GREGORII Posthuma: OR, Certain Learned TRACTS: WRITTEN By JOHN GREGORY, M. A. and Chaplain of Christ-Church in OXFORD.  
TOGETHER With a short Account of the Autor's LIFE; and Elegies on his much lamented DEATH.  
Published by his Dearest Friend J. G. B. D. of Merton College.  
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden Lion in Little- Britain. 1649.   

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TO My highly-honored Friend, FOR VIRTUE and LEARNING, Ed. Bysh, Esquire.  
SIR!  
NOt to Dedicate This to Your Name and Patronage, were to commit a double Trespass; one against the Will and Purpose of the Dead, (if that may be called a Trespass in this profane Age) another against my own Obligations to Your singular Worth; which hath so highly engaged both the Author and myself, as that for me to think of any other Patron than Your Noble Self, were both Ingratitude and Impiety: But the greatest Examples this Age can give me, shall never prevail with me to be guilty of either.  
Wherefore, to You, (who durst be charitable at such a time as that, and so Ingenuous, as to appear a Lover of Learning in this Age) to You (I say) do I present these Posthums of Your Learned, and now much-Lamented Client; a man so entirely affected to Learning, as that the very foresight of this Barbarity (wherein Learning and Learned men were to be the Objects of Scorn and Cruelty) broke his heart.  
Time was, (even among the Heathen) that Learning was a sufficient Protection against Tyranny; witness Antonius' Triumvir, who, when Varro (his Enemy, and of a contrary Faction) was Listed for Death, He thus gallantly superscribed his Name,— Vivat Varro Vir Doctissimus.  
But I forbear: And having now (Sr!) too long perhaps insisted on the Caus of my Sorrows and this Dedication, I hearty recommend You to the Grace of Him, who is able to uphold You in these evil Days; and to enable You, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to stand in this slippery Age.  
Your Worship's humbly Devoted, John Gurganie.   

VIA una COR VNUM  blazon or coat of arms  
A Short Account of the Autor's Life and Death.  
THe Desire of Being is not Ambition, but a generous Appetite and relish of Immortality, which Nature herself prompt's the Creature to: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an Apostolical Testimony, that the whole Creation aims not only at a Being, but an Eternity of Wel-beeing also. I cannot wonder therefore at the Egyptians Industry to preserv their Memory and Figures to Posterity. 
2 Sam. 18.18.  Nor at Absolom's Pillar, He having no Heir to perpetuate his Name; which, if good, is rather to be chosen then great Riches: These may perish with the wicked, but the Memory of the Just shall be blessed.  
Who then can distrust, or oppose this Happiness of good men, so long since assured by Him which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Eternal God, Blessed for ever? Surely none, without the guilt of theomachy or Ingratitude. Upon this Consideration, the wise Son of Sirach, that Eloquent Encomiast, raised his Monumental Pillar to the Patriarches; hence, doubtless, he took his Rise to that lofty Panegyric of the Primitive Saints; Laudemus Viros gloriosoes, 
Ecclus 44.1.  etc. Let us now prais famous men, etc.  
And, in Imitation of Him, I might say much in Commendation of this Author, whose Worth (aswel natural as acquisite) was the Miracle of his Age. But my Account shall be brief and plain, as most suitable to the sadness of my Thoughts on this Subject, leaving all Flourish and Fancy to the Gallantry of poetry; from whose sweet strains I shall not long detain you.  

Camden's Brit.  Amersham, in the County of Buckingham, ennobled hitherto only by the Honourable Family of the russel's, may now boast as much in the Birth of this Author; which happened on the 10th of November, 1607: And though his Parents were but of mean Extraction and Estate, 

Ovid Metam. lib. 9  Ingenuâ de Plebe virum, nec census in illo  
Nobilitate suâ major, sed vita fidesque  
Inculpata fuit, etc.—   
Yet of such noted Piety and Honesty, as gained them love and respect from the Best of that Place. Whence this their eldest Son, about the 15th year of their pious Education of Him, was chosen by my worthy Friend Dr Crook, to wait upon Sr William Drake, (and soon after, on Sr Robert Crook) at Christ-Church in Oxford; where they had the happiness to be under the Tuition of the most Ingenuous and Learned Dr George Morley, whose Directions and Encouragements to study were so exact and impressive, as that they soon eased him of farther trouble with this Author.  
The Account of this his young Scholar's Studies being above the Leisure of a Tutor to receiv; (especially one so greatly and publicly engaged) For besides mine own Observation of him, (enjoying him no small time in my Chamber in Christ Church) he confessed unto me, That, for divers years, he studied 16 of every 24 hours, and that with so much appetite and delight, 
Aenea pila, Diog. Laërt. & Lud. Viu. de Cor. Art.  as that he needed not the Cure of Aristotle's drowsiness to awake him, or my Observation of his Indefatigable Industry, which Magnetically drew my Affections toward him, my Love being as great to Learning, as my Nature unapt and impatient of extraordinary Labours. Hence I loved him unto a Filial Adoption, and after confirmed it by an Academical Exercise for our first Degrees; wherein, his Worth, like the Rising of the Sun, began to discover itself, darting forth such fair Hopes and Glimmerings of future Perfection, as were quickly espied by the then vigilant Dean of Christ Church, Dr Duppa, since Lord Bishop of Sarum, who immediately received him into favour, and soon after made him Chaplain of Christ Church, and, after that, his own Domestic, and prebendary of Chichester and Sarum.  
For which Favours, he now began (about 26 years old) at once to publish to the World his Worth, and Gratitude in the Dedication of his Notes on Learned Ridley's Civil Law, to his and my honoured Patron, the Bishop of Sarum. In which Notes, he made an earlie Discovery of his Civil, Historical, Ecclesiastical, Ritual, and Oriental Learning, together with the Saxon, French, Italian, Spanish, and all Eastern Languages, through which he miraculously traveled, without any Guide, except Mr Dod the Decalogist; whose Society, and Directions for the Hebrew Tongue, he enjoied one Vacation near Banburie. For which Courtesy, he ever gratefully remembered him, as a man of great Piety, Learning, Gravity, and Modesty; of which Graces also this Author was as great a Possessor, as Admirer.  
Hence those many Tracts, both in English and Latin, were bashfully laid by, in his youth, as Abortives; some whereof I have here published, and entitled Posthumas, as so many Testimonies and Monuments of his general Learning.  
For which he was much honoured by the Acquaintance and Favour of men of the greatest honour and eminence in Learning, 
Archbish. Laud, B. Montague, B. Lindsey, Mr John Selden, etc.  that this Age hath produced; besides the Correspondence (in Points of Learning) which he held with divers famous Men abroad, aswel Jesuits and Jews, as others.  
And now being like the Sun in his Zenith, ready to shine in his greatest lustre, Behold, the whole Kingdom began to be clouded with Judgements, 
Ovid. Met. lib. 1.  (Sic Deus inductâ nostras caligine Terras Occuluit—) lïke that Egyptian Darkness, which even then began to damp, and hath since quite extinguished the greatest and purest Lights of this Nation, such as were not to be paralleled by any other for Piety and Learning. Among whom, notwithstanding the Hope of a clear Day preserved this Learned Author awhile sufficiently spirited for Study, whereby he composed and published (a little before his Death) those his Excellent Notes upon some Passages of Scripture, in which kind of holy Study he intended to spend the rest of his Life.  
But, behold! after 20 years' trouble with an Hereditary Gout, improved by immoderate Study, and now invading his Stomach, Atropos stands ready to cut his Thread of Life, being laboriously spun out but 39 years: when, foreseeing the Glory was now departing from our Israël, his Spirits began to fail in an extraordinary manner.  
For Recovery and Supportation whereof, (his first Noble Patron, the Bishop of Sarum, being disabled by Sequestration, etc.) the liberal hand of a second Maecenas was presently extended, which though it could not save him (as Christ's did St Peter) from perishing in these waters of Affliction, yet 'twas not in vain: for, as our Saviour said of that Unguent, so may I of his last Patrone's Charity, 
Mat. 26.12. Joh. Antioch. Hist. translated out of Greek into Latin with Annotations.  Was it not to bury him? yes, and to raise him too with the Trump of Fame being very active and free toward the Publication, not only of this Posthumous Offspring, but also of some other of greater Expectation.  
And here, Reader! I cannot but drop a Tear for the loss of that his excellent Piece, entitled by himself, Alkibla.  
In which Tract, with very great Judgement and Learning, he vindicated the Antiquity of Eastward Adoration, (especially in all Churches) as far beyond an Altar or a Crucifix, (the Romish Bounds) as the Flood preceed's in time these Superstitious Distinctions of the Christian.  
Which gallant Refutation of that Popish Error, I the rather mention, because some suspected him a Favourer of that Way; but, to my certain knowledge, their Jealousy was unjust and groundless; he having often declared and protested, not only to me, but also to many of his familiar Friends, his Abhorrence of Popery, and his sincere Affection and Constancy to the Protestant Religion, as it was established in England by Acts of Parliament.  

At Kidlington, Mar. 13. 1646. and was buried in Christ-Church in Oxford.  And as he lived, so he died also, a most Obedient and Affectionate Son to his Distressed Mother the Church of England; for whose Sufferings he forrowed unto Death; a more painful and exquisite Martyrdom then that by Fire or Sword: By these the Soul break's prison in a minute to an Eternity of Liberty and Felicity; that keep's us on the Rack of Death, not only to the Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1 Cor. 15.31.  we die hourly.  
This Account would have run into a Volume, should I have given you a Particular of his Virtues; as, his Courtesy, Humility, etc. not disdaining the meanest Scholar, nor proud of his victorious Discourses with the best Learned. And how free and liberal he was of his Treasury, to the full satisfaction of all Inquisitors, I may confidently appeal to all that knew him.  
But I must not so remember my lost Friend, as to forget myself in my Promise of Brevity; nay, I will rather choose to be somewhat indebted in this kind to the Dead; well knowing, the Mourners following, will completely discharge those Arrears: To whom I now therefore hastily refer you.   

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Upon the DEATH of my dearest Friend, the AUTHOR.  
WOuld you the Caus, why this my Son did die?  
'Twas, to prevent my Immortality.  
As Twins, informed by one soul, part being dead,  
The sad survivor lives half-murthered:  
So I, in my Retirements, being fixed  
On Him, in Me both Life and Death are mixed.  
Nor craves our 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Motto less; though God denies  
To match our Wishes with our Destinies.  
What then remains, but that I often look  
Upon thee, and enjoie thee in thy Book?  
Whose Learned Matchless Lines shall still bring forth  
Thy Lovers, as Eternal, as thy Worth.  
Who, when we are in Bliss, will sigh, complain,  
And curs the Age, suffered thee to be slain.  
Slain by an Ichabod; and many more: 
1 Sam. 4.24. 

Masters Oxonienses.  
Cartwright Oxonienses.  
Digges, etc. Oxonienses.     
Whom though this hate, the next Age will adore.  
Whose Ashes shall revive, if any be  
Fit Subjects for Celestial Chemistry.  
Thus Shine ye Glories of your Age, whilst We  
Wait to fill up your martyrology.  
And envy not this our Ambition, though  
You wounded were to Death, We have scars too;  
And from those darts: but with this difference; You  
Let them stick fast, which we with scorn withdrew.  
Thus different Glories in one Sphere may be  
Equal in Height, though not in Dignity.  
Whilst, like that Manna past, or that in store,  
The Lest was filled, nor is the Greatest more.  
J. G. B. D.   

An ELEGY On the Learned AUTHOR.  
THough yon close Anchorite's contracted   
Made his innarrowed Carcase seem a Crowd:  
Yet the caged Votary did wider dwell,  
Then Thou, in thy large Roof, and spreading Cell.  
Both lived alike immured: but, Mansions space,  
To Him, was Emptiness; to Thee, was Place.  
Which the Retirement's different Ends decide:  
Thine was, to Toil and Sweat; but His, to Hid.  
Who, though sat down contented with the Store  
Thou brought'st from Nature, coveting no more:  
Yet, like a Wealthy Heir, by that Advance,  
Thou hadst lived high on thy Inheritance.  
Who ere is born to an Estate to is hand,  
Is full as Rich, as He that buie's his Land.  
And such wert Thou: but, least free Nature's Gift  
Seem mis-bestowed, unless improved by Thrift;  
'Twas thy strong care to melt down Native Parts,  
And shape up great Endowments into Arts.  
Hence sprung Thy vigorous Pains, unwearied Sweats:  
Whilst each past Toil, edge to fresh Toil begets.  
Till thy torn Nervs, stretched in their Search before,  
Grow suppler by it, and so put on for more.  
And thy Bend Thought o'er his deep Object cracks:  
Nor Torture bring's, but Patience from thy Racks.  
Oft did the Sun owe Thee his Morning Streams,  
And at thy Earlier Taper light his Beams.  
When, now declining in his West, and gone,  
Thou badst him sleep, for Thou wouldst Journey on.  
When Midnight Silence did thy Motions see,  
As Night were made for all the World, but Thee.  
Nor did thy watchful Temples harbour Rest,  
Till thy great Monster-Scruples fell suppressed.  
Alcides' scorned to deem his Labour sped,  
Whilst Hydra wore, or threatening Tail, or Head.  
No empty, Surface-Learning could suffice,  
No Light, no Floating Notions bound thy Eyes.  
But down thy Plummet dive's to th' deepest sound,  
Still mining through, till it had pressed the Ground.  
Art hath her Quicksands, which no Hold endure:  
He strikes the Bottom that will Anchor sure.  
While dull we find the Found, the same Mark hit,  
The shackled Circumscription of Our Wit:  
Thy unconfined Enquirie bids at more,  
Launches in deeps, never fathomed before:  
Plough's the rough Deserts up, scorn's old Abode,  
Or Prostitute Directions of a Rode.  
Yet thy Nice Pilgrimage doth never stray;  
But, turns the crooked Maze, to Beaten-Waie.  
So, through wild Seas the adventurous Keel is hurled,  
Not to Loose this, but Find the other World.  
Thy vigorous Brain releiv's from lazy Rust,  
Disguised in Characters, but more in Dust,  
Grey Customs, which our dead dismettled Sloth  
Gave up, to surfeit the undaring Moth.  
Crazed Giants thus distressed Damsels hold;  
Not by their strength, but, 'caus their Champion's cold.  
Euclid and Ptolemy were so thine Own,  
As the fair Building's is the Cornerstone.  
Whose beauteous Pile doth by the Basis clime:  
Yet This preceed's in Worth, though That in Time.  
Astrology so obeyed Thy Learned Eye,  
As all the Wheels and Clockwork of the Sky,  
By Curious Nature were asunder ta'en,  
To guide Thy Art, and then set up again.  
And when her Motions jar, her staggering Team  
May fix afresh, by Thy King henry's Scheme.  
The Sacred Hebrew thy Judicious Rage  
Pursued, to find its Mystic Parentage;  
With Keen, and Eager, yet with sated Flight:  
Not to Ride-over, but O'ertake the Light.  
Rude Rabbins, like rude Herbarists go to't:  
They mar the Plant, by digging for the Root.  
Thy Numerous Language could have circuit run  
T' Interpret Countries to the Travelling Sun;  
Discourse ' a his Rising to the Western Seas,  
And phrased his business with th' Antipodes.  
Yet this bright Stock thy Bounty did afford,  
As thy Disbursement still, but not thy Hoard:  
Not to amuse the Needy, but supply:  
'Twas thy Dominion, not thy Tyranny.  
Hence, when I asked thy Torch to light my Way,  
And gained some Twilights from Thy Glistering Day;  
Thy Liberal Art the Labyrinth did undo,  
With the same Cheer, as I had been thy Clew.  
Thy Candid Guidance back the Compass brought,  
And called Me Tutor still, for being Taught.  
Now these Loud Parts, like a Shril-thundering Peal,  
Which is the Belfree's Pride, but not its Weal,  
Rend thy frail Tenement, and made us see,  
Thy music's Excellence, and Cruelty.  
An Envious Gout, the Leaguer of thy Feet,  
To awe thine Industry, lay armed to meet  
Thy wakeful Midnight-Watch; and brought Thee back,  
For each Raw Learned-Night, a Fortnight's Rack.  
And when the single Threats of one Disease  
Bark at thy Vigilant Moons, but not displeas:  
When Customary Anguish now sat by,  
Like thy Companion, not thy Malady:  
The Enraged Mischief made her Party strong,  
Swelled her vexed Unity into a Throng:  
Charming Confederates their mixed Powers to reach,  
To storm the Fort, for She had made the Breach.  
Till the Fresh Host possessed of every Part,  
Whilst Gouts secure thy Joints, the Rest thy Heart;  
Thy over-numbered Corpse at last did fall,  
No one sick Patient, but an Hospital.  
M. LL.   

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UPON THE DEATH Of my Loving Friend, Mr JOHN GREGORY.  
SUre it must needs be so:— or else I should  
Think Providence but little understood  
The State of things; when a dull senseless Tree  
Stands, and outlive's a Jewish Pedigree:  
But Man, whose Knowledge might new Worlds create,  
And so compose a wiser Book of Fate,  
Him, the least breath must scatter into Air,  
As if his dust not yet compacted were.  
For I don't speak of one, whose Destiny  
Was but to make a Sermon, and so die.  
Such, as the Law deliver in a Cloud,  
Thicker than God at first did, and as loud.  
Such, as blaspheme by Preaching, ne'er have done,  
Until their Comments make an Alcoran.  
Who scare the Turk from being Christian,  
And Indians fear they then should put off Man.  
He searched Religion's Source, Gospel, and Law,  
From Moses in the Flags, to Christ in Straw.  
And was so skilled in these Antiquities,  
That he could almost tell where Moses lies;  
Who was 
† 'Tis the opinion of a Learned man, that Melchisedeck was not called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he had no Father and Mother, but because it was not known, who his Father and Mother were.  Melchisedeck's Father; Rectify  
A Jew even in's own Genealogy.  
Who says he dieed too soon, that had lived o'er  
All Ages whatsoever were before?  
And knew so much of Language, that, alone,  
He might have saved all Nations in their own  
Idiom and Dialect, though there never fell  
A Cloven Tongue, or other Miracle.  
Great Citizen of the World! though thou die'dst here,  
Yet thus we prove, thou wert born Every Every where.  
And, like the Sun too, didst thou never sleep,  
But when we called it Night, thou still didst keep  
Thy journey on; till with as large an Eye,  
Thou viewd'st the Univers, as much as he.  
But thou couldst not endure (alas!) to run  
O'er the same Circle still; so having done  
Surveying this our Globe, thou wentest to see  

* Galileans probably conjectured all the Planets were inhabited Worlds.  What other worlds did do, aswel as we.  
Thus art thou fled, and left us here to be  
Sad Ruins of an University.  
What Ignorant Malice could not reach unto,  
Nor War itself, thy single Fate did do.  
The World began at Noon, but thy bright Ray,  
(More glorious Sun!) did set at thy Midday.  
Now we don't mourn our State, for at thy Fall  
'Tis fit this Kingdom perish, World and all.  
Our heap of Stones at Christ-Church proves to be  
But a more spacious Monument to thee.  
And when we purified from this Age, shall name  
And dedicate a Temple to thy Fame;  
we'll call this Island thine, which is no less  
Famous for thee, then it's unhappiness.  
When Cities, Temples burnt shall be forgot,  
And Sacrilege too; the prais of thee shall not.  
Parents shall hither bring their Sons of Years,  
To pay their Tribute in a Sea of Tears;  
And pointing to thy Tomb, cry, There are found  
Oxford and Gregory in one yard of Ground.  
Fr. Palmer.   

Upon the much deplored Deceas of Mr John Gregory, Chaplain of .  

HEnce Exclamations on Disastrous Fate,  
Let none here call the Stars unfortunate,  
Or rail at Lachesis: The Soul that's gone  
Scorns such a whining Celebration;  
And dares that Author whosoever he be  
To search into the Stars so far as he.   

Since Life was lent him till he had a view  
Of all the Mysteries that Nature knew,  
And had a perfect Knowledge of each Art,  
That either Rome or Athens could impart;  
'Twas time (now Learning's banished) to suspend  
His labour, and to get to his Journei's end.   

Should this so sad Intelligence be sent  
The Hebrews and Chaldeans would lament:  
The Syrians and Arabians (though so far)  
Would send to know this an Ambassador;  
But vain and fruitless would their Labour be,  
When none could give an Answer t' it but He.   

He, so Admired of all, that had alone  
Diversity of Tongues for's Portion;  
So fluent, so redundant in them all,  
That each which he had got seemed Natural.   

The Pious Fates gave him a lingering Death,  
Fearing all Arts might perish in one breath:  
But fearing too that if he should live long,  
All Nations would again become one Tongue,  
They added this Confusion to the world,  
And thus together too his Ashes hurled.   

Asscend, Departed Saint, to be a Guest  
To Dialogue with Abram and the rest;  
Thou hadst most Tongues, but know thy Joie's excess  
Is far more now then Angels can express.    

Epitaphium Joannis Gregorii.  
NE premas Cineres hosce, Viator,  
Nescis quot sub hoc jacent Lapillo;  
Graeculus, Hebraeus, Syrus,  
Et qiu Te quovis vincet Idiomate.  
At nè molestus sis,  
Ausculta, & caussam auribus tuis imbibe:  
Templo exclusus  
Et avitâ Relligione  
Jam senescente, (nè dicam sublatâ)  
Mutavit Chorum, altiorem ut capesceret.  
Vade nunc, si libet, & imitare.  
R. W.   

The Particular Titles of this Book.  

I. A Discourse of the LXX Interpreters; the Place and Manner of their Interpretation.  
II. A Discourse declaring what Time the Nicene Creed began to be sung in the Church.  
III. A Sermon upon the Resurrection, from 1 Cor. 15. ver. 20.  
iv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a Disproof of him, in the 3d of S. Luke ver. 36.  
V Episcopus Puerorum in Die Innocentium.  
VI De Aeris & Epochis, showing the several Accounts of Time among all Nations from the Creation to the present Age.  
VII. The Assyrian Monarchy, being a Description of its Rise and Fall.  
VIII. The Description and Use of the Terrestrial Globe.    

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A DISCOURSE OF THE LXX INTERPRETERS; The Place and manner of their Interpretation.  
JVstin Martyr saith, that the Translation was performed, not in the City of Alexandria, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the description whereof, let it be given according to Philo Judaeus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 448.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. that is, The Isle Pharos lieth under Alexandria stretching itself toward the City, washed about not with a deep, but, for the most part, a shallow Sea, which Considered with the largeness doth very much abate from the streperous nois and turbulency of the waves, This (Isle) of all other places thereabout being judged the most convenient for privacy and quietness, and where the Law might be best attended by every man in his most retired meditations, here the Seniors remained, and taking the holy Bible into their hands, they lifted both it and them up into Heaven beseeching Almighty God not to fail them in their purpose, etc. So Philo.  
Aristaeas' speaketh more distinctly for the Place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. that is, Three days being passed, Demetrius took (the Seniors) along with him, and having gotten over the Heptastadium and the Bridge, he brought them to the North parts of the Isle, where he placed the Assembly in a house fitted for them, standing upon the shore, free from all inquietude, and having all the conveniences of situation, &c, And it seemeth to me, that by these words of Aristaeas, something more may be discovered concerning the Place; for the probability from hence is good, that the House here spoken of, should be meant of that famous Tower which Sostratus of Cnidus set up in this Isle Pharos, to direct the Mariners in the dangerous Seas about Alexandria: And the situation very well agreeth, because the Tower also stood North, and upon the Sea side. And the Nubian Geographer, where he describeth this Tower, telleth us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that there were certain Cells erected in it. But Justin Martyr putteth us out of doubt: for he saith, That the Place where the Cells were set up, was 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 17  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ubi Phari speculum aedificari contigit, which is all one with that we believed.  
And we have cause to think, that seeing the King intended this matter of the Translation, with so much Princely care and providence, that he would make choice of such a Seat, as might most eminently adorn his purpose; and therefore it was answerably done to choose the Tower, which was every way worthy of this glorious employment: for the Arabic Geographer saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the whole world cannot show such another Building as this Tower, whether we consider it for the Materials, or for the manner of the Structure. The Reader may see a large description of it in this Author, in the third Part of the third Clime.  
But seeing the thing was done in Egypt, let the Story of it also be delivered in their Language, and set down in Hieroglyphics.  
And did it not well become the business, that the Scripture should be translated in this Place? In a Tower: to note out to the Interpreters, the Sublimity of those things which they had now in hand; that when they went up to their work, every step they asscended might elevate their Minds one degree nearer to the Contemplations of Heaven. And how fitly was it done by the Seaside; that but a little of Earth might be seen to those, who had now to deal with such things, as had nothing in them that was Terrene? But most of all convenient it was, that it should be done in this Tower; For that which hung out a Candle to the doubtful Mariner in the perilous Seas, did it not well that it should also hold out A light to the Gentiles? The Coast of Alexandria was dangerous for any, least of all for the Natives, because they were acquainted with the Passages; but a stranger durst not venture without some direction from this Beacon. Such was our way to Heaven; intricate enough to all Nations, yet more obvious to the Jew, because to him were committed the Oracles of God: But we the Gentiles having no other direction but the light of Nature, could not so well tell how to pass the Streits to Heaven, without some help from the Word; which, though it were always a Light, yet was it never held out unto us, till this time of the Translation: and therefore was it very singularly congruous, that from this Place, from whence the Seafaring men took their notice by a Light, to escape the hazard of those ways they knew not; that it should pleas God also, by the Lantern of his Word, to give aim to the People that sat in Darkness. 

Musaeus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  Therefore when ever thou shalt chance to go that way, inquire out for Pharos. Any remainder of this Tower would be worth the seeing, and Justin Martyr, though there were but a stone left upon a stone, yet he went purposely to take notice of it.  
Why the King should make choice of the Isle for the Interpretation rather than the City; one reason was, to avoid the disturbance of the multitude, for Alexandria was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A City full of Inhabitants, as it is observed by the Scholiast upon Dionysius Afer. And in times passed even before it was Alexandria, it had been very much frequented with a confluence of People; for so it is noted unto us by the Prophet Nachum, where he would know of Nineveh, Whither thee thought herself Better then Populous No, that is saith Chimki 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alexandria in Egypt as it is also interpreted by that Ancient Chaldee Paraphrase, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Art thou better than the great Alexandria, etc. Targum in Hac.  which was performed by the son of Vziel seventeen hundred years past.  
Another Reason was for the safety of the Translators, and this is given by Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. where he urgeth this Reason from the unhealthfulness of the Place, which happened to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. by the variety and constancy of the diseases which reigned among the People. For besides the general distemperature of the air of Egypt, which was calidus & nocivus, hot and hurtful; as it is affirmed by 
Joh. Leo African.  one that knew it well, insomuch that a Plague at Grand Cairo could cut off twenty thousand in one day: besides I say, these more universal Conditions, Philo intimateth from a particular Caus, that there should be a more usual Mortality here then elsewhere, and that was, The Concourse of all manner of living Creatures to this Place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And it is to be conceived, that the Author meaneth by this not only a multitude of Men, but also that great variety of strange Beasts and Fowls which were continually bred up about the Court in Alexandria, mention whereof is made by Ptolemy the King in his Commentaries, Lib. 12. which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And these Creatures were transported from all parts of the world, and there bred up not only for their Rarity, and the King's Recreation but also to furnish his Table; for so it seemeth by ptolemy's words in that Book— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where he noteth concerning those Pheasants that were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the King of Egypt had of them not only brought out of Media, but also hatched at home in such a Number that his Table might be served with them when he pleased: though we may observe by the way, that these kind of Birds in those days, were (for the most part) kept for the Eye, rather than for the Belly; insomuch that Ptolemy the King in the book before cited professeth, that he never tasted of a Pheasant in all his life; whereupon Athenaeus observeth, That if this noble King had lived in his days, wherein the Luxury was such, that every man must have a Pheasant at his Table, (though he had already written 24. Books in this kind, yet) he saith, that he would surely have written one more purposely to note out this thing. This by the way; because Philo saith, that the Places within the City were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, full of all manner of Creatures. And this howsoever urged by him only for a greater Caus of Infection, yet it may be thought by some to have a further aim; for the Egyptian being ware of this, that the Jew was bound to make a distinction between clean and unclean beasts, might apprehend it in the strictness; and therefore carefully remove the Seniors from the very sight of those things which were an abomination unto them. But in this we have but prevented the Curious, and therefore if the Conjecture be not sound enough, it may be the less regarded.  
But more than what is urged by Philo for the ill disposition of the place may elsewhere be observed.  
The Prophet Nachum saith, that Alexandria is situate upon the waters, not only because the waters lay all about it, but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that they were conveied into it under ground, as Chimhi there hath it. And the Arabian more plainly in the Nubian Geographie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the river Nile coming from the West, runneth under the Arches of all their Houses: The manner how this was done is set down by John Leo in his description of Africa, Cuique ferè domui Civitatis ingens cisterna concamerata, crassisque innitens fornicibus substructa est, in quas exundans Nilus per Aquaeductum in planitie, magno artificio constructum extra Alexandriam, deductus sub eius moenibus demittitur, etc. This artificial conveyance of the River though it be otherwise acceptable to the Inhabitants yet it could not be without some annoyance to the Air, the Complexion whereof suffered much alteration by the noisome vapours which risen up out of the waters, which in tract of time putrified in their Cisterns. It is the experience of this John in the words following. Cisternae porrò temporis successu turbidae ac coenosae redditae plurimis aestivo tempore languoribus occasionem praebent, etc. And the same Author affordeth us yet another inconvenience to make us more sure of the Insalubritie of this Place: And it ariseth by reason of certain little Gardens planted near to the City, the fruits whereof were of such an ill Condition, that the Inhabitants were thereby made subject to very noxious Fevers and many other diseases: for so John reporteth in the Chapter aforesaid: Juxta aquaeductum per quem Nilus in civitatem transmittitur, exigui visuntur Horti sed quorum fructus ad maturitatem perventi accolas noxiis febribus aliisque morbis afficiunt, etc.  
These things considered, the Reason was good, why the Isle should be chosen rather than the City, to be a Place for the Interpreters.  
Thus much therefore we are come to know upon good Authority, that our Translation was made in the great Tower of the Isle Pharos, near to Alexandria in Egypt; we go on to a more distinct designation of the Place, the consideration whereof shall also discover unto us after what manner the thing was done.  
FOr the Manner of the Translation; The opinion of some is, that the Seniors were assembled in one and the same place, where they performed the work by comparing what was severally done by each of them, and delivering up that for granted which could be agreed upon by all. This opinion hath received its ground from the words of Aristaeas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. And indeed, the encouragement from hence for that way seemeth to be very good, the words themselves being scarcely able to bear any other construction, then according to that which hath been said.  
Nevertheless, it is believed by others that they did the work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as John Zonaras hath it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Each of them being in a several Room, and when the work was finished, they all met and compared together what every Man had done; and it was found, that they differed nothing either in since or manner of expression, but agreed in all, etc.  
This later way of the Story, however it may seem to exact upon our belief, as making Report of more incredible circumstances; yet it may be taken up upon the greatest trust of Antiquity, having to allege for itself the constant and most undeniable Testimony of the Ancients.  
The Jews report it from an immemorial Tradition, which their Talmudists deliver in the 10 Book of Soeder Moed, in the Chap. Megillah Nikra which is the 3d. and fol. the 8. B▪ and the 9 A. where the text of the Talmud saith on this manner, 
Talmud. in Soed. Moed.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, There is no difference between the Sepharim and the Tephillim and Mezuzoth, save only, that the Sepharim may be written in any Language; but the Tephillim and Mezuzoth only in the Syriack Tongue. But Rabban Simeon the son of Gamaliel saith, that the Sepharim also might not be written in any other Language, the Greek only excepted. By the Tephillim and Mezuzoth, the Doctors meant those Schedules which were inscribed with set forms of devotion, and placed upon the posts of their Houses, or otherwise worn in their foreheads.  
By the Sepharim, or Books they intent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Books of the Law, the Prophets and the Hagiographa, and so the Sepharim are here expounded by the Gloss upon this place. By occasion of these words in the Mishna, R. Jehudah relateth this Story in the Gemara, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, We receiv it by Tradition, that King Ptolmai assembled together the seventy two Seniors, and placed them in seventy two several Conclaves, not making them acquainted with his purpose, (after that) going in to each of them, he said unto them, Writ me now down the Law of Moses the Master. The Blessed and glorious God put understanding into every man's heart; and they all accorded in one and the same sens. So the Talmudists.  
The very same circumstances of the Story are set down in their Massicta Sopherim, and by Abraham Zacuth in the Book Juchasin, besides the four Editions of their Hebrew Josephus, or Gorcous son: in all which it is also extant. Among the Arabians there hath as yet come to my Hands one only Chronologer of these times, said the son of Batric, and he also maketh the same report. And because this Author is not as yet made public, it shall be here set down what he saith; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
Said Aben B●ta A●bs in Historia Eccl●s.  And in the twentieth year of the Reign of (Ptolemy) the King went up to the City Jerusalem, and brought with him from thence seventy Men of the Jews unto Alexandria, and commanded them, saying, Interpret unto me your Book of The Law and the Prophets, out of the Hebrew into Greek. And he put every one of them into a several Cell by himself, that he might see now each of them would interpret apart. And when they had finished their work, the King saw what every Man had done, and their writings all concorded, nothing was contrary in any one of them So the Book (of the Interpretation) was sealed up, and put into the House of their God Serapis, etc.  
Thus, said, the Son of Batric, according to the Manuscript Copy of his Historia, which I saw at Cambridg in the Archives of their Public Library.  
Philo Judaeus, though he maketh no express mention of the Cells, yet if he doth not intimate some such thing, let the Reader tell us what he meaneth by this: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And they sat down privately by themselves, and having no other company but the parts of Nature, the Earth, the Waters, the Air, and the Heavens, (the Mystery of whose Creätion their first work was to discover; this being the beginning of Mose's Law) they prophesied, as if they had been divinely inspired; not one, one thing; and another, another; but all in the same sens and words, as if they had been prompted by some invisible Director.  
In these words, however it may be said, we are not certain that the Author intended our matter of the Cells; yet thus much we can be sure of, That he pointeth out such a way of Interpretation, as carrieth with it no less of wonder, than the former.  
But Justin the Martyr a Samaritan speaketh it plainly, and with a very remarkable Confidence; as we read in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Gentiles: where he saith, That the King appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to each of the Interpreters a small several Celestina, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that every man might perform the Interpretation by himself. And having said something of their wonderful agreement, he provideth against the incredulity of all Men, by this resolute enforcement, strongly urged from his own experience.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. that is, This, O ye Gentiles, we report unto you, not in the guis of a Fable, or a feigned Story; but as a received Tradition, delivered unto us by the Inhabitants of the Place: for we our selus also being at Alexandria saw the remainder of those Cells; and they are yet to be seen in the Isle Pharos at this present day.  
To this undoubted Testimony of Justin Martyr, may be added that of Irenaeus, who in the same Centurie maketh the like report. Ptolemy, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. considering with himself that if they should be suffered to confer one with another, they might perchance conceal something of the verity of their Scripture by ways of Interpretation; he separated them each from other, and commanded them that every man should translate the same part; and this order was observed in all the Book, etc. And concerning their agreement, he saith, That they all set down the same things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in the same Sens, and in the same Words; insomuch, that all people that were then present acknowledged, that the Translation was made by the inspiration of God, etc. And that the wonder of the work might not be an hindrance to itself, to make it seem the less probable, for being strange, He excuseth it by another of the same kind, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And we have the less cause (saith he) to marvel, that God should thus do, seeing he wrought as great a Miracle for his Scripture, by the hand of Ezra in the Restitution of the Law.  
In the third Centurie, the credit of the Story is upheld by Clemens of Alexandria; and in the fourth, by Cyril of Jerusalem. Clemens saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that every one of them having interpreted by himself, according to his proper Inspiration, the Translations were Compared, and they were all found to agree both in Sens and Words.  
But Cyril more perspicuously, and at large.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that is, And (the King) providing that the Interpreters which were sent him, might not come together, appointed for each of them a several Celestina in the Isle Pharos, near to Alexandria: and to each of them was delivered the whole Bible to translate. And being thus separated the one from the other, every man's part was finished within the space of seventy two days, at which time they all met together; and having compared their Translations they were found to concord; not only in the meaning, but also in the very Manner of expression. For this Translation was not set forth in pleasing words, or the pomp of humane Sophistry, but all was interpreted by the same Spirit by which it was first delivered, etc.  
In the fourth Centurie, we find the Tradition remembered by Epiphanius, but not without some alteration of the Circumstances; for he saith, that the Translation was performed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in thirty six Cells, by two and two in a Cel. But Secarius hopeth to reconcile this to the former: for though (saith he) there were but six and thirty Cells, yet each of these were double: and so every two of the Translators were separated the one from the other by a Partition.  
This Moderation of the words, though it hath not so much evidence as would be required, yet it hath a notable pretense: because Epiphanius himself saith, that the Cells were double: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And it may seem also to be the Emperor's mind, in Cap. Sancimus of the 146. Novel. where he saith concerning these Interpreters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that being divided by two and two, and set in several places; yet they all delivered up the same Translation etc. But these words of the Law would not willingly be Put to this Construction: That of John Zonaras is something nearer to the Reconciliation: for he writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that the Interpreters of the Law were divided into Couples, and that they were placed every one in a several Conclave. For so much may seemingly be gained by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which noteth out one separated from Company, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to be said of him that is alone, and talketh to himself; for so the Gloss of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is given, both by Hesychius, and Phavorinus.  
But if this way of the Story will not be reconciled to to the former, than it must be said that Epiphanius was but one, and that his Testimony is not of greater Authority than theirs that went before; and the less, for coming after them: and that the Tradition (as it useth to be) was otherwise told afar off, then nearer home; and that Epiphanius spoke as he heard say: whereas Justin Martyr was himself at Pharos, and saw the Tower and that which was left of the Cells, and was throughly informed by the Inhabitants of the Place.  
Thus we see with what confidence this passage of the Story hath been reported and received, during the space of five hundred years, since the time of the Translation. And it seemeth to have been done upon the best security; because not only the Jews and their Talmodists, but also the Reverend Fathers of the Church, stand bound to make it good; And these, besides their Estimation otherwise, aught in this especially to be looked after, for that they are all ancient, and because they all agree: pure Antiquity being the safest Judge of things done in times past, and consent of Authority the surest argument of such Antiquity. When we say that they all agree (if it must needs be) we except Epiphanius; but why should we so do, seeing that his thirty six Cells, if they were doubled, (as he saith that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) are as many in number as the seventy two of the rest are? If they were not, it lesseneth but the number of the Cells; taketh little away from the Miracle of the Interpretation: or if it did, y●t the single testimony of Epiphanius will not be seen through such a cloud of Witnesses.  
But besides our Authority from the Ancients, we may gain some probability toward th● credit of the Cells, if it be enquired into the Causses which ought to move the King to resolve upon such a way for the Translation.  
Two Reasons especially may be urged for this: the one whereof especially concerns the purpose of the Translation, and both of them the King's Satisfaction.  
For the Purpose of God in the Translation, it was one of those things which might be required for the coming in of the Gentiles, that the Scripture should he provided before hand, in such a Language as would be most generally known at the Primitive times; therefore it was necessary that all religious care should be had of the Translation, and that it should be safely laid up and reserved for the time appointed: And that the Kings of Egypt might see to this, it was needful that they should be prepossessed with a strong Conceit of the Divinity of this Law: and this could not be more conveniently done, then by such a miraculous Circumstance of the Interpretation: For otherwise, why should Ptolemy think more divinely of the Law of Moses, then of his own? seeing that all ways of Religion would seem strange, but that we are taught betimes to fear: and till we receiv a Spirit of Judgement to discern the Right way, every way is thought to be wrong; but that which we are brought up in. And why should Ptolemy have a better Opinion of Moses, then of his Hermes Trismegist? who as he is accounted by some to have gone before this Moses in time, so by others he is thought not to have come far behind him in worth and excellency. But what could Moses teach to them, who had all his learning from thence? for he was brought up a Scholar in Egypt. And what would be thought of these Scriptures, when the King should hear it read in Osee, that God commanded a Prophet to commit Adultery? and in Exodus, that he taught his own People how to Cousin the Egyptians?  
That of Solomon: as the Wise man dieth so dieth the Fool, how would it stand with their Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls? according to which, the Soul of a Wise man ought to pass into such an one; and the soul of a Fool, into an Ass.  
For the Resurrection of the Body, small comfort was to be had from the dry bones in the valley of Jehosaphat. The Egyptian had better hopes then these, for he had his dead Bodies still to show; and such as had gotten by their Mortality, for they were every day less subject to Corruption then before.  
And whereas it is said, That there was no God like the God of the Hebrews: Can the King believ that, when he should find in these Scriptures that even this God also had a Right Hand, and a Son? or if he had been so much better than those of the Heathen, was it likely that Aaron his own high Priest would have preferred their Apis, or the Calf of Egypt before him?  
when these things should come to be considered by the unsanctified discretion of the Heathen, how could they choose but appear far beside, and below their own Majesty? for such untoward Notions as these must seem to be, could never argue to him that perfection and transcendency of Style and Matter, which the Law of Moses had pretended: therefore that the King might be brought on to a reverend estimation of those things, it was much to the purpose that he should be thus prepared by a wonder: for it greatly concerned the safety of the Translation, that it should be first esteemed by the King: for otherwise, Principles so avers from the Gentiles manner of Devotion, had never been suffered to lie at all, or not long in the Library at Alexandria; because, even the opinion of a new way in Religion, can never prosper without a Precedent, and such an one as is beyond all exception; and though it be never so wisely suggested, yet it seldom gaineth reputation from lesser examples, then that of a King: And it seemeth, by that we find in Justin Martyr, that the Miracle wrought the very same effect in Ptolemy, as we would have it, for he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that the King perceiving that these seventy Men had all agreed, not only in the matter, but also in the Manner of their Interpretation, insomuch that no man differed from another not in a word; but every man expressed the same conceit, and by the same phrase: he stood amazed, and nothing doubting, but that the Interpretation was wrought by Divine Power; he acknowledged that the Interpreters were worthy of all honour, as being Men to whom God did bear a peculiar respect: and having first given them condign reward, he took order for their departure into their own Country, etc.  
And the same effect which the wonder wrought upon the Prince, it wrought also upon the People; for so it appeareth by that which is already observed out of Ireneus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Thus we see that the purpose of God in the Translation would not only endure, but did al●o  conveniently require, that something in the Business should be miraculous; for the King's better instruction, and that the Scriptures might have so much honour and admiration, as might gain them something in the Opinion of the Heathen, and preserv them from the Injuries of Time.  
And this was to be the first Reason.  
The second Reason, for which the King ought to take such a way for the Translation, is, For that he made question of their Fidelity.  
And that this may be accepted for a sufficient Caus, it shall be set down, That the King's mistru●● was raised upon such surmises as were no way frivolous, but contained in them matter of moment.  
For it could not be expected from any Nation in those days, that they should be trusty in revealing the Secrets of their Religion; but from the Jews it would b●e thought impossible: for this Nation stood ●o nicely affected to their Sepher Hattocah, or Book of the Law, that even in the slightest Circumstances, it was observed with an incredible Curiosity of Devotion.  
Mahomet Abulcasim the Son of Abdalla, regarded the esteem of his Alcoran so far, as to provide by a Law that upon the outside thereof, this Caution should be always written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no Man touch this Book but he that is Pure. And the Law is yet in force among the Turks for some special Alcorans of note, one of which sort inscribed in the same manner, may be seen in the Archives of our public Library.  
But the Jews not contented with so much Care, used a more intolerable kind of Circumspection; for Rabbi Nehemiah saith in the Massichta Sopherim Chapter 3. Halak. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That no man may lay (their book of the Law) upon his Knee, nor lean upon it with his Elbows, when he readeth it. And Halac the 10. it is commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that no man shall spit in presence of this Book, nor offer to turn his back upon it.  
And in the same Tract, Halac 13. it is said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, That no Man shall lay this Book under, or upon his bed; or at his beds feet; neither shall any Man sit upon his Bed, having this Book lying upon him; for Rabbi Eliezer did thus, and a Serpent came and bitten him. All this Care was taken for the outside, but much more for that which was within.  
To let pass other Circumstances, which would make this manifest, we have need only of that one which most of all concerneth our matter in hand. And it is, That for the most part among the Jews, it was accounted an odious profanation of this Law, if it were any ways communicated to the Heathen.  
To this purpose note that of the Junior Becchai, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Because (saith he) there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the wisdom of our Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pure words, and worthy to be kept secret. Therefore saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou art bound to conceal them, and never to impart them, according to the since of that which is written, They shall be to thee, to thee alone; and not to the stranger with thee. So the son of Afer at the beginning of his Commentary upon the Law, fol. 3. A. Col. 1. Therefore that which Maimon saith contrary to this in Halaca Tephill of his Misne Torah. cap. 10. must be otherwise excused; for Elias the Levite in his second Preface to the Hammasoreth, expressly affirmeth from the Tradition of the Ancients, that nothing might be communicated to the Gentiles, save only the seven Precepts of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sons of Noah: but as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the History of the Creation, the Law, and such like; whosoever shall impart these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He shall go down to the grave in sorrow, and his life and soul shall be consumed, etc. The Rabbin goeth on, and hath much ado to excuse himself there to the Jews, by whom he was given over for a Reprobate, only for teaching his great Patron Cardinal Giles the Hebrew tongue; because their fear was lest by this means the Cardinal might come to the understanding of their Law.  
But more than this, (that it was unlawful for the Jew to make any other Nation acquainted with their Law) it may be added, that there was a reason in special, why it should be dissembled to this Ptolemy, Because the Communication of it had succeeded so ill in the days of his Father. For Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having learned, that the Jew would do no manner of Work upon a Sabbath day, made that an opportunity to take their City; which was as easily as ingloriously done: because no man upon that day would resist him, For to them it was a breach of the Sabbath, even to save their lives. And this is objected unto them by Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the History of Alexander's Successors, where he setteth down this Story, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, There is a certain Nation called the Jews, and they inhabit the great and well fenced City Jerusalem. This City they negligently yielded into the hands of Ptolemy, and would not take up arms for their own protection; choosing rather to become vassals to a stranger, then to defend themselves upon the Sabbath day. These Reasons if they stood alone, had enough in them to make the King mistrust his Interpreters: and yet, if Antiquity have not misinformed us, there will be one Reason more, which itself alone ought to have prevailed, though all the rest had been wanting: For we find that the Translation was twice performed, and that the Seniors disagreed the first time. In this passage of Story, I suppose, we shall tell the Reader some news; Our Author is one Armius, of whom we know nothing more than his name, his words shall be here set down, as we find them cited by an Arabic Commentator upon the Pentateuch, in his Preface to that Work.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Arab●, Ms●s. in 5. lib. Moysis literis Syriacis conscriptis. In Bibliotheca Bodleian.   
Thus saith Armius the Chronologer. In the nineteenth year of the Reign of Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy, the King commanded that they should gather together the Seniors of the children of Israël, and that they should bring with them the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Book of the Law in their hands, and that each of them in several should translate it accordingly, as it should be revealed to his understanding. And the Seniors came and presented themselves together with their most divine Book of the Law. And the King's command was, that every man should translate the whole Book. And it came to pass that the Seniors disagreed in their Interpretation: and the King commanded to put them in Prison, and in Chains, etc. Thus we see that the King was led by good Reason to a suspicion of his Interpreters, and that therefore in all probability he would take such a course for his Translation, as we have already made report of, According to the Testimony of the Ancients.  
But nothing ever lighted so heavy upon this matter of the Cells as the Authority of S. Heirom, which was the more likely to oppress it, by reason of his great learning and general repute; because a Testimony, for the most part, is not measured by its own validity, but the Autor's worth; and we do not usually observe what force it may have in itself, but from whence it came.  
S. Hierom, when he cometh to consider of the Translation of the seventy, seemeth to deride the passage of the Cells, and forsaking the constant Tradition of his forefathers, in a very neglectful manner, peremptorily setteth down upon his own trust, that the History of the Cells is vulgò sine Autore jactata, but a Common Report bruited abroad under no man's Authority. And elsewhere he saith, That he cannot devise who it should be that first contrived these seventy Conclaves in the fictions of his brain. Nescio quis primus Auctor 70. Cellulas Alexandriae mendacio suo exstruxerit, quibus divisi eadem scriptitârint, etc. His Reasons follow, 
* Cùm Aristaeas ejusdem Ptolemaei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, &, multo pòst tempore Josephus nihil tale retulerint, sed in unica Basilica congregatos contulisse scribant non prophet àsse, etc. Hiero. Praefat. in Pentat. Ep. 104. p. 341. Tom. 3.  Because Aristaeas, and long after him Josephus can tell of no such thing, but the contrary: and because also, that if it had been so, it could not be accounted for a Translation, but a Prophecy. So S. Hierom.  
But before we receiv his Testimony, it shall be examined and compared; and leaving his Reasons to the last place, we will first of all beseemingly moderate the strong Opinion of his Name.  
True it is, than S. Hierom in Learning and Knowledge could not be inferior to any of his time; and therefore being a great Scholar, he might the easilier fall into that common infirmity of those that know much, go about to raise his own Reputation by the ruin of another Man's. If the Father were thus inclined, he could not be without so much of a Critic, as would teach him to Censure; which things while we do, our Ambition seeking for its own safety, always aimeth at those that are farthest off, and least able to help themselves. Therefore the Ancients, and those that are dead, are more easily reprehended, than the latest and the living. It is not for me to say that the Reverend Father was guilty in this: and yet if he were not, why is it objected unto him by his Adversary Ruffinus in the second Book of his Invectives. 
Pag. 181. Tom. 9  Quid ergò mirum est (saith he) si me minimum, & nullius numeri hominem laceret, si Ambrosium secet, si Hilarium, si Lactantium, si Didymum reprehendat, 
Pag. 183. ibid.  etc. and afterwards he saith, that he spared neque antiquos, neque novellos scriptores, sed omnes omnino, nunc imperitiae, nunc inoptiae notat; neither the Autient nor the Modern Writers but charged them all, and every one of them with unskilfulness and folly; ut erat in quod intenderat, vehemens: So eager he would be for his own opinion, as learned Vives hath noted concerning him, in his observation upon the 42. Chap. of Austin 18. Book De Civitate Dei. But if this be to be suspected, as coming from his enemy; yet how shall he be there excused, where he would not spare Saint Paul himself at a Criticism? for reading that place in the Epistle to the Collossians. Quae sunt rationem quidem habentia, etc. he writeth to 
* Quaest. 10. p. 433. Tom. 3.  Algasia, 
Chap. 2. v. 23.  that the Conjunction (quidem) is there redundant; and that S. Paul had often done as much as that came to, propter imperitiam Artis Grammaticae, etc. He saith, that the great Doctor of the Gentiles did not understand his Grammar; as if the Spirit in Scripture would not look to the Syntax; or if not, as if he that had disputed among the Philosophers at Athens, had been so ignorant in his Accidence, as not to know how to place a Conjunction.  
He that could say of S. Paul, that he was an ill grounded Scholar, 'twas no marvel that he Censured Lactantius, S. Ambrose, S. Hilary and Didymus; and yet if these also could not escape his reprehension, I should not willingly trust him with Aristaeas; nor our History of the Septuagint.  
But let the Father be pardoned for being a Critic; and take S. Hierom in the best since: let him be a Man of a most mature and most moderate judgement, and one that could think as well of other Men as of himself; yet why are we bound to believ S. Hierom rather than Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clemens of Alexandria, Cyril of Jerusalem, and the rest? why one Man rather than so many? why a late Author, rather than those that went before him?  
But let it be supposed, that this learned Father could discern above all this, yet his Testimony could not be taken for this matter, because we find it guilty of partiality.  
For we are to be advised that S. Hierom, having gotten a competent knowledge in the Hebrew tongue, by great industry and conversation with the Jews, especially his constant Tutor Barrabas, undertook a new Translation of the Bible, according to the Original.  
This though in itself a very laudable and pious Enterprise, and pretended also to be most necessarily done, because of divers and dangerous Corruptions wherewith the Greek Translation was found to be encumbered, yet because it was preferred in an age which was strongly addicted to the Septuagint, it would not be taken at the Father's hands: Therefore all Men cried out upon S. Hierom, satisfying themselves with this, That the Greek Translation was delivered by the peculiar inteecourses and inspiration of God, and therefore ought not to be so desperately handled by a Man; that the wisdom of the Church had thus long received it with an irresistible devotion; and why therefore should it now be called in Question, or what hope could there be of a better; and therefore what need of another Translation? This we are sure of, because it may be discovered by the Father's own Complaint against the Men of his Time. See the Prologue to his Hebrew Tradition upon Genesis. 
Heiro. proae. ad Trad. Heb. in Gen. p. 451. tom. 3  Neque verò 70 Interpretum, ut invidi latrant, errores arguimus, nec nostrum laborem illorum reprehensionem putamus. See also his Apology against Ruffinus, Chap. 7.8. And it very well appeareth by the words of Austin in his Epistle to this Hierom, where he declareth himself to be very much against his new Translation. See the 43. Chap, of his 18. Book De Civitat. Dei. Quamuìs non defuerit temporibus nostris Presbyter Hieronymus, etc. In his 8. Epistle he goeth about to control the Father by this Dilemma. Those things (saith he) which were Translated by the Septuagint, Aut obscura sunt aut manifesta; 
August. Epi. 8. fol. 82. Tom. 2.  si obscura sunt, te quoque in eyes falli potuisse non immeritò creditur; si autem manifesta, superfluum est te voluisse explanare quod illos latere non potuit: either they were easy or hard to be understood; if easy, to what purpose then should you explain that which they could not be ignorant of; if they were hard to be understood what hopes can there be that you should not be deceived as well as they? 
Heiro. Praef. in Paralipo. 1. Epist. 107 ad Chromatium Episc. pag. 343. Tom. 1.  But the Father here disputeth ex falso supposito, framing his Argument as if the Translation of the Septuagint had escaped till that time without the contraction of any error or Corruption, which if it had been, S. Hierom confesseth himself to be in all the fault in his Epistle to Chromatius, which is the Preface in Lib. Paralipom. Si Septuaginta Interpretum pura, & ut ab iis in Graecum versa est editio permaneret, superfluè me Chromati, Episcoporum Sanctissime atque doctissime, impelleres ut Hebraea volumina Latino sermone transferrem, quod enim semel aures hominum occupaverat & nascentis Ecclesiae roboraverat fidem, justum erat etiam nostro silentio comprobari, etc.  
Nevertheless, by this it is perceivable how unwilling S. Austin was, that there should be a new Translation and though afterwards upon better advice, he was contented to see it, Ideo autem desidero interpretationem tuam de Septuaginta, etc. Epist. 19 fol. 18. A. ibid. yet he would never yield to this, that it should be read in Churches, and he giveth the reason, Propterea me nolle tuam ex Hebraeo interpretationem in Ecclesiis legi, nè contra Septuaginta Autoritatem tanquam novum aliquid proferentes magno Scandalo perturbemus plebes Christi, quarum aures & Corda illam interpretationem audire consueverunt, quae etiam ab Apostolis approbata est: lest it being taken as some new thing introduced against the Authority of the Septuagint, much scandal should be given to the people of God, whose hearts and ears have been all this while accustomed to that Translation as a thing approved by the very Apostles themselves. And S. Austin speaketh this out of some experience; for he had already told S. Hierom, 
Quidam frater noster Episcopus cùm lectitare instituisset in Ecclesia cui praee. etc. Aug. Heironym. Epist. 10. foe, 10. a. 1. Col,  in his 10. Epistle, of a certain Bishop who had given way that this new Latin Translation should be read in his Church, but with very ill success; for when the people understood that S. Hierom in the Prophecy of Jonah, had put it down Hederam instead of that which anciently, according to the Greek, had been Cucurbitam, there was a great tumult raised among the Parishioners, insomuch that the Bishop was forced to ask Council of the Jews, who notwithstanding that they had answered, that the Original word might bear either of those Constructions, yet the people would not be contented till the Bishop had blotted out Hedera, and set down Cucurbita, according to that which was before.  
And certainly, the New Translation took so ill abroad that some one or other, to put by the Opinion of the Thing feigned an Epistle in the name of S. Hierom, 
Scribit frater Eusebius se apud Afros Episcopos etc. Apolog. adver. Ruffin. lib. 2. p. 248. Tom. 2.  where he maketh the Father to confess how ill he had done in Translating the Original Scripture into Latin; seeing that in the Hebrew text there was no truth at all; he also maketh him to say, that this was a thing done in his younger days, and by the instigation of the Jews; and this Epistle was found among the African Bishops by Eusebius, by whose means it was conveied to S. Hierom.  
These things are acknowledged by S. Hierom himself in his Apology against Ruffinus, where also he saith, Ergò ille qui Epistolam, sub nomine meo, poenitentiae fixerat, quòd malè Hebraea volumina transtulissem, objicere dicitur me in Septuaginta condemnationem Scripturas sanctas interpretatum, ut sive falsa sunt, sive vera quae transtuli, in crimine maneam, dum aut in novo opere fatear me errâsse, aut recens Editio veteris condemnatio sit. This was the general voice against the new Translation, and S. Hierom liked it the worse, 
Ruffin. in Heirom. pag. 181. Col. 1. Tom. 9  because it was taken up against him by his great adversary Ruffinus in his second Invective, Septuaginta duorum virorum per cellulas interpretantium, unam & Consonam vocem dubitandum non est Spritùs Sancti inspiratione prolatam, & majoris id debere esse autoritatis, quàm id quod ab uno hoc, sibi Barrabba asspirante, translatum est; 'tis no doubt (saith he) but that one concording voice of the seventy Seniors in their Cells, was uttered by divine inspiration, and therefore I hope is to be preferred before the Translation of one man, who had no other instruction but from his Tutor Barrabbas.  
The new Translation succeeding so ill, S. Hierom had this to do, to give satisfaction to the men of his time, and by all means to be quit with his Antagonist.  
Considering therefore that the complaint of all men was unadvisedly grounded upon too great an estimation of the Septuagint, which every Man urged to himself from the miraculous manner of the Interpretation, the Father conceived that this prevailing opinion might receiv some abatement by a comely and well tempered disparagement of that wonder; therefore he gives out in one place, that this great sound of the Cells was but a rumour of the Ordinary people: and not contented to say so, elsewhere he is bold to call it a fable; hoping by this, that if he could but take off the people from their opinion of the Cells, he might gain upon them for his own Translation.  
The purpose of S. Heirom in this, though we grant it to be good, yet we cannot think but the Project was bad: and therefore the Father herein is altogether forsaken by his great friend S. Austin; who on the other side laboureth so much the more to set up the old Reputation of the Septuagint, which he hath not spared to do in the most prevailing ways, though he lived at the same time with S. Hierom, and was well acquainted with his Tenets, and loved any opinion the better for being his. Austin therefore in his 8 Epistle to S. Hierom speaking of the Septuagint, thus he professeth, De quorum vel consilii, vel spiritûs majori concordia, quàm si unus homo esset, non audeo in aliquam partem certam ferre sententiam, nisi quòd eis praeeminentem Autoritatem in hoc munere sine Controversia tribuendam existimo, etc.  
In his Commentary upon the 87 Psalms, he saith, their Authority is such, ut non immeritò propter mirabilem consensum, divino Spiritu interpretati esse credantur, etc. And whereas S. Hierom had put off this passage of the Cells with a Nescio quo Autore, as if the Autors of it had been ashamed to show themselves, Austin is not afraid to say, that those which reported this were multi, & non indigni fide; many, and worthy to be believed: And if it be so (saith he) that the Translation was made by several Men, in several Cells, and yet no man discorded either in since or words; Quis huic autoritati (where he directly aimeth at S. Hierom) confer aliquid, nedum praeferre audeat? who is he that shall dare, I will not say to prefer any thing above, but to confer any thing unto the Authority of this Translation.  
And because S. Hierom hoped it might follow as an absurdity, that if the work had been performed in the same manner by several Men, and in several Places; it was to be thought not a Translation, but a Prophecy; S. Austin believeth it to be a very good Consequence, and affirmeth that it was therefore said to be done Prophetically, because they concorded so wonderfully. Qui Autoritate propheticâ ex ipsa mirabili Consensione perhibentur. Quaest. super Josue Lib. 6.  
And forasmuch as S. Hierom had taken notice of divers differences between the Hebrew Text, and the Greek Translation, 
Manifestum est autem Interpretationem illam quae dicitur Septuaginta, in nonnullis se aliter habere, quàm inveniunt in Hebraeo, qui eam linguam noverunt, & qui Interpretati sunt singuli eosdem libros; hujus item distantiae caussa si quaeratur, cur tanta Autoritas Interpretationis Lxx multis in locis distet ab ea veritate qua in Hebraeis Condicibus invenitur nihil occurrere probabiliùs existimo quàm illos Lxx, eo spiritu interpretatos, quo & illa quae interpretabantur dicta fuerunt, quod ex ipsa eorum mirabili consensione firmatum est, etc. Ergò & ipsi nonnulae in eloquio narrando, & ab eadem voluntate Dei, cujus illa dicta erat, et cui verba servire debebant, non recedendo; nihil aliud demonstrare voluerunt, quàm hoc ipsum, qoud nunc in Evangelistarum 4. concordi quadam diversitate miramur. August. de Consens. Evangelist. Lib. 2. C. 66. fol. 105. Tom. 4.  S. Austin saith, that there is no reason why we should think otherwise of these, than we do of that harmonious discord which is found to be among the four Evangelists; for as there the same-Spirit guided each Man's Pen to mean, and yet not write the same; so here the same inspiration, which had formerly instructed the Original Writers, did now also direct the Translators to set down the very same things, but in a different way.  
Therefore in whatsoever the Authority of S. Hierom could prevail against our Story, it may be overborne by that which hath been said, most of all by the ponderous Testimony of S. Augustine.  
We come now to Consider of his Reasons; the later whereof bearing no notable force in itself, may be passed by, but the former standeth thus.  
That there could be no such miraculous Circumstance in the Translation, as this passage of the Cells, because then Aristaeas, who undertook a particular Narration of this whole Matter, would not have omitted this, if he had known it; and he could not choose but know it, if it had been done, for he lived at the same time, and the Reason prevaileth yet further, because Josephus, relating this History out of Aristaeas, maketh no mention of any such Matter.  
This Reason I was always afraid off: for besides that it is the stronger for being given by S. Hierom, it hath also such a proper validity in itself, that if we should not fairly decline it, it would injure the probability of all.  
But the inconvenience that may arise by this Reason we sufficiently avoid, if these three things can be brought to pass. 1. That the History of the Septuagint which now goeth abroad under the name of Aristaeas, is not the entire work of that Aristaeas, who lived in the days of Ptolemie. 2. That the true Aristaeas had this passage of the Cels. 3. That Josephus left it out, and the Reasons why.  
For the first, which concerneth Aristaeas, That he is to be taken for a spurious Author, we are already prevented by the learned Vives à Castro, Scaliger, Vossius, and others, who have all set down their judgements against this Author. and those that have spoken most moderately, have said (that which is the very truth indeed) That the Compiler of this work was much later than the days of the Translation, and that the Story as now it is, was gathered together out of Josephus, Eusebius, Epiphanius, and some others, which are not now at all, or not yet extant.  
But because the Credit of any Author, especially those that are Ancient ought not to be disparaged upon a slight or frivolous ground, the Causses shall be set down which have necessarily moved hereunto.  
The principal Reason rendered by Vives and the rest, is, For that some things are cited by the fathers out of Aristaeas, which are not to be found in the Story as now it stands: Instance is made in Epiphanius concerning the Cells, and in the Letters which passed between Ptolemie and Eleazar the Priest, which are not delivered by the Fathers, as they lie in the Story; but have a manifest variety, and such as cannot easily be reconciled. This Reason is good, and maketh much against the Compiler, who would be called by the Name of Aristaeas. But something shall be added out of our own Observation.  
The Author of the Present History saith, that Demetrius going along with the Seniors to the Isle Pharos, went over 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Heptastadium and the Bridge, etc. But this passage is manifestly taken out of Josephus, who though he undertake to set down the Story according to Aristaeas, yet he doth not follow him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, through the whole file of his Narration; but ofttimes, and especially where he would b●e brief, he taketh his own ways of expression; Therefore when he cometh to tell how the Seniors were conducted by Demetrius from the City to the Isle, he delivereth it under the Circumstances of his own time, as if they had passed over the Heptastadium and the Bridge, because that indeed was the way in his days, and as he thought in the days of Aristaeas.  
But if our information be rightly given, we shall find this to be a notorious Anachronism: for at the days of the Translation Pharos was an Isle, and therefore they could not pass over thither by Land.  
Homer telleth that in old time this Isle Pharos lay a whole day and a night's sail from Alexandria. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  

Eustath, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 1500 Edic. Rom. 1550.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  And the Archbishop of Thessalonica saith upon this place, that this was so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. in the days of the Ancient Heroës, but since that time it hath been turned into earth by the River Nile. Such a property indeed the River hath, because it continually draweth much mud; as is observed by Aristotle, Eratosthenes, and many others, but that it should do it in this proportion, it is altogether incredible.  
For by the Judgement of the best and most skilful Mariners, A ship under sail having wind and tide, may ride as far in the space of one hour as shall answer 8000 paces upon the land, which multiplied into 24. make up 192000. Therefore the distance between the City and the Isle must have been 192 Miles: and so much earth must have been gathered together by the Attractions of Nile since the time of the Trojan wars. But concerning this, Aristides said well in his description of Egypt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer, saith he, indeed writeth, that Pharos is as far from Alexandria as one can go by sea in a day and a right. But saith Aristides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I know not how I should believ him.  
But while Pharos was an Isle, the true distance between it and the City, as it hath been usually and experimentally accounted, was about seven Furlongs; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or nearer upon a Mile: This space was in after times wrought into an Isthmus by the bold industry and expenses of Cleopatra, which from the measure of the distance was called Heptastadium.  
This is most confidently reported by Ammianus Marcellinas in Julian. lib. 22. p. 285. Haec eadem Regina, Heptastadium, sicut vix credendâ celeritate, ità magnitudine mirâ construxit, ob Caussam notam & necessariam. Insula Pharos, etc. à civitatis litore mille passibus disparata, Rhodiorum erat obnoxia vectigali, quod cùm indè quidam nimium quantum petituri venissent; foemina callida semper in frauds, sollennium specie feriarum, iisdem publicanis secum ad suburbana perductis, opus juss erat irrequietis laboribus consummari, & septem diebus totidem Stadia, molibus jactis in Mare, solo propin quanti terrae sunt vindicate. Quò cum vehiculo ingressa, errare aït Rhodios, Insularum, non Continentis portorium flagitantes, etc. that is, The same Cleopatra raised the Heptastadium, not more wonderful for its magnitude, then for the expedition of the business; and she did it for a reason very necessary and well enough known. The Isle Pharos, which was about a Mile distant from the City, paid Tribute to the Rhodians; which being by them too intolerably exacted, the Politic Princess, always tightly able to deceiv, upon a time withdraw's the Publicans into the Suburbs, as if there had been some great Holiday to be kept. In the mean time she had set men a work to cast mighty heaps into the Sea; which being followed with indefatigable pains, seven furlongs of Sea were made into Earth within the space of seven days; and the City continued with the Isle. This don, the Queen road over in her Chariot, and told the Publicans, that they were much deceived to come and require Impost for the Isle, for that was now become a Continent, etc. Whereas the Historian saith, the Isle was tributary to the Rhodians. The Reader must not be ignorant, that these people, by reason of their great experience in Navigation, were for a long time Lords over all the Seas, and in all Marine matters prescribed rules to other Nations: insomuch that the Imperial Law in all Titles which concern the Sea, still goeth according to the Law of the Rhodes: unless it be where it is otherwise required by the unalterable customs of particular places. So saith Docimius in the Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Jus Graeco Rom. in Le. Naut. p. 278  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
And therefore it is, that when Eudaemon of Nicomedia made complaint to Antoninus, that in a wrack upon the coast of Italy, he had been robbed by the Publicans that inhabited the Cycladeses, 
Digest. De Leg. Rhod. de act. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Emperor returned this answer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, I indeed am Lord of the Land, but as for the Sea, it must be judged by the Law of the Rhodes: Title 2. of the Digest. cap. 9 This by the way, but by that of Ammianus Marcellinus we are certainly informed concerning the time, when Pharos first began to be a Peninsula.  
Therefore if Aristaeas make mention of the Heptastadium, he ought to live either in, or after the days of Cleopatra; but the true Aristaeas was dead long before.  
But Benjamin bar-Jona is against us: for he reckoneth the making of this Isthmus among the acts of Alexander the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And there (Alexander) raised up a Bank at the Haven of Alexandria, the space of one whole mile within the Sea. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 121.  But this cannot be: for than it shall never be pardoned his Historians, Plutarch, Q. Curtius, and especially Arrian, who was testis oculatus, if striving, in some things, to make him greater than he could be, they should neglect in other things to make him so great at he was. All that ever yet undertook the mention of this Mighty Prince, have not spared to say as much as could be believed, and do we think they would leave out that which ought to be? 'Twas enough for the renown of Alexander which other Autors have said, 
Parte j â climate. 4.  concerning his Non ultra in the East: and yet the Arabic Geographer asscribeth also unto him the Pillars of Hercules in the West: and saith moreover, that by the help of his Mathematicians, he digged up an Isthmus, and joined two seas together: See this Author in his first Part of his 4. Clime.  
That which is already recorded of this Mighty Conqueror, by Historians more commonly known, is as great a burden as fame can bear, and yet I have seen two Greek unpublished Autors in the Baroccian Archives, 
Archivae Bara. B. blioth. Bod.  that have gone beyond all that is yet extant, as if they would set down not how much Alexander could do, but how much 'twas possible for the Reader to believ; for so they have screwed up his Acts to a most prodigious and incredible height, that nothing more can be expected from the Historia Lombardica, or the most impudent Legend: and yet I find nothing at all said of this Agger.  
Justin hath said much for Alexander out of Trogus Pompey, and much is set down by Diodorus; to say nothing of Zeno Demetrius, printed at Venice in vulgar Greek; and a French Author not extant, both which have written the life of Alexander, and that they might lie by Authority, they have done it in vers: and yet none of all these ever durst to say, that this was any of his Acts, to join Pharos to Alexandria: nay Plutarch in the life of this Alexander saith, that Pharos was an Isle in those days, and very well intimateth, that the Isthmus was congested in after times. Therefore if this would not be remembered, neither by those who knew all that Alexander did, nor yet by others who durst to write more than they knew: Bar-Jonah is not to be regarded in this matter.  
But Joseph Scaliger troubleth us further, for he saith, that this Isthmus was raised per Superiores Ptolemaeos, by the former Ptolemies: and his Authority for this is out of Julius Cesar, in the third book of his Commentaries De Bello Civili, towards the later end of that Book, there Cesar saith thus.  
Haec insula objecta Alexandriae portum efficit: sed â superioribus regionibus in longitudinem passuum 900. in mare jactis molibus, angusto itinere & ponte cum oppido conjungitur.  
At the first reading of these words, I marvailed how Scaliger could pick out the thing which is pretended, seeing that here is no intimation to that purpose; but upon a further inquiry, I found in the Critical Notes upon this Place, that Brodaeus would have it read, A superioribus Regibus, and out of this varia lectio, Scaliger got his Superiores Ptolemaeos.  
Suppose we then that the true way of reading should be according to Brodaeus, yet how will Cesar be trusted for this, in whose judgement we all know that the Pailing up of an Isthmus would be too great a work for a woman; in comparison whereof Cesar's Ditches and Trenches could bear no reputation? Therefore it concerned the Dictator to darken the glory of Cleopatra, for fear that should eclipse his own: therefore the exploit is obscurely suggested in terms of generality and ambiguity, that it was done A superioribus Regibus, which whether it be to be understood of Ptolemie Lagus, and Philadelph, or of those which succeeded, who can tell us; and if it be not, it maketh nothing against us. But why are we bound to read Regibus, seeing that in the most ancient and the correctest Copies, we find it constantly written, A superioribus Regionibus? and so it is to be referred to in longitudinem passuum 900. à sup. Region. etc. or otherwise it may follow the force of the Conjunction (said) which leadeth to another way of Interpretation; and either of these ways, seemeth fully to satisfy the Autor's meaning, and affordeth a Construction proper to the Place. So we see, that these words of Cesar are not of force enough to overthrow the Testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus: therefore it holdeth still that Pharos remained an Isle till the days of Cleopatra; and we are sure that Aristaeas was dead long before: therefore for him to make mention of the Heptastadium is an inexcusable Anachronism: and there needeth nothing more to prove the first thing which was required, That the Author of the present History of the seventy, cannot be that Aristaeas who was to live in the days of Ptolemie. Now we are to prove that the true Aristaeas had this passage of the Cels. And this will be easy to do, because Gedaliah in his Shalshelet Hakabbala (professing to set down this History of the seventy Interpreters, briefly out of Aristaeas') toward the later end of his Abstract useth these words, 
R Gedalea in Shalshelet fol. 23. & 24.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And every day the King asked them the Interpretation of some hard say, and dark sentences (which may be seen at large in this 
* Of Aristaeas he meaneth.  Book) And they still gave him such an Answer as was to the purpose, and wellpleasing in his sight; insomuch that the King marvailed greatly, etc. After this (saith he) they were conducted to a certain Island 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about a mile distant from Alexandria, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to each of them was appointed a several Conclave., etc.  
We cannot imagine the Author to be so notoriously impudent as to have cited this out of Aristaeas, if it had not been there.  
Therefore now if we give the reason, why Josephus should leave it out, we have brought that to pass, which was required to be done.  
Josephus having had good experience of the Heathen, not only by his conversation with their Books, but also with themselves, made observation of that, whereof he himself afterward found cause to complain: that as they made little account of the Nation of the Jews, and their Religion; so they slighted their Antiquities, and misbelieved any thing that could be said or written for their Renown. Josephus being well ware of this, and desirous by all means that his work might find Acceptation with the Gentiles, took diligent heed to make the disposition of his History of such a temper, as that nothing should be proposed so incredible, as not to bear some congruity with such things, which had been known to be before, and were like to be hereafter.  
Therefore when he cometh to the miraculous passages of Holy Writ, he useth a fair way of Dissimulation, still moderating the wonder of a work, that he may bring it down to the Heathens Faith, and make it fit for ordinary belief.  
The Reader shall willingly believ this, after experience made in an Instance or two.  
When Josephus cometh to tell of Israëls' departure out of Egypt, and how they passed through the midst of the Sea upon dry land; he relateth the Story bonâ fide, but withal superaddeth thereunto a most unwarrantable Extenuation. His fear was, lest the Gentiles would think much to believ, that the unruly waves of the Sea should not only stay, but also give back at the shaking of a Rod, and the voice of a Man. And this would be the rather doubted of by the Heathen, because notice had been already given unto them by Artapan, that howsoever the Heliopolites in Egypt reported concerning this matter, not much otherwise then Moses himself had done; yet the Tradition of the Memphites was, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, That Moses being well acquainted with the conditions of the Place, observed the Reflux of the waters, and so brought over his Troops by dry Land.  
Therefore Josephus, that he might make this easy to be believed, maketh it equal to that which no body doubted of; persuading the Reader, that this was all one with that passage of Alexander the Great and his Company, through the Phamphilian Sea.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Whether (saith he) the thing were done by the Council of God, or that the Sea should do it of its own accord, no man ought so to wonder, as if it were a thing unheard of, that the Sea itself should make way for the men of those old and innocent times, when as but the other day, as it were, the Pamphylian Ocean gave way to great Alexander King of Macedon, and his followers: and when they had no other road to pass by, the waves themselves marked them out a path, rather than any thing should hinder the design which God had purposed them unto; and that was to put a period to the Kingdom of Persia.  
But let us see how these two Matters differ in their Moment's, and how unlike the passing of Alexander is to that of Israël.  
Strabo can tell us the truth.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Stabo lib. 14. p. 666. & 667.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, About Phaselis there is a straight of the Sea, where Alexander passed over with his company, for the hill Climax lying upon the Pamphylian Seas, leaveth a narrow Passage upon the Shore, which at a low ebb is so dry, that it may be passed over on foot; but at the flowing of the waters, it useth to be covered all over with the waves. Now because the way of the Mountain is round about and precipitate, travellers, for the most part, take this way by the shore, if the Sea be calm; and it was Alexander's hap to come that way in the winter Season, who committing most of his acts to fortune, set forward before the waters were gone off, so that he and his followers were fain to wade all day long in the Sea up to the middle, etc.  
The Reader may here see whither Josephus have not destroyed the Miracle by lessening it, and made it cease to be a wonder, while he strive's to make it fit to be believed.  
The same Author, when he should tell us how the Sun stood still in Gibeon, and the Moon in the valley of Ajalon he talketh of a great Thunder and Lightning, and of strange Hail, which is some thing more too, then what the Scripture saith: but to the purpose nothing is said, save only, that the day was longer than it used to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 123.  
For the days to lengthen was an ordinary thing, to those who lived between the Tropic of Cancer, and the Arctic Circle; and for the same day to be longer than ever it had been, would not be so incredible to the Heathen, because they had already heard, of one night as big as three; for such a thing as this had happened, when Jupiter begat Hercules of Alcmene, and this was told them long before the time of Josephus, by their divine Orpheüs in his Argonauticks. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  When Hercules was born (saith he) 
Three days the Sun leaving his wont Light,  
Lay hid, and made of three, but one long Night.   
Again, Josephus when he is to set down how the King Nabuchodonosor was changed into a Beast, he scarcely obtaineth of himself at first, to call it any thing but a Dream; and afterwards, when he speaketh of it as of a thing done, he saith no more but this, That the King lived seven years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, privately; as if to dine and sup alone, had been to eat grass like Oxen, 
Dan. 4.25.  and to be from the society of Men, had been all one with being turned into the condition of a Beast; not that we believ that the King of Babel was transformed into a Brute, though the literal sens of the Text seem to lead us on to such a Metamorphosis; but that, to bear them mind of a Beast under the shape of a Man, was more than to keep one's Chamber; and to departed from ones own self argued somewhat else then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, To be private. And yet Josephus says no more, nay, he crave's pardon for this, as if it had been too much to say that such a thing could be done in a Dream. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 10. cap. 11. pag. 311. & 312.  etc. No man (saith he) I hope, will blame me for this; for I have set these things down as I found them in ancient writings: showing hereby that his care was, not so much that things might appear done in themselves, as that they were truly related by him.  
If it be said that the Retrocession of the Sun and shadow in the Dial of Ahaz, was as great a wonder as any; and yet that it was fully and faithfully reported by Josephus, the Reader shall have this satisfaction, That however the moment of this Miracle consisted in the Retrocession of the Sun itself, yet the most visible part thereof, and that which would be most of all observed was the Retrogradation of the shadow, which obtained so far above that which was the cause of it, that in the Book of the Kings, the whole Miracle is reported with no other fame then this, of the shadows going back, without any mention of the Sun at all. Now the Historians hope was, that if the more obvious part of the Miracle concerning the shadow could be persuaded, then that must necessarily follow, And Josephus might know that there was no cause why the Heathen should misbeliev the Retrocession of the shadow, because their Mathematicians could tell them that such a thing as this might be done by Nature. For.  
Let a Plane be set equidistant to the Horizon of a Right Sphere in any part of the Earth, between the Equator and the Tropics; the point of whose Verticitie let it be less elevated than the Parallel of the Sun's Declination, and let the Plane be Sciaterically prepared,, and it shall be necessary for the shadow of the Sun to go back, according to the Rules of that Art. etc.   diagram demonstrating the retrogression of the sun on the sundial of Ahaz 
Let A B C D be the Horizon, A E C the Meridian, B the East point, and D the West. Let B E D be the Equator cutting the Meridian in E. Let F G H be for the North Parallel of the Sun, cutting the Meridian in G. Let the seemeth of the Place supposed to be between the Equator, and the said Parallel be the Point I, by which draw a vertical Circle K L I M, touching the Parallel F G H in L, and another, N O P I Q cutting the same Parallel F G H in the point O, between L the point of contingency, and F the point, where the Sun shall begin to rise when he entereth into the Parallel F G H, and again in the Point P, between L the said Point of contingency, and the Point G in the Meridian, and draw yet another Vertical F R I S by F the point of the Sun's rising, and therefore cutting the Parallel F G H in R between the Points P and G.  
Now because the Sun being in any great Circle of the Sphere, the Shadow of any Style erected upon a Plane, at right Angles, is necessarily projected upon the Common Section of the Plane of the Circle and the Style.  
Therefore the Sun being in the Vertical Circle F R I S, and in the point of his rising F, the shadow of a Style perpendicularly erected upon the Horizon of such a Place, whose seemeth Point shall be in I, cannot recede from the Plane of that Vertical F R I S; but shall cut the Western Semicircle of the Horizon in S at the same place, where the Parallel T S opposite to the Parallel of the Sun, cutteth the Horizon; so that the distance of the Shadow in the Horizon from the Meridian Southward shall be the Arch A S. Again the Sun being elevated above the Horizon and placed in O, cometh to the Vertical N O P I Q, and then the Shadow of the said Style shall cut the Horizon in Q, and the distance from the Meridian will be the Arch A Q, greater than A S, But when the Sun shall come to L, the Point of contingency, and so be in the Vertical K L I M, then the shadow of the Style shall cut the Horizon in M, and the distance of the Shadow from the Meridian will be the Arch A M, greater than A Q, and the greatest which the Shadow can have that day.  
Therefore from the time of the Sun's being in F, the point of his rising till he came to L the point of contingency, the Shadow of the Style went still forward from S by Q to M.  
Afterwards the Sun moving from L to P shall be again in the Vertical N O P I Q, and the Shadow of the Style shall again cut the Horizon in Q; and the distance of the Shadow from the Meridian shall again be the Arch A Q, as before when the Sun was in the point O. Therefore the Shadow is gone back in the Horizon, from the Point M to Q nearer to the Meridian. Again, the Sun moving from P to R, shall be again in the Vertical F R I S; and the Shadow of the Style shall cut the Horizon in S, and the distance thereof from the Meridian shall be the Arch A S, as before when the Sun was in F, the point of his rising. Therefore the Shadow is gone back also from M by Q to S. Therefore in any part of the Torrid Zone, where the Elevation of the Pole is less than the Declination of the Sun, the Shadow of a Style perpendicularly erected upon a Plane, may have a natural visible Retrocession, which was required to be done.  
But Peter Novius, however he acknowledgeth that the Retrogradation of the Shadow is according to nature in the Case proposed, yet in the Matter of Hezekiah, he understandeth it to be miraculous; and he maketh the Miracle to consist in this, That it was not done as the Proposition requireth, within, but without the Tropics, between that of Cancer and the Arctic Circle, for in such a position of Sphere, the Dial of Ahaz was placed.  
But learned Clavius (whose way of demonstration we follow) maketh it plainly to appear, that the same thing may be done as well in the one Place as the other: And it must needs be so, for in our own Elevation, here at Oxford, (which lieth in the same Position of Sphere, though not under the same Latitude with theirs at Jerusalem) a Plane may be fitted for such a Polar Altitude as shall be less than twenty three degrees and an half, and then it will have the same site in respect of the Sun, as if it were placed between the Tropics, and so the Retrocession of the Shadow must be as natural as before.  
Therefore it must be said against Peter Novius that the Miracle was not in the going back of the Shadow only, but the Sun: for so it is set down by Isaiah the Prophet.  
And whereas it was set down in the beginning that the most visible part of the Miracle was the Retrocession of the Shadow: that shall here be proved, because to the strength of our Observation it is required that this should be.  
The most received opinion concerning the Degree in the Dial of Ahaz is, That they should be meant of Hours: so indeed the Targum rendereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and at the first view it seemeth most reasonable, According to this, the Sun went backwards ten hours, therefore he had gone forwards 150 Degrees of the Equinoctial line, (for he is to go every hour fifteen) therefore also he had yet to go thirty degrees, which is the compliment of 180. the Semicircle of the day.  
The time then of the Miracle was within two hours of night, and the Retrocession of the Sun itself was as visible as that of the Shadow: for he had gone back above three parts of the Hemisphere.  
But this could not be. For the Prophet asked the King whether he would have the Sun go ten degrees forward, or ten degrees backward: but if degrees be taken for hours would he ask him whether he would have the Sun go 10. hours forward, when there was but two to go? For the Sun was then Occidental, 60 degrees past the Meridian, and within two hours was to leave that Horizon: So that if the King had required, that the Shadow should have gone 10. degrees forward, the Prophet must have gone back from his word; for that which was promised was more than could be done.  
Therefore it seemeth that the degrees in the Dial of Ahaz are to be understood of those in Heaven, where they are most properly and primarily so called. Therefore the Sun together with the whole frame of the superior world, went so far backward in the diurnal Motion, as made up the space of ten degrees in the Equinoctial Line, which answered to two third parts of an hour in the Dial of Ahaz:  
Therefore the Retrocession of the Shadow was much more visible, then that of the Sun: For we all know that the space which the Sun goeth in half an hours time and a little more, is better noted in the Dial, then in the Heavens: For, by reason of the great distance of the Sun's Eccentric from the surface of the Earth, the Angle of vision is so Acute, that it cannot transfer a perceivable species of so rapt a motion. And as it cannot be perceived in the going, so neither would it easily be observed when it was gone; for an Arch of 10. degrees in so vast an Orb as that of the Sun, would never be distinguished by those that stand here below, unless it were Geometrically observed by a Quadrant or Astrolabe: the knowledge and practice whereof, I think was not so common in the Kingdom of Israël. Therefore though the main condition of this Miracle was, that the Sun itself should go back, yet that which was most apparent, was the Retrocession of the shadow: And because Josephus knew that this would be accepted among the Gentiles, as a matter not without Nature's compass, he ventured, upon this encouragement, to set down the whole wonder. For it was not his desire purposely to smother any thing that was Miraculous, but only so to quality the paradoxal part of things, that they might pass among the Heathen without scorn and derision: Therefore in all places where there could be any pretense, he useth no dissimulation. So in the History of Balaam, he durst to say, that a dumb Ass forbade the madness of the Prophet: 'Twas strange indeed that an Ass should-speak; but why not an Ass as well as an Ox? which had often happened in the Roman State; and once above all the rest Livy reporteth, that to the great terror of the Consul Domitius, an Ox uttered these words, 
Livius lib. 35.  Roma cave tibi.  
And thus Josephus would have been content to do the rest, if there could have been the like reason; but being desirous to train up the Heathen by Probabilities to a good conceit of his Nation, and those things which were written of them; he must not lay too great a task upon their belief, and therefore still when his History leads him to the Narration of a strange thing, he always temper the discourse with a convenient mixture of Possibilities; and howsoever it sometimes endanger's the main Matter, yet we shall seldom find him reporting a wonder sincerely; but having warily taken off that which could seem incredible, he proposeth the Action under such easy circumstances, as shall make it concord with humane reason, and common apprehension.  
By this time, the Reader may know the Reason why Josephus, when he is to relate the History of the seventy, out of Aristaeas, willingly omitteth this passage of the Cells, because it was like to sound very incredibly in the Heathen's ears, that a Book should be so prodigiously translated; that threescore and twelv Jews should be shut up in so many several Cells, and after so many days, each Man should bring out the same Interpretation. The same, not only in the since and Notion; but the same also for order and Manner of Expression; and which was more, the very same, word for word. Therefore he that readeth Josephus shall plainly perceiv, that when he cometh to this Circumstance, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 354.  he leaveth it quite out, and instead thereof sayeth no more but this, That the Seniors made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a most accurate Translation: and that they did it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in seventy and two days, etc.  
Nevertheless the compiler of that Aristaeas which is now exstant, when he had brought the Story thus far on, considering with himself, that this matter of the Cells was a remarkable Circumstance of the Translation, and strongly urged by Justin Martyr; he resolved with himself, that he would by no means leave it altogether untouched; and yet because he could find no such thing in Josephus, (whom he especially followed) he durst not set it down plainly and expressly, but in stead of that which should have been, he leaveth the Reader thus in doubt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And these words howsoever they may bear a very natural sens against the Miracle of the Cells, yet it would not much wrong their propriety, if they should be rendered in this Manner. Illi verò singula eodem modo Interpretabantur, apud se conferendo (codices Hebraeos cum suis versionibus) etc. And if this meaning of the words might go free without contradiction, Aristaeas also may be cited for the Cells, as A. Castro hath laboured to bring it about. But this we seek not after, only that there may seem to be some Ambiguity, and the more, because Azarias the Idumaean who translated this Aristaeas which is now exstant, into Hebrew, when he cometh to this passage, understandeth it in favour of the Cells, and hath given up his Interpretation accordingly: for instead of those words of Aristaeas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. he hath left us as followeth.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et ecce hi accinxerunt se pro virili, & modum hunc obseruârunt; utique unusquisque ex eis seorsim transtulit singulas ejusdem (sc. legis) parts, deinceps contulerunt inter se omnes translationes, etc.  
By all this we come to know the Place where, and the Manner how, the Holy Scriptures were translated by the seventy Seniors: That the performance hereof was a matter of Wonder and Admiration, for they were all Separated at the doing of it, and yet all concorded when it was done: That we are directed to believ this by the most warrantable Testimonies of the Ancients: That it is agreed upon by the Latins, Greeks, Hebrews, and Arabians: That besides this Authority, there is good Reason for it: That there is no Authority or Reason against it, but that of Saint Hierom's, and that this is brought to a Nullity.  
FINIS.   

A DISCOURSE, Declaring what Time the NICENE CREED Began to be Sung in the CHURCH.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  יהוה JUSTUS VIVET FIDE DEUS PROVIDEBIT. 
I. Y   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

VIA una COR VNUM  blazon or coat of arms  
A DISCOURSE Declaring what time the Nicene Creed began to be Sung in the Church.  
Quest. What time the Nicene Creed began to to be Sung in the Church?  
BEfore any thing can be directly said to this, we must first look a little aside upon the beginnings and improvements of Church-music. In the recollection whereof, not to go so far back as David's chief Musicians, or the Father of them that play upon the Harp and Organ; It is certain that the Jews had a set solemn way of Musical Service, but how to be compared unto, or drawn up to any correspondency with our ways, I know there is one hath undertaken, but doubt, (and more than so too) whether any man is able to perform.  
As the matter stands within the compass of Ecclesiastical time, properly so called, The Apostolical itself was not without such a proportion of that Ceremony as the infancy and Cradle of the Church could afford, Carmen Christo quasi Deo canere solitos, etc. That they were wont to sing an Hymn to Christ at their Congregations, it seemeth by the Junior Pliny to Trajan. But their Music about that Time was non clamans, sed amans; It had more of the Devotion than the Voice: sent up with heart enough; but for the harmony, much after the rate of their other accommodations, from the simplicity whereof as unequal time took off, so it added to the grace and glory of it. The Church Music had these degrees to rise by; the first and rude performance was done plano cantu, by Plain song; as the Psalms are most ordinarily read in Cathedrals, or at the best, but as they use to be sung in Parochial Churches, where though sometimes the nois may seem to pretend to a dash and sprinkling of Art, 'tis most commonly (and 'tis well if it be no worse) but all in the same Time and Tune: from Plain Song they got up to Discant; and first of all to contrapunctum simplex, a simple kind of Counterpoint, and then Music was in Parts, They sung not all the same tune, but by way of consonancy, yet so as the Music answered note for note: as if there stood a Minim or Sembrief in the upper part, there stood another against it in the lower and inner parts: so that this Music needed no bars.  
To this the rare, but intemperate Invention of the Masters hath added the Contrapunctum figuratum, consisting of Feuges, or maintaining of Points, alteration of the Keys, etc.  
But this last accession came especially in with the Organ: of the Antiquity whereof something also is to be said.  
And here we must not think that the Organs in the old Testament were any such things, as that which we call so now. 
Marin. Merfen. De Instrum Harmon. lib. 10. Prop. 44.  We read it in Job chap. 30. verse 31. and my Organ into the voice of them that weep. The Syriack rendereth it, my psaltery, clean another Instrument of a Triangular form, as you may see by the description of Mersenius. The Hebrew word in Job is Hugab, which the Chaldee still turneth Abuba: Now Abub signifieth properly an Ear of corn, with the stalk or straw; By Translation it signifieth a Pipe made of such a Reed or Stalk, fistula ex novarum frugum calamo confecta. The word is Arabic too, and there it is pronounced Anbuba, from whence the Latin Ambubaja, betraying itself by the sound to be none of the Roman race. And the Hebrew Organ may be otherwise of Brass or Iron, 
Ambubajarum Collegia Hor.  as Maimon to that place in Erchin of the Talmud, C. 2 § 3. And therefore Jubal taught no body to play upon any such Organs as ours. David's Organ was but a kind of Pipe, what kind soever it was.  
Our Organs are of a later and another manner of Invention.  
Navarr in his Book, De Oration. and Hor. Canon saith, and sayeth it again, that the use of Organs was not received in Thomas Aquinas his time. 
Balaeus.  This Doctor was born in the Year 1221. But our Author, De Scriptorib. etc. as Mantuan also, attribute the bringing in of Organs to the Pope Vitalian. Then it must be about the Year 660. But to make short, The Organ is not of the Western, 
De Gest. Francor. lib. 4. c. 113.  but the Eastern institution. Aymon saith, that the first Organ they had in France was made more Graecorum, by one, cui nomen erat Georgius, Imperante Ludovico Pio, ejúsque sumptibus. Lewes the Godly began his Reign in the Year 813. Mich. Glycas and Const. Manasses yield the Invention to Theophylus his time, a Greek Emperor of the Year 830. but Marianus Scotus, Martin-Polonus, Platina, the Annals of France, Aventine, and the Pontifical itself, all agree, that the first Organ that ever was seen in the West, was sent over into France to King Pipin, from the Greek Emperor Constantinus Copronymus, about the Year 766. Res adhuc Germanis & Gallis incognita (saith Aventine) instrumentum Musicae maximum, Organum appellant, 
annal Bosorum. lib. 3. f. 300.  cicutis ex albo plumbo compactum est, simul & follibus inflatur, & manuum pedúmque digitis pulsatur, etc. And so we have the Antiquity of Organs in the West. But in the East, they cannot be less ancient than the Nicene Council itself, as appeareth by the Emperor Julian's Epigram upon the Instrument.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  
Martin. Morentinus in Praefat. ad Misopogon. ubi de vita & Script. Juliani.  
Quam cerno alterius naturae est fistula, nempe  
Altera produxit fortasse haec aenea tellus;  
Horrendum stridet, nec nostris illa movetur  
Flatibus, & missus taurino è carcere ventus  
Subtus agit leves calamos, pérque ima vagatur;  
Mox aliquis velox digitis insignis & arte  
Adstat, concords calamis pulsátque tabellas,  
Ast illae subitò exsiliunt, & Carmina miscent.  
And now it may be thought that the Antiquity of the Organ is brought far enough back. 'Tis true for the Instrument; 
Zonar. Tom. 3. Annal. in Michaële Imperator. p. 127.  but for the Church use I am in doubt. Zonara's telleth us of an Organ set up by one of the Greek Emperors, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all of pure gold; But what? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. not to put the Church in Tune, but to cast a glory upon the Court and draw foreign admiration upon the Emperor.  
I had occasion to show an Armenian Priest the Chapel here, and perceiving him to cast his eye upon the Organ, I asked, whether there were any such sight to be seen in their Churches? He answered, No such matter: neither did he know till it was told him, what to call them; and yet this man had lived 14 years under two Patriarches, Constantinople and Alexandria.  
But more than this. In the Greek Liturgies I meet with Music enough, and more indeed, than I can tell what to say to, but not so much as the mention of an Organ in all their Books. The old Greek-Latine gloss setteth down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Organarius: but that will make nothing to the matter, an Organist there must be, where the Instrument itself was: but whether that were in the Church, or only in the Emperor's Courts, is the doubt. And for the present time, it is as good as taken for granted, that there is not an Organ to be seen in any Church of the Eastern world.  

Bruschius de Monaster. German. fol. 107.  In the West indeed the Greek example is very magnificently out-don: Bruschius reporteth of an Organ set up in a Minster of Germany, by the Abbot of the Covent there, cujus maxima & medioxima fistula habuerit in longitudine pedes 28, in circumferentia spithamas 4; the Diapason whereof was 28 foot in Length, and the Compass about proportionable, we have never an Organ here abouts of that Pitch.  
But how anciently such things have been done, 
Ecclesia nestra non assumit instrumenta musica, sicut Citharas & Psalteria in divinas laudes nè videatur Judaizare 2a. 2ae. Q. 91 Art. 2  even in this part of the World, is hard to judge. The words of Thomas Aquinas imply no less, then that there was no Ecclesiastical use of Organs in his time; however it was not long after, before they got into the Church: for Durand maketh mention of them, as of things received before his time. Rational. lib. 4, c. 34. lib. 5. c. 2. his time was about 1280. etc.  
§. Note one thing more, That the most ancient and original form of Christian Liturgy, is the order of Baptism▪ It must be so in reason▪ and from thence the main parts of all Common Prayers are translated; the Creeds especially, for those, and the Pater noster were the first Rudiments of the Catechumeni, and gave beginning to all Divine Service.  
And if a case should lie against the Athanasian, I hold the ground to be good from hence, that it was not properly put into the Liturgy, because it was not yet received into any order of Baptism.  
The Creed in use, before the Fathers met at Nice, must needs be that which is called Apostolical; for they had no other: But since the Council, the Nicene form was generally received into all Orders of Baptism in the other Church, as the Greek, Syriack, Ethiopick, Armenian and Coptick Orders: But the Rubric in all is as in the Syriack, Haiden amar, not then the Priest shall sing; but, Tum dicit Sacerdos, Credo in unum Deum, etc. In the Latin Church indeed, sometimes the Symbolum Constantinopolitanum was repeated, but most commonly the Nicene. And all the Roman Tradition fasteneth the Institution thereof upon the times of Pope Mark, which was about the Year 366. and immediately succeeding upon the Council itself. And for the manner of Recitation, Berno saith, Ille enim ob Arrianorum haeresin Symbolum Nic num in Missa decantari ordinavit, &c Another saith, That he ordained it should be done Altâ voce; And the same Father saith, That by a Canon of the third Council of Toledo, it was ordered concerning the Creed, that it should be passim clarâ voce decantatum, secundùm formam Ecclesiarum Orientalium.  
Now out of all this to frame an Answer to the Question. By all the Orders of Baptism, the Catechumenus was first to make his Abrenunciation, to renounce the Devil and all his works. And this he did with his face turned towards the West. That done, he was to turn himself towards the East, and make profession of his Faith in the words of the Nicene form (since the Council) But which is principally to be noted (as to this business) all this was to be done Altâ voce. The Church as it received the Form from the order of Baptism, so it retained the posture of conversion (towards the East) and manner of pronunciation.  
So much therefore is certain, that the Nicene Creed, (or what form soever) was always recited in a different Tone, A louder voice at the least: but, because the Canon maketh mention of Decantari, and that this was to be done secundùm formam Ecclesiarum Orientalium: Two things will be granted upon this: One is, That there was a kind of Modulation in the Pronouncing of the Creed; another is, That this was not Roman in the Original, but from Eastern Example. The Sum of both is, That either the words dici & decantari must be confounded: or that, dureing the good simplicity of time, the pronunciation was made by Dici, only with the difference of Altâ voce, but afterwards graced with a measure of Harmony; yet such an one, as cannot be compared higher, then to the matter of Plainsong; for I am deceived, if the Eastern Music ever improved further. Antiphones I know they had, and upon what Seraphical occasion, if Sozomen de●●ver it rightly; but this came to no more than our alternation, at the most ordinary singing of the Psalms, by way of Responds, but all in the same time and tune, & without any Discant at all.  
Therefore to say all at once. The Singing of the Nicene Creed, as now it is, with all the Ornaments and figurations of Harmony, is but a Yesterday business, and contemporary to the Organ, but however the same Creed hath been most certainly Sung according to the improvements of time, and at the least in plano Cantu, in a plain Song-fashion, ever since the date of the Council itself, and for the Reason given out of the Order of Baptism.  
FINIS.   

A SERMON UPON THE RESURRECTION, From the 1 Corinth. XV. XX.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  יהוה JUSTUS VIVET FIDE DEUS PROVIDEBIT. 
I. Y   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

VIA una COR VNUM  blazon or coat of arms  
A SERMON UPON THE RESURRECTION.  1 Corinth. 15.20. 
But now is Christ risen from the dead, and become the first fruits of them that sleep.  
THe perfection of God is, that he can have no Hope; the perfection of Man is, that he can attein unto the end of his Hope. If in this life only we had Hope, we were of all men most miserable. The very Heathen themselves though in other things run cross, yet all concentered in this Faith. Divine Plato believed, and taught, that there should be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Regeneration of things, in the revolution of time. The Egyptian Sages determined the space to be a Period of 30000 Years: therefore in their Hieroglyphics, or holy Writings, the Character of the Soul was a Pyramid. The Correspondency is, that, As a Pyramid, (if it be turned about upon its Axis, the Axis continuing still the same, is Geometrically transformed into a new solid Cone: So Mortality having gone it's Round, as it were, in this Circle of Time, upon the immovable Centre of the Soul, shall become a new Body, and unite again. It is the Reason, why the Sepulchers of their Kings were set up in a Pyramidal form, as they are seen to be at this day.  
Those that understand not the Mysterious, and Mathematical part, (which I could speak no plainer) may receiv the sens and meaning; that, even these unlikely men ploughed in Hope.  
But we need not instance Men; the very unreasonable part of the Creätion, even the Creature itself, now subject to vanity, traveleth under the pain of this Hope; and by a certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Lifting up of the Head, as S. Paul expresseth it, earnestly exspecteth, as by an eager and understanding Confidence, to be delivered into the glorious liberty of the Sons of God.  
And yet I fear me, we preach but to CORINTHIANS still; and that, if the company were divided, as at the Council where S. Paul pleaded his cause, I doubt me the most part would be Saduces, and might be called in question, for not having Hope of the Resurrection of the dead. We pretend indeed, as if we had no continuing City; but, that we look for one to come. But when I see that our inward Thoughts are, that our houses shall continue, and our dwelling places to all generations: When I see that this their way is, I am ready to think, the wise man dieth as the fool; and to compare Man being in honour, unto the Beasts that perish. When I see the incomprehensible Patience of God, still drawing us, as he did Ephraïm, with the cords of a Man, with the bonds (in the Hebrew 'tis, Densis funiculis amoris, with the Thick bonds) of Love: And the infinite Security of the People on the other side, drawing Iniquity with Cords of Vanity, 
Isa. 5.18.  and sin as it were with a Cart-rope: I dare not go about to consider, what shall be the end of these Men.  
We are all ready to wish with Balaam, that we may die the Death of the Righteous, and that our last end may be like His: but, when I see men live, as if they never thought to die; and die, as if they never thought to live again: when I see that instead of shining Lights, they go out like Snuffs, in the midst of a crooked and pervers Generation; ready to say to their departing Souls, as that great Unbeliever, Animula blandula, vagula, etc. I seem to be so far from giving an account of the Hope that is in me; that, in contradiction of King Agrippa's words to S. Paul, I am almost persuaded not to be a Christian.  
The greatest Argument in our own opinion, that we are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as have no Hope; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Atheïsts, or without God in the world, is, that we come up to his house, to be here taught of his ways, etc. But this word of his hath too truly proved a Mirror, wherein we daily come to behold our selus; but with no greater Impression, than we do our Natural faces; we go away, and straight forget what manner of men we were.  
But thou believest, thou sayest, that this body of thine shall rise again. Thou dost well: the Devils also believ and tremble. But wilt thou know, O vain Man, that this Faith without works is dead? The Tree is known by its fruit. And can I think, that thou, which all this while dost but cumber the ground, and bringest forth nothing but wild grapes, dost believ, that as this Tree falleth, so it shall lie?  
But let all this be a Transportation and Exstasis: the best shall be supposed; that there is no man here, but knoweth in whom, and what he hath believed; and therefore cannot be thought to boggle at the great Article of the Resurrection. But thus much, I am sure, must be granted me; that we all put the day of our death far from us. For it is not possible, that they who remember their later end, should thus sin. The mistrust however of Infidelity in the former, and the certain experience of our supineness in the later, moved me to reflect upon you these two Common, (but therefore the less noted,) Considerations.  

1. The 1st is the end of our Life, Death.  
2. The second is the end of our Hope, Resurrection.   
And first of the first Fruits expressed here. Secondly, of the whole Lump; implied in the Inference, But now: But now is Christ risen, etc. And first of the end of our Life: but which I mean to consider of, not under the discourageing term of Death; but as it is here comfortably secured, under the Type and Adumbration of Sleep.  
Sleep, and Death are of so near a Kin, that Galen saith of them, 
Lib. de. cause. pulls.  that they are Brother and Sister: answerable to that in Homer's poetry, where they are both said to have one Mother, and to be begotten of the Night. Somnus Mortis imago, is the old saying; that Sleep is the Lecture of Death. And 'tis a Masterpiece; of which that of the Comedian may be affirmed, Qui utramvis rectè novit, ambas noverit: He that hath been asleep, may know Death at first sight. Plato in his Phaedon, is not contented to say, they are alike; but, in a manner, the same; and, that Sleep is a very kind of Death.  
When the Scripture speaks of men's departure from hence, the usual Phrase is, not to say such an one died; but, such an one slept with his Fathers. And the same Spirit speaketh to the Dead, but as we would do to those that are not yet stirring. Awake, awake, Sing ye that dwell in the dust.  
We are all here but Strangers and Pilgrims; and our being here we use to call but This, that is no, Life; but the Passage, and Journey to another. While 'tis called to day, we travel on through the ways of this World: but the Night cometh, and no man can work at the approach of this Evening. We die; that is, we rest from our Labours.  
When we go to take our Natural rest, we enter into our Chambers, and shut the doors. Such a Room as this is the Sepulchre. A Churchyard, in the expression of the Ancients, was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a dormitory, or Sleeping place. And in the 36 of Isaiah and the 20 verse, the Grave is no otherwise termed; where the people appointed to Die, are bid to go but into their Chambers and shut the doors about them. And we need not fear to trust our selus: for, he that liveth, and was dead, and is alive for evermore, hath the Keys of Hell and Death.  
Having entered our Chambers, and shut the door, the next thing we do, is, to commend our selus to God. So the Martyr Stephen, when he was to fall into that other sleep, first said his Prayers; Lord Jesus receiv my Spirit.  
This don, we put off our Clothes; So Naked we came into this World, and Naked we shall go out, etc. The Raiment of a Man, (saith a Learned Rabbin) is his Body: And, had our Father Adam stood, we had needed no other. Thou hast Clothed me, saith holy Job, with Skin, and with Flesh: when therefore we die, we are said, in S. Peter's language, to put off this Tabernacle; as, in S. Paul, when we rise again, to be. Clothed upon with our house from Heaven. O'er night we put off this weed of Mortality: but the Morning cometh, and we shall be covered again with our skin; and put on Incorruption, our Better , as to go and see God in this Flesh. The same flesh we put off the night before; but with this difference, that this Fowl Garment, which could not be kept Unspotted of the world, shall in the mean time be washed clean in the Blood of the Lamb.  
Our Clothes put off, we lay our selves down, and take our rest: And, to Die, In the Prophet Isaiah's Phrase, 
Isa. 43.17. & 57.1.  is but to lie down in our Beds. And when thy days shall be fulfilled, saith Nathan to David, and thou shalt sleep with thy Fathers: so indeed we read it, as we may; but the Original is, And thou shalt lie down with thy Fathers. 2 Sam. 7.12. So Asa, the King's Coffin is called a Bed. 2 Chron 16.14. and our forefathers, in their Saxon tongue, style a Burying place; legerstoƿ, or place to lie down in: as in the Laws of King Canute. Numb. 3.  
In the Case of Natural Rest, 'tis not the whole man, only the Earthly part falleth asleep; the Soul is then most awake. The body's Night is the Soul's Day: our Better part, saith Cardan, is never it's own man till now, when exalted unto a State of Separation, (as it were) in the body, it spendeth the time in Contemplations, free, and congenial to its own Extraction. So in the sleep of Death, 'tis not the totus Homo: the Body indeed is dead, because of sin; the Soul is then most Alive. Here, as a Servant, it is still required to the Exigencies of the Body; having no time of its own to spend, but what it can get by stealth, when the Master is gone to bed. But there, like its Redeemer, free among the Dead, and delivered from the Encumbrances of the Body, it beginneth to be a Soul to itself, minding that which is above, and looking with a more piercing eye upon the Invisible things of God.  
It is noted by the Naturalists, and we find it true in observation, that not nois awaketh Natural Sleep more suddenly, than an Humane voice: Nay, though it be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that dead and dangerous sleep; as the Aphorism noteth it in Hypocrates. But especially the Experiment holdeth, if the voice calleth upon him in his own name. But, that we shall all be awaked out of this other Sleep, by the sound of our Proper Names, is more than I can pretend to: though S. Peter's call was, Tabytha surge; and our Saviour's to his Friend, Lazare veni foras, Lazarus come forth. To say nothing to Epiphanius his Tradition, that, when our Lord went down into Hell, and there found our Father Adam fast; he took him by the hand, and called him by his own Name, in the words of S. Paul, Surge Adam qui dormis (so indeed some Ancient Copies read it,) Arise Adam, thou that sleepest, and stand up from the dead, Christ taketh thee by the hand. But this I am sure of, that we shall all be awaked by a voice, the voice of an Archangel; and the word shall be, as some think, Surgite mortui, &c Nor shall it be the voice of a God, and not of a Man; it shall be an Humane voice: for, by the Archangel, we are to mean the Son of Man. For the hour cometh, in which all they that are in the Graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, Job. 5.28. Which why it should be strange of us, I know not; since it is true of the Swallows, by a certain and confessed Experience, that when the Winter cometh, they lie down in the hollow of a Tree, and there falling asleep, quietly resolve into their first Principles: But at the Spring's approach, they are n t so (though throughly) dead, but that they hear the still nois of Returning Nature, and awaking out of their Mass, rise up every one to their life again. Ego novi hominem, etc. I know a man (saith the Learned Prince of Concordia) who, in his soundest Sleep, could walk, talk, writ, and dispatch any business of the most required Vigilance. They seem to have had some such conceit of Death, who hold it no absurdity, to write Letters to their dead Friends; as the Emperor Theodosius to S. Chrysostom, more than thirty Years after his deceas; as if Death were a kind of live Sleep; Such an one as that, which Jupiter sent of an Errand, to awake Atamemnon. And may we not as properly say, that to be Dead, is to be Alive; as to say, to Die, is to be Born? And yet the Ancients (as if Corruption had been their Father, and the Worms their Mother) were wont to call the days of their Death, Natalia, not Dying, but Birth-days. Mos inolevit in sancta Ecclesia, it hath been the custom in the holy Church, (saith Haymo,) when a Saint of God departed this life, to call it not the day of his Death, but the day of his Nativity. That which we call Death's, they call Life's door: Seneca himself said as much; Dies iste, quem Tutanquam Supremum reformidas, Aeterni Natalis est. As if all this were so indeed, the Jews to this day, stick not to call their Golgotha's, Batte Caiim, the Houses, or places of the Living. At the least they have an Effectual life in them: for the Mummies are known to be most sovereign and Magistral in Medicine; and the Principal Ingredient of the weapon-Salv, is the Moss of a dead Man's-skul: as the Recipe, delivered by Paracelsus to Maximilian the Emperor.  
Once more, and I leave the Parallel. Sleep, we know, is most natural to Animal-Creatures; and for Men so Necessary, that Aristotle saith, that the end of it in us, is, Bene Ratiocinari. And yet he himself is cited by Olympiodorus, to have known a Man, who never slept in all his Life. And the strangeness hath been quitted by an Experience of later days. The Comparison hold th' in the Sleep of Death: 'tis Omnibus communis, common to all men, as we use to say. And yet some Jews believ, that the last age of Men shall be so long lived, as to prevent the Resurrection; But S. Paul himself hath promised, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that we shall not all die; some shall be changed. And therefore 'tis no vain Article, which we so daily profess; that our Saviour shall come to judge both the Quick and the Dead: We are to say then of all those that are departed this life, as the Jews of their Father Jacob; Non est Mortuus: or, as our Saviour of Lazarus, and the Maid; Why trouble you your selus? they are not Dead, but Sleep. And when a Friend leaveth this world, we are to bid him but Good Night; in sure and certain Hope to meet again, in the great Morning of the World.  
But now, How long, how long, Lord, Holy and True? will some say: or, as those in S. Peter, Where is the promise of his Coming? For, since the Fathers fell asleep, all things continue to be as they were from the beginning to the Creätion. But these Men have not the knowledge; and this is to be spoken to their shame. The Lord is not slack, as concerning his Promise: for, Behold, he cometh quickly; and his Reward is with him. When we awake out of our natural sleep, be the Night never so long, to us it seemeth but a Moment. And the Night is no longer, in the Prophet David's account, Psal. 30.5. For, his Anger endureth but a Moment: that is, weeping may endure for a Night, but joie cometh in the Morning. 'Tis not otherwise in Death: for, when first we awake out of this sleep, we shall think that we did but then lie down; and were it a thousand Years, it would seem no more to us, than it doth to God himself; but as one day.  
It is Observable, that the Holy Ghost, which accounteth Natural Death, as a Sleep, yet calleth the Life of a Sinner by the name of Death. To be truly Dead, is, to be Dead in Trespasses and Sins: And therefore S. Paul, not making mention of the Great Resurrection, bids his Corinthians awake to Righteousness, and sin not. For a Righteous man hath more Hope in his Death, than a Sinner in his Life: and no man can be Dead to Nature, that is Alive to God.  
But, if to Die be but to fall Asleep; we should put off this Garment of Flesh with as good a will, as we do our Clothes. And that we may sleep well in the night, we should forbear sleeping in the Day, not Idleing in the Market, as those in the Parable; nor sitting down in the seat of the scornful: but working out our salvation: for the Sleep of a Labouring man is sweet.  
And that we may rest in these Beds, in an undisturbed peace, we are to provide, that no Innate Furies, no Stings of Death, like gross and restless Vapours, do arise from a guilty Conscience. Such a man will be scared with Dreams, and terrified with Visions, and be full of toss to and fro, until the dawning of the the day. Job.  
And because to the Conciliation of Rest and Sleep, it is required that there be a Moderate Repletion, (for Paulus Aegineta maketh this to be of the Definition:) we are by no means to go to bed, till first of all we have sat down to the Great Supper; till we have eaten of that Bread, and drank of that Cup, which show the Lords Death (but our Life) till he come; and are therefore, not unfitly, termed by the Fathers of the Nicene Council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sacraments, and Emblems of the Resurrection. This don, we may lay our selves down in Peace, and take our Rest: for the Lord will make us to dwell in safety. And, as the Disciples to our Saviour concerning Lazarus, if thus we sleep, we shall do well. Of the first Consideration thus much: Pass we now from Death to Life; from the end of our Days, to the end of our Hope, Resurrection.  
I Said, that was twofold: Frst of the first Fruits: then of the whole Lump. And first of the Resurrection of our Saviour; but, which I am not here to make Proof of; for it is taken for granted in the Text. But if any should be so foolish, and slow of heart, as not to believ all that is written in the Prophets; the Heathen Tacitus will tell you one Article, in the 15 of his Annals; That he suffered under Pontius Pilate: And the Jew Josephus addeth the other, in the 18. of his Antiquities; That he risen again the third day from the Dead.  
That which most properly I am to make known to you is, upon what Consideration our Saviour can be called The First: then, by what Analogy The first Fruits. The Patriarch Enoch was Translated; and the Prophet Elias went up to Heaven in a fiery Chariot: And the Assumption of Moses hath been disputed for by some; though it should seem, by the Contention betwixt the Archangel and the Devil about his body, that there was no such matter. Howsoever, these all rather died not, then rose again. As for the Rising of Samuel, to which the Cunning Woman of Endor pretended, it was nothing less than a Resurrection; 'twas an Apparition. And Saul should have said to the Woman, as He to Her: Why hast thou deceived me? for this is not Samuel. Elisha indeed raised up the Shunamite's Son: and our Saviour raised up his friend Lazarus, after he had been Dead four days: And yet still This was the first Resurrection. The rest did not go before, as the Scripture seemeth to say, but followed This. For, as he was a Lamb, slain; so was he a Lamb Risen too, from the beginning of the World. The rest were Raised, He only Risen from the Dead. Elisha's dead Bones raised up Another Man's; Our Saviour's dead Bones raised up themselves. They raised Others, by His power; He, Himself by his own.  
To say therefore, there was any Resurrection before This, is to say, that Abraham was before Christ. The rest were all but second Brothers in the Resurrection: He only was Primogenitus Mortuorum, the first begotten of the Dead.  
We have seen in what since our Saviour is to be accounted the First: I am now to tell you, in what Proportion he standeth to the First Fruits.  
But then I am to lead you back to the Old Law, of the Omer, or Sheaf. Levit. 23.9. Where the Children of Ifraël are commanded, that at the reaping of their Harvest no Bread, or Parched Corn, or Green Ears be eaten in their dwellings, till a Sheaf of the Frst Fruits be offered, and Waved before the Lord, together with a Lamb for a  Offering. The Traditions here (and not unnecessarily) supply; that, those who lived far from the Holy City, might eat of the New Corn, when Midday was passed: for that is was presumed, the Sanhedrim would see the Sheaf offered up ere that time. Thus the Letter, and Ceremony: which, how well it is answered in the Truth, and Substance, I shall briefly show you.  
The Typical Sheaf, (as the Doctors deliver in the Talmud,) was to be cut down in the Night: So was the True. 
Codmenac.  He was cut down indeed in the Day time; but the Darkness was the greater: for the very Light of This Day was Darkness; and therefore how great was that? A darkness, that indeed might be felt. A darkness over the face of the whole Earth: Such an one, as in the Beginning was over the face of the Deep, before the Creator had said, Let there be Light. And though the Scripture maketh mention but of Darkness till the Ninth hour; yet most certain it is, that That Day had another Darkness, about the Twelfth hour, of Nature's own Provision. For, by the Astronomical Tables, the Moon was at that time almost totally Eclipsed: So truly were these First Fruits cut down in the Night,  
The Typical Sheaf thus reaped down, was carried into the Court yard of the Sanctuary, threshed, parched, ground; then lifted up, and waved before the Lord: So was the True. The manner of the Jews Threshing was by the Treading of Oxen, and Wheels indented with iron teeth. And did not many Bull's compass Him about? And was not He bruised for our Transgressions? His Hands, and his Feet were pierced; and all his Bones were out of joint: they had been broken too, but for the Prophecy. He was Parched: for, was not his strength dried up, as a Potsherd? Did not his Tongue cleav to the roof of his Mouth? And was he not brought down to the dust of Death? You may hear him say all this himself, Psalm 22. He was lifted up too: for, as Moses I fted up the Serpent in the Wilderness, so was the Son, etc. And he was waved too, (as some compare it) by an Earthquake, at the Resurrection. But instead of Waving, the Text translateth it; The Sheaf was Separated. So were these first Fruits: and the Desertion was so great, that he cried out, His God, His God had forsaken him. Lastly, there was an Extraordinary Lamb to be offered up, as due to the Sheaf. And if one should ask us, as once the Son did the Father; Behold the fire, and the wood; but where is the Lamb for a burned Offering? He would be answered, that God would provide himself a Lamb. Ecce Agnus Dei, Behold the Lamb of God. But that which most of all concerns is, the Condition of the First Fruits: That was, till These were offered up no Man of the Land of Israel might eat of his New Corn; 'twas yet Profane, and Cursed, as the Ground that bore it. But, the Sheaf once offered up, the whole Crop is entitled to the Consecration. For, if the First Fruits be holy, saith S. Paul, then so is also the whole lump. This also is the case of the Resurrection: for, if Christ, the first Fruits, be risen; then They also that are His, the whole Lump, at his Coming. The Harvest is the end of the World; and the end of our Life is in the seed time: Churchyards are the Plots; which, therefore, the high  most properly term, God's, Aeres, or Glebe Land, wherein the Dead are sown a Natural body; but the Crop shall not be such, as wherewith the Mower filleth not his hand, or he that bindeth up the Sheafs his bosom. It shall be with the Fat of the Kidneys of Wheat, as Moses in the Song. Deut. 32.14. 'Tis sown in Dishonour; it riseth again in Glory. And the Reapers are the Angels, who shall gather and bind us up again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Betsror hachaiim, into the Bundle of Life, as in the 1 Sam. 25.29. which words therefore the Jews use to repete in their Diriges, and inscribe upon their Tombs.  
The First Fruits being risen; take any one of us any grain of Corn in the whole Lump, and cast it into the ground, if it die not, it abideth alone: but if it die, it bringeth forth much Fruit. For the Life of the Lump, like Corn in the Earth, is laid in the First Fruits in God: The instance of the Corn is so pregnant, that the Greek Churches, in their Commemorations of the Dead; use to boil Wheat in water, and set it before them, as a convincing Symbol of the Resurrection. And my Author is bold to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that This is the Greater wonder of the two; that the Resurrection of the Corn is more Prodigious than that of the Body. Strange indeed it is, that a grain of Corn should not quicken, except it die: But much more strange, that out of one grain, and one as good as Dead, should spring forth such a Numerous Increase. As for our Bodies, which are sown in Corruption; the Earth, when she shall give up her Dead, will render, but as the Talon hid in the Napkin, the same again; or one for another. But the Husbandman receiveth his own with Interest: shall I say that this Grain hath gained him Ten Grains? Nay, in some parts under the Line, they reap the profit of a Thousand for One.  
In Relation to the First Fruits, we are called by Saint Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Complantati, such as are planted together with him in Likeness of his Resurrection. Correspondently the Prophet Isaiah saith, Our bones shall flourish like an Herb. Now the Herbs and Plants, we know, however cut down, yet reinforcing from the Root, spring up, and rise again. We use Vulgarly, but Improperly, to call the uppermost of the Branches, the Top of a Tree: but we are corrected by Aristotle, in the Books De Anima; where we are taught to call the Root, the Head; and the Top, the Feet. In the Revers of this Comparison, the first Fruits are the Root, and the Head; we, the Branches, or Members. And in the 36. of Isaiah, the Head acknowledgeth the whole departed Race of Mankind to be his Trunk, or Dead Body. We read it: Thy Dead Men shall arise; With my dead Body shall they arise. But the rest is put in by the Translators: The Original is, Thy dead Men shall arise: they shall arise, my dead Body. Seeing therefore that the Axe is not laid to the Root of the Tree, what though the Branches be lopped off by Death, there is still Hope in the Tree, saith Holy Job. For though the Stock thereof die in the ground; yet through the sent of water, 'twill bud and bring forth boughs like a Plant; which withereth over night: but being watered with the dew of Heaven, springeth up afresh in the Morning. And therefore in the same Prophecy of Isaiah, the Dew of dead men is likened to the Dew of Herbs: Ros tuus, Ros Olerum. To this say the Jews, in the Book Zohar, That, at the last Day, a kind of Plastical Dew shall fall down upon the Dead, and engender with Luz, the little Bone spoken of before: and so out of this, all the rest of our Bones, and the whole Man shall spring forth. But we are not to give heed unto Jewish Fables: and therefore it shall not be here enquired, who shall be the Father of this Rain; or, Who should beget these drops of Dew. Sure we are, that though touched by Death we shrink up, like that sensitive Plant: yet we shall soon quicken by his Influence, whose Head (in the Canticles) is filled with Dew; and his Loks as with the drops of the night. In Exprobration therefore unto Death, and Mortality, we know whose use it was to bury their dead in their Gardens; sowing their Bodies with as much faith, as their Fruits, and equally expecting the spring of Both. 'Tis for no other reason, that we ourselus stick our Hearses with Flowers, and go forth to the grave with Rosemary. Our Precedents were the Jews, whose ancient Custom it was by the way as they went with their Corpses, to pluck every one up the Grass; as who should say, they were not sorry, as men without Hope; for, their brother was but so cropped off, and should spring up again in his due season.  
But the Prophet Isaiah's Comparison of the Flourishing of our Bones like an Herb, is yet further made good, by (as I think) one of the greatest Secrets, that are yet known in Nature. A Learned Chemist, who spent much time in the Contemplation of Tinctures, and Impressions of Vegetals, to prove the Great Principle of Salt, made this experiment. He took several Herbs, and Plants, and calcined them to Ashes: he put up the Ashes into several Glasses, sealed Hermetically, and written upon with the several names of the Calcined Herbs. When he would show the Experiment, he applied a soft flame to the Glasses; whereforthwith he might perceiv the self same Herbs rising up by little and little out of the Ashes, every one in his proper form: and, the flame subtracted, they would return to their own Chaos again.  
The Spectators, as the Chemist, beheld this with the greatest Admiration; and giving thanks to God, concluded from thence the Resurrection of the Dead Body.  
We may take an Omen of our Rising again, from the Time of our Saviour's Resurrection. The first fruits risen in the Spring: and that's the time (so the Senator Manilius) wherein the Phoenix riseth out of her ashes. And 'tis the time wherein the Egyptians celebrate their Annual Resurrection: for upon the 26. of March, they solemnly go to a place by Nile, where they see, and touch the Bodies Rising out of their Graves. It will seem strange, I confess, but it hath been seriously testified, and believed. Howsoever we shall take this, but as a staff of Egypt, a broken Reed, or, but such an one, as Gehazi laid upon the Dead Child. But the master cometh shortly, and shall command the Breath to come from the four Winds, and breath upon our Slain; and then these Bones shall live.  
But I would not have this Doctrine two partially applied: our Saviour indeed is said to be the first Fruits of them that sleep in Him. Those that sleep in Him, are such, which here awake and stand up from the Death of sin. For, as there is a second Death; so, Here is a first Resurrection. In the great morning of the World the Dew shall fall down upon the dead in Christ; as that other Dew upon the Fleece of Gideon; and the rest of Mankind shall be dry. But another dew shall fall upon the ungodly; a Blasting Mildew: and then the rest of the ground shall be wet, and the Fleece only shall be dry. The ' wicked lie in the graves like Sheep, (saith the Psalmist) that are appointed to the Slaughter; and the Righteous shall have dominion over them in the Morning. In the field of the World, where our Saviour is the first Fruits, the Good are the Wheat; and the Bad are the Tares: which as they both are cut down alike, so shall they both alike be gathered up: But the Tares for the Fire; and the good Corn for the great Husbandman's Barn. They seem indeed to be of the Lump; but no more title to the First Fruits, then that, as these were cut down, so those were sowed in the Night.  
If these things be so, what manner of persons ought we to be, in all holy Conversation? But if the Resurrection were to be argued from the Sanctity of Life; there was never less Hope of it, than now. Nay, we take the only course to prove that our Saviour is not yet Risen. 'Tis but the Conversion of S. Paul's Proposition: If Christ be not risen; then you are yet in your sins: But you are yet in your sins: and ye know what follow's.  
In all holy conversation, etc. Why, there was never more Holiness pretended to; never less practised than now. And ye must not count me your Enemy, because I tell you this Truth What streining here is at the Gnat of a Ceremony; by them which can swallow whole Camels of other Profitable Abominations? How odious is the very name of a Cope, or a Surplice to those, which yet can love the garment spotted with the Flesh? All possible means hath been taken, to purge the material Temple of any suspicious Rust, contracted by the inconsiderations of Time: but the Temples of our Bodies, and they should be those of the Holy Ghost, they are Painted still, Painted Sepulchers. They appear well outwardly; and we have been persuaded to wash our selus in Jordan, from the Romish Leprosy: we do well; only in this, the Lord be merciful unto me. We will have Rimmons still; And what was Rimmon, think ye? 'Twas the Strumpet Lady of Lust, and Wantonness.  
If it be well to deface a Picture in a Church; will it not be much better, to restore the Image of God in our selus? I do not say that these things ought they not to have done: I leave that to a higher Discretion: but, I may, and must say that if the other things be left undone, ye have but washed the outside of the Platter. What availeth, if the Statutes of Omri are not kept; when other Judgements shall be turned into Wormwood, and the fruits of Righteousness into Hemlock? Talk of Christians! Get to be Heathens first. I can believ that these men hope to rise again: for they say, and they do as they would be done by.  
The Body and Blood of Christ; are the Sacraments of Resurrection: but, can I think them to be so, to Them, who so duly come to Receiv them unworthily. It is the cause, (saith S. Paul) many are weakand sickly among you, and many sleep.  
If ye be indeed risen with Christ, Seek those things which are above. But do they do so, that sit brooding upon this Earthly pelf, to hatch a Cockatrice Egg? Or, such an one as the silly Ostrich leaveth on the Sand? Do we seek those things which are above, but as we do these which are below? We can light a Candle, and sweep the House; and balance that eternal weight of Glory, with a falls Measure.  
Will you hear the end of all? Fear God, and keep his Commandments; for this is the whole duty of man. Pretend to what you will: Pure Religion, and undefiled before God, and the Father, you know what it is: It is, to visit the Fatherless, and Widows in their Affliction; and to keep himself unspotted of the World.  
FINIS.   

ΚΑΙΝΑΝ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ.  
OR A DISPROOF OF HIM, in the 3. of S. Luke. v. 36.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  יהוה JUSTUS VIVET FIDE DEUS PROVIDEBIT. 
I. Y   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

ΚΑΙΝΑΝ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ.  
OR A DISPROOF OF HIM, in the 3. of S. Luke. v. 36.  
WHen to assure, even the Scripture itself was accounted but Distraction; And whilst the holy Cares of those Primitive Souls slept securely upon the more instructing parts of the Book of God, The Enemy came and sowed Tares in the Genealogies, proportioning his Temptations to the more obnoxious Parts, and more exposed to the chance of Transscription, or Industry of violence.  
To reconcile the Greek Book of the Generations to the Hebrew Accounts, the Deliberations have been many, Learned, and insufficient.  
Moses saith, That Arphaxad begat Sala, and Sala begat Heber, etc. S. Luke saith, That Arphaxad begat Caïnan, and Caïnan begat Sala, and Sala begat Heber, etc. which (seeing that the same Spirit equally guided both the Pens, 
Beda. Praef. in Act. Apost. ) I can never wonder at enough (saith one) & proper ingenii tarditatem vehementissimo stupore perculsus, nescio perscrutari.  
But leaving S. Luke awhile to the success of this inquiry. Certain it is, that the supernumerary Caïnan is most originally to be charged upon the seventy, but quod nemo scire (saith Scaliger) neque unde hauserunt, neque cur potuerint hactenus caussam reddere potuit. He saith that no man can tell from whence they had it, or could ever yet give a Reason why they should put it in.  
Concerning this Translation, the Traditions are, That under the Reign of Ptolemy Philadelph, and by the agency of Demetrius, seventy and two of the Elders of Israël were invited over to Alexandria with the Originals of their Law: That they were appointed a Recess in the Isle Pharos, where, in the space of seventy two days they rendered it into Greek: That the Translation first diligently revised and approved of by the Jews there frequently residing at that Time, was carefully and solemnly put up and reserved in the King's Library. So Aristeas, and from him Josephus. Philo seemeth to intimate as if the Translation had been severally and unanimously performed, that is by two and two in a Celestina, as Epiphanius, and the Emperor in the Novels.  
But by the fuller Authority both of the Jewish and Christian Interest, It was Translated all alike, and by every one in a Separate Conclave. 
Anti ●uitat. Judaïc. l. 12. c. 2.  So Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, the Talmudists in Megillah Nikra. fol. 9 A. in Massichta Sopherim c. 1. Halac. 8. Abraham Zacuth in Juchasin.— R. Gedalias in Shalshelet Haccabala. fol. 23.24. etc. And Justin Martyr would have the Gentiles to know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That this is no Fable or fictitious Relation, for that He himself had been there and visited the ruins of the Cells, and received this Tradition from the Inhabitants of the Place.  
It is added moreover by the said Aben Batric, that Simeon the Just was one of the Interpreters, and that upon his unbelief of a Passage in the Translation which prophesied of Christ, it was given unto him not to see death till he had seen the Glory of God. Whom when he had taken up in his Arms, he then began that his Nunc Dimittis; Lord now lettest thou thy Servant departed in peace, etc.  
For the Translation he expressly affirmeth that the whole was performed by each of them in his several Celestina, no man dissenting from another: and that the several Copies were all sealed up and put into the Temple of Serapis.  
And yet contrary to all this one Armius (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) quoted in the Preface to an Arabic Version of the Greek Pentateuch saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Catena Arab. in Pentateuc. Ms. in Arch. Bodleianis.  That the Elders disagreed, and that therefore the King commanded they should he put in prison, and under chains.  
An eager and famous Contestation passed betwixt Saint Hierom and S. Austin about this matter; the former attributing so little to the Story, that with him The Cells and Separation are but a Fable: the later so much, That he accounteth their varieties from the Original, to be no less harmonious than those of the Gospels.  
But forasmuch as the Testimonies, notwithstanding their number and concurrence, may be all thrust up into the single authority of Aristeas, and that so substantially disabled by Scaliger, the most indifferent men take part with Saint Hierom.  
The truth of all may seem to be as followeth.  
The Talmudists in Sopherim deliver a Tradition of five Elders who translated the five Books of Moses for Ptolemy the King. 
Sopher. c. 1. Halac. 7.  etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that this was a sad day to the House of Israël, and like the days of the Calf, etc. And the time of this Translation is to this day kept a fast, and noted in their Calendar with a Miracle of three day's darkness, which, as they say, was then upon the Earth.  
The Tradition seemeth to point us to that version of the Law performed before the times of Alexander the Great, 
Clem Alex. 1. Strom.  as Aristobulus testifieth in his first book to Ptolemy Philametor: But the Tradition erroneously casteth it upon the days of Ptolemy when not the Law only, but the Prophets also were translated, and by the seventy Elders, as before.  
Those among the Jews who read the Law in this Translation were called Hellenists, otherwise the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Korin lemephrah. Such as read the Law backwards as the Talmud, in Sota fol. 32.6.  
In the Jerusalem Talmud it is said, that R. Levi coming to Caesarea, and hearing them read the Shemang, or Audi Israël (a Section of the Law) Deut. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hellenistin, or in Greek, would have hindered them, which R. Jose perceiving, angrily said; He that cannot read it in Hebrew, shall he not read it at all? Nay let him read it in any tongue whatsoever, that he understandeth and he hath done his duty. Sota. c. 7.  
This preposterous way of Reading (as it was taken) bred a diversity of conversation, and was the cause of many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or murmur betwixt the other Jews and Hellenists; for so we are to read, not Grecians. Act. 6.1.  
For the Translation, I believ it to be that which for the greatest part of the main body is yet exstant, and that it was performed at such a Time and Place, and possibly by such a Number of Elders; for the Cells, the Separation, and miraculous consent of the Interpreters, with other pompous circumstances remembered by Aristeas, I assure myself they were all afterwards devised by the Hellenists to advance the reputation of their Scripture, against that of the other murmuring Jews: which, derived down to the Fathers of the Church in such a disguis of Miracle and Antiquity, and which is more than that, expressly quoted by the Evangelists and Apostles, rather than the Original, was easily received with that precipitation of Reverence, as gave not time to consider what licentious courses had been practised upon it.  
In this Translation as now received, besides many other various Readins, two irreconciliable differences from the Original have passed, the one purely Chronological by a numerous excess in the Anni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The other is not so only, but also the Interposition of another Caïnan into the Series of the Geneälogies. This later committeth the new Testament with the Old; The former leaveth the Old upon plain terms of contradiction to its self, and is so vast, as in fixing the Aera of the Flood to leave the Hebrew Computation many hundred years behind; and so absurd; as to let it follow that Noah died before the Flood, and Methusalem lived after it.  
To reconcile either of these two to the Original, upon my duest consideration of all that hath been devised, I find to be of an impossible performance.  
To defend the Translation against the Original, as the Romanists immoderately undertake, putteth us upon an unreasonable and ensnaring consequence: which howsoever men corrupted by engagement may more indiscernably swallow up, yet super-induced upon a sincere and unmixed faith, removeth the ancient Landmark, and betrayeth us to Atheïsm and instability of mind, dividing a Kingdom against itself, and tossing the Ark of the Church to and fro, like a wave of the Sea.  
No man (I know) hath more to the purpose solicited this cause then the very learned Morinus, and yet I can perceiv that after all other stones removed, he is forced with Baronius to report himself to the Tradition of the Church, which, how Catholic soever, bringeth no more to pass then this: That the Greek Computation hath been universally received from the very beginnings of Ecclesiastical Time. There was reason for it, for it pleased God (who even in these things despiseth not the ways of Men) that the Scripture might be the sooner known, and to the more, to suffer it to pass rather by the streams, then from the fountains, to which the access was harder, and the differences but such as imported no substantial inconvenience in the ways of salvation.  
But if universal Tradition be of that moment in this matter, then what shall become of the Vulgar Edition, which must be maintained by that Party, and yet cannot be but upon the same terms; where notwithstanding we find these sums cast up, not by the Greek, but the Hebrew reckoning?  
As for their Cardinal Aliac, who undertook to make good this Computation of the seventy by the great Conjunctions from the Figure of the World, judgement is already passed upon him by the Earl of Mirandula. 
J. Picus Mirand. Ad. Astrol. lib. 5. c. 9   
The ways of Reconciliation and defence being thus shut against us, The Translation itself must be called in question and written upon as supernumerary and corrupt.  
For the Anni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 'tis evident from the method and demeanour of the undertaking, it is not of that kind as could fall out in Time, or by Transscription, but of deliberation and purpose, the Numbers for the most part increasing by a centenary accession.  
By the Original, Seth was 105 years old when he begat Enos: By the Septuagint he was 205. Enos was 90 years old when he begat Caïnan; The Greek is 190, etc. contriving so as to cast all up into a set and intended form of Imposture.  
'Tis otherwise manifest by the different Traditions of this Period, not only as it is summed up by the Ancient writers, Demetrius, Eupolemon, Timotheus, Nicephorus, etc. but in the Copies themselves, and their Translations, as in some Arabic versions of the Greek Pentateuch I observe, in the Ruff Bible, and the Samaritan Pentateuch; which also I undertake to be no Original, but to have been drawn out of the Greek Fountains, as, in respect of that, I may call them.  
For the Later, S. Luke I know is dangerously pretended; but in so low a Spirited and Shifting way, as that the Evangelist must needs be a loser by the hand.  
We must speak it out, that however it hath appeared in the Later Copies of that Gospel, 
Ced. Antiquiss Euang. & Ad. Apost. gns. gr. lat. Arch. Bibl. Pub. Cantab.  and so derived down to the Syriack and Arabic Translations, etc. yet the Old Originals received it not; as also Beza hath noted, more importantly his vetustissimus Codex, whereunto I myself also can bear him Witness, that it is not to be found, either in the Greek or Latin.  
But neither was it exstant in the Ancient Copies of the Septuagint. That in the King's Library at S. James' I confess to have wherewithal to bear out some repute of Antiquity, especially if it should be, as the Patriarch who sent it over pretended, written by the hand of Tecla, a Disciple of S. Paul's. 
Menolog. Sept. 24.  But the Menologie (none of the worst remembrancers) maketh no mention of any such Act of the Saint; and if it had, we know of what moment to make that kind of trust.  
But suppose the Caïnan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have been exstant in the Copies of S. Paul's time, this will not be good enough security against the Testimony of Berosus the Chaldean, a man of Ptolemy Philadelph's own time; who, 
Euseb. Praef. Evang. lib. 9 pag. 24.  in his Babylonish History, accounting the Series of the Patriarches after the Flood, setteth down Abraham 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the tenth Generation, and therefore Caïnan could not be reckoned upon: which moreover is confirmed by Eupolemon's like tradition of the same Series.  
This only doubt can be raised, whether Berosus, though he published his History after the times of the Translation, yet might not compose it before, under the times of Alexander, which also were his. But if he did, than I say that he took the Series from that other ancienter Greek Translation of the Pentateuch, mentioned by Aristolûlus, and so the Testimony is the greater.  
But the Caïnan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not exstant in the Septuagint of S. Paul's Time. If it had, 
Theoph. Antioch. 3. Lib. add Autolyc. Irenae. Lib. Epiphan. Ep. 55.  Theophilus Antiochenus immediately following would not expressly have left it out in his Epilogism. No more would Irenaeus, Epiphanius or Eusebius in theirs. And those that know how the case stood betwixt S. Hierom and this Translation, know he could not possibly have passed it over, had it been to be found in the Copies of his Time.  
But neither is it exstant in the Vulgar Edition, the Samaritan Pentateuch, or the Ruff Bible, translated out of the Septuagint, for there it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arphaxad begat Sala, and Sala begat Eber.  
True it is, 
Ms. in Arch. Bodelian. 5.  that I meet with this Caïnan in two Arabic Versions of the Greek Pentateuch, but evidently translated since the corruption was set on foot.  
But it is of more moment than all this, that it never was, nor could be in the Original, out of which the Elders translated, and that by an invincible Note of the Masora marked upon the place.  
Nor did ever any Translation out of the Hebrew acknowledge it. Not the Targums whatsoever, not the Vulgar Latin, not the Spanish or the Vulgar Greek, both translated by the Jews themselves, and printed at Constantinople in Hebrew letters; Not the Persian Paraphrase by Tawos. The Arrabick by Saadiah Gaon, or that other by the Jews in Mauritania, set forth by Erpenius.  
But neither is the forgery constant to itself; for though we meet still with it in the Book of Genesis, yet in the better Copies of the Chronicles it is not found, the Projector so much forgot himself.  
Manifestly therefore both Caïnan and the Numbers came in the wrong way, the design whereof, what it was, and managed by whom, I go about to show.  
In the first Verse of the first Chapter of Genesis, the Hebrew א, standing in their Arithmetic for a thousand, is six times found. From hence the Ancient Cabalists concluded, 
Gemara Tal. in Helec Sanhedrin. fol. 97. a R. A. Zar. in Imr. Been. C. 43.  That the World should last six thousand Years, because also God was six days about the Creätion, and a thousand Years with him are but as one day; therefore after six days, that is six thousand Years duration of the World there shall be a seventh day, or millenary Sabbath of Rest: concerning which Justin Martyr to Tryphon the Jew, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, And there is a certain man among us whose name is John, one of the Apostles of Christ, who, in his Apocalyps, hath foretold of a thousand Years to be enjoied in Jerusalem, 
In the Revelation made to him.  by those which shall believ in our Christ. The same also was asserted by Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, Apolinarius, and Irenaeus, as S. Hierom in his Catalogue, and hath been of late days by very Learned men awaked out of a long sleep, and even now is by some, to no good ends, more than enough resented. Though this was wont to be one of the reasons, why, the Revelation was accounted but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Cregorie Nyssen, and not called by S. John's, but the Heretic Cerinthus his name. Other Asspersions raised upon this Book by Eusebius, Dorotheus, Dionysius, etc. are summed up by Erasmus, and more forcibly urged then fully answered by Beza.  
I may add, that the Canon of Scripture we go by, groundeth much upon that Enumeration subjoined to the last Canon of the Council of Laodicea, which yet is not found in the very ancient Manuscripts. Gretser mentioneth one, and I meet with another here at home. 
Synodic. Gr. Ms. in Arch. Baroc. B. Bod.  Nor is it exstant in Joseph's Arabic Code, where only the Canon of the Council is set down, with a note upon the Idiötical Psalms. And yet in the same Code, in the Apostolical Canons, contrary to the trust of all the Greek Copies, 
Cod. Concil. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Rouen. B. Bod.  it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Revelation of S. John called the Apocalyps, but immediately follow the Constitutions of Clement, and recommended to the Church upon as equal terms. In a Manuscript Arabic Translation of the New Testament in Queen's College, only this Book of the Revelation is wanting.  
In the Arabic lives of the four Evangelists observed upon by Kirstenius, the note is. Observandum quoque est, hunc Autorem ne verbo quidem uno mentionem facere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. Joannis, 
P. Kirsten. in Vit. 4. Evan. Arab. fol. 50.  quam quidam hunc Evangelistam in Patmo scripsisse asserunt quâ autoritate ipsi videant. Atque adeò semper iste Liber inter Apocrypha reputatus est.  
But the Author doth make mention of the Apocalypse in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but this period (saith Kirstenius) doctioribus hujus linguae considerandum relinquimus. I dare not own the doctioribus, but the Reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the meaning is, And the report goes, that S. John delivered up the Apocalypse to his Disciple Phughir. So express is the mention, and no stronger the Tradition.  
But in derogation to a Book wherein too much may so soon be said, at lest enough, be the writing never so Canonical, the Argument is most intractable, and to the usual reach of Men so intricate and lost in Mystery, that unless the Times reveal faster than yet they have done, no man will be found worthy to open and to read the Book, neither to look thereon.  

Chap. 5.4.  Not to repete over Cajetan's Exponat cui Deus concesserit; Calvin, the Man whose prais is in the Interpretation of the word of God, Sententiam rogatus de Libro Apocalypseos (so Bodin report's him) ingenuè respondit je penitùs ignorare quid velit tam obscurus Scriptor; 
Joh. Bodin. Meth. Hist. C. 7.  qui qualisque fuerit nondum constat inter Eruditos.  
But this later part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerneth me not so pertinently as the former, that is the six thousand Years duration of the World, unto which more than what was said before must be added out of Lactantius, Sicut ipsum hominem Deus die sexto ultimum fecit, etc. ità nunc die sexto magno verus homo verbo Dei fingitur; that as God made man last in the sixth day, 
Lactant. L. 7. C. 14.  so in the great sixth day or millenary of the World, the true man was made by the Word of God.  
He saith also that mention was made of this Tradition by the Sibylline Oracles, the great Hermes, and the old Histaspes King of the Medes.  

Joh. Antioc. Ms. in Arc. Bar●. Bib. Bod. Chronograph. l. 10.  More expressly Clemens, Timotheus, and Theophilus as they are quoted by Joannes Antiochenus Melala. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, That upon the sixth day (as the Scripture hath foresaid) God made man, and man fell by sin; so upon the sixth day of the Chiliad (or sixth millenary of the World) our Lord Jesus Christ came into this World, and saved man by his Cross and Resurrection.  
To the same purpose Aelfric an Abbot of our own, in his Treatise of the Old and New Testament to Sigwerd of East Hoolon. ꝧ adam getacnude þeonðam sixtan d●●ge geseaƿen ƿaes þurh god usne h●elend christ þe come to þissere ƿorulde [on þaere sixtan ylde] & us geedniƿode to his gelicnesse. That Adam who was shapened by God upon the sixth day, betokeneth our Saviour Christ, who came into this World (in the sixth Age thereof) and renewed us after his own likeness.  
For this duration of the World, I think it well enough retorted upon Lactantius by one of the Jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that God hath not made haste to do according to this saying; for as Lactantius compute's, the Time is already past and gone; and yet the World continues to be as in the days of old, etc. R. Azarias in Imre Binah c. 43. fol. 142. though some of us Christians have so little to do, and think our selus so well acquainted with the unsearchable ways of God, 
Cunmannus Fliusbachius.  as to bid our Readers take it upon their word. Mundi hujus aetatem supra sex millia annorum, tanquam certam & immotam metam quam Deus mundo, sapienti & inscrutabili consilio determinavit; non excursuram esse etc. And what will become of the millenary Sabbath of Rest, if the six thousand Years whereon that depends be of no weightier consideration?  
But to weaken or defend the Tradition, I have no engagement upon me. It yieldeth me this Observation, That in the Opinion of those which held it, Our Saviour was to come in the Flesh in the sixth millenary of the World.  
But by the Hebrew Account, the Messiah was to come long before, as the Angel Gabriel prophesied in the seventy Weeks determined upon that People.  
It amounted therefore to this. That either the Tradition must come down to the Text, or the Text made to come up to that.  
In the Arabic Catena, and there only, I find the Imputation laid upon the Original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, That the Jews cut off from the Ages of the World 3600 Years, co conceal the Epiphanie of Christ, that their Books might not convince them of the contrary, etc. Caten. Arab. C. 19  
I begin to think how readily Morinus, and others of the Romish Party will resent this Testimony. Learned Men, I confess, but of a strange brow, to pretend to the world, Chronologiam juxta Lxx Interpretum numeros subductam, Antiquis Hebraeorum codicibus videri conformem, That the Chronologie computed according to the Numbers in the Septuagint, probably differeth not from the Ancient Hebrew Copies.  
But for the Sincerity of the Hebrew Text, the Foundation of God and man standeth sure. And for that of Julius Africanus) the only thing which hath been urged to purpose in this Caus) it shall be unexspectedly answered. Julius Africanus saith, That the Jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. themselves delivered this Computation of years taught by the Spirit of God in Moses, and out of the Hebrew Histories, etc. Not meaning, as Morinus would have him, that the Greek account was drawn from the Ancient Originals of Moses, but as Joannes Antiochenus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. For like as God made Man in the sixth day, as Moses expoundeth, 
Psal. 90. Orat. Mos. etc.  (who also hath it in his writings) That one day of the Lord is as a thousand years etc.) So in the sixth millenary day, our Lord Jesus appeared.  
And this was all Moses had to do with it.  
That the things was done by the Jews, I deny not; but, by those, I mean the Hellenists. And I take upon me, that the Corruption proceeded not by subduction from the Hebrew, but the accession to the Greek Scripture, and that it was done hard by the times of the Translation, and to no other end then to what I pretended: which was to make the Accounts fall even with their Tradition of the Messiah coming in the sixth millenary of the world, as it falleth out by the Epilogisms of Demetrius, cited by Alexander Cornelius; Eupolemon, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus; 
Euseb. P. Evang. p. 248.  Timotheus and others, cited by Joannes Antiochenus; differing some from the rest, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. But all agree in this, that our Saviour came in the sixth Chiliad.  
(The distinctest Enumeration of this Account is that of Theophil. Antioch. before the Insertion of the Caïnan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. That is, Adam was 330 Years old when he begat Seth Seth 205 Enos Enos 190 Caïnan Caïnan 170 Malaleël Malaleël 165 Jared Jared 162 Enoch Enoch 165 Methusalem Methusalem 187 Lamech Lamec 188 Noah Noah 500 Sem Sem 100 Arphaxad Arphaxad 135 Sala Sala 130 Eber Eber 134 Phalec Phalec 130 Ragau. By this Account there passed from the Beginning of the World to the 600 Year of Noah's life 2362 Years; from thence to the 130 Year of Phalec 529, which added to the former Sum, maketh up from the beginning of the World to the same time 2891 Years. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as the same Period of Theophilus. From the Flood to the time at which Abraham our forefather begat Isaac, 1036 Years; from Isaac the son of Abraham to the Sojourning of the People with Moses in the Wilderness 660 Years: from the death of Moses to the death of David the Patriarch 498 Years; from thence to the Captvitie in Babylon 518 Years; from the beginning of Cyrus to the end of Aurelius verus 744. Years: that is from the Flood to the death of Aureli●s 3456 Years; to which if we add the 2362 Years from the Creä●ion to the Flood, the Total is 5818 Years, Substracting from thence 192 Years, from the 42 of Augustus to the death of Aurelius, our Saviour cometh into the World in the 626 Year of the sixth Millenarie.  
But the Tradition as otherwise delivered will have it so, That our Saviour must come precisely at the sixth hour of the sixth day, or very middle of the sixth Millenarie. So the Arabic Catena 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
Cat. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Bib. Bod.  The Lord Christ was to be manifested after the end of 5500 Years for the Redemption of Adam, as be promised, saying unto him. The sixth day at noon I will come unto thee, and redeem thee. Caten. Arab, ubi Suprá.  
And therefore Eustathius Antiochenus observeth, That Christ was Crucified the sixth Hour of the sixth Day, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to intimate the middle of the sixth Millenarie.  
The form of the Period (as it standeth to this Alteration) is drawn up by the Patriarch Nicephorus, in his Chronicon: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5500.  
So Joannes Antiochenus, Eusebius, the Aethiopian Calendar, etc.  
But also the Tradition especially required, that the 6000 Years should be equally divided by the times of Phalec, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. saith Eustathius Antiochenus. Phalec in the Hebrew signifieth Division; and the time of the World's duration, was divided by his days into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Joannes Antiochenus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Joan. Antio. Ms. Lib. 2.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From Adam to Phalec 3000 Years according to the Prophecy. So Cedrens. p. 12. Suidas in Phalec, and Hesychius in the Questions of Anastasius.  
To reconcile the Numbers to this, it was proceeded after this manner.  
By the Period of Theophilus, The interval from Adam to Phalec was 2891 Years: To this 110 Years were to be added. First therefore, and to make it look the more unlike a cheat, they cut off 20 Years from Methusala's sum; and whereas Theophilus had reckoned him at 187, they set him down 167; as in some Copies it still standeth. Then it was from Adam to Phalec 2871 Years. This don, they insert a new Caïnan, assigning Him 130 Years, which, added to the former sum, precisely maketh up 3001 Years from Adam to the 130 Year of Phalec. And therefore Caïnan was not taken into the seventy, out of S. Luke as the learned Grotius prejudged, but contrarily: which how likely it might be done by such in whose opinion this Translation stood upon the same terms as S. Luke's Original, is not hard to be believed.  
And yet the Arabic Catena can tell you the very day of this Caïnans death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And Caïnan died upon friday the thirteenth of Elul, and his Sons embalmed him, and buried him, and lamented over him 40 days. Caten. Arab. C. 32.  
And they make him the Patriarch of a Nation, but agree not. Eustathius Antiochenus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Sogdians. Eusebius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Gasphenians. Fasti Siculi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Sarmatians.  
Cedrens saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That he read the Giants Books to the men of his Time, which he found by chance as he was walking in the Fields.  
In Eustathius Antiochenus, He is the Inventor of Augury and Astronomy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Glycas, and Georgius Syncellus talk as if he had continued the Tables of Seth. And so I find it in a Manuscript Chronicle. 
Anonym. Ch●on. Ms. in A●ch Baroc. Bib. Bod.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That after the Flood, Caïnan the Son of Arphaxad wrote Astronomy, having found the doctrine of the Stars written by Seth and his Sons in Tables of Stone.  
But none of all this is due to Caïnan the son of Arphaxad, but to Caïnan the son of Enos, as I shall make to appear by as sound a Tradition as these, written back to Aristotle out of India from Alexander the Great.  


See the Arab. Geog. p. 23.24. de aloens, a like Tradition of Aristo. & Alu.  
S●pher. Juchasi●. f. 3. b.   When I came (saith the King) into the Land of Pharsaiacon, etc. The Natives said unto me, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lo here in this Isle the Sepulchre of an ancient King, whose name was Caïnan the son of Enos, who reigned over the whole World before the Flood. He was a wise man, and endued with all kinds of knowledge, and had power given him against the Spirits, Devils, and destroying Angels. This Man by his wisdom foresaw that the blessed God would bring a Flood upon the Earth, the prophecy whereof he wrote in Tables of Stone, which here we have; and the writing is Hebrew, etc.  
This is the right owner of those parts and Inventions: That other Caïnan was a man of the Chiliasts making, one with whom things stood all otherwise then with Melchisedec.  
This man had neither beginning of days, or end of life, but in the Genealogies.  
FINIS.   

Episcopus Puerorum, IN DIE INNOCENTIUM.  
OR, A Discovery of an Ancient Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an anniversary Bishop among the Choristers.   tomb effigy of the Boy Bishop of Sarum in vertical position 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

VIA una COR VNUM  blazon or coat of arms  
Episcopus Puerorum, IN DIE INNOCENTIUM. OR, A Discovery of an Ancient Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an anniversary Bishop among the Choristers.  
IN the Cathedral of Sarum there lieth a Monument in stone, of a little Boy habited all in Episcopal Robes, a Mitre upon his head, a Crosier in his hand, and the rest accordingly.  
The Monument lay long Buried itself under the Seats near the Pulpit, at the removal whereof, it was of late years discovered, and translated from thence to the North part of the Nave, where it now lieth betwixt the Pillars, covered over with a Box of Wood, not without a general imputation of Rarity and Reverence, it seeming almost impossible to every one, that either a Bishop could be so small in Person, or a Child so great in Clothes.  
Having consulted with the most likely men I knew (whereabouts I then was) to what Moment of Antiquity this could refer, the Answer still was, that They could not tell, and from one too from whom it seldom used to be so, the late Learned Bishop Montague, who also earnestly appointed me to make further enquiry after the thing, not doubting but that there would be something in the matter at least of curious, if not substantial observation.  
Returning therefore from thence, By Salisbury I obtained a perusal of the Old Statutes of that Church, intending afterwards to have looked over the Leaguer Books. But finding in the Statutes a Title, De Episcopo Choristarum, concerning the Chorister Bishop. I began to think my business was well nigh done already. And indeed a Circumstance of the Chapter directed me to their Processional, and so I came to perceiv that the meaning of the Monument was thus.  
MATH. II. XVI. 
Then Herod when he saw that he was mocked of the Wisemen was exceeding wroth, and sent forth and slew all the Children that were in Bethlehem and in all the Coasts from two years old and under, according to the time, etc.  
The Monument is altogether concerned in the memory of this Massacre. First therefore a little shall be said of That, and then something of the day itself.  
Here not to give Herod so many ill words neither as some do, and yet as an aggravation of the foulness of this murder, and by the insolence of the Martyrdom, to excuse the holiday, it will be at least to some purpose to observe a little of the Ancient Reverence and Holiness of Children.  
The Title of the Day remembreth them by a full and proper expression of Innocence. 'Twas impossible to christian the Feast more incomparably. The word Innocence is of a vast reputation, and yet dares not signify any thing here below but the State of the first Man, and that of Children, and therefore thus far suffer them to come to you, and forbidden them not  
He must needs have little of a Man, nothing at all of God in Him, that could break into a Circle of such harmless and undefended Simplicity.  
The Jews themselves thought nothing fit to be a murderer of this kind, but a Devil; and a She-one too: that the fearfulness of the Sex might dispose to more unruly and more barbarous resolutions of Inhumanity.  
This Shee-Divel they call by the Name of Lilith. It is taken from the Night, for so the word signifieth first. And it will be something to you when you remember yourself of that ordinary superstition of the old wives, who dare not intrust a Child in a Cradle by itself alone without a candle. You must not think those people know what they do, and yet you may perceiv their silly ways to derive from an Original much better, and more considerable than can be guessed at from their prone and uninstructed way of performance.  
That which we read, 
* Aben Ezra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Castra Seba.  Job 1.15. And the Sabeans fell upon them, etc. The Hebrew is, And Seba came. ('tis a hard Book that.) The Syriack Translation is, Et irruerunt Latrones. And the Arabs or thiefs came in upon them. But the Chaldee rendereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That Lilith the Queen of Smargad came, etc. And Elias in his Methurgeman saith, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This was a City of the Sabeans called in their Language by the name of Smargad. And that this Lilith was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a kind of shee-Divel which killed Children. The 
Glossa Talmud in Nidda fol. 24. b.  Gloss to Nidda saith so too, and describeth her to have wings and an humane Face: You may hear more of this Fairy Queen, if you can meet with that Edition of Ben Sirrah, which was Printed by the Jews at Constantinople, with the Books of Tobit, the Book of Zorobabel, etc.  
By this discourse how slight soever it may seem to be, I shall be able to attein my serious end. For, for this reason, as especially as any other, the Hebrew women as 
* Exod. 1.19.  lively as they were wont to be, yet now in dread of this Hobgoblin, solemnly observe this custom (enchantment you may call it) at this very day.  
When the great bellied woman's time is come, the Father of the Family, or for want of him, some holy man or other (for this is required too) is desired to come to the Room where the woman is to lie in; and then, and there he is to draw a Circle upon the several walls of that Place, and upon the doors, both within and without, and moreover also about the Bed, etc. And he is to inscribe these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adam Chavah Chuts Lilith. that is, Adam. Eve. Cut Lilith. And so the Child is thought to be sufficiently defended.  
The Heathen Stories of their Strix, as our own later ones of the Lamiaes (they are the same) I let pass. Only I stay to wonder, that it should be their black business to kill Children, seeing that the principal preparations whereby they Exercise, are made either of the Skin or Flesh of a Child. Of the skin they make their Virgin Parchment, a thing of great importance, as to them, and in which all their Spells and Charms are to be written. Of the Flesh decocted to a Jelly, they make their Unguents, with which they do things of so rare and unreasonable consequence. This practice of theirs as maliciously bad as it is, yet more and more confesseth to my purpose, the secret strength of Innocence, and sanctity of Children.  
Therefore by the greatest right of Nature, these Infants ought to have been proof against the most barbarous and unhappy hand.  
But you will marvel the less (and the more too) when this is added to it, That Herod's own Son was one of the Company.  
The Scripture indeed maketh not this mention, but yet you have it from a very good hand: Cùm audivisset Augustus inter pueros quos in Syria Herodes Rex Judaeorum intra bimatum jussit interfici, filium quoque ejus occisum, ait, Melius est Herodis porcum esse quàm filium. When Augustus Cesar (saith Macrobius) had heard that Herod the King of the Jews his own son was one of those Children, which from two years old and under were commanded by him to be slain in Syria, he said, 'Twere better to be Herod's Hog then his son. 
Sextus Senens. Bibliothec. Sanctae Lib. 70.  Macrobius Saturnal. lib. 2. cap. 4.  
Sixtus Senensis quoteth this Answer of Augustus out of Dion Cassius his Roman History, in the life of this Emperor, but I do not find it there.  
The same Author quoteth this passage out of Philo Judaeus his chronography. Herodes Ascalonita anno trigesimo principatûs sui tyrannici Sanedrim ex domo David delevit, & Annalaeum quendam, atque alios Sanedrim ex proselytis suffecit qui nimiùm videbantur in Lege eruditi, tum & Salomen sororem suam, & virum ejus de tribu Juda, itémque proprium filium, quem ex uxore ejusdem susceperat, interfecit, quòd diceretur jam in lege promissus Christus natus. Only the last words are to the purpose, itémque proprium filium, etc. That Herod killed his own son too, because it was reported that Christ, who was promised in the Law, was now born.  
If this were the reason, it seemeth a little to reflect upon the matter of the Innocents'.  
But indeed if the Story had been fully and expressly set down, it must have gone for nothing. For this is but that Philo, which with others of the like pretended Authority, (Berosus, Metasthenes &c.) Amius the Monk hath so lately obtruded to this world. But the impudent forgeries of this fellow, the learned Joseph Scaliger, Sethus Calvisius, etc. have very quickly and sufficiently chastised.  
And yet this ignorant Man is as reverently quoted by Rabbi Azarias in his Meor Enaiim, 
Meor Enaiim fol. 89. etc.  as if he had written the Wisdom of Solomon.  
But the strangest thing indeed is, that Josephus himself should take no notice of this matter, not only not of the saying of Augustus, but nothing neither of the kill of the children, a Passage very unexspectedly omitted by so great a Courtier and so good an Historian, especially one that spared not to set forth the rest of Herod's indignities to the full.  
It is enough to draw some doubt upon the Tradition of Macrobius. Joseph Scaliger believeth it all; but yet his wonder is, that Augustus should make such a return upon Herod, seeing that he himself did the Murder, not only upon this, but upon all the three sons. I do not perceiv that the Learned Man hath cause enough. Herod did but cast the envious part upon the Emperor (and officiously too) but left the main and principal guilt upon his own head, and therefore nevertheless, to all this the Emperor might very fitly retort, as he did, That it were better to be Herod's Hog then his Son.  
But what son of Herod's could this be? It must be Antipater; or it must be none. But Antipater was more a man then to be reckoned among the children of two years old and under. And moreover then that, Antipater was not at Bethlehem, nor thereabouts at that time.  
I know not upon what terms to make this hold, unless it may be thus.  
Herod had obtained of Augustus the killing of two sons already, and now solicited for the third. It was presently upon the kill of the Infants that Herod's Messengers came to Rome with the Accusations of his son Antipater, and so both the Passages came to the Emperor's ear at the same time, and this later, for the nearness was misreckoned into the bargain.  
There is another Circumstance or two, which make the Murder so much the more concerning.  
One is,  
(You must not take it for a thing done: but therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the expression is the greater.)  
Now the Dead did bury the Dead. This blood cried so loud, that Rachel heard it in the Grave, and risen to execute the Funerals.  

Jer. 31.15. Mat. 2.18.  In Rama was there a voice heard, Lamentation and weeping, and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children, and would not be comforted, because they were not.  
But why Rachel? And why should this voice be heard in Rama?  
Note here the Situation of Rachel's Tomb, out of the Arabic Nubian Geographer.  
At verò Bethlehem, Locus videlicet ille in quo natus est Christus, 
Geograph. Arab. Nubiens. Clim. 3. Part. 5. p. 115.  distat ab Hierosolymis sex millibus passum, & è media via ista habetur Sepulcrum Rachel, matris Joseph & Benjamin filiorum Jacob, Quibus salus. Huic Sepulcro duodecim sunt Lapides impositi, impendétque testudo lapidea concamerata, etc. So the Maronites in their Translation.  
Bethlehem, to wit the Place where Christ was born, is distant from Jerusalem six miles; and in the middle-waie there standeth the Sepulchre of Rachel the Mother of Joseph and Benjamin, the sons of Jacob; upon whom be health. The Sepulchre is erected of twelv stones, and an Arch of Stone above, etc.  
So the Geographer.  
This was in the Tribe of Juda, but confining upon that of Benjamin, where Rama was. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rachel, in the Oriental Languages, signifieth a Sheep or Lamb, And so an Innocent was very fitly called up to mourn over these Infants, who died in the Caus of the Lamb of God.  
And the voice of this Lamentation was heard in Rama, because Rama was in the Tribe of Benjamin.  
Benjamin was that Son of whom Rachel died in childbed, and though his Father gave him this Name, yet his Mother would have had him called Ben-oni, or the Son of Sorrow.  
The next is,  
§ That though otherwise there is a large indictment of Inhumanities' against this Tyrant, yet his miserable and uncommon death is rather imputed to the shedding of this (though much of the rest was his own) Blood.  
That this world, and he parted by an unusual course of Mortality, and by the judgement of God too, (at least in common reputation) Josephus is clear.  
Severe execution being done upon the two Sophisters and their Scholars for pulling down the Golden Eagle, which (to acknowledge the Roman Empire) Herod had set up upon the greatest gate of the Temple, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, Henceforth he was taken with a disease, which seizing upon the whole state and habit of his body, tormented him exceeding severally. A Fever he had, but not of any acute kind: an unsufferable Prurigo over all his body, with continual tortures of the Colon. By the Tumours about his feet you would judge him to be Hydropical, To this a strange inflammation of the lower Belly, and such a putrefaction of the Genitals as bred Worms; moreover than this, a shortness and difficulty of Breathing, with a Convulsion of all the Parts. This moved those of that time who pretended to know the mind of God, to give out that these diseases were inflicted upon Herod for his murder of the Sophisters, etc.  
Josephus hath a fuller Tradition of this Event, C. 8. of the 17. Book of his Antiquities. And if you consider the common Translations of both, you will find it fit that this other should be set down here too. The matter will not only be to turn the Greek, but (if it may be) to render it so, that especially the words may signify a distinct and Artificial description of Herod's disease, as Josephus meant, and indeed expressed it like himself.  
I do not threaten here to do very much neither: This I am sure of; The Translators understood the matter but meanly, (and yet one of them was a Physician too). I will do what I can, towards that I pretend to, and leave what is like enough to be wanting to those, whom it may more properly concern.  
Josephus his other words are these.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But the disease of Herod grew yet more bitterly violent, God exacting this judgement of his enormities upon him. He had a Gentle Fever, that is, not expressing itself so much to the outward touch and feeling, as more grievously burning him within: a strange appetite, and desire still to take something in; but nothing would stay with him, An Ulcer of the Entrails with hard conflictations, especially of the Colic Gut. A Phlegmatic Humour appeared about his feet, and Shining too; More than this, the disease had got about the lower Belly, and more than that, there was a putrefaction of his Genitals, and it bred worms. An Orthopnoea, or shortness of breath, and that also very unpleasant. A troublesome flux of Rheum, which caussed a perpetual Asthma: And the Patient not having strength to resist these things, there followed a convulsion of all the parts. It was said therefore by the Divines of that time, and those which it then stood upon, to give holy judgement of these things, that the hand of God was upon the King, to punish him for his so often repeated horrible offences.  
Here I must tell you though, that I do not see any such extraordinary moment or manner of Fatality in this dissolution.  
The disease indeed was especially complicate of a dropsy and dysentery. The Orthopnoea, Dyspnoea, Spasmes, etc. nay and the Fever itself too for aught I know, were but accidents of one or both. 
Hippoc. de victûs ration. Lib. 3. sect. 4.   
The dysentery (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was (and the worse therefore) especially in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Dropsy was of that kind which from the fashion of the Inflammation, is called Ascites. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth (as Galen saith) to Hypocrates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the lower region of the Belly comprehended between the Navel and the Genitals. There the Inflammation was, and it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Tradition saith, Therefore the Dropsy was of that kind which I said, and of a malignant State.  
There is nothing makes the matter look so like a Judgement, as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But this Putrefaction of the Genitals might very possibly be an Accident of the Dropsy, this kind especially. If it were not; it might be otherwise Natural enough, and you may hear of it in Hypocrates, and in the very same words used by Josephus here. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aphoris. Lib. 3. § 7. Aph. 21.  
And yet you shall see how this Tradition hath improved itself under the Christian's hands, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Chronicon. Alexand p. 488.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, And Herod being struck with a grievous dropsy, the whole state of his Body corrupted, and the Worms crawled out. Thus he departed this life, receiving a just vengeance of that murder, which he committed upon the Children in Bethlehem for our Saviour's sake.  
Cedrens hath it out of another Author, that this Herod was famously known by the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Child-slaier. Herod might be so called for the kill of his own sons.  
But I wonder where the Author had this.  
Indeed Eusebius himself hath said more than comes to his share, as to this matter. Even he also accuseth Herod of this horrible disease, and chargeth it upon the murder of the Children, but (which was the Sleepiness of the Forgery) he quoteth Josephus for it too.  
Our own Elfrick the Abbot as unadvisedly, who having told the Story, closeth it up with this rash doom upon Herod & se yfela cining, and the wicked King died Miserably. Photius hath delivered it more expressly bad, and to not since of Traditional belief. I know there is a kind of well meaning in these devout Lies; but no more acceptable to him whom it seemeth to concern, than the cutting off of a Dog's neck. The Christian interest is more absolute and sufficient of itself then to need a supererogation of this kind.  
The simplicity of Joannes Antiochenus is more useful here then the Judgement of Eusebius. He telleth the History of the Children out of the Scripture itself, and then maketh this end of Herod's matters, out of Clemens the Chronographer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And immediately Herod being taken with an incurable disease, was eaten up of worms and so died. Joan. Antiochen. Melala Chronog. Lib. 10. Ms. in Arch. Baroccian. Biblioth. Bodleianae.  
But this Herod the Great, was not eaten up of Worms neither; There's a difference betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Act. 12. 2 Macab. 9  or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This indeed was the disease of which the other Herod died. Antiochus died so too: and both by the plain and visible judgement of God, the which, where it is not very notably and convincingly revealed, it were good to make as little use of our own Augury as we can.  
In the other Herod's case, S. Luke saith that an Angel struck him. This Angel in Josephus, is but an Owl, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and a Germane Soothsayer had told the King as much before. Antiquit. Lib. 18. C. 8. But of this in a more proper place.  
But if Herod the Great had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or eaten up of Worms, and by the judgement of God too: is it to be thought that this judgement looked asquint upon all the rest of this King's enormities, and cast a full eye only upon the Massacre of the Children?  
This is but to deliver up Herod to Satan here, that his soul might be saved in the day of the Lord. Would you have such a man thus taken from the evil to come? Rather than so, if you would have a damnation upon Herod that sleepeth not, let him have his portion in this life. Let him die the death of the Righteous, and let his last end be like his.  
Though he may seem to you to be never so much plucked off from God's right hand, yet you do not see that this man was written Childless: though he had drank so deep of the Blood of Innocents', Still there was one left, and one of his own Race too, to fit upon the Throne of Jury. you are not to reckon of these things according to your own angry way of vengeance. The right profligati homines, and those that are notoriously engaged, especially in interested impieties, are most usually condemned to prosper here, that they may be the more secretly and justly reserved to the blackness, and darkness of their own other World.  
But if you will now, Herod shall be left in the very same case that you would have him.  
Let it be so, that he was judged here, that he might not be condemned hereafter; or, let both be true, ('tis so sometimes) Then I believ with you that the doom did as principally, and immediately reflect upon this Murder of the Innocents', as upon any of all the rest.  
There is an aggravation in the Number too; at least if the account be honestly given up to our hands.  

Menolog. Decemb. 29. Antholog. f. 132. a.  The Greek Tradition in the Rubric to the Day, is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That it was no less than fourteen thousand.  
The  Church reckoneth of as many in their Missal Memorials.  
I know not what to say to this, but if it beee so, than Thou Bethleëm Ephratah art not so little among the Thousands of Juda, Mich. 5.2.  
It will not be much beside the matter, if here I remember you of this Story.  
The Town of Hamel in the Duchy of Brunswick was exceedingly pestered with Rats. There happened to come to Town a Roguie Fiddler, who undertook presently to quit the Place of all the Vermin, upon condition to receiv such a sum of money for his pains. The Burghers agreed. The Fiddler betook him to his Pipe, at the sound whereof the Rats came all forth, and followed the fellow quite through the Town to the River Weser, where they were all drowned. The Piper (the Pid'e Piper they called him) came to demand his money: but the sum was now thought to be too much, especially the thing being done so easily too, and so unexspectedly: yet they allotted him a good sufficient reward; but the fellow would have his bargain, all or none; or else he would come by it as he could: They bid him take his Cours. The fellow set his Pipe to his mouth and to work again as before. And all the Children followed him out of the Town, to the vale of Koppenburgh, where the Mountain seemed to open and receiv in these little ones into a preposterous womb, and so closed up again, but certain it is, that it was never yet heard of where, or how that Earth delivered herself of these children again. The Number of the little ones was 130. And the thing was done in Sermon-time, upon the 26 of June, in the Year 1284. as Sethus Calvisius out of the Annals of the Place.  
The special Reason why this Story is here set down, is that which follow's. In the memory of this disaster, The Men of Hamel date all their public Matters especially, from this Exodus, or going forth of the Children, setting it down next to the Year of our Lord.  
Ammianus Marcellinus telleth of two that suffered unjustly under the Tyranny of Valentinian, 
Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 27. p. 369 & 370. Edition. Lendenbrogian.  Quorum memoriam apud Mediolanum colentes, nunc usque Christiani locum ubi sepulti sunt, Ad Innocentes appellant. whose memories the Christians at Milan do yet celebrate, And the Place where they lie buried is called, The Innocents'. These two last digressions were not intended to be mistaken, but by this uninterrested disguis, the more to justify the Celebrations of these our own Innocents' indeed. The several practices of whose Memories, I would have here taken as they are received, and they shall be more justly then affectionately delivered.  
Brocardus in his description of the Holy Land, pointeth you to the very place where these Infants were slain. Item (saith he) ostenditur locus occisionis Innocentium puerorum.  
Adrichomius and others tell you of a Chapel there about Bethlehem dedicated to their memory, and under that a Vault, in the which these little Bodies lie buried.  
The description of this Vault you have in the Viaggio da Venetia. Al Santo Sepolcro. Verso l'oriente glie un altra grotta, overo caverna, giu hassa, & stretto, ordinata in modo d'una Croce. é qui furono sepolti gli santi Innocenti, etc. Ancora ne sepeliron una parte di ditti Innocenti fra Bethlehem & Bethama, otto miglia, lequali sepolture se vedeno ancora hoggi di. that is, Eastward, there is another Grott, or Cavern lying low underneath, and the passage very narrow, it is contrived into the fashion of a Cross, and here (some of) the Holy Innocents' lie buried. Another part of them lie buried in the way betwixt Bethlehem and Bethanie, for a matter of eight Miles distance: And their sepulchers are to be seen to this very day.  
This is all the Local memory of these Infants I met with. And 'tis more too then the good Arabic Nubian Geographer had heard off.  

The Day.  §. For their anniversary Remembrances concerned in time, I do not find their Day among the Ancient Holy Ones.  
There is a Greek Apostolical ('tis called so) Institution of the Church Holiedaies. 'Tis true; They are but few there, Indeed they could not be many, as then. This bloody seed of the Church was not yet so much cast upon the ground.  
The Greek Enumeration acknowledgeth, and appointeth S. Stephen's Day to be kept Holy, but of the Innocents' no mention there at all.  
The Arabic Translation of this Constitution hath more Holiedays than the Original, and the Hypapante for one.  
And you are to rest (say they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Festival (called) Aibubanti, and that is the entrance of the Lord Christ into the Temple. Constitut. Arab. Ms. fol. 67. a.  

Codex Concilior. Arab. Joseph. Egypt. Ms in Archiv. Rouen Bibl. Bod.  This holiday is called in the Roman Church Purificatio B. Mariae. We call it so too: and from the Saxons, Candlemas-Daie; Here the Arabic Greek word Aibubanti (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) seemeth to betray the trust of the Translator, and therefore though it fall not so directly within my business: yet it is not to be let go.  
It passeth unaccepted against, that this holiday was first made at Constantinople, 
Meursii glos. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and no sooner than the times of Justinian the Emperor, if it should be so. The Arabic Constitution doth not so providently begin with Ego Petrus & Paulus, etc. as the Greek; and then afterwards insert a holiday of Justinian's making which was no less than 500 Years after.  
But to make this up as well as I may.  
It is certain that the Arabic Translator followed some other Greek Copy then that which is now most usually received.  
It is certain also that this very holiday was very anciently and immemorially observed in the , the Coptick, and the Syriack Churches, etc. and by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or, Ingressus Domini, the entrance of the Lord into the Temple. So that for the Thing and Celebration it is absolutely old enough, if not Apostolically so; yet however (and which is the matter) much deeplier engaged in Antiquity then the times of Justinian: But for the Greek word here in the Arabic disguis, it is not so ready to give a just account (And yet if I should say, that the Greek word were as ancient as the thing, though not in use and solemnity at Constantinople, till those very times of Justinian. I know not what any man could happily say to the contrary.  
And so I have discharged the Translator as I could. But as to my own matters, It is to be confessed here, that though the Arabic Constitution maketh more Holiedays than the Greek, yet it maketh no reckoning of Innocent's day at all: neither indeed do I find this Festival in any of the Eastern Almanacs.  
For however there be Lessons appointed for this day, 
Novum Testamentum Syriacum Ms. in Arch. Biblioth. Bod.  set down at the end of some Syriack Translations (as well Manuscript as Printed) of the New Testament, yet the holiday is not to be found in the Antiochian Calendar.  
And though the  Church in the Celebration of their Corban or Communion, useth to make a very solemn and devout Memorial of these Innocents', yet there is no Day assigned to them in the Calendar of that Church Neither was it to be looked for. For the Coptick Almanac itself (which is known to prescribe to this other) hath it not neither.  

Athanasius Kircher. Grammat. Copt. Sect. 6. C. 3. pag. 332  Indeed, None of all these Calendars acknowledge more than seven or eight Holiedays throughout the whole Year; that is, the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Epiphanie, etc. Praeter haec Festa celebranda, alia non invenio. More than these I find not, saith One, (and of the Roman interest too) It is his note to the Coptick Calendar: And the reason importeth alike for all the rest. 
Alkas Cyriac. Tab. Astron. Arabs. Ms. in Archiv. Laudin. Biblioth. Bodleian.  'Tis true. I can tell you of an Arabic Calendar of Alkas at the end of his Astronomical Tables, where I find this Day put down under the name and title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Occisio puerorum, or, The Murder of the Infants. But I can perceiv too that this Calendar is not very ancient, as well by the Memory of Saint Chrysostom there in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, The death of John of the Golden mouth. (as the Eastern Men use to call this Father, and he is often so quoted in the Arabic Catena): as also by an evident plainness of the Roman engagements there, not only from the very great number of Holiedays, but of such too as expressly belong to the Relation, and the (late too) institution of that Church.  
Here I do not mean to sit as Judge upon the Holiedays, as concerning their Number or Manner of Celebration. I mean only to speak to you a few words of peremptory and indifferent Truth.  
1. That in the most Primitive and Apostolical times, the Calendars yielded up but a very short, and only principal account of Saints and Martyrs; yet (which is to be noted by some body) The Nativity of Christ is always one, and one of the chiefest; and moreover then that, the saturday and Sunday (would you have me call them both Sabbath days, or which is worse, that which was the eighth, the seventh day) were held in equal reverence of Keeping, and Observation.  
2. That the Reason why so few Saints-days were observed in and about the first Times, how substantial soever as for that present, and exigency, yet draweth on no necessary Example upon us, were it not that the Eastern Churches in a full Body, had left the matter to this Day, at the very same rate as they found it then, without making any considerable addition to that small number, any where, and in the most set and leading Places (as the Coptick, Antiochian Churches, etc. none at all.  
3. That it is most likely, that in the Times immediately succeeding to those which are granted for Primitive, the remembrance of Saints and Martyrs was practised but in gross, at the Solemn confessionarie Commemorations of all together, in the memorial part of their Communion, and this only by a naked rehearsal of their good Names (as at the first) without any appointment of particular days to this or that Saint. The flying tracks of these Commemorations, you may discover in our own latest reformed Liturgies, or if you would see it nearer to the Top of Time, then let your recours be to the  Missal: you may see that in the Bibliotheca Patrum, or if you be curious and would see it somewhat more Original, you may Read (that is this part of it) in the Prodromus Coptus. C. 2. De Coptit. Moribus p. 37. & 38.  
4. Lastly. That the first assignment of these Remembrances in gross, to set, and single days, and increased too to so notorious a Bulk, was very probably the design of the Greek, but much more especially of the Latin Church, and for the most part not so anciently neither as to be reflected upon, with any commanding or convincing Reverence, nay nor done (when it was) to that just and clear purpose, as would be wished for in this Case.  
'Tis true, 
So Meurfius his Glossare in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  The blood of these Innocents' was dear and precious in the sight of God, and like that of all his Saints. The Day of one's death is better than that of one's Birth, as by an excellent abuse of expression, the Church hath very well rendered the Place, But do you think that a Report of this kind will make these bones fat? (Pro. 15.30.) your selves it may.  
'Tis true too, that a good Name is better than precious Ointment (Eccl. 7.1.) but do not you know, that these dead Flies, (with Reverence to your Saints be it spoken) do make this Ointment (which in the right since indeed would be very precious) to have a stinking Savour?  
Let me tell you the Truth (though I do it with an un-forward will) This is one of the Little Follies that will stick upon you, who otherwise might be accounted to have been Men in Reputation for Wisdom, and Honor. Ecclesiastes 10.1.  
And now I think almost as much as could be, hath been said against the day of these innocents'. And yet for all that it is certain that the holiday is of very old standing in both the Churches. And thus, and thus it was celebrated.  
As nearer home, I shall begin with the Use of the Abbey of Oseney here at Oxford, (it was so, but the Maps will cheat you now (indeed they are cheated themselves) 'tis ubi Troja fuit.)  
By the use of this Church they were wont to bring out upon this day, the Foot of a child, prepared after their fashion, and put upon with red and black Colours, as to signify the dismal part of that day. They put this up in a Chest in the Vestry, ready to be produced at the time, and to be solemnly carried about the Church, to be adored by the People.  
My authority for this you have here set down, out of an old Ritual of that Place, and observed to me by my very good, and learned friend Gerard Langbain, Doctor of Divinity, and Provost of Queen's College.  
The Rubric in the Ritual is, Item notandum quòd in die Innocentium, post Primam, preparetur Pes innocentis, viz. cum rubro auriculari, nigróque panno super auricularem posito, qui jacet in quadam cista in Revestuario, & postea in Karola deferatur, ut adoretur à populo.  
The Rumick wooden Calendar useth to distinguish these Holidays, not as we, and other folk do, but by a pretty kind of Hieroglyphical Memory.  
As instead of S. gregory's day, they set you down in a Picture, a Schoolmaster holding a Rod and Ferula in his hands. It is because at that time (as being about the beginning of the Spring) they use to send their children first to School, Adeò superstitiosi sunt quidam, etc. and some are so superstitiously given, as upon this night to have their children asked the question in their sleep, whether they have any mind to book, or no; and if they say, yes, they count it for a very good presage, Sin tacuerint aut negent, stivae eos adjudicant, but if the children answer nothing, or nothing to that purpose, they put them over to the Plough.  
So for S. George's day they picture a Horse; for S. John Baptist's, A Lamb; ad agnum Dei, de quo vaticinatus est respicientes.  
For Simon and Jude's day a Ship, because they were Fis; hers; and so (to come to the matter) for Innocents' day, the drawn sword of Herod. Olaüs Wormius, Fast. Danicor. Lib. 2. Cap. 19  
It hath been a custom, and yet is elsewhere, to whip up the children upon Innocent's day morning, that the memory of this Murder might stick the closer, and in a moderate proportion to act over the cruelty again in kind.  
Lewis the eleventh was so sad and serious a remembrancer of this Martyrdom, that he would not be interrupted by any affairs of State how important soever, in the Strictest Sanctification of their Day. Philip de Commines.  
But the most commensurate Recollection of this day's business (did not the Superstitious part spoil the Decorum) is that, which we are now about. A celebration of the day, and the divinest parts of that, by a Service and Solemnity of children.  
The Episcopus Choristarum was a Chorister Bishop chosen by his fellow Children upon S. Nicholas day. Upon this day rather than any other, because it is singularly noted of this Bishop (as S. Paul said of his Timothy) That he had known the Scriptures of a Child) and led a life sanctissimè ab ipsis incunabilis inchoatam. The Reason is yet more properly and expressly set down in the English Festival.  
It is said that his Fader height Epiphanius, and his Mother joanna, etc. And when he was born, etc. they made him christian, and called him Nycolas, that is a man's name, but he keepeth the name of the child, for he chose to keep virtues, meekness, and simpleness, and without malice, also we read while he lay in his cradle, he fasted wednesday and friday: these days he would souke but ones of the day and there with held him pleased, thus he lived all his life in virtues with this child's name. And therefore chilldrens done him worship before all other Saints. etc. Lib. Festivals in die S. Nicholas fol. 55.  
From this day till Innocents' day at night (it lasted longer at the First) The Episcopus Puerorum was to bear the name, and hold up the State of a Bishop, answerably habited with a Crosier, or Pastoral-staff in his hand, and a Mitre upon his head, and such an one too some had, as was multis Episcoporum mitris sumtuosior, (saith one) very much richer than those of Bishops indeed.  
The rest of his fellows from the same time being, were to take upon them the Style and countefaict of prebend's, yielding to their Bishop (or else as if it were) no less than Canonical obedience.  
And look what service the very Bishop himself with his Dean and prebend's (had they been to officiate) was to have performed, the Mass excepted, the very same was done by the Chorister Bishop, and his Canons upon the Eve and the holiday.  
By the Use of Sarum (for 'tis almost the only place, where I can hear any thing of this, that of York in their Processional seemeth to take no notice of it) upon the Eve to Innocents' Day, The Chorister Bishop was to go in solemn Procession with his fellows ad altare Sanctae Trinitatis, & omnium Sanctorum (as the Processional, or ad altar Innocentium sive Sanctae Trinitatis, as the Pie) in capis, & cereïs ardentibus in manibus, in their Copes, and burning Tapers in their Hands, The Bishop beginning, and the other Boys following. Centum quadraginta quatuor. etc. Then the Verse, Hi emti sunt ex omnibus, etc. And this is sung by three of the Boys.  
Then all the Boys sing the Prosa Sedentem in supernae majestatis arce, etc. The Chorister Bishop in the mean time fumeth the Altar, first, and then the Image of the Holy Trinity. Then the Bishop saith modestâ voce, the Verse Laetamini, and the Respond is, Et Gloriamini, etc. Then the Prayer which we yet retain.  
Deus, cujus hodiernâ die praeconium Innocentes Martyrs non loquendo, sed moriendo, confessi sunt, omnia in nobis vitiorum mala mortifica, ut fidem tuam quam Lingua nostra loquitur, etiam moribus vita fateatur; Qui cum Patre & Spiritu Sancto, etc.  
But the Rubric to the Pie saith, Sacerdos dicat, Both the Prayer, and the Laetamini, that is some Rubrics do, otherwise I take the Benediction to be of more Priestly consequence, than the Oremus, etc. which yet was solemnly performed, by the Chorister Bishop, as will follow.  
In their return from the Altar Preceptor puerorum incipiat, etc. The Chanter Chorister is to begin De Sancta Maria, etc. The Respond is Felix namque, & c. & sic processio, etc.  
The Procession was made into the Choir, by the West door, and in such order (as it should seem by Molanus) ut Decanus cum Canonicis, insimum locum; Sacellani, medium; Scholar's verò cum suo Episcopo ultimum & dignissimum locum occupent, etc. That the Dean and Canons went foremost; the Chaplains next; The Bishop with his little prebend's in the last and highest place; the Bishop taketh his seat, and the rest of the children dispose of themselves upon each side of the Choir, upon the uppermost Assent, the Canons resident bearing the Incens, and the Book; and the Petit Canons, the Tapers, according to the Rubric. Ad istam Processionem pro dispositione puerorum scribuntur Canonici ad ministrandum iisdem; Majores ad thuribulandum, & ad Librum deferendum; Minores ad Candelabra portanda, etc.  
And from this hour to the full end of the next day's Procession, Nullus Clericorum solet gradum superiorem asscendere cujuscunque conditionis fuerit.  
Then Episcopus in sede sua dicat versum. Speciosus formâ, etc. Diffusa est gratia in labiis tuis, etc. Then the Prayer. Deus qui salutis aetenae, etc. Pax vobis, etc. Then after, the Benedicamus Domino, Episcopus puerorum in sede sua benedicat populum, in hunc modum, that is, The Bishop of the Children sitting in his Seat, is to give the Benediction, or bless the people in this manner.  
Princeps Ecclesiae pastor ovilis cunctam plebem tuam benedicere digneris, etc. Then turning towards the People he singeth or sayeth (for all this was in plano cantu, that age was so far from skilling discant, or the Fuges, that they were not come up to Counterpoint) Cum mansuetudine & charitate humiliate vos ad benedictionem; the Chorus answering, Deo gratias. Then the Cross-bearer delivereth up the Crosier to the Bishop again, & tunc Episcopus puerorum primò signando se in front sic dicat. Adjutorium nostrum in nomine Domini, the Chorus answering, Qui fecit Coelum et Terram.  
Then after some other like Ceremonies performed, the Episcopus Puerorum or Chorister Bishop beginneth the Completorium or Complyn, and that don, he turneth towards the Choir, and saith, Adjutorium, etc. then last of all he saith, Benedicat vos omnipotent Deus, 
 Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus. 
 In die Sanctorum Innocentium ad secundas vesperas accipiat Cruciferarius baculum Episcopi puerorum, et cantent Antiphon. Princeps Ecclesiae, etc. sicut ad primas vesperas. Similiter Episcopus puerorum benedicat populum supradicto modo, et sic compleatur Servitium hujus diei. Rubric. Processional.  
And all this was done with that Solemnity of Celebration, and appetite of seeing that the Statute of Sarum was forced to provide, sub poena majoris Excommunicationis nè quis pueros illos in praefata Processione, vel alias in suo ministerio, premat aut impediat quoquo modo, quò minùs pacificè valeant facere et exsequi quod illis imminet faciendum, etc. that no man whatsoever, under the pain of Anathema should interrupt or press upon these Children, at the Procession spoken of before, or in any other part of their Service in any ways, but to suffer them quietly to perform and exsecute what it concerned them to do.  
And the part was acted yet more earnestly, for Molanus saith, that this Bishop in some places, did reditus, census, et Capones, annuò accipere, receiv Rents, Capons, etc. during his Year, etc. And it seemeth by the Statute of Sarum, that he held a kind of Visitation, and had a full correspondency of all other State and Prerogative, for the Statute saith. Electus autem puer Chorista in Episcopum modo solito puerili officium in Ecclesia (prout fieri cousuevit) licenter exsequatur, Convivium aliquod de caetero, vel visitationem, exteriùs, vel interiùs, nullatenus; sed in domo communi cum Seciis conversetur, etc. Ecclesiam, et Scholas cum caeteris Choristis statim post Festum Innocentium frequentando. etc.  
More than all this, Molanus telleth of a Chorister Bishop in the Church of cambray, who disposeth of a Prebend which fell void in his month (or Year, for I know not which it was) to his Master, quasi jure ad se devoluto, Quam collationem beneficii verè magnifici Reverendissimus Praesul, cùm puer grato animo Magistrum suum bene de Ecclesiâ meritum nominâsset, gratam, et ratam habuit.  
In Case the Chorister Bishop died within the Month, his Exsequys were solemnised with an answerable glorious Pomp and Sadness. He was buried (as all other Bishops) in all his Ornaments, as by the Monument in Stone spoken of before it plainly appeareth, the express or Image whereof I have here set down in the dead Posture, as repeteing over a passage of that kind, which deserveth to be remembered, though it were not fit to have been done.   tomb effigy of the Boy Bishop of Sarum in horizontal position 
For this Antic at the Feet of the Child, it is also a little to be spoken to.  
This Manner in Sepulture is very ancient and usual, both in the Christian, and the Common Interest; and yet, me thinks, 'tis a hard matter to six a through paced Reason upon it.  

Geographia Nubiensis Part. 3. Cli. 47.  The Arabic Nubian Geographer hath this piece of Story. He very fully describeth the sepulchers of the Septem Dormientium (the thing I think is not so, but will serve the turn, as if it were true) and then saith.  
At the Feet of these Dead Sleepers, and to each of them a Dog lay to the Tomb, his head reflexed upon his Tail.  
It will be a safe and easy way howsoever (and I think 'tis true too) that all these appointments of Gentry came down from the Egyptians. It seems we have not observed yet how much of the great business of Heraldry we have taken from them; whereas we that wonder at this odd kind of writing, express and turn it into English our selus. Pausanias' in the Boeotica, where he speaketh of the sepulchers of those Thebans, which so stoutly fell in the Macedonick war; saith, that their Tombs had no Inscriptions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the statue of a Lion stood by as to signify their courage (and fortitude.). Ptolomeus the Phaestion rendereth the Original of these things up to Hercules. But that huge Name signifieth so much, and so little, that I know not how to make the Synchronism.  
The matter, if it be taken from the Original, is plainly Hieroglyphical. That People were the First, that read neither backwards nor forwards, but a way of their own. Caussinus and others may be seen to the 37 Hieroglyphic of Horus Apollo.  
For the Thing here, The Head indeed and forepart was much defaced, but it was not untoward to guests the Dragon by his tail, where yet I did not only make use of my own Sagacity (such as it is) but of that also of my Ingenious friends, M. Edmund Chilmead, and M. Richard Goodridge, who discovered no otherwise upon the Place.  
The little Monster (I think I may call it so) seemeth to acknowledge itself to some Noble Family, but I believ 'tis higher yet; and as to express a Bishop in every point, referreth up to That of the Psalmist, Conculcabis Leonem & Draconem, etc. For the Smallness of this Matter had reason to entitle it to the divinest looks they had at that time; and a child of this kind might be thought fit enough to tread upon the Old Serpent.  
In the Greek Traditions concerning the day I find not any thing like to this Manner of Celebration. 
Durand. lib. 7. cap. 44. Numb. 15.  And in the Latin but very little. Durand indeed maketh mention (and only so) of the Benedictio Puerorum in die Innocentium. Beleth saith as much. Nocturnos & universum Officium crastinum celebrant Diaconi, quòd Stephanus fuerat Diaconus, & ad Lectiones concedunt Benedictiones (quod tamen facere non debent, saith Durand) ista tamen ut ejus diei Missam celebret Hebdomodarius. Sic eodem modo, omne officium perficiunt Sacerdotes ipso die beati Joannis, quòd hic Sacerdos fuerit, et Pueri in ipso Festo Innocentum, quia Innocentes pro Christo occisi sunt. Beleth Divin. Offic. Explicat. Cap. 70. The Saxons had, and kept the day, as it seemeth by their Evangelistarie, where the Rubric to the Gospel is Ðys godspel seal on cyldamasse dag. This is the Godspel for Childmass or Childermass day. But of any Chorister Bishop, as to bear a part in the Observation I did not attein unto: and since I can almost perceiv that it was not much to be expected, and I am not to dissemble that a very ingenuous friend of mine M. Thomas Barlow of Queen's College suggested to me as much. The Custom doth very much appear to have taken its rise from the Romish; but how anciently, I must confess, I know not. It began to loos itself more especially from the times of the Council of Basil; in the 21 Session, whereof it receiveth this sharp rebuke.  
Turpem abusum in quibusdam frequentatum Ecclesiis, quo certis anni Celebritatibus nonnulli cum Mitra, baculo, et vestibus Pontificalibus more Episcoporum benedicunt, (quod Festum Fatuorum vel Innocentium, vel puerorum, in quibusdam regionibus nuncupatur) etc. Haec sancta Synodus Statuit, et jubet etc. nè haec, aut similia ludibria exerceri ampliùs permittant. Session. 21.  
I know not whether it will be best to say, that the Reverend Fathers might have been less mistaken, but that the Festum Fatuorum was a distinct holiday from the Innocents' day is a clear case by Durand. ubi suprá.  
Otherwise I think it is not much to be thought, that God took any very great pleasure in this Sacrifice of Fools.  
It seemeth indeed to suit well with Flesh, and Ceremony, that the Memories of the young Innocents' should be kept in store by a holiday of Children, but 'twas but strange fire. The word of the Lord was precious in those days, when the Child Samuel ministered before Him in a Linen Ephod.  
All this notwithstanding you may note too, That these are not the least of those little Ones which have been made capable of this improper excellency.  
Baronius telleth of an Archbishop of Rheims consecrated at five years old. But see Sethus Calvisius to the Year after Christ 925. yet a little further, and that you may the less be moved at this small thing represented here unto you in such grand apparel: I shall set down in the last place (as connatural to the business) a Story of an Episcopus Piscis, or a Fish in Bishop's habit, you must not question whether this be jure Divino, or no: This Sea-ghost appeared in this form and fashion.   depiction of a "Bishop-fish" 
You may find as much in Gesner and others, but Rondeletius is my Author, and these are his words.  
He had related before of a Monk-Fish, and then he saith.   depiction of a "Monk-Fish" 
Monstrum aliud multò superiore mïrabilius subjungo, quod accepi à Gisberto Medico Germano, cujus antè aliquoties memini, quod ipse ab Amsterodamo cum literis acceperat; quibus ille affirmabat, Anno 1531, in Polonia visum id Monstrum marinum, Episcopi habitu, & ad Poloniae Regem delatum, cui signis quibusdam indicare videbatur vehementer se cupere ad mare reverti, quò deductus, statim in id se conjecit. Sciens omitto plura quae de hoc Monstro mihi narrata sunt, quia fabulosa esse arbitror, Ea est enim hominum vanitas, ut rei per se satìs mirabili, praeter verum plura etiam affingant; Ego qualem monstri iconem accepi, talem omnino exhibeo, vera ea sit anon, nec affirmo, nec refello. So Rondeletius. Not to bestow much upon the Translation, In short it is: That in the Year 1531 a Fish was taken in Polonia, Such an one as represented the whole appearance and appointments of a Bishop. This Sea-Monster was brought to the King, and after a while seemed very much to express to him, that his mind was to return to his own Element again, which the King perceiving commanded that it should be so, and the Bishop was carried back to the Sea, and cast himself into it immediately.  
There is a stranger thing belonging to this Story than the thing itself, that Cromer who lived then, 
Cujus corporis magnitudo facies ac cultus, talis erat omnino qualem videmus Episcopi cujusdam Romani.  and wrote the History of Polonia at that very time, should know nothing of the matter.  
Bellonius saith, that this Fish was for all the world like to a Roman Bishop, suâ mitrâ, suíque reliquis ornamentis, etc. What Popery in the Sea too? Away with these Babbles: 'tis a marvel that such fopperies should be pretended, to the beating down of substantial Truths, (because you and I must live forsooth,) and yet the things themselves should signify just nothing at all.   
FINIS.   

DE Aeris & Epochis. SHOWING The Several Accounts of Time among all Nations, from the Creation to the present Age.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  יהוה JUSTUS VIVET FIDE DEUS PROVIDEBIT. 
I. Y   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

VIA una COR VNUM  blazon or coat of arms  
DE AERIS & EPOCHIS. Showing The Several Accounts of Time among all Nations, from the Creätion to the present Age.  
TO determine the Confusion of Things, Chronologie taketh part with History, which interweaving the Account of Time with the passages of Story, rendereth the Series more distinct, and fit for comprehension.  
Not to be curious about the description of Time, 
Confession. 11. cap. 14.  whereof S. Austin confessed, Si nemo ex me quaerat, scio; si quaerenti explicare velim, nescio. 'Tis the measure of all our Motions, and is divided By the two greater Lights of Heaven, into Days, and Months, and Years, Gen. 1. The two lesser parts of Time will offer themselves in the consideration of the greater.  
A Year, though it might have been as truly said of any other Star or Planet, yet is it now made proper to the Sun and Moon, whose Revolution in the Zodiac is the general definition of this part of Time, so that every Month, in the stricter sens, should be taken for a Lunar Year: but that use hath prevailed against the right acception, making the Moon's Year to be that space of Time wherein she measureth the Zodiac twelv times, or maketh twelv Conjunctions with the Sun. This course she dispatcheth in the space of 354 days, 8 hours, and some odd minutes, eleven days, or well nigh before the Sun.  
The Sun's Year is the Revolution of his Motion in the Ecliptic, which if it be accounted in the Zodiac, it useth to be called Annus Temporalis, because it so distinguisheth the quatuor Tempora, Summer, Winter, etc. It is otherwise termed (and indeed most properly) Annus Tropicus or vertens, because the Astronomers of old reckoned this Year from the Tropics first, as it may seem, though after also from the Equinoctial's depending upon the Sun's entrance into these Points, 
Cabasil. in 3. Ptolem. C. 2.  which they used to observe with a great brazen Circle planted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the square Porch at Alexandria, mentioned by Hipparchus, whom Ptolemy citeth in the third of his Almagest. & 2. Chap. which is concerning the quantity of the Year.  
If the Revolution be accounted from any fixed Star to the same again, the Year is then called Annus Sidereus, first appointed by Thebit the Arabian, and very much advanced by the late learned Copernicus against the unsounder opinion of Ptolemy, in whose judgement it seemed as deceivable as to account from the wand'ring Saturn, or Jupiter.  
A Year therefore in our most useful sens, is that space of Time, in which the Sun passeth through the twelv Signs reckoning his Motion from under any one of the fixed Stars (but from Aries to choose) unto the same again.  
The precise Quantity of this Year in Days is determined of by all to be 365, but the surplus of Hours and Minute's hath very much and vainly exercised the most curious.  
To say nothing of Democritus, Harpalus, Meton, Aristarchus, Archimedes and others, who assigned each of them his several Quantity. Julius Cesar's Mathematician setteth down 365 days and six hours: Hipparchus and Ptolemy found this to exceed as much as made up the three hundredth part of one day. Albategnius doubled this proportion. The Correctors of the Roman Calendar like none of these, and whereas all the rest adjudged the Surplus to be less than the fourth part of a Day, Copernicus findeth it to be more, and setteth down 365 days, 6 hours, and 40 seconds. Censorinus therefore said well that the Year consisted of 365 days, and one part of the sixth, but how much, saith he, no body knows. But the Julian proportion, as most ready for calculation, hath obtained in Chronologie. 
Emend. Tempor. l. 1.  Erit igitur (so Scaliger said of his) instituti nostri fundamentum Annus Julianus.  


CHAP. I. Concerning the Characters of Time.  
A Character in Chronologie, is a certain Note whereby an infallible judgement is made of the time proposed.  
They are either Natural or Civil. Natural, as Eclipses, the Cycles of the Sun and Moon, etc. Civil, as the Sabbatical Years, the Indictions etc. Their importance in History is more than their appearance. Sine his, without these (saith Scaliger) omnis conatus irritus, 'tis to no purpose to go to work. Character temporis (as the same Author) constituit fines audaciae Computatorum, ut qui in hoc negotio Characterem negligat non magis fit audiendus, quàm qui negat principia. Can. Isagog. We begin with the natural Characters, and first   

CHAP. II. Of the Eclipses.  
Eclipse is more properly said of the Moon then of the Sun. The Eclipse of the Moon is caussed by the Interposition of the Earth. The Eclipse of the Sun by the Interposition of the Moon, therefore the Sun cannot be Eclipsed but when he is in Conjunction with the Moon; nor the Moon, but when she is in opposition to the Sun: yet neither do the Eclipses come to pass, as often as these Lights oppose or conjoin; for than they should be Monethlie: Only that Conjunction or Opposition maketh an Eclipse which is Diametral; that is, when the centre of the Earth and the centres of both the Luminaries shall be in the same line, which happeneth to be there only, where the Moon's Eccentrick cutteth the Sun's in that Line, which is therefore called the Ecliptic. This intersection is (as needs it must) but in two places, called by Ptolemy the Nodi, one asscending, the other descending. The Arabians term them the Dragon's Head and Tail, from the fashion of the Intersections as they imagine it. But neither do these Intersections keep one certain place, but moving make a Circle of 18 Years, so that the Eclipse of the Moon which shall fall out the tenth of December next, in the 20 deg. of Gemini, shall 18 Years hence come to pass in the same Sign again.  
Therefore Eclipses being Periodical, the beginning of the World supposed, the Astronomer by Calculation can attein to any, and all that ever have been by the same Rules, by which he foretelleth those that shall be so, that if any anie where in Story this Character shall occur, nothing can more assure the Time.  
Let Instance be made in the Beginning of the Grecian Empire, the appointment whereof dependeth upon the Battle at Arbela, or (as Plutarch correcteth) at Gaugamele. Eleven days (saith the same Author) before this fight an Eclipse of the Moon was seen. 'Twas the second hour of the Night, saith Pliny, the Moon then rising in Sicily. Astronomical calculation demonstrateth that this Eclipse (all things considered) could not fall out but in the second Year of the 112 Olympiad, which was the 3619 of the World, the Sun being then in the 24 deg. of Virgo. And therefore that God in Cicero mistook the course of the Stars, who presaged, 
Cic. de. Divinat. lib. 1.  that if the Moon should be Eclipsed in Leo, a little before the Sun's rise, the Victory should fall on Alexander's side. So indeed it did, but neither was the Moon then in Leo, nor the Sun in the East. 
De Emend. Temp. lib. 5. Chronolog. Bunting. fol. 126.  For such is the assurance of this Character, that though the Astronomer learn of the Historian, that there was an Eclipse; yet where, and ofttimes when it was, the Historian might learn of him.  
Eusebius and Dio set down that there was an Eclipse of the Sun a little before the death of Augustus; but by a Calculation Astronomical, the Eclipse was not of the Sun but of the Moon, nor was it a little before, but a little after his death.  
S. Hierom reporteth, that in his time (about the Year of Christ 393) so terrible a darkness overshadowed the earth (obscurato sole) that every man thought the World was at an end. Nos scindimus Ecclesiam (saith he to Pammachius) qui ante paucos menses, circadies Pentecostes, cum obscurato Sole omnis Mundus jam jámque venturum Judicem formidaret.  
But the Astronomers find that there could be no Eclipse of the Sun then, nor near about that time; but in such cases they answer, that the Interposition was made by some unusual exhalations, of that opacity, which might intercept the Sun's light, in as great a measure as if the Moon had come between; Such an one was that Eclipse (as some Historians miscall it) which was seen so often in one Year before Cesar's death, and that of the Year 798, the Sun being so dark for 18 days together, ut naves in mari aberrarent, 
Scal, in Prolegom. pag. 51.  which was a greater Eclipse than the Moon could make.  
Yet neither is it here to be dissembled that the Astronomers themselves do not always agree about this infallible Character, for Moller findeth out, by his Frisian Tables, many Eclipses which cannot be attained unto by the Prutenick Tables, or those of the King Alphonsus, etc. To excuse this, we are to lay an imputation upon their Tables, as being not all exacted from the same Hypotheses, or not performed with like elaborate erection: Or otherwise we are to say (supposing the Tables to be exact) that some error was committed in the calculation of the Eclipse. And in this case we are to guide our selus by the greatest Masters in the Art. For what if Moller say that the Year of Cesar Augustus his disease cannot be demonstrated by the Eclipse of the Moon in the beginning of Tiberius, because the Moon was Eclipsed both the Year before and after. Sethus Calvisius may satisfy, that neither of those could be total, as this was, and whereas the one of those was seen at 7, the other at 8 of the Clock at night, this was seen at 5 in the Morning.  
And therefore all this notwithstanding, the Character is to be accounted excellent and of singular importance, which Aristotle himself, not ignorant of, appointed Calisthenes at the siege of Babylon, to reserv with all possible care the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Astronomical calculations of the Chaldeans, as Simplicius relateth. And the care was taken, yet none of these observations (though known to be very many) could escape the injury of time, save only three Eclipses, which came to ptolemy's hands, unto which, himself added three more of his own observation, serving very much to the advancement of Historical Truth, though this be but a small number, in comparison of those many which the Historians here and there have committed to Memory; for indeed we are not for this matter, much less beholden to ignorance then to knowledge. We know when it was that a Roman General durst not give Battle for fear of an Eclipse: and that of the Moon in the beginning of Tiberius, as one mentioned, 
Tacitus Annal 1.  as Tacitus can tell us, affrightned the mutinous Soldiers into order and accord: And 'tis not long since the Conqueror of the Indies persuaded the Natives, that he had complained of them to their Moon, and that such a day the God should frown upon them, which was nothing else but an Eclipse, which he had found out in his Almanac.  
However this ignorant Admiration was an occasion to the Men of those days, not to leave so strange an Accident, as an Eclipse out of their Story, especially if it happened to be great, or concurring with any notable design: little aiming at that which the reach of those days hath brought to pass upon them, which by turning over the leavs of that celestial volume, recovereth their Eclipses again; and by application of this Character, maketh as sure of the time proposed, as if it had been written in Heaven.   

CHAP. III. Concerning the Cycle of the Sun.  
THe division of the Year into 52 Weeks, because it setteth off one day supernumerary, maketh an alteration in all the rest; so that the days of the Week (which use to be assigned by the letters of the Alphabet) fall not alike in several Years; but Sunday this Year, must fall out upon the next Year's Monday, and so forwards till seven Years; and (because the Bissextile superaddeth another day every fourth Year) till four times seven, that is twenty eight Years be gone about. This Revolution is called the Cycle of the Sun taking name from Sunday, the Letter whereof (called therefore Dominical) it appointeth for every year. It is found by adding nine (for so far the Circle was then gone about) to the Year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 28. So to the year following 1639, if 9 be added, the numerus factus will be 1648, which divided by 28 leaveth 24 for the Cycle of the Sun.   

CHAP. IU. Concerning the Cycle of the Moon.  
THe Cycle of the Moon is the Revolution of 19 years, in which space (though not precisely) the Lunations do recur.  
For because of the Sun and Moon's unequal motions, the changes falling out inconstantly, the time of Conjunction could not be still the same. This variety the Ancients perceiving to be Periodical, endeavoured to comprehend what Circle it made in going about. Cleostratus the Tenedian persuading himself, that the Variety finished within the space of 8 years proposed his Octaëtris, affording thereby no small direction; But the error of this was discovered in part by Harpalus first, and after that by Eudoxus, but more fully by the learned Meton, who, finding that the Revolutino was not completed in less time than the space of 19 years, set forth his Enneadecaëtris, within the Circle whereof the Lunations (though not exactly) do indeed recur; so that if the Quadrature of the Moon shall fall out as this day of this year; the like shall return again, the same day of the 19 year succeeding. This Cycle is therefore called Cyclus decennovennalis, and from the Author Annus Metonicus, from whose Athenians the Egyptians may seem to have received it, as the Romans from them, in letters of gold; from whence, (if not from the more precious use of it) it obtained to be called, 
Origan.  as yet still it is, the Numerus Aureus, or Golden Number. It was made Christian by the Fathers of the Nicene Council, as being altogether necessary to the finding out of the Neomenia Paschalis, upon which the Feast or Easter, and all the Movable rest depended. Itself is found by adding an unite to the year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 19, the remainder shall be the Cycle of the Moon, or if nothing remain, the Cycle is out, that is nineteen.   

CHAP. V Concerning the Ferial Character.  
THe Character of any Time proposed, is that which remaineth after all the Septenaries be cast away from the whole sum converted into days.  
In rationibus Solis & Lunae (saith Scaliger) de dierum aggregato semper abjicimus omnes septenarios; & residuum, cum horis & scrupulis est Character temporis propositi.  
So the Character of a Month consisting of 29 days, 12 hours, and 793 minutes, is 1.12.793. that is Feria primahor. 12. min. 793. for so much remaineth more than the Septenaries. The Ecclesiastical year of old, began at Easter, the first Week whereof was all holiday, the days being distinguished by prima, secunda, tertia, etc. added unto Feria. From thence the days of any other Week began to be called Feria prima, secunda, etc. 'Tis a Character of good assurance if the Historian set down Quâ Feriâ, what day of the Week the Act was done. And if he set down what Holy or Festival day it was, 'tis a double Character. An Example shall be the deceas of great Otho, which, as some Historians cast, happened in the Year of Christ 972, as others, in the Year 973, but they say too, that he died the seventh of May, upon the fourth day of the Week, and a little before Whitsuntide; but the seventh of May could not fall upon the Feria quarta, but in a year whose Dominical letter was E. which was the Letter of 973, as 'tis certain from the Cycle of the Sun, which that year was 2.  
Besides, the Cycle of the Moon was 5, therefore the Terminus Paschalis that year was March the 22, therefore the 11 of May was Whitsundaie, which cannot be said of the years before or after. Therefore 'tis certain that Otho died that year, or else he died not that day.   

CHAP. VI Concerning the great Conjunctions.  
COnjunctio superiorum is not the same thing now as of old. The ancient Astrologers called no Conjunction great but that of trium Superiorum, when Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars met altogether. But the later finding the effects of the two conjoined more strong and prevailing then of the three; have given the name of a great Conjunction only to that of Saturn and Jupiter.  
These two superior Planets finishing their Circles in unequal time, they make three Conjunctions in the whole Revolution. The twelv Signs in Astrology are divided into four Trigons, or Triplicities, each denominated from the connatural Element; and so they are three Fierie, three Aery, three Watery, and three Earthy. Nineteen years, and some odd days and hours gone about, Saturn and Jupiter meet together in Signs of the same Triplicity: 198 years gone about they meet in signs of several Triplicity, but not altogether in complying: 794 years and 214 days gone about they meet in Signs of contrary Triplicity. The first of these is called Conjunctio Minor; the second Media. This latter Magna, the great Conjunction, when Saturn joineth force with Jupiter in the fiery Trigon or Triplicity, which though it happen in 794 years, and 214 days, yet it useth to be accounted by the Numerus rotundus of 800.  
By these Conjunctions, Cardinal Aliac undertook to reform the whole State of Chronologie, and make infallible demonstration of the years of the World.  
To bring this about, he first of all supposed out of Albumazar the figure of Heaven when the World began: That the Horoscope was in the seventh of Cancer, and that the Sun was in the 19 of Aries, the rest of the Planets accordingly assigned.  
This taken for granted, he brought himself to that first and great Conjunction, which falling out in the wateris Triplicity, insinuated such an influence into the Inferior bodies, as brought upon the World that universal Deluge, as Aoniar, and Albumazar delivered out of their Ancients. By this Conjunction he assigned 2242 years for the Interval betwixt the Flood, and the beginning of things, but which was neither true in itself, nor following his own Principles. And therefore we may imagine what Conclusion he was likely to make, whose foundation was not better appointed: though otherwise a great Conjunction may be set down among the Characters of Chronologie; but rather to assure, then to find out the moments of time; and more concerning that which is to come, than those which are gone and passed.    


Concerning the Civil Characters, and first of the Sabbatical Years.  
AS the Jews every seventh Day, so their Land every seventh year kept a Sabbath, which was therefore called Annus Sabbaticus, and the whole seven, Hebdomas Annalis, a Week of Years. These seven years seven times told made 49 years, and the 50 was their Jubilee, so called from Jobel, which, as some Rabbins interpret, is as much in Arabic, as Aries in Latin; 
Talmud. in Rosh. Hassana.  for so Aquiba one of their Doctors reporteth, that when he traveled in Arabia he heard the people call a Ram Jobel. Add hereunto that when the Jubilee came, a great sound of Trumpets was to be made through all Israël in sign of the Remissions, and these Trumpets, they say, were made of Rams horns. But this, though favoured also by the Chaldie Paraphrase, yet soundeth not so credibly to the Learned, 
Targum in Josu. 6. v. 4.  especially the known Arabic not acknowledging that word. And if not, than it may be said, that Jobel signifieth any Musical (however horrid) sound, so called as Masius helpeth it out, from Jubal the Father of them which play upon the Harp and Organ.  
The Jubiles though by Institution beginning at the 2500 year from the Creätion, yet are Proleptically reckoned from the beginning of the world; which also was considered by the Author, for the first year of Moses his first Jubilee, was the last of the 51 Jubilee from the World's Creätion, accounting from the Autumn where the Jubiles begin.  
If it be said that such or such a thing was done in a Sabbatical year, 'tis a very good Character in the Jewish Chronologie.  
'Tis an ordinary opinion that Nebuchadnezar was the same with that Nabopolassar in the Canon of Ptolemy; But 'tis certain out of the Prophet Jeremy, that the 18. year of Nebuchadnezer was a Sabbatical year, and it may be demonstrated out of the Almagist, that the 18 of Nabopolassar was not, therefore they were not the same by this Character.  
But in accounting the Sabbatical years, this rule is to be observed, that the same year which endeth one Jubilee, beginneth the next, or otherwise the Scripture itself would be charged with error. And therefore Bucholcer and others who were not ware of this, are not to be trusted for their Sabbatical Chronologie. 
Hescych. Lexic. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eusebius himself was not much better advised: and yet Hesychius could tell that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the space of 49 years.  
Those who think the Sabbatical years noted in the Jewish Calendars not to be truly so called, may as well say so of their Sabbatical days. Those who think the Sabbatical years were disused in the Captivity, must consider better of the Prophet's words, who, when they seem to say such a thing, are not to be understood of the simple celebration, but the Moral Solemnities, as Jer. 34. and elsewhere. Those who think the Sabbatical years, though instituted, yet never to have been observed among the Jews, may repent of that mistake as well as Scaliger himself. In Frag. p. 34.   

CHAP. II. Concerning the Indictions.  
INdiction ab indicendo. 'Twas the Revolution of 15 years, devised, as our Bede thinketh, to avoid confusion in Chronologie, likely to arise from the Common use, which was to say, such a thing was done in such a year of such a Reign, without considering what time of the year the King that then was begun to rule, or what time the Predecessor ended. But why this period should be called an Indiction, the causses given saith Calvisius, multae sunt quas si legas, cùm diversissimae sint, incertior abis quàm accessisti. Several reasons are set down in Sir Henry Spelman's glossary, out of Cedrens, Scaliger, Paul Petavius and others. The first and greatest pains about this were taken by the learned Onuphrius, yet unprofitably. Scaliger considered of a new reason, but which Baronius refuteth ad Annum Christi 312. Scaliger again replieth in his next edition, and seemeth to acquit himself of the Cardinal's exception, 
Scalig. in Prolegom. p. 210.  but cannot be heard neither by Petavius nor Calvisius, though as much adored by this later, as slighted by the former. And indeed saith Petavius, this is one of those things which could never yet be found out, through very much enquiry hath been made after it.  
Indiction is most properly said de Tributo Indicto, 
Cod. lib. 10. Tit. 16.  as appeareth by the Title in the Code. And because these Tributes indicebantur in Quinquennium, therefore that which was wont to be called Lustrum, was otherwise acknowledged by the Name of Indiction, answering to the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as in Circle, so in use; the Indiction being nothing else but a Roman Olympiad. Succeeding times put tertia Lustra together, and called three by the Name of an Indiction; so reckoning their years, and beginning at the Emperor Theodosius, saith Cedrens, but deceiving himself, for the 273 Olympiad in the Fasti Siculi hath this Synchronism. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Here begin the Indictions of Constantine. He saith of Constantine, for that before this time there had obtained in the Antiochian use, a Julian Indiction. Indictio Juliana Antiochensium, beginning in Julius Cesar, 48 years, Ante C. N. noted therefore in the same Fasti with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the first Indiction, but as I think of 5, not 15 years. Those of Constantine began (as was said) in the 273 Olympiad, in the third Consulship of Constantine, and second of Licinius. Therefore they began 312 years' post Ch. Nat. as only Petavius is not certain of. Therefore the Indictions began at the very dismission of the Nicene Council; succeeding, saith Onuphrius, in place of the Olympiads, which, as unchristian, the Emperor had forbidden.  
The same Author citeth a Canon of the Council, That the Bishop's Rescripts etc. should bear the date of the Indictions, etc. but to be taken upon his own trust, for the Canon, saith Petavius, is not there to be sound.  
But certain it is, that the Indictions began at this time, consisting of 15 years: and if not with some relation to those three years, during which the Council assembled, allowing for each of those a Lustrum or Quinquennal, then likely for the reason given by Venerable Bede, or at leastwise for some other which we know not off.  
And because at the very same time the Emperor celebrated his Vicennalia with great largesses and distribution of dole unto the people, as the use was; therefore the Greek of New Rome rendered the Latin Indicto by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, distributio, and Palladius in the life of S. Chrysostom, saith, that the Asian Bishops came to Constantinople, decima tertiâ Distributione, And with the same respect, the Rescript of Honorius relaxeth the debita contracta, usque ad initium Fusionis quintae, meaning the Indiction. Cod. Theod. De indulgent. lib 6.  
The Emperor Justinian made a Law, That no Writing should pass without the date of the Indictions etc. sic enim (saith he) per omnia tempus servabitur, etc. L. Sancimus Novel. 42. And the providence was material, for the Indictions have proved to be an excellent Character in Chronologie, for the assurance of things done since the times of Constantine.  
For the time of the year, the Indictions were fixed in September originally, as may be seen by the Rescript of Anastasius in L. ult. de An. & Tribute. And in the 24 of that Month as the Subscriptions testify: but not alike retained in both the Empires, for by the use of Constantinople, they begin at the ●alends of September, since the time of Justinian saith Scaliger, and that in conformity to their new year, which began at the same time: but the Western Caesar's date from the 24 as of old: The first useth to be called Indictio Constantinopolitana, the second Caesarea, add to those the Roman Indiction, beginning (as their year also) from the Calends of Januarie.  
When we find in Story that such a thing is said to have been done in such an Indiction, as Indictione primâ, secundâ, tertiâ, etc. the number is still to be understood of the same, not several Circles. For instance. Pelagius the Pope being accused of the Faction, against his Predecessor Vigilius, went up into the Pew, and putting the Gospel-book upon his head purged himself by Oath. This was done saith the Appendix to Marcellinus, Indictione secundâ. He meaneth not the second Indiction, but the second year of the seventeenth.  
To give an instance of this Character.  
Rome (saith Prosper, Cassiodorus, etc.) was taken by Alaric the Goth. Varane and Tertullo Coss, or at least, as Marcellinus, Varane solo Cos. for his Colleague Tertullus was not chosen till the Calends of Julie. Marcellinus addeth, that it was taken Indictione octauâ. Orosius, and Cedrens undertake that this was done in the year post. Ch. Nat. 411. but this answereth to Indictio nona, therefore the City was taken the year before, by this Character.   

CHAP. III. Concerning the Periods.  
THe Indictions, as the Circles of the Sun and Moon are very assuring Characters even by themselves, sed eorum fallax est usus nisi quaedam ex illis Periodus instituatur, but of much greater certainty, saith Scaliger, if brought into a Circle or period; which was also considered by Dionysius the Abbot, who therefore (taking some example from Victorius Aquitanus) multiplied the Cycle of the Moon into the Cycle of the Sun, that is 19 into 28, which made up 532 years, and so it was called the Cyclus Magnus, and from the Author, Dionysianus. Unto this the great Scaliger superadded the third Character of Indictions, the Revolution▪ whereof he multiplied into the other two, that is 532 by 15, and the whole Circle was 7980: and this is that magna Periodus Juliana Scaligeri; Juliana, from the Julian form, by which it measureth, and Scaligeri, from the last Hand.  
The admirable condition of this Period is to distinguish every year within the whole Circle, by a several certain Character: for, as in that of Dionysius, Let the Cycle of the Sun be 2, and the Moon 3, or whatsoever, in what year soever; the same never had, nor never again could fall out within the space of time: so in this of Scaliger, let the Cycle of the Moon be 5, that of the Sun 23. Let the Indiction be 6, as it falleth out this present year 1638. I say the same Characters shall not again concur till the revolution of 7980 years be gone about.  
This Period the Author fixed in the Tohu, or eternal Chaos of the World, 764 Julian years before the most reputed time of Creätion, so that the Circle is not yet out, but shall be the 3267 of the Incarnation.  
This he did, that he might comprehend all, and more than ever was done, all Aeras, Epoche's and Terms in Chronologie, and in special, that of Orbis Conditi, which, through variety of opinion, was so inconstantly disposed of, that Chronologers knew not where to six themselves: then also that he might give some account for the Heroïcal times of those Egyptian Dynasts pretending Antiquity many years further back into the Chaos, than the Mosaïcal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Beginning.  
All this and more he hath brought to pass by this incomparable Period, which bringing the three Characters to a concurrence yearly, distinct and several, must needs deliver up a most infallible account of time.  
To advance the opinion of their concurrence, let them first be singly considered.  
Josephus saith at the end of his Antiquities, that he finished that work in the thirteenth year of Domitian, and 56 of his own age, etc.  
Scaliger demonstrateth by the Circle of the Moon, that either he saith not true of the thirteenth of the Emperor, or else himself was one year elder. 
De Emend. Temp. l. 5. p. 476.  Again,  
The Chronologers are not a little ashamed that they should not be able to satisfy, as concerning so late and famous a Calamity, as the siege of Constantinople, by Mahumed the second: especially recommended to posterity, not only by the deep impressions of so vast a Misery, but also by some secret concourse of Fatality, as being both built and lost by a Constantine, and the son of Helen.  
Thus far they agree, that the City was taken either Anno 1452, or else 1453, post Ch. Nat. they agree also for the most part, that it was taken the 29 of May, feriâ 3.  
The Patriarchical, as also the Political History set forth by Crusius, equally affirm that the City was taken in the year, 1453, Chalcondyles and Hieromonachus his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 report, that it was the year before, but all agreeing that the day was tuesday, the 29. of May.  
I say that the year 1452 had 5 for the Circle of the Sun, therefore the 29 of May could not that year fall upon tuesday, but the day before, therefore either the City was taken the year 1453, or else it was not taken the 29 of May; but they all agree that it was taken that day, therefore it was taken that year, by the Circle of the Sun. Therefore also the state of the City stood 425 years longer than Valens the ginger foretold, who being demanded concerning the fate of Constantinople, erected the Figure of Heaven for the Nativity thereof. The Horoscope was Cancer. Having considered the Stars he gave this Judgement, that the City should live to the age of 696 years, but those are past and gone, saith Zonaras, except he would be meant of the flourishing state, for otherwise he was deceived.  
The Character of Indictions of what importance it is, that therefore absolute Chronicle of Marcellinus can testify. Quod cùm singulis Collegiis consulum (saith Scaliger) suas Indictiones reddat, nihil habemus hodie perfectius in eo genere. de Emend. Temp. pag. 513.  
By an old Roman Inscription. Such an one died Consulatu Stiliconis secundo & 7 Kal. Novembres Die Beneris oh Ramires Ouarta. Marcellinus noteth this Consulship with Indictione tertiâ, therefore it was in the year of Christ 405. but the Cycle of the Sun for this year was 22, therefore the 7 Calends of November could not fall out upon friday, but the day before. Besides the second Consulship of Stilico succeeded immediately the sixth of Honorius, but the year before had 5 for the Circle of the Moon: for Claudian saith, that Honorius entered the City the Calends of Januarie, Lunâ adhuc rudi, therefore the New Moon was in the end of December, which could not be, except the Cycle had been five. Therefore the year before the sixth Consulship of Honorius was the year of Christ 403, therefore the sixth Consulship of Honorius was the year 404; and therefore the second of Stilico was 405. In this demonstration the three Characters all concur, but not periodically, yet to the making up of a strange Truth; for by this it will follow, that he which inscribed the Tomb did not know the Consul's name, though he lived at the same time. Scaliger therefore. Quàm barbari sunt & impuri (saith he) qui doctrinam Cyclorum irrident. De Emend. Tempor. p. 514, 515.  
Thus much assurance we can make to our selus from the several abilities of each Character, but which if they meet together in this Period, set such a mark upon the time proposed, as maketh it to be known from any other whatsoever, within the duration of the world, or the whole Circle at least. Artificiosissima Periodus! as Helvicus admireth, with many others: so that the Author needed not to break forth into his Nos qui eam excogitavimus periodum hanc satìs laudare non possumus. Canon Isagog. Lib. 3. Yet  
Salian (otherwise a great Annalist) looseth a Chapter or two in the disparagement of this Period, as he expected it should redound, but it falleth out unto his own. The absurdness of his exceptions betray him thus far, that he could have no juster cause why to expose this period, then that himself had been so unfortunate as to build his Annals upon a less during foundation. But of what accomplishment this Period is, I think we may best of all be judged by Petavius, the most open mouth against that great restorer of Chronologie. This Petavius saith, that there is not one thing in that whole Book, De Emendatione temporum, not liable to just reproof, this only period excepted, than which he confesseth to know nothing more important for the advancement of Chronologie: and therefore earnestly commendeth it unto general practice, assuring all men that by this means, the most insuperable confusions of time may be reduced to order, with most incredible eas and effect.   

CHAP. IU. Concerning the Aeras.  
IN the account of Time, there must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Vnde and the Quo. Accordingly Chronologie whatsoever, fixeth itself upon some certain term, to which the reckoning shall refer. The most natural Term would be the World's creätion, from which the Jews and we Christians account our Times, though we rather from the Redemption: Si origo Mundi in Hominum notitiam venisset indè exordium sumeremus. Censorin. De Die Natal. Cap. 20. Some of those who could not attein the World's beginning, reckoned from their own. So the Romans ab Orbe Condita. Otherwise this Account useth to respect either some great Name, or some Notable event. So the Greeks account from their Olympics, and the Assyrians from Nabonasser.  
These or the like Terms of Computation, Censorinus expresseth by the word Tituli. They are most usually known by the Names of Aera & Epoche. They are called Epoche's, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à sistendo, quòd illis sistantur & terminentur mensurae temporum, saith Scaliger, De Emendatione Temp. Lib. 5. pag. 358.  
Aera (say the Alphonsine Tables) Hispanis dicitur tempus limitatum ab aevo aliquo sumens exordium.  
It was first of all said of the Aera Hispanica respecting the time of Cesar Augustus. The Spaniards to comply with the successes of their Triumvir (for the Division assigned Spain to Augustus) received at that time the Julian form, accounting the same from the Emperor under this Style (as Sepulveda conceiteth) Annus erat Augusti, or A. oer. A. which in time for want of Interpunction was put together, and became the word Aera. Sepulved.  
To this, Scaliger. Ridicula saith he, Ridicula, & tamen illi viro erudito adeò placuit Commentum suum, ut ejus rei gratiâ duntaxat scriptionem illius Libelli de emendatione Anni suscepisse videatur, etc.  
James Christman fetcheth the word out of his Arabic, from Arah, computare; which, because of the Spanish usage, might receiv some probability from their conversation with the Moors; But the Arabic Geographer in the second part of the fourth Clime deriveth this Etymon ab aere flavo, and the Saracen calleth this term Aeram Aeris, that is, saith Christ-man, Aeris solvendi Fisco Romano, meaning a certain Tribute imposed by Augustus, first upon the Spaniards, and afterwards upon the whole Empire.  
Some (but most unreasonably) derive the word from Hera, one of the names of Juno, so Garcios Loisa out of Hincmare, as he thinketh; others from the same word, as it betokeneth dominion, so they force it; they should rather have considered that Hera in the Spanish tongue signifieth time, though from a Gothick Original, from whence our Saxons had their gear, or year, as we now call it. And this may seem to bear some relation to the word, especially for that Aera is oftentimes used for Annus in Isidore's Chronicle and elsewhere. Sir Henry Spelman's glossary may be seen in this word. Scaliger, Petavius, Calvisius and others confirm, that Era in old Latin signified as much as Numerus, and 'tis manifest enough out of Nonius Faustus Regiensis, and Cicero himself; and this they hold to be the most likely derivation of the word, if it be, yet he that first observed it was Resendius a Spaniard, in an Epistle to a friend of his, who required his Opinion concerning the Aera Hispanica.  
But because this Etymon doth no way intimate why that use of the word should be peculiarly taken up among the Spaniards (except it were true which Scaliger considered that it was in use elsewhere, but against which Petavius hath given a probable reason) the Notation in the glossary would rather be taken, and so it may be a word of the Gothick derivation, translated thence to the Spanish use, and properly said of their Epoch, but now the common name of all others.  
Those Aeras or Epoche's are severally to be fixed, and first of all that of Orbis Conditi.   

CHAP. V Aera Orbis Conditi.  
MUch question hath been made among the Chronologers, in what time of the Year the World should begin, and more, as some think, than needed. Not so, for beside that for either reason also this ought not to be indifferent to learned men, yet in Chronologie it importeth necessarily that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it is therefore called) be assured to some certain time, wherein the Account shall determine; seeing therefore it was necessary that some one term or other must be taken, why not the true to choos?  
If the Question were asked indefinitely, whether the World began in the Spring, the Summer, the Winter or the Autumn, the answer must be, That it began in all. For so soon as the Sun set forth in his Motion, the seasons immediately grew necessary to several positions of the Sphere, so divided among the parts of the Earth, that all had every one of these, and each one or other at the same time.  
The Question therefore is to respect some particular Horizon; and because it is not doubted, but that the Sun first to this upper Hemisphere, and in special from the Horizon of our first Parents; The Quere is to be moved concerning the Holie-Land; at what time of the year the World there began.  
'Tis agreed upon by all, that it began in some Cardinal point; that is, that the Motions began from the Eastern Angle of the Holie-Land, the Solstitial or Aequinoctial points one or other of them asscending in the Horoscope. Nay, Mercator excepted, scarce any man doubteth but this point was Aequinoctial, either in the Spring, or Autumn. Whether in this or that, was anciently a great Question between the Doctors Eliezer and Joshua, as the Seder Olam relateth.  
Scaliger Joseph, and (because he did) Sethus Calvisius, Torniellus and others, fix this beginning in the Autumn, which also was the Opinion of our Bacon long ago.  
But the Father Julius was not of his son's mind. Mundum (saith he) primo vere natum Sapientes autumant, & credere par est. So the more part Maintain, and for the best reasons. And if it were not otherwise evident, Nature itself is very convincing, whose Revolutions begin and end in the vernal Aequinox. Nor can any other good reason be given why the Astronomers should deduce all their Calculations from the Head of Aries.  
The Aera of the Flood falleth within the 1656 year of the World's Creätion, as the Hebrew Scripture is plain, why 'tis otherwise in the Greek account shall be said hereafter.   

CHAP. VI Nabonassar's Aera.  
WAs of all profane ones of the greatest note and use. Altraganus Albategnius and the King Alphonso's Tables call him Nebuchadonosor, or Nebuchadnezar, deceived as it seems by the Almagest. So ptolemy's Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Magnae Constructionis, is called by the Arabic Translators Althazor and Serig, who, at the instance of Almamon their King, turned this book into that language, and that they might speak ptolemy's title in one word, they set down Almageston, that is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Great Work. The Translators of this Almagest use to render ptolemy's Nabonassar by Bechadnetzer, giving too much heed to the likeness of Names. Alfraganus and Albategnius followed the Arabic Translation of Ptolemy, and the Alphonsine Tables, the Latin Translation of that.  
Mercator, Funccius, the Prutenick Tables; Origanus and many others confound this Name with Shalmanesser's, the Assyrian King. But James Christman maketh demonstration that the times agree not, besides other circumstances added by Scaliger inducing the same truth, with the evidence whereof Origanus holding himself convinced was not ashamed to make his retractation.  
Yet Christman and Scaliger themselves found it an easier matter to tell who Nabonassar was not, than who he was. It seemed to Christman, that he might be the same with Beladan the father of Merodach, or at least that he was a King of Babylon, whose own name was unknown, Nabonassar being the Royal Name of that Kingdom, as he thinketh, and common to them all. Scaliger putteth this together, and assuring himself that Nabonassar was the same with Beladan, maketh no doubt but that was the name of the King, this of the man. So the 5 book of his Emendations, but the third of his Isagogical Canons, confesseth this also to be a mistake.  
This Error was first discovered by the Appearance of ptolemy's Canon, which setteth down a List of the Babylonish, Persian and Roman Kings, from Nabonassar's time, to the time of Ptolemy. Mention was made of this Canon by Panodorus, Anian, and George the Syncellus, amongst whom Scaliger (but lately and not entirely) met with it. Sethus Calvisius received a Transcript of a more perfect Copy, from D. Overal, Dean of S. Paul's; the Original whereof is exstant in Biblioth. Bodlian. and set out with ptolemy's Hypothesis by D. Bambrigge.  
The Canon beginneth, 
Κανων Βασιλειων  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ιδ. Nabonassari 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 β Nadii 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ε Chinceri & Pori 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ε Jugaie 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ιβ Mardocempadi 12 etc.  
Nabonassar therefore was King, not as some thought of Egypt, but Babylon; who for delivering his People from the subjection of the Medes, was made the Aera of their Kingdom; from whom the Chaldeans (and the Egyptians therefore) accounted their Celestial Calculations. For his Synchronism, The Canon setteth him down the fifth before Mardocempad or Merodach-cen-pad, the same with Meredach Baladan, who sent Messengers to K. Ezechia to inquire concerning the Retrocession of the Sun. But for a more certain demonstration of the time, three Lunar Eclipses noted by Hipparchus, are set down by Ptolemy in the fourth of his Almagest. The first was seen at Alexandria the 16 day of Mesori, in the 547 year of Nabonassar. This Eclipse by the Julian Calculation and Tables of Calvisius, fell out upon friday the 22 of September, at 7 of the Clock in the afternoon, and 20 minutes; the Sun then being in the 26 of Virgo. It was the Year 4513 of the Julian Period, that is the 3749 from the World's Creätion, out of which if we deduct the 547 years of Nabonassar, the remainder will be 3203, the year of the World's Creätion, wherein this Aera was fixed; The day as the King Alphonsus, and before him the Translators of the Almagest have delivered, was Dies Thoth, or Mercurii; answering to the 26 of the Julian February, beginning (so Ptolemy) at high noon, the Sun then entering into Pisces, and the Moon, being in the 11 degree and 22 minutes of Taurus. And the same conclusion will follow from the two other Eclipses, reduced in like manner to our Calculation.  
And to put all out of doubt, Censorinus saith that the 986 Year of Nobonassar was the 238 of Christ, but that was the 4951 of the Julian Period. Therefore Nabonassar's Aera began in the 3967 year of the same Period, which was the 3203 Year from the World's▪ Creätion. So that the Aera is undoubtedly assured.  
This Aera still accounteth by Epyptian years, which are therefore called Anni Nabonassarei, and because it began upon wednesday, the first day of their first Month, which (as the day itself) they hold holy to Thoth or Mercury) useth to be called Nabonassar's Thoth.   

CHAP. VII. The Aera of the Olympiads.  
THe Olympic Games were instituted for the exercise of the Grecian Youth, by Hercules (as the Tradition goes) to the honour of Jupiter Olympius, near unto whose Temple they were performed in the Olympian field. The Exercise was called Pentathlon, or Quinquertium, from the fivefold kind. The Victor was crowned with an Olive, and triumphantly carried in a Chariot into his own City, and, which is to the purpose, his name was publicly recorded.  
The time was (as only Pindar hath revealed) at the full Moon which followed the Summer Solstice. They were celebrated every fifth year; and the Interval was called an Olympiad, consisting of 4 Julian years, and the odd Bissextile day, which was the cause, as some think, why this form of year was first introduced.  
The first Celebration by Hercules vanishing in the Intermissions, grew to be less famous than the restitution by Iphitus, whereof so much more notice hath been taken then of the other, that this which was many years after, is yet accounted for the first Olympiad. The time or Aera whereof is assured by the Character of that extraordinary Eclipse, which the Sun suffered with our Saviour, noted by Phlegon to have happened in the 202 Olympiad, which multiplied by four maketh 808 years, between the first Olympiad, and the Passion of Christ.  
Besides that, Thucydides reporteth that in the first year of the Peloponnesiack War, on a summer's day in the afternoon, there happened an Eclipse of the Sun, so great an one, as that the Stars appeared. This Eclipse, by Astronomical Calculation, is found to be the second day of Julie, in the year before Christ 463, at which time (as Crusius calculateth) the Sun was Eclipsed in the 6 of Leo, half an hour after 5 in the afternoon, the digits of the Eclipse were 9, and four third parts, therefore almost one fourth part of the Sun was visible, respecting the Horizon of Athens, but in Thrace the Eclipse was well nigh total; so that the Stars were seen.  
This therefore was that Eclipse which Thucydides saith was seen in the first year of the Peloponnesiack war.  
In the fourth Year of the same War, the same Author saith that Donius Rhodius won the Prize in the Olympics, and this was the fourth year of the 87 Olympiad, and that was the 460 year before Christ. If therefore the 87 Olympiads be multiplied by 4, they become 348 Jùlian years, which if they be added to 460, the total will be as before, 808 years, or the 202 Olympiad before the Passion of Christ.  
Again Thucydides reporteth, that in the 19 year of the Peloponnesiack War, the Moon was Eclipsed, and this was as Diodorus Siculus relateth in the fourth year of the 91 Olympiad. That Eclipse of the Moon, as Crusius calculateth, fell out upon the 27 day of August, in the 445 year before the Passion of Christ. If therefore 90 Olympiads be multiplied by 4, they make up 360 Julian years, to which also must be added the three first years of the 91 Olympiad, and then they are 363, which added to 445, make up 808 years before the Passion of our Saviour, which falleth with the 3173 year of the World, and is the Aera of the Olympiads.   

CHAP. VIII. Aera Vrbis Conditae.  
THe Italians, by an old custom, used to account their years from the time of their first Plantation; yet in this the lesser towns were more happy than the Mother City: Rome herself not having attained to know her own beginning, till Cato's time; who considering the absurdity, searched the Censor's Tables, and bringing down the account to the first Consuls, got within a little of Vrbs Condita. It rested only to make good the Interval from the Regifugium to the Palilia; so the Aera of the first foundation is called from the Rites done to Pales Pastorum Dea, the Shepherd's holiday as we may call it, celebrated the same day the City was built. Propertius Lib. 4.  
Vrbi festus erat, dixere Palilia, Patres  
Hic primus coepit moenibus esse dies.  
The Interval, as Cato found it, amounted to 243 years, Terence Varro (who at the same time studied the point) reckoned one year more; and from thence, saith Scaliger, in factiones duas res discessit, there became two sides, one for the Catonian Palilia, the other for the Varronian; though Petavius (that Scaligero-mastix) affirmeth that the former was not Cato's opinion; and Sethus Calvisius demonstrateth that they were both but one.  
This Epilogism was found out by Tarutius (or as he is more rightly called (Taruntius Firmanus, a great ginger of those days, who at the solicitation of Varro cast the Nativity of Rome; which to recover, he first of all tried for the Founder's Horoscope. To attain to this, he entered into a consideration of the main actions of his life; and be, cause he had understood by Tradition that there happened an Eclipse when Romulus was conceived in the womb, he went the Hermetical way, as that is called, to find out the Nativity by the conception.  
After consultation with the Stars, and a due comparison of this with what was otherwise known, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he confidently pronounced this Judgement.  
That Romulus was conceived in the first year of the second 
Plutar. in Roma.   
Olympiad, the 23 day of the (Egyptian) month Choeac, at the third hour of the day, the Sun being then totally Eclipsed. That he was born the one and twentieth of the Month Thoth, about the Sun rising. That the Foundation of Rome was laid the ninth day of Pharmuth between two and three a clock in the morning, the Moon being then in Jugo. So the ginger.  
Otherwise the Tradition was (which also Taruns considered) that the Foundation of Rome was laid in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, the Sun and Moon then being in an Elliptical conjunction, which defection was noted by Antimachus the Teïan Poet.  
For the first Eclipse, as his Tables (which are said to be those of Hipparchus) directed him, it fell out in the first year of the second Olympiad, upon the 23 day of the Month Choeac, which answereth to the 24 of June at three a clock in the morning. Yet according to Tyche, ptolemy's, and the King Alphonsus their Tables, the latitude was then so great that there could be no Eclipse at that time. So Sethus Calvisius and others. Nicolas Muller pretended, that this Eclipse could not be found out by the Prutenick Tables, but by the Frisian, which he was then about (his own and more elaborate) he promiseth to account for it. Calvisius answereth, that the Prutenick Tables according to Copernicus his Hypotheses were most exactly performed, and that he doubted Muller could not stand to his word. Yet since that Muller hath calculated this Eclipse, and found it to be by his Frisian Tables, according as the ginger set down.  
Henry Bunting findeth it in the second year of the second Olympiad, one year later than the ginger. And this may seem to be nothing out of the way. For Dionysius Halicarnassius reporteth, that Romulus as he came not into the world, so he went not out without an Eclipse. Now Romulus reigned 37 years, at which very time the Sun was Eclipsed, upon saturday the 26 of May about 7 of the clock in the afternoon▪ the Sun then setting at Rome; and the greatest absurdity Calvisius could find in this was, that it setteth off but 18 years for the age of Romulus at the building of Rome; which as he thinks could not make him mature enough for the importance of this undertaking; but considering all other circumstances agree so well, the Acception is unjust enough.  
For the other Eclipse pretended to be at the Foundation of the City. Nicolas Muller findeth that also in his Frisian tables, yet confesseth it could not be seen at Rome; but in Asia 'twas visible he saith, and so might be known to Antimachus.  
And this maketh something for the ginger, who (as Cicero citeth him) found the Moon at the Foundation in Jugo, that is, as Solin may seem to interpret it, in Libra; the rather, because the Poet Manilius saith, that Rome was built in Libra. So Petavius: but Solinus (though he knew not what he said) yet saith too, That the Sun was then in Taurus, which is demonstrated by Bunting, and moreover, that it was in the twentieth degree; and therefore the more learned Scaliger and his Calvisius interpret the Astrologers in Jugo, to be the same which is now said in Nodo, which is as much as to say, that the Sun and Moon were then in Conjunction, as Muller saith well, and that the Sun was intra terminos Eclipticos, within the Ecliptic terms at Rome, but not so far as to make the defection visible in that Horizon.  
Howsoever the ginger according to his Calculation set down that Rome was built in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, which Terence Varro took for his resolution; and so reckoned from the Regifugium to the Palilia 244 years; Marcus Cicero, Titus Pomponius Atticus and the Emperor Augustus approving the Epilogisms, and besides them Plutarch, Pliny, Paterculus and others, and 'twas the received opinion; and is infallibly demonstrated in Mercator's Chronologie, by eight several celestial Characters or Eclipses, which calculated to Nabonassar's Aera fall even with the ginger. To say nothing of Crusius, who hath done something to the same purpose, or Peter Appian, who evinceth the same (I say not how truly) out of the Figure of the Heavens, which Turnus found (but as Julius Solinus describeth it) at the laying of the Foundation, Verrius Flaccus in the Fasti Capitolini setteth down Rome built in the fourth year of the sixth Olympiad, one year later; and the Canons of Eratosthenes in the first year of the seventh Olympiad one year more, or rather but one in all; for the Registers of the Capitol agree with Cato, and he differeth nothing from Varro, if Calvisius may be Judge.  
Therefore altogether neglecting Temporarius his morosisitie (who was so far out of conceit with Turnus, that he would not believe that there was ever such a man as Romulus) we say that Rome was founded in the third year of the sixth Olympiad which was in the year of the World's Creätion 3198, and before the Incarnation 750.   

CHAP. XI. Aera Septimanarum Septuaginta, the seventy Weeks.  
THis Aera was fixed by the Angel Gabriel, Dan. 9 seventy Weeks (saith he to the Prophet) are determined upon the People, etc. verse 24. Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the Commandment, to restore and build Jerusalem unto the Messiah the Prince, shall be seven Weeks, and threescore and two Weeks, etc. And after threescore and two Weeks shall Messiah be cut off, but not for himself; and the people of the Prince that shall come shall destroy the City and the Sanctuary, etc. And he shall confirm the Covenant with many for one Week, and in the midst of the Week he shall cause the Sacrifice and the Oblation to cease, and for the overspreading of abominations he shall make it desolate, even until the consummation, etc. So the Angel.  
The Weeks are to be understood not of days, but Years; and those not of the Moon, but the Sun; and so 70 by 7 is 490 years, from the time of the going forth of the Commandment etc. unto the Abomination of desolation. But where to begin or end this Epilogism, is the vexata Quaestio, as Scaliger calls it, a question that hath endured the greatest controversy, involved with circumstances of such notable intricacy, that a Scholar of very great parts ('tis reported by one that knew the man) fell mad with studying how to make this good.  
Some reckon the Epilogism from Cyrus, others from Darius Hystaspis, and some from the seventh, others from the 20 of Artaxerxes Longimanus, accordingly ending the Weeks, some at the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus, others at the destruction of the Temple by Pompey, or that of Herod, or else at the Passion.  
The truest of the falls, is that which beginneth at the seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and endeth in our Saviour's Passion: for this maketh a good account of the years. It was the opinion of the learned Bunting, Funccius, etc. but that which I perceiv to be rested upon, is the judgement of Scaliger followed by Calvisius, and this beginneth the Epilogism at the second year of Darius Nothus, and determineth it in the final destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. For the Angel saith expressly, that after seven Weeks and sixty two weeks, the Messiah being cut off, the holy City shall be destroyed etc. and that in the middle of the seventieth week the Sacrifice and Oblation shall cease, and for an overspreading of abomination, etc. which is plainly called by our Saviour, the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet etc. and therefore no question, but the feventie Weeks are to end with the Holy City. Their beginning was to be from the time of the going forth of the Commandment, etc. And this, though such an one was given first by Cyrus, and thirdly by Artaxerxes, yet most purposely from Darius Nothus in the second year of his reign. The 13 year of Darius Nothus is the 20 of the Peloponesiack war by Thucydides that was the 92 Olympiad, and this was the 3538 from the World's Creätion, or 4302 of the Julian Period, therefore the 2 year of Darius Nothus was the 4290 of the Julian Period, and that was the 3562 from the world's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 6 and the Moon 15. And the Interval is expressly 490 years. For the Holy City was destroyed in the seventieth year of the Incarnation, which was the 4019 from the World's Creätion, and the 4783 of the Julian Period; the Cycle of the Sun was 23, and the Moon 14.   

CHAP. X. Aera Alexandrea,  
WHat time Seleucus began to succeed in his part of the Empire of Asia, The Greeks disusing their Olympian account, set up a new Aera, which though it reckoned from the reign of Seleucus, yet it bore the name of the conqueror from whom it was called Aera Alexandrea Graecorum, or Syr● Macedonum. Seleucus began to reign twelv years after the death of Alexander, as appeareth by Alba●egnius and the Almagest; which consenteth also to Diodorus Siculus, who affirmeth that the first year of Seleucus was the first of the 117 Olympiad.  
Therefore this Aera was fixed in the 4402 of the Julian Period, which was the 3638 from the world's Creätion; the Cycle of the Sun was 6, and the Moon 13. The Aera was fixed saith Scaliger (though Petavius will not yield it) by Calipus of Cyzicum, who finding that Meton's ciclus decennovenalis exceeded the Moon's Revolution one quadrant of a day, put four of these together, and detracting from thence one whole day for the quadruple excess of hours, gave an exacter account of the Lunations then before.  
This Cycle the Author to the honour of Alexander began the 28 of June, in the Summer Solstice at the new Moon, which followed the fight at Gangamele. And this was in the year of the world 3619 as the Eclipse assureth which happened eleven days before, but because this fell out to be in the second year of that Olympiad, Calippus altered his mind, and stayed nineteen years to make his Period concur; but Alexander deceasing within seven years, the Aera could not begin till twelv years after, which was the first of the reign of Seleucus, and 3638 of the World.   

CHAP. XI. Aera Dhilcarnian  
IS the same with the Alexandrea Graecorum, and hath nothing proper but the Name, which itself also is nothing but Alexander in other words as by the Arabic Geographer and otherwise 'tis made known. Dhilcarnain, that is, habentis duo cornua, as Albumazer's Translator expresseth it. So Alexander was called with relation to the Ram in Daniel's Vision as some divine, but then they are fain to read it Ailcarnain, not considering that it is not the word in Arabic as in Hebrew, for a Ram, the Arabians if they had meant thus, would have said not Aiie, but Hamelcarnain; but let that pass, for the word written in its own language manifestly importeth no more than one that hath two horns.  
So Alexander, saith Christman, might be called either for that his Empire was bipartite into Asia and Syria, (which is not altogether so true) or otherwise, for that he joined the East and West together with Conquests, holding as it were the two Horns of the World in his Victorious hands.  
And this he saith, because as Hercules in the West, so Alexander set up two Pillars for a non ultra to the Eastern World. The Arabians themselves say more; For though the more commonly known Historians of this Conqueror Q. Curtius and Arrian out of his Ptolemy and Aristobulus take no notice of Alexander's falling in the Western World, (Cedrens excepted, wheresoever he had it) yet the Arabic Geographer doubteth not to affirm, that he was the man by whose appointment and Design that Isthmos Gaditane●s was cut out, and the Atlantic Ocean let into the Mediterranean, so making that Straight or Fretum (therefore not to be termed Herculeum) now called the Sreights of Gibraltar, or as it should be Gebal Tarec, that is Tarec's Hill, so called saith the Arabic Geographer from Tarec the Son of Abdalla, who having transported his Barbarians over the Straight, secured his Army with the Natural fortification of that Place. Geographus Arabs. 1. par. cl. 4.  
But why Alexander should be called Dhilcarnain or habens duo cornua, Scaliger's reason is beyond exception, and which Petavius himself could not choos but commend. Alexander to raise himself a reputation of Divinity, suborned the Priest to entitle him the son of Corniger Ammon, thenceforth the Cyrenians, who had formerly used to express this Jupiter horned in their Coins, transferred this honour to the Conqueror, and so the reputed son, as the Father was known by the name of Corniger which when it came to the Arabians was to be said as here it is Dilcarnian.   

CHAP. XII. The Jews Aera.  
ALexander the Great with his Grecian Army marching towards Jerusalem with all intention of hostility, the High Priests and Levites came forth to meet him, all in their Holy Garments. The King beholding this reverend Assembly, made an approach himself alone, and drawing near to the High Priest fell down and worshipped. The Captains wondering to see the son of Jupiter Ammon, who had given command that all men should worship him, himself to fall down to a Jew, Parmenion drew near and made bold to ask him the question. To whom Alexander; 'Tis not the Priest saith he, but his God whom I adore, and who in his very habit appeared unto me long ago at Dius in Macedonia, and encouraged me in my undertake for the Empire of Asia. This don, the King ascended the Temple, where Sacrifice first done to God, the prophecy of Daniel was brought forth, the high Priest turning to that place which foretelleth of a mighty Prince of Graecia that was to conquer the Persians, which, the circumstances well agreeing, the King readily applied unto himself, and so departed very well pleased, and full of hope, leaving the People to their Ancient peace. 
Antiquitat. Lib. 11.  So their Historian Josephus; and the Book Taanith Cap. 9  
But it is added moreover by Abraham the Levite in his Cabala, that the High Priest by way of acknowledgement made faith to the King, that all the children which should be born that year to the holy Tribe should be called by his Name; and moreover that from the same Time they would henceforth compute their Minian Staros, or Aera of Contracts, etc. fol. 3.   

CHAP. XIII. AEra Dionysiana Philadelphi.  
A Celestial year is such an one as keepeth touch with the Sun, the Months whereof begin at his entrance into the Signs precisely, and especially serving for the Prognostication of the Seasons. Such a kind of year Dionysius an ginger in Egypt set up after the example of Metan and others; (as by Theon 'tis noted upon Aratus.) The Aera whereof he fixed in the first year of the famous Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelph. 'Tis often cited in the Almagest, which also giveth Testimony that this Aera began in the 463 of Nabonassar's Thosh, 
Ptolm. lib. 10. C. 4. & 5 Almagesti.  which was the fourth year of the 123 Olympiad, answering to the 4429 of the Julian Period, which was the 3665 of the world's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 5, and the Moon 2.  
But neither was this this year of Dionysius merely celestial, 'twas also civil, as Scaliger discovereth▪ yet of no greater use in History to reconcile one place in that golden book (as the same Author termeth it) of Jesus the son of Sirach. That wise man saith that in the 38 year when Evergetes was King, he came into Egypt, etc. but how could that be, saith Scaliger seeing this Ptolemy reigned but 26 years. To say as some do that he meant the years of his own life, 
Emendat. Temp. lib. 5.  or the life of Evergetes, is rather to excuse the Author, then interpret him. And therefore 'tis to be said that he referreth to the Dionysian Account, in the 38 whereof he might come into Egypt in the time of Evergetes. And therefore Petavius upon his Epiphanius first, and again in his Doctrina Temporum, had little reason to fall so foully upon the much more learned Author of this and many other admired Revelations.   

CHAP. XIV. AEra Hispanica.  
JVlius Caesar in the fourth of his Dictatorship, appointed his Mathematicians to the Correction of the Roman Year; 
Dion lib. 11.  which is the beginning of the Julian Account. The The 283 whereof Censorinus saith, was the 1014 of Iphilus, and that the 986 of Nabonassar. Therefore the Julian Account began the 703 of Nabonassar which was the 4669 of the Julian Period, and 3905 from the World's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 21, and the Moon 14. Seven Years after, and 38 before the Nativity of Christ, the Spaniards being brought under the subjection of the Empire, received also this form of year; their Aera from that time forth bearing Date from hence: which though it was the fifth of Augustus, yet the Style went in the Dictator's Name; and so the King Alphonso would be understood in his Tables, when he calleth this Term Aera Caesaris, meaning the Dictator.   

CHAP. XV. Aera Actiacae Victoriae. etc.  
CAEsar Augustus having triumphed over Antony and Cleopatra in the battle of Actium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Dion, became himself to be Monarch of the World, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. insomuch that he gave command that the Empire should begin to compute their Acts from this daie's Achieument; which was the second of September by Dion. It was the year of the World 3919, and 4683 of the Julian Period; as otherwise, and also by an Eclipse noted in the Fasti Seculi, 'tis manifest; yet by the decree of the Senate, this Aera was fixed in the destruction of Alexandria, which was taken August the 29, of the year following, 'twas the 16 Julian year, and the 294 from the Death of Alexander.  
Till this time the Egyptian account measured by Nabonassar's year, consisting of 365 days, without any intercalation of the odd hours; in the place hereof the Julian form succeeded; And because the Egyptians called every day in the year by the Name of some God, which were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and every year of their Lustrum's or Quadriennals in like manner, which were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Anni Deorum, these years were henceforth called in honour of Augustus, Anni Augustorum Deorum, or Anni Augustorum, as 'tis recorded by Censorinus, who only mentioneth them by this Name.  
This Aera Actiaca continued in use till the time of Dioclesian, who having gained himself an Opinion of Wisdom and Fortune among his People, thought himself worthy from whom the Computation should now begin, which was done. It was therefore called by those of the Empire Aera Dioclesianea; but by the Christians Aera Martyrum Sanctorum, from the great Passion of Saints in the 19 of this Emperor's Reign, wherein more than one hundred forty and four thousand Christians suffered persecution in Egypt. Thus Ignatius the Patriarch of Antioch answered Scaliger by his Letters; Virro, saith Scaliger, quo doctiorem Oriens nostro seculo non tulit. But the Aera Martyrum and that of Dioclesian begin at the same time; as Christman upon his Alfraganus proveth out of Abull Hassumi an Arabic Historiographer. And to assure the beginning of Dioclesian's Aera, Theon upon the Almagest noteth an Eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria, 
Theon. Hypom. 6. in Ptolem. Almag. p. 248.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in the 81 year of Dioclesian, and 1112 of Nabonassar. Ashyr the 29, and 6 of Phamenoth, and this Eclipse, exacted to the Julian form, happened November 25, a little after midnight, in the year of the World 4313, and 364 from the Incarnation; the Sun was in the 5 of sagittary. Therefore Dioclesian's Aera was fixed in the 1032 of Nabonassar, which was the 284 from the Incarnation. Therefore as it is called Aera Martyrum, it referreth not to the persecution in the 19 of Dioclesian, but to that of his first year, wherein Diodorus the Bishop celebrating the Holy Communion with many other Christians in a Cave, was immured into the earth, and so buried all alive. Eusebius in Dioclesian.  
This Aera is used by S. Ambrose, Epiphanius, Evagrius, Hermannus, Contractus, Bede and others. It stood in common Christian use, until the times of Dionysius the Abbot, who in stead hereof brought in the Aera of Christ's Incarnation, so that (as Peter Aliac, our Bede, and others) the Christians did not use to reckon by the years of Christ, until the 532 of the Incarnation, yet Scaliger may be seen, De Emend, lib. 5. p. 495. & p. 496. & p. the 18 of his Prolegomena.  
Nor is it to be thought, saith Christman, that this Aera Martyrum was utterly abolished, except we mean it of Rome; for saith he 'tis yet in use among the Egyptians, Arabians, Persians, Ethiopians, and generally the Eastern men.  
Scaliger saith it once and again (how truly I doubt) that it never was but as it still is used in the Egyptian and Ethiopian Churches: No doubt,, but that it was most proper to Egypt where it first began, for which cause it is called by the Arabians Teric Elgupti the Aera Aegyptica. From the Egyptians the most part of the world received it, though the Abassines or Ethiopians in a director line, as whose Patriarch and Religion is subject to that of Alexandria. The Ethiopians call it the Anni Gratiae.   

CHAP. XVI. Aera Christi Nati.  
DIonysius the Abbot who as we said was Author to the world of accounting by this new Aera, infinitely more concerning then that of Dioclesian, fixed the same in the 4713 of the Julian Period which answereth to the 3950 year from the World's Creätion, so that the Anni Christi were not in use of Computation till the 532 year after the Nativity, as it was fixed by Dionysius. This Dionysian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more accurate in Chronologie find to be at fault, but not themselves agreeing upon the difference. To say nothing of the Bishop of Middleburgh, who affirmeth that this Aera was behinde-hand with the true Nativity 22 years, and that S Paul himself had revealed this to him, though afterward he changed this opinion, S. Paul it seems not being in the right, and believed that this Aera was so far from being 22 years behind, that it was two years beforehand with the truth. Capellus laboureth to prove that it is a Metachronism of six years, Kepler of five, Decker of four, others of three, Scaliger of two, who demonstrateth, as he himself thinketh, that the first year Dionysian of Christ ought to be reckoned the third Learned Bunting one of the first who took this exception, demonstrateth that the difference is but of one year. He proveth it thus. Taking for granted out of S. Luke, that the thirtieth year of Christ is Synchronical to the fifteenth of Tiberius. He noteth an Eclipse of the Moon set down by Tac●tus in the first year of Tiberius, the two Sexti, Pompeio & Apuleio Coss. This Eclipse happened upon thursday the 27 of September, in the 4727 of the Julian Period, which was the 3963 from the World's Creätion. And seeing, as most certain it is, that this Eclipse fell out in the first year of Tiberius, and that the fifteenth of Tiberius answereth to the 30 of our Saviour's age, it followeth, that the first of Tiberius was the fifteenth of our Saviour; and the first of our Saviour was the 4712 year of the Julian Period, one year sooner than the Dionysian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as it may be, the very same; for 'tis doubted what S. Luke meaneth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; our own Translation rendereth, that Jesus began to be about thirty years old, etc. which considering, and that the first of Tiberius was but the beginning of a year, the difference may seem to come within compass of some reconciliation.  
For the time of the year. The Alexandrian, and therefore the Ethiopian and Armenian Churches deliver that our Saviour was born the 6 of Januarie, the same day he was baptised, accordingly they celebrate both the Festivals in one day of the Epiphanie, which for that it hath been of some standing in those parts, prevailed so far with Causabon, as to forsake the more received opinion, but not considering how slenderly this Tradition pretendeth. Some question of of old there was in the Church of Alexandria (so their Clement reporteth) as concerning the day of this Nativity. To resolve this doubt they observed this course: The day of his Baptism supposed, which as we, they held to be the Epiphanie, they supposed also out of the forequoted place of S. Luke, that our Saviour was born and Christened the same day, for that he was 30 years old when he was baptised. Their conclusion therefore was, that our Saviour was born the sixth of Januarie, which how consequent it is I need not say. The forenamed Bishop of Middleburgh setteth down our Saviour born in April. Beroaldus thinketh, he was born about the beginning of October. So Scaliger; Calvisius about the end of September. As for the day saith Scaliger, Vnius Dei est, non Hominis definire: and Hospinian persuadeth, that the Christians did not celebrate the 25 of December, as thinking Christ was then born, but to make amends for the Saturnalia.  
How much better had it been for these men to content themselves with the Tradition of the Church, then by this elaborate unfruitful search to entangle the Truth.  
The Religion of this 25 day, though Scaliger say it, non est nupera neque novitia, 'tis Apostolical by the Constitutions of Clement. etc.  

Antiquitat. Lib. 11.  Nor doth Chrysostom's Oration say much less. The Catholicus Armeniorum in Theorinus Dialogue makes this good by Ancient Monuments brought from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus Vespasian; or if this Authority could be rendered suspicious, we cannot elude the Persian Ephemeris, nor the Astronomical Tables of Alcas, in both which our Saviour is set down born the 25 of December. And truly the strange and rare position of Heaven at this Nativity, doth not a little reinforce my belief, though otherwise not much given to admire matters of this nature; for Cardan finds it in the Figure of our Saviour, there happened this day a Conjunction of the two great Orbs, which is of that kindle, which Nature can show the World but once, except the World endure more than forty thousand years.   

CHAP. XVII. Aera Passionis Dominicae.  
NO less question hath been made about the Year of our Saviour's Passion, then that of his Nativity. Thus much is certain, That he suffered upon friday the fourth of Nisan.  
Not to take notice of the Acts of Pilate cited by the Heretics in Epiphanius. Clemens of Alexandria delivereth, That our Saviour suffered in the 16 of Tiberius, and 25 of Phamenosh, which answereth to the 21 of March; but our Saviour suffered upon friday, therefore the Dominical that year was E: but the 16 of Tiberius had 11 for the Cycle of the Sun, therefore the Dominical Letter was not E, but A: therefore either the Passion was not upon that day, or else it was not that year.  
Epiphanius affirmeth that our Saviour suffered the 20 of March, but he suffered (as before) upon the feria sexta, therefore the Dominical must be D, for otherwise friday could not fall upon March the 20. This happened Anno 19 of Tiberius; but the Cycle of the Moon for the year was 15, therefore the Passover that year was not celebrated March the twentieth, but the fourth of April, and feria not sexta but septima.  
Many other forms of this opinion are set down by the Ancient, but which will not endure the touch of these Characters.  
Phlegon Trallianus noteth an Eclipse of the Sun the fourth year of the 202 Olympiad, the most horrible that ever was. No man ever doubted but this was that which the Scripture noteth at our Saviour's Passion, observed also by the Astronomers in Egypt, reported to have said those words, Aut Deus Naturae patitur, etc. The Reverend Father Dionysius may be seen in his Epistle to Polycarpus and to Apollophanes, but who when he saith, that this was done by the Interposition of the Moon, doth not a little betray his Tradition; for the Sun and Moon were then Diametrically opposed, and the Moon herself totally Eclipsed in Libra to the Antipodes of Jerusalem; therefore the Eclipse was supernatural.  
The fourth year of the 22 Olympiad answereth to the 19 of Tiberius, and the 33 of the Nativity, which was the 4745 of the Julian Period, and 3982 of the World, in the 78 Julian year, and 780 of Nabonassar; and because it was feria sexta, therefore it was the third day of April, there happening the very same day a natural Eclipse of the Moon in the 11 of Libra, which began at Jerusalem at 5 of the clock and 49 minutes in the afternoon. Therefore this day was exceeding terrible, for the Sun was totally once, and the Moon once totally, and twice Eclipsed.   

CHAP. XVIII. Hegira Muchammedis.  
MAhomet having introduced a new Superstition, which the men of Mecha impatient (as all other of alteration) resented not, was forced to fly that place. This flight of his, or persecution, as he had rather it should be thought, in allusion to that of Dioclesian, and compliance with the Christians Aera Martyrum, was called Hegira Muchammedis, that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the flight of the persecuted Prophet. It fell out upon friday the 16 of Julie, and 622 of the Incarnation, beginning (as their years are Lunar) from the new Moon of that time, but which they account not as others from the Conjunction itself, but from the Horning, which is the cause why they set up in their Steeples a Crescent, as we a Cross in ours. From this Aera Fugae Muchammedanae they reckon their years.   

CHAP. XIX. Aera Jesdigerdica.  
THis Aera was fixed, saith Albumazar, Anno Hegirae 11, Rabie prioris, 22. fer. 3. which answereth to the 16 of June, Anno Christi 632, so called from Jesdagerd the last Persian King, in whom that Empire saith Haithon the Armenian, was lost the same year of our Lord unto Othman the Saracen; to be reckoned not from the inauguration as Alphraganus and Isaac the Monk and some others, but from the death of Jesdagerd.  
The Persians begin their year at the Vernal Aequinox accurately observing the Sun's entrance into the first point of Aries, which day they call Neuruz, that is, Novus dies; from ruz, which in their tongue signifieth a day, and Neu, novus, new; entertaining this time with great solemnity, which they hold so sacred, that no Matrimony there is accounted legitimate if not contracted in the Spring.  
Now, because the Egyptian year, to which that Aera did apply, still anticipated the Sun's motion, and gave an unjust account of the Equinox, the Sultan of Corasan or Mesopotamia, appointed eight of the most learned Astrologers of that age (amongst whom Aben sina or Avicen was one) to make an exact determination of the Tropical year, which was done as they could. This new form was fixed in the Aequinox observed by them, the Sun entering the first point of Aries, Thursdaie the 18 of Phrurdin at two of the Clock in the afternoon, in the 448 year of Jesdagard, and 471 of the Hegira, which was 1079 of the Incarnation according to Dionysius. The Cycle of the Sun was 24, the Moon 16.  
This Aera from the Style of the Emperor was called Gelalaea, that is, Aera Augusta or Imperatoria, as that word signifieth in the Persian Dialect.   

CHAP. XX. What is Proleptical, and what Historical Time.  
HIstorical Time is that which is deduced from the Aera Orbis Conditi. Proleptical is that which is fixed in the Chaos: The Jews call it tempus Tohu, as the Chaos is called by their Moses, Gen. 1. So the new Moon which they suppose to be upon the second of the fix days, that is, if the Luminaries had then been, they call Novilunium Tohu, for that as yet there was neither Sun nor Moon.  
The first example of Proleptical Time was given by the Greek Church, who in their Computations follow the Holy Scripture of the Septuagint. Therefore their Aera Orbis Conditi is fised in 5500 year Ant Christum Natum. Their more Artificial men, perceiving that this vast Epilogism was good for somewhat else, besides the measuring of Times, applied it to the Characters, and they found that divided by 19 and 28, it gave the Circle of the Sun and Moon, but divided by 15 it gave not the true Indiction; therefore they added 8 to the sum, and so it became a Technical or Artificial Period, comprehending the three Characters, and because it supposed 8 years of the Tohu, it was Proleptical; but which the Times following not considering reckoned Historically, as if the Aera Orbis had then been fixed; but are thus to be corrected.  
This Account is used by the Maronites, Grecians, and generally by the Eastern Church, it is called Aera Graecorum, or more properly Periodus Constantinopolitana, from the Seat of the Empire, where it may seem to have been devised.  
By this Example Scaliger made up his Julian Period, which itself also, as this, consisteth of Time, partly Historical, and partly proleptical.   

CHAP. XXI. Considering the Causses of that infinite Variety which is found to be amongst Chronologers.  
FRederick Husman in his Epistle to the Elector Palatine reckoneth up 40 several Opinions concerning the Connection of those two famous Aeras; this of Christi Nati, and that other of Orbis Conditi. And I doubt not but this diversity might be redoubled if any body would undertake that such frivolous pains.  
The extremest variety is that of the Greek and Hebrew Scripture, making a difference of two thousand years; an occasion justly taken by some equally to disparage the authority either of the one or the other. For it cannot be but that this Epilogism must be detracted from the Hebrew, or superadded to the Greek, there being no mean way of reconciliation. But certainly, the Hebrew (though I hold it not so every ways incorrupt, as if not one jot or title of the same suffered the common fate of time) yet I believ it to be the Original, and by the incredible diligence of the Masora, subservient to the greater providence of God, to retain more of it's own purity, than any other Scripture whatsoever; and therefore that it resteth in the Greek Translation, to account for this difference: yet neither do I think that choice Assembly so neglected by God in a matter so importantly cared for by him, as to recede so foully from their Original.  
I rather cast this corruption upon the dregs of Time, assuring myself that this imposture was put upon us by the Hellenists, those among them who affected that ancient Heresy of the Chiliasts; the conceit whereof I affirm to be the occasion of this corruption.  
Other differences in that Connexion have these lesser Causses.  
That profane History maketh no certain account of Time before the Olympiads.  
That in the Roman affairs (a most important piece of History) the Consulships are not registered in the Fasti with that distinction and care as was necessary, experience whereof hath been made by the industrious examinations of Onuphrius and Cuspinian.  
That the Historians themselves generally did not consider so much the designation of Time, otherwise then with a reference to their own Aeras, which were but uncertainly fixed.  
That many of them wrote not the History of their own Times.  
That some of them took liberty to relate those things inclusively, which others related exclusively.  
That several Nations reckoned not by the same form of years. That all Nations not Christian, affected an Opinion of greater Antiquity than their own beginnings, endeavouring therefore to leave the Story of their rising as possibly uncertain to posterity, as in them lay. So the Egyptians tell us of Heroes past, who by their reckoning reigned long before the world was made; which they say with as much credit, as the Indians tell us, that they have outlived four Suns already, and that this which we have is the fifth from their beginning: To say nothing of Janbazar Tsareth and Roani, men that lived before Adam's time, as the book Heubattish makes report, and that one Sombasher was Adam's Tutor.  
But the greatest cause of all is for that Professed Chronologers of our own times, such as Funccius, Beroaldus, Bucholcer, nay Satian, Baronius, Torniellus, and Gordon themselves were altogether unacquainted with any Artificial way of this work, not knowing how to make application of Natural and Civil Characters to the assuring of Times. One of the first who began to know what was to be done in this matter, was the most learned, and perceiving Mercator, who Instituted a Chronologie by way of Demonstration Astronomical. To this beginning, something by Crentzeim was added; but very much more by Bunting the Author of a most elaborate Chronologie, demonstrating by the Characters of Eclipses, the Sun and Moons Circles, and with Calculation of every Eclipse since the world began.  
But this Art hath received greatest perfection from that excellent work of Scaliger de Emendat. Temporum, upon whose grounds Calvisius hath erected a most incomparable Chronologie for demonstration of time by Eclipfes, and Cycles of the Sun and Moon severally applied to every year, yet wanting so much to accomplishment as may seem to be added by the incredible pains of Helvicus; who excelleth Calvisius (though otherwise excelled by him) in Synchronismes infinitely added, and the application of the Julian Period, which why Sethus Calvisius should not measure is very much to be marvelled. These two therefore put together make up Chronologie every ways absolute, and brought to such a perfection as needs not to be added unto; for though I doubt not, but that even those also are sometimes failing, as for some other necessary and unavoidable defects; so also for that they are not throughly advised, whose Tables Astronomical they best and most securely may follow. Yet I assure myself the differences caussed by this is but very small and insensible, that it cannot be much amended though never so much care should be taken, and that by tampering it may be made much worse, as by the learned, infinite and equally unprofitable pain of Petavius, is too well known. Therefore good it were, that Chronologie brought to this degree of compliment, might expect no extremer hand, but being stamped with the impression of some public authority, might go currant in general Opinion, without farther clipping or defacing upon whatsoever specious and pretending reformations.   

CHAP. XXII. Of Canon Chronological.  
THe designation of Time secundum intervalla, the Chronologers call Canon: which if it set the Aeras down singly is termed Canon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: if it make a Connexion of them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
An Example of the first is,  Anni From the Aera of the Julian Period Unto that of Orbis Conditi 764. Unto the Universal Deluge 2419 Unto the Birth of Abraham 2711 Unto the Destruction of Troy 3530  
An Example of the second is,  
The Creätion fell out in the 764 of the Julian Period. The Flood came upon the earth Anno 1656 of the Creätion, and 2420 of the Julian Period. Our Saviour Christ was born Anno Mundi 3949, Anno Period. Jul. 4713, Olympiad 194, and 748 of Nabonassar.  
This Connexion of things is called Synchronism, whether it be of the intervals themselves, or together with the Story.  
An error committed herein is called Anachronism: and either saith too much, and that is a Prochronism; or too little, and that is a Metachronism.    
FINIS.   

THE ASSYRIAN MONARCHY, BEING A short Description of its Rise and Fall.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  יהוה JUSTUS VIVET FIDE DEUS PROVIDEBIT. 
I. Y   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

VIA una COR VNUM  blazon or coat of arms  
THE ASSYRIAN MONARCHY, BEING A short Description of its Rise and Fall.  
A Monarchy, as the Philosopher discourseth in his Politics, is the government of one man over many. According to the degrees of this Principality, the word Monarchy, is equivocal; in the prime meaning intending The Lawful Absolute Rule of some Prince, either Elected or Succeeding, exercising Dominion corresponding with the Law of Nature, and the Right of Nations. Thus His Sacred Majesty is a Monarch or sole Governor within these his Realms.  
In a wider and unjuster since, A Monarchy is taken for The Peremptory Authority of some Mighty Potentate, whose Right and Title for the most part is his Sword; or, if he he Succeed, 'tis in the Ambition and Tyranny of his Progenitors, by which he usurpeth power where he pleaseth, striking into the hearts of Men rather the fear then the love of him, whereby he enforceth his unwilling Vassals to an unnatural Obedience. Thus the great Turk may be called a Monarch; for in this since, though it seem to secure itself under the protection of an acceptable name; yet a Monarchy thus taken, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  differeth little from that which Aristotle calleth the (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) vice of a Monarchy, to wit, a Tyranny.  
Historians take more notice of this later, because the more notorious: of this kind were those 4 great Monarchies unto whose Kings, as to famous Epoches, the straggling and unbounded affairs of the World are orderly reduced.  
In this number the Kingdom of Ashur beareth a place, and the first; the Description whereof we have here undertaken. In the consideration of this, we shall observe in it a triple Vicissitude, which the Babylonians and Assyrians underwent, in the continuance of this Government. The first from Nimrod to Ninus, in which time the seat of the Kingdom was at Babel: The second from Ninus to Asarhaddon, and in this interim the Assyrians prevailed at Niniveh; The third and last, from Merodac to Belshazar; in which again Babel got the better, which it held till all was lost to the Medes and Persians.  
And for the greater illustration, to all this we will promise the Description of the Land of Ashur; as knowing this full well that the circumstance of Place as well as Time addeth much to the understanding of the Story.  

אשור  
THe Land of Ashur was so called, from him that first planted a Colony from Babel in those parts, whose name was Ashur the Son of Sem. It is the opinion of that learned Rabbin Don Isaac Abarbinel, in his Commentaries upon the first Book of Moses, called Bereshith in Parasha Noach, fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Assur the son of Sem dwelled in Assyria, and from his name it was so called. To this opinion among the Ancient Greeks, only Eratosthenes attained, as he is introduced by the Scholiast of Dionysius the Alexandrian, a Geographical Poet, his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Among the Modern Suidas hath embraced this conceit there, where he pleaseth to retract his own, in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So also amongst many others, Gemma Frisius for the Latin Writers, in his 22 Chapter of the Division of the Earth: from the Jew Josephus, who also favoureth this Assertion. The Etymologist therefore, who ever he were, hath deceived himself in assigning the Etymon of this word Assyria, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. vide Etymologicum magnum in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hesychium in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  while he forgeth this distinction between it and Syria; that Syria should be that part of Asia which was overwhelmed in the Deluge, and was therefore so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which also are the words of Hesychius) but Assyria, saith he, was that part which having escaped the Flood was so called from α the Particle Privative, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this is a Fable befitting the Greeks, whose Nation hath been seriously taxed by its own Autors, for their luxury of invention in fabulous discourses.  
In the next place we are to free the Description ensuing from the equivocation and ambiguity of the word Assyria, which is sometimes taken for itself, at other times for the whole Region of Syria; in that since comprehending in it more than itself, to wit Palestine, Syrophoenicia, Syria, Damascena, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Chaldoea, sometimes more, sometimes less, according to Strabo & Pliny, and many others. But our Master Ptolemy to deliver the delineations of the world from the Ataxy and confusions of the Ancients, dealt more accurately in his observations. 
Ptolemaeus Asiae tab. 5. cap. 1.  He therefore in his first Chapter of the fifth Table of Asia, describeth our Country in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. In which description Ptolemy hath vindicated this Country to her proper limits; aptly sequestering Assyria from the rest, comprehending the Country within the confines of the great America upon the North, Mesopotamia upon the West, Susian upon the South, and Media towards the Sun rising. The chief of ptolemy's followers in this are Dominicus Marius Niger, in his Geographical Commentary upon Asia; whose words I forbear to insert, because they are but the mere Metaphrase of the description already given. Besides him 
* Pag. 159. Tigurinae editionis.  Vadian hath done the like in the Chapter which treateth of the Situation of Assyria. So also Gemma Frisius in his 22 Chapter of the Division of the Earth, and Marcianus Heracleotes, who in the description of Susian the Province, 
Marcianus Heracleωtes in cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  thus writeth; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He saith that the North limit of Susian is Assyria: and Ptolemy had said before, That the South limit of Assyria was Susian. The agreement of these Autors I oppose to the distraction of others, in reading whereof diligent heed would be taken of the ambiguity of the word Assyria, lest the Reader not being sufficiently cautelous, might happily be then least acquainted with the Country, when he hath traveled most about it.  

Longitudo & Latitudo Assyriae.  The Latitude of Assyria is Northern, cutting off from the Equinoctial towards the Pole Arctic an Arch of a greater Circle, containing about 5 degrees and ⅓ from the 34 degree to the 39 and 20 scruples. The Longitude accounted in the middle Line, from the great 
* In the assigning Geographical Longitude, we find an observable difference. The Moderns accounting from the Isles called Azores, guided by the variation of their compass: the Arabians account from the Pillars of Hercules, or the straits of Gebaltarck, corruptly called Gibraltar; Titus-Abelfeldea, Some also from Arius under the Line, and others otherwise: but Ptolemy from the fortunate Isles, and him here we follow.  Meridian of the World, is from the 78 degree to the 84. In assigning this Position, we we have rather inclined to Ptolemy, than the modern conjectures of later Writers; for though instruments be more exact, and men's experience more universal, yet what shall all that do, cùm jam Seges ubi Troia fuit & Ninus in ipsa Nino requiratur: when 'tis brought to such ruin, that if the founder himself should rise again, Ninus would scarce find Ninive, through he sought it in itself. According therefore to the Longitude and Latitude assigned, The site of this Country is in the North part above the Torrid Zone, between the Tropic of Cancer, and the Arctic Circle, under and about the fourth Clime: the longest day being some 14 hours, and one second part. This Situation is approved by Rabbi Abraham in his description of the Climes, his words are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, The fourth Clime beginneth at the end of the third, to the Latitude of 36 degrees of the equal line in the North portion, and his day is fourteen hours and one second, and passeth through Assur. So far the Rabbin. We conclude therefore, That the position of this Region is an Obliqne Sphere, whose Phaenomena are these: They enjoie, as we do, both a Vernal and Autumnal Equinox, the Sun being in Aries and Libra. Their site is in the South part of the North temperate Zone, therefore their air is pleasant. 
Vitello Alhazen.  The Sun never culminate's in their Senith point, that being placed beyond the Tropic of Cancer, which is the extremest circle of the Sun's Motion in his Northern declination. And because the Optics teach, that every Opacous body projecteth his Shadow to a part directly opposite to the body luminous, therefore the Sun being either in the Northern or Southern Signs, their shadows are never directed to the South, but contrariwise: therefore they are Heteroscii. Lastly, they have the Pole Arctic always elevated, and the Antarctick always hid.  
For the Astrological site of this place, it is comprehended within the first Quadrant, in the part Oriental and Meridional, and is therefore subject to the second Triangle under the Dominion Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn, the Planetary Lords being Saturn and Venus Oriental: in regard of whose rule in that earthly Triplicity, the inhabitants must needs be of a disposition wanton and lascivious, in apparel gorgeous, in Religion Idolaters: And because the Assyrian in special is subjected to Virgo, and her influence is Mercurial, therefore our inhabitants must be great Astronomers. Thus Ptolemy, Cardan, etc. But whether it be so or no, let their Ghosts dispute before Minos and Rhadamanthus. Thus much is certain, That the manners of the Ancient inhabitants most aptly corresponded with this Prognostication, and if any urge the contrary at this day, these Autors may easily find an answer; that besides the translation of the Perigaeum and Apogaeum of the Planets, the precession of the Equinox, and the Sun's lesser Excentricity, 'tis apparent that the Signs in the eight Sphere have forsaken their places in the first Mover; Aries now being in the dωdecatemorie of Taurus; and Pisces in the place of Aries. And so much may suffice for the general application of Theoretical Geography, to the Practical description of this Country. Before we enter the particular parts, our discourse shall tread awhile upon the Borders; Where first on the North part we meet with the Armenian Mountains, which might have been slightly passed over, but that they show the place where once Noah's Ark rested. That it rested in Ararat, or Armenia, Moses beareth witness; that it rested in that part of Armenia, wherein we have placed it, may be a conjecture not without probability, because Ptolemy placeth the Country Gordiena directly upon the North adjoining in Situation to these Mountains. Now that Country was so called from the Gordiaean Mountains, upon which the Ark rested, as is approved by a double Paraphrase of two Ancient Chaldeans, Jonathan the son of Vziel, and Onkelos; the one translating that Text of Moses, to wit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mountain of Ararat by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardu, the other by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardon, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elias in Methurgeman.  both intending the Gordiaean Mountains (whereof Strabo and Curtius discourse) Elias also in his Methurgeman allowing their interpretation.  
Of these Mountains Stephanus maketh mention in his Book De urbibus. So also Elmarinus the Arabian translated by Erpenius, and another of that Nation whose name is unknown, cited by Schickard in his Taric of the Kings of Persia. The later thus writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, This is (Mount) Godius, upon which that Ship rested, that Ship of Noach, on whom be peace. But whereas this Author calleth the Mountain Godius, Schickard admonisheth that it is an error of the Transcriber, who in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gordi writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gadi. It is apparent then that the Ark abode upon the Gordian Mountains; but where or upon which, that is yet doubtful.  
Rabbi Benjamin Tudelensis who traveled through all parts, to visit his Countrymen the ten Tribes dispersed, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rab. Benjamin in Itinerario. citante Schicha●do.  giveth notice in his itinerary, that the place where the Ark rested is four miles distant from Gezir Ben Omar, and that is an Isle Situate in the midst of Tigris, at the foot of the Mountains of Ararat. The Armenians also design the place, urging Tradition for a certain Mountain heretofore called Gordie, but now Gibel No, as Andrew Thevet intimateth in these words:  
Au rest quelques christians Levantins, entre autres, 
La Cosmographie Universelle Livre. 8. Chap. 15.  les Armeniens & Caspiens mainetiennent que ceste Arch s'arresta en la Montaígne que l'on nommoit jadis Gordie, à present dit par aucuns du païs, Gibel Noe.  
We have also those among the Moderns, who have placed this Mount under a peremptory Longitude and Latitude as a thing ordinarily known: yet for aught I perceiv, Posterity in this hath obtained of Antiquity nothing more than the very name, and that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Testimony of Nicolas of Damascus, not Lobar, as Epiphanius: 
Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. à c. 4.  though Junius would correct the other by this. It was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 birath, which in the Armenian tongue signifieth properly any stately Edifice, such as this vast Vessel might seem to be: In after times 'tis like they called their Ships by the same name, and thence the Greeks traduced the same signification: for so Suidas, Hesychius, and the Etymologist conceiv of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that it often is taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and therefore Lycophron in his Cassandra calleth the Argonavis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In this conjecture that it may pass the better, know that great Scaliger hath born his part, as the Reader may find in his notes upon the Greek fragments, 
Scaliger in Notis ad Fragmenta. pag. 40.  added as an appendix to his admired industry in the Emendation of the Times. Thus much shall suffice for our abode in the North of this Country, where the Reader may pardon our long tarrying for Noah's sake.  
Upon the East, as was said, this Region is bounded by the Medes, in special by the mountain Zagros, whereof a most Ancient Geographer maketh this mention, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Upon the South we shall find first Susian, the Province so called from the Metropolitan City Susis; which the Etymologist saith, might be derived from Susia, signifying in the Syrian tongue a Horse, for that this place afforded good Horses. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Etymolo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenaeus.  Indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Syriack signifieth so: but his other conceit is more probable, that it was so called from the Lilies which grew thereabout; as Aristobulus and Chares most aptly determine in Athenaeus, this only is their error, that they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a Lily in the Greek tongue, whereas they ought to have said in the Hebrew; for the Jews indeed call a Lily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shusan: and therefore was this place so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the pleasure of the place, because of so many Lilies wherewith it was most naturally and pleasantly beset.  
Here the Kings of Persia kept their Courts in Winter, because the Region hereabouts was then most temperate, though in Summer it was so extremely hot, that when the Sun was in the Meridian, the Lizards and Serpents could not pass by the way, but were strucken dead with the extraordinary fervour which the Sun beams projected, 
Strabo lib. 15. Geog.  being multiplied more strongly by the reflection of certain Mountains not far from thence, 
Strabo. lib. 15. Geog.  as Strabo the Author most probably persuadeth. Who also addeth, that for this cans the Inhabitants were forced to make earthen floors upon the tops of their Houses, the depth of two cubits, for no other reason, but to free themselves from the intolerable heat. Strabo ibid.  
By this City ran the River Vlai, as Daniel calleth it. 
Pliny. Herodotus. Maximus Tyrius.  Ptolemy and Pliny writ Eulaeus; no great error: it was also called Choaspes, because that runneth into it. This River was venerable in the opinion of the Kings of Persia, who always drank of this water wherever they were. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benjamin in Itinerario fol. 20.  Rabbi Benjamin hath observed, that, in his time, among the ruins of Elam stood Susan the Castle, in time past the Palace of Ahasueros, having yet many fair and goodly buildings from the days of old. He noteth also, that he found there 7000 Jews in 14 Synagogues, there being before one of them erected the Sepulchre of Daniel the Prophet. Thus Rabbi Benjamin; in whose days it seemeth by what he saith afterwards, that the River was built upon both sides, and the city divided into two parts, that dissevering them both; whence it came to pass in aftertimes, that the one part by reason of commerce thriving more than the other, it was superstitiously imputed to daniel's Tomb, which the richer part then kept; this fond conceit once set abroach caussed great emulations, and in fine to compose the debate, Singar 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shach with the Persians and Arabians and the neighbouring inhabitants, signifieth a King: from whence is derived that form of Speech which we use at the Chess-game, when the King is taken: to wit of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shach Mat, commonly Checkmate which in this language signifies, The King is dead. Shichard in Taris Regum Persar.  Shach commanded that the Tomb should be displaced and set upon the Bridge, in the midst of the River Vlai, that so both parties might enjoie their vanity with an equal participation. Not far from Susis we have placed the plain of Dura where Nebuchadnezar erected the golden statue, that stately Trophy of his Idolatrous worship. Thus Junius hath noted upon that place in Daniel. 
Dan. 3.1.   
Next unto Susian, also upon the South is placed the land of Nimrod, 
Babylon.  or Babylonia, and therein not far from Tigris the City Erce, which Ptolemy in a pardonable error, calleth Aracca. From hence passing over the River, we draw near to that pregnant Relic of the new world's ambition, Babel by name; so called from the event of that, because there their Language was confounded. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  For so the Hebrews intimate by the word Babel, a word which in our mother tongue we yet retain from our Saxon Ancestors, as they from Askenaz; for when we hear a man speak confusedly, we say he bable's. The foundation of this City was laid in Nimrod's pride, and therefore must needs have a fall; and the fall thereof was great: upon these ruins King Ninus built again, but with more humble intentions, and more happy proceed. Semiramis continued the work, and enclosed all within a wall of that height and thickness, that we shall hereafter in her life make bold to ask the question, whither 'twas hers or no; in the mean time, doubting lest it will prove too great a work for a woman.  
This City hath been deservedly set forth by the industry of many, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodotus saith, the wall was 52 of the King's cubits in thickness, Q. Curtius 32 foot in thickness. Quintus Curtius lib. 5.  and those most famous Writers; as Strabo, Diodorus, Herodotus, Solinus, Pliny, and Fustathius upon Dionysius Afer, etc. For the form of the City, it was four square, as Herodotus saith; the walls so thick that two Coaches might meet upon the breadth: for the Circuit, the Autors above mentioned agree not. The most exact Tradition for this is that of Clitarchus, that the wall was 365 furlongs about, which divided by 8, set off for the Quotient 45 ⅝, the number of English miles in the whole compass, allowing eight furlongs for one mile. Clitarchus addeth, that the wall was finished in one year, each day one furlong, till the 365 was completely ended, which is the just compliment of the Julian Solar year in days, not respecting that fraction of Hours and minutes, in which the Astronomers agree no better than our Clocks and Dial's, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as the Proverb is. The height of the wall was 200 Cubits, the Towers 10 foot higher than the Wall, To approve what hath been said concerning this spacious City, hear what the great philosopher discourseth in the third of his Politics, that Babylon was so wide and ample, that three days after it was taken, one part of the City knew nothing of it. The buildings in this place were not continued to the Walls, nor to themselves, and if there had been no more society among the inhabitants, than there was among their houses they had scarce ere come together; for their dwellings were all asunder; but the reason was politic to avoid the fury of fire, and undergo a siege in war, for the waist which lay between the houses, in time of a siege was sown and the increase sufficient to maintain themselves within themselves: by reason whereof it was impossible to win this city: for against a famine they had thus provided, and other way there could be none, for the wall of the city was an impregnable fence against the strongest Rampires; and hence it was that Darius could not attein to the conquest of Babylon, without a famous stratagem, as Justine relateth out of Trogus Pompey. 
Justin. lib. 1  This City opened itself at an hundred gates, and those all of brass. In the midst of the City upon the one side of Euphrates stood the King's palace, a stately and sumptuous structure, on the other side of the river likewise in the midst stood the Temple of Jove Bell, and in the midst of that were erected 7 lofty towers upon the eighth, that being a furlong high, and as much in breadth, from the top of this Tower the Chaldeans made their Astronomical observations as the noble Tycho in his Vraniburgum. 
See in Tycho's Astronomical Epist. the description 〈◊〉 th●s Vraniburgu.  In ●his Temple was placed the golden Image of Jupiter, which was to be seen in the days of Diodorus the Sicilian, in height forty foot.  
We have reserved for the last place, that bold attempt of Art in the Horti pencils, that pleasant Paradise which the Syrian King planted upon the battlements of a Tower, the top whereof was the base of the whole work, the foundation of the garden was laid in stone, above that were placed Hurdles compacted together with slimy sulphur, these were covered over with brick, and that overlaied with Sheets of lead, upon which was cast abundance of earth manured with that dexterity, that plants grew there as properly as in their native soil. Strange indeed it was to see a wood upon the top of an house, and that trees rooted in stone should grow 50 foot in height; and yet the credit hereof hath an interest in the best Autors, both among the Greeks and Latins. And this was once the flourishing estate of Babylon, that fiery furnace in which it pleased God to dissolve the hardest hearts of the most refractory Jews. But now Bel is bowed down and Nebo stoopeth, no Arabian pitcheth his tent there, nor Shepherd his fold: But Jiim crieth in the Palaces, 
Isa. 13.19.  and the Houses are full of Ohim; The Ostriches dwell there, and the Satyrs dance there.  

* Ibid. Mesopotamia.  Thus leaving Babylon the beauty and pride of the Chaldeans, we come unto Mesopotamia, which bordereth upon this Country South and by west. This is called in Scripture Aram naharaim, that is Aram between the two Rivers, to wit, Tigris and Euphrates, here Abraham sojourned at Carras, famous for the sight of Crassus: this also was the Country of Laban the Syrian. 
L. Florus.   
Further West Tigris boundeth Ashur: Moses calleth it Hiddekel, which Rabbi Chimchi derive's from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either saith he, because the waters are of a sharp taste, or else because they are of a swift course. The Chardeans call it diglath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Arabians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aldiglath, all for the same reason: for the word Diglath or Diglito, as Pliny hath preserved it, is corrupted out of Hiddekel; or if Diglath be a primitive, the reason is notwithstanding the same, for that also signifieth a thing narrow and swift. 
Aristoteles ad Scholiast. Dionys. Af. Alexand.  Let Josephus be the interpreter. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for this cause also it was called Tigris, though Aristotle himself hath said otherwise, who, as he is introduced by the Scholiast of Dionysius Afer, testifieth that in times past this river had been called Sulax, which, saith he, signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prone or precipitate (such indeed it is) and in after times Tigris, from that Tiger which carried mad Bacchus, I know not whether. But the word itself discovereth its own Etymon, Tigris from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gir, signifying in the Persian tongue an arrow: to which if we add the Hemantick letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tau, we have the word entire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tiger or Tigris, because the stream of this river ran so swift, that it was most like the projection of an Arrow out of a Bow. and this is the opinion of Quintus Curtius, and others. And well might notice be taken of the swiftness of this River, the stream of whose current usually ran as fast in one day, 
Shickard Taric Regum Pers. p. 206.  as the most nimble footman can do in seven, if Shichard hath not mistaken in his Taric of the Kings of Persia; where he citeth Pliny and Solinus, but none could give him occasion so to say, save only Dionysius Afer in these words, where speaking of Tigris, he thus setteth down 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Which words perhaps Shickard might understand in that sens, in which we have cited him; but the Poet's intent is far otherwise, as he may understand that readeth his Scholiast who best understood him; for Eustathius upon those words thus discourseth,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (id est Tigris & Euphrates) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Eustath. in Dion. Afr. etc.   
Wherefore, according to the judgement of the Scholiast, the meaning of his Poet is, that the distance of the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates, is as much as the best fitted traveller could go in seven days; that is as much as if he had said, Mesopotamia in breadth would prove to a good footman seven day's journey. So though Tigris be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of all Rivers the swiftest, yet in this opinion he hath made more haste then good speed. We have sufficiently lingered upon the borders of Assyria, we will now travel in the Country, beginning first with Adiabene because because as Pliny and Solinus testify, Adiabene est Assyriorum initium. The beginning of Ashur is that part which is called Adiabene, for here 'tis probable that the founder made the first plantation of his Assyrians, because the King Nimrod first conquered this place, and settled the Government in a Metropolis erected by himself.  
It was called Adiabene, not as the Greeks have vainly conjectured from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because this was a place of hard passage, as Strabo, Eustathius, and the rest; for this conceit is refuted by Marcellinus, a traveller in these parts, who witnesseth that he passed over a certain River called Adiavas, from which the place was called first Adiavene, 
Ammianus Marcellinus in vita Juliani. pag 302 edit. Lugdun  which word when it came among the Greeks, they changed, υ into β necessity often urguing them to this, for want of that letter in their Alphabet, so where the Original readeth David, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Septuagint they read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Evangelists retaining the same.  

Ninive urbs.  In Adiabene that which first and best deserves our diligence is the thrice noble seat of Ninus. The Scripture style's it both in Moses and the Prophets, urbs magna Deo, and therefore seeing God himself hath taken notice of it, we will take the more.  
It was called Ninive from Ninus, quasi Nini, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naveh, that is the habitation of Ninus, because Ninus set the last hand to the compliment of this City, and there kept his Court.  
But he that laid the first foundation was the son of Cham, not Sem; though our English Metaphrase hath so translated. To decide the matter hear Moses himself: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which words, our Translation taketh Assur for a person, which beyond all doubt should be taken for a place, and then it runs thus: From that land (to wit Babylon) he (that is Nimrod) went out into Ashur and builded Ninive. And this is the meaning of Moses in the mind of that most learned Jew Ramban, or R. Moses ben Nachman, as shall appear by his gloss upon the place, as he is cited by Abarbinel in his Commentaries upon Bereshith.  
Ramban saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramban in Abarbinelis Come. ad Bereshith. These words intent thus much. Out of that land went Nimrod to rule over the Country of Ashur and there he built Niniveh, and the rest of that Province's great Cities, whereof (Moses) maketh mention, and this Text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is all one as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Thus Ramban, who also citeth a Concordance necessarily requiring the like exposition in the like case, as saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, must be rendered as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramban in this is not singular, nor hath wanted his deserved approbation among our own most learned Writers. For thus readeth M. John Drusius, so Tremelius, judicious Calvin, and diligent Paraeus: none without good reason, for what should Assur the son of Sem do among the children of Cham? And again, he that built Babel, was as likely to build Ninive. The founder therefore of this City was Nimrod, for the situation thereof, it was set upon the River Tigris. A late Writer of our own in his Microcosm hath made bold to displace it, affirming that it was built upon Euphrates, which if it do not otherwise appear, I will ingeniously repent the mention of him, whom notwithstanding I should also have spared in this place, had he himself spared great Scaliger in a lesser matter: were it not that I count it frivolous to cite a modern Author in a matter of Antiquity; to this one I could oppose the Authority of many, amongst whom Ninive upon Tigris is as ordinary, as London upon Thames. But to fetch that situation upon this River, from the same fountain which they did, I appeal to the Ancients.  
Amongst the Latins Pliny is plain, that Ninus the City stood upon the River Tigris. Among the Greeks thus Herodótus, speaking of a certain Trench, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: where out of all doubt, though the Text be something cryptical, yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to be referred to Euphrates, or the Trench, but to Tigris, as the same Author expoundeth himself in Euterp, where he plainly saith, that Tigris runs by Ninive. Arrian in his book of the affairs of old India speaking of Tigris thus writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that is, Tigris running out of Armenia anciently a great and famous City, 
Arrian. rerum Indie.  etc. where a trusty and faithful Writer hath plainly set down our desire. To these we add the last and greatest, our master Ptolemy, according to whom we have placed this City upon this River towards the Sun rising.  
Besides this consent of the Greeks, sum up the whole truth in the Authority of an Hebrew Geographer, and he, testis oculatus, to wit, the forenamed Benjamin Tudelensis in his itinerary, where making mention of that City which the Arabians call, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benjamin. Itinerar. fol.  and others from them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Almozal, saith that City is built upon Hiddekel (that is Tigris) on the one side, over against Ninive, a bridge only between it and Ninive; if therefore Mosal be built upon Tigris, there being but a Bridge between it and Ninive, it is apparent in the judgement of an eie-witness, that we have placed it where it should be. Only Diodorus dissenteth whether by an error in the Text, or by misinformation, one or other it is likely: for we must not forsake all these, to lean to one. The reason of his error might be, because in sine these two Rivers meet and become one and the same.  
Ninus therefore was set upon Tigris, not as Diodorus upon Euphrates, nor upon the River Lycus, as M Nicolas Fuller in his Miscellanea, who for that opinion citeth all those almost, whom we have introduced for the contrary, adding also Ammianus Marcellinus, an Author as he saith beyond all exception, which we deny not; only this we have found, that both he and the rest are by Fuller in this matter misinterpreted, as he that diligently readeth shall be ready to testify. For the situation thus much. For the circuit and compass thereof, the Prophet Jonah describeth it to be a great City, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jonae. 3.  even in the eyes of God, of three day's journey, Diodorus saith, that the sides thereof were inaequilater, the longest sides containing 150 furlongs in length, the shortest 90. According to which dimension of the parts, the whole circuit must be 480 furlongs, which divided by eight, set off for the Quotient 60, the number of English miles, measuring the compass of this city. The words of Diodorus are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. where the Author having discoursed upon the immense and ample circuit of Ninus, addeth, That the Founder failed not of his purpose: for after him (saith he) never any erected the like City, whether we respect the greatness of the Compass, or the stateliness of the Walls: for the Walls were in height one hundred foot, and so thick that three Chariots might ride upon the breadth together. He addeth also, that the walls were beset with a thousand and five hundred Towers; each of them erected to the height of two hundred foot. So far Diodorus: whom after ages may for ever gratify for this precious monument of Antiquity, (which he alone seemeth to have preserved) for the illustration of that which the Holy Ghost in Scripture more than once inculcate's concerning this vast and mighty Ninive.  
That City of Babel and this of Ninive by a fatal vicissitude held up the Assyrian Monarchy, till the time of Daziavesh the Mede, and Cyrus the Persian. It suffered many overthrows, before it received its last: two famous, the one by the irruption of the River Tigris, which at an inundation broke out upon the w●ll, and threw down twenty furlongs thereof, which destruction, (notwithstanding the stream of Interpreters runs otherwise) yet let the Learned inquire whether it were not plainly foretold by the Prophet Nachum in those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And with an Inundation passing by, he shall make a full end. 
Nachum c. 1 versu.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Septuag. Chronologie seemeth to deny this interpretation; but each man must consider, that the time of this Prophet, or his Prophecy is not determinate by any authority of Antiquity, and therefore in the Moderns can be but conjectural. That the River made this ruin, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diodorus is a pregnant witness. The second destruction was undertaken and ended by Nebuchadonosor the King of Babel, as the Jews in their Chronologie testify: So Rabbi Saadias' upon the Prophet Daniel. And indeed this City was too great to be destroyed at once, being as we have said 60 miles in compass. The Reader at the first sight may judge it incredible, 
He should say twelve thousand. See Joha Leo Affricanus.  were not Alcaire in Egypt at this day extant to correct his unbelief; a place, as Buntingius hath noted, no less in circuit; and so populous, that there once died of the Plague in one day twenty thousand.  
The Prophet Jonah writeth, that in the city of Ninive, by the testimony of God himself, were more than one hundred and twenty thousand persons, which could not discern between their right hand and their left. If there were so many children, then at the proportion, the inhabitants were almost innumerable.  
The Tomb of Ninus was almost as admirable as the City; but of that in his Life.  
It may now be said of Ninive, which once was of a great City in Strabo, Magna Civitas magna Solitudo: The greater Ninive was, the greater are her ruins: for now, The rejoicing City that dwelled carelessly, that said in her heart I am, and there is none besides me, how is she become a desolation? a place for beasts to lie down in; every one that passeth by her shall hiss and wag his head. Zephan. 2.15. Against this City prophesied Jonah, Nachum, Zephanie, etc.  
It is at this day falsely called Mosall, and at that place Nestorius his Sectaries have taken their Shelter, that Heretic of Constantinople condemned by a Synod at Ephesus, etc.  

Arbelitis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ir. Bel.  Next unto Adiabene is Arbelitis, so called from the most ancient city Arbela, which notwithstanding, what Strabo hath said of the son of Athmoneus, I would diligently derive of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It Bel, that is the City of Belus, who was no doubt the first founder thereof, after the death of Nimrod. At Arbela was that bloody battle between Darjavesh and the great Alexander for the Empire of the world, as the common tale goes: but Arrian in the description of this expedition affirmeth the contrary, from the testimony of two eie-witnesses, Ptolemaeus and Aristobulus: adding that the battle was pitched at Gaugamela; the same thing Plutarch hath observed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Scaliger giveth the reason of this mistake, Because, saith he, Arbela was famous, and therefore better deserved to carry away the credit of such a victory than Gaugamela, a poor obscure Village, which before him Arrian hath said, 
Solinus. Arrianus in expeditione Alexandri. Strabo lib. 16. Geog. Scaliger in lib. de emendatione temporum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gaugamela intestina Cameli significans.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gaugamela (saith he) is no city, but a village, and but a little village, the place no way famous, and bearing but a homely name. And therefore he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whereas he saith that Gaugamela is known but by a homely name, it deserves further enquiry. Scaliger saith, that the word Gaugamela is in the language of the place as much as the inwards of a Camel, which signification the word indeed will bear in the Assyrian tongue, but for what reason? The learned Critic answers, That some of the Ancients have said that a Camel's Inwards were there interred. Causabon in his notes upon Strabo, deriveth it from Geh and Gamal, Geh signifying an eminent high place; but Strabo himself hath given the best, and the most ancient Etymon, who setteth down that it was called Gaugamela, that is, saith he, the House of a Camel: and this will hold, for so Gaugamele might with a facile error be written for Naugamela, there being no difference between Gimel and Nun, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  but a small apex or excrescence, which ofttimes escape's the Printers diligence, and more often might the Transcriber's haste: and seeing it was Naugamela from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nauh Gamal, it signifieth properly and aptly the house or habitatio of a Camel. The reason of this imposition is well rendered by Strabo, because saith he, Darius the son of Hystaspis bestowed that place of rest and food upon his weary fainting Camel, which had tired out himself in his hard service. At Gaugamela therefore, not at Arbele was fought that famous battle of the two mighty Monarches for the Diadem of the world, which fortunate Alexander brought away, Heaven itself bearing witness thereto by an Eclipse of the Moon.  
Not far from Arbela is the Mountain Nicatorium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Strabo calls it (for in Ptolemie we find it not) Alexander the Great gave it that name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ptolomaeus lib. Gaeog.  vinco, that it might be, as to this day it is, a constant Trophy of that famous victory which this King atcheiv'd at Gaugamela.  
In this Country of Arbelitis, Strabo also placeth the City Demetrias, as also the Temple of Aeneas, and the Palace of the King of Persia, with the bituminous Fountain, all which we have set down according to his description.  
Upon the River Caprus standeth Oroba; which Junius well conjectureth to be no other, then that which Moses in Genesis calleth Rehoboth. In the South coast of Arbelitis, between Caprus and Gorgus, Ptolemy placeth Thelbe, which perhaps was so called from Tubal, as also another City placed by the same Ptolemy in Babylonia without our Chart, so called out of doubt from Tubalcain, for he writeth Thelbecain with no great error.  

Arrapachitidis regio.  Next to Arbel●tis is Arrhapachitis, so called from Arrhapa, a City lying in this coast East and South upon the limits of Apolloniatis. This Arrhapachitis, Junius had once conceived to be no other but Arpatis, and the chief city thereof to have been that Arpad, which is spoken of in the Kings, and elsewhere: but this Learned Commentator correcteth himself in the 49 of the Prophet Jeremy, vers. the 23. This Coast doubtless took its name Arpachetis, from Arphacsad, the son of Sem, and brother to the founder Assur. Here lieth Darna, Obana and the rest, places better known by their names then ought else. Next them the Sambatae, and below Appolloniatis, famous for the Metropolis from whence it had its name. These names are reckoned up by Vadian, Glarean, Volateran, and Niger; men who altogether followed Ptolemy in their chronography of the Land of Ashur: more than the names will hardly be found either in them or elsewhere, only Apollonia, nor much of that. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deserves our consideration, for which we gratify old Isidore the Characenian cited by Athenaeus, for otherwise we had never attained to the knowledge of that place which Moses calleth Calanne in the land of Singar, for that Calanne without question is the Metropolis of this Country Calonitis which our Author old Isidore calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we have placed it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he, lieth so, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  that it is separated from the Medes by the Mountain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we have said.  
Thus we have endeavoured the delineation of the famous frontiers of old Ashur, which the reader if he pleas may behold in our Chart; always provided that he be not offended at this, that we have drawn the lowest parallel equal to the highest of that Latitude; for 'tis easily known to my slender skill, that seeing Topographical plains are all portions cut out of the entire Spheres, therefore the Parallels as they increase in Latitude ought to bear a different proportion to their Meridian's: yet this curious course we took not in a matter that needeth it not, but projected the Chart upon a Parallelogram, because in a distance no greater, for a purpose of no greater moment, the disproportion can nothing prejudice the Description.  
THe State-Government of Assyria was Regal, it began in Tyranny, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrarium quod▪ Imperio reg. id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which Aristotle calls the Vice of a Monarchy: it continued under the succession of absolute Princes from Jove Bel to Belshazar. The policy which this Country did enjoie was as in all other Kingdoms, Ecclesiastical and Civil. In their Ecclesiastical policy we consider their Religion. God they served, but not the true; nor one, but many and fals. their Deities, for the most part, were placed in Heaven; the Sun, Moon and Stars; and indeed, were men allowed to choose themselves a God: this was somewhat a tolerable impiety, for such great Astronomers to adore the Host of Heaven.  
The Manner how they worshipped the Sun is set down by Macrobius, 
Macrobius Saturna primo. Cap. 17 et 23.  who describeth the Image under which this Planet was adored, adding unto his description a Symbolical interpretation. To the Sun they sacrificed Horses, and the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. secundo De Mapogetis loquens. idem etiam Xenophon de Armeniis scribit, eandem etiam caussam reddens lib. quarto, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  reason was, because they judged it convenient, that the most nimble God should be served with the swiftest Oblations. The Altars whereupon these Sacrifices were offered, they erected either in open Courts, as 2 Reg. Chap. 21. verse 5. or else upon the tops of their Houses, as Zeph. 1.5.  

Isaiah.  Tremelius supposeth that the Prophet intendeth this God of the Sun by that which he calleth Nebo, but that deserveth further enquiry: Doubtless Nebo was some notable Statue among the Teraphins, and what they were we will now strive to discover. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Taraph the root and singular of Teraphim seemeth properly to have signified any dishonest disgraceful matter, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  as Elias Tisbites intimateth in the word Taraph; where also he insinuate's both the affinity and Etymology of the Latin word turpitudo, from this Hebrew word Taraph. For so saith he the Latins call, id quod turpe est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Turpitudo. 
Turpitudo Tesbites in Taraph.  And for this cause the Hebrews called that Magical divination of their Heathen neighbours which was made by enchanted Heads and Statues Turpah, and those Images so charmed Teraphim: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ex Pirke R. Eliazer perec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  for the Teraphim were certain Lar or household-gods in which the Devil made answer to the simple Heathen; their making is thus set forth by Tisbites out of Rabbi Eliezer. in the 36 Chapter whose words we may render in this manner, speaking of those Idols, I have found (saith he) that the Teraphim are thus contrived. They cut the throat of a first born male, they pull off his head and powder it with salt and odours, (Then) they writ upon a plate of Gold the name of an unclean Spirit putting that under the head, than place they this head upon some wall, setting burning Lamps before it, and so worship in the presence thereof, and of these Laban asked counsel, etc. as we have set down in the margin foregoing. So the Chaldee Paraphrast in Hosee rendereth Teraphim by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mechauvi, Indicans, showing or declaring: For that was the condition of these Teraphim, as Rabbi Chimchi also approveth in the Root Taraph and Delrio an expert Magician in his Animadversions upon the words of Laban.  
The like is set down in the Book of R. Simeon Ben Jochai which is called Zohar. fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the words of Moses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Laban went, etc. It is therefore manifest, 
See M. Selden De Diis Syris.  that the Teraphim were nothing else but the heads of first born males, made and erected under the influence of some certain Planet under whom some certain Spirit (as Orifieb over Saturn was predominant, whose name must be engraven in some thin plate, and placed ceremoniously under the Head, this don, Lamps must be solemnly burned before it, and then after some diabolical Exorcisms, Necromantically performed the head shall prove vocal. The tale goes current amongst us, that our Countryman Roger Bacon once framed such a kind of Magical Machination in Brass. Doubtless Albert the Great spent thirty years to frame out a statue like a man, and in the end by the apt composure of certain engines and many moovable machinations, 
Aquinas hearing the statue speak broke it to pieces.  taught the Image to speak; but 'twas much, if not Magic: for speak it did and that so Articulately, that it well nigh frighted a great Schoolman out of his wits, even Thomas Aquinas himself, as Boterus relateth.  
That which persuadeth us that the Idol Nebo was one of the Teraphim, is the Etymon of the name; for Nebo is derived from a root, which signifieth to Prophecy or Divine, as they did by the Teraphim, for that reason of the word is rendered by the Jews. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cae●era lege in loco Citato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The●c. in pharmaceutria. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Scholiast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholiastes ibidem. Qui sese purificant in hortis ponè Achad in medio, comedentes carnem porci, Abeminationis, & muris, confundentur unà dictum Jehovae. Isa. cap. ultimo.  So Abarbines upon that place in Isaiah, Nebo stoopeth.) That the Assyrians used Teraphim is manifest by the Story of Laban. That they were noted Magicians and Astrologers, Simoetha the Witch in Theocritus doth manifestly declare, where speaking of her Veneficial Philtra, she confesseth to the Moon in the Doric Language that she learned those tricks of a Traveller that came from the Land of Ashur, that is, (saith the Scholiast) from a friend of hers that was an Assyrian. Who also addeth, that the Assyrians were a Nation in Magic most exact. And therefore seeing it cannot be determined for certain what this Nebo should be, I know not why this conjecture may not with others have its pardon, seeing it hath brought some probability.  
That therefore the Assyrians worshipped the Sun, 'tis manifest: as also that they worshipped him not under the name of Nabo; this Nabo being, as we have conjectured, some one more noted than the rest among the Teraphim, but if any pleas to ask Antiquity for the name of this great God the Sun, he shall find his Answer in Macrobius, who teleth us that the great God of Ashur was the Sun, and that his name was Adad; which, saith he, by Interpretation signifieth (one) so indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ada in the Assyrian tongue doth signify from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Achad, unus. A greater testimony of this Idolatry than Macrobius, we find in the Prophet Esay in the last Chapter, where God threatneth to confound those that purify themselves in Gardens (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Text) Achar Achad, behind Achad that is either the Temple, or rather sim Idol erected to the honour of the Sun, not unhappily placed in the midst of their Gardens, where each spectator might daily behold and admire the pregnant effects of the Sun's vigorous influence, and powerful operation. 'Tis the accurate interpretation of the learned Scaliger, in his notes upon the Greek Fragments, page 35, approved also by another Scaliger of our own, M. John Selden in that choice work of his upon the Syrian Gods. Both these consent that the Idolatrous Rites spoken of in the same vers, make but up a superstitious kind of Lustration. The former part of their gloss is undoubtedly true, the later whether it be or no, it is no way necessary for this place, nor (since they have said it) these years to determine. If we nothing help, it shall nothing hinder that we add thereunto; that in the verse, as we have set down, mention is made of Mice which bear their share in the Abomination, for so saith the Text. They that purify themselves in Gardens behind Achad, in the middle, eating Abominable flesh, as of Swine and Mice, etc.  
Alexander ab Alexandro relateth the most of the Ancient kinds of Lustrations, but maketh no mention of Mice. yet it is to be noted, that many rites performed in these Exercises, were altogether Magical; in that since the Mice may take place, and come within the verge of their Gloss: for a Mous is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Elf which Conjurers are not unacquainted with. Hear what they say.  
Take the liver of a Mous and give it in a Fig to the Swine and they shall follow the donor which way or whither he listeth. 
Pierius de Mure.  Pierius in his admirable discourse upon the Egyptian Hieroglyphics introduceth an experiment to prove this Charm, which himself saw at Patavium.  
All this is the more probable, because as we have already proved, our Assyrians were greatly given to exorcisms.  
And so we have done with their Idolatry to the Sun.  
Herodotus telleth further, that these Assyrians also worshipped the Moon, and good reason, or else they had no God all night, a time as I suppose, wherein they had most need. They worshipped the Moon under the name of Mylitta, which word Scaliger hath well noted, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mylitta, Mylitta, sig. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Notis ad fragmenta Vet. Graecorum, etc.  in their Language signifieth Genetricem, in which since it may not unaptly be applied to the Moon, whose power though ordinary, Philosophy supposeth to be merely passive, yet not without a Contradiction, the same Philosophy allowing the light of the Sun to have a sensible and necessary activity upon the inferior bodies, allowing also the light of the Moon to be borrowed from the Sun, and 'twere a notable incongruity, that the same light should be active in the Sun, and passive in the Moon; but if the Moon did nothing help the second causses in Generation, yet in the bringing forth 'tis evident, for this is most certain, though every Midwife hath not observed so much, that the most easy delivery a woman can have, is always in the increase, toward and in the full of the Moon, and the hardest labours in the new and silent Moon; which Astronomers call the Synod or Conjunction, which was the reason that the Midwives heretofore did always in such a case implore the aid of this Planet, for the safe and easy delivery of their Infants. 
Terent. Andria.  An Example hereof we may have one among many in the Comedy, where the woman in the extremity of her travel, cry's out to the Moon, O Juno Lucina fer opem. And this amongst others must needs be a reason why our Assyrian worshipped the Moon, and why they worshipped her under that name. The Prophet Jeremy maketh mention of this worship in the 7 Chapter, where he calleth the Moon the Queen of Heaven, as our English Translation hath very well rendered. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reginae Coeterum.  The Prophet addeth that the Women made Cakes to this Queen; And why the Women? First because the Moon was a Queen. 2. Because the Women at their labour were most beholding to the Moon, who by her great moisture mollifie's the Secundine and makes the passage easy for the delivery of their children. This Custom of offering Cakes to the Moon our Ancestors may seem not to have been ignorant of; to this day our women make Cakes at such times, yea the child itself is no sooner born, but 'tis baptised into the names of these Cakes; for so the women call their babes Cakebread. Add hereunto that the Saxons did Adore the the Moon, to whom they set a day apart, which to this day we call Moon-daie.  
And thus we have run through the chiefest Idolatries of this Nation: much more might be said, and perhaps hereafter shall be: in the mean time we will only add a Conjecture concerning Nisroc. Sennacherib, as he worshipped in the house of Nisroc, was slain by his two sons; who or what this Nisroc should be, is so doutbtful, that Peter Martyr could find nothing in all the Ancient Writers to explain the matter, his own opinion dependeth upon the Etymon of the word Nesrac which signifieth (as he saith) Deum fugae mollis, a God or a Jove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whither as to a Sanctuary Sennacherib might betake himself, it may be so, I rather suppose, if I may be so bold, that rac in this place signifies the Sun; for so this people sometimes called the Sun, as Francis Junius hath noted upon Shadrac in the Prophet Daniel. So then this Temple was an Asylum built in Ninive, to the Honour and under the protection of the Sun, who was therefore called Nesrac, that is the Sun of flight, for the reason given.  
It might be added how these Nations applied their devotion to the rest of the Planets, as to Venus that is Shar: in the honour of whom their Feasts were celebrated by the same rites that the Roman Saturnalia, the servants sitting down, and their masters attending: So also we might put in Chiun, whom some call Saturn, but of these, 
See M. Selden.  for aught I find the matter is not so manifest; 'tis only apparent that they worshipped the Sun and Moon chief: and the rest of the Host of Heaven in their order: but of that order and manner we have nothing certain yet to say, time may perhaps favour our industry, and make us acquainted hereafter with that, which now we must not be ashamed to confess our selus ignorant of. In the interim, we must content our selus with what hath been said, briefly concerning their religious polity. Their Civil customs shall now take their places.  
The King of Ashur was assisted in the Civil Government by a treble Magistracy, chosen all out of the gravest and most noble within the Realm; The first sort were to look to the placing of their Virgins according to that manner which shall hereafter be declared: as also to give judgement in Matters of Adultery, etc. The second in matters of Theft: The third in the rest.  
Physicians these people have none, they being such who cannot save any man by their profession, till they have lost some by their practice. The custom here was, that all diseased persons should be conducted to the Marketplace, convenient provision being made for their safety there. The reason was, that all passengers by should visit them, by enquiring out the nature of their disease, and giving counsel for the remedy out of profitable experience made by themselves, either in themselves or some others, upon the like occasion. And to this purpose it was provided by a peremptory Statute, that no man should dare to pass by the Marketplace, till he had made such inquisition as is aforesaid. Herod. in Clio. Strab. lib. 16.  
In this Country, it was not in the power of a private man to bestow his daughter in Marriage, but this was done by a public Officer appointed for that purpose. The manner was thus.  
Once every year, all marriageable Virgins were brought by that officer into the Marketplace, and there set to Sale; if they were beautiful, the fairest to those that gave most: when all the best were thus bestowed, the Money which was paid in for them, was given to the rest which were not so comely and meritorious in their beauty; every one being supplied with a dowry proportioned to her want: By this means it came to pass, that still the Gentry and most wealthy amongst the Men had the fairest among the Women, they being best able both to buy them and to keep them. Contrarily, the Commons and poorer people, 
Strabo. Herod. ibid.  who had not means to compass the best, had means given them to be content with the worst. A Law not so provident as plausible, and however it fitted their Common wealth, it would be very unapt for ours.  
Here followeth a Custom most detestable and unfit for any. Every woman throughout all the Country, was bound once in their lives to repair to the Temple of Venus, and there to prostitute their bodies to whomsoever, that would but throw down a certain piece of money, were it less, or more; which money was given to the Temple, and to the honour of the Goddess. Their manner was thus. The Women sat down in the Temple, distinguished one from another by little lines of Cord, which he that would might take away, or break, if the Woman seemed to be coy; and so take their Strumpet out of the Temple into a by-corner, etc.  
The Epistle of Hieremie, (if that be his which we find annexed to the Apocryphal Baruch) maketh mention of this horrible and impious practice.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And the women encompassed with lines, sit down in he Allies, burning Bran for perfume: but if any of them drawn by some that passeth by lie with him, she reproacheth her fellow that she was not thought as worthy as herself, nor her Cord broken.  
This Venus also they called Mylitta, as they might for as good reason as they did the Moon: but as in their Gods so in the names of their Gods, he that readeth shall find notable confusion. Master Selden understandeth by Succoth Benoth, nothing else but this Temple or Tabernacle of Venus: from Benoth also he deriveth her name. Let the Learned examine it. Be the conceit true or falls, it is attended with an egregious dexterity in the carriage, and probability in the conjecture.  
The Assyrians bury their dead Corpse in Honey, for the most part, and cover over the bodies with the Wax, their manner of Lamentations for the Dead, is to beat their breasts, and to besmear their faces with dirt not unlike in this to the Egyptians, 
Strabo. Herod.  of whom, see what Herodotus writeth in Euterpe.  
Arrian maketh mention of certain sepulchers of the Kings of Ashur found by Alexander amongst the Fens in Babilonia:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Lib. 7. expedit. Alex.  A like place to this I have not as yet found, etc.  
Their Habit in Apparel was to wear long garments, one without of Woollen, another under that of Linen, we may call the first a Goat, the other a shirt; they had without these a white Mantle. They always wore rings upon their fingers not without a seal, they never walked without a staff, and their staves had knobs carved with a Rose, or Lily, or such like. Herod. Strabo. ibid.,  
Against Ashur prophesied Balaam the Magician, Esaie, Jeremy, Zephanie, Nahum, and others.  
And this was the State of ancient Ashur, in her flourishing times, under the famous Rulers of the first Monarchy.  
In this Country these Kings acted their parts, especially at Babel and Ninive; the Assyrian one while bearing Rule, otherwhile the Babylonian: as hereafter shall appear.  
Having thus briefly and rudely surveied the position and disposition of the Land of Ashur, peculiarly and properly taken, especially the two famous and Royal Seats of the Assyrian Monarchy, Ninive in Ashur, and Babel in her borders: it remaineth that we address our selus to discourse the succession of her Kings, which Chronologically undertaken, aught according to the rules of that Art, to proceed either per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the master Chronologer Eusebius hath done in his first books; or else per annos expansos, as the same hath done in his second. Upon which see Scaligers most learned Animadversions, and his Notes upon the first.  
But the injuries of time have so far prevailed against the Method of this Monarchy, that we cannot make use of any of these artificial ways, the wounds in our golden head being so near to mortal, that no Principle or Rule in Art may touch them to the quick; and therefore our industry must attemper itself to the necessity of this Ataxy and confusion, which the neglect of Ages past hath breed in this unfortunate portion of History.  
The first therefore and most Ancient Description of this Kingdom of Ashur was performed by God himself, who upon a time discovered to the King of Babel, in the night Visions, the State and nature of this Monarchy under the form and figure of a golden Head: under the form of a Head, because it bore the first and chiefest place among those Governments which were eminent in the World. A Head of Gold; First, because it was the most renowned among the Monarchies, as Gold among the Metals. 2. For it's great and admired Strength; Gold being the strongest of all Metals, because best and most nearly compacted. And for this cause also, this Kingdom in another Dream of the Prophet's own, is compared to a Lion. 3. For its Perpetuity; Gold being the most durable Metal; and this Monarchy of the longest continuance, which also seemeth to be intended by the Eagles' wings upon the Lion; for the Eagle is observed to be of a lasting constitution, as King David intimateth in the 5. vers of the 103 Psalms, and notwithstanding this bird continued long, yet she might live much longer, but that her upper beak crooketh in time over the lower, and so she faileth, not with age, but hunger.  
See here the Prophets own Monument, as it is preserved unto us in the tongue of the Chaldeans.  

דניאל  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

Nehuchadnezar's Vision.  Thou O King, art this Head of Gold. This Images Head was of fine Gold. After thee shall arise another Kingdom inferior to thee. His Breast and his Arms of Silver. And a third Kingdom of Brass. His Belly and his Thighs of Brass. And the fourth Kingdom shall be hard as Iron. His Legs of Iron. And whereas thou sawest the feet part of Iron, and part of Clay; the Kingdom shall be divided, partly strong, and partly broken. His Feet part of Iron, and part of Clay.  
In this choice Lecture of Antiquity, which the Ancient of days vouchsafed to read to his Prophet Daniel, to illustrate the night and darkness of the King of Babel's dream; we find the vast affairs of the wider World, summed up into a Microcosm, a stately statue of Heterogeneous structure, indigitates the various passages and different occurrences, which had been, or were to be in the world; and all this in a Dream, because all these things should pass away like a Vision of the night.  
In the Golden Head, behold portrayed, as it were, the face of the first Monarchy. In the breast of Silver, behold the second, stretching out her two arms over the two mighty Kingdoms of Media and Persia. The brazen paunch swells out in the ambition of proud Alexander. The thighs of the same Metal, but weakened by division, represent the Successors of that great Captain, in special the 2 more noted Rulers of the North and South. The Iron-leggs lighting upon an Age like themselves, stand out for the 
So most of the Writers determine though I will not as yet, but in the mean time I have set down the most ordinary.  Roman fury, whose Martial presumption, under the protection of their Grandsire the God of Battle, crushed the rest of the World in pieces like a Potter's Vessel. In the heat of these Commotions, behold a Stone cut out of the Mountain without hands, and falling upon the Statue grind's it to powder. This Stone the bvilders refused, but is now become the head of the corner. 'Tis that Rock Christ, who instead of all these petit Dynasties, hath introduced an everlasting kingdom, but his Kingdom is not of this World. In the continuance and encreas of this spiritual Dominion, the strong union of the Iron legs devide's itself, and becomes partly Clay, whilst the Roman Eagle displayed with two Heads, declares that the power of Rome is imparted to Constantinople, and the Western Empire fallen under the rising of the Eastern.  
Letting pass the rest of the members, only the head is that which we intent to discourse of.  
A golden Head, this Prophet style's it, be it so: but it is now so far distempered with the drossy injuries of time, that the greatest Alchemist in History can scarce extract one dram of the pure and primigenious metal. Annius a Dutch Monk undertook the cure of this broken Head, thinking to salv up the matter, by stuffing up the wound with forged fragments, obtruded to the World under the security of old promising names of undoubted Grandees in Antiquity; Egyptian, as Manetho; Chaldeän, as Berosus; Persian, as Megasthenes, whom he falsely calleth Metasthenes. Munster undertook the defence of this Annius his Countryman, but without cause or Commendation, he that would hear his reasons let him repair to his cosmography; 
Munsteri Cosmograph. l. 3. c. 8. pag. 362.  and read the beginning of his discourse concerning Germany: many a creadulous Reader hath been deceived, by giving too much reverence to naked names for Berosus his sake, believing Annius in that of Berosus, which Berosus never dreamt of.  
Scaliger therefore upon better consideration and stricter examination, seriously abhors him. Calvisius both refute's him and condemns him: No master in History, but denies him: we may conclude him therefore Adulterine, and yet not indictâ caussâ: for in the continuance of this discourse, we shall be disturbed with unhappy opportunities to prove him so to be. In the mean time, this supposititious crew shall nothing prejudice those precious relics of lawful Antiquity, though they bear the same name with the Author of these spurious pieces: for to refuse the good because the bad have usurped their names, were a consequence most preposterous, best fitting the stubborn Logic of a Jew, who therefore abhorred the true Christ when he came, because there had been before him a falls Messiah called by the name of Jesus of Nazaret.  
Leaving therefore this faithless Monk to his unadvised admirers, we will follow the steps of sacred Moses, and the best of those Jewish glosses, whose Autors have sat in Moses' seat; where these fail us, we shall have recours to the better Berosus of the two, to the true Manetho, Megasthenes, Alexander Polyhistor, Diodarus, Herodotus, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, etc. adding conjectures where necessity enforceth, but with that moderation that shall best become our Minority. In the later part of the Monarchy, the sacred style of the Holy Ghost will help us in the high Priest's Annals or Chronicles, in the Prophets Esaie, and Daniel and elsewhere. Had the entire works of Berosus the Chaldean Priest remained perfect to these days, or those two Volumes which Juba wrote concerning the state of Ashur, this labour might have had better success: we should also have been much informed by Abydenus, had not he suffered wrack with the rest under the injurious behaviour of a careless age: however we will make the more of those choice remainders which are yet left; out of which we will endeavour tenderly and carefully to gather together the decayed pieces of this maimed Monarchy.  
Though this Historical work in hand be in nature practic, yet it must be indebted to the Theory of this Art, for some certain terms, as Aeras or Epoches, Characters of the Sun and Moon's Circle, the Eclipses, and the Letters Dominical. First of all an Aera in Theorical History, is a certain bound or Terminus à quo, whereby they restrain the infinity and indifferency of Computation. It was called Aera from an indifferent error which escaped the Transcribers of the Spanish Computation. 
In Libro de correctione Anni.  So Sepulveda (and he a Spaniard) conceiveth in his book of the Correction of the Roman Year, where he saith that His ancient Countrymen for the great respect they bear to Augustus Caesar, thought nothing more worthy than his Name, from whence matters Noteable might bear their Date; and therefore when they would point out a Time wherein such or such a thing was done; they said, Annus erat Augusti, it was such a year of Augustus: that form in time began to be contracted when men wrote in haste, so that instead of Annus erat Augusti, they set A. oer. A. and after a little more negligence put this together and spelt it into a word of Art; so that now Aera in History signifieth a determinate and set time from whence Chronologers account their years, as each man dateth his Letter in the Aera of our Lord, when he setteth down (as we do at this time) dated the 20 of December, in the Year, that is, in the Aera of Christ, 1630.  
Scaliger lighting upon this Conjecture of Sepulveda, reprehend's both the Conceit, and the Author; 
Lib. de Emendatione temporum.  the Conceit because falls, as he intimateth in the Chap. De Aera Hispanica, maintaining that the word Aera signified as much with the Ancient Latins, as Summa, and that in old Spanish Monuments, it was not set Aera, but Era, and therefore could not be corrupted out of A. oer. A. The Author he reprehendeth, because he seemeth to be so far in love with this new Conceit, that for no other reason he writ the whole Book of the correction of the Roman Year, only to acquaint the World with this plausible devise. A hard censure from a matchless man, for whom it had been happy that he had been ignorant but of this one thing, that he knew so much. James Christman, Keckerman's most learned Master, fetcheth this word out of his Arabi●k. It was called Aera saith he, from Arah; which in the Arabians tongue signifieth computare, to reckon. 
Ch●istm. i● lib. de connexione Annorum.  The Reader may enjoie the privilege of this variety, and take his Choice, if he take them all, he may perchance lack the right, and he shall not take much amiss if he take any; by either, and by that we have said he may easily understand in what manner the word is used in History.  
In stead of Aera which the Latins used, the Greeks writ Epoche, the same in effect; it being derived from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; signifying inhibere, because an Aera or Epoche doth restrain matters noted in Antiquity to that certain time which is so called. Concerning the Circle of the Sun and Moon each Almanac can tell; as for Eclipses, 
Simplicius in Secund lib. de Coelo.  the Babylonians being great Astronomers observed the most that were visible in the Horizon of Ashur during the space of this Monarchy, as Misthenes searched out in the Chaldean Archives, at the request of Aristotle in the time of Alexander; but these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came not to our hands, where any such observation shall be found to be, we will make use of that which is left, and griev for what is lost.  
That which first require's our diligence, is to find out whither this Monarchy were the first; which will prove a question, though it is not ordinarily doubted of. The reason of the Question is the account of Affricanus; which Scaliger following findeth it to reach backward beyond the Flood, and therefore he setteth down according to Julius Affricanus, two Dynastics before this of the Assyrians; the first of the Chaldeans whose State was overthrown by the Arabians, 
In libello Canonum Isagogic.  and then theirs by the Babylonians. The Scripture maketh no mention of any King before Nimrod, and this Monarchy of Syria is amongst all the Greeks and Latins accounted the most ancient; yet if it were as Julius saith, than were they but some petit governments, or else, which is most true, this Assyrian Monarchy was the first after the Flood, 
R. Aben Ezra.  which also is the very mind and speech of a great Doctor among the Jews.  
The second thing to be done, is to find out the Aera of this Monarchy, when it first began; which that it may be the better performed, we must first make sure of the great and grand Epoch of the World's Creätion, unto which the most of Nations direct their Chronologies. Supposing therefore out of Christian Philosophy, that this World had a beginning, 'tis most probable that it began in some Cardinal point of the Celestial Motions, either in the Solstice, or in the Equinox. Gerard Mercator supposeth the World's Creätion to have been about the Summer Solstice, the Sun being in Aries, but the Contrary will appear. The greatest controversy holds to the Equinoxes, the most holding that the Creätion was in the Vernal Equinox; the best, in the Autumnal. The Saeder Olam or Jewish Chronologie relates, that there was a great disputation between Rabbi Josue and Rabbi Eliezer concerning this Aera: Rabbi Josue striving for the Vernal, Eliezer for the Autumnal: The Latter will be found to be the most Orthodox in the opinion, as shall thus appear.  
And first no man can Question, but that the world began in that Period, from whence the old world reckoned their years, which he that maketh trial, shall find to be from the Autumnal intersection, as is most apparent in accounting the time of the Flood. Scaliger in Cap. de Conned. Mundi.  
This manner of Computation Abraham taught the Egyptians, as an Ancient Author Alexander Polyhistor testifieth. 
Euseb. l 9 de praep.  This Custom the Egyptians long retained, the Opinion always: for so, according to their mind, Julius Firmicus the great ginger reporteth that this was current, that the World was Creäted in posterioribus Librae: as we find, saith he, in the Barbarian Sphere. He spoke with a respect had to the Phaenomena of his time; but it appeareth plainly what the Egyptian Sphere, which he calleth Barbarian, 
See for the reason the great Critic upon the Sphoera Barbarica of Manilius.  had determined for the Epoch of the World's Creätion.  
The like Attestation may be observed in the Ancient Etrurians, whose custom was at the beginning of every Year, in stead of other Kalendars, to fix a Nail in their great Temple, which Festus Rufus and Livy witness to have been done in the Autumn.  
Add hereunto, that Moses calleth that the seventh Month, which in some part answereth to the Autumnal Equinox: This Month was called Aethanim, which the Chaldie Paraphrast expounding, confirmeth all that hath been said in these words.  
The Month Aethanim, which is now the seventh, was anciently called the first Month. Wherefore the Almighty God laid the foundations of this greater World in the first day of the Week at Even, beginning the 26 of October. the first portion of Aries being in the first House, and the first of Capricorn in the tenth, Libra, in the seventh, and Cancer in the fourth. The Sun, if then he had been, should have entered the first degree of Libra, Mercury the twelfth, and Venus the fourteenth: The Moon at the Conjunction: Saturn in the first of Aries, Jupiter in Virgo, Mars in Leo, and the Dragons-head in Pisces.  
This was the figure of the Heavens when they were first form, the same being Astronomically calculated and erected according to Tycho's Tables. See Calvisius.  
The Aera of the Deluge reckoned from hence will easily appear out of Moses, who listeth to search his Genealogies of the old World, shall find the sum to be 1656 years, with a fraction of 46 days.  
The Septuagint accounteth more, the Samaritans less: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Computus Samariticus ad Scaligerum, id est, Min Adam el Mocho Meeth Shanah, &c, from Adam to his death are 130 years, etc.  

Saeder Olam, Rabath & Z●tah.  That which we have set down is the account of the Hebrews both in their great Chronologie and the less, and is most agreeable to their great Prophet Moses. These things being done; we shall the better find out to what Aera our Kingdom of Ashur must be referred, which shall be found out in this manner.  
A priori this cannot be, but à posteriori thus. It must be observed in what year the City of Babylon was taken in the time of Alexander the Great, and that may easily be accomplished by the help of the Olympiads, and Nabonassar's Aera. Calvisius, with others, hath done it to our hands, and it is exact. It was saith he in the 3619 year of the World. This year of the World was the 1902 year of the Babylonish Monarchy, as the Chaldeans themselves declared to Calisthenes the Philosopher who was employed in this search, at the entreaty of his Tutor Aristotle, the latter sum being deducted from the former, 
Simplicius in Secund. lib. de Coelo.  there remaineth 1717 the Epoch or Aera which we sought for within a small matter. And for this we are greatly engaged to the dextrous care of our great Philosopher, whose diligence if it had not here also helped us, the beginning of this Kingdom had put Chronologers to an endlels labour. And now we dare believe Diodorus; he saith that the state of Ashur stood from the first to the death of Sardanapalus 1360 years, from thence to the taking of Astyages by Cyrus, Clesius a Physician of Cnidus accounteth 313 years, which thing happened in the year of the world 3391, in the first year of the 55 Olympiad: so 313 added 1360 make up the Sum of 1673, which deducted out of 3391 the year of the destruction of the Medes, there remaineth for the Epoch of this Babylonish Monarchy 1718. Wherefore from hence we must begin to reckon the Acts, Lives, and Successions of these Kings of Ashur: we begin therefore with the first; to wit, Nimrod.   

NIMROD. Annus Mundi 1718. Ante Christ. Nat. 2230. Cycle of the Sun 18. Cycle of the Moon 12.  

Nimrod.  
NImrod was the son of Chus, and he the son of Cham, for so saith Moses. And Chus begat Nimrod; and going forward, describeth the Man to be a Mighty Hunter, so famous, that it became a Proverb to say, Even as Nimrod a mighty Hunter before the Lord. The Text plainly showeth that this Nimrod was a King, when it saith, That the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel; the same also in the same words declareth, that he was a Babylonish King; So that our Monarchy was begun at Babel by Nimrod. In that he was called a Mighty Hunter, Aben Ezra expoundeth it in the better part; but for that he is reprehended by Ramban, who affirmeth that he was indeed a Hunter, but not to procure God's Altars, Offerings, as the other supposeth, because it is said he was a Hunter, mighty before the Lord; but he was called a Hunter, because he was so indeed; but not so only, but an oppressor too: his continual conversation with bruit beasts changed his humane disposition into a barbarous and agrestick behaviour, and the privilege of Dominion which he had long used over the beasts, he began to usurp over Men. So Ralbag expoundeth, He began, saith he, to be Mighty; that is, (saith the Rabbin) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parash. Noach. because he began to hunt after Domination or Principality. 
fol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  The same Rabbi in the same place saith, that he was called a mighty Hunter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he was mighty to hunt men, and to subdue them under him. Don Isaac Abarbinel intimateth a reason of men's subjection to him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, Because he made himself a mighty Hunter of Beasts and subdued them, the sons of men seeing that Bears and Lions were subdued before him with all their might, they also for fear of him submitted to him.  
It appeareth therefore by the general consent of the Hebrews, that this Nimrod was the founder of the Babylonish Kingdom, and that by a Tyrannical kind of absolute power, he subdued the world to this new kind of Government.  
Among the Greeks, hear what Epiphanius hath said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Others have said as much.  
Some have thought this Nimrod to be Ninus, others to be Belus, both unadvisedly; for that Nimrod was not Ninus, Justin approves out of his Author Trogus Pompey; for it was, saith he, from the beginning of this Monarchy till the time of Sardanapalus 1300 years, but he reckons that beginning from Ninus: but we have proved before, that the Epoch of this Kingdom comprehendeth 60 years more, and therefore cannot begin in the reign of Ninus, but 60 years before; which 60 years must be restored to some King before Ninus, either to Nimrod or Belus, or else divided between them both, and that is most likely; because Eupolemon an ancient Author maketh mention of Belus the second, which could not be without some reference to a Predecessor of the same name; and this without all question was our mighty Hunter, who after he had possessed a World of degenerate minds with the opinion of his greatness, easily wrought the unsettled fancies of the Vulgar sort into a necessary and undoubted superstition. The true God they had forgotten, or else they never knew him; a God they must have, quia nulla gens tam barbara, etc. Nimrod opposeth the fortitude and felicity of his designs, and easily intrappeth a multitude to worship him, who must needs worship some one, and besides him knew not whom: therefore instantly they call him Baal; or as we corruptly writ Bel; which in our language signifieth a Lord: and because after his death another succeeded, both in his Place and Name, he was called Bel from his Dominion, and Bel the second because Nimrod had reigned before him. This conjecture can produce a Patron to enforce the probability. 'Tis Abarbinel upon that place in Esaie▪ Bell is bowed down and Neho stoopeth. His words are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read the rest in that place.  
The Rabbin saith that the Latin Scribes have written that this Nimrod, who reigned first in Babel, made himself a God, and commanded that they should serve him, because 'twas he that first had builded Babel, etc. after this he made an Idol after his own Image and called it Bel.  
To this purpose the Rabbin concerning the Stature of Nimrod: I had said nothing, had not Methodius said too much; who affirmeth, and from him Luca Tudensis, that this Nimrod was no less than ten Cubits high, believ this that will; if it were, or could be so, the seventy Interpreters did well to call him a Giant.  
Of the manner of his death, Annius hath made Berosus lie, Spirits took him away; and Funccius will needs believ this, as appeareth by his Gloss upon the Fiction, that is (saith he) The Devils took him away for his grand Impiety, etc.  
Cedrene saith, that Nimrod was called Evechous▪ this he took from an Ancient Author Estiaeus of Miletum whose words are these.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which either are the words of the Author we have said, or else Eusebius. Vide Eusebium Scaligerianum. pag. 14.  
I find in one of those Manuscripts which were transported from Baroeïus his most famous Library to the University of Oxford, an observable abstract of Chronologie deduced from Adam, thence I transcribed what I found most convenient, for the illustration of that which we have now in hand. First therefore for the life of Nimrod, the Abstract saith thus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Tale aliquod ad Cedrenum Lego & ad Chronicon Alexandrinum, ubi vide.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & paulò post. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rurfus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The Author we see giveth a pregnant testimony to what we have said, 
See also Cedrens for this of Orion, and the Chronicon Alexandrinum.  adding also one thing more than we knew before that this Nimrod at his death was Deified, as in his life we have proved, so that he seemeth to be a God of some note, but if we mark, we shall find that his divinity transcends not the eight sphere.  
As his place was changed, so his name, that from Earth to Heaven, this from Nimrod to Orion: The Greek Poets would laugh at this, as we will now at them, having undoubtedly found the truest meaning of this Constellation. I will not burden the discourse nor employ the page with their vain Fictions; who list elsewhere to see them, let him repair to Higinus, Aratus, Manilius, Stoffler upon the Sphere of Proclus, and the nameless Scholiast upon Cesar Germanicus that was found in Sicily. This only I may say that, the Conceit was truly Poëtical; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, merely made, not told, as having no footstep in Story, nor foundation in Verity, save only their misconceit of the name Orion, quasi Urion: This infirm Gloss upon that word, however at the best not able to stand by itself, was after made far more impotent by their halting between two opinions; one while conceiving Orion to be that he is; another while to be Arctophylax: far widely guessing, the one being in the North, the other in the South. See Hesychius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ But how well our Author accordeth with the truth, we shall see and greatly approve. That Orion was a Hunter, the Greeks themselves con●ess. So Theon upon Aratus his Phaenomena page 539 of that which was printed in quarto at Paris.  
Moses recordeth the like of this Nimrod; the Fables also say he was a King; and in Jansson's Globes he is called Bellator fortissimus. The Astronomers of Arabia call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Algebar, that is as the Lxx doth, the Giant. All this agrees. Add hereunto his posture in the Heavens, highly becoming his profession, to show he was a Soldier, he is placed with sword and Buckler, and is therefore called by the sweetest Poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Musaeus in Her. & Leandro. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  To beetoken his Huntsmanship he holdeth in his hand the skin of a wild Beast, and in the Asterisms of Cesar Germanicus, he hath a Bow ready drawn: besides this he hath a Hare at his Feet, and the two Dogs behind. 
Cisleu f●om Cesil because of the inconstant weather which is caussed at the rising of this Star; for Cesil signifieth inconstancy;, of this see R. Benjamin in his itinerary.  Let now the Reader judge: nay Homer saith, That is Orion's dog, in these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to which Theon in Aratus addeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. because Orion being a hunter must have his Dog to follow him. Of this Orion Moses maketh mention, if he wrote the Book of Job, Chap. 9 and 9 yea God himself in the 38 of that Book, because he had to deal with an Arabian, questioneth him in his own Astrology, Canst thou bind (saith he) the swift influence of the Pleyades, or loos the bands of Orion? The Original in both places, as also in Amos, who had it from hence, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cesil, so called from the inconstancy of the weather at the Astronomical Asscension of this Constellation: from whence also their Month Cisleu.  
That this Cesil here signifieth a Star all agree, the difference is amongst them, which of all those innumerable Lights, this Cesil should be. Hierome by the instruction of his Jew no doubt, translate's it Orion. Rab Jonah in M. Kimchi saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by this Cesil is meant that great Star which the Arabians call Sohel: 
Rab. Jonah in Rab. K●mchi.  this Sohel is not Orion, but Canopus a bright Star that strikes the Horizon of Rhodes, and is placed in the Argonavis, as James Christman most truly collecteth out of the Arabian Alfraganus; and for this cause the learned Linguist turns head upon the whole strain of Interpreters who translates (with a general consent) Orion. I will not be so bold, because I am not so well able: yet I should ask his leave to follow the old interpretation for one reason of my own, because I see the Chaldee Paraphrast renders that word Cesil by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth a Giant; and therefore in all probability intended this mighty Hunter great Nimrod, bold Orion.  
The Reader may perchance ask one question, why Nimrods' name should be changed into Orion. I answer as near as I can conjecture, that this is the reason: Being upon the earth as he was, he was fitly called Nimrod, which signifieth a Tyrant; but when he began to be numbered among the Stars of Heaven, he was not unaptly termed Orion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or which signifieth the Sun, in the plural in Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orin, which signifieth the conspicuous Lights of Heaven, as these Stars in Orion rise to the elevation of Chaldea, glittering 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hipparchus of Bythinia in his Asterisms.  upon the Equinoctial in the North and South part of Heaven.   

Synchronism.  
The Language is Confounded, and the Earth divided.  
And therefore a man of note born at that time was called Peleg, that is Division, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dividere.  
In Nimrod's time Serug deserveth to be remembered, if that be true which Suidas writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
The Author saith, he was a Carver of Images, nay he addeth, that he was a teacher of Idolatry. If so, than this might be the man that made Nimrod God; see Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the same in Estiaeus of Miletum, whence Suidas had it. Eusebii Scaliger, pag. 13.  
Nahor is born in the thirtieth year of Serug, he lived one hundred and forty eight years; and was Abraham's grandfather.  
Nimrod teacheth the worship of the Host of Heaven, maketh the Sun the greatest God above, and himself below. See Abarbinel, upon Genesis at these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abarb. in par. Noach.  
Of the worship of the Sun we have already discoursed in the Manners of the Assyrians; from these the Idolatry spread itself to the Egyptians, Persians, Medes, and throughout the whole world: No Nation but worshipped the Host of Heaven. The Scythians worshipped the North Star, and called it the Iron  Nail. As for the Planets they were the constant Gods of all Countries, to whom the very Weekdays have been by the most Ancient Nations religiously dedicated. We will instance only in our own, Sunday and Moon-daie from the Sun and Moon; tuesday from Tuisco, Mercury; wednesday, from Woden, Mars; thursday from Thor, Jupiter; friday from Friga, Venus; saturday from Seater, Saturn.  
These were the first Gods the Greeks knew, and therefore they called from these all other; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because these kept their continual course without interruption.  
The Paeonians adored the Sun under the form of a Cup-dish. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Maximus the Tyrian, Serm. 38. Because the Sun seemeth to resemble that form, and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes taken for Solis Orbis.  
The Reason that moved Nimrod to command the worship of the Sun, was first, the manifold benefits redounding to Men by this most glorious Planet: Secondly, because the Sun was chief amongst the Planets, which these Nations easily knew by their great searches of Astrology.  
Nimrod teacheth the worship of fire, as seeming to bear a great affinity with the Sun; or else because it was the custom of Sem's God to answer by fire, as at Abraham's offering when the birds were divided, and as some think, at Abel's offering; for this was a great argument of God's acceptance if he consumed the offering; which is the reason, that where the English Metaphrase readeth, Thou shalt accept our offerings, Psal. 51. The Hebrew saith, Thou shalt consume etc. The like was done in the time of King Solomon, and in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes under the Maccabees, whereof see Josephus in his Hebrew History.  
It might therefore come thus to pass, that these perceiving that there was a voice came in the fire, and the fire only appeared and consumed the offerings, upon this conceit they thought reverently of the fire; This Idolatry also was not contained within Vr of the Chaldees, but the Persian had it in high estimation. Herod. Diodor. Q Curtius, Arrian, Strabo, etc. After these the Trojanes, than the Romans.  
Maximus Tyrius very elegantly reprehendeth this kind of Idolatry in his Sermon aforesaid. Suidas and Ruffinus tell a Story of our Chaldeäns concerning their God Fire. Suidas thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The sum is, that the Chaldeäns once upon a time carried their God about to try the mastery amongst all others, so it came to pass that the fire consumed all Gods that were made, of brass, gold, silver, wood or stone: but when they came to Egypt, Canopus the Priest worked wililie, and to save the credit of the old Gods, makes a new in this manner: He takes an old water vessel full of holes, stopped up with wax, and upon this he set's the head of an old Idol, in comes the fire, and being placed under the God, the wax melt's, and the fire was extinguished: from henceforth the Fire lost its credit among all Nations, as it is at this day.    


Belus 2.  
THis Belus whether he were this Son or Nephew of Nimrod, or what affinity to him he might have, Antiquity discovereth not. Reyneccius is bold to conceiv, that this was Arphaxat; if ye ask the reason, he answereth, Because S. Cyril calleth this Belus Arbelus, which he indeavoureth to wring out of Arphaxat; the conceit as I conceiv is slender, though this Author deserveth well of all Historians.  
Sanchuniathen, an ancient Author among the Phoenicians, affirmeth that this Belus was the Son of Saturn: This was Nimrod so called by the profane Autors, as many have conceived: if so, then Nimrod is he of whom Ovid speaks, that in his time the Golden age flourished, So Eupolemon.  
Certainly that Conceit of the Poets, in comparing the Ages of the World to Metals, seemeth to have sprung from Daniel's own Comparison, which he relateth out of the King's dream concerning the Head of Gold, the Arms and Shoulders of Silver, etc. In that since, Nimrod might be Saturn; & Belus might be his successor, to wit, Jove; for so this Bell was called: And thus, forgiving Ovid the fable, this is nothing else, but what he hath said, That the golden Age, that is, the Age designed by the head of Gold, was in the days of Saturn, that is, Nimrod. 'Tis ordinarily granted, that Ovid had seen the books of Moses, and under the same privilege he might also read the Prophet Daniel, fetching his golden days from hence, and Saturn from thence.  
Whereas this Bell was called Jove, it is to be understood, that as Bel was a name proper, first to the true God (for so he is called in Osee,) so Jehovah also was a sacred expression of the Trinity in Unity at the first, and afterwards by the Sacrilege of a crooked generation unaptly given to these arrogant Kings. Belus perhaps first called the Sun so, and himself afterwards; as Nimrod did the Sun by the name of Bel: which name the Sun still kept in Phoenicia long after these times, for there they called the S●n Baalsemen, that is the Lord of Heaven. And that the Sun was called Jove, the Devil confesseth in the Oracle of Apollo Clarius.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
When or where this Bell died it is unknown; and how many years he lived, is altogether as uncertain: this only is true, that 60 years must be distributed between him and his predecessor, but at what proportion this distribution should be made is no way manifest.   

Synchronismi.  
OF the Sicyonians. See Pausanias, Suidas, Homer remembreth them. Iliad β.  
The Kingdom of the Sicyonians was founded in the Reign of Belus in Peloponnesus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same see also in the successions of Affricanus. both say that this Kingdom was first founded by Aegialeus, from whom Peloponnesus was first called Aegialia. Note the Antiquity of the Greeks, whose first beginnings were founded in Sicyonia: which place was so called from Javan, who first pitched his Tent there, For Sicyon is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Succoth Javan, or it may be set Succah Jon, the dwelling of Javon, by whom throughout the whole Scripture the Hebrews understood the Greeks: hence Iönes, and the Iönick tongue, in which the most ancient Poets are exstant.  
Terah the Father of Abraham is born.    


Ninus.  
THis Ninus was the Son of Belus, so all profane History affirmeth by a common consent, Justine, Diodorus, and the rest.  
The brief discourse of this King's life, see in Justin. Ctesias of Cnidas wrote the better part of his more noble expeditions, but Diodorus confesseth that none ever writ them all. Diodorus ex Ctesia. He made war with many Nations, and was the first as these Autors think that violated that community which men formerly enjoyed. It seems he was the first that they knew; but Moses telleth us of one before him, and Eupolemon of another.  
Ninus made war with the King of the Bactrians, in which war his Captain Menon fell in love with Semiramis in which suit Ninus was corrival and got the Gentlewoman; not her good will; doing not what she would, but what he listed; for that, Menon becomes desperate, and for the loss of his Love casts away himself. Ctesias.  
Colophonius Phoenix a Poet, hath thus set forth the life of this Prince. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.   

Ninus vir quidam fuit, ut audio, Assyrius, qui auri Mare possidebat: Et alia, copiosius quàm arena est Caspia.  
Astra nunquam vidit, nec forsitan id optavit.  
Ignem apud Magos Sacrum non excitavit.  
Et lege Statutum est: Deum nec Virgis attigit.  
Sacrificiis, Deos non est veneratus: jura non reddidit.  
Subjectos sibi populos affari non didicit: ac nè numerare quidem.  
Verùm ad edendum, ac bibendum strenuissimus.  
Vinúmque miscens, caetera in Saxa amandabat.  
Vir ille ut Mortuus est, hoc de se testimonium reliquit omnibus.  
Sepulchrum hoc conspicatus, nunc ubi Ninus sit, Audi.  
Sive sis Assyrius, sive Medus, sive Coraxus, sive à supervis Indus capillatus; frivola non denuncio.  
Quondam ego Ninus fui, Spiritumque vitalem, hausi: Nunc verò aliud nihil, quàm serra factus sum.  
Quicquid comedi, habeo; quicquid volupe mihi fuit.  
Et quiquid pulcharum foeminarum in amore lascivii.  
Opes, quibus eram beatus; inimici coeuntes.  
Auferent, hoedum ut crudum quae bacchantur Thyades.  
Ad inferos cùm descendi, nec aurum, nec equum.  
Nec argenteum currum egi.  
Cinis jam multus, qui olim Mitram gestavi.  Athenaeus lib. 12.  
Diodorus speaking of this Ninus giveth another report, for he saith this Man was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, born to be Martial, and valorous even to emulation.  
Ninus made war with the Armenians in which case their King Barzanes perceiving himself too weak, conquered his enemy by his submission: which Ninus ingeniously apprehending, as generously rewarded, and restored the Kingdom to the King again. Diodor. lib. 2.  
Ninus dyeth, and was buried in the Palace, in memorial of whom was erected a most stately Monument in Height nine furlongs, and in breadth ten: a wonderful sumptuous Tomb, if Ctesias say true. But Scaliger saith, that he was Scriptor Nugacissimus; If he were, I wonder much that Diodorus should so often use his Authority, as is most certain that he doth.  
Concerning the City which Ninus builded, the Author of the Chronological Abstract before cited, saith thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

Synchronismi.  
FRom Ninus to Sardanapalus is 1300 years. Justin out of Trogus Pompeie.  
Zoroastres reigned in Bactria, Justin.  
Farnus in Media. Diod.  
Ariaeus in Arabia. Diod,  
Barzanes in Armenia. Diodorus.  
In the time of Ninus also Vexores was King of Egypt. Tanaïs' of Scythia. Justine ex Trogo.  
Salian thinketh it absurd that there should be any King before the division of the World, and therefore condemneth Julius Affricanus for his Dynasties of the Arabians, and reprehendeth Justine for these Kings of Egypt and Scythia, which are set down by Trogus Pompeie. So, as if the succession had been long. But Justine, and these Autors deserv our credit: for the Aera of the Egyptian dynasty, or the Scythian, I find in the falls Berosus too much, elsewhere too little, Diodorus is best, but with him the first Kings of Egypt were all Gods. See further, Diod. Lib. 1.  
In the Reign of Ninus great Abraham was born.  
Because the Nativivitie of this famous Patriarch Abraham is of special note and use in History, it seemeth to deserv more at our hands, then to be carelessly committed to the protection of a bare Assertion; meriting rather some peremptory proof, especially since learned Scaliger hath conceived the contrary. Rather therefore then we will doubt of his credit, we will for his sake call the truth in Question, doubtingly demanding  
Whether Abraham were born in the 43 year of King Ninus, yea or no?  
A great Master in History, and our only guide in Chronologie affirmeth, Eusebius Pamphilus, and he out of the reverend relics of old Castor, Thallus, etc. first in his first Book, and again in his second, which he calleth his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In both he useth these and the same words.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. the same Author pleasing himself in the verity of this persuasion, repeat's the same again in his Evangelical Preparative, where he beareth witness to himself, and to what he had said elsewhere,— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ità Epiphanius lib 1. pagina 10. edit Basiliensis.  The Reader may be pleased to note his confidence in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and his great industry herein, in those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. George Cedrens and Epiphanius, no way mistrusting such elaborate Canons, 
Ced●enus in, Compendio Histor.  take it for granted; proposing and approving the Authority of this great Chronologer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wonder we then what should moov great Scaliger to set down Abraham born in the year of Beluchus, long after Ninus. His follower and admirer Helvicus hath no other reason but the authority of his great example. The truth is Scaliger confesseth that his forerunner in this conceit was George Syncellus, a Monk. This George was learned but (in the opinion of Scaliger) a most severe Critic, and Censorious judge of Fusebius Pamphilus, whose Chronologie he transcribed and examined. In his Examination, he found that Eusebius undertaking to follow Affricanus, yet when he comes to the Trojan times, forsaketh him, interrupting the succession by rasing out four Kings at once. Thus indeed Eusebius hath done. Salian a diligent Writer among the Moderns, 
Animad. version. Scalig. ad Eusebium, pagin. 15. & in No tis.  excuseth the error of his History, by the Heresy of his profession: as if an Arrian (if he were one) might not be a good Historian. We shall forbear to seek to save his credit, by discovering so much of his infamy: but the reason why he thus did, was to rectify the errors of Affricanus, whose Chronologie though it will no ways hold in all points, yet it best agreeth this ways; for if we restore him his four Kings again he himself will be found subject to greater inconveniences, and more abound in Anachronisms, than before. This I then rather incline to, for my own particular, because I have considered, that though George Cedrens professeth himself in the first page of his work, constantly to follow the aforenamed Syncellus, yet in this matter he refuseth him: at once acknowledging and leaving his error, for Cedrens plainly setteth down our Patriarch born in the 43 of Ninus as aforesaid. Thus to the probable falsehood of renowned Scaliger, 
Thus also Salian, Funccius, Angelocrator, Alapide, Narclerus: but this later desscenteth one year, or else the the Printer was too blame  we have set down the probability of the contrary; to his greatness we oppose three to one, and those all great, who cannot but demerit our belief, because their process is Astronomical, and their Chronologies faithfully contracted out of the larger Volumes of Celestial Revolutions and infallibly grounded upon the Laws of Heaven. These are Gerard, Merca●or, Cethus, Calvisius, and Capellus; who all consent in this, that Abraham was born in the 43 of Ninus, which was the thing to be proved.  
This Man for his Admirable skill in Celestial contemplations was noted by many Autors among the Heathen. Herataeus of Abd●ra wrote whole Volumes of his Acts and Monuments. Berosus observeth that he was a great Astronomer: and Josephus saith he read this part of the Mathematics to the Egyptians.  
Nicolas of Damascus relateth a brief Story of his life agreeable to Moses.  
Alexander out of Eupolemon maketh mention of this Abraham, testifying that he was the inventor of Astrology among the Chaldeans, they tell also of his Expedition, and Melchisedeth, etc. Euseb.  
Artapanus recordeth, that the Jews were called Hebrews from Abraham; he saith also that Abraham went into Egypt and taught the King Astronomy, the King's name he calleth Pharetho, his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: He would say Pharaoh. Thus Artapanus in Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Melo in his Discourse against the Jews writeth also of this Abraham, and saith that he was so called, to express thus much in force, to wit his Father's Friend, one part of his name signifieth a Father indeed; and the other, according as it might be written, might be forced to signify a Friend: but let that pass. This Melo telleth of his two wives, of his sons by both, and summeth up his whole Story. Of these testimonies: See more in Eusebius Pamp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Concerning Abraham thus Eusebius.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 19  
See also what Julius Africanus hath storied of Abraham, and his Expedition to Pentapolis. Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pag. 19    


Semiramis.  
ALL Writer have showed their good will to make the world acquainted with the renown of this manly woman, but in their discourse there hath been as much deceit, as in her desert. Diodorus confesseth her pedigree to have no better Authority then from the Fables. The most say she was the Wife of Ninus; so Ctesias and Diodorus, and many besides: but Conon in Photius saith, she was the Mother of Ninus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But the error of this ancient Author is most apparent, for by Ninus he meaneth Ninias, who also was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Affricanus witnesseth: and so indeed she was the Wife of Ninus, and the Mother of his son Ninias, which Conon undoubtedly meant: for he saith that the reason why she was supposed to be his wife was, because she unwittingly lay with him. Justine expound's the Autors mistake, who saith indeed that she would have been incestuous with her Son; which fact her son by an unnatural kind of piety, punished with her life.  
Because Diodorus saith, that when this Semiramis was exposed (according to the Ancients) a Shepherd took her in, whose name was Simma. Reyneccius conjectures from hence, that she was the Daughter of Sem. 'Tis uncertain who, or what she was: Semiramis she was called, which because it signifieth a Dove in their language, therefore it seems her Subjects for the sacred memory of her names sake worshipped the Pigeons ever after.  
But Scaliger saith he findeth no such word in Syriack in that sens; the Critic shall be pardoned for that, 'tis like there is now no such world; However, there might Vetus verborum interit aetas, Et juvenum ritu, florent 〈◊〉 modò nata, vigéntque. So the Poet in his Art Poëtica.  
Words have their ages: the Obsolete die, and young Phrases grow up and thrive in their places. Hesychius emboldeneth us, for he saith that,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If Semiramis be a Wood-Pigeon in Graece, it may perchance have been an Hous-Pigeon in the Country of Ashur.  
Semiramis her exploit of the Elephants in the Bactrian and Indian war, see in Diodorus.  
The Germane Writers say, her son Trebeta built Trevers, which they peremptorily conclude out of their own presumption upon the rotten reputation of an old eaten Epitaph.  
Of the great Stone which this Queen caussed to be cut out of the Armenian Mountains, see also Diodorus lib. 2.  
Justin relateth out of Trogus Pompeie, that this Queen after her Husband's death, fearing in the subject's hearts some disloial prejudice of her son's minority, invested her Majestical spirit in her son's habit, and approved herself to be by valiant acts, not what she was, a woman; but what they thought her to be; a Prince discreet, politic, and most fortunate.  
This Queen built the walls of Babylon. So Ovid, as we have said; so Dionysius Afer 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
The Anonymus Scholiast upon Aristoph. saith, that she builded the City.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And so many others have been deceived with her fame, and attributed to her name the building of the City, who had erected nothing but the walls, nor those walls whereof Diodorus speaks; for both those, and the City were builded by a Syrian King: as Didorus confesseth of the Horti pencils, and might have done of these also; however he, and they that think otherwise, deceiv themselves: for this was done by the King of Babel, as we will prove out of Berosus, in the life of Nebuchadonosor.  
Semiramis reigned 42 years, Justine, Africanus.  
Semiramis erected herself a Tomb, inscribed thus, What King soever wanteth money, let him open this Monument, and take his desire. This Darius Hystaspis assaying to do, found a check within the Tomb, wherein the Queen had thus written, Nisi vir malus esses, haud sanè mortuorum loculos scrutâsses.   

Synchronismi.  
SEmiramis fenceth in Babylon the head-city with a famous wall, 
Coctilibus muris cinxisse  
Semiramis urbem.  Ovid. Metamorph. She builded a Wall, but not that famous Wall which the Greeks tell of, but for that are reproved by the true Berosus.  
In the time, and by the appointment of Semiramis the first Eunuches were instituted: This the Queen did for necessity, but the Kings after her used it amongst their royal superfluities: a thing ordinary in the Persian and Babylonish Court.  
That this Queen was the first appointer of this chaste attendance for her Bed-cham●●● Ammianus testifieth.  
In honour of Semiramis the Kingdom of Ashur bore the Dove in their Coat armour; but it is out of my element to blazon it, either by Planets or otherwise: for this Coat-armour is scarcely found among the Heralds: nor can it be certain what the Field was, though the charge is known to be a Dove, yet because 'tis a Princes, one thing is undoubted, that Emperors and Kings ought to bear Gold in their Arms, and then it might be thus;  
The Field is Sol, a Dove volant proper, etc.  
Learned Pierius endeavouring as near as he can to read all things in Egyptian Characters, supposeth the Story of Semiramis her Dove, to be Hieroglyphical, noting out her notable lasciviousness; for so he saith, that this Queen was venereous.  
Autors indeed are divers; but the most are of a contrary opinion. Many suppose that place in the Prophet Hieremie, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mippene hreu haiônah, fugite à facie Columbae, to be understood of the Assyrians, because as we said, they bore the Dove in their Warlike ensigns. So Cornelius à Lapide, and many others, following the Interpretation of Hierome, who at the 13 of Esaie writeth, that God calleth Nebuchadnezar, Columbam. So a most Ancient Saxon Translation in the Library of Christ-Church in Oxford, from the face of the sword of the Kulver. If the Interpretation pass, as it may, that which hath been said may make for the illustration: for then 'tis thus, Flee from the Sword of the Dove, that is, from their sword who display their Banners in the field with the Ensign of a Dove.  
Herald's may here take notice of the Antiquity of their Art, and for their greater credit, blazon abroad this precious piece of Antientrie; for before the time of Semiramis we hear no news of Coats or Crests.    


Zames sive Ninias.  
OF this King see Justine out of Trogus Pompeie.  
A fragment out of Ctesias in Athenaeus relateth, that he was a Luxurious Prince.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Sic Ctesias.  
Diodorus also maketh mention of this Zames Ninias, in whom see further.  
That this Ninias spent his time otherwise then became a Prince, Trogus relateth in Justine in these words.  
Filius ejus Ninus contentus elaborato à parentibus imperio, belli studia deposuit & veluti sexum cum matre mutâsset, rarò à viris visus in foeminarum turba consenuit. Posteri quoque, ejus exempla secuti, responsa gentibus per internuncios dabant.   

Synchronismi.  
ABout the time of this Ninias, happened that remarkable Judgement of God upon Pentapolis, or the five Cities, to wit, Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboïm and Segor; which deserves to be remembered as well by us, as a profane Historian Cornelias Tacitus; whose attestation to Moses in this matter is well worth our consideration.  
The Author having described the Lake of Sodom, addeth as followeth,  
Haud procul indè campi, quos olim uberes magnísque urbibus habitatoes, fulminum jactu arsisse, & manere vestigia, terrámque specie torridam vim frugiferam perdidisse. Nam cuncta sponte edita, aut manu sata sive herbâ tenus aut flore, seu solitam in speciem adolevere, atra & inania velut in cineres evanescunt. Ego sicut Judaïcas quondam urbes igne coelesti flagrâsse concesserim, ità halitu lacûs infici terram, corrumpi superfusum spiritum eóque foetus segetum & Autumni putrescere reor, Solo, caelóque juxtà gravi. Tacitus Hist. lib. 4. pag. 619. Lipsianae editionis in octavo.  
The Author of the Abstract before mentioned, when he cometh to Ninus, setteth down to succeed him one Thourias, who was called Ares, to whom he saith they made the first Statue, and called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is Lord God:) of which saith he the Prophet Daniel hath made mention. Suidas either had this from this Author, or he from Suidas, who hath written the same; for as I know not the Author, so neither his time. It was after Eusebius; how long, I yet cannot tell, whereas they cite Daniel, we are to understand, not that Man of desires, but his name's sake, entitled to the Story of Bell and the Dragon, which who will may read more at large in Hebrew, then 'tis found in Greek, if they will patiently revolv the Stories of Josippus the Jew, called also Gorionides. After Thourias the Abstract placeth lame, than Sardanapalus; omitting that whole succession of Affricanus without recompens, more than of Thourias and lame, neither of which are known.  
Thus far the better hand of pure Antiquity hath helped us.  
Julius Affricanus reckoneth up ●he Kings from Zames to Sardanapalus; and after him Eusebius: and amongst the Moderns, Funccius, Angelocrator, Henningius, Reyneccius, and divers others. Those that deserv greatest commendation, are first and chief Sethus Calvisius in his judicious Chronologie: After him Salian in his Annals; so Joseph Scaliger in his Isagogical Canons.  
However I might have both their help and Authority, yet I forbear so to fill up the great Chasm in this part of our Monarchy: yet it shall not be said that I refused to follow such great Leaders, for a little reason.  
Amongst others, these two have principally persuaded.  
First because the Account of Africanus, reckoned per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, summing up the years of each King together, agreeth not with the Computation of the years in general.  
Secondly, because we find in Autors of undoubted Credit, some Kings of Ashur, whom notwithstanding we find not in the succession of Africanus: as for Example, Moses maketh mention of Amraphel, whom the Hebrews would have to be Nimrod: grounding their conceit upon a fabulous Etymology; because they say Abraham was brought before Nimrod for burning his Father Terah's Idols, and being then but three years old, discoursed before the Tyrant concerning the Creätor of Heaven and Earth: Nimrod proudly replied, that it was he that made the Heavens and the host of Heaven; if so said Abram, then say thou to thy Sun, that he should rise in the West, and set in the East, and I will believ thee; Nimrod thus exasperated with the child's audacity and discretion, commands that he should be cast into the fire; therefore the Jews say, that he was called Amraphel from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amar and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phul that is dixit descend, he said to Abraham, go, go down into the fire, and this say they is Vr of the Chaldees, out of which God brought Abraham. This Story is in the Book of Maase Torah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & postea. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Munster's Annotations upon Genesis where these words and the entire Story is set down out of the aforesaid Book▪ but this discourse is idle.  
Again Suidas maketh mention of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who reigned after Ninus; and Macrobius of one Deleboris: but of these or either of them, Africanus saith nothing. Some would have that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Suidas to be Arius in Affricanus: their reason is a Conjecture from another name, which this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had: for which see Suidas, in this word Thurias.  
Besides all this, Diodorus reckoneth but thirti● Kings from Ninias to Sardanapalus; But Affricanus accounteth more. This disorder and disagreement in the matter hath moved us to break of the Succession in this place from Ninias to Sardanapalus, interposing one only Prince, of whom Diodorus maketh mention, that in his time happened the Noble Expedition of the Argonauts, and the wars of Troie. The King's name was Teutames; but in what place to rank him, I find not, not following Affricanus.  
So doth the Abstract, leaving out all those Kings which in Affricanus and the falls Berosus were suspected adulterine: a thing in this nameless Author much to be regarded; for certainly he took it for granted, that this part of the Succession was merely lost, and without hope of recovery. I will add one reason more, which at this instant takes me up, that the maintainers of these Kings, reciting their names, put's the Readers off so slenderly, that we cannot but suspect them; for of each King they still disgracefully report that he did nothing worthy of memory: a likely matter, that all those Kings were idle.  
The Trojan war is famous, and a great part thereof Fabulous.  
For the History, see Dictys the Cretian, and Dares the Trojan; translated, the one out of the Phoenician Language, 
Or rather our own Josephus Iscanus.  the other out of the Greek tongue by Cornelius Nepos; though some have called in question the credit of both these.  
See also Valerius Flaccus in Latin, and Apollonius in Greek for these Argonauts.  
The last King therefore of the first state of this Monarchy was Sardanapalus; as Diodorus and Trogus make mention. Diodor. lib. 2. Justin ex Trogo libro. 1.    


Sardanapalus.  
He was the son of Anacyndraxis. A most obscene and most lascivious Prince, set forth not only in his nature, but his name also, as Cicero hath observed.  
Justine relateth his wanton and enormous practices; so Diodorus, and Athenaeus, Suidas, and many more: scarce an Author that passed by his infamy, without a reprehension and reproach.  
An Ancient Author, Duris in Athenaeus deserveth to be read concerning the manners of this womanly and effeminate Prince: Hoc solo imitatus virum, (saith Justine) in this only he was like a man, in that he burned himself. Of the manner how, read Athenaeus; and of the reason why, see Causabon's discourse upon that place.  
The most renowned Atchieument that ere this Prince brought to pass was, that he built two Cities in one day, Tarsus and Anchialus: as the Epitaphsi make mention in the Autors aforenamed.  
For so Aristobulus report's, that his Tomb was set at Anchialus thus inscribed,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, Sardanapalus, Anacyndraxi filius, Tarsum & Anchialum eodem die condidit. Ede, bibe, lude: nam caetera omnia nec hujus sunt: that is, not worth a sillip. For so his Statue was carved, as if his hands had given a fillip, and his mouth had spoken those words.  
The like Epitaph was inscribed upon a stately Monument in Ninive, in the Chaldee tongue, which the Greek Poet Chaerilus thus translated:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Caetera vide apud Amyntam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenaeus.  
The like was at Tarsus, where S. Paul was born: at which this Apostle without question alluding to that place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let us eat and drink, for to morrow we shall die.  
The great Enormities of this King brought forth the Confusion of the Kingdom, the instrument whereof, was the Rebellion of his Captain Arbaces Governor of the Medes, with whom Sardanapalus fought for the Monarchy, and got the victory once, and the second time: upon which success the effeminate Prince presuming, the third time in a secure disdain went not in person, because also the Oracle had undoubtedly foretell, that the State of Ninive should never totter, till the River Tigris proved hostile; which in the King's judgement could never be. But it fell out otherwise; for in this third Skirmish, Tigris swelling over his bounds, by the vantage of a greater flood then ordinary, played an unneighbourly part, and battered down his own borders; at whose irruption a great part of the impregnable wall was laid level with the ground, the city itself opening to her adversaries, to check the vice of her Governors.   

Synchronismi.  
Tarsus and Auchialus founded by Sardanapalus in one day.  
In the time of Sardanapalus, Arbaces was Governor of the Medes, and Belochus of the Babylonians. Much question might be made in this place, what King continued the Monarchy; whether Belochus were Phul, or no: or if not, who this Phul might be. A question to this purpose is largely discussed in Sir Walter Raleighs History; yet notwithstanding that, and what hath been elsewhere said of that, I ingeniously profess that I am ignorant at this time where to place this Phul: yet for the present, I observe the common order.    


PHUL. Circa Annum Mundi 3182.  
Phul  
IS an Assyrian name, as Scaliger witnesseth: sometimes used alone, as here; elsewhere in Composition, as in this King's Successor, Tiglath Phul Afer.   

Synchronismi.  
IN the time of Phul, Menabem was King in Israël; 2 Kings 15. Josephus, Sed. Olam.  
In Egypt reigned Mycerinus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whose Life and Acts are recorded by Herodotus in Euterpe.  
The Oracle brought word to this King that he should from thenceforth live but six years, and die in the seventh. The King hearing this, commanded that certain Lamps should be made for the night time, which he had purposed to spend in jovialtie, whilst others slept; that so he might delude the Oracle, and live twice the longer by taking so much more notice of his days.  
See Herodotus in Euterpe, pag. 140. circa ista verba.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
About this time Nabonassar lived; of whom see Ptolemy, but he was not yet King.  
Vzias was now King of Juda: in whose days happened that notable Earthquake, of which Josephus relate's, that in the horror thereof, a Mountain toward the West cleft in sunder, and removed from its proper place the space of four Furlongs, or half a mile; and further it had proceeded, had not a greater Mountain toward the East stayed its Cours.  
Of this Earthquake the Prophet Amos maketh mention: by occasion whereof, see what Aben Ezra saith upon that place, page 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and also what Kimchi saith in the next side, in that Edition which Robert Stephanus put forth.    


Tiglath Philassar.  
THis King subdued Galilee.  
He also carried the Tribe of Napthali into Captivity.   

Synchronismi.  
IN the time of Tiglath Philassar, Achaz reigned in Judah: 2 Chron. 28.  
This King had a famous Dial: and therefore the invention of the Sciateries is more Ancient than Anaximenes. This Dial was a South Vertical, placed upon the wall of the King's Palace: So à Lapide: and it stands well with the explication of the Phaenomenon of the Sun's Retrocession. And that it was a Dial, see Peter Novius, and Clavius, two incomparable Mathematicians, the one in his second Book of Navigation; the other, in the first of his gnomonics.    


Salmanassar.  
Ordinary Chronologers commonly conceived this Salmanassar to be Nabonassar, of whom Ptolemy speaks: But Scaliger dispute's the point against all. Calvisius also; but this last, especially against Funccius. Both agree, that this Salmanassar was not that Nabonassar. Scaliger giveth the reason, both from the name, time, and other Circumstances: which though Sir Walter Raleigh admires, yet he condemns. Time now giveth not leave to inquire, much less to determine the differences. Sethus Calvisius placeth the Prince about that time we have set him. His time is much to be enquired after, it being a most famous Epoch, from whose time Chronologie can demonstrate by the aid of Astronomy, that the Affairs passed since that time, are registered in Heaven.  
Who so saith that Salmanassar was Nabonassar, is deceived; as afterwards shall appear: neither is he any other but himself, and none otherwise called. Scaliger was bold to call him Merodac; but he repent of that in his Canons Isagogical.   

Synchronismi.  
HEre beginneth, or not far of, that Nabonassar's famous Aera, from whence Ptolemy in his Almagest accounteth the Celestial motions.  
He ruled in Babylonia, in the year of the world. 3203, the Circle of the Sun being 19, and the Circle of the Moon 15, the Dominical Letter E. Upon the 26 of February at Noon, the Sun's mean motion being 45 Minutes in Pisces, the Moon in the eleven degree of Taurus, and 22 Scruples.  
The Original of the Samaritans, out of a Colony transplanted by the King of Ashur, they were called Cuthaei, because there came most from Cuth, as Elias Tisbites in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuth.    


Sennacherib.  
OF his behaviour to King Hezechiah, see the Prophet Esaie, and the High Priest's Annals or Chronicles.  
The Egyptians in Herodotus tell a most memorable story of this King: That going forth with his Army against Egypt, it came to pass that one night a Plague of Mice came upon him, and unweaponed his soldiers, by devouring their Harness-ties of Leather. In memory whereof the Priests provided a statue like this Prince in stone, holding a Mous in his hand, with this Inscription;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Who▪ ere beholdeth me, let him learn to be religious; Herodot. in Euterp.  
Some suppose, that this intends that great foil of this king's Army by the hand of an Angel. An Angel might do both.  
This Sennacherib was slain by his Sons in the Temple of Jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Nisroc. See the reason in Rabbi Solomon upon that place. See also the Hebrew Edition of Apocryphal Tobit the first Chapter.   

Synchronismi.  
HEzechiah, King of Judah.  
In his time happened, that strange Phenomenon when the Sun went ten degrees back. Peter Nonius the Portugal discourseth of this wonder and proveth it to be a Miracle, because it was done in the temperate Zone: for (as he proveth) Jerusalem is so situate. This he conceiveth had been no wonder between the Tropics: but he is twice deceived; first because the Sciatericks teach, that if in the Temperate Zone a Plain be elevated less than the Sun's declination, the same would come to pass. 2. He supposeth the wonder to be in the Shadow's going back, which was not; but in the Regress of the Sun itself; for the Shadow might have gone back naturally.    


Asarhaddon.  
HE reigned after the death of his Father, and after this King we read of no successor he had; and therefore History guided by the Circumstances of time, concludes that this was the next vicissitude, wherein the Assyrians again lose their Power; and the Babylonians continue, and end this first Monarchy.  
Some have thought that the Kings of Babel only in this last succession were set forth by the Golden Head: So Hugh Broughton, a most learned man: but there is nothing to defend his Tenet, but his Authority: and that he shall have in some other thing.  
The better to understand the Babylonish Monarchy, we will set down their Succession, which Ptolemy hath recorded from Nabonassar, to the end of this Kingdom. Scaliger made much of this rare Canon, but obtained it not in the perfection: Sethus Calvisius hath the right which he he obtained of an English man, the then Dean of Paul's.  

Κανων Βασιλεων.  
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This I transcribed out of the Greek Manuscript which we have extant in the Archive of our Public Library; and a most precious Monument it is, as Sethus Calvisius truly conceived of it.    


The First King in this last dynasty of Ashur was  
Nebuchadnezar.  
FOr the Composition of his Name, see what Scaliger saith, where he setteth down the Simples of the Babylonish names.  
The Canon calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and there he succeedeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so Nabopolassar was the Father of Nebuchadnezar. He is called sometimes Nebuchadonosor; That he was the son of Nabopolassar, this Canon in Eusebius page 38 saith plainly in these words.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was put in by Eusebius, or else left out of that Canon which we have in the Archives.  
Funccius therefore doth ill to make Nebuchadnezar to be the same with Nabopolassar, which Calvisius hath observed, and for other, and better reasons refuted.  
Megasthenes the Persian thus writeth of this King.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Euseb p 41. etc. i.e. That this Nebuchadnezar was more famous than great Hercules, and that he subdued Lybia, Asia. etc.  
The same Author reporteth, that the Chaldeans relate, that this King returning home, fell mad: and being in a Fanatic vein, foretold the destruction of Babel,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that is, I Nebuchadonosor, O Babylonians, foretell your ruin, which neither Belus our Progenitor, nor our Goddess Beltis shall be able to persuade the fates to remove away. There shall come a Persian Mule, etc. meaning Cyrus. Caetera vide pag. 41 Eusebil scaligerianis.  
The Author intendeth that story of this King, recorded by Daniel, that he was among the beasts, etc.  
Thus Megasthenes hath storied.  
Berosus the Chaldean relateth also the notable expeditions of this famous Prince, and of his sumptuous buildings; and to him he attributeth the walls of Babylon, the Temple of Belus, the Horti pencils: and reproveth the Greeks for their vanity, in making Semiramis the Founder of that famous City; which also is the conceit of Annius in the life of Semiramis, where he introduceth his Berosus to aver that Semiramis built this place from a Town to a City; where the Monk, by a necessary and egregious oblivion, forgot his Method, and made a matchless Author contradict himself. Were there no other reason to disprove this falls Berosus, but this one, it alone were sufficient: when we find, that Annius his Berosus setteth peremptorily down, that Semiramis built Babylon; and yet Berosus in Joseph and Eusebius Pamphilus setteth down the quite contrary, and reprehendeth the Greeks for their vanity in affirming that which the other Berosus doth. For the building of Babylon, notwithstanding it is certain that Nimrod began, Belus continued, and Semiramis enclosed it with a wall: but not that great and mighty wall; for this was the work of our King; as also the Horti pencils, which Curtius and Diodorus witness to have been done by a Prince of Syria, at the request of his wife the Queen; whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris, as Scaliger conceiveth.  
Nebuchadnezar also built the Temple of ●el, and in fine, set his last hand to the entice consummation of a sumptuous City; which makes him cry out in the height of his ambition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Is not this great Babel which I have built? etc. Dan. 4.  
This Nebuchadnezar after he ruled over Babel 43 years, he fell into a disease and died. Berosus in Josepho adversùs Ptol. Appion. Canon. His death was sudden according to Megasthenes: for he saith, that when he made an Oration to the Babylonians, he suddenly vanished. See the fragment in Josephus, Africanus, or Scaliger.   

Synchronismi.  
JUdah carried Captive the first and second time.  
In his time flourished the Prophet Daniel, the most learned among the Captives.  
Daniel built a stately Tower at Ecbatane in Media, which Josephus saith, was to be seen in his days, no way diminished by age, but remaining in the same fresh and sumptuous manner, wherein it was first erected. Joseph. lib. 9 c. 12.  
After the Captivity of Jehojakim, Nebuchadnezar came up also against Jehojakin, and carried him also away Captive; for saith he, thou Jehojakin art no better than thy Father: and taunted the King with a Proverb of those days. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which in plain terms is, From a bad Dog will never come good Puppies; which is all one with that of the Greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
For this, see the Jews Chronologie, or the Saeder Olam Rabath.  
Nebuchadnezar maketh war with Pharaoh Neco, for his pride, which he conceived out of the victory which he had gotten of King Josias.  
Of this Neco, Herodotus maketh mention; and of a great Battle which he fought with the Syrians at Magdol.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Nebuchadnezar destroyeth the State of Tyre, in the reign of Ithobalus. Philastratus apud Josephum in historiis Phaenicum. Saedar Olam Rabath in the Acts of Nebuchadnezar.  
Nebuchadnezar is driven from Men, and falling mad, liveth no other life then a beast. This he did till seven times had passed over him. Daniel. Saedar Olam Rabath, Josephus.    


Hevil Merodac  
SUcceeded after Nebuchadnezar; so saith the afore-named Berosus, and Megasthenes: they say also, for his libidinous courses he was slain by his Sister's husband, Neriglosoroor, who reigned after him in his stead. This Neriglosoroor must be he whom Daniel calls Belshazar.   

Synchronismi.  
JEhojakin restored to his Liberty. 2 Chron. Saeder Olam Rabath.    


Belshazar.  
THis was the last King of this Monarchy. Why the Canon, and Berosus, with Megasthenes should call him as they do, the reason may be, Because these Kings had new names when they came to the Crown, and those were named from their Gods. So this King being a private man, might be called Neriglissoroor; but when he had the Kingdom, he was honoured with the name of Bel, and called Belshazar.  
This King maketh an impious Feast, and profane's the Vessels of God's House, to quaff in to the honour of Shac: for so these Feast days were called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and they were like the Roman Saturnalia, as we have said, and as Berosus expoundeth in Athenaeus; and Causaubon out of him. Scaliger also in his Notes upon the Greek Fragments.  
In this Feast the King's heart was very merry: the manner is expressed by the Prophet Daniel. In the midst of this profuse Jovialtie God interposeth his Doom: His Fate is written in Chaldee upon the Wall, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
And now 'tis plain to read. Meneh. For God hath numbered this Kingdom, and finished it. Tekel. God hath weighed this Golden Head in the balance, and found it wanting. Perez. This Kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.  
In the same night was Belshazar the King of the Chaldeans slain.   

Synchronismi.  
JOsephus interposeth some Kings in this last Succession, more than what the Scripture maketh mention of; and therefore must herein be neglected, and left to the fruition of his proper sens. The truest opinion is grounded upon God's own Prophecy to the Jews, that they should serve Nebuchadnezar, his son, and his son's son; that was Evilmerodac, and Belshazar, and it is observable, that the Abstract  setteth down the Succession, though not in the same order, yet at the same number: His words are— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. He inverts the order, which might not be his error, but the Scribes: 'twas facile, and more likely.  
This order and number also the Saedar Olam exactly retains.    
FINIS.   

THE DESCRIPTION AND USE OF THE Terrestrial Globe.  
By JOHN GREGORY, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.  יהוה JUSTUS VIVET FIDE DEUS PROVIDEBIT. 
I. Y   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Printed by William Dugard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to be sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.   

 decorative header with animals and plants  
The Description and Use of the Terrestrial Globe.  
THe Terrestrial or Earthly Globe is an artificial Representation of the Earth and Water under that form and figure of Roundness which they are supposed to have, describing the Situation, and measuring the Compass of the Whole Frame, and describing the Situation and measuring the Distances of all the Parts.  
This Description is either of the Earth and Water both together, and it is done by Circles; or of the Water considered by itself; and is not so much a Description of that, as of the Mariner's course upon it, or to show The Way of a Ship upon the Sea. And this is done by lines called Rumbes, which are not all Circles, but otherwise drawn according to the Point of the Compass, at which the Mariner set's forth. But of the Compass and these lines in the second Place; and first of the Description of the Whole Frame by Circles. Now look what Circles were imagined upon the Earth, the same are expressed upon, or framed without the Globe; and they are the Greater, or the Less. The Great Circles without the Globe are two; the Meridian and the Horizon: the one of Brass, the other of Wood Circles indeed they are not so properly called; for, in the rigorous sens, no Line is supposed to have any breadth, as both these have: But that was for the more convenience; for something more than ordinary was to be written upon them. And moreover they could not have been so disposed of, as they are, without the Globe, if they had not been exact Lines. But Use will have it so, and we must call them the Meridian and Horizontal Circles.  

Of the Meridian without the Globe.  
THe Brass Meridian is divided into 4 equal Parts or Quadrants, and each of them subdivided into 90 Degrees, that is 360 for the whole Circle. The reason why this Circle is not divided into 360 Degrees throughout, but still stopping at the 90th, and then again beginning 10, 20, 30, etc. is, because the Uses of this Meridian, so far as in Degrees they are concerned, require not above that Number. As for an Example: One use of the Meridian is to show the Elevation of the Pole, but the Pole cannot be elevated above 90 Degrees. Another is to show the Latitude or Distance of a Place from the Equator, which also can never exceed the 4th part of the Circle; for no Place can be further distant from the Equator than the Pole, which is just that Number of 90 Degrees.  
Upon one of the North Quadrants of this Meridian, of some Great Globes, the Climes are set to the several Degrees of Latitude; and the Length of the longest Day under the several Climes: which (if the Geographers would think so) might very fitly be placed on the Lesser Globe's; for it were but dividing a Quadrant of the wrong side of the Meridian into 90 Degrees, and there would be room enough. In some other Globes the Climes are cast into a Table, and pictured upon some void space of the Globe. But the Division upon a Quadrant of the Meridian, is much more artificial, as hereafter shall be understood. And the reason why a North Quadrant only need to be divided, is, because for the Climes of the Southern Latitude the reason is the same. And the reason why the Division is made upon a North Quadrant rather than the South, is, because our Globes are fitted for our Selus, and all our share of the Earth lieth in the North Latitude.   

Of the Axel and Poles of the Globe and of the Hour Circle.  
FRom the North and South Ends of this Meridian a strong Wire of Brass or Iron is drawn, or supposed to be drawn (for the Artificers do not always draw it quite through) by the Centre of the Globe representing the Axel of the Earth. The North End whereof standeth for the North, the South End for the South Pole of the Earth. Upon the North End, a small Circle of Brass is set, and divided into two equal parts, and each of them into twelv, that is, twenty four in all. This Circle is the only one above the Globe, which is not imagined upon the Earth, but is there placed to show the hour of the day and night, in any place where the Day and night exceed not 24 hours: therefore it is called Cyclus Horarius. The Hour Circle, for which purpose it hath a little Brass pin turning about upon the Pole, and pointing to the several hours, which therefore is called the Index Horarius.  
The small Circle is framed upon this ground, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Heaven 15 Degrees of the Equinoctial rise up in the space of every one hour, that is 360 Degrees, or the whole Circle in the space of 24. So that the Cyclus Horarius is to be framed to that Compass, as that every 24th part of it, or one hour is to bear proportion to 15 Degrees of the Equator below it. And so in turning the Globe about, one may perceiv, that while the Pin is moved from any one hour to another, just 15 Degrees of the Equinoctial will rise up above the Horizon upon one side, and as many more go down below it on the other side. But this Circle is not much for the Geographer's use.   

Of the Horizon.  
THe other Great Circle without the Globe is the Horizon; upon which (yet not as due to this Circle more than any other, but because there is more room) the Geographers set down the 12. Signs with their Names and Characters.  
And because every Sign of the Zodiac containeth 30 Degrees, which is 360 for the whole Circle, the Horizon is divided into 360 Degrees indeed as it ought, but not from 10, 20, 30, 40, so throughout, but by Thirty, that is, 10, 20, 80. and 10, 20, 30. and so along to make the division conform to the 12 Signs, to each of which, as I said, is allotted the Number of 30 Degrees. And the reason of that is in reference to the Sun's Annual Motion, in the Cours whereof he dispatcheth every day one degree under or over. So that he passeth through each of the Signs in, or in much about the space of 30 Days. So that, though some of the 12 Months, answering to the 12 Signs, consist of one Day more than thirty, and one of 2 Days less, yet take them one with another, and the Days of every Month correspond to the several Degrees of every Sign, or without any considerable difference. And after that rate, or much about it, they are placed upon the Horizon, to show in what Degree, of what Sign the Sun is every day of the year. And to this purpose there is set down upon the same Horizon a Calendar, and that of three sorts in some Globes: Of two in the most, the one whereof is called the Julian, or Old, the other the Gregorian, or New Account, reckoning this latter 10 days before the former, and the third sort, where it is found, thirteen. Now though it be true that the greatest part of that which is written upon the Horizon, more nearly concerneth the Celestial than the Terrestrial Globe; yet it is not altogether unuseful here: and especially it will be nothing out of the Geographer's way to take along with him the ground of Difference in the 3, principally in the 2 sorts of Calendars.   

The Reason of the Difference in Computation betwixt the Old and New Accounts.  
A Year is that space of time in which the Sun goeth through the whole Circle of the Zodiac, as from the Tropic of Cancer, to the Tropic of Capricorn, and so to the Tropic of Cancer again, or from the Equinoctial to the Equinoctial, or from any other Point of the Zodiac to the same again. Now, because of the unequal Motion of the Sun (depending upon reasons deeply engaged in the Theorical Part of the Spheer, and therefore here to be taken upon trust) it ever was, and yet is, a very hard matter to determine exactly in what space of time this Revolution of the Sun in the Zodiac is made; insomuch that one said, 
Censorinus de Die Natali.  that the Year consisted of so many days, and how much more or less no body knoweth.  
This uncertainty brought so much confusion upon the Old Roman Calendars, that Time with them was grown a Commodity, and bought and sold at a price. Their Priests, who had to do with this Affair, having in their power to make any year longer or shorter at their pleasure; which the Emperor Julius Caesar looking upon as a matter no way below his greatest consideration, advised with some Egyptian Mathematicians about it, by whose Instructions he found that the Sun's yearly Motion in the Zodiac, was performed in the space of 365 days, and one 4th part of a day, or 6 hours.  
The 6 odd hours he caussed to be reserved in store till every fourth year, that is, till they made 24 hours, or one whole day; so accounting, that the 3 first years should consist of 365 days, and the fourth of 366, one day more; and every fourth year was therefore (as still it is) called the Leap Year, and the thing itself Intercalation, or putting in betwixt the Calendar.  
'Twas very much that the Emperor did, and he left as much to do; for though it cannot yet be found out exactly in what space of the time the Sun goeth his yearly course, yet thus much is made good by infallible experience that the Emperor's Mathematicians allotted too much for the Number of days: they were in the right, for it is certain no year can consist of more than 365, but for the odd hours it is as certain that they cannot be fewer than five, nor so many as 6; so that the doubt is upon the Minutes, 60 whereof go to the making up of an Hour; a small matter one would think, and yet how great in the recess and consequence we shall see.  
Julius Caesar allotted 365 days and 6 hours to this Revolution, but the Sun goeth about in less time, that is, (according to the most exact Account) in 365 days, 5 hours, 49 Minutes, and a little more; so that the Emperor's year is much about 10 Minutes greater than the Sun's, which must of necessity breed a difference of so many Minutes every year, betwixt the Year, which the Sun itself describe's in the Zodiac; and That, which is reckoned upon in the Calendar, which though for a year or two may pass insensibly, yet in the space of 134 years it will rise to an whole day, that is the Beginning of the year in the Calendar must be set one day back. As for Example: Let the year begin at the Vernal Equinox or Spring: In the Emperor's time that fell out to be at the 24th of March, but now this year it fell out upon the 10th of March, 13 days backwards, and somewhat more, and so if it be let alone will go back to the 1 of March, and 1 of February, till Easter come to be on Christmas Day, and so infinitely.  
To reform this difference in the Account, some of the later Roman Bishops earnestly endeavoured. And the thing was brought to that perfection it now standeth in (so much as it is) by Gregory the 13th, in the Year 1582. His Mathematicians (whereof Lilius was the chief) advised him thus: That considering there had been an Agitation in the Council of Nice somewhat concerned in this matter upon the motion of that Question about the Celebration of Easter: And that the Fathers of that Assembly after due deliberation with the Astronomers of that time, had fixed the Vernal Equinox at the 21 of March, and considering also that since that time a difference of 10 whole days had been passed over in the Calendar, that is, that the Vernal Equinox or Spring; which began upon the 21 of March, had prevented so much as to begin in gregory's days at the 10th of the same, 10 day's difference or thereabouts; they advised that 10 days should be cut off from the Calendar, which was done, and the 10 days taken out of October of that Year 1582, as being the Month of that Year in which that Pope was born; so that when they came to the 5 of the Month, they reckoned the 15, and so the Equinox was come up to its place again, and happened upon the 21 of March, as at the Council of Nice. But that Lilius should bring back the Beginning of the Year to the Times of the Nicen Council, and no further, is to be marvelled at. He should have brought it back to the Emperor's own time, where the mistake was first entered, and, instead of 10, cut of 13 days; however this is the Reason why these 2 Calendars, written upon the Horizon, differ the space of 10 days one from the other. And as the Old Account was called the Julian, from the Emperor; so the New is called from Gregory the Pope and Lilius the chief Agent, the Gregorian or Lilian Account: and the Julian is termed the Old Style, the Gregorian the New, as in the conversation of Letters betwixt Us and Those on the other side of the Seas we may perceiv; Theirs to Us bare date (for the most part) such a day of such a Month, Stylo Novo; Ours to them such a day, Stylo Veteri: And Theirs may be dated There, by their Account, and received here, before they were written by Ours.  
For the third Calendar there need not much be said, though it be more absolute than the second; for it reduceth the Begining of the Year to the Emperor's own Time, and so leaveth the Old Style 13 days behind as it ought to do. But it is very rarely found upon the Orisons of any Globes, neither as yet translated to any Common Use. In the outermost Limb of the Horizon are set down the Names of the 32 Winds of the Compass; to what end will be showed hereafter.   

Why the Meridian's and Orisons which are so several upon the Earth, are but single without the Globe.  
THe Reason of this will be plain, if it be considered that the Orisons and Meridian's, in the use of the Globe, are to be a fitted to any particular place at pleasure; at Oxford, Woodstock, Abingdon, etc. this could never have been done upon the Globe itself; for there must a several Horizon and a several Meridian have passed through every City, Town, or Castle upon the Globe, which if it had been done, besides the confusion, the Circles would have put out the Places; therefore it was ingenuously devised of those who first thought upon it, to set one Meridian and one Horizon without the Globe to serve for all: For in this case the Globe itself may be turned and applied to the Horizon and Meridian with as much eas, as the Horizon and Meridian with impossibility could not be applied to the Globe, as it will hereafter more plainly appear, than it can do yet.   

Of the Quadrant of Altitude, and the Compass.  
MOreover than the Circles framed without the Globe, two other Appendents are to be noted upon; the one relating to the Meridian, the other to the Horizon: the first is the Quadrant of Altitude, and is a thin brass Plate representing the fourth part of a Great Circle, and so divided into 90 Degrees, called therefore the Quadrant; and the Quadrant of Altitude, because it measureth the height of the Stars upon the Celestial Globe, to which it most properly belongeth. The business it hath to do in Geography, is to set out the Zenith of any Place, and consequently to show the Angle of Position, or Bearing of one Place to another, as hereafter shall be taught. It is therefore affixed to the Meridian with a little Screw-pin, to be removed at pleasure from any Vertical Point of any Place, to the Vertical Point of any other. The second is the Compass, which is a Needle touched with a Loadstone, and set in a Box upon the Foot of the Horizon, upon the South side, such another as we see in ordinary Pocket Dial's for the Sun. The Use of it here (as in those) is to point out the North and South for the Rectification of the Globe, as shall be more plainly said hereafter.   

Of the Great Circles upon the Globe, and first of the Meridian's.  
THe Great Circles painted upon the Globe are the Meridian's, the Equator, and the Zodiac; where we must not think much to hear of the Meridian's again. That of Brass without the Globe is to serve all turns, and the Globe is framed to apply itself thereto. The Meridian's upon the Globe will easily be perceived to be of a new and another Use. They are either the Great, or the Less; not that the Greater are greater than the Less, for they have all one and the same Centre, and equally pass through the Poles of the Earth: but those which are called Less, are of less use than that, which is called the Great, though it be no greater than the rest. The Great is otherwise called the Fixed and First Meridian, to which the Less are second, and respectively movable. The Great Meridian is as it were the Landmark of the whole Spheer, from whence the Longitude of the Earth, or any part thereof is accounted And it is the only Circle, which passing through the Poles, is graduated or divided into Degrees; not the whole Circle, but the one half, because the Longitude is to be reckoned round about the Earth. This Great Meridian might have been planted in any place, as at York, or at Richmond, but must of necessity be set in one certain place of the Globe or other, as it is in every several Globe, though not in the same place in all.   

Concerning the Difference of Geographers in the placing of their Great Meridian, and the Causses pretending thereto.  
IN assigning the place of this First or Great Meridian, I observe that the Geographers, whatsoever, still fix it in the Western Parts: And the Reasons are, not only because those were more discovered than the Eastern, to those who had first to do in this matter; but more especially for that the Proper Motion of the Sun and Moon is from the West to the East, contrary to their diurnal or daily Motion; and therefore the Eclipses of the Moon are to be observed from that Part, which is the most learned and certain Rule for the finding out of the Longitudes of Places, by observing how much sooner the Eclipse beginneth in a Place more or less West than another. And moreover, wheresoever they place their Great Meridian, they still reckon the Longitude from West to East, that is, till they come up to 180 Degrees, or the Semicircle; where some of them stay and begin the Longitude again towards the East, calling the first Half, Eastern, the other, Western Longitude. But this Cours, howsoever Artificial enough, yet is not used by the later Geographers, for they account the Longitudes in the whole Circle throughout from West, by the East to West again, some few Spanish Geographers excepted, who, in the Descriptions of their New Indies, reckon the Longitudes quite contrary, from East to West, but which was thwartly in itself, and, in the proof, inconsiderably done. But as the Geographers well enough agreed in the placing of this Great Meridian in the Western Parts; so they have differed much more than it becomed them in assigning out the Particular Place.  
The Author of the Greek Geography entitled to Ptolemy fixeth the Great Meridian (as Marinus the T●●ian (cited by Him) and the Ancients before them) in H●ra; 
The Greek Meridian.  or Junonia one of the Fortunate Islands, as they were termed of old, from an opinion of some singular Blessings imagined by the Ancients upon the Genius of those Parts. They are now called by the Spaniard, Islas de Canaria: The Canarie-Isles, better known to us by the Wines of that Name, for the most part falsely so called. Ptolemy, as Pliny also, out of Juba the African King findeth out but Six of these: but the late Discoverers meet with Seven: that is, Lançerotta, Forteventura, Teneriffa, Gomera, Fierro, Palma, and the Gran Canary, which giveth Name to the rest. For the Situation of these Islands they lie not as Ptolemy placed them, within one Degree of Longitude, or little less, but more scattering, and lifted up a little above the Tropic of Cancer about the 30th Degree of the Northern Latitude, in that Part of the Western (otherwise called the Atlantic) Oceän which trendeth upon the Coast of Africa, and are therefore reckoned by Geographers to the African Isles. This was the furthest part of the Earth discovered towards the West to those of about ptolemy's time: therefore the Great Meridian was fixed there, in the Isle Hera, or Junonia, as than it was called, now Tenariff: And from this Meridian all the Longitudes in the Greek-Geographie are taken.  
This the Arabian-Geographers knew well enough; 
The Arabic Meridian.  but holding themselves not to be inferior (as indeed they were not) either to the Indefatigation or Skill of the Greek-Geographers, they hoped to have the beginning of Longitude taken from them, which therefore they appointed to be drawn up on the uttermost Shoar of the Western-Oceän 10 Degrees more East than that of Ptolemy: 
Alphraganus chap. 10.  but they deceived themselves doubly; for first, Their Meridian would not be brought into Example by others: and again, It was not so improvidently intended, as not to serve themselves. For according to the loss, or gains of the Sea upon that Shore, their Longitudes have proved to be importantly different, rightly enough assigned, but falsifying with the Place, as they are justly served. There is not, for the present, any very great Use to the Geographer of the Apabick-Meridian more than to know it; for the Turkish Histories are not so completely derived down to us as to Describe the Territories by Longitude, or Latitude. And for the Arabick-Nubian-Geographie Translated into Latin by the Maronites, though otherwise of a rare, and precious esteem, yet is not commended for this, That the Distances of Places are there set down by a gross Mensuration of Miles: and John Leos Africa is not so well. But when the Learned, and long promised Geography of Abulfedea the Prince shall come to light, there can be nothing done There, without this Meridian. The Prince setteth down the Longitude of Mecca 67 Degrees. The Greek Geography 77: and they are both right, and yet they differ 10 Degrees: for so much were their Meridian set East, or West one than the other. Yet neither is this Meridian presently altogether unuseful, for besides the Longitudes of some places noted by Saracenus, Albategni and others, there is a Catalogue of Cities annexed to the Astronomical Tables of the King Alphonsus accounted all from this Great Meridian, but with this difference, That whereas Abulfedea the Prince setteth down but 10 Degrees distance betwixt the Fortunate Isles, and the Western Shore. The Catalogue reckoneth upon 17, and 30 Minutes: a Difference too great to be given over to the Recesses of the Ocean from that Shore, and therefore I know not as yet what can be said thereto.  

The Magnetical Meridian.  Our own Geographers, the later especially, have affected to transplant this great Meridian out of the Canary Isles into the Açores, or Azores, for so the çerilla will endure to be pronounced. They were so called from Açor, which in the Spanish Tongue signifies a Goss-Hawk, from the great number of That Kind, there found at the first Discovery, though now utterly disappearing. And it is no stranger a thing, then that December should be called by our Saxon Forefathers ƿolfe Monat, that is, Wolf Month; for that in those Days this Isle was mischievously pestered with such Wilde-Beasts, and in that Month more ragingly, though now such a sight is grown so foreign to these parts, that they are looked upon with the Strangeness of a Camel, or an Elephant. The Azores are otherwise termed Ensue; lae Flandricae, or the Flemish Isles, because some of them have been famously possessed, and first Discovered by them. They are now in number Nine: Tercere, St. Michaël, S. Marry, S. George, Gratiosa, Pico, Fayall, Corvo, Flores; they are situate in the same Atlantic Ocean, but North-West of the Canaries, and trending more upon the Spanish Coast, under the 39 Degree of Latitude, or therebouts. Through these Isles the Late Geographers will have the Great Meridian to pass, upon this conceit of reconciling the Magnetical Pole to That of the World. Their meaning is, That the Needle of the Mariner's Compass, which touched with the Magnet, or Loadstone, in duty ought to point out true North, and South Poles of the World in all other Places, performeth it only in these Isles, whereas for the most part elsewhere it swerveth, or maketh a Variation from the true Meridian towards the East, or West, according to  unequal temper of the Great Magnet of the Earth: therefore notwithstanding that the Greek Meridian was placed well enough in the Canaries, (as indeed it was, and best of all, because once fixed there) yet it pleased them to think that it would be more Artificial, and Gallant to remove it into the Azores, where (as they would bear us in hand) the Magnetical Needle precisely directeth itself towards the North, and South of the Whole Frame without the least Variation, which might seem to be a Natural Meridian, and therefore to be yielded unto by that of Art, wheresoever placed before.  
This Coincidencie of the Magnetical Meridian with that of the World, Some of them will have to be in the Isles Corvo, and Flores, the most Western: Others in S. Michaël, 
Ridly's Treatise of Magnetical Motions. Chap. 36. Norman's New Attrative, Chap. 9  and S. Marry, the more Eastern of the Azores. 'Tis true indeed that the Variation is less in these Isles, then in some other Places, yet it is by experience found, that the Needle in Corvo North-Westeth 4 Degrees: in S. Michaël it North-Easteth 6 Degrees: And therefore the Great Meridian should rather have been drawn through Fayal, where the Variation is but 3 Degrees to the East; Or especially through the Cape of good hope, where the Needle precisely pointeth to the True North without any Variation at all by a River side there, which therefore the Portugals have called Rio de las Agulias, The River of the Needles.  
But which is more, the Magnetical Needle hath no certain Pole in the Earth at all, and under the very same Meridian is found to  in some places but 3, or 4 Degrees; in other 17, and more; and which is worse (if it be true) the Variation itself hath been lately charged upon with a very strange and secret inconstancy by the Professor in Astronomy of Gresham-College. He saith that the Variation of the Needle at Limehous near London, which Mr Burrows found to be 11 Degrees, 15 Minutes, in the year 1580: M Gunter in the year 1622 found it to be but 6 Degrees 13 Minutes. But He himself in the year 1634 found it to be but 4 Degrees, or very little more; which in the space of 54 years is a difference of 7 Degrees to the Less. So little reason is there why the Greek Meridian should give place to the Magnetical, besides the great confusion which must needs follow, as it hath.  

The Toledan Meridian.  But yet more impertinently, the Spanish Describers remembered before, not only account their Longitude from East to West, utterly against all other Geography, but not contented with the Greek, Arabian, or any Magnetical Meridian, must needs reckon their Indies from that of Toledo. But they are very few that take this course, and this Pragmatical Meridian is only found upon a Map, or two, but hath not as yet gotten (nor is it like to do) any relation to the Globe.  

The Greek Meridian again.  As the case standeth with the Great Meridian, the advice and counsel of Stevinus a Dutch Geographer is very much to the purpose: That the Great Meridian should be brought back to the Fortunate Isles again, that one certain Isle of the seven should be chosen; and in That, one certain place; Exiguus quidem, sed notabilis & perpetuus, As small, but as notable and perpetual as 'tis possible. The Island he assigned was Teneriff, thought to be the same with ptolemy's Hera, or Junonia. The place Pico de Teide, or el pico, The Peak, a Mountain so called from the sharpness of the top, and therefore the place is Locus exiguus, as Small as could be, and 'tis Perpetual, for Hills are everlasting; and as notable, for by the reports of some in Julius Scaliger it riseth above threescore Miles in height, which though it be more than is generally believed, yet thus much is, That it is the highest Mountain in the World.  
This Johnson a great Master of this Art considering with himself, though in his lesser Globe of the year 1602 he had made the Great Meridian to pass through the Isles Corvo and Flores; yet since that, in his Greater of the year 1616 he hath it drawn upon the Peak in Tenariffe, as he expresseth himself in a void place of the Globe. Only, whereas he addeth that by this means the Arabic Meridian, and That of Ptolemy will be all one upon the matter (which he saith was fit to be admonished) it must needs be mistaken. 'Tis true, that the Canaries lie near upon the Coast of Africa: But the Arabians mean not this so much by the uttermost Shore, as the uttermost Points of the Western Land running along by the straits of Gebal Taric, or Taric's Hill, as they rightly (wee Gibraltar) call it, where the Pillars of Hercules were set of old, as our Stories deliver, but of Alexander they say, to whom, and not to Hercules the Arabic Nubian Geographer asscribeth this Labour, naming there the very Artificers which that great King provided himself of to force out the Straight; which may possibly be the reason, why the Arabians (over and above their ambition of Change) draw their Great Meridian by this Part, in honour to Alexander, whom therefore they call not so, but Dhilcarnain, that is, The man of the two Horns, for that he joined the Ends of the Known World together by those Pillars in the East upon one side, and these in the West on the other. Which seeing it is so, the Reduceing of the Great Meridian to Tenariff again will be so far from closing with that of the Uttermost Western Shore, that according to the Account of some they will stand at 15 Degrees distance one from the other, which also maketh show of some reason of the Disagreement betwixt Abulfeda the Prince, and the King Alphonsus in assigning the difference of the Arabic Meridian from the Greek, the Prince allowing but 10, The Catalogue 17 Degrees, which was noted before.  
For any concurrence therefore of the Greek, and Arabic Meridian's by this means, we are not to take the Geographer's word; but nevertheless to embrace this Alteration of his Cours in bringing the Greek Meridian to his place again.  
The same advice of Stevinus is commended and taken by Wil Bleau (a man very like to, if not the very same with Johnson himself) Cap. 4 of his first Part, which teacheh the Use of the Globes according to the Improper Hypothesis of Ptolemy (as the Title termeth it) per terram quiescentem. For the second Part maketh good the same Use of the Celestial and Terrestrial Spheres by the Supposition of Copernicus per terram mobilem. His words are Longitudo alicujus loci, etc. The Longitude of any place is an Arch of the Equator comprehended between two half Meridian's, the one passing through the Place itself, the other through the High Mountain called Pico de Teide in Tenariffe, Qui tam in maximo nostro Globo Terrestri (saith he) quàm in variis Tabulis Geographicis à nobis editis pro Initio Longitudinis terrae assumptus est, & pro eo in bac descriptione semper assumatur, etc. And 'twill never be well with Geography till this be believed in, and made the common and unchangeable Practice.   

What Cours is to be taken with this Variety of Meridian's, and how followed, or neglected by the Geographers.  
ANd now if one may make so bold as to give Law to the Geographers, it cannot be denied but that the readiest and least entangling way of reckoning the Longitudes is to meet again upon the first Meridian in Tenariffe, but for want of this, and till it can be rellished universally, the likest way to the Best is for the Describers either of the Whole, or any Part of the Earth not to fail of setting down the several Meridian's obtaining as then. Also the Difference of Longitude betwixt these Meridian's, and lastly which of those they mean to go by. If I were to draw up (If I could) a New Geography of the Whole Earth, This, or the like to this aught to prepare to the Description.  
That the Great Meridian by the most Ancient Greek Geographers was made to pass through the Fortunate Islands, now called The Canaries. That from thence it was translated by the Arabians to the uttermost Point of the Western-Shore. That our own Geographers removed it into the Azores placing it some of them in S. Michaël, others in Corvo. That the Best of them brought it back to the Canaries again, and drew it upon the Pico in Tenariffe; The same, or thought to be the same with ptolemy's Junonia. That the Difference of Longitude from El Pico to the Arabic Meridian is 10 Degrees more East, according to Abulfeda the Prince. From Pico to the Isle of S. Michaël 9 Degrees. From Pico to Corvo 15, and both so much more West. And such, or such a Meridian I mean to follow.  
To this very purpose the same Abulfeda in the Introduction to his Geography. It is received by Traditon (saith he) that the Inhabited Earth beginneth at the West in the Fortunate Isles, as they are called, and lying waste as now. From these Islands some take the Beginning of Longitude. Others from the Western Shore. The Difference of Longitude is 10 Degrees accounted in the Equator, etc. As for the Longitudes reckoned in this Book, they are all taken from the Shores of the Western Oceän, and therefore they are 10 Degrees short of those which are taken from the Fortunate Isles, etc.  
If we now exact (as I think we may) to this Rule, which hath been lately done by our own Describers especially, we may perhaps find it otherwise then we thought for.  
Here it will not need to take much notice of those who have described the Situation of Countries by the Climes and Parallels. Thus much only, That they had as good as said nothing. I confess I conclude under this Censure, the very good Author of the Estates du Mond, translated by Grimstone. But it was to be noted. For what if I say that Great Britain lieth under the 9th and 13 Climates of the Northern Temperate Zone (as 'tis no otherwise Described to the Site by a Geographer of our own) is this to tell where England is? No more then to tell where the straits of Anian are much about the same Clime and Parallel, and yet 160 Degrees distant and more.  
They are not much more accurate who Describe the Situation of Countries by their Latitudes only as the Gentleman in his Description of Huntingdon Shire inserted into M. Speed. And the most learned Sir Henry Spelman in his Description or Northfolk. It is no more to say the Situation of this, or that place then of any other in the Whole Sphere lying under the same Parallel. But to say the truth, By reason of the Variety of Meridian's. The Longitudes were grown to such an uncertain and confused pass, that it was not every man's work to set them down.  
Mr Carew in his Survey of Cornwall setteth down that Shire in the Longitude of 6 Degrees (I believ he meant 16) as most men account. But what does he mean by that; or what manner of account is it which most men use in this case? Norden in the Introduction to his Speculum Britanniae saith, That the Centre of this Land, which he taketh to be about Titburie Castle in Stafford-Shire is 21 Degrees and 28 Minutes of Longitude. But from what Meridian all this while? for the Longitude may be many Degrees more, or less, or just so much as he saith, and yet all may be true.  
M. Speed more particularly professeth to follow Mercator; as in assigning the Longitude of Oxford, he saith, that it is distant from the West 19 Degrees 20 Minutes by Mercator's Measure. So M. William Burton in the Description of Leicester-Shire. But how are we the wiser for this? Mercator's Measure was not the same, for in his Globe dedicated to the Lord Granvella the great Meridian passeth through the Canaries; but in his great Map through the Azores. M. Gabriel Richardson in the State of Europe yet more distinctly telleth his Reader, That the Longitudes in his book shall be taken from that Meridian, which passeth through the Azores. But whether from that in S. Michaël, or from the other in Corvo is not set down, and yet the Difference is 7 Degrees, and more: But hear lastly the Kingdom's Geographer in the Preface to his Britannia. At insimulabunt jam Mathematici & in crimen vocabunt quasi in Geographicis Latitudinis & Longitudinis Dimensionibus toto Coelo aberrârim. Audi quaeso: Tabulas Astronomicas, novas, antiquas, manuscriptas, Oxonienses, Cantabrigienses, Regis Henrici Quinti diligenter contuli. In Latitudine à Ptolomeo plurimùm discrepant inter se ferè conspirant: nec tamen Terram è suo Centro dimotam esse cum Stadio existimo. His igitur usus sum, In Longitudine autem nullus consensus, concentus nullus. Quid igitur facerem? Cum Recentiores perpendiculum navigatoria pyxide Magnete illitum inter Azores insulas rectà Polum Borealem respicere deprehenderim, indè Longitudinis Principium tanquam à Primo Meridiano cum illis dixi quam nec ubique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 permensus sum. So the Learned Cambden. Where note by the way, that if the Translator hath rendered the Book no better than he hath this Claus of the Preface, the best course will be for those that can, to read it in the Latin. The Autor's meaning I think was this.  
But now (saith he) the Mathematicians will accuse and call me in question, as if I were altogether out in my Geographical Dimensions of Latitude and Longitude. But pray hear me: I diligently compared the Manuscript Astronomical Tables of Henry the Fifth, as well the old, as the new, Calculated for the Meridian's some of Oxford, others for that of Cambridg. In Latitude I found them to differ from Ptolemy very much, but well enough agreeing among themselves: and yet I cannot think that the Earth is any whit startled aside from its Centre, as Stadius did. These Tables therefore I made use of. But in the Longitude I found no agreement at all. What should I do? Considering that the Modern Geographers had found that the Needle of the Mariner's Compass touched with the Loadstone directly pointeth to the North-Pole by the Azorian Isles, I did as they did, and took the beginning of Longitude from thence, as from the First Meridian, but which I have not always set down exactly, or to a Minute.  
And now the least that can be expected is, that the Longitudes of all Places in the Britannia are accounted from the Meridian which passeth by the Azores. But from which of the Meridian's? If it be as the book expresseth ab Vltimo Occidente, 'tis from that of Corvo: then the Mathematicians have cause to complain, for all the Longitudes are falls. But I can perceiv that the Geographer, though otherwise most accomplished, yet was not so well seen in this piece of the Skill; for though it be pretended in the Preface that all the Longitudes in the Description shall be taken from the Azores, yet in setting down the Longitude of Oxford, he saith, That as he hath it from the Mathematicians of the Place, it is 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands which can never be true, for 'tis but 19 from the Azores reckoning by S. Michaël: But this is not all: In assigning the Longitude of Pen-von-las; or, The Land'send in Cornwall, He saith that is 17 Degrees à Fortunatis Insulis vel potiùs Azoris, from the Fortunate Islands or rather from the Azores. But is is the Difference so small did he think? But 9 Degrees at least.  
But I find by the Longitudes that Mercator was the Man that set up all these for Geographers.  
Mercator first of all kept himself to the Greek Meridian, as, Appian, Gemma Frisius, Maginus, and others; but understanding by Francis of Deip, an experienced Mariner, that the Compass had no Variation in the Islands of Capo Verde. And by others, that it had very little in Tercera, and S. Marry of the Azores, but not any at all in the Isle Corvo, that he might go a mean way to work, and compile with the Common Meridian of the World (as he took it to be). He made his Great Meridian to pass (as himself saith) betwixt the Isles of Capo Verde and the Azores; that is, Through the Isles of S. Michaël and S. Marry, which was afterwards taken for Example by Plancius, Saunderson, and the common sort of others, so that little or no notice at all was taken of the Meridian by Corvo, no not by those of the biggest: expectation, as M. Carpenter, M. Camden, M. Speed, and the rest; although this also was the known Meridian of some Globes of the very same Times; and before that, that is, before they had set their last hand to their Descriptions. And 'tis no marvel, for Mercator's Longitudes were more exactly accounted then before, and therefore they might well take his Meridian along with them. And 'twas not amiss to go by the most received, but then they should have said so, and withal, have set down the three several Meridian's at least, and the difference of Longitude betwixt them; and all this with more distinction than so, that another man should come after them to tell themselves what Meridian they went by.  
And thus much of the First, or Great Meridian.   

Of the Lesser Meridian's.  
THe Lesser are those Black Circles, which you see to pass through the Poles, and succeeding to the Great at 10 and 10 Degrees as in most Globes; or as in some, at 15 and 15 Degrees Difference.  
Every place, never so little more East, or West then another, hath a several Meridian. Shot-over hath a distinct Meridian from Oxford, because more East; Osney hath not the same as near as it is, for it lieth West of the City: The exact Meridian whereof must pass directly through the middle; yet because of the huge distance of the Earth from the Heavens, all these Places, and Places much further off may be said to have the same Meridian, as the Almanac-makers Calculate their Prognostications to such, or such a Meridian where they pretend to make their Observations: But say too, that it may generally serve, etc. And indeed there is no very sensible Difference in less than 60 Miles, upon which ground the Geographers, as the Astronomers allow a New Meridian to every other Degree of the Equator, which would be 130 in all, but except the Globes were made of an Extreme and Unuseful Diameter, so many would stand too thick for the Description. Therefore most commonly they put down but 18; that is at 10 Degrees distance one from the other, the special use of these Lesser Meridian's being to make a quicker dispatch in the account of the Longitudes. Some others, as Mercator set down but 12 at 15 Degrees difference, aiming at this, That the Meridian's might be distant one from the other a full part of time, or an hour: for seeing that the Sun is carried 15 Degrees off the Equinoctial every hour, as was said before. The Meridian's set at that Distance must make an hours difference in the Rising or Setting of the Sun to the several places, as if the Sun Rise at such an hour, such a day of the year at Oxford. In a place 15 Degrees more distant towards the East the Sun riseth an hour sooner. In a place 15 Degrees distant towards the West, an hour later, the same day of this, or that year.  
Now because the Spaces of time are reckoned by the same Degrees of the Equator as the Distances of Place, The Degrees of Longitude have been called Tempora; which word Camden sometimes delighteth to use, as in the Longitude of Bath he saith it is 20 Temporibus, 20 Times, that is 20 Degrees distant from the Great Meridian. He expresseth by the same word in setting down the Latitude, but not so cunningly as I think.   

Of the Equator, and the Lesser Circles.  
THe Equator is the Middle Circle betwixt two Poles graduated throughout, and plainly dividing the Globe into two equal Parts, from North to South, This is the Circle of Longitude, as the Meridian of Latitude; for Longitude is reckoned in the Equator from the Meridian: Latitude in the Meridian from the Equator.  
Crossing this Circle obliquely in the Middle is the Zodiac, the utttermost extent whereof towards the North noteth out the Tropic of Cancer; towards the South, the Tropic of Capricorn, each of them distant from the Equator 23 Degrees, or not much more, as may be accounted in the Great Meridian. Equi-distant from these, and at the same distance from the Poles as the Tropics from the Equator, are set down the Arctic and Antarctic Circles; all offering themselves to sight by their Names, and distinction of Breadth, and Colour, more notably than the rest: by the rest I mean the black blinder Circles equidistantly remooved from the Equator at 10 Degrees difference, and serving the same turn in the accounting of Latitude, as the Meridian's at the same distance in the reckoning of the Longitude. And these are called the unnamed Parallels.  
And so much of the Description of the Earth and Water together; Now of the Waterie-Part by itself.   

The Description of the Waterie-Part of the Globe by the Rumbes of the Mariner's Compass.  
THe Cours of a Ship upon the Sea dependeth upon the Winds. The Designation of these, upon the certain Knowledge of one Principal; which considering the Situation and condition of the whole Sphere, aught in nature to be North, or South. The North to us upon this side of the Line, the South to those in the other Hemisphere; for in making this observation, Men were to intent themselves towards one fixed part of the Heavens, or other, and therefore to the one of these. In the South Part there is not found any Star so notable, and of so near a distance from the Pole, as to make any precise or firm Direction of that Wind. But in the North we have that of the second Magnitude in the Tail of the Lesser Bear, making so small, and, for the Motion, so insensible a Circle about the Pole, that it cometh all to one, as if it were the Pole itself. This pointed out the Northwind to the Mariners of old especially; and was therefore called by some the Load, or Lead-Star. But this could be only in the night, and not always then. It is now more constantly and surely showed by the Needle touched with the Magnete, which is therefore called the Load or Leadstone, for the same reason of the leading and directing their Courses: in the Nature and Secret of which Stone, because the whole business of Navigation is so throughly concerned, something is to be borrowed out of that Philosophy.   

The Original of the Mariner's Compass from the Magnetical Constitution of the Earth.  
A Magnetical Body is described to be That, which hanging in the Aërial or Aetherial Parts of the Univers, firmly seateth itself upon its own Poles, in a Situation natural and unchangeable, consisting also of some such parts as separated from the rest can take upon them the nature and conditions of the whole.  
Under this Description the Magnetical Philosopher's comprehend the Globes of Saturn, Jupiter, the Sun, etc. but because these Bodies are placed so far above the reach of our Experience, and purpose; it shall be sufficient to make the Description good upon the Earth.  
To do this, I think I may suppose, First, that the Constitution of the Whole Earth may be gathered from the prevailing parts, such parts especially as do bear upon them the Marks and Signatures of the Whole.  
Then secondly, That the parts of the Earth, which lie couched about the Centre, are not of a different or degenerous compliance from these which lie scattered about the Surface; which if any body list to raise suspicions upon, as Mr White hath done, they may; but I am sure they were no nearer Him, when he laid the Foundations of the Earth, than we.  
The prevailing parts about the Surface of the Earth, are the Mines of Loadstone, Steel, Iron, etc. of all which, it is certain, that they are endued with a virtue Magnetical, which enableth them to place themselves in a set position betwixt North and South: And not only these, but even Clay itself, burnt to Brick, and cooled North and South, if it be hanged up in a close place, and left to its liberty, will seat itself in the same Situation.  
But the most vigorous Magnetes are the Stone and the Steel, the Stone especially: And the Steel hath a capacity to receiv a stronger virtue from the Stone, whereby it more firmly seateth itself in the North and South-Position of the Earth, directly pointing out those Winds to the Mariner; not in all parts directly, because in following the Constitution of the Great Magnete of the Whole Earth, it must needs be here and there led aside towards the East or West, by the unequal temper of the Globe, consisting more of Water then of Earth in some places, and of Earth more or less Magnetical in others.  
This Deviation of the Needle, the Mariners call North-Easting, or North-Westing, as it falleth out to be; otherwise and more Artificially, the Variation of the Compass; which though it pretend uncertainly, yet proveth to be one of the greatest helps the Sea man hath; for the Degrees of Variation, which the place itself exactly observed, giveth him a shrewd guess of the same, when he meeteth with the same Variation again, unless the Variation itself should be subject to a Change of Admirable Diminutions as the Late Discoverer calleth it in his Discourse Mathematical, etc.  
This Needle, touched with the Stone, and directing towards the North and South, the Mariners (as the Magnetical Philosophers) call their Directorie-Needle, 
Mr Henry Gellibrand.  not only for the reason intimated, but to distinguish it also from their other, called the Inclinatorie-Needle, because it is also found that the Needle touched with the Stone, will not only turn towards the North, but make an Inclination under the Horizon, as to conform with the Diameter or Axis of the Earth.  
This Motion of the Needle was accidentally discovered by Robert Norman, a Man of great dexterity in the framing and dressing up of the Mariner's Compass. It happened to him, that, as often as he had finished his Needles, and equally poized them upon their Pins, he had no sooner touched them with the Stone, but still the North-Point of the Needle would forsake the parallel Site in which he had placed it, and incline itself to the Axis of the Earth. The reason whereof not presently perceived, escaped a while, with a conceit, as if the Artificer had deceived himself in balancing the Needle; which therefore he endeavoured to correct with a little piece of Wax stuck upon the lighter End (as he took it to be) till at last, being employed in the framing of a Compass, the Needle whereof was to be 6 inches in length, and having polished and leveled it with all possible care, and yet after the touching of it with the Stone, finding one end to weigh down the other, he was forced to cut off some part of the heavier end, (as he still mistook it) and so more, till he had made the Needle unserviceable: whereupon, consulting with some knowing Friends, he was advised to make some Instruments to try out the experience. And it was found to be this very Inclination to the Axis of the Earth, and proportionably, though not equally, answering to the Degrees of Latitude.  
But this Inclination also, as the Direction, is variable, and for the same causses of the Earth's unequal temper.  
But all that which I have said will more evidently and expertly appear, upon the Terrella, or little Earth of Loadstone.  
As the Great Magnete of the Earth, so every Magnetical part thereof, and every part of that, hath Poles, Axis, Equator, Meridian's, and Parallels of its own. The Magnetical Philosophers therefore, to represent unto themselves the Great Nature of the Whole, take a strong small piece of a Rock, which having reduced into a Globous form, they first found out the Poles by the filings of Steel (or otherwise) which will all meet together upon the North and South Points. A Circle drawn equidistantly from these describeth the Equator. This don, they take a small Steel wire, of about half an inch long, and apply it to any part of the Equator, and it will precisely turn towards the North and South Poles, which is Motion of Direction, and marketh out the Meridian's of the Terrella. But supposing a concavity to be let into this Little Earth, in any part, either about the Equator, or betwixt it and the Poles: In that case the Needle will not point directly to the Poles, but will make a Variation; unless it be placed exactly towards the Middle of the concavity, and then it maketh no Variation at all, but turneth directly, as before; which from the Causses justifieth the Directions, and Variations of the Compass, towards and from the Poles of the Earth.  
Remove this Wire from the Equator towards the Pole, and the one End of it will rise up as Norman's Needle did, and the other End will stick down upon the Stone, making an Acute Angle, and describing a Parallel. Remove it nearer to the Pole, and the Angle will be less and less acute, till at a a certain Parallel it become a Right Angle to the Stone. Remove it yet nearer, and the Angle will be Recto Major, or more and more obtuse. Bring it up to the Pole itself, and it will there stand bolt upright, and make one Line with the Axis of the Stone; which maketh good the Inclination of the Needle to the Diameter of the Great Magnete: for if Norman had touched his Needle under the Line, it would have stood level upon the Pin without any Declination at all. If he had touched it in any place beyond the Line, the Inclination, would have been on the South side; but living here more towards this Pole, it must needs fall out as he found it. Nobile experimentum, as Dr Gilbert calls it, and he is bold to say, ut nullius unquam rationis aut mentis compos, etc. that he who had considered of this, and holdeth not himself convinced of the Principles of Magnetical Philosophy, is not to be taken for a man of sens or reason. I know what Scaliger saith to this; Gilbertus Medicus, etc. tres amplissimos Commentarios edidit, in quibus magìs mihi probavit Doctrinam suam, quàm Magnetis Naturam; nam incertior sum quàm dudum. We know what he meaneth by amplissimos: but why tres Commentarios? Sure the Man had not read all his Books, for the Dr wrote six: but England was a kind of Nazareth to this Great Scholar; he would not endure any good should come out from hence.  
But to give the Art and the Nation but their due: 


Norman  
Burrough  
Wright  
Gilbert  
Ridley  
Barlow  
Gill●b●and    As there is no point of Philosophy so admirable and secret with Nature as this; so none so immersed in visible practice and experiment, and bred up from the very Cradle to that growth and stature, which now it hath in this very Corner of the World, by English Men.  
Many other Experiments of great Wonder and Satisfaction are made by the Magnetical Philosophers upon the Stone; but to the purpose I speak of, these are the Principal, which is, to give the Reasons of the Needles turning towards the North and South, which is the Original of the Mariner's Compass.  
The North and South Winds thus assured by the Motion either of Direction or Variation of the Needle, The Mariner supposeth his Ship to be, as it always is, upon some Horizon or other. The Centre whereof is that of the Ship.  
The Line of North and South found out by the Needle, a Line crossing this at right Angles showeth the East and West, and so they have the 4 Cardinal Winds; and the Indian 
* They are drawn upon a white China dish filled with Water, upon the Centre whereof there hangeth a Needle of 6 inches long.  Compass consisteth of no more. Cross again each of these Lines, and they have the 8 Whole Winds, as they call them. Another Division of these maketh 8 more, which they call the Half Winds. A third maketh 16, which they call the Quarter Winds; so they are 32 in all. Martin Cortes noteth, that some Mariners of his time divided that Division over again, and so the Compass consisted of 64 Winds: but he noteth also, that this Division was more exact than for the Use. Every one of these Winds is otherwise termed a several point of the Compass, and the Whole Line consisting of 2 Winds, as the Line of North and South, or that of East and West, is called a Rombe. The Spaniards first gave that Name, as Peter of Medina taketh it upon them; yet not out of their own Language, but fancying to themselves that the Lines of the Compass (as indeed they do) much resembled the Spars of a Spining Wheel, which in Latin is called Rhombus, from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to turn about, they call those Lines Rumbos: and the Word hath taken.  
The Compass therefore is an Horizontical Division of the 32 Winds, upon a round piece of Pasteboard set in a Box, in the Centre whereof upon a pin of Latin cinque bored, the Needle or Wires, first touched with the Stone, are placed. This Box hangeth in another Box, between two hoops of Latin, that however the outermost Box be tossed up and down by the Motion of the Ship, yet the innermost may always hang level to the Horizon. It is placed in the middle of the Pupe, upon a right Line imagined to pass by the Mainmast through the Centre of the Ship, and so putteth the Pilot in his Way.  
These Compasses are represented, as they may upon the Globe, by those Circles which you see divided into 32 Parts with their Fleurç de Lis, always pointing to the North. And though the Winds are not set down by Name, yet they may be fetched from the Horizon without the Globe. And the Rumbes are drawn out at length circularly, if the Cours be upon a Meridian, the Equator, or any other parallel; otherwise they are Helispherical Lines, as they call them, that is, partly Circular, and partly Helical or Spiral, as you may see them described upon the Globe.  
In the Globes set out by Saunderson and Molineux, you have the Courses of Sr Francis Drake, and Fourbisher's Voyages; and in Janson's Globe that of Oliver Van-Nort described by the Rumbes, whereby you may judge of the rest.  
The Knowledge of all this is not of less use to the Geographer, than the other Description by Circles; aswel for the Reading of Sea-Voyages and Discoveries of New Lands and Passages, as for that the very Descriptions of the Earth, for a great part, cannot be made without references to the Water.  
As the Earth and Water are wholly represented upon the Globe, so the whole, 
Janson's Globe of the Year 1616. The Great Meridian passeth by the Pike in Tenariff. The Lesser stand at 10 Degrees distance.  or any part of either may be described in Plano, or upon a plane Surface in a Map or Sea-Chart. And of these also something shall be discoursed hereafter; for the present,  
Thus much of the Description: now followeth   

The Use of the Terrestrial Globe; and first of the Rectification.  
THe first care of this is to see that the Foot of the Globe stand level or parallel to the Horizon; for which purpose some Globes have a Plumb-line, and there be that advice for a Triangular Level of Wood, with a Plummet for the purpose, to be applied to any part of the Horizon, after the manner as the Mechanics try their Planes: but the matter is not tied to such a severity of exactness, but that a good Eye may pass for a sufficient Judg. The next thing is, that it be placed in the North and South-Position of the Earth as directly as it may. This dependeth upon the knowledge of the Meridian of the place, but may well enough be done by a Needle, whose Variation is known, such an one as is used to be set upon the South side of the Foot of some Globes, for the same purpose: then lift up the North-Pole above the Horizon so many Degrees as will answer to the Latitude of the Place unto which you mean to rectify, which suppose to be Oxford, therefore the Pole is to be lifted up 51 Degrees, for that is the Elevation of this Place: then find out Oxford in the Globe, and bring it to the Brass Meridian, and there stay it with a piece of paper, or the like, put between the Meridian and the Globe: And you have set before you Oxford with the very same and all respects of Situation upon the Globe, as it hath upon the Earth itself. And this is called Rectification, or right setting of the Globe.   

By the known Place to find out the Longitude and Latitude, and by the known Longitude and Latitude to find out the Place.  
THese Terms of Longitude and Latitude are understood either of the same or several Plates. In the first sens they are absolutely called the Longitude or Latitude of this or that place. In the other sens we use to say, The Difference of Longitude or Latitude between such and such a place. The Longitude of this or that place is the distance of it from the Great Meridian, to the Meridian of the Place reckoned in the Degrees of the Equator. The Latitude of a Place is the Distance of the Equator from the parallel of the place reckoned in the Degrees of the Meridian. Therefore if the place met with be under the Great Meridian, it hath no Longitude at all, as the Hill in Tenariffe, unless it be in respect of some other Great Meridian, as that by Corvo, or the other by St Michaël; and of such a place it will be sufficient to know the Latitude. So again, if the place met with be under the Equator, it hath no Latitude at all; and of such a place it s●●●●● be sufficient to know the Longitude. But if the place should fall out to be in the very Intersection itself of the Equator, and the Great Meridian it hath neither Latitude nor Longitude; and of such a Place it is sufficiently said, that There it is.  
But if the known Place lie at any distance from the Equator, it is but bringing it up to the Brass Meridian, and the Latitude is found by observing what Degrees the Meridian setteth off. Let Oxford be the Place you meet with, turn the Globe till it lie precisely under the Meridian, and you will find from the Equator 51 Degrees, 32 Minutes of Northern Latitude; and, by consequence, you also have the Elevation of the Pole: for that is always equal to the Latitude of the Place.  
With the same labour you may find out the Longitude, if holding still the Globe you observe the Degrees of Intersection cut off by the Meridian in the Equator: as put the case for Oxford still, it will be found 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands, saith Camden; from St Michaël in the Azores 'tis exactly true by which the Preface promised to go; but from the Fortunate Isles or the Pike in Tenariffe, not out 15.  
In case any of the lesser Meridian's happen to pass through the Place, you may reckon of what number it is from the Great Meridian, as whether it be the 3d, 5th, 9th, etc. and so many times 10 Degrees, (for at that distance they are set) is the Longitude of the Place. The same course may be taken by the Parallels to account the Degrees of Latitude.  
And as the Longitude and Latitude are found out by the Place known, so after the same manner any Place may be found out by the foreknowledge of them. This foreknowledge was first had by Observation of the Eclipses of the Moon, and the Meridian Altitude of the Sun or Stars, but may be now more easily gotten out of the Tables of Peter Appian, Gemma Frisius, Mercator, Ortelius, Tycho, and that annexed to Mr Hues his Treatise of the Use of the Globes, wherein the Longitudes and Latitudes of all the Principal Cities, Capes, Rivers, etc. are set down, but not accounting all from the same Meridian, which therefore also must be considered off: For the named Autors, Appian, Gemma Frisius, and Tycho reckoned from the Canaries, the rest from St Michaël in the Azores.   

Of the Difference of Longitude and Latitude, and what is to be observed in the converting of the Degrees of either into Miles.  
THe Respect of several Places one to another, is called the Difference of Longitude or Latitude, as the Latitude of Oxford is 51 Degrees, the Latitude of Durham 55. The Difference of Latitude is 4 Degrees. The Use of Longitude and Latitude, in the absolute sens, was to make out the Position of any Place, in respect of the Whole Sphere. In this other meaning, the Intent is to show the Situation and Distance of any Place from and in respect of any other. The Situation of a Place to another Place, is otherwise called the Angle of Position; but of the Distance first, and how that is to be made into Miles.  
The several cases put by the Geographers of this Difference, are either of Places differing in Latitude only, or Longitude only, or both. Places differing in latitude only, are all such as lie under the same Meridian, but several Parallels. This may so fall out, as that either both the Places may be in North, or both in South Latitude, or one of them in each. If both the Places lie in North or South Latitude, than it is plain, that if the lesser Latitude be subduced from the greater, the Remanent of Degrees, multiplied into Miles by 60, showeth the Distance, as the Isl' de Maio in the Latitude of 14 Degrees; and the Isle of St Michaël 39 Degrees, are both under the same Meridian: the 14 Degrees are the lesser Latitude, which taken from the 39 the greater, the remainder is 25, which multiplied by 60, giveth the Distance in Miles. If one of the Places lie in North, the other in South Latitude, add the Degrees of both Latitudes together, and do the like.  
The very same Cours is to be taken, if the Places differ in Longitude only, in case they both lie under the Line itself, because there the measure is in a Great Circle, as in the Meridian's of Latitude; but if otherwise it fall out to be in any Parallel, on this or that side of the Line, the case is altered.  
We take for instance the Difference of Longitude betwixt London and Charlton, or Charls-Town, in Charlton Island, so honoured with the Name of CHARLES Prince of WALES, by Captain Thomas James, at his Attempt upon the North-West Passage in the Wintering, the 29th of May, the Year 1632, which was the Day of His Highness' Nativity.  
The Difference of Longitude is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes, as it was taken from an Eclipse of the Moon, observed there by the Learned Captain, Octob. 29, 1631, and by Mr Henry Gellibrand at Gresham College at the same time. It is required that this Difference of Longitude be converted into Miles.  
The Latitude of Charlton is 52 Degrees, 3 Minutes; that of London much about the same. Here the proportion of 60 Miles to a Degree, will over-reckon the Distance almost by the half. The reason whereof shall be first reported out of the Nature of the Sphere.  
However it be certain, that the Artificial Globe (as the Natural is supposed to be) is of a Form precisely round, and may be drawn upon all over with Great Circles Meridionally, yet considered from the Middle Line to the Poles, it hath a sensible Inclination or Depression of Sphere, as it is termed in their words, so that if the Artificial Globe be turned about upon its Axel, several parts of the same Body shall be more swiftly moved then other at the same time; for it is plain, that the Equator is moved about in the same duration of time, as the smallest Parallel, but the Circumferences are of a Vast and Visible Disproportion, and therefore is not possible they should go an equal pace.  
It is upon the same grounds, that the Author of the Use of the Globe per Terram mobilem will tell you, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Earth, though Amsterdam (in the same Latitude with Oxford) keep pace with the Isle of St Thomas under the Line, yet they are of a very different dispatch; for Amsterdam goeth but 548 Miles in an hour, whereas the Isle of St Thomas posteth over 900 Miles in the same space of time, which is after the rate of 12 Miles in a Minute, and more. And all this is true (that is true to the Paradox) from the Inclination of the Sphere: But more plainly yet.  
We see that the Meridian's upon the Globe are set at 10 Degrees Distance, but we may perceiv too that this Distance groweth less and less, as the Meridian's draw nearer towards their concurrence in the Poles, as the Globe itself doth from the Equator upwards, and therefore the Degrees however accounted proportionable, yet cannot possibly be equal in the Lesser Parallels to those in the Equator, but must needs make an orderly Diminution from thence to either of the Poles.  
When therefore it was formerly said that 60 Miles of the Surface of the Earthly Globe answer to a degree in the Heaven, it is to be understood of the Degrees of a Great Circle, and so is always true in those of Latitude, but in the Degrees of Longitude it holdeth only in the Equator itself, but in the Parallels more North, or South the proportion diminisheth from 60 to none at all. So that if I would convert the Longitudes of the Molucca's, or any other parts under the Line into Miles, it is but multiplying the Degrees of Longitude by 60 and the thing is done; but if I would do the like by Oxford, or any other place betwixt the Equator and the Poles, I must first know what number of Miles answereth to a Degree in that Parallel of Latitude. The knowledge of this dependeth upon the proportion which the Equator beareth to the Parallels, which is learned out by the skill of trigonometry, but need not now be so hardly attained to; for the Proportions are already cast up into a Table by Peter Appian in the first Part of his cosmography. They are there set down according to the Rate of Germane Miles, one of which maketh 4 of ours. According to our own Rate they are as followeth:  

The Proportion of English Miles answering to their several Degrees of Latitude.  Deg. of Lat. Miles English. Seconds. 1 59 59 2 59 58 3 59 55 4 59 51 5 59 46 6 59 40 7 59 33 8 59 25 9 59 16 10 59 5 11 58 54 12 58 41 13 58 28 14 58 13 15 57 57 16 57 41 17 57 23 18 57 4 19 56 44 20 56 23 21 56 1 22 55 38 23 55 14 24 54 49 25 54 23 26 53 56 27 53 28 28 52 59 29 52 29 30 51 58 31 51 26 32 50 53 33 50 19 34 49 45 35 49 9 36 48 32 37 47 55 38 47 17 39 46 38 40 45 58 41 45 17 42 44 35 43 43 53 44 43 10 45 42 26 46 41 41 47 40 55 48 40 9 49 39 22 50 38 34 51 37 46 52 36 56 53 36 7 54 35 16 55 34 25 56 33 33 57 32 41 58 31 48 59 30 54 60 30 0 61 29 5 62 28 10 63 27 14 64 26 18 65 25 21 66 14 24 67 23 27 68 22 29 69 21 30 70 20 31 71 19 32 72 18 32 73 17 33 74 16 32 75 15 32 76 14 31 77 13 30 78 12 28 79 11 27 80 10 25 81 9 23 82 8 21 83 7 19 84 6 16 85 5 14 86 4 11 87 3 8 88 2 5 89 1 3 90 0 0  
KNowing then the Latitude of Charlton to be 52 Degrees, and that of London much about the same: I enter the Table, where I find the Sum of 36 Miles, or thereabouts to answer a Degree of that Parallel, therefore muliplying the Degrees of Longitude by 36, it giveth up the number of Miles from the Great Meridian to the Place.  
And very fit it were that these Proportions were written upon the Horizon of the Terrestrial Globes, rather than the Calendars. And what else there is, confessed by themselves to belong of right to the other Globe, and of little use to the Geographer, till this will be, they may be cut upon a Silver-Plate, or Ruler of Box, or some how, or other; for without this Table, the Use of the Globe, as to this Case of Difference, is as good as none at all.  
The last Case is remaining, which is put of such Places as differ both in Longitude and Latitude; for the consideration whereof the Geographers have devised several ways, as the Arithmetical way; That by the Spherical Triangles, by the Semicircle, etc. But the working by either of these is of more time and intricacy than was to be wished. The readiest of all, and not much inferior to the certainty of the rest is the Geometrical way, as Peter Appian (one of the Fathers of this Art) hath termed it; and 'tis no more but this: Let the two Places be the Isle of St Thomas and Tenariff in the Canaries. Take your Compasses and set one Foot of them in Tenariff, the other in S. Thomas, and keeping the Feet of the Compasses at the same distance, remove them to the Equator, or Great Meridian, and see how many Degrees they set off; for that number multiplied by 60 is the Distance of the two Places in Miles. The ground of this Rule is, that the Distance of all Places not differing only in Longitude, are to be understood to be in a Great Circle, and it was known before, that the Degrees of such a one are severally answered by 60 of our Miles upon the face of the Earth. You may do the like in the Quadrant of Altitude as will be seen in the next Invention.   

To find out the Bearing of one Place from another, and what is meant by the Angle of Position.  
THe Zenith is the Pole of the Horizon through which the Astronomers imagine Circles drawn (as the Meridian's through the Poles of the World) so dividing the Degrees of the Horizon as to mark out the Site of the Stars from this or that Coast of the World. And because these Circles are supposed to be drawn through the Semt, or seemeth Alros, that is The Point over the Head, or Vertical Point, The Arabians called them Alsemuth, we call them still Azimuths. And for that the Zenith Point still altereth with the Horizon, these Circls could not have been described upon the Globes, but are represented there by the Quadrant of Altitude, which is the 4th part of any one of those, and most properly serving the other Globe, yet upon the same ground is useful to the Geograher in setting out that Angle which is made by the meeting of the Meridian of any Place, with the Vertical Circle of any other and of the same, called therefore the Angle of Position, or Site. To find this out you are to elevate the Pole to the Latitude of one of the Places, then bring the Place to the Meridian, and it will fall out directly to be in the Zenith of that Elevation upon this ground, That the Elevation is always equal to the Latitude; then fasten the Quadrant of Altitude upon the Zenith, and turn it about till it fall upon the other Place, and the End of the Quadrant will point out the Situation upon the Horizon. Let the Places be Oxford and the Hill in Tenariff, set the Globe to the Elevation of Oxford, that is 51 Degrees of Elevation above the Horizon, then bring Oxford to the Meridian, and it falleth under 51 Degrees of Latitude from the Equator, therefore it is found in its own Vertical Point 90 Degrees equidistantly removed from the Horizon: Fasten there the Quadrant, and move about the Plate till it fall upon the Hill in Tenariff, and the end of the Quadrant where it toucheth the Horizon will show that the Hill in Tenariff beareth from Oxford South South-West: and if you multiply the the Degrees of the Quadrant intercepted betwixt the two Places by 60, you have the Distance in Miles, which was promised before.  
If you find, as you needs must, that the Proportion of Miles upon the Globe doth not always answer to that which we reckon upon in the Earth, you are desired not to think much; for when it is promised that 60 of our Miles shall run out a Degree of a Great Circle above, it is intended upon this Supposition, as if the Earth we tread upon were precisely round as the Globe itself is, and not interrupted with Rivers, Hills, Valleys, etc. which though they bear no proportion otherwise, yet because it cometh to pass by this that we cannot set our course in a Straight Line upon the Earth as the Demonstration is forced to presuppose, we must be contented if some difference fall out.  
The more unhappy Difference will be found in the Longitudes themselves. The Difference of Longitude betwixt Rome and Norenberg (as M. Gellibrand hath already made the Observation) is according te Kepler, but 4 Minutes of Time: Lansbergh reckoneth it at 10 Degrees, Mercator at 12, Stadius at 18, Longomontanus at 16, Stoffler at 18, Maginus at 26, Werner at 32, Origan at 33, Appian at 34, Regiomontanus at 36: with discouragement enough it may be noted, for the Places are very eminent, and of a near Distance: the Men professed able, and for the most part reckoning from the same Great Meridian; and yet the less to be wondered at, if we consider how much in this case must be taken upon trust, even by these Men themselves. We must not think they all spoke this of their own Knowledge, for it is certain the thing might have been, and is done, though not without any at all, yet without any considerable disagreement. I say the Longitudes for a very great part, are exactly enough agreed on. The perfection is not one Man's, nor one Ages Work, and must be waited for. It must not seem strange if I tell you that you may distinguish the more certain from the doubtful by their dsconvenience, for where you find them to agree, you have cause to suspect (for the most part) that they have lain long upon the Lees of Time, not as yet enquired into. But if you find them to disagree, you may conclude that they have been brought to a new Examination. And of these, you are to take the latest, and from such (if it may be) as have done it by their own Observation, as out of the Tables of Tycho before others. The difference of Longitude by Tycho's Tables betwixt Rome and Norenberg is under 4 Degrees, which cometh nearest to Kepler, who also took it himself from two several observations of the Moon. There will still seem to be some want of satisfaction, but it is sufficient for any man to know in this as much as any other man doth.  
If you would convert the Degrees of Longitude into Hours (for this also may be done as well into Miles) you are to allow 15 Degrees to one Hour, upon the Reasons taught before; and that which will be gained by this is to know, by how much sooner or later the Sun Riseth, or Setteth to one Place then to another. As the Difference of Longitude betwixt Oxford and Charlton is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes: that is, 5 Hours, 18 Minutes: and because Charlton lieth West from London, the Sun Riseth so much sooner here then there.   

To find out the several Positions of Sphere, Clime, Parallel, etc.  
THe Latitude and Longitude of a Place once resolved upon, the other Accidents of Sphere will follow of themselves: the Position of Sphere you cannot miss of, for if the Place you try for have no Latitude at all, you know already that it must of necessity lie under the Line itself, and therefore in a right Position. If it have less, or more the Position is obliqne. If it have as much as it can have, that is the Whole Quadrant, or 90 Degrees, the Position is Parallel; the reasons were told before, and may evidently be discerned upon the Globe.  
For the Climes and Parallels, and consequently the length of the longest Day, The foreknowledge of the Latitude leadeth you directly, in case the Climes be set down upon the Brass Meridian, or in any void part of the Globe, otherwise it is but entering the Table of Climes and Parallels proportioned to every Degree of Latitude, and you have your desire. And as by the Latitude you may find out the Clime, so if it happen that you knew the Clime before, as it may in the reading of the Estates du Monde, or the like Describers, you may by the Clime find out the Latitude; And you cannot know either of these, but you must needs know the Zone: And if you know that, you can as easily conclude upon the Distinction of Shadows, for you knew before that the Inhabitants of the Mid Zone are always Ascii or Amphiscii; those of the two Extreme Periscii; those of the two Temperate or Intermedious, Heteroscii. To find out the other Distinction of Habitation you may do thus: Let Oxford be the Place; bring it to the Meridian, where you find it to be 51 Degrees lifted up above the Equator; account so many Degrees of Southern Latitude below the Equator, and you meet with the Antaeci (if any be) in the Terra Australis incognita; remove Oxford from the Meridian 180 Degrees, and you shall find your Periaeci under the Meridian where Oxford was before, about the Bay of S. Michaël in the Kingdom of Quivira, and your Antipodes in the place where their Antaeci stood before, but they are not, for the Place is covered over with Water.  
There yet remaineth one way of Description, but out of Curious Art, and of no great Instruction, yet because it is made use of by some Geographers, and not left out by M. Camden himself in his Britannia, I may tell what it meaneth.   

Of Astrological Geography, and to tell under what Sign, or Planet, a Region, or City is subjected.  
THe Wisdom of the Ancients (it was called so) held an Opinion that not our selus only, the Little Worlds, but the Great Globe of the EARTH also is particularly reigned over by the Dominion of the 12 Signs, and Influence of the 7 Planets; upon which Principle (as we receiv it by ptolemy's Tradition) they divided this Globe into 4 Quadrants by the Intersection of the Equator with the Great Meridian passing by the Canaries. Every of these Quadrants they again divided into 4 Trigons, consisting each of them of 3 Signs of the Zodiac, not orderly, but so as that every Trigon night be made up of one Fixed Sign, one Movable, and the third Common, as they distinguish. The first Quadrant was reckoned from the Vernal by the Pole to the Autumnal Intersection, and was called the Quadrant of the Habitable World: for every one of the other three was to that Time a Terra incognita. The first Trigon of this Quadrant falleth to the Dominion of Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius. The Second to Taurus, Virgo, and Capricornus, and to the Influence of such Planets as are connatural to such Signs. So Britain France, Germany, etc. fall to the share of Aries and his Planet Mars. Italy, Sicily, etc. to Leo: Norway, Bavaria, etc. to Scorpio; and so forwards, concluding all, and every Part and Province of the Globe under one, or other of the Twelv. But this empty Speculation stopped not here, but would make us believ too, that not Whole Countries only, but every City, Castle, Village, nay, not a private House, or a Ship that ride's upon the Oceän but is thus distinctly governed by their Planets. They do it upon this ground: Those men allow as earnest a livelihood to the Beam in the Timber, and Stone in the Wall as to themselves. And when the first Stone of a Building is laid, a City or House is said to be born, and as Formal a Figure erected of that, as of the Owner's Nativity.  
The Emperor Constantine (though you would not think it) at the Building of his new Rome commanded Valens, (a named ginger of that Time) to Calculate the Nativity, and make Judgement of the Life and Duration of that Imperial City. The Asscendent was Cancer, and the ginger said that the Empire should stand 696 years, and (whether he knew so much or not) he said true; the City lived longer indeed, but all the rest was but labour and sorrow. And for a more private Mansion, there is yet now to be seen the Nativity of the Warden's Lodgings of Merton College in one of the Windows; the Horoscope the same with that of Constantinople; now look what Sign of the twelv shall be found to rise up in the Horoscope or Angle of the East, that is the Sign-Regent of that House, or City. Prepared thus, the Astrologers sit in Judgement upon the Inclinations and Fatalities of States and Men: and how little soever it may seem to us, or be in itself, it was of moment to some of old, for Tiberius (an ginger himself) had the Genitures of all his Nobility by him, and according as he found his own, or the Kingdom's Horoscope to be well, or ill looked upon by theirs, so he let them stand, or cut them off by Legislative Astrolologie.  
According therefore to this way of Description, the Kingdom of England is Astrologically Sited in the first Trigon of the first Quadrant, under the Dominion of Aries for the Sign, and for the Planet Mars; or otherwise under the Dominion of Pisces, now in the Place of Aries, and the Influence of the Moon and Mars. And Silen saith, that the Planet of England is the Moon, and Saturn of the Scots: Vnde homines illius regionis (saith an old ginger) sunt vagi, & instabiles, ludibrio exponuntur, nunc ad summum, nunc ad imum delati. So the Jews and we are governed by the same Stars equally, as Cardan is pleased to say of us; 
* Cardan. in a Tetrabib. Ptolomaei, cap. 3. tex. 12.  A Rebellious and Unlucky Nation, ever now and then making of New Laws and Rites of Religion to the better sometimes, but for, the most part to the worst.  
Now take an essay by all the ways of Description in the Geography of Oxford.  
It lieth in an Obliqne Position of Sphere in the Northern Temperate Zone: The Elevation of the Pole 51 Degrees, 30 Minutes: the Longitude from the Great Meridian in Tenariff 15 Degrees: under the 8 Clime, and 16 Parallel: the Longest Day 16 Hours. The Sign-Regent is Capricorn: the Noon-Shadows are Heteroscian: We are Pericoeci to the Bay of S. Miguel in Quivira: Antaeci to the Northern parts of Terra Australis incognita below the Promontory: We are Antipodes to none.   

The Description and Use of Maps and ChartsVniversal and Particular.  
IT was said before that as the Whole Earth upon the Globe, so the Whole, or any Part thereof may be Described upon a Plane: And howsoever the Description by Globe be confessed on all sides to be nearest and most commensurable to Nature. 
Ptolom. Geograph. lib. 1 cap. 20.  Non facilè tamen (saith PTOLEMY) magnitudinem praebet quae suscipere possit multa, quae necessariò suo collocanda sunt loco: neque descriptionem, ut unico momento cerni valeat, toti figurae adaptare potest: sed alterum ad alterius designatonem transferre necesse existit: hoc est aut visum, aut sphaeram: quorum neutrum descriptioni, quae in plano fit, accidit, sed modum quendam ad similitudinem sphaericae imaginis inquirit, ut distantias quae in ea statuendae sunt, quàm maximè commensuratas faciat, ac secundùm eam apparentiam, quia cum vera conveniat.  
This manner of Description hath multiplied into several ways of Device; not only from the different Ingenies of the Artificers, but from grounds in the Art itself, and from the several extents of the Known World at several times. Possidonius conceived it into the Form of a Sling as the Archbishop of Thessolonica noteth to that of Dionysius, After 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Delineation whereof is made by the learned Bertius, who noteth also Ad Fundam Possidonii that Possidonius did not this out of ignorance of the Spherical form of the Earth, but pretending only to exhibit as much of the World as that time was made acquainted with, which cast up together, was not much unlike to that Figure which he fancied. Mercator describeth it under the Form of two Hearts, Orontius of one, and under the same Form is the Arabick-Map cited by Scaliger and James Christ-man, and not wanting to our Public Library, together with the Tabula Bembina, 
In Archiv. Bib. Bodleian.  or Egyptian Map of the World in Hieroglyphics, we are now for as great a reason to call it Tabula Laudina, by whose  expense and Providence we are possessed of that and the like Monuments of the rarest Learning.  
Others have fancied some other ways; but leaving what may be supererogated by Affectation, There be two manners of this Description according to Art. The first by Parallelogram: The other by Planisphere.   

The Description of the whole by Parallelogram.  
THe Parallelogram used to be divided in the midst by a Line drawn from North to South, passing by the Azores, or Canaries for the Great Meridian. Cross to this, and at right Angles another Line was drawn from East to West for the Equator; then two Parallels to each to comprehend the Figure in the Squares, whereof were set down rather four parts of the World than the whole: And this way of Description howsoever not so exact, or near to Natural, yet hath been followed even by such as still ought to be accounted Excellent, though it were their unluckiness to light upon those needy Times of Reformation that had to struggle with that great Neglect and Interruption which passed betwixt the Days of Ptolemy and Ours. Mercator himself, I mean, Peter Plancius and others of about that time, and more lately: And some of them did not perceiv but that the Meridian's might be drawn Parallel throughout, utterly against the original Nature and Constitution of the Sphere, which the Plain Charts were bound to follow at the nearest Distance. Upon the Globe itself we know the Meridian's about the Equinoctials are equi-distant, but as they draw up towards the Pole, to show their distance is proportionably diminished, till it come to a Concurrence; answerably the Parallels, as they are deeper in Latitude, so they grow less and less with the Sphere; so that at 60 Degrees the Equinoctial is double to that Parallel of Latitude, and so proportionably. This is the Ground.  
It will follow from hence, that if the Picture of the Earth be drawn upon a Parallelogramme, so that the Meridian's bee equally distant throughout, and the Parallels equally extended; the Parallel of 60 Degrees shall be as great as the Line itself▪ and he that coasteth about the World in the Latitude of 60, shall have as far to go by this Map, as he that doth it in the Equator, though the way be but half as long. For the Longitude of the Earth in the Equator itself is 21600; but in the Parallel of 60 but 10800, Miles. So two Cities under the same Parallel of 60, shall be of equal Longitude to other two under the Line, and yet the first two shall be but 50, the other two 100 Miles distant. So two Ships departing from the Equator at 60 Miles distance, and coming up to the Parallel of 60, shall be 30 Miles nearer, and yet each of them keep the same Meridian's, and sail by this Card upon the very same Points of the Compass at which they set forth.  
This was complained of by Martin Cortes and others. And the learned Mercator considering well of it, caussed the Degrees of the Parallel to encreas by a proportion towards the Pole.  
The Mathematical Generation whereof M. Wright hath taught by the Inscription of a Planisphere into a Concave Cylinder, which because it cannot be expressed in plainer Terms, take here in his own words, Cap. 2. Of his Correction of Errors in Navigation.  
Suppose (saith he) a Spherical Superficies with Meridian's, Parallels, Rumbes, etc. to be inscribed into a concave Cylinder, their Axes agreeing in one. Let this Spherical Superficies swell like a Bladder, while it is in blowing equally all ways in every part thereof (that is, as much in Longitude as Latitude) till it apply, and join itself (round about, and all alongst also towards either Pole) unto the concave Superficies of the Cylinder, each Parallel upon this Spherical Superficies increasing successively from the Equinoctial towards either Pole until it come to be of equal Diameter with the Cylinder, and consequently the Meridian's, still widening themselves till they come to be so far distant every everie where each from other, as they are at the Equinonoctial. Thus it may most easily be understood how a Spherical Superficies may by Extension be made a Cylindrical, and consequently a plain Parallelogramme Superficies, because the Superficies of a Cylinder is nothing else but a plain Parallelogramme wound about two equal equidistant Circles that have one common Axletree perpendicular upon the Centres of them both, 
Element. lib. decimo. Cylindrus est figura quae sub converso circum quiescens alterum latus eorum, quae rectum angulum continent, Parallelogrammo orthogonio comprehenditur, cum in eundem rarsus locum restitutum fuerit illud Parallelogrammum unde moveri coeperat. Axis autem Cylindri est quiescens illa recta linea, circum quam Parallelogrammum vertitur. Bases vero Cylindri sunt Circuli, à duchus adversis lateribus, quae circum aguntur, descripti.  and the peripheries of each of them equal to the length of the Parallelogramme, as the distance betwixt those Circles or height of the Cylinder is equal to the breadth thereof.  
In this Parallelogramme thus conceived to be made, all places must needs be situate in the same Longitudes, Latitudes, and Directions or Courses, and upon the same Meridian's, Parallels, and Rumbes that they were in the Globe, because that at every point between the Equinoctial and the Pole, we understand the Spherical Superficies to swell equally in Longitude as in Latitude, till it join itself unto the concavity of the Cylinder, so as hereby no part is any way distorted or displaced out of his true and natural situation upon his Meridian, Parallel or Rumb, but only dilated and enlarged, the Meridian's also Parallels and Rumbes dilating and enlarging themselves likewise at every point of Latitude in the same proportion.  
What the Author of the brief Introduction to Geographie meaneth, where he saith, That this Imagination unless it be well qualified is utterly falls, and makes all such Maps faulty in the situation of Places, I know not: The conceit I am sure is grounded upon the very Definition of a Cylinder by the 21. lib 10. Euclid. 'Tis confessed to be but Hypothetical, which is ordinary with Mathematical Men. The Business was (and it doth that) to bring the matter down to common apprehension.  
But however this Description of the Earth upon a Parallelogramme may be so ordered by Art as to give a true account of the Situation and Distance of the Parts, yet it can never be fitted to represent the Figure of the Whole.   

The Description of the Whole by Planisphere.  
THis way of Description rendereth the face of the Earth upon a Plain in its own proper Figure Spherically, as upon the Globe itself, 
definite. 21, 22, 23.  the gibbositie only allowed for: Sed quicunque (saith Bertius) Globum Terrae institue●it in plano describere, deprehendet fieri id uno circuli ambitu non posse.  
As near to a Circle, as it might, Ortelius and others have described it upon one Face. I have seen it done upon four Ovals, but keeping touch with the Nature of a Circle, and of the sphere itself, it cannot well be contrived upon so few as one, or more than two.  
Suppose then the Globe to be divided into two equal parts or Hemispheres. This you know cannot be done but by a great Circle. And therefore it must be done by the Equator or Meridian, for (the Colour is all one with the Meridian) the Horizon cannot fix, and the Zodiac hath nothing to do here. Res est admodum impedita (saith the same Bertius) & per quam difficilis orbem terrarum ejúsque partes describere, & quoth in natura cernitur exactè in Globo, aut tabula spectandum repraesentare observato partium omnium situ & figura, etc. cum suis Longitudinibus, Latitudinibus, Intervallis, & respectu ad partes Coeli, prima & naturae proxima ratio est Spherica: Secunda ea, quae ad Sphaeram maximè accedit ducta in plano, vel Tabula, quam idcirco vulgus Planisphaerium vocat. Sunt autem ejus modi duo. Vnus qui Sphaeram secat in Equatore, & duo efficit Hemisphaeria plana quorum in singulis Polus centri loco est. Circulus autem Equinoctialis loco peripheriae. Altar, qui Sphaeram secat. In aliquo Meridiano ita ut Poli in singulis Hemisphaeriis Hemisphaeriis supra infráque compareant in extremitate axis. First then   

Of the Section by the Equator.  
BUt before that, it must be commonly said of both these Sections, that the Translation of a Sphere from its profundity to a Plain of two only Dimensions, Lineal and Superficial, hath its Generation and Flux (I speak it in their words) from Optical or Perspective Imagination. They would have you (and by the Law of Art they may in infinitum & impossibilia postulare) to suppose the Eye placed near about the Centre of a Sphere of Glass, inscribed with Meridian's, Parallels, etc. in the direct manner as upon the Globe you see the Eye so placed within the concave of this Sphere and fixed upon the Pole, will comprehend a Section upon the Plane of the Equator, describing the Meridian's by Right, and the Parallels by Circular Lines: or fixed upon some point of the Equator, the Meridian which is drawn by that point and the Equator itself will appear in Streight, all the rest in Crooked Lines; for, if the the Eye be fixed upon any point of the Equator, the Meridian's and Parallels will be transferred to Sight, so as to be themselves the Bases of so many visual Cones, the tops whereof shall meet in the same point of the Great Meridian; or if the Eye be fixed upon the Pole, the Parallels will present themselves in like Cones, the sides whereof shall be terminated by the Meridian's, and therefore the Meridian's ought to be Straight Lines, and the Parallels Whole Circles.  
The Projections are both according to Art; but because the comprehension thereof cannot be familiar without saying too much to the purpose before hand concerning the Optical Pyramid, and the Angle of Vision, these things I require; and point you to a more capable way of Conception.  
Suppose the Globe of the Moon in opposition to the Sun, than she is at the fullest. Let her be Rising up in the East, and by the help of Refraction appear, as sometimes she doth, in Diameter so big as a Bushel (as the Country expresseth) suppose another World there, (some Brains do more than so) but do you only suppose it; and suppose also this Lunary Earth to be written upon with Meridian's, Parallels, and all other Distinctions of the Sphere, and as visible as the Body itself. The Globe of the Moon you may be sure is as solid and gibbous as that of this Earth and Water, and yet it is presented to your eye in the figure of a Planisphere. The reason is out of Perspective from the infinite distance. If you grant (as you cannot deny) but that your Sight is deceived in the Solidity, you may very well suffer yourself to be cozened on in the Inscriptions. These Meridian's and Parallels upon this Globe of the Moon, swell out there in whole Circles, in the very same manner as upon the Artificial Globe itself, and yet suppose them to be drawn there by either of the two Sections the Equator or Meridian, as the body of the Moon itself seemeth to you flat, and yet is not, so the Meridian's and Parallels would represent themselves in the very same figure and distance as you see them here below upon a paper Planisphere.  
By this deceit you may perceiv what is meant by that, which would not look so plain, if it were expressed by the punctilios of Art.  
Suppose the Globe to be flatted upon the Plain of the Equator, and you have the first way of Projection, dividing into the North and South Hemispheres, as you may see here in the Map.  
The Pole is the Centre, the Equator is the Circumference divided into 360 Degrees of Longitude; the Obliqne Semicircle from Aries to Libra, is the North-half of the Zodiac; the Parallels are whole Circles; the Meridian's are Straight Lines; the Great Meridian is divided into 90 Degrees of Latitude (and passeth by the Canaries); the Parallels are Parallels indeed, and the Meridian's equidistantly concur, 
Geograph. cap. 24. lib. 1.  and therefore all the Degrees are equal. After this way of Projection Ptolemy describe's that part of the Habitable World, which was discovered to his time.  
Among the late Geographers first, and almost only Postellus and the Noter upon him Severtius have much admired this manner of Section. The Noter saith, Sícque haec Mappa omnium praestantissima, quae veriùs quàm reliquae orbis planiciem refert, ob certissimos ac evidentissimos suos Indices plures, faciliores, ac magìs ad oculum perspicaces, usus babet.  
Since that, Berlius very earnestly and angrily recommendeth it to the Mechanics: Consulent sibi & publico (saith he) si modum istum reddant familiarem. But of the other way he saith, Hic autem modus cùm sit omnium nequissimus, est omnium operosissimus, & tamen hodie in maximo usu. Tantùm valet apud vulgus praeconcepta opinio: which though it may be true enough, yet we are to hear what Ptolemy hath to say himself.   

Of the Section by the Meridian.  
He confesseth the other way to be easiest, but Porrò similiorem etiam (saith he) & magìs commensuratam descriptionem orbis in Tabula faciemus, si Lineas Meridianas imaginatione concipiamus ad similitudinem Linearum Meridianarum in Sphaera, ità ut aspectus, seu oculorum axis in Sphaerae positionem penetret, & per Sectionem quae ad asspectum est Meridiani qui Longitudinem terrae cognitae in duas dividit parts, & Paralleli, qui & ipse bifariam ejus Latitudinem, nec non centrum spherae, quo ex aequo termini oppositi visu comprehendantur, & appareant, etc.  
Quod verò talis descriptio sphaericae formae similior sit quàm prior, per sese patet: quoniam si Sphaera fixa maneat, & non circumvolvatur, quod & tabulae contingit necessariò, quum per medium descriptionis visus constituitur, unus quidem medius & meridianus per axem asspectuum seu visûs in planum cadens in imaginatioonem rectae prebet Lineae: qui verò ex utrâque hujus parte sunt omnes, ad ipsum secundùm concava conversi apparent & magìs illi, qui plus ab eo distant, quod & hic observabitur, cum decenti convexitatam analogia.  
Suppose the Globe to be flatted upon the Plane of the Meridian and you have the other way of Projection. The Equator here is a Straight Line; the Great Meridian a whole Circle; the Lesser are the more, so as they come near to the Great: Therefore that which passeth by the point of concurrence in the Equator, and divideth the Longitude of either Hemisphere into two equal parts is a Straight Line; and Ptolemy saith, that this is the more natural way of Description; and yet it is certain that in this Section the Meridian's do not equidistantly concur. The Parallels are not Parallels indeed, and therefore all the Degrees are unequal.  
However this later way is that which is now most, and indeed altogether in use.   

Example of this in the Description of the Planispherical Map of Hondius.  
THen holding our selus to the more usual way of Projection instead of any other (for the difference would not be much) we set before us the two Hemispheres of Hondius of the year 1627. projected upon the Plane of the Meridian, you may understand it thus. Take the Globe out of the Frame and bring the Great Meridian to the Brass Meridian and you have the East and West Hemisphere. Suppose these two Hemispheres to be flatted upon the Plane of the Meridian, and the Imagination produceth these two faces of the Earth presented upon the Map.  
The Great Meridian passeth by St Marie and St Michaël of the Azores, as you may see in the North-West Quadrant of the East Hemisphere. And yet the Description subjoined to these Hemispheres reckoneth Longitude from the Isles Corvo and Flores, and to make you sure that it doth so, it is said there about the later end, that in the Azores the Compass varieth not at all (about Fayal and Flores) and that for no other reason he took the Longitude of the Map from thence, and not as Ptolemy from the Canary Isles. The Mistake is too great to fall from his own Pen; but it seems the Description was made for some other Map of Hondius where the Meridian passed by the Azores, and ignorantly afterwards intruded upon this, by the Printers or some others, if it were not so the oversight is the greater.  
This Meridian is of necessity doubled upon the Plane, and yet is to be supposed as one, which is easily done, if you reflect your conceit back upon the Nature of the Sphere, for do but fancy the two Faces into a Globe again, and the two Meridian's will become one. You are to conceiv as much upon the lesser Meridian's: And you may see too that they do not equally concur, for those two which are drawn quite cross to the Equator, precisely in the middle from 90 to 90, are straits Lines; all the rest as they more depart from the straight Lines, so to follow the Nature of the Globe they are more and more Circles, and at a farther distance.  
In the Northwest Quadrant of the East Hemisphere, you have the nine Southerly Climes set down, as in the brass Meridian of Saunderson's Globe. The Northern Climes the Author thought not fit to distinguish, but in the East Semicircle of the same Hemisphere, you have the length of the longest Day in hours and minutes, to every several Degree of Northern, and of Southern Latitude, which by a more exact and shorter cut, doth the Business of the Clime and Parallel without more ado, which therefore by some are accounted but superfluous Terms of this Art.  
In the East Semicircle of the other Hemisphere you have the proportion of English Miles to the several Degrees of Latitude for both Quadrants, to the use whereof there is nothing here anew to be said.  
The Line crossing the two Hemisphers is the Equator, in the Degrees whereof the Longitude is to be reckoned from S. Michael; and so the Latitude in the Great Meridian, no otherwise then as it was taught upon the Globe itself, though not with equal Art and assurance from the reasons of Deficiency in this way of Projection rendered before.  
Neither ought any thing to be repeated over upon the Zodiac, the Tropical, the Polar, or Parallel Cirles, for they are all the same, and of the same use as upon the Globe, the Cards, and Rumbs are alike.  
The little Circles or Roundlets dispersed here and there about the Hemispheres for the most part give account of the several Degrees of Variation of the Compass in North-easting or North-westing, as also in what Places there's no Variation at all, so as the Straits of Magellan the Roundlet there saith, Ad fauces freti Magellanici deviatio Acû 6 Grad. Orientem versus; That the Needle North-easteth six Degrees.  
In the Southern Quadrant of the Eastern Hemisphere you have set down three ways of measuring the Distance of Places. The first performeth by a Globe: the second by an Astrolabe: the third by a Semicirle: but the second and third, as not of that readiness in working as the first, may be passed over.  
The first in effect is the Geometrical way, Accipe Globum, quamuìs exiguum, etc. Horidius adviseth you to have a kind of Terella, or little Globe, not adorned with all the requisites of the Sphere, but only traced over with Meridian's, the Equator, and the Parallels: the Meridian and Equator to be divided into Degrees. No more but so, Let the two Places into whose Distance you inquire be London and Paris, find the Longitude and Latitude of both the Places in the Planisphere; then again find the same Longitude and Latitude upon the Globe, than set one foot of your Compass upon the Place where London, and the other foot where Paris should be upon the Globe, and bring your Compass with that Distance to the Equator: And the Degrees intercepted, multiplied into Miles by 60, show the Distance. This is as much as to tell us, that in measuring the Distances of Places there is no great trust to be had to any Planispherical Projection whatsoever: for though that by the Section of the Equator be nearer to the Sphere than this by the Section of the Meridian, yet they are both equally engaged in this Imperfection that they cannot satisfy for the gibbositie of the Globe.   

The Description and Use of Particular Charts.  
PArticular Maps are but Limbs of the Globe, and therefore though they are drawn asunder, yet it is still to be done with that proportion, as a remembering Eye may suddenly acknowledge, and join them to the whole Body.  
They are most commonly described upon a Parallelogramme, but their relation to the Body itself is not to be judged by this. It is not done to that end, but that being but Parts and Members severed from the Whole, they yet might make show of as great an appearance of Integrity as could be allowed.  
Their Place in their Body is to be esteemed from their proper Lineaments, drawn within the Square, that is, such Portions of Meridian's and Parallels as they consisted of in the Globe itself.  
Briefly to the Constitution of a particular Chart, These Moment's especially make up the Projection, the Graduation, The Reference to the great Meridian, the Scale, and the Compass.  

Projection.  The Projection is most commonly (as I said) upon a Parallelogramme, sometimes inscribed with an Oval, as the Map of Flanders, and German Basse in Ortelius; or upon a Circle, as that of the North Pole in Mercator's Atlas: And because no Region is exactly square or round, so much of the bordering Territories are usually thrust in, as may not only declare the Bounds, but fill up the Square too.  
The Projection is mainly concerned in the foreknowledge of the Longitude and Latitude of the Country: And the Latitude is to be expressed by Parallels from North to South, as the Longitude by Meridian's from West to East, each of them at 10 Degrees distance, or the Meridian's at 15, as the Geographer shall pleas, and may be drawn either by Circle, as the Maps of Asia and America in Ortelius his Theatrum; or by right Line, and that either extended, as in the Map of Africa there, or only begun upon the Parallelogramme, as in the Map of Europe; and then the two extreme Parallels may be the North and South sides of the Parallelogramme: but if they be right Lines, they are not (that is, the Meridian's are not) to be drawn direct or parallel, but inclining and concurring to confess the Nature of the Whole, whereof they are such parts, and the named Parallels are more notably to be distinguished then the rest, if they have place in the Map, as in that of Africa you have the Equator, and both the Tropics either graduated, as the Equator, or drawn double at least, as the Tropics, etc.  
For the Graduation. 
Graduation.  The Degrees of Longitude are most commonly divided upon the North and South sides of the Parallelogramme. The Degrees of Latitude upon the East and West sides, or otherwise upon the most Eastern and Western Meridian of the Map within the Square, as in the Descriptions of Ptolemie continually; or if the Projection be upon a Circle, as that of the North Pole in the Atlas, the Degrees of Longitude are set upon the uttermost Parallel, and those of Latitude upon a portion of the Great Meridian, answerable to the Semidiameter of that Latitude. And the Climes may be set down to the Degrees of Latitude, as in the Description of Portugal by Vernandus Alvarus. But it hath seemed good to some Geographers, nay, even to Ortelius himself in these particular Descriptions for the most part to make no Graduation or Projection at all; but to put the matter off to a Scale of Miles, and leave the rest to be believed. Whether this or Mercator's way in the Atlas were more Artificial, I will not judge in the cause of the King of Spain's Geographer.  
For the first Meridian, 
Reference to the great Meridian.  It is a fault you will more generally find, that there is very seldom any expression of that Reference, so that though there be Graduation, and the Longitude set before your eyes, yet you will find yourself uncertain, unless it be told you before, that the Longitudes in Mr Camdem, Speed, Nordon, and the late English Describers generally are taken from Mercator's First Meridian, by S. Michael in the Azores, though some of them indeed (and not M. Camdem only, but such too as made it their business to do otherwise) have proposed the Matter in effect to be done by the Canaries as the Author of the Brief Introduction to Geography, (if I understand him) in these words.  
Upon the Globe there are many (Meridian's) drawn, all which pass through the Poles, and go North and South; but there is one more remarkable than the rest drawn broad with small Divisions, which runneth through the Canarie-Islands or Azores, Westward of Spain, which is counted the first Meridian in regard of reckoning and measuring of Distances of places one from another; for otherwise there if neither first nor last in the round Earth: But some place must be appointed where to begin the Account: And those Islands have been thought fittest, because no part of the World that lay Westward was known to the Ancients further than that: and as they began to reckon, there we follow them.  
But as concerning Mercator himself you have more to look to. Mercator's constant Meridian was that by S. Michaël, and so you will find it in the Atlas, set out by Rumuldus. But in that of Hondius Edition lately translated into English, you will find it otherwise, though you shall see too in what a fair way you are to be deceived of this also.  
In the Description of Island, pag. 33. The Book saith, It is situated not under the first Meridian, as one bath noted, but in the eighth Degree from thence. To which the Margin (but not knowing what) saith,  
That this first Meridian is a great Circle rounding the Earth from Pole to Pole, and passing through the Islands called Azores, and namely the Isle of S. Michaël, as the same Noter to pag. 10.  
He might think he went upon aground good enough; for in the seventh Chapter of the Introduction, Mercator himself, saith thus:  
Ptolemy hath placed the first Meridian in the Fortunate Isles; which at this day are called the Canaries. Since, the Spanish Pilots have placed it in the Isle of Goss-hauks, which in their Language are called Assores, and some of them placed it in the middle of Spain, etc.  
Now we must hold (saith he) that the Longitude is a certain space or interval of the Equator closed between Meridian's, the one from the Isles called Azores, from whence it taketh the beginning; the other, from that Place or Region, whereof we would know the Distance.  
And yet for all this the Longitudes in that Book are accounted from the Canaries, as you may see in the East Hemisphere, and in the general Description of Africa. The Editioner Hondius would have it so, and (which is marvel the Marginal Noter could choose but know) he himself in the very Beginning maketh this Profession of it;  
Ptolemy, saith he, and we in this Book do make the Longitude to be a segment of the Equator comprehended betwixt the Meridian of the place, and the Meridian of the Fortunate Islands, for from these Islands the Beginning of Longitude is taken, etc.  
Having saved you this Labour in Mercator, you may now be told what is to be done with Ortelius.  
For his own Descriptions he always taketh to ptolemy's Meridian by the Canaries, as you may see in his Universal Face of the World, and in the General Description of Africa, to the Description of Hispaniola, Cuba, Culiacan, etc. he giveth this Admonition.  
Sciat Lector Autorem Anonymunt, qui hanc Culiacanam regionem, & has insulas perlustravit, & descripsit, Regionum Longitudines, non ut Ptolomaeus aliíque solent; à Fortunatis insulis versus Orientem sumpsisse, sed à Toleto Hispaniae umbilico Occidentem versús ex Eclipsibus ab ipsomet observatis deprehendisse.  
The like Note he affixeth to the Description of New-Spain: his meaning in both is, to let the Reader know that the Describer (who ever he was) did not in these Maps account the Degrees of Longitude, as Ptolemy, from West to East, and from the Fortunate Isles; but from East to West, and from the Meridian of Toledo Hispaniae Vmbilico; which is the meaning of Mercator, when he saith, That some of the Spanish Pilots placed the Great Meridian in the middle of Spain. And if you look upon the Longitude in the North and South sides of the Parallelogram, you shall see the Degrees reckoned backwards contrary to the received manner of Graduation. It is no very hard matter to reduce these Longitudes to the ordinary way, but rather than so, your may have recours to the Later Description of America, by Let and others.  
For the Scale, in particular Maps extending to a considerable portion of Longitude and Latitude, it dependeth for the ground upon the Degrees of the Great Circles, and the Proportion of Miles in several Countries to any such Degree. But in Lesser Descriptions it hath more to do with the known distance of any two, or more places experimentally found, or taken upon trust of Common Reputation.  
Here it is not to be thought that the Longitudes and Latitudes of all Places in a particular Chart need to be taken, but of the Principal only, the rest to be reduced by the Radius, the Angle of Position, and the like; and much also in this matter useth to be given to the Common Supputation; all which, the last especially are the Causses why the Maps agree no better, for of all other the Account of the Common People is most uncertain.  
The French Cosmographer of Amiens before named, when he took upon him to find out how many of their Leagues answered to a Degree, took his Journey from Paris as directly under the Meridian as he might, till he road 25 Leagues according to the Account of the Inhabitants of the Place. Nec tamen vulgi supputationem satiatus (saith he) vehiculum quod Parisios' rectâ viâ petebat conscendi in eóque residens tota via 17024 ferè rotae circumvolutiones collegi, vallibus & Montibus (quod facultas nostra ferebat) ad aequalitatem redactis. Erat autem rotae illius diameter sex pedum, séxque paulò magìs digitorum geometricorum, ob ídque ejus ambitus pedunt erat viginti seu passuum quatuor. His ergò revolutionibus per quatuor ductis reperi passus 68096 qui milliaira sunt Italica 68, cum passibus 96. In his return to Paris he took Coach, the Diameter of the Wheel was 6 foot and a little more, therefore the Circumference 20 foot, that is, 4 paces. He reckoned upon the way 17024 circumrotations of the Wheel, which multiplying by 4 the Numerus factus was 68006 paces, which amounted to 68 Miles Italian, and somewhat more. And yet according to Common Supputation they that reckon most, reckon but 25 Leagues to a Degree, and 60 Miles to 25 Leagues 8 Miles less. The Cosmographer addeth indeed, that by the same experiment he sound, that the French-League was of a greater proportion than two Italian Miles.  
If it could be expected that so exact a course might be taken in all particular Mensurations, we might put the more trust in the distances, and yet you see we might fail too. It is enough in such a case to know the reasons of those uncertainties where the thing itself is so insuperable.  
The Difference of Miles in several Countries is great, but it will be enough to know that the Italian and English are reckoned for all one, and four of these make a Germane Mile; two, a French-League; three, and somewhat more, a Spanish-League; the Swedish, or Danish Mile consisteth of five Miles English, and somewhat more.  
Now as the Miles of several Countries do very much differ, so those of the same do not very much agree: and therefore the Scales are commonly written upon with Magna, Mediocria, Parva, to show the Difference.  
Of Common English and Italian Miles 60 (as you know already) answer to a Degree of a Great Circle: 68 saith Fernelius: it ought to be 63 and somewhat more by the Semidiameter of the Earth, as it was taken by Mr Edward Wright near Plimmouth-Sound; dut 60 is most commonly believed and is the proportion (which in a very small matter) received by Ptolemy himself from Marinus the Tyrian with this approbation: 
Ptolom Geograph. lib. 1. cap. 11.  Sed in hoc quoque rectè setit partent unam qualium est circulus maximus trecentorum sexaginta, quinginta in terra constituere stadia, id enim confessis ' dimensionibus ' consonum existit.  
Of common German Miles 15 answer to a Degree; of common French-Leagues 25; of Spanish-Leagues 17; of Swedish and Danish 10.  
In some Maps you shall find the Miles thus hiddenly set down, as in that of Artois in Ortelius and elsewhere. And the meaning still is, that you should measure the Milliaria magna upon the Lowermost Line, the Parva upon the uppermost, and the Mediocria upon the Middlemost.  

Scala Milliarium.   scale of miles 
1 2 3 4 5 6   
In some other Maps, as in that of Westphalia in the same Author, you will find the Scale written upon with Milliaria magna, mediocria, & Horae itineris. To which you are to note, that some Nations measure their ways by hours, concluding of the Distance from the time spent in the going, the proportion whereof may be gathered from this note upon the Description of Helvetia. Continet autem Milliare Helveticum, ut nunc utuntur, spacium duarum horarum equestris; duarúmque & dimidiae pedestris itineris. Computantur ergò octo millia passuum Italicoram pro uno milliario Helvetico.  
Therefore one Hour-Mile of a Journey upon Horse, answereth to four English Miles: And yet it is set down before the Atlas that the proportion of itinerary Hours to a Degree is 20: They cannot both be true, 'tis enough to show how uncertain this way of measuring needs must be.  
For the Use of the Scale it is but setting one foot of your Compass in the little Circles of the places and bringing the Compass kept at that Distance to the Scale, and you have the number of great or middle Miles, according as the Inhabitants of those places are known to reckon.  
The Compass is set down to show the Bearing of Places, and by what Wind and Way the Mariner is to shape his course from Port to Port, as in the Universal Maps and Globe itself.   

Example of all this in the Description of Saxton's Map of England and Wales.  
ALl this may be exemplified in some one Particular Chart. The example useth to be given in the Description of France, but might more properly be made upon a Map of our own Country. There be several of these as that of Humphrey Llyid, that of Wortnel, Mr Speed's Descriptions and others; but we choose that of Saxton, a man recommended unto us by Mr Camden himself in the Preface to his Britannia.  
Nonnulli erunt fortasse qui Tabulas chorographicas hîc exspectent quas lenocinante picturâ oculis esse jucundiores, & in his Geographicis studiis plurimùm interesse fateor; maximè si mutis Tabulis literarum etiam lumen accedat. Hoc taemen praestare facultatis non est nostrae; & Angliam accuratissimè in Tabulis seorsim ornatissimus Vir Thomas Seckfordus Regiae Majestati à supplicum Libellis, suis impensis, & Christophori Saxtoni optimi Chorographi operâ, magnâ cum laude descripsit.  
Saxton drew up Typographical Descriptions of this Kingdom by the Shires and Counties into a set Volume of Tables; but whatsoever can be severally said of them may better be spoken all at once upon his great Chorographical Map of the Whole. A Description, which if it exceed not (as I think it doth) yet may compare with any particular Table made or to be made of any Country whatsoever.  
The Description is of England only and Wales, that it might be the more exact and useful, which expectation is so accurately answered that the smallest Village may be turned to there; Henxey or Botlie, as well as Oxford.  
It is described upon a Parallelogram: the North and South sides are Parallels of Latitude divided into Degrees of Longitude. The East and West sides stand for Meridian's, and are divided into Degrees of Latitude, and every Degree subdivided into 60 Parts but so, that a Degree of Longitude answereth but to so many parts of a Degree of Latitude, as it ought in that Parallel. The Parallels as the Meridian's are set down at one Degrees distance: the Parallels are Parallels indeed; the Meridian's are Straight Lines, but more and more concurring from South to North, as is required from the nature of the Sphere.  
The Latitude of the Countries is from 50 Degrees 8 Minutes to 55 and 50 Minutes. The Longitude from 17 to 25 Degrees and 9 Minutes: And 'tis reckoned from St Michaël and St Maries in the Azores, as the Geographer himself there expresseth: Longitudinis gradus ab eo Meridiano capiunt initium qui per Divae Mariae Insulam transit, quae omnium Azorearum maximè ad Orientem vergit.  
The middle Parallel of the Parallelogram is at 53 Degrees of Latitude and passeth by Newcastle upon Tine. The Middle Parallel of the Country itself is somewhat of a Lesser Latitude, and may be imagined to pass a not much besides Tidburie Castle in Staffordshire, as Mr Norden thought. And indeed Staffordshire hath been anciently accounted the Middle of England: and the Inhabitants of that Shire are called by BEDE Angli Mediterranei.  
The Scale of Miles is answerable to one Degree of Latitude, and is also divided, as they, into 60 Parts. And a Degree of Longitude answereth to so many Parts of that 60, as it ought in the Parallel of 50 Degrees of Latitude, that is 38 Miles or thereabouts; and therefore the graduation both of the Scale, the Parallels, and Meridian's is exact and according to Art. And in measuring the Distances of the Places, 'tis all one to set the Compass upon the Minutes of Latitude as upon the Scale itself.  
In finding out the Longitude, or Latitude of any City or Town in the Map, the manner is the same as in any other, for the Longitude is to be reckoned in the North and South sides, the Latitude in the East and West sides of the Parallelogram.  
But the Situation and Distance of the Places in a particular Chart are most of moment, the Situations are plain. The Distances in this Map, where I could prove them experimentally, for the most part were found true. They cannot be exact in any Map whatsoever, as Mr Norden himself, who laboured much in this matter maketh his complaint in that necessary Guide, added to a little, but not much augmented, by the late Editioner. The setting down of the places themselves in the void Angles of the Squares pretends very well, but there was not room for the purpose; yet in one respect the New Book bettereth the Old, in that the Bearing of Places is annexed by an expression of the Points of the Compass upon every Square.  
In some Maps of Particulars Country's you may possibly find the Meridian's drawn directly without any hope of Concurrence. And Ptolemy saith it maketh no matter so this caution be observed: Preterea nil referet si aequidistantibus usi fuerimus Meridianis Lineis rectis, quoque Parallelorum dummodo solùm partes distantiae Meridianorum eam rationem sumant ad distantias Parallelorum quam maximus habet Circulus ad illum Parallelum, qui in Tabula hâc medius erit.  
It is all upon the first main ground of the Depression of the Sphere, which in any Descriptions in any considerable Distance from the Line, cannot really be made good upon a Plane, but it to be answered by proportion; for which cause Marinus the Tyrian condemned all Descriptions in Plano; but Ptolemy shown his Error. And from the same Principle is to be derived the understanding of those Titles written over some Descriptions in the Atlas, as to that of Bellovacum, or the Country of Bologna. The Description is, The Meridian's thereof are placed at the Parallels 50, & 45. So to the Description of the Landgraviate of Hessen; The Title is, The Meridian's are distant according to the proportion of the 510 Parallel to the Great Circle. The Author himself giveth you the reason of it in his Admonition set before the Description of France, pag. 242.   

Of Topographical Maps, and for an Example the Description of Middle sex by Mr Norden.  

Geograph. lib. 1. cap. 1.  NOw that you may not be mistaken in Terms, the Description of the Whole whether by Parallelogramme, or Planisphere is most rightfully called Geography in Plano.  
Geographiae proprium est (saith Ptolemie) unam & continuam terram cognitam ostendere quemadmodum se habeat naturâ & positione.  
The Description of any very great part of the Earth, as France, England, or the like, is most properly called chorography.  
Ptolemy himself goeth no further in distinctions; for having said, That Geographie is an imitation of the Picture of the Earth, with intimation of reference to the drawing of the lesser Worlds; he addeth, Porrò finis Chorographicus connexione particulari continetur, veluti si quis aurem tantùm aut oculum imitetur. And indeed the Tables of Ptolemy needed no other Difference in terms. But the late Geographers finding it fittest of all to make Descriptions of small Parcels of the Earth, as Shires and Counties to us, the Circles of the Empire in Comparison to the Greatness of that, and the like; They have fallen upon a third member of this Division, calling these kind of Descriptions topography, though Ptolemy did minutissimas proprietates Chorographiae attribuere. And the word itself will not allow of any very great Distinction from the other, if it had not been gained upon by Use.  
Now as there is no Chorographical Map or Description of the whole Region, or Country of this Kingdom can be more exactly according to Art, or according to Industry more particularly performed than that of Saxton, so for the Descriptions of the Shires or Counties thereof (which must then be called their topography) No man whatsoever hath lighted upon a more exact and present way of Delineation than the Industrious Norden.  
The intent of this Man was to make an absolute Description of the Whole, and every part of this Kingdom of Great Britain: It pleased him to call this purpose, Speculum Britanniae. The first Part whereof (which is only completed) affordeth us a general Description of the Kingdom, with a particular Description and Topographical Table of Middlesex. The Table is projected upon a Parallelogramme, the sides whereof are divided into Miles, so that though the sides look like Meridian's and Parallels; yet they are not so, but a mere Scale, from which therefore are drawn cross the Table small black equidistant lines, looking also like to Parallels and Meridian's, but serving only for the readier taking of the Distances, the Divisions of these Lines from East to West standing for two, from North to South for four Miles. The Letters upon the East and West side, and figures upon the North and South side, serve for the finding out any place by the Direction of the Alphabet: For Example, The Alphabet, saith Brentford. H. 12. See H in the East or West side, 12 upon the North or South side, and then by the Square made by the black Lines you fall upon the Place. The Figures here and there about, which in the Parallelogramme, 2, 3, 4, 5, and to 11 Note out the Principal Highways from London through Middlesex, as number the 4 by Northolt is to show the way to uxbridg, and so to Oxford, etc. This is told you in the Speculum, fol. 49. a. And these Highways are distinguished out by the Lines of Points; for that of One is to define out the Bounds of the Shire, as you may see upon the West side it passeth by the River Colne to Shyreditch, etc. The Capital Letters A, B, C, etc. are to distinguish the Hundreds of the County, as the Speculum saith, fol 13. A.  
The Compass of 8 Rumbes in the North-East Angle of the Map is of the same known use as in any other.  
Thus had this indefatigable Man intended to all the Shires of this Kingdom, and he seemeth to intimate in the Preface to his Guide, as if the Maps were fully finished. And yet there are but very few of them to be commonly met with, but for Alphabetical Descriptions (the most useful way that ever was or could be devised, especially in small Geography. I think the Work never went further than Middlesex (for aught at least as I can find.) The Greater or Less.   

Of the Resemblance of Countries, and to other things in Art or Nature.  
ANd this also as a Ceremony of the Art is not to be omitted. That the Geographers in their Descriptions not unusually (where it may stand with any due proportion) do fancy the fashion of this or that Country to be like such or such a figure, elsewhere found in some other things Natural or Artificial: our own Island useth to be likened to a Triangle, and it doth not much abhor from that Figure.  
Antiquissimi Scriptores in Polydore Virgil have resembled the Vectis Insula or Isle of Wight to an Egg. Peloponnesus of old hath been likened Platani folio to a Plantain Leaf. Strabo likened Europe to a Dragon. Some of late have likened it to a King's Daughter. Spain to be the Head. Italy the Right Arm, Cymbrica Chersonesus the Left, France the Breast, Germany the Belly, etc. Asia by some is likened to a half Moon. And of Africa one saith, That it is like the Duke of Venetia's Cap. The same Strabo compared Spain to an Oxhide stretched out. Pliny and Solinas likened Italy to an Ivie-leaf, but the late Geographers more comparablie to a Man's leg.  
This is the rather noted, because some Maps also are drawn according to this manner of Fancy, as that of Belgia by Kerius within the Picture of a Lion; for so those Countries have been resembled.  
This cannot always fall out, for when Maginus cometh to tell the Form of Scotland, he could liken it to nothing at all.   

Of the old and new Names of Places, and other Artificial Terms met with in the Maps.  
IN reading the Descriptions you will find great difference betwixt the New and Old Names of the Places, as for Hispalis of old, the new Descriptions read Sevil: for the Adriatic, Sea, Golfo di Venetia: for the Baltic, Mar de Belt, and the like.  
In the Descriptions themselves distinction is most commonly made of this, if the Describers be as they should; but in the Maps it is not (indeed it could not be) so usually observed. To supply this, you have the Introduction to Geography by Cluverius, where the Old and New Names are still compared, the omission whereof is no small fault in some Describers of our own.  
But especially for this purpose is the Thesaurus Geographicus Ortelij. A Geographical Dictionary so called, and is a present Satisfaction in this case.  
You will meet also with certain Terms of Art, (so after a sort they may be called) as Sinus, Fretum, a Bay, The straits, and the like; and though it seemeth to belong unto this place to tell what they are, yet will it not be much to the purpose to make so diligent an enumeration as some would have us, of the Terms Natural and Artificial in Geography and hydrography. In the Natural appertaining to the Earth to tell what Nemus, Saltus, Arbustum, Virgultum, etc. the difference betwixt a Bush and a Shrub: In the Artificial to go down from Regnum, Territorium, etc. to Vicus, Pagus, Villa, Tugurium, and to say that the definition of a Cottage is Rustica habitatio tecta uluâ palustri. In the Natural Terms, Ad aquam spectantibus; Mare, Fretum, Sinus, etc. till you come to Torrens, Palus, Stagnum, Lacus, Rivus. Nothing but a Ditch left out. And Rivus is so called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it runneth along. In the Artificial Terms you are there taught the exact Description of a Cistern, of a Fishpond and a Sink, and all this under the Title and Protection of Geographie. But excepting those, which you cannot choose but know; these are the Terms.  

Insula.  An Island. Strabo called the Whole Globe of the Earth by this Name, because it is encompassed round by the Ocean. This than may be the Great Island. The Less are such parts of the Great, as are surrounded by the Waters. It is called by the Italians, Isola; by the French Isle; by the Spaniards Ysla; by the Dutch Insel and Eijlandt, all which (the Maps so severally naming according to the Country) is not told you in vain.  

Continens.  A Continent, or Part of Land not separated by the Sea, as the Continents of Spain, France, etc. The Belgians call it Landtscap sunder eylandt, A Landscape or Region without an Island. It admitteth of another Sens in the Law: For Ulpian said, Continentes Provincias accipi debere, quae Italiae conjunctae sunt. Tryphon. de Excusat. Tutor. L. Titius, Testamento Romae accepto aut in continentibus, subaudi locis.  
It is otherwise termed, Terra firma; by the French, Terre ferme; by the Italian, Terra ferma; by the Spaniards, Tierra firma, the firm Land. In Greek it is called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epirus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith the Author de Mundo) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Insulas & Continentes divisit.  
Peninsula, or Penè Insula. An Island almost, only in one part joining to the Continent, 
Peninsula.  and that part useth to be called Isthmus, 
Isthmos.  or otherwise, A Neck of Land: Est angustia illa intermedia inter Peninsulam, & Continentem, & veluti quaedam Cervix, quae à Continente, velut à corpore gracilescens Peninsulam cum Continente tanquam caput cum reliquo corpore connectit.  
The digging thorough of these Necks of Land hath been often undertaken, but not without a secret kind of fatality.  
The most famous Isthmus accounted is that of Corinth, hindering the Peloponesus from being an Island, and so putting the Ships to a Circuit about; and therefore (as you may observe Pliny to say) Demetrius Rex, Dictator Caesar, C. Princeps, Domitius Nero, perfodere tentavere infausto (ut omnium patuit exitu) incoepto. Dion saith that Nero's undertake were entertained with a spring of Blood first, and after that auditi mugitus, ululatúsque flebiles, visáque formidabilia Spectra & Simulacra multa, horrible and fearful yells were heard, and many formidable apparitions seen. Yet Demetrius is said to have desisted by the advice of the Artificers, who brought in word that the Bay was higher upon the Corinthian side, which would not only prove dangerous by Inundation, but make the Strait unserviceable when the work was done.  
Herod of Athens, Nicanor, Seleucus, 
Caelius Rhodiginus Lection. Antiqu. lib. 21. cap. 19  and others are summed up by Rhodiginus for the like Attempts, and same success: And Philip the second of Spain had once in his mind to cut through that Straight of Land (I may call it so) betwixt Panma and Nombre de dios to make that vast Peninsula of Southern America (as but for this it were) an Island; but upon further consideration he fell off from the Design.  
The like undertake were forbidden the Cnidians by the Oracle of Apollo; and Pausanias thinketh he can tell the reason: Quoniam rebus divinitus constitutis manum injicere non licet.  
And yet the Arabic Geographer not having heard of any such things, tell's the Cutting of the Streits of Gibraltar, but like another story: Indeed he says 'twas done by Alexander the Great, Qui operariis, atque Geometris ad se convocatis suum de acida illa terra fodienda, & canali aperiendo animum explicuit praecepitque illis ut terrae solum cum utriusque maris aequore metirentur, etc. The sum is, that by the help of Alabii the Geographer, and other Mathematicians he broke through the Isthmus and made it a Strait of Water.  
For the Metaphor the Physicians are even with the Grammarians, for Galen saith, 
Galen ad 3 Sent. Hippoc.  Tonsillas esse locorum ad Isthmum pertinentium inflammationes. Per Isthmum verò oportet intelligere partem illam quae eos & gulam interjacet, quae per Metaphoram quandam ità nominatur abiis, qui propriè dicuntur Isthmi. Sunt autem angusti qui dem terrae transitus inter duo maria sitae. And Julius Pollux hath it, Guttur propter angustias Isthmum dici.  
A Promontory: Mons in Mari prominens, 
Promontorium.  A Mountain or Head of Land butting out upon the Sea. Sceglia sepra acqua in mare, otherwise Capo: so the Spanish El Capo de tierra en mari, A Cape or Head of the Earth in the Sea. 'Tis commonly noted in the Tables by the first letter of the word C, as in the Map of Africa in Ortelius, C. de buona speransa, Caput bonae spei, or The Cape of good Hope. As they set down R for Rio Rivus: R. de la plate, The Plate River: P for Port, P. Grande, P. del Nor, etc. Y, or Y a for Ysla: Y del Poso: Ya del Principe and the like.  

Fretum.  An Isthmus, or Strait of Water. Mare angustum, & quasi brachium Maris interceptum inter duo littora. So called à fremitu Maris, for which cause in the High Dutch it is called De Sund, from the Ancient Saxon suno, as Kilian hath noted: Sound or Sund saith he, Vet. Sax. Fretum.  
You meet it often in the Dutch and Danish Maps, as Milvarts sont, Golber sont; but especially that most famous Streit upon the Baltic Sea, which not unlike the Castles upon the Hellespont commandeth all the Ships in their passage. It is called by them Sound, or Sund: by us the Sound. Instead of Fretum the Italian writeth Streto, or el Streto: the Spaniard Estrecho, as Estrecho di Gibraltar: Gibraltarec it should be, as was formerly noted, for the Mountain (from whence the Strait is named) is so called by the Arabic Geographer, and he saith also that the Gebal (so they call a Mountain) was named from Tarec, the son of Abdalla, who made good the Place against the Inhabitants.  

Sinus.  A Creek or corner of the Sea insinuating into the Land. It is otherwise called Baia, a Bay: a Station, or Road for Ships: a Gulf, as Golfo di Venetia, Golfo de S. Sebastiano, etc.  

Pierre.  A Peer from Petra, because of the Congestion of great Stones to the raising up of such a Pile. 'Tis a kind of small Artificial Creek or Sinus, as the Peer of Dover: the Peer of Portland, etc.   

The Concernment of All This.  
THe things we talk of all this while how like soever they may look to a Book-man's business, yet are such of themselves as Kings and Princes have found their States concerned in.  

Zon. Annal. Tom. 2. pag. 397  Zonara's will tell you that in Domitian's time it cost one Metius his life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for having a Map of the World hanging in his Chamber. The fault indeed was that (as common fame rendered him) he was thought to asspire to the Empire; of the truth whereof, it was taken to be a sufficient assurance, that he should have so dangerous a thing about him as the picture of the Provinces.  
Of what importance Julius Caesar, Antonine, and the other Emperors held these Descriptions is manifest by their very own Itineraries yet to be seen. Felix Maleolus in his Dialogue of Nobility mentioneth a Description of all the World (the known Alì as then) begun by Julius Caesar, and finished by Augustus, in which he saw set down Gentes & Civitates singulas cum suis distantiis.  
The Tabulae Putingerianae annexed to the Descriptions of Ptolemy by Bertius are famous in this kind. The Notitia utriusque Imperii singularly to the same purpose. Alexander the Great went upon no Design without his Geometers, Beton and Diognetus. They are called by Pliny Mensores Itinerum Alexandri, and their Descriptions were exstant in his time. 
Plin. lib. 6. cap. 17.   
The great Defeat given at the straits of Thermopylae only for want of cunning in the Passages is notoriously known. But the Experience of these things is harder by. Not a day of these we have now, but needeth thus much of a Geographer. And for want of such help Julius Caesar, Quando voluit Angliam oppugnare refertur maxima specula erexisse, ut à Gallicano Littore dispositionem civitatum, 
Roger Bacon Perspect. Dist. ult. pag. 166.  & castrorum Angliae praeviderit, possent enim erigi specula in alto contra civitates contrarias, & exercitus, ut omnia quae fierent ab inimicis viderentur, & hoc potest fieri in omni distantia qua desideramus; etc. saith Roger Bacon in his Perspectives.  
It is propounded by a man ingeniously enough conceited, as a device nothing besides the Meditation of a Prince to have his Kingdoms and Dominions by the direction of an able Mathematician, 
Geographical Garden.  Geographically described in a Garden-platform: the Mountains and Hills being raised like small Hillocks with Turfs of Earth, the Valleys somewhat concave within: the Towns, Villages, Castles, or other remarkable Edifices, in small green mossy Banks, or Spring-work proportional to the Platform: the Forests and Woods represented according to their form and capacity, with Herbs and Stubs, the great Rivers, Lakes and Ponds to dilate themselves according to their course from some Artificial Fountain made to pass in the Garden through Channels, etc. All which may doubtless be Mathematically counterfeited, as well as the Horizontal Dial, and Coat-armor of the House in Exeter College Garden.  
It is known too that a Gentleman of good Note not far from this place caussed the like Geographical Descriptions to be curiously wrought upon his Arras, wherein he beholdeth the Situations and Distances of the Country, as truly and more distinctly than in any Map whatsoever.  

Geographical playing-cards.  The Author of the complete Gentleman telleth of a Pack of French Cards which he hath seen, The four Suits changed into Maps of several Countries of the four parts of the World, and exactly coloured for their Numbers, the Figures 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, etc. set over their Heads. For the Kings and Queens the Portraitures of their Kings and Queens in their several Country habits, for the Knaves their Peasants and Slaves, etc.  
It is certain that the greatest and most public affairs of any State have their dependence upon foreign Cases passed, or especially present. There is not so great an alteration in the Whole, as some Men think. The Carriage of Matters in times-by gone are not so unlike the things we now presently do, as not to give us aim at the least. The Great is the same World, as the Little is the same Man, though now more stricken in years; and moreover the Comparison faileth in this, that in every Age some men have atteined to their own ripeness, though to that of the Whole Great Man none could but the Grandees of the Present. It yieldeth thus much, that the Face and Picture of all instant Actions may be seen by reflection in the future; or if the same Age look upon the Turk, or Venetian upon us, and we upon them the like, or not much less, will be the necessities of conversation with Record and Story. There can be nothing done in that, without an interview of the Places which must needs be seen either with our own Eyes there, or with other Men's in a Map.   
FINIS.