of Matters in times-by gone are not so unlike the things we now presently do, as not to give us aim at the least. The Great is the same World, as the Little is the same Man, though now more stricken in years; and moreover the Comparison faileth in this, that in every Age some men have atteined to their own ripeness, though to that of the Whole Great Man none could but the Grandees of the Present. It yieldeth thus much, that the Face and Picture of all instant Actions may be seen by reflection in the future; or if the same Age look upon the Turk, or Venetian upon us, and we upon them the like, or not much less, will be the necessities of conversation with Record and Story. There can be nothing done in that, without an interview of the Places which must needs be seen either with our own Eyes there, or with other Men's in a Map.   
FINIS.