Imprimatur.  
Jo. Battely RRmo more. P. D no. Wil Archiep. Cantuar. à Sacris Domesticis.  
Ex Aedibus Lamb. Aug. 20. 1685.   

THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF PETERBURGH: WHEREIN The most remarkable Things concerning that Place, from the First FOUNDATION thereof: With other Passages of HISTORY, not unworthy Public View, are represented.  
BY SIMON GUNTON, late Prebendary of that CHURCH.  
Illustrated with Sculptures.  
And set forth By Simon Patricl, D. D. now Dean of the same.  
LONDON, Printed for Richard Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in S. Paul's Churchyard, MDCLXXXVI.   

THE PREFACE.  
THe Author of this History, was the better fitted for the Work he undertook, because he was born at Peterburgh; and there lived all his days (a few years excepted) whereby he had the advantage of being perfectly acquainted with many things, about which he writes. Particularly, the Monuments in the Church, broken down in the late Sacrilegious times: whose Inscriptions when he was but a Boy (as he himself writes in a Letter to Dr. Henshaw, late Bishop of Peterburgh) he both often read and also transcribed.  
These he hath preserved and transmitted to Posterity; as that learned Antiquary Sir William Dugdale hath also done: Who in the Year 1641. fearing what shortly followed, was at the pains and charge to take the Draughts, as well as the Inscriptions, of the Monuments in sundry Cathedral Churches of this Realm (which soon after were demolished) and of this Church among the rest. By whose kindness they would have been communicated to the World, if the Undertaker had come to the knowledge of them, before he had received Subscriptions to his Proposals: which were not high enough, to bear the charge of them.  
But the best Monuments, the Records of the Church, out of which a more complete History might have been gathered, are never to be recovered: being torn in pieces, or burnt, by the more than Gothish Barbarity of those ignorant people; who took upon them the glorious name of Reformers. An account of which is given, by a faithful hand, in the conclusion of the Supplement to this Work.  
One Book indeed, and but one, still remains, which was happily redeemed from the fire, by the then Chaunter of the Church, Mr. Humphrey Austin. Who, knowing the great value of it, first hide it (in February 1642.) under a Seat in the Choir; and when it was found by a Soldier on the 22 April 1643. (when all the seats there were pulled down) rescued it again, by the offer of ten Shillings for that old Latin Bible, as he called it; after which he pretended to inquire. The name of the Bible, by the help of the ten Shillings, preserved this precious Treasure from the Flames, whither it was going: as Mr. Austin hath left upon Record in the beginning of the Book; with a Copy of the Soldier's acknowledgement, that he had given him satisfaction for it, in these words.  
I pray let this Scripture Book alone, for he hath paid me for it, and therefore I would desire you to let it alone. By me Henry Topclyffe Soldier under Captain Cromwell Colonel Cromwell 's Son; therefore I pray let it alone. Unto which goodly Warrant for its security, the Fellow subscribed his name.  
The Book, I speak of, is commonly called by the Name of SWAPHAM; it being vulgarly believed to have been composed by Robert Swapham, a Monk of this Church of Peterburgh: But in truth is for the greatest and most ancient part of its History, the work of HUGO, surnamed CANDIDUS, or White, an eminent Monk also of the same Church; who himself, in the very body of the Book, gives an account both when he lived, and that he was the Author of the History, which now all passes under the Name of Swapham. For speaking of the Relics of the Church, the principal of which, was St. Oswald's right Arm (super omne aurum pretiosum, as his words are) he saith that he himself saw it, and kissed, and handled it with his own hands, when it was shown, entire both in the flesh and skin, to Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, and to the whole Convent with many others, 487 Years after the death of St. Oswald. Now he was slain in the year 643, and therefore this was in the year 1130.  
From whence it appears that Mr. Selden is out in his account, when he saith (in his Preface to the Decem Scriptores fol. XLVI.) that this History of our Church, vulgarly thought to be Robert Swapham's, was written in the Reign of Henry the Third, or thereabouts. He should have said, that then Robert Swapham lived (as I shall show by and by he did) but he who wrote the greatest and best part of the History, lived in the Reign of Henry the First, King Stephen, and his Successor, And therefore it might more truly have been said to have been written in the Reign of Henry the Second, or thereabout: unless his words be restrained to that particular part of the History, which he hath occasion to mention, which followed immediately upon the death of HUGO.  
This is declared more plainly and fully in another place of the History, viz. in the life of Abbot ERNULPHUS: Where mention is made of two famous Sacrists of this Church Victricus and Remaldus. The latter of which is said to have made a Brother of his a Monk, when as yet he was but a child, whose name was Hugo: who always attended upon Remaldus and served him, qui etiam hunc libellum collegit, collectumque scripsit, who also collected this little Book, and having collected it, put it in writing. And then follows a description of him; that in his childhood he fell into a disease, which made him very weak. For every Year, and that often, he vomited abundance of blood; and once was brought so low, by vomiting fifteen Basins full in one week, that they utterly despaired of his life; gave him extreme Unction, and were called out of the Chapterhouse, by Nicolaus then Keeper of the Infirmary, to come and commend his Soul to God, he being upon the point of departure. But Egelbrithus, a most holy man, persuading them to go into the Church and beg his life of God (who would not deny them one man, as his words were) they did so; and he was miraculously restored: as there is at large related. And he lived a long time, beloved by all the succeeding Abbots, John, Henry, Martin, William: under whom he served the Church, having all the business of the Monastery, both withindoors and without, committed to him: till he came at last to the degree of Supprior; first under Martin, then under William de Watervile; in whose time he died, Remaldus his brother being then Prior.  
I have given the larger account of this man, because he is mentioned in many Authors, as an excellent person: being known (as our History adds) in the neighbouring Monasteries; nay famed far and near: and no less loved, than praised, by all that were acquainted with him. And had the name of Candidus or Albus in all likelihood, from his pale Complexion; caused by his frequent vomitings of blood: as his Brother Remaldus, was called Spiritualis (our Book saith) because he was a very little Man; and ministered with much affection to the Elder Sacrist. He is mentioned also by those Authors as a noble Writer; and said to have left an accurate History of this Church of Peterburgh, and praised by Leland, (as Vossius observes L. 2. de Histor. Lat. C. 56.) who calls him luculentus scriptor rerum gestarum: and yet it is not agreed when he lived, nor whether his History be any where remaining; because few or none, have read this Book called SWAPHAM with due care and observation.  
Vossius saith, HUGO flourished in the later end of the Reign of King John. In which, I have shown, he was mistaken. And Mr. Gunton himself, the Writer of this present History, makes a question (in the end of Robert de Lyndsay's life) whether Hugoes Book be not now lost; though Leland, he observes, had seen and read it. Which inclines me to think he principally relied upon what Walter of Witlesea hath written about this Church; and did not think it necessary to read all the Book called Swapham: for that would have informed him, he was reading the very same HUGO, whom Leland read. Especially if he had compared Leland's Collections concerning this Monastery, with the Book called Swapham, as I have done: whereby he would have found that they are word for word the same; only abbreviated by Leland. Who ends his Collectanea just where Hugoes life ended, with the Deposition of William de Watervile; and goes not one step further: and therefore might well call them, in the Title of them, Collectanea ex libro Hugonis Monarchi Petroburgensis.  
Our Book indeed, now called Swapham, proceeds further, and carries on the History, as far as to William de Hotot; the Predecessor of John de Caleto: In whose time, or in Robert Sutton's, not long after, or in the Year 1271 (which was the last of Henry 3.) I suppose Robert Swapham died. For in that year I find a Deed made by Henry Passenger de Quadering, unto that Abbot and the Convent: which is said to be done tempore Rob. de Swapham: Who was then Celerarius of this Church: and made a purchase of Robert the Father of that Henry for the benefit of the Celeraria, of which he had the management.  
Whom I take to have been only a Continuator of Hugo; and but a little way neither: having wrote no more than the History of Seven Abbots. For it doth not appear that he was the Transcriber of all the Records, which are, in no good order, put together at the end of the History: unto which both Mr. Gunton, and myself have had recourse, for the perfecting of these Labours.  
I have perused also a MS. Chronicle, which that eminent lover of Learning, Sir John Cotton, did me the favour to lend me, out of his renowned Library: written, as the Title bears, per Johannem Abbatem Burgi Sancti Petri.  
What John this was, is the doubt; there being two of that name who may pretend unto it: John de Sesse, and John de Caleto. The first of them it cannot be; for ad An. 975. this Chronicle refers the Reader to William of Malmsbury, and to Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon; whom he mentions also both ad An. 1135. and 1153, where are these words Hic finit Chronica Henrici Huntingdon; as ad An. 1153 there are these, his finite Chron. Alredi. Who all three lived about the same time; the first of them in 1142, the second 1158, the third 1145: all of them after the death of John de Sesse. And therefore I conclude it was written by John de Caleto: who lived in the time of Henry 3. an hundred Year after them. Vossius indeed makes this Johannes Burgensis, to have lived in the time of Edward 3. about 1340: when there was no Abbot here of that name. But he calls him Vir eruditus & disertus; and saith he is commended by Leland, as one that had digested the Annals of England in good order.  
Besides these two john's there is no Abbot of that name, but John of Deeping; who died almost an hundred Year after that 1439: long after this Chronicon ends. Which is the more likely to be John de Caletoes; because there is no mention at all made when he died, nor who was his Successor: but only of the time when he was made Abbot. After which the Annals were carried on, in all probability, by another hand: who was better acquainted with the affairs of the Church of Spalding, than with those of Peterburgh. For he saith little of Peterburgh; but gives a very large account, from the forementioned period, of all the Priors of Spalding: who are spoken of, in the preceding Part of the Annals very sparingly.  
I might have been furnished with other Records out of the same Library; which I sought after, but could not find till it was too late: that is, till the Supplement to this History was grown so big, that it could bear no further enlargement, without great loss to the Undertaker.  
June 20. 85. S. P.   

 blazon or coat of arms 
Benevolo froute Ilumfridae Orme Petriburg ' Armig. Notitia frontis Lectiae Cath. ibid. posteritat conseruatur.   

Ecclesiae Cathedralis Petroburgensis facies Occidentalis. The West Prospect of the Cathedral Church of Peterborough.   

The East-Prospect of the Cathedral Church of Peterborough   

The Old Altar-peice, beaten down by the Soldiers in the great Rebellion.   depiction of abbot's chair and former altarpiece at Peterborough cathedral   

THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF PETERBURGH.  
WHEN this Realm of England was divided into an Heptarchy, the Mercian Kingdom being one, and the greatest of them all, had the County of Northampton within its Dominion: the Eastern part of which County being Moorish and Fenny, was anciently inhabited by a People called the Gyrvii, of the old Word Gyr, which signified a Fen; and for the conveniency, and fertility of this place, for its nearness both to the high and upland Country, and the Fens, it was thought meet for habitation.  
The Village was at the first called by the name of Medeshamsted, from a deep Pit or Gulf, in the River of Nen called Medeswell; which ancient Writers of the place affirm to have been of wonderful depth, and so cold in the heat of Summer, that no Swimmer was able to abide the cold thereof; and yet in the Winter it was never known to be frozen: Which Properties are now lost with the Well itself; only Tradition hath preserved a dark memory thereof, adventuring to say, It is a little beneath the Bridge that is now standing. But if this Well be lost, there is another sunk with it into the Pit of Oblivion, namely S. Laurence-Well, of great fame in ancient days, 
Dr. Hamm. Annot. in fol. 695.  whither disposed people, according to the Devotion of those times, resorted (haply for cure of Diseases): which kind of Devotion was restrained by Oliver Sutton Bishop of Lincoln. In what part 
Oliver Sutton was B. of Lincoln 1280.  of the Monastery this Well was, I find not; it is probable it was near the Chapel of S. Laurence, which was at the East end of the Infirmary, now demolished, only the Chancel of that Chapel is yet remaining, and made the Hall of a dwelling House, belonging to one of the Prebendaries.  
But to return to our Story, Penda King of the Mercians at that time reigned, who had five Children, Peada, Wulfere, and Ethelred, being his Sons, Kyneburga, and Kyneswitha, his Daughters. Penda being dead, Peada his eldest Son succeeded, who in the year 656, or as some say 655, founded the Monastery of Medeshamsted, in the Foundation whereof he laid such Stones as that eight Yoke of Oxen could scarce draw one of them. But King Peada lived not to finish his Work, for his Wife Alfleda (forgetting the glorious Memory of her Ancestors, Oswald the martyred King of Northumberland, her Grandfather, King Oswine her Father, and King Alfred her Brother) betrayed him to Death at the Paschal Feast, when he had reigned four Years: Then did his Crown and Kingdom descend upon Wolfere his next Brother.  
This Wolfere was made a Christian by Finanus a Bishop, who came out of Scotland, (for that Kingdom had Bishops then, and long before) and being baptised by Finanus, Wolfere vowed to purge his Kingdom from Idolatry, to demolish all idolatrous places, and to the utmost of his power to promote Christian Religion; which Vow he likewise made the second time, when he was married to S. Ermenilda, daughter of Egbert King of Kent: 
Malmsbury calleth him Erconbert.  but within a while, giving too much ear to Werbode his Steward, he neglected his Vow, taking no care of Christian Religion; 
The life of Ermenild is related in an ancient M S. of Ely now in the hand of Geo. Glapthorn, Esq p.  nor of erecting Temples, but committed many Impieties, so that the Chaos of Heathenism began to overspread all again. He had by his Wife S. Ermenilda two Sons, the elder Wulfade, the other Rufine; Wulfade was much addicted to Hunting, and one day pursuing a goodly Hart, which being hotly pursued, took Soil in a Fountain near unto the Cell of S. Chad, who espying the Hart weary, and almost spent, was so compassionate towards him, that he covered him with Boughs and Leaves, conjecturing, as if Heaven had some design in the access, and deportment of that Beast. Presently comes Prince Wulfade, and enquired of S. Chad concerning the Hart, who answered, That he was not a Keeper of Beasts, but of the Souls of Men, and that Wulfade was then, as an Hart to the Water Brooks, sent by God to the Fountain of Living Water; which Wulfade hearing with astonishment, entered into further conference with S. Chad in his Cell, and was by him baptised; And returning with joy to his Father's Court, he secretly told his Brother Rufine of all that had passed, persuading him to be baptised also; to which Rufine consenting, Wulfade brought him to S. Chad, who likewise baptised this other Brother.  
This Christian pair of Brothers did often resort to a private Oratory, where they performed their Devotions; but at length being discovered to their Father by the Steward Werbode, who instigated, and inflamed the fire of paternal fury against the Sons, King Wolfere the Father, watching the time when his Sons were gone to pray, followed them, and entering the Oratory, slew both his Sons with his own hand; and he, and Werbode demolishing the place, left the bodies of his Sons buried in the rubbish. Shortly after this unnatural and bloody act, Werbode the Steward was strangled by the Devil before the King's house, and King Wolfere being deeply wounded in conscience, (the distraction whereof deprived him of all rest and quietness, what through the worm tormenting him within, and S. Ermenild his Wife without counselling him thereto) repaired to S. Chad, to whom he confessed his great offence, and professed an hearty contrition for the same, which he was resolved to expiate with what ever Pennance S. Chad should impose upon him, which was no more, but to restore the Christian Religion, and the ruinated Temples thereof, and likewise to found new ones.  
Walter of Wittlesey an ancient Monk of Peterburgh writing this Story, relates what I will not press upon the Readers faith, That S. Chad, having prayed with King Wolfere in his Oratory, prayers being ended, S. Chad put off his Vestment, and hanged it upon a Sunbeam, which supported it, that it fell not to the ground; which King Wolfere seeing, put off his Gloves, and Belt, and assayed to hang them there also, but they presently fell to the ground, whereat King Wolfere was the more confirmed in the Christian Faith.  
In the Western Cloister of the Church of Peterburgh (as shall hereafter be more largely related) was the story of this King Wolfere curiously painted in the Windows, and in the midst of the quadrangle of the whole Cloister, commonly called The Laurel Yard, was there a Well, which common Tradition would have to be that wherein S. Chad concealed Prince Wulfades heart: And if it shall be considered, that King Wolfere the Father did sometime 
Speed in his description of Northamptonshire.  keep his Court at Wedon in the Street, in the Western parts of this County of Northampton, it may make way for a probable conjecture, that these things happened at Peterburgh: But the scene must not be laid in a wrong place, for S. Chad had his Cell in the County of Stafford, was the first Bishop of Litchfield, where 
Beda Hist. Angl. lib. 4. cap. 3.  he founded the Cathedral Church, and there lieth buried: And Queen Ermenild, having searched for the bodies of her Sons, found them out, and giving them burial, built in the same place where they were slain, a Church of Stone, and called the place Stanes or Stones, which is known by this name in Stafford-shire unto this day. There also King Wolfere founded a College of Regular Canons.  
And now the building of the Monastery of Medeshamsted begun by King Peada, went on a-main through the zealous endeavours of King Wolfere; his Brother Etheldred, and his Sisters Kyneburga, and Kyneswitha assisting him therein, until the same was perfected, which he dedicated to the memory of the Apostle S. Peter, bestowed many large privileges and immunities upon it, gave many fair possessions, and established the bounds of its jurisdiction 
Vid. Char. in App.  from Croyland on the East, to Walmisford Bridge on the West, and so Northward to Eston and Stamford, and all along by the River of Wiland to Croyland again, as is more at large set down in his Charter which he Sealed and Confirmed in the presence of Kings, Nobles, and Bishops, in the Year of our Lord 664. and the seventh of his Reign.  
The Quarry from whence King Wolfere fetched Stone for this Royal Structure, was undoubtedly that of Bernack near unto Stamford, where the Pitts from their hollow vacuities speak Antiquity, and contribution to some such great design; and I find in the Charter of K. Edward the Confessor, Anno—— which he granted to the Abbey of Ramsey, that the Abbot of Ramsey should give to the Abbot and Covent of Peterburgh 4000 Eels in the time of Lent, and in consideration thereof, the Abbot of Peterburgh should give to the Abbot of Ramsey as much Freestone from his Pitts in Bernack, and as much Rag-stone from his Pitts in Peterburgh as he should need. Nor did the Abbot of Peterburgh from these Pitts furnish only that, but other Abbeys also, as that of S. Edmunds-Bury: In memory whereof, there are two long stones yet standing upon a balk in Castor-field near unto Gunwade-Ferry; which erroneous tradition hath given out to be two draughts of Arrows from Alwalton Churchyard thither; the one of Robin Hood, and the other of Little John; but the truth is, they were set up for witnesses, that the carriages of Stone from Bernack to Gunwade-Ferry, to be conveyed to S. Edmunds-Bury, might pass that way without paying Toll: And in some old Terrars they are called S. Edmund's Stones. These Stones are nicked in their tops after the manner of Arrows, probably enough in memory of S. Edmund who was shot to death with arrows by the Danes.  
King Wolfere dying without issue, his Brother Etheldred succeeded him, and continued his good affection to the Monastery of 
Speed speaks as if K. Wolfere was buried at Peterburgh.  Medeshamsted; the Royal Founder whereof built also an house for the Abbot, which upon the dissolution by Henry the Eighth, became the Bishops-Palace: A building very large and stately, as this present age can testify; all the rooms of common habitation being built above stairs, and underneath were very fair Vaults and goodly Cellars for several uses. The great Hall, a magnificent room, had, at the upper end, in the Wall, very high above the ground, three stately Thrones, wherein were placed sitting, the three Royal Founders carved curiously of Wood, painted and gilt, which in the Year 1644. were pulled down, and broken to pieces. Under them were written in ancient Characters, lately renewed, these three Verses. 
Per Peadam primo domus haec fundatur ab imo.  
Post per Wolferum stabat possessio rerum.  
Favit Ethelredus fraternum ponere foedus.   
To which there was added a fourth when the three old ones were renewed. Praebeat exemplum, rara est concordia fratrum.  

Johannes Brampton. pag. 773.  King Ethelred having reigned thirty years, laid down his Crown and Sceptre; and shaving himself became first a Monk, and afterwards Abbot of Bardney, as Malmsbury writeth, Anno 704. And Konredus succeeded him, as in the Chronological Table annexed to Ingulphus.  
The nest being thus fitted and prepared, care was taken to furnish it with birds: And first with an Abbot, who should procreate, and nourish a brood of religious underling Monks; and the first of all that was made Abbot was  

1. SAXULFUS,  
A pious and prudent man. He being an Earl, thought it no shame to assume a Religious presidency in this place; and arriving at a great height of fame, and reputation by his piety, and holy life, he quickly gathered a Covent of Monks, who flocked to him from several places; so that in a short time this nest produced many birds by whom other Monasteries were also founded, and replenished, especially that of Thorney was founded by this Abbot Saxulf, which place was so called from the woody, or thorny nature thereof (whence others of like nature so called also, as that of Westminster) though it was otherwise known, and recorded in ancient Writings by the name of Ancarig. There did Saxulf build a place for Anchorites, and having been Abbot of Medeshamsted the space of thirteen years, he was translated to the Bishopric of Durham, or, as some say, to the Archbishopric of the Midland English, or Mercians (Bishop Godwin reckoneth him amongst the Bishops of Coventry and Litchfield) whom there succeeded in the Monastery of Medeshamsted   

2. CUTHBALDUS.  
He being a Monk of this place, was, by reason of his holy and devout life, thought the fittest to succeed Saxulf: So observant he was in the practice of devotion, and withal, so prudent in Ecclesiastical affairs, that many other places were desirous of him for their Governor, which, because they could not obtain, they desired some of his appointing, whence Thorney, Bricclesworth, Bredune, Wermondsey, Repingas, Wochingas, and many other places were furnished with Abbots of his commending. It was in the time of this Cuthbaldus that King Wolfere died, and his Brother Ethelred succeeded, who also was very liberal to this Monastery, confirming to it what his Brethren had granted, and likewise added more donations, and privileges of his own gift. Amongst the rest, that the Abbot of Medeshamsted should be chiefest of all the Abbots on that side of the River Thames, and should have the first place in all Conventions, and Ecclesiastical Assemblies. And according to the present reputation of the Church, and City of Rome, (for Rome itself had but lately, some 73 years before this, at the request of Pope Boniface the fourth, to the Emperor Phocas, 
Sigebert Gembl. ad an. 607. Lanquet. Platina saith Boniface 3.  obtained the Primacy over all the Churches of the world, which from the beginning was not so) if at any time the people of whole Britain, or any of the neighbouring Nations, should have a desire to visit the City of Rome, and either by the length of the journey, or by any other impediment should be hindered from such a purpose, it should then suffice, if they visited S. Peter in this Monastery. Here they might pay their vows, be absolved from their sins, and receive the Apostolical blessing; which, with other privileges, was confirmed by Pope Agatho in a public 
See the Appendix.  Council of an hundred and twenty five Bishops then assembled at Rome, in the Year 680. I find not how long this Cuthbaldus continued in this place, but there succeeded   

3. EGBALDUS,  
Whose life and actions are wholly buried in oblivion, that I have nothing to say of him, what he was, how, or how long he governed this Monastery: only that he was Abbot when Ethelbaldus, the then King of Mercia, granted his Charter for the founding of the Monastery of Croyland, making Kenulphus a Monk of Evesham the first Abbot thereof, which Charter was signed Anno 716. And this Abbot Egbaldus was one of the witnesses to it, as Ingulphus writes.   

4. PUSA.  
5. BENNA, or BEONNA.  
He was a witness to the Charter of King Offa, granted to the Monastery of Croyland, Anno 793. Ingulphus.   

6. SELREDUS, or CELREDUS.  
He was a witness to the Charter which Kenulphus King of Mercia granted to Croyland, Anno 806. Ingulphus.   

7. HEDDA.  
He was a witness to the Charter of Witlafius King of Mercia, granted to Siwardus Abbot of Croyland, for that the said Siwardus concealed King Witlafius in a time of danger, in his Monastery. The Charter beareth date, Anno 833. As also to another Charter granted by King Bertulphus, Anno 851. To another of King Beorredus, Anno 860. as Ingulphus telleth us. He was also present at a general Council holden at London, Anno 833. At another Council at Kingsbury, Anno 851. as S. H. Spelman writeth.  
The Writers of this Monastery of Peterburgh, are silent concerning 
There was, saith Vossius, one Elias Trikingham a Monk of this Church who wrote Annals from An. 626. to 770. wherein he lived, but what mention he makes of his own Monastery, non conslat. See in Robert Sutton.  the times, lives, and actions of these Abbots; their Records having been either none, or perished; therefore we shall be beholding to Ingulphus the Abbot of Croyland for a memorable History concerning this Abbot Hedda.  
In his time, the glory of the Monastery of Medeshamsted suffered a great Eclipse, through the invasion of the Danes, destroying all before them with fire, and sword. In which bloody tempest, the Monastery of Croyland was first overwhelmed, the Danes killing there all the Monks they met with, and Osketulus, the barbarous King, slaying the Abbot Theodorus upon the Altar, with his own hand, and having plundered the Monastery, they set it on fire. 
Britanuus a Monk of this Abbey, having escaped the slaughter, wrote lamentations upon the destruction of his Monastery in Verse, An. 807. Pitfeus'.   
On the fourth day after, the Danes departed with a great booty of goods and cattle towards Medeshamsted, where they found many of the Country people retired within the Monastery, who with the Monks stood upon their guard: The Danes making several assaults, Tulba brother of Earl Hulba, was by the defendants, mortally bruised on the head, with a stone cast from that Tower which he assaulted; whereat Hulba was so enraged, that having entered the Monastery, he slew all the Monks with his own hand, 
Our Peterburgh writers call them Hubba and Lubba.  the rest of the people were slaughtered by the Soldiers. The aged Abbot Hedda escaped not the hands of Hulba, but was slain with his Monks. Then were the Altars broken down, Monuments demolished, a goodly Library set on fire, Charters, Evidences, and Writings (to a great number) all torn in pieces: The Church itself, with all the appendent buildings, was set on fire, which continued for fifteen days together. The Danes (as I find in a Continuator of Ingulphus) with the riches of the Monastery, and the cattle of the Country, departing on the fourth day, there were two Earls among them, both called by one name Sidroc, the one the elder, the other the younger, who marched in the rear of this devouring multitude, to guard them in their passage over streams and rivers; And when the multitude had passed over the River Nen, these two Sidrocs being to pass over with their booty, two Wanes, laden with their choicest riches, were overthrown, and together with their horses sunk into a deep pit, a little beneath the Bridge (which haply was the Medeswell before mentioned.) Now to Ingulphus again who proceeds in his own story, That certain Monks of Croyland, who had secured themselves by flight into the Fens, the Danes being gone, they returned to their Monastery, cleansed it from ashes, and other pollutions as they could, and consulted to choose another Abbot, which they did; Godricus a reverend and religious man being he upon whom the election passed; to whom there came Toretus Prior of Ancarig, with his subprior Tisa, desiring Godricus that he would take some brethren with him, and go over to Medeshamsted, to give Christian burial to the bodies of those Monks which were there exposed to beasts, and birds: Godricus embracing the motion, took some of his Monks with him, amongst the rest, one Turgarus of twelve years of age, who being by the younger Sidroc saved, was by him taken to Medeshamsted, and seeing the Danes busy in getting their carriages out of the River Nen, he stole away from them, and returned to his Monastery of Croyland. Abbot Godricus coming to Medeshamsted, with much toil and pains, gathered together the bodies of the slaughtered Monks, to the number of 84. and laid them all in one large grave, in the middle of the Churchyard by the East front of the Monastery, upon the Feast of S. Cecilia, (November 22.) setting up over the body of the Abbot resting in the midst of his sons, a pyramidal stone, three foot in height, three in length, and one in thickness, engraven with the 
So Ingulphus calls it.  pictures of the Abbot, and his Monks about him; which stone, in memory of the destroyed Monastery, he named Medeshamsted; and every year after so long as he lived, he visited that place, pitching his Tent over the said stone, saying Mass two several days, for the souls of Abbot Hedda, and his Monks. The high way then into Holland, was through the same Churchyard, having that monumental stone on the right hand, and a cross of stone over against it, erected also by Abbot Godricus, on the left, that passers by, in memory of the ruined Monastery, might remember to pray for the souls of those there buried; and abstain from sacrilegious rapines, and demolitions of that place, for his sake who was crucified. Thus far Ingulphus.  
The Cross is long since demolished, and the place where it stood, not known, but the stone is still remaining, agreeable to Ingulphus his description; which, as it was at first, called by the name of the place, Medeshamsted; so it is now amongst some, known by the name of Peterburgh: and there being certain little holes in the sides of the stone, it was lately a merry custom for strangers, to put their fingers into one of those holes, that they might say, they had been at Peterburgh.  
There was within these few years a door in the Church having the Picture of Abbot Hedda, and the King or Captain of the Danes, as it were expostulating the business, and underneath were these four Verses written in ancient Saxon Letters, as if they had been spoken by the Abbot: 
Fers mala, pejora timeas, cedasque rigori,  
Nec teneare mora, ne teneare mori.  
Hoc ne dabo domitus quod Barbarus advena quaerit?  
Da, necer immeritus, mors mihi munus erit.   
The Monastery of Medeshamsted thus destroyed by the Danes, 
Ingulphus fol. 494.  lay buried in its own ruins the space of ninety and six years, no Abbot, Monk, Government, or Religion there professed in all that time, that is to be found in story; only King Beorredus seized the Lands of the Monastery, giving them to his Soldiers, until Adelwoldus, or Athelwoldus Bishop of Winchester (a man very zealous in the building and restoring of Churches) laid his hand to the restauration of it; for as Writers say, he was warned of God in the night, that he should go to the midland English, and repair the Monastery of S. Peter; so that taking his journey into these parts, he came to Oundle, supposing that to be the place, but being warned the second time that he should follow the course of the River; he came at length to Medeshamsted, which he found desolate and forsaken, but presently with such help as he could get, he fell to cleansing of it. But seeing what a great business this restauration was like to prove, he returned to Winchester to make preparation for so great a design. And first he made his address to God by fervent prayers, to incline the hearts of King Edgar, and his Queen and Nobles, that he might have them so propitious, as to contribute their assistances to this work. And being one time at his prayers, the Queen had secretly gotten behind the door, to listen what it was that Athelwold prayed, and suddenly she came forth upon him, telling him, that God and herself had heard his prayers, and from thenceforth she began to solicit the King for the reparation of this Monastery, to which the King assenting, applied himself thereunto, until he had finished the same; which was in the year 970.  
The Monastery thus re-edified, King Edgar desirous to see it, went thither, with Dunstane then Archbishop of Canterbury, and Oswald Archbishop of York, attended also with most of the Nobility and Clergy of England, who all approved, and applauded both the place, and work. But when King Edgar heard that some Charters, and Writings, which some Monks had secured from the fury of the Danes were found; he desired to see them, and having read the privileges of this place, that he had a second Rome within his own Kingdom, he wept for joy: And in the presence of that Assembly, he confirmed their former privileges and possessions; the King, Nobles, and Clergy, offering large oblations, some of lands, some of gold, and silver. At this glorious assembly the name of the place was changed from Medeshamsted to Burgh, and by reason of the fair building, pleasant situation, large privileges, rich possessions, plenty of gold, and silver, which this Monastery was endowed withal, there was an addition to the name, as to be called Gildenburgh, though in reference to the dedication, it hath ever since been known by the name of Peterburgh. Malmsbury would have the nomination of the place Burgh to be from Abbot 
De gestis Pont. lib. 4.  Kenulphus, his enclosing the Monastery with a Wall, as shall be noted hereafter; but our Peterburgh Writers are not of his mind, but place it here. Writers say that in those days this Monastery was of so high account, that what person soever came thither to pray, whether King, Lord, Bishop, or Abbot, he put off his shoes at the gate of the Monastery, and entered barefoot: And the Covent there was very much had in esteem, that if any of them traveled into any of the neighbouring parts they were received with the greatest respect, and reverence that could be.  
The Monastery thus restored, King Edgar was mindful of the government also, by Abbots, as it had anciently been, and there was appointed   

8. ADULPHUS.  
He being Chancellor to King Edgar, changed his Court life for a Monastical in this place; the reason of which change, was this: He had one only Son, whom he and his Wife dearly loved, and they used to have him lie in bed betwixt them, but the Parents having over night drunk more wine than was convenient, their Son betwixt them was smothered to death. Adulphus the father being sadly affected with this horrid mischance, was resolved to visit S. Peter at Rome, after the manner of a penitentiary for absolution, imparting his intent to Bishop Athelwoldus, who dissuaded him from it, telling him it would be better if he would labour in the restauration of S. Peter's Church in this place, and here visit him: Adulphus approving this advice, came with King Edgar to Burgh, where in the presence of the King, and the rest of that Convention, he offered all his wealth, put off his Courtly Robes, and put on the habit of a Monk, and ascended to the degree of Abbot in the year 972.  
In those days the whole Nasee, or Country adjoining, and which is now known by the name of Burgh-soke, was all a woody and solitary place, until this Abbot Adulphus cut down woods, built Manors, and Granges, and let the Lands to farm for certain Rents; so that the people increasing, and as yet no Churches built amongst them, they came to Peterburgh to receive the Sacraments, and to pay their Church-duties, which continued for many years after. And although in the days of Turoldus Abbot, Churches and Chapels began to be built, (the said Turoldus distributing the Lands of the Monastery to those Knights who desired to serve God at home) yet still the Church of Peterburgh received the whole revenue until the time of Abbot Ernulfus, Anno 1112. when there were assigned to the respective Ministers of Churches and Chapels, certain revenues for their maintenance, as due to their service; saving to the Church of Burgh two parts of the predial Tithes of those Knights, and saving the burial of 
See in Ernulphus.  the said Knights, their wives and children in the Church of Burgh, and also a certain portion of the Knight's estates, for the maintenance of their wives and children: Saving also to the Church of Burgh from the Churches so built, certain pensions, which being imposed upon them in their first endowments, or collations by this Church, many of them have continued unto, and been paid in these our days to the Bishop, or Dean, and Chapter, as they were assigned by King Henry the Eighth, as shall be declared hereafter. Adulphus was present at the dedication of the Church of Ramsey, in the year 974.  
After that this Abbot Adulphus had happily governed this Monastery about the space of twenty years (Henry of Pightly saith 
Codex Ramis. in manu H. Cromwell Armig. fol. 58.  thirty one) he was translated to the Archbishopric of York, there to succeed Oswaldus then deceased: Some say he was translated to the Bishop of Worcester. And in the place of Adulphus there came   

9 KENULPHUS,  
Who was made Abbot in the year of our Lord, 992. and was highly honoured far and near for his wisdom and piety, many coming to him from several parts, Bishops, Abbots, Priests, and Monks, as to another Solomon to hear his wisdom. And by reason of his great fame for his learning, he is supposed to have been a Writer; and is therefore by Pitseus inserted into his Catalogue of English Writers, though what he wrote is not extant, or evident by his, or any other testimony that I have met with. This Abbot Kenulphus enclosed the Monastery of Burgh with a Wall, a great part whereof is yet standing. Having continued 
B. Godwyn.  Abbot here about thirteen years, he was translated to the Bishopric of Winchester, Anno 1006. for the procurement whereof he is charged with Simony. His successor in this Monastery was   

10. ELSINUS,  
Or Elsius: Of whom I find no glorious Character recorded by Writers, save this (if it may be so accounted) that he was very inquisitive after Relics, with which he was very industrious to enrich his Monastery. And because Swapham and Wittlesey, (the compleatest Historians of this place) have punctually set down a beadrole of his Relics, the Reader I hope will not take it ill, if I give a relation of them. Amongst the Relics of this place, that which was most famous, and bore the bell away from all the rest, was S. Oswalds' arm, which continued uncorrupted for many years, and that in the time of Abbot Martin, it was shown to Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, 487 years after its cutting off. And of it some of the Monks in those times wrote these Verses. 
Cum digitis dextram, cute, sanguine carneque tectam  
Oswaldi Regis Burgensis continet aedis.  
Vngues sunt tales fuerant vivo sibi quales  
Intus in hac dextra paret cernentibus extra  
Nervus, & hinc vena dextra junctura serena  
In cubiti veluti nova paret fossa veruti  
Quo fuit appensum pretiosum martyris armum.   
The story of this arm I suppose to be taken out of Beda his History of England, lib. 3. cap. 6. who relates that this Oswald King of Northumberland was very free and liberal in giving of alms to the poor; and one day whilst he sat at meat, one of his servants told him of a great number of poor people come to his gate for relief; whereupon King Oswald sent them meat from his own table, and there not being enough to serve them all, he caused one of his silver dishes to be cut in pieces, and to be distributed amongst the rest; which Aydanus a Bishop, (who came out of Scotland to convert, and instruct those Northern parts of England) beholding, took the King by the right hand, saying, nunquam inveterascat haec manus, let this hand never wax old, or be corrupted: which came to pass. This arm was first deposited at Bamburgh, a religious place in Yorkshire. Walter of Wettlesey writing the story thereof, tells that it was brought to the Monastary of Burgh by Winegotus of Bebeberch, but saith not when, therefore I cannot conjecture better than that it was by the procurement of this Abbot Elsinus. It is said that this arm wrought many cures upon several diseased folk; and that it was of such fame in the days of King Stephen, as that he himself came to Peterburgh purposely to see it; and offered his Ring to S. Oswald, and also remitted 
King Stephen at Peterburgh.  to the Monastery the sum of forty marks wherein it was indebted unto him.  
But that the Reader may know more fully the story of S. Oswald and his arm, it is to be remembered, that Penda King of the 
Camden.  Mercians being of a fierce nature, and withal ambitious, made war upon his neighbour Kings, and particularly upon Oswald King of Northumberland, who was a Christian, him Penda encountered at Oswaldstreet, now Oswestre in Shropshire (though Wittlesey saith, this battle was fought at a place called Burn) and there overthrew him, and caused him to be torn in pieces; whom some in remembrance of Bishop Aydan's blessing might preserve his arm, which at length was here at Peterburgh treasured up. If the Reader be still at a stand when he shall read in Authors that King Oswald was buried at several places, I cannot help him.  
And now that we are upon this subject of Relics, we may (I hope without offence to the Reader) extend the Legend to the full. Besides S. Oswalds' arm, there were some of his ribs, and some of the earth where he was slain. There were two pieces of our Saviour's swaddling clothes. Of the Manger wherein he was laid, in two places. Two pieces of the Cross which would not be burnt. More of the Cross in four places. Of the Sepulchre of our Lord, in four places. Of the five loaves with which he fed the five thousand men. Of the garment of S. Mary, in two places. Of her vail, in two places. Of Aaron's rod. Relics of S. John the Baptist. Of old simeon. Of the Sepulchre of Lazarus, in two places. Of the stone-patin of S. John the Evangelist. Relics of S. Peter the Apostle. Of S. Paul. Of S. Andrew. Of S. Bartholomew. Of S. Philip and Jacob. A shoulder blade of one of the Innocents', whom Herod slew. Relics of S. Stephen. S. Dionysius, Rusticus and Elutherius. Of the sackcloth, and shirt of S. Wenceslaus. Of the hand of S. Magnus, Martyr. Of S. Laurence. The jaw, and tooth, and arm of S. George, Martyr. Relics of S. Hippolytus, and of S. Gervase. The jaw, and tooth of S. Christopher. Relics of S. Cyriacus, of S. Potitus, of S. Quirinus. Two teeth of S. Edward, King, and Martyr. Relics of S. Trudon, of S. Maximus, of S. Salinus, of S. Theodorus, of S. Innocentius, of S. Mauritius, of S. Apollinaris, of S. Gorgon, of S. S. Cosmus, and Damianus, of S. S. Sergius, and Bachius. The finger of S. Leofridus Abbot. Relics of S. Hugo, S. Wulgarus, S. Adelwold, S. Cuthbald, S. Vindemianus, S. Lotharius. Three sinews of the hand of S. Athelard Abbot of Corbey. Relics of S. Acca Bishop: of S. Machutus, of S. Egwinus Abbot; of S. Kenulphus. The arm of S. Swithune, Bishop. A relic of S. Medard. The shoulder-blade of S. Ambrose. The tooth of S. Aydanus, of S. Grimbaldus, of S. Adelmus. Two pieces of S. Cecilia, of S. Lucia, of S. Christina. Of the bones, and blood, and garment of S. Utopia. Of S. Mary the Egyptian. Of S. Mary Magdalen. Of the head, and arms of S. Rogelida. Of 
* See the Matriculatory at the end. O.  S. Anstroberta. Of S. Edburga. Of S. Emerentiana. Of S. Juliana Virgin. Of the hairs of S. Athelwold Bishop. The tooth of S. Sexburga Virgin.  
Relics deposited under the great Altar. Of the wood, and Sepulchre of our Lord. Of the head of S. George. Of the arm of S. Sebastian. Of S. Pancratius. Of S. Procopius. S. Wilfridus. S. Botwinus. S. Albertus. S. Suffredus. S. Tadbertus. S. Wildegelus, Abbots.  

Pag. 91.  Relics in the silver Tower. Of the Sepulchre of our Lord. Of the garment, and Sepulchre of S. Mary. Of S. Andrew, and S. Philip, and S. James. Of S. Dionysius, S. Rusticus, and Eleutherius: Of S. Oswaldus, S. Laurentius, S. Vincentius, S. Potitus, S. S. Cosmus, and Damianus, S. Adelwoldus, S. Adelinus, S. Cecilia, S. Edburga. What became of these, or some of these relics in after times, some small mention will be made hereafter: but whether any of them were extant in the Monastery at the dissolution by King Henry the Eighth, I find nothing amongst Writers, no not of great S. Oswalds' arm, though Nicolas Harpsfield a late Historical Romanist would make us believe, that the prayer of Aydanus was still in force, as if that arm was somewhere extant.  
But to return to Abbot Elsinus. He was three years in Normandy with Queen Emma, where he also collected many other relics, and like a laborious Bee, stored his Abbey with them: It happened at that time, that there was a great dearth in that Country of Normandy, insomuch, that many of the inhabitants forsook the Country and planted themselves in other places. The Abbey of S. Florentinus having spent their treasures in buying of food, and nothing left them but the shrine of their Saint, and Patron; at length they sold him also, all but his head, which they still reserved to themselves: Elsinus having bought the body, sent it to Peterburgh, whither the Monks of that Abbey in Normandy did often repair, to do their devotions to their Saint.  
But whilst Elsinus was careful abroad for profitable relics, his Abbey at home sustained loss in more real endowments, for Hoveden in Yorkshire, with many other lands were wrested from the Monastery of Peterburgh. Yet Elsinus added something of his own, purchasing a fourth part of Wittleseymere, and giving it to his Monastery, which had a part thereof before purchased by Adelwoldus Bishop of Winchester in the time of King Edgar.  

Wittlesey.  In those days was the Monastery of Ramsey accused to the King, who threatened the dissolution thereof, but by the mediation of this Elsinus, it was reprieved, upon condition that Elsinus should undertake the charge of it, which Elsinus afterwards, remitted to the Ramisians. About this time Leofricus, who was Secretary of Burgh, translated the bodies of S. Kyneburga, and Kyneswitha from their Church of Castre, and the body of S. Tibba from Rihale, to Peterburgh. Others place this translation in the 
Harpsfield from Capgra. pag. 85.  time of King Henry the first, and that they had a yearly memorial celebrated here. In the time of this Abbot Elsinus, Anno 1051. Elfricus Archbishop of York died at Southwell, and was buried at Peterburgh, where he had been a Monk: of whom more hereafter.  
Elsinus having been Abbot here the space of fifty years, died Anno 1055. and there succeeded.   

11. ARWINUS, or ERNWINUS.  

Ingulphus.  He was made Abbot by Election which deservedly passed upon him, being a man of great holiness, and simplicity; but he liking better a private, and solitary life, freely surrendered his government, after eight years' continuance therein. In his time, Anno 1059. or as some say 1060. died Kinsius Archbishop of York, who formerly had been Chaplain to King Edward the Confessor, and was buried in the Church of Peterburgh, where he had been a Monk. Radulphus de Diceto calls him Kinsigius, and commends him highly for his austere way of living, his humility, and other virtues. Of whom again hereafter. About this time, S. Wulstan, formerly Monk of Peterburgh, was made Bishop of Worcester, 
Bishop Godwyn.  Anno 1062.   

12. LEOFRICUS, or LEURICUS  

Vid. appendiam Chartarum.  Having by his birth relation to the Royal blood, was first made a Monk of Burgh, and afterwards Abbot, upon the retirement of Arwinus. He being dear to King Edward, and Edgith his wife, held by extraordinary benevolence, five Abbeys in his hand at once, viz. Burton, Coventry, Croyland, Thorney, and Peterburgh. He redeemed of King Edward certain lands belonging to his Monastery, as Fiskerton for twenty marks, Fleton for eight marks; and Burleigh for eight marks; which being demised by lease to Elfgarus the Queen's Chaplain for the term of his life; he being dead, the Queen would have taken it from the Church of Peterburgh, had it not been for Abbot Leofricus.  
In the third year of this Abbot, Anno 1066. William Duke of Normandy entered England with an army, and subdued it to his Norman power. Of which I find these old Monkish Verses in some of our Writers. 
Anno Milleno, Sexageno quoque seno,  
Agenito verbo, Deuce jam regnante superbo,  
Anglorum metae crinem sensêre cometae  
Belli transacti sunt hic anni numerati  
Quod fuit hic factum, quod & est nunc usque vocatum  
Dilecti Christi fuerant tunc festa Calixti.   
Abbot Leofricus was then in the English army, where sickening, he returned to his Monastery of Peterburgh, and died the night after All-Saints day.  

Deeping Bank.  In the time of this Abbot Leofricus, one Egelricus a Monk of Burgh was made Archbishop of York, but the Canons there, envying that a Monk should be set over them (though but lately it had been so) refused to receive him, wherefore he was made Bishop of Durham, where he was received with general approbation. Whilst he was Bishop there he gathered great store of wealth, yet not to himself, but that he might be rich in good works, amongst which, there is one that continues his memory to this very day, the bank from Deeping to Spalding; for in those days the passage being very difficult by reason of Woods, and deep Marshes, he raised that Causey for the benefit of Travellers, which for many years after was called by his name Egelric Rode, though now it be known only by the name of Deeping Bank.  
But some affirm that Egelricus found his wealth, for intending to build a Church at Coneester (now Chester upon the street) in laying the foundation thereof he chanced to light upon a great mass of treasure, wherewith he finished that work and many others. Such a new found treasure might be an additional to what he had before, which surely was not small, else he would scarce have undertaken to build Churches. When Egelricus had held his Bishopric of Durham long enough to weary himself with public employments, he returned to his Monastery of Peterburgh, having resigned his Bishopric to his brother Egelwinus. But it happened that these two brethren were accused to King William the Conqueror, who laid up Egelricus in Chains at Westminster during his life, and when he was near his end, he refused to have his Fetters taken off, and desired that he might be buried with them, and so was he buried in S. Nicolas Porch in Westminster: the other Brother Egelwinus was deposed from his Bishopric by King William, and sent to Abendone, where he died.  
The Writers of Peterburgh, Swapham, and Wittlesey say, That in the time of Abbot Leofricus his sickness, this Egelricus being at his accustomed Evening devotions, the Devil appeared to him, in the shape of a boy of terrible countenance, and told him, that ere long he should triumph over the chiefest of them (which perhaps was in the death of Leofricus Abbot) and that three several times he would revenge himself upon the Monks, and Monastery, telling him also the manner. First, that he would cause all the Monks to be expelled, and the goods of the Monastery to be taken away. Secondly, he would cause the Monastery to be set on fire. Thirdly, he would set the Monks so at strife, that they should cut one another's throats. But Egelricus replying, The Lord rebuke thee, Satan; the Devil vanished, and left a horrible stink behind him.   

13. BRANDO  
Having been Coadjutor to Leofricus, was thought the fittest to succeed him; and being elected, he made his address to Edgar Atheling for his confirmation, supposing him to be lawful heir to the Crown of England, notwithstanding the late Conquest by K. William: but William hearing thereof, was much incensed against Abbot Brando, that he was forced to give him forty marks for his favour to confirm him in his Monastery, and the Lands to his Church. Whilst he was a Monk, he gave to the Monastery many Lands, as in Muscham, Schotter, Scalthorp, Yolthorp, Messingham, Malmeton, Cletham, Hibaldstow, Rachevildthorp, Holme, Riseby, Walcot, Normanby, Alethorp, there joining with him, Askylus, Syricus, and Sivortus, who procured from King Edward a confirmation of these Lands to the Church.  
Brando when he was Abbot, created his Nephew Herewardus le Wake Lord of Brunne, (now Bourn) Knight, which Herewardus was a valiant man, and stoutly opposed the Normans in those parts.  
Brando enjoyed not long his Government, but in November, Anno 1069. which was the third of King William, he died.   

14. TUROLDUS, or THOROLDUS  
A Norman, was placed by King William in the vacant Abbey of Peterburgh: He being a stranger, neither loved his Monastery, nor his Convent him; He began to make a strange dispersion of the Lands belonging to his Church, conferring sixty and two Hides of Land upon certain stipendiary Knights, that they might defend him against Herewardus le Wake: This Herewardus was son of Leofricus Lord of Brunne, and having had a Military education beyond Seas, repaired home to employ his valour in defence of his native Country, against the Normans. It happened at that time, that the Danes under Sweyn their King, son of Canutus, invaded this Land, amongst whom, Osbernus an Earl, and Bishop, entered into the Isle of Ely, with whom Herewardus joined, and incited him to set upon the Monastery of Peterburgh, for that the King had given it to a Norman. Herewardus, and the Danes coming hither, the Monks and others with them defended themselves for a time, with much valour, in a hot dispute at Bolehith-gate, now commonly called Bulldyke-gate, being on the South of the Monastery, and yet standing: where, when Herewardus, and the Danes perceived their entrance doubtful, and that they could not cut their way with their Swords, and Weapons, they assayed to do it by fire upon the adjoining buildings, and so entered through flame and smoke. Being entered, they seized upon all the good things they found, carrying them away to Ely, leaving much of the buildings (the Monastery only excepted) destroyed by fire, and taking Adelwoldus the Prior, with many of the more ancient Monks thither also. But Adelwoldus watching for an opportunity to get away, and return home, the Danes being jovial, and merry at a triumphal feast for this their booty, Adelwoldus got privately to himself some gold and silver with some Relics, amongst which was S. Oswald's arm which he hide in his bedstraw, till he could make his escape. But an agreement being made between King William and Sweyn the Danish King, that the Danes should departed with all their spoil, most of the good things of this Monastery were carried away towards Denmark, and a great part of them lost in the Sea by tempest: those which arrived there were afterwards recovered by Iwarus the Secretary of the Monastery, who took a journey thither, for that purpose. And now had Adelwoldus the Prior, with the other Monks, a time of returning without stealth to his Monastery of Peterburgh, and taking the Abbey of Ramsey in their way; the Ramisians entertained them kindly for awhile, but at their departure, they detained their Relics, which afterwards upon the threats of Abbot Thorold, they yielded up; yet did not the Monks enjoy their newly recovered Treasures long, for they being careless and drunken, and their Abbot absent, a fire seized upon the Church, and other remaining buildings, from which they rescued some few Relics, but little of other things. All this while Turoldus Abbot absented himself from his Monastery, and made his abode at Stamford, but Herewardus being withdrawn he returned to his Monastery, where he found all things in a desolate condition. He brought along with him 140 Normans well armed to secure him against Herewardus, and also built a Fort or Castle within his Monastery, which for many years retained the name of Mount Thorold: so that now the Monastery of Peterburgh seemed rather a warlike than religious place. Yet for all that Turoldus could do for his own security, he was at length taken by Herewardus, and constrained to ransom himself with the payment of thirty marks in silver. So profuse was this Turoldus of the goods of his Monastery, that at his entrance an estimate of the goods thereof amounting to fifteen hundred pounds, ere Turoldus had done, there remained scarce five hundred.  
But his disposing of the Lands (as hath been said) to certain Knights, for their service in these Military times, was remarkable, and valid in after ages; where I could give a large declaration of the persons thus invested with the Church-Lands, and what Lands those were, but it shall suffice to say, that there were in all forty one men of note, who received those Lands from Turoldus to hold upon that condition: but they did not all receive in equal proportion, but some more, and some less; some to find and afford the service of six Knights, some of four, some of one, and some less, as their portions of Land were; yet in all, the number of Knights for which they were to be answerable, amounted to sixty eight, and from whence there began a new addition to be annexed unto the name of the place, as to be called, The Honour of Peterburgh. But there happened another Act of Turoldus, which raised his discontents higher in himself, and brought him lower in the good affection of his Convent, for he received into his Monastery two Monks from beyond Sea, who secretly stole away, and carried many of the Church Goods with them. At length Turoldus, weary of his Government here, procured for himself the Bishopric of Beavois in France, whither he transported many of the goods of the Monastery: but he was not so welcome to his new Bishopric as to make any long continuance there, for on the fourth day he was expelled thence, and returning again into England, he gave the King a great sum of Money that he might be seated again in his Monastery of Peterburgh, whither he returned, and in all, continued his Government there the space of 28 years, and died Anno 1100, or as some say 1098. being the 10, or 11 year of William the Second.   

15. GODRIC US.  
The Monks now began to be provident for themselves; for considering the inconveniences they suffered by Turoldus being imposed upon them, they gave the King three hundred Marks in Silver that they might have the power of Electing their own Abbot; which having procured from the King, they chose Godricus, who was Brother to Abbot Brando. Whether or no Godricus might incur the guilt of Simony by what the Church had done, 
Bishop Godwin calleth him Geffrey. page 34.  I will not determine, yet was he, with Richard Abbot of Ely, and Adelwinus Abbot of Ramsey, deposed from their Governments by a Council held under Anselmus then Archbishop of Canterbury, for that (as Peterburgh Writers say) they had entered by Simony. Yet Matth. Paris renders another reason, that it 
In vita W. Rufi.  was, because they had received investiture into their Abbeys, from the King, and not from Anselme. So Godricus held his Abbey of Peterburgh but one year, which was an unhappy year too; for in that year, Foreign Thiefs from Almain, France and Flanders broke in through a window into the Church, and stole away a Cross of beaten Gold, with many Jewels, two Chalices and Patins, two golden Candlesticks, which Elfricus Archbishop of York had given to this Church. Although the Thiefs were pursued and taken, yet the goods were not recovered, but came into the King's hand, who held them so fast that the Abbey could not retrieve them.  
Godricus being deposed, the Abbey was destitute of an Abbot about the space of four years, all which time it continued in the King's hand, at length King Henry 1. in the year 1103. and the 3 or 4. of his Reign, sent an Abbot unto them. Until these days of King Henry all the Charters, and Grants of former Kings, and other Benefactors to the Church, were without Seals, and signed only with their Names, and Figures of a Cross, but now they began to affix Seals to their Deeds.   

16. MATHIAS  
Was the man whom King Henry sent to the Abbey of Burgh, after that Godricus was deposed. One may almost smell the wind that blew Mathias hither; for he was Brother to Galfridus Ridel the King's Chief Justice, to whom Mathias gave the Manor of Pightesly, belonging then to his Church; What conveyance Abbot Mathias made to his brother Galfridus, I cannot determine, but Galfridus resolved to hold the Manor of Pightesly, as his own, and not of the Monastery of Peterburgh, which caused a long suit betwixt them, until at length an agree-ment was made betwixt the Abbot (not this Mathias, but one of his Successors) and Galfridus, that he should hold the said Manor for his life, paying to the Abbot the yearly rent of four Marks, and that after his decease, the Manor should return again to the Church of Peterburgh, which it did, not long after: for Galfridus was drowned at Sea, with William Son of King Henry. Not long after, Abbot John de Sais gave the King 60 Marks in Silver, to confirm again the Manor of Pightesly to his Monastery. Mathias held his Monastery of Peterburgh but one year, for on the same day he entered thereon, on the same day twelve month he died at Gloucester about the year 1105. and the King again kept the Monastery in his hand three years, till the coming of   

17. ERNULFUS:  
He was Prior of Canterbury, and there being then a Council holden at London wherein many were promoted to Ecclesiastical Dignities, Ernulfus was offered to the Monks of Peterburgh for their Abbot, and they willingly accepted of him, knowing him to be both a pious, and prudent man. Whilst he was Prior of Canterbury, the business concerning the marriage of Priests was hastily agitated, and Anselme the then Archbishop was strongly for the negative, writing Letters to this Ernulfus, which are to be seen in Mr. Fox his Acts and Monuments. Whilst Ernulfus was Abbot here, all things went happily with the Monastery, Ernulfus promoting the good thereof by the King's favour, which he had in a plentiful measure. He built the new Dormitory, the Necessary, and finished the Chapterhouse which was begun before he made an agreement betwixt his Convent, and those Knights who held Lands of his Abbey, that every Knight 
See in Adulphus.  should pay yearly to the Sacristary two parts of his Tithes, and at his death, the third part of his whole Estate, for his burial in the Church, all his Knightly endowments, as well Horses, as Arms, being to be brought with his body, and offered up to S. Peter: the Convent were to receive the Corpse with procession, and to perform the office for the dead. In the time of this Ernulfus Anno 1112. was the Church of Thirlby, near Bourn in Lincolnshire, dedicated by Robert Bloet then Bishop of Lincoln; 
Thirlby Church dedicated. Swapham fol. 115. pag. 1.  which Church, with the Manor belonged then to this Monastery of Peterburgh. Abbot Ernulfus was translated from this his government in his seventh year Anno 1114. For King Henry being to pass over the Sea, and waiting for a wind at Bourn, he sent to Peterburgh for Ernulfus to come unto him to consult about weighty Affairs, he being the King's Confessor; but being come, the King with Raulfus (so our Peterburgh writers call him, but Bishop Godwin Rodolphus) the Archbishop of Canterbury importuned him to take upon him the Bishopric of Rochester, which Ernulfus did, though much against his will, the Monks also taking it very heavily, wept for the loss of their Abbot. Ernulfus being Bishop of Rochester wrote a Book in answer to certain questions propounded 
See the Catalogue at the end. O. and B.  by Lambertus Abbot of S. Bertine, as also another book of incestuous Marriages, although Pitseus makes no mention of him. Ernulfus being thus removed, the King gave his Monastery to Johannes de Sais, or   

18. JOHN of Salisbury.  
He being appointed Abbot, was honourably received of the Monks. He took a journey to Rome (but I find not to what end) and returned the year following. In his time the Monastery was burnt again, only the Chapterhouse, Dormitory, Necessary, and the new Refectory escaped the flames, which took hold of the Village, and wholly consumed it. Wittlesey writes, that one in the Bakehouse being to kindle a fire, with much pains could not make it burn, which, John the Abbot, being present, seeing, in a choleric mood, cried, The Devil kindle it, and presently the fire flamed to the top of the house, ran through all the Abbot's Offices, and thence to the Town: The life burning in one of the Towers for nine days together, a violent wind drove the Coals upon the Abbot's house, and fired that also. Afterwards Abbot John began to build the Church anew Anno 1118. which he industriously prosecuted, but lived not to finish it, for he held his Abbey but eleven years, and died of a Dropsy Anno 1125. being the 25, or 26 of King Henry I. A year before this, was the Church of Castri dedicated, as may be seen by an Inscription yet continuing over the Chancel door, XV KL MAII DEDICATIO HUJUS ECCLESIAE MCXXIIII.  
Abbot John being dead, the King again kept the Monastery in his hand two years. And although (as hath been said) this John gave the King 60 Marks for the confirmation of the Manor of Pightesly, yet upon the death of John the Abbot of Peterburgh, the King, having all at his disposing, for 60 Marks more, sold Pightesly to Richard Basset, and for Abbot of this Monastery appointed   

19 HENRICUS de Angeli  
Or Henry of Anjou, who was made Abbot Anno 1128. He being ambitious, sought after many preferments, but held them not long; for besides, he was unstable, and voluntarily deserted his present Governments, or else found opposition in new ones, that he was compelled to withdraw. Having an Abbey beyond Sea, he got a Commission to come over into England to gather up Peter pence, which gave him opportunity to espy out some preferment or other here: therefore coming to the King, and much complaining of the troubles in his own Country, whose Wars, by reason of his age, he could not endure, he besought the King to confer upon him the Abbey of Peterburgh, which was then vacant, which he (being allied to the King) obtained, notwithstanding that both Archbishops and Bishops opposed it, telling the King it was not lawful for him to hold two Abbeys. But the King afterwards perceiving his fraud, and covetousness, commanded him to departed the Realm, when he had held the Abbey of Peterburgh 5 years, and so Anno 1133. he returned to his Abbey De Angeli. In the first year that this John came to be Abbot here (as Wittlesey writes) there were heard and seen in the night time throughout Lent, in the Woods betwixt Stamford and Peterburgh, Hunters, with their Horns, and Dogs, all of them of black, and ugly complexion, some riding upon black Horses, and some upon Goats, they had great staring eyes, and were seen sometimes twenty, and sometimes thirty in a company.   

20. MARTINUS de Vecti,  
So called of the Isle of Wight from whence he came: some call him Martin Cook. He was first Prior of S. Neots, and the King gave him the Monastery of Peterburgh, into which he was honourably received by the Monks upon S. Peter's day, Anno 1133. being the 33 of King Henry 1. He was very industrious in repairing, and perfecting the buildings of the Monastery, and especially the Church, to the dedication whereof anew, there came thither Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, the Abbots of Thorney, Croyland, Ramsey, and others to whom Abbot Martin shown the Holy Relics, and S. Oswalds' arm, Anno 1123. 23 years after its burning. The tokens of which conflagration are yet to be seen (or of some other) in the inside of the West Porch above. This Martin built a Gate of the Monastery, but which I cannot say. He likewise changed the situation of the Village to the Western side of the Monastery, for before, it was on the East; he appointed the market place as now it is, and built many houses about it. He changed also the place of Wharfage for Boats coming to the Town, to that place which is now commonly used. He removed the Church of S. John Baptist, (which before stood in a Close still known by the name of S. John's Close) to the place where now the said Church standeth. And as he was a great builder, so was he also in some sort a demolisher, for he pulled down a Castle standing near the Church, which perhaps was Mount Thorold formerly mentioned. He planted the Vineyard, and added many buildings to his own dwellings. He entertained King Stephen who came hither, to see the Arm of S. Oswald, to whom he offered his Ring, and forgave the Church 40 Marks which it ought him, and confirmed many other Privileges. Abbot Martin, in the time of his Government, took a journey to Rome, and along with him the Charter of King Ethelred, that the then Pope Eugenius the Third might grant his Confirmation: But in 
Wittlesey.  the Consistory there arose a debate about the form of the Charter, which hitherto had gone currant for the space of almost 500 years: for one of the Cardinals present besought the Pope, that he would not give the honour of his name to another; whereupon a new Charter was granted to Abbot Martin in the name of Eugenius, and the name of King Ethelred, Founder, and Benefactor, was put out. Martin, having sitten in his Abbattical 
See the Appendix.  Chair here about the term of 22 years, died Anno 1155. which was the second year of King Henry 2. And there succeeded   

21. WILLIHELMUS de Watervile,  

Vid. Chartam in App.  Who being Elected Abbot by the Monks, the Election easily obtained the King's ratification, in regard this William was one of his Clerks, or Chaplains. The King also confirmed unto him and his Abbey the eight Hundreds of that part of the County, which had formerly been granted by the King's Predecessors. This Abbot erected a Priory in Stamford, and the Church of S. Michael there. He settled a yearly maintenance upon the Church of S. John Baptist in Peterburgh, enacting that the Chaplain should yearly upon Michaelmas day bring his Church-Key to the Sacrist of the Monastery, as an acknowledgement of his dependence upon it. He was very industrious in perfecting the buildings of his Monastery, and adding new ones. He built the Cloister, and covered it with Lead. He ordered, 
Cloister.  and disposed the Choir of the Church, in that manner as it lately stood, and in some sort continues still. He founded 
Quire.  the Chapel of Thomas Becket, which was finished by his Successor, and is now standing in the middle of the Arch of the Church-Porch, as you enter into the Church. He built a Chapel also in his own House, and other necessary Offices. At length he was accused by his Monks to the Archbishop, so that he was deposed without conviction, or his own confession (as our Writers say) of any crime deserving that censure, when he had held his Abbey twenty years, Anno 1175. being the 21 or 22 year of King Henry the Second. And although our Peterburgh Writers are silent in the cause of his deposition, yet others have taken notice of it. Johannes Brompton Jornallensis relates it thus, that Richard Archbishop of Canterbury came to the Abbey 
Pag. 1107, 1108.  of Peterburgh, and deposed William of Watervile the Abbot there; for that he against the will of the Monks, entered with a band of armed men into the Church, and took from thence some Relics, and the arm of S. Oswald, pro denariis ad Judaeos invadendos: the Monks standing in defence of their Relics, many of them were grievously wounded. Roger Hoveden relates another reason as the most principal, which he addeth to that of Jornallensis, 
Pag. 313.  that this Abbot William was fallen into the King's disfavour for his brother's sake, one Walter of Watervile (in the Parish of Achrich in the County of Northampton; where anciently was his Castle) whom Abbot William received with others of that party being then in Arms against the King, which shown that Abbot William was not so Loyal to his Master the King as he should have been, but abetting with his brother, it might cause his own deposition.   

22. BENEDICTUS.  
William being deposed, the King held the Abbey in his hand two years, and then Benedict Prior of Canterbury was thought the fittest for it, and made Abbot Anno 1177. in the Twenty fourth of King Henry the Second. He was a very Learned man, and, as Pitseus (who gives him very high commendations) doth certify, wrote two Books: Vitam S. Thomae Cantuariensis. De ejusdem post mortem miraculis, and certain others, saith he: yet because I find these Books mentioned in the Catalogue of this Abbot's Library, it may be doubted whether he wrote them himself more than he did the rest. I shall therefore set down his Books, as also some of the succeeding Abbots, that the Reader may conjecture what Scholars those Abbots might be, and see what Books were most in request amongst them. Abbot benedict's Library was furnished with these Books. Quinque libri Moysis glossati in uno Volumine. Sexdecim Prophetae glossati in uno Volumine. Duodecim Minores glossati in uno Volumine. Liber Regum glossatus. Paralipomenon glossatus. Job, Parabolae Salomonis, & Ecclesiastes, Cantica Canticorum, glossati, in uno Volumine. Liber Ecclesiasticus, & Liber Sapientiae glossati in uno Volumine. Tobias, Judith, Esther, & Esdras glossati, in uno Volumine. Liber Judicumglossatus. Scholastica Historia. Psalterium glossatum. Item non glossatum. Item Psalterium. Quatuor Evangelia glossata in uno Volumine. Item Matthaeus, & Marcus in uno Volumine. Johannes & Lucas in uno Volumine. Epistolae Pauli glossatae. Apocalypsis, & Epistolae Canonicae glossatae in uno Volumine. Sententiae Petri Lombardi, Item Sententiae ejusdem. Sermons Bernardi Abbatis Clarevallensis. Decreta Gratiani. Item Decreta Gratiani. Summa Ruffini de Decretis. Summa Johannis Faguntini de Decretis. Decretales Epistolae. Item Decretales Epistolae. Item Decretales Epistolae cum Summa sic incipiente, Olim. Institutiones Justiniani cum Autenticis, & Infortiato. Digestum vetus. Tres parts cum Digesto novo. Summa Placentorum. Totum corpus juris in duobus Voluminibus. Arisimetica. Epistolae Senecae cum aliis Senecis in uno Volumine. Martialis, & Terentius in uno Volumine. Morale dogma Philosophorum. Gesta Alexandri, & Liber Claudii, & Claudianis. Summae Petri Helyae de Grammatica cum multis aliis rebus in uno Volumine. Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, & genealogia ejus, Interpretationes Hebraicorum nominum. Libellus de Incarnatione Verbi. Liber Bernardi Abbatis ad Eugenium Papam. Missale, Vita Sancti Thomae Martyris. Miracula ejusdem in quinque Voluminibus. Liber R. Plutonis qui dicitur Vnde malum. Meditationes Anselmi. Practica Bartholomaei cum pluribus aliis rebus in uno Volumine: Ars Physicae. Pantegm. & practica ipsius in uno Volumine. Almasor, & Dioscorides de virtutibus herbarum. Liber dinamidiorum & aliorum multorum in uno Volumine. Libellus de compoto. This was the stock of his Literature, as Wittlesey hath set it down, though another ancient Copy in some few things differeth from it.  
There is some clashing betwixt Vossius and Possevine about the time of this Benedict, but it is not worth the trouble of reciting. It seems Benedict was a man of good note, that his preferment to this Abbey should sound in foreign parts, Sigebertus Gemblacensis making mention thereof, Benedictus Prior Cantuariensis factus est 
Ad an. 1177.  Abbas de Burc. The Abbey was at his entrance, 1500 marks deep in debt, from which Benedict freed it. He laboured much in recovering of his Abbey Lands, some by suits in Law, and some by force; for, as if he were Tam Marti quam Mercurio, as well for the Sword, as the Book; he went sometimes in person armed upon such adventures. His actions at home towards his Monastery, were great, and many: It seems the Nave, or body of the Church did not please him, therefore he built it after a better manner from the Lantern to the Porch as now it is, so that the painted Ceiling at the top, which is still remaining, was probably of his doing. He set up also the Pulpit in the body of the Church, which was but lately taken away. He finished the Chapel of Thomas Becket, which his Predecessor had begun. He built a large and goodly House of stone for several Offices which was standing in our age. He built the great gate leading to the Monastery, and over it the Chapel of S. Nicolas, both which are yet standing. He was much in the King's favour, that the King, King Richard, for his piety, gravity and wisdom, was wont to call him Father: And when King Richard, in his return from the Holy Land, was taken prisoner by Archduke Leopold, who detained him, this Abbot Benedict (being, in the King's absence, made Coadjutor, and Councillor with William Bishop of Ely Chancellor of the Realm) Counselled that the Chalices of the Church should be sold to pay the King's ransom, which was done, and the King returned home. Then did King Richard confirm to Abbot Benedict, and his Monastery the Marsh of Pekirk, now commonly called North-Fenne, about which there fell out some difference betwixt Radulphus le Wake, and the Monastery; for Radulphus being Lord of Deeping, claimed Common in the Marsh, as being but on the other side of the River, but Abbot Benedict impounded his cattle, alleging that the Marsh belonged only to his Tenants of Pekirk, Glinton, Makeshye, and Northburgh, and desired Radulphus to inquire into the truth thereof: So Radulphus came to Peterburgh with some others, where being fully informed of the Abbot's right, he forbore to trespass any more; Benedict also recovered the Marsh of Eye, and the Hermitage of Singlesholt. King Richard also granted unto Benedict his confirmation of the eight Hundreds, as his predecessors had done: And withal his Charter for the holding of a Fair in Peterburgh, upon the Feast of S. Peter, 
S. Peter Fair.  to continue for 8 days; although now it be contracted into one. He also granted a weekly Market every Thursday, and a Fair for three days at the Feast of S. Peter, to be holden at the Manor of Scotter in Lincolnshire, then belonging to this Monastery. 
Vid. Chartam in App.   

Pag. 252.  John the King's brother, who was Earl of Moriton, and afterwards King of England, was also kind to Abbot Benedict and his Monastery, giving them by his Charter yearly, three Staggs, and six Bucks, out of his Forest of Sheerwood, without contradiction. In his time there flourished one William of Peterburgh a Monk of Ramsey, a very Learned man, upon whom Pitseus bestows a large Character, whither the Reader, that would see his works, may resort. Benedict having been Abbot the space of seventeen years, died Anno 1194. being the sixth Year of King Richard the first, and had for his Successor   

23. ANDREA'S.  
He was first a Monk here, than Prior, and afterwards for his many virtues was chosen Abbot. The Villages of Alwalton, and Fletton, which then belonged to him, he gave to the Monk's Kitchen for the augmentation of their Commons. Having been Abbot about five years, he died the same year with King Richard, which was Anno 1199. He was buried in the South Isle of the Church at the back of the Choir, in the same Grave where two of his Predecessors had been buried before, as the Epitaph on the Wall over his Monument will testify▪ which was lately in ancient Saxon Letters, but now in the ordinary, renewed. 
Hos tres Abbates quibus est Prior Abba Johannes,  
Altar Martinus, Andreas ultimus, unus  
Hic claudit tumulus, Pro clausis ergo rogemus.    

24 ACHARIUS,  

Fol. 456.  Whom Hoveden calls Zacharias, was Prior of S. Albans, and elected thence to be Abbot here, Anno 1200. He by his care and providence much enriched his Church, and built many buildings in several Manors belonging to it. He maintained suit with the Abbot of Croyland for the Marsh of Singlesholt, and recovered it, letting it again to the Abbot of Croyland for a yearly acknowledgement of four stone (Petras) of Wax. He added to the number of Monks that then were, two and twenty more. And when he had happily governed this Abbey the space of ten years, he died Anno 1210. being the 11 year of King John. And there succeeded   

25. ROBERTUS de Lindesey,  

Glass-windows.  Who was Monk, and Sacristary of Burgh, and now Abbot, unto which he paved the way by his good deeds towards the Church: for whereas the windows were before only stuffed with straw to keep out the weather, he beautified above thirty of them with glasses; and his example brought the rest, by degrees, to the like perfection. He built also the Chancel at Oxney; being chosen Abbot, he was presented to the King at Winchester, and had his election confirmed: And at Northampton he received Episcopal benediction from Hugo the second, than Bishop of Lincoln, in the year 1214. for after the death of Acharius, the King held the Abbey in his own hand three years. He settled the Hundred of Nassaburgh in peace, and quietness: for in those days the Foresters with their cattle overran all, so that the inhabitants of the Towns therein were much endamaged by them, and their domineering in these parts by virtue of Forest Lands; therefore Abbot Robert made a composition with the King, giving him 
Vid. Chartam in App.  1320 Marks for the disforesting that part of the Country. He covered the Abbot's Hall with Lead. He made in the South Cloister a Lavatory of Marble for the Monks to wash their hands in when they went to Meals, their Hall being near, on the other 
The Lavatory.  side of the wall, the door leading into it being yet standing, though the Hall be long since demolished, only some small remains on the wall side, are yet to be seen; but the Lavatory continued entire until the year 1651. and then, with the whole Cloister, it was also pulled down. Abbot Robert at his entrance into his place found but seventy two Monks, to which number he added eight more, assigning the Manor of Bellasise for their maintenance, having built a fair Manor-house there, which 
Bellasise builded.  partly is now standing. He built also the Hall at his Manor of Collingham.  
In the time of this Robert, the fourth Lateran Council was held under Innocent the fourth, Pope of that name, Anno 1215. Abbot Robert was cited, and went thither, and received injunctions for his Convent concerning several times of fasting, and other duties, which at his coming home, he put into execution.  

Fol. 287.  In his time there arose great discords betwixt the Civil, and Ecclesiastical States, that the Land stood interdicted by the space of six years. Then followed bitter Wars betwixt King John, and his Barons, wherein, how the Monastery of Peterburgh behaved themselves, I find but little in any of our Writers: Only by what Matthew Paris relates, it may be conjectured they were none of the King's friends, though their Patron. Ludovicus (saith he) besieging the Castle of Dover a long time in vain, at length the King passed over into Suffolk, and Norfolk, and miserably wasted those Countries: And coming to Peterburgh, and Croyland, he plundered the Churches there, his Officer Savaricus de Mallo Leone with his accomplices committing many outrages in the Country thereabout. At Croyland he fired all their stacks which the inhabitants had newly gathered in, and so returned to the Town of Lynn with great spoils: But afterwards the King taking his journey from Lynn Northward, all his Carriages, and Treasures were cast away, and perished, as he passed the River Wellestre. Yet afterwards the Abbot of Peterburgh was summoned to assist King Henry the third, in the siege of Rokingham Castle (which was then the Abbots) and the Abbot himself went in person in that expedition, till at length that Castle was reduced to the King's obedience: but whether it was this Abbot Robert, or some 
Hon. de Pightesly.  of his Successors, mine Author tells me not.  

Pag. 288.  In the time of this Abbot Robert about the year 1217 according to Pitseus there was one Hugo Candidus, or Hugh White, a Monk of this Monastery, of whom the said Author in his Book De Scriptoribus, makes mention, who wrote the whole History of his Monastery, whose works were extant in later times, for John Leland, who lived in the days of King Henry 8, collected many things out of him, but whether, or where the said Author be now extant, I know not. Pitseus tells us also of another Hugh 
In Appendice Pag. 865.  a Monk of this Church, whom he calls an English Historian, but professeth his ignorance of what he wrote, or when he lived: Perhaps, both might be but one, and the same Hugh. But, perhaps, Wittlesey an ancient Writer of this Church may make it clearer, by telling us that there was one Hugo Albus (so called from his white complexion, as being subject to bleed) a Monk here, who was famous in the time of Abbot Ernulfus and of John, Henry, Martin and William his Successors, who wrote the History of this Monastery, and so was before Pitseus his account.  
Robert having been Abbot here the space of seven years, died October 25. 1222. being the seventh year of King Henry 3. He was not very rich in Books, his Library consisting only of these few. Numerale Magistri W. de Montibus cum aliis rebus. Tropi Magistri Petri cum diversis summis. Sententiae Petri Pretanensis. Psalterium Glossatum. Aurora. Psalterium non glossatum. Historiale.   

26. ALEXANDER de holderness  
Who was first a Monk, than Prior, and lastly Abbot of this place after the death of Robert. A great builder he was, and built the Hall at his Manor of Oundle, that also at Castre Eyebury and other places. Having been Abbot here only four years, he died on the day of his entrance, November 20. 1226. and of King Henry 3. the Eleventh. These were his Books. Psalterium. Concordantiae utriusque Test. Claustrum animae. Opus alterum quod perfecit Rogerus de Helpston. Aurora. Poenitentiale. Tria Breviaria. Concilium Lateranense cum aliis rebus. Corrogationes Promethei. Missale. The first day of May before the death of this Alexander, there died at Peterburgh Richardus de Mansco, 
Mr. Philipot Catal. Canc. Angl. pag. 10.  Bishop of Durham, and Chancellor of England.   

27. MARTINUS de Ramsey  
Being a Monk of Peterburgh, was elected Abbot after the death of Alexander: And on S. Andrew's Eve the King ratified his Election, which was also confirmed by Hugo then Bishop of Lincoln in the Chapel of S. Katherine at Westminster. On the Feast of S. John the Evangelist following he received the said Bishop's blessing at Tinghurst, and on the Eve of Epiphany following he was received at Peterburgh. In his first year he paid to the King's Exchequer 5 Marks for the disforesting of Nassaburgh, and 28 more to the Chancellor. In that year died one Brianus de la Marc the King's Forester in the Marsh of Kesteven, and Holland, and the King passing by that way towards York, seized upon all the goods of the said Brian: But Abbot Martin procured the Kings Writ to Hugo de Nevile then Justice of the Forest, to inquire, if the said Brian was not enfeoffed in certain Lands belonging to the Monastery of Peterburgh, which being examined at a Commission holden at Bernat, and found to be so, the Heir of the said Brian was awarded (as Ward) to the Abbot of Peterburgh: But Abbot Martin gave the said ward to Radulfus de Nevile, than Bishop of Chichester, and the King's Chancellor. This Abbot Martin in the year 1228. received a grand privilege from Gregory the Ninth, Pope of that name, wherein this particular, that, whensoever there should be a general interdiction of the Land, the Monks of Peterburgh, when they said their Service, might shut the Church doors, ring no bell, nor say their Service aloud but with a low voice to themselves, that the people might not participate thereof. But I have not found that ever this was put in practice. In the year 1231, Hugh Bishop of Lincoln visited this Monastery, and gave Articles to be observed, both by the Abbot, as also by the Convent.  
Martin having been Abbot the space of six years, died; His Library was but thin. Missale. Item Missale ad Altar S. Katharinae. Capitula collecta Evangelica in 2 Voluminibus ad magnum Altar.   

28. WALTERUS de S. Edmundo.  
Who was first Monk, than Sacristary, and at length, Abbot of this Church, being void by the death of Martin, Anno 1233. the 17 of King Henry 3. Here Robert Swapham ends his story of the succession of Abbots, whom hitherto we have been much guided by: but now we must follow Wittlesey, and a few other Records, which (like Absirtus his limbs being scattered about in the late dispersion) have come to our hands.  
This Abbot Walter was a man generally good, pious, honest, Loyal, free, and liberal in the dispensation of the demesnes belonging to his Church. In those days King Henry was straight put to it for maintenance, and was constrained to live upon Ecclesiastical benevolence, going from one Monastery to another to be entertained: And he found Abbot Walter very free towards 
K. Henry at Peterburgh.  him, who at two several times gave him the best entertainment his Monastery could afford: At one of which times, the Queen, and Prince Edward, came with the King. This Abbot gave the King, the sum of 60 Marks towards the marriage of Margaret his Daughter with Alexander 3. King of Scotland: He added 30 more Monks to the number, erected many buildings to those which were before. Having been Abbot the space of 13 years, he died Anno 1245, being the 30 of King Henry 3. What that dedication of this Church was which Matth. Paris mentions Anno 1238. I could never yet fully understand. 
Page 481.  But we must not leave Abbot Walter thus, for the time of his Government is remarkable. Three times (saith Wittlesey) with great costs, and charges, he journeyed to Rome. The first was, to have redress concerning the Church of Castre against R. de Somercot, who was a Cardinal: this journey he took when he was but Sacristary. The second journey was being Abbot, not to, but towards Rome, when he was summoned to be at a Council there with the rest of the English Clergy (which Council was held there Anno 1234. under Pope Gregory 9 saith Franciscus Longus, though Gabriel Pratiolus will have Innocent 4. to be then Pope, and Gregory 9 to be some time after) But Walter being on the way thither as far as Burgundy, and hearing that the Emperor Frederick had imprisoned Otto, the English Legate, with many others, he durst not proceed on his journey, but stayed in the City of Anvers 6 months, and then returned home to the Monastery of Peterburgh. But his retreat was so ill taken, that presently the Pope sends a Mandate to him for the finding of five men, with Horses and Arms, which at length he took off at the charge of 174 Marks, by the dispensation of Martin the Pope's Nuntio. The third journey to Rome was after the Council of Lions, for thither also was he summoned, and appeared there, but rather as an offender, than an Assessor; for he was called to answer his contempt, in giving the Church of Castre according to the King's order, and against the Popes, yet did he regain the Pope's favour by obliging himself to give to a Nephew of the Pope's ten pounds a year. Our Writers of Peterburgh say no more, but Matthew Paris is more copious in 
Page 554.  the story, or another like it. In the year (saith he) 1241. Pope Gregory desirous to promote some of his Favourites, sends his Letters into England to cast the burden of that care upon some Churches. There was then sent to the Abbot, and Convent of Burgh, an Apostolic Mandate, fraught with entreaties, and threaten, that they would confer the Rent of any Church under their patronage, which should yearly be worth one hundred Marks, and if it were double the value, it would please him the more: and the Pope would again demise unto the Church the same Living for the yearly rent of one hundred Marks, and the surplusage should redound to the proper use of the Church. And that the Abbot and Convent might consent to this provision (or rather pernicious compact, Simony and secret Fraud) demanded by the Pope, the Pope wrote Letters to certain Foreign Monks then well Beneficed in England, that they should effectually admonish the Abbot and Convent therein, and to compel them, if need were. These Monks coming to Peterburgh, called the Monks together, and bespoke them after this manner, Behold, Friends and Brethren, a great Pontifical kindness is offered to your hand, for the Pope requires that of you, which, with bended knees, and joined hands, ye ought to request of him: And when they had explained the business, they promised to accomplish the business on the Pope's part, so that the business might be secretly carried without scandal. But the Monks of Peterburgh answered, that they could do nothing without the King's permission, who was their Patron, and Founder. The Pope's Messengers insisted, that the business might be done privately, hoping also that other Churches would follow their example, and do the like. The Monks of Peterburgh would not be circumvented by their Speeches, but desired respite of the business until their Abbot came home (being then absent) that they might have his assent: In the mean time they sent to their Abbot, acquainting him with the whole business: The Abbot sends a messenger to the King, intimating the danger of such a donation. The King resenting the business, and how it would redound to the damage of that and other Churches whereof he was Patron, and Defender, and detesting the secret snares, and covetousness of the Roman Court, strictly forbade such an horrid donation. Thus far Matthew Paris.  

Page 657.  How this refusal of the Pope's demand by the Abbot of Peterburgh was resented at Rome, may appear by the same Author in another place, where he writes thus. But the Abbot of Peterburgh, a man without exception, who had more especially resisted the Pope's Mandate, being arrived at the Roman Court, was accused by Martin the Pope's Agent then resident in England, for that he would not confer a Church upon a man fitting for the place, to the use of the Pope's kinsman: So that the Abbot appearing in the Pope's Court, the Pope rebuked him in very opprobrious terms, and commanded that he should be expelled the Court, which was done so shamefully, and irreverently, that the poor Abbot taking it to heart, fell into an incurable disease, and the same year died, to the great detriment of his Church, which he had prudently governed. And in another place the same Author recites it again, telling us the name of the Abbot. The same year on the eleventh of the Calends of 
Page 690.  January, after many vexations, and tribulations, which he suffered by the Court of Rome, and an infirmity which himself had contracted, to the great loss of his Church, died Walter Abbot of Burgh.  
This story makes good the Etymology that some of the Romanists themselves give of Rome; Roma, quasi Rodens Manus. 
Johan. Bononiensis in Decretab. Bonif. 8. Fol. 32. Col. 4. One like it is given by another, 
Radix  
Omnium  
Malorum  
Avaritia.  Waldens. cit. per Alexandrum Theologum in Destr. vit. part. 6. cap. 33.  
Roma manus rodit, quos rodere non valet, odit,  
Rome gnaweth hands, as dainty Cates,  
And whom it cannot gnaw, it hates.   
This by the way. Welter's Library was copious in comparison of his Predecessors, consisting of these Books. Decretale. Aurora. Claustrum animae. Biblia. Hexaëmeron S. Cantuariae versificé. Rabanas de naturis rerum, & interpretationes Hebraicorum nominum in uno volumine. Versus M. W. de Montibus. Psalterium gloss. Summa Magistri J. de Cantia de poenitentia. Templum Domini cum arte confessionum. Regula S. Benedicti. Psalterium cum hympnario. Item duo Psalteria. Duo Missalia. Duo Gradualia. Liber Evangeliorum. Liber orationum ad magnum altar.   

29. WILLIELMUS de Hotot.  
William of Hotot, or Hotoft (why so called I know not, for Wittlesey saith he was born at Carlton, near Cottingham in the County of Northampton) being a Monk of this place was chosen Abbot, the sixth of February, Anno 1246. the 31. of King Henry 
Fair at Oxeney.  3. He procured from the King a Charter for a Fair to be kept at Oxeney to begin on the Eve of the Nativity of Mary, and to continue for the space of eight days. He made many orders in favour of his Monks, as that he would not let any of his Abbey Lands, or do any thing of himself as Abbot, without their consent. When he had held his Abbey about the space of three years, he voluntarily gave it up, on S. Nicolas day, Anno 1249. And there was assigned unto him the Manor of Collingham, where he abode for a time, until he was called thence by John his Successor, who appointed him his abode at Oxeney, allowing him the portion of four Monks: Then William died, and was brought to the Church of Peterburgh, and buried before the Altar of S. Benedict. Thus writes Wittlesey, not naming the occasion of his reoess, which Matthew Paris supplies. In the year (saith he) 1249. there arose great dissension betwixt William Abbot of 
Page 769.  Peterburgh and his Convent concerning dilapidations, for that the Abbot had enriched his Kindred (whereof he had great multitudes swarming about him) to the great detriment of his Church; but William being reproved, would not reform this error: whereupon the Monks appealed to the Bishop of Lincoln, and complained of the Abbot's extravagancies, who being convicted thereof, and foreseeing the danger of his being deposed, of his own accord resigned his place into the Bishop's hand, and there was assigned unto him a Manor for his livelihood. So that having been Abbot only three years, he surceased. Perhaps he had not time enough to gather more Books than these into his Library. Antissiodorensis abbreviatus. Tractatus super Canonem Missae. Templum Domini cum aliis rebus. Libellus de diversis rebus. Missale ad altare Michaelis. As to the first book he wrote certain Collations, which is in the Catalogue at the End, T. XI. but I find no mention of him any where else, as a Writer. 
See the Catalogue T. XI.    

30. JOHANNES de Caleto,  

Page 895.  So called from the place of his birth in Normandy. He was of noble extraction, and being made a Monk at the age of sevenyears, was brought into England, and placed in the Church of S. Swithune in Winchester for his education, where growing in piety and wisdom as he did in years, he was made Prior of Winchester, and, upon the recess of Abbot Will. elected Abbot of Peterburgh, Anno 1249. which was the 33 of K. Henry 3. He was allied to Q. Elinor wife of K. Henry, and such a ray of favour shined upon him through that relation, that he was made one of the King's Chief Justices, and road in the Circuit to execute Justice in the Kingdom. At which, though Matthew Paris seems to be much aggrieved, as that which was not allowed by the rule of S. Benedict (the first mention that I find of this Order in this Monastery, whereof more hereafter in Richard Ashton) and besides was prejudicial to his Church by reason of his absence: yet Wittlesey saith, that the Church suffered no damage thereby, for he no ways neglected that, but appointed Robert Sutton his Deputy, by whom all things were as well managed as if Abbot John had himself been present: And moreover Abbot John did often visit the Church himself to see how things were ordered, how the Lands and Rents were bestowed, how the Monks were governed, and how the poor were relieved, to whom he gave Alms with his own hand, as oft as he came thither. He was careful in adding to the buildings of the Monastery, and built that goodly building called the Infirmary (commonly the Farmary) lately pulled down, and at the 
The Farmary.  West end of the Chapel of S. Laurence: This he appointed for sick and impotent Folk, providing for them out of the Church demesns. He was also liberal to his Convent, giving for every day to the Monk that should sit Precedent in the Refectory, a gallon of Wine, and half a gallon to the rest of the Society, and to the Monk that celebrated high Mass a gallon of Wine: for which he assigned ten pounds yearly to be paid from his own Chamber out of the Lands of his Manor of Polebrook. He gave also a great Bell to the Church, whereon was written, Jon de Caux Abbas Oswaldo consecrat hoc vas.  
In his time, Anno 1250. the Pope, then Innocent the fourth, 
Vid. Privileg. in App.  granted leave to the Monks, that, in consideration of the coldness of Winter in these parts, the Monks should perform their service in the Church, with their Hoods on their heads.  
Abbot John having held the government of this Church the space of thirteen years, died at London, Anno 1262. the 46 of King Henry the third, and was brought to his Church at Peterburgh, and buried in the Isle on the South side of the Quire. The King after his death challenged his Palfrey, and his Cup, but upon what grounds I know not, unless it was because John had been his Officer: the Cup he had, after some urgent demands, but the Palfrey he had not.  
Some writ that this Abbot John was also made Lord Treasurer 
Mr. Filpot.  by the Barons in the 44. year of King Henry the third, and according to this account he held that Office to his death, which was two years after. His Secular employments might take off his mind from Books, and plead for the poorness of his Library. Flores Evangeliorum. Tractatus de Theologia. Concilium Lateranense. Templum Domini. Testamentum 12 Patriarcharum: This was his stock of Books as I find in an ancient Manuscript.   

31. ROBERTUS de Sutton,  
So called from the place of his birth, being a little Village in the Parish of Castre. He was a Monk of Peterburgh, Deputy to his Predecessor, and upon his death, chosen Abbot, in April 1262. He received benediction from Richard Bishop of Lincoln, and gave him his Cope, which some demanded as a fee: the Archdeacon of Northampton demanding also his Palfrey, as his vale, Abbot Robert made him go without it. The Earl Marshal received five Marks for his Palfrey, when he took the Oath of Allegiance to the King. But it was not long ere Abbot Robert falsified his Oath, for in the Wars of those times the Town of Northampton being fortified against the King, Robert Abbot of Peterburgh took part with them in defence of that Town. The King coming thither to assault the Town, espied amongst his enemy's Ensigns on the wall, the Ensign of the Abbey of Peterburgh, whereat he was so angry that he vowed to destroy the nest of such ill birds. But the Town of Northampton being reduced, Abbot Robert by mediation of friends to the King, saved both himself and Church, but was forced to pay for his delinquency, To the King 300 Marks, to the Queen 20 pounds, to Prince Edward 60 pounds, to the Lord Souch 6l. 13s. 4d. After this happened the Battle of Lewes, wherein King Henry, with Prince Edward, was taken Prisoner; then did the other side fleece the Abbot of Peterburgh for his contribution to the King; the General, and several Barons, and Commanders forcing the Abbot to composition, by several sums of money. Afterwards at the Battle of Evesham, Prince Edward overthrew the Earl of Leicester with his whole Army, and the King having recovered himself, called a Parliament at Winchester, wherein he required large benevolence from the Church: Particularly, the Abbot of Peterburgh, because he had held with the Barons, was again constrained to purchase his peace at these rates: The King had of him, 333l. 6s. 8ds. The Queen 33l. 6s. 8ds. The Prince, Prince Edward 200l. He paid also to the Earl of Gloucester 133l. 6s. 8ds. Earl Warren had of Abbot Robert for his Manors of Castre, Tinwell, and Thirlby 100l. Warin Lord of Bassingburn 42l. The Commander of Fotheringay Castle 100l. 6s. 8ds. Lord Thomas Typtot for the Manors of Fiskerton and Scotter 65l. 13s. 4d. The Lord of Fanecourt for the Manor of Collingham 12l. Lord Robert Picot for several Manors 14l. 6s. 8ds. Thomas of Bulton 6l. 13s. 4d. All which sums of money he carried to Winchester and there paid them. These, and other payments which he made at other times, exhausted from him, amounted to the sum of 4323l. 18s. 5d. Having paid thus dear for his disloyalty, he became more obedient to his right Master, and when King Henry sent to him for aid against the Castle of Kenilworth, Abbot Robert did what the King required for that siege.  

Vid. Chartam in App.  In these time's Prince Edward having occasion for money, he borrowed a great sum of certain Merchants; for which the Abbot of Peterburgh, and his Convent became Sureties: And the Prince granted unto them his Manor of Graham, until he should repay that money unto them. Edward was no sooner King, but in the first year of his Reign, he came to Peterburgh, where he was entertained by this Abbot Robert. And from hence he dated a Charter which he granted to the Church of Ely, as the close 
Ms. aliens. in manu Geo. Glapthorn Armig. pag. 135.  thereof testifieth, Teste meipso apud Burgum Sancti Petri 13 die Aprilis, Anno regni nostri primo. This was in the year of our Lord 1273.  
And perhaps this is that entertainment which Wittlesey makes mention of, the Queen being then with the King, and Abbot Robert expended in the entertainment, the sum of six hundred pounds.  
In the 11 Year of his Government he was called to the Council of Lions, Gregory 10 being then Pope, which Council being ended, in his return homewards, he sickened, and died, and was buried in a Monastery near Bononia, the Abbot of Croyland celebrating his Funeral rites. His heart was brought in a Cup to his Monastery of Peterburgh, and there buried before the Altar of S. Oswald Anno 1274. being the second year of King Edward the first.  
In his Library were these Books, Psalterium glossatum. Summa Raimundi cum apparatu. Summa fratris R. de Fissacre super Sententias in 4 voluminibus. Summa Qui bene praesunt, Templum domini cum tractatu de professione in 1 volumine. Summa M. J. de Cantia cum aliis rebus. Secunda pars Hugucionis super Decreta. Summa Gaufridi. Liber naturalium Aristot. Raimundus abbreviatus cum meditationibus Bernardi. Manuale. Liber de miseria humanae conditionis. Psalterium B. Virgins. Vita S. Thomae, & S. Oswaldi versifics. Psalterium parvum. In his time Anno 1270. lived Elias Trickingham a Monk of Peterburgh, who wrote certain Annals from the year of our Lord 626 to 1270. Pitseus.   

32. RICHARDUS de London,  

Steeple.  Born there in the Parish of S. Pancratius; He, having run through many Offices in this Monastery, at length arrived at the Abbot's, when he was aged sixty years: And so being of much experience he governed his Monastery carefully, and happily. He contended in Law with Gilbert Earl of Clare for the Manor of Biggins near Oundle, wherein he had good success through the wisdom and diligence of William Woodford one of his Monks, who being a man of great judgement, and good elocution, when he came to plead at Northampton before the Judge of Assize, when his time was to speak, he craved his Abbot's blessing, and spoke so to the purpose, that the Earl went, as Wittleseys' phrase is, Sine die, without the day: and although the Earl brought the business to the Kings hearing, yet there William Woodford worsted him also. When this Richard was Sacrist he erected the great Steeple wherein the Bells hang, (but which I cannot say, there being two such Steeples) and gave two Bells which were called Les Londres.  

Lady's Chapel.  In the time of Abbot Richard there was one William Paris Prior, who built that goodly Chapel commonly called the Lady's Chapel, which in the late times of violence was leveled with the ground. William Paris himself laid the first stone, and under it, many sentences of Scripture written, but whether in Brass or Lead, Wittlesey tells not. And he not only laid the foundation, but perfected the whole work, and adorned it with windows, and paintings on the walls, and settled five pound per annum upon it, for service therein: Afterwards dying, he was buried in the North part of the Church, near unto the said Chapel, and the Inscription upon his Grave-stone is yet to be seen. Hic jacet Willielmus Paris quondam Prior Burgi, cujus animae misereatur Deus, Amen. Pater noster. Ave Maria.  
The Books in Abbot Richard's Library I find thus recorded. Quatuor Evangelia Glos. Psalterium. Regula Sancti Augustini cum speculo caritatis edita à Beato Bernardo. Nova Logica in 2. Vol. Priscianus de constructione cum aliis rebus. Boëtius de Consolation, & libellus diversarum rerum in uno Vol. Parabola Salomonis, & Ecclesiastes. Processionarium cum hympnario. Psalterium cum Gradale in choro.  
Richard having been Abbot here the space of twenty two years and an half, died Anno 1295. being the twenty third of King Edward the first, and was buried in the South side of the Church near the Choir, the Abbot of Croyland performing the Funeral service; which being ended, the company consisting of many Nobles and Abbots, went to the Abbot's house where they dined: And dinner being ended, there came one in the King's name, and seized on the whole Abbey, taking homage of the Tenants, as had formerly been accustomed. Afterwards two of the Monks went to the King to procure Licence for the election of an Abbot, and the person elected was   

33. WILLIHELMUS de Woodford,  
Who for two years before had been Coadjutor with Abbot Richard in the time of his infirmity. Writers commend him for a man of excellent parts, and diligence in his government. Being but Sacristary he purchased the Manor of Southorp which, when 
Southorp Manor.  he came to be Abbot, he assigned to the Monks: He settled a daily proportion of bread upon some inferior Officers; added much to the buildings of his Monastery, and was careful that dependant Eleemosynaries might receive their deuce: particularly he inquired into the Hospital of S. Leonard, now commonly called by the name of The Spittle, the original of which I must let alone till I can be informed, and content myself with the allowance which 
The Spittle.  it received from the Abbot, viz. Per annum quadraginta ulnas panni de panno Eleemosynae sicut Prebendarii: Item ad festum Sancti Martini 1 petram uncti, & 1 petram sepi: Item 3. bacon. viz. 1 ad festum Natalis Domini, & 1 ad capiend. quadrag. & 1 ad pasch. de carnibus supersanatis. Item totum ex .... porcorum fr. sanatorum. Item 4 tuniatas servis, viz. 1 tuniatam ad natal. Domini; & aliam ad capiend. quadrag. & tertiam ad pasch. & quartam ad festum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli de Celario Abbatis. Item quolibet mense 1 esk. sol. cujus summa per annum est, 1 quar. 5 esk. Item servens dictorum infirmorum comedit cum familia Abbatis quater per annum, viz. ad natal. Domini & ad Pasch. & ad festum S. Petri, & ad festum omnium Sanctorum. The Monks having the Manors of Alwalton and Fletton assigned them (as hath been said) they customarily paid out of them unto the Abbot 16s. 6d. yearly, which Abbot William remitted unto them. He died in the fourth year of his government, and lieth buried in the South Isle of the Church near the Quire.  
In his Library were these Books. Instituta apparitata. Decreta apparitata. Apparatus Decret alium cum casibus. Summa de vitiis. Summa de virtutibus. Summa Reynfridi. Psalterium cum exequiis majorum. Statuta Westmonasterii. Statuta Capituli General. Constitutiones extravagantes. Regula Sanctor. Basil. & Bened. Cartae Regum cum libertatibus. Liber de arte praedicandi. Processionarium. Missale in duobus Voluminibus. Duo Gradalia. Breviarium.   

34. GODEFRIDUS de Croyland  
Was a Monk, and the Celerarius of this Monastery, and upon the death of William elected Abbot, Anno 1299. which was the 27 of K. Edw. 1. It seems this Godfrey was much in King Edward's favour, for at his entrance into his Abbatical government, the King sent him a fair silver Cup, gilt: And when the Treasurer Walter de Langton demanded of Godfrey a thousand Marks for his Confirmation, the King remitted it, and would not suffer any more than his Exchequer fees to be taken. In the first year it happened that certain persons were fled for sanctuary into the Chapel of Thomas Becket, whither they were pursued, and, against the privilege of the place, haled out from thence, and some blood was shed, so that the Chapel for some time stood suspended, and no service therein to be performed: The Bishop of Lincoln passing that censure upon it, until the persons so taken away should again be restored to the liberty of the place. At length the Bishop sends his absolution, appointing that the Abbot, and some others with him should with the sprinkling of holy water, and singing of the Penitential Psalms purge the said Chapel, and so it should return to its former use.  
The same year being 1300. A marriage being intended betwixt the heirs of Vfford, and Southorp, King Edward supposing himself to be concerned therein, appointed Inquisition to be made; whether the disposal of that marriage belonged to him or the Abbot of Peterburgh, his Letters bearing date February 23. and the twenty ninth of his Reign: And it being upon the Inquisition certified, that those heirs, and their progenitors held their Lands of the Abbey of Peterburgh, the right of disposal of those heirs did therefore belong to the Abbot, which the King understanding, desisted.  
I find this Abbot Godfrey famous for worthy actions, that there was scarce his like, either before him, or after. In his third year, saith Wittlesey (who recounts the actions of every year, but I shall name only the principal) he entertained King Edward with his Queen, and their several retinues. Not long after came Prince Edward with his favourite Peter Gaveston to Peterburgh, where Abbot Godfrey entertained them very nobly: the Abbot presented the Prince with a rich Robe, and the Prince asked the Messenger if the Abbot had sent one to his friend Peter; the Messenger answering, No, the Prince then would not accept his: the Messenger returning to the Abbot, certified him of the Prince's refusal, and the reason: whereupon another rich Robe was sent to Peter, whose mediation the Messenger solicited for the Prince's acceptance of his Robe also: whereupon Peter sends to the Prince and bids the Messenger say, Volo, I will that thou receive the Abbot's gift; which was done accordingly, and the Abbot had thanks returned to him.  
In his fourth year, the 32 of King Edward, Galfridus de la 
A Market and Fair at Northburgh.  Mare than Lord of Northburgh, had procured from King Edward a Charter to hold a Market and Fair at Northburgh, but Abbot Godfrey considering how prejudicial the same would be to his Town of Peterburgh, compounded with Galfridus, who quitted his Charter to the Abbot of Peterburgh, and his Successors for ever.  
In his fifth year the Church of Wermington was made an Appropriation. 
Wermington Church.   

Gatehouse.  Godfrey was also a great builder, adding much to his Monastery, but we cannot say which, for they are long since demolished, only the great Gatehouse over which was the Chamber called The Knight's Chamber, is yet standing, the Chamber only being lately translated into another fashion; about it were the Pictures of Knights upon the walls who held Lands of the Abbey, and the very Rafters were adorned with Coats of Arms. Godfrey also purchased the Manor of Lullington, or Luddington for 113l. 6s. 8ds. of 
Luddington Manor.  Gregory then Lord thereof, allowing him, above this sum, a Corrody in his Monastery, that is, maintenance during his life, for himself, two servants, and their horses. He settled a yearly stipend of five pound upon the Chaplain of Northolme: And upon a certain number of Monks then residing at Oxney, he settled a weekly portion of Victuals, thirteen stone of Chief, which they were to receive out of the Manor of Eye, and every week from May 3. to September 13. three pounds and an half of Butter. He procured a Fair to be held at Northolme yearly on S. Matthews day, and a Weekly Market every Thursday. He built the dwelling 
A Fair and Market at Northolme. Vid. Chart. in App. Mill-dam.  House at Burghberry, and made the Dam commonly called Mill-Dam with a Water-Mill at the end thereof, which hath been in use in our memory. He built also, of his own free will, the Bridge now standing over the River, and leading into the City, of 
The Bridge.  which more in the next.  
King Edward preparing for War with Scotland, sent to Abbot Godfrey for contribution towards it, and the Abbot sent him an hundred Marks. The King sent the second time to the Abbot for his Knight's service in horse and arms, and the Abbot sent the King sixty Marks more. The King sent the third time, and the Abbot sent him 220l. The King sent the fourth time for a supply of Carriages, and the Abbot satisfied that with 30l. The King sent the fifth time to borrow four hundred Marks, which the Abbot also satisfied with the free gift of an hundred pounds.  
About that time the King seized upon all the Lands of Walter de Langton his Treasurer, and amongst the rest upon Thorp Watervile belonging to the Abbey of Peterburgh, which, by advice, and assistance of John of Milton the Abbot's Seneschal or Steward, was recovered by the Abbot's paying to the King's Exchequer for the same 50 l. But John of Milton having taken the said Manor of the Abbot, and shortly after dying, the King gave that Manor to Earl Warren, so that the Abbot was brought to a new composition of 120 Marks.  
The King at that time imposed 40 s. upon every Knights-fee throughout the Realm, towards the marriage of Elinor his eldest daughter, and then Abbot Godfrey sent the King 127 l. Howbeit 
Wittlesey. Registrum Adae fol. 76.  I find in another Register, that the King sent his Breves to the Sheriffs of Northampton, Lincoln, Nottingham, Leicester, Warwick, Huntingdon, and Bedford, that they should not levy any such moneys upon the Lands of the Abbot of Peterburgh: whereby it may seem that this 127 l. was rather the Abbot's free gift, than a tribute of duty; the Abbot standing upon his exemption from such demands, by the Charters of the King's predecessors from the first foundation of his Abbey.  
Abbot Godfrey entertained the King the second time, when, for duties to the King, and free gifts to his followers, the Abbot expended the sum of 1543 l. 13 s. 4 d. He entertained also two Cardinals which were travelling towards Scotland to mediate for a peace betwixt King Edward and the Scots: And the Abbot presented one of them called Gaucelmus with a Psalter curiously written with golden Letters: And those Cardinals in their return coming hither again, the Abbot presented Gaucelmus with an embroidered Cope, of the value of 100 Marks: And the other Cardinal Lucius de Aysk, with a silver Cup gilt, and fifty els of Scarlet. So that the moneys expended by Abbot Godfrey, for Vestments, and ornaments of the Church, for Lands purchased to his Abbey, and for gifts to several persons, amounted to the sum of 3646 l. 4 s. 3 d.  
Abbot Godfrey made him a Pastoral Staff of Silver, gilded over, and in the head of it was the image of the Trinity; which is the first and last staff that I find amongst any of the Abbots. When he had governed his Abbey the space of twenty two years, he died, and lieth buried at the upper end of the Choir betwixt William Genge, and John Deping: The Brass of his Monument was divorced from his Marble, in the year 1643. being his pourtraicture, and a small inscription in the Verge.  
Whilst he lived his Library consisted of these Books, Duae Bibliae, una Gallice scripta. Avicenna. Instituta apparitata. Sextus liber Decretalium cum apparatu. Legenda Sanctorum. Summum bonum. Regula Sanctorum Benedicti & Basilii, cum aliis rebus. Processionarium. Breviarum in duobus voluminibus. Manuale cum exequiis mortuorum.  
Godfrey being dead, there came an extent from the King against the Lands of the Abbey, and Barony of the Abbot, when a Jury upon Oath returned them at this rate. The Abbot of Peterburgh received for Rent yearly at  l. s. d.   Castor 18 10 6   Thorpe 15 1 6 ob.  Burghberry 64 9 4   Glinton 23 6 1   Witherington 20 9 4   Walton 12 16 11   Eyebury 24 5 0   Oundle 43 11 0   Aston 15 16 11   Wermington 52 13 4 ob.  Kettering 57 3 6   Cottingham 19 4 11   Stanwigg 16 7 10 ob. q. Irtlingburgh 18 12 0   Polebroke 14 6 8   Okeslow   Navesford   Tinwell 16 6 9   Eston 35 10 1 ob. q. Collingham 34 4 5 ob.  Fiskerton 69 1 2   Scotter 37 6 0   Walcot 9 19 2   Thurlby 7 1 8   Stanford 2 0 0   In all 621 l. 16 s. 3 d. ob.   
Yet was not this the whole Demesnes of the Abbot in those times, for there were many other Manors, and many Rents, and Lands, in, and about Peterburgh, and in several Counties, but these are all which Wittlesey hath recorded, and I have no leisure to examine why there were no more returned. Godfrey being dead, Anno 1321. 12. Cal. September being the 15 year of King Edw. 2. the person thought fittest to succeed him, was   

35. ADAM de Boothbie  
Born there and was made a Monk in Peterburgh, where he also had the Office of Subcelerarius: Being chosen Abbot he repaired to the King then in the Isle of Tanet, for his confirmation, which he obtained: And having also Episcopal confirmation, he repaired the second time, to the King for his Temporalities, which were likewise confirmed unto him, paying the Fees, and other demands at that time due.  
His acts in the several years of his government are more punctually related by Wittlesey, than I intent to transcribe. In his first year, Thomas Earl of Lancaster making War against the King, to wit King Edw. 2. Adam aided the King with the sum of 133 l. 6 s. 8 d. and towards the King's expedition into Scotland with 200 l. more. In his fourth year the Manor of Torpel, and Vpton came to the possession of Edmund surnamed Woodstock, half brother to King Edward the second now reigning, and there arising great troubles betwixt the Earls Officers, and the Abbot's Tenants, all was quieted by the Abbot's becoming a Tenant to those Lands, paying the yearly rent of 106 l. 13 s. 4 d. In his seventh year which was the first of King Edward the third, there arose a great contention betwixt him and John Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, about the Son of Galfridus de la Marc, which Galfridus Lord of Northburgh died Anno 1327. holding three Knights-fees of the Abbey of Peterburgh; and was buried at Peterburgh in S. Mary's Chapel amongst his Predecessors. And the said Galfridus held also of the said Earl of Essex Lands in the County of Essex by Knights-service. He had three Wives, and his last Wife, by name Margaret, he put away, when she was great with Child, at Peterburgh, where the Child being born, and baptised, was called by the name of his Father, Galfridus: this young Galfridus had two Sisters by his Father's side, who charged him with being illegitimate, saying that Margaret his Mother was not their Father's Wife, but his Concubine, so that he had no hereditary right to his Father's Lands. Abbot Adam as guardian to the Child defended the Cause three years in the Consistory at Lincoln; and in the Arches, constraining the Sisters to desist. But afterwards, Queen Philipp (Wife to King Edward the third, Daughter of William Earl of Henault, whom Roger of Northburgh Bishop of Chester; (so called by Wittlesey, though I cannot find any such man elsewhere) the King's Proxy, had, beyond Sea, espoused for the King) coming to Peterburgh on New-years-day, and the said Earl of Essex attending on her towards York (where King Edward then was, expecting her coming for the solemnisation of Marriage, which was performed the 24 day of the said Month of January 1327) the said Earl demanded young Galfridus of the Abbot, and by threaten, and violence got possession of him: Whereupon the Abbot pursued the Earl at the Law, the Earl on the other side accused the Abbot and his Covent of certain outrages upon his Manor of Plaisic in Essex; but this matter was composed by the Abbot's giving the Earl 100l. and yet the Earl was still possessed of Galfridus; keeping him at Kimbauton in the County of Huntingdon: 
Registrum Adae in manu D. H.  The King sent his Breve to the Sheriff to seize upon him, and to bring him to York, there to appear before the Judge, and to be awarded to his right Guardian. But at length the Earl 
Wittlesey.  without more ado (being conscious of his ill act) freely restored the Child to the Abbot, and moreover languishing upon his Bed of sickness, and drawing towards his end, he commanded his Executors to restore the 100l. to the Monastery of Peterburgh: And the Abbot married young Galfridus to the Daughter of Galfridus Scroop, than one of the King's Chief Justices.  

Regist. Adae.  About this time the Sheriff of Northampton required assistance and contribution from the Abbot of Peterburgh, and his Tenants towards the Wall of Northampton Park, which was quieted by the King's writing to the Sheriff from York, his Letters bearing date February 12. the second of his Reign: wherein he certified the Sheriff, that by ancient Charters of Kings his Predecessors, the Abbot, and Convent of Peterburgh with all their Lands and Dominions should be free from all works of Castles, Parks, Bridges, and Enclosures.  

Regist. Adae.  The same day there was Inquisition made concerning the Bridge leading into Peterburgh, which being gone to decay, the question was, Who should repair it? for this there was a Jury empanelled, six of Northamptonshire, and six of Huntingdon-shire, who upon examination returned an Ignoramus after this manner: that there was none of right bound to repair, or sustain the Bridge, seeing none had done it in former time: for there was no Bridge there until Godfrey Abbot of Burgh, of his own good will, in the fourth year of King Edward Father to King Edward that now is, erected the said Bridge, and himself kept it in repair so long as he lived: But the King and Queen coming to Peterburgh, the present Abbot Adam repaired the said Bridge for their passage, although he was not bound thereunto: to this the Jurors set their several Seals. At this entertainment of the King, Queen, and John of Eltham the King's Brother, besides diet of meat and drink, the 
King and Q. at Peterburgh.  Abbot in gifts, Jewels (Jocalibus) and presents, expended in ready money the sum of 487 l. 6 s. 5 d. And for his Confirmation, 50 l. 13 s. 4 d. more. At other times also Abbot Adam was very free of his Purse, giving the King towards an expendition into Scotland 100 l. and to the Queen 20 l. Attending upon the King at Oundle, and Stanford he expended 34l. 7s. 4d. with many other sums when the King or Queen came near his Monastery to Walmisford, Bourn, or Croyland: And the second time giving entertainment 
King and Q. at Peterburgh.  to the King and Queen at his Monastery of Peterburgh, besides other things, he expended 327 l. 15 s. And after this, Prince Edward, the King's eldest Son, with his two Sisters, and their Servants came and stayed at Peterburgh eight weeks, which cost not the Abbot nothing.  

Wittlesey.  In the time of this Abbot there was an Indictment at Northampton against a stoppage of the Water at Vpwell, so that the River of Nen could not have its course towards Lynn, whereby the Counties of Northampton, Lincoln, Bedford, Huntingdon, and Cambridge, were much endamaged: The Abbot of Peterburgh laboured hard to get the drain scoured, and at length procured a Decree from Galfridus Scroop the King's Chief Justice for clearing the passage, the Abbots of Ramsey, Thorney, and Croyland joining with him, this cost the Abbot of Peterburgh 63 l. 11 s. 1 d.  
In Abbot Adam's time there happened a fray in the Chapel at 
Registr. Adae, fol. 41.  Oxney, and blood being shed therein, the Chapel was polluted, and stood suspended from its privilege of Divine Service: The Bishop of Lincoln being then otherwise employed, could not attend to reconcile it, but gave his consent that any other Bishop might: whereupon Abbot Adam wrote to the Bishop of Carlisle, entreating him, that, as he returned from the Parliament towards his Manor of Horncastle, he would come, and reconcile the said Chapel. And as Abbot Adam had been free towards the King, so was the King to him, confirming his Possessions, and Privileges, particularly by Charter, the tenth of his hunt 
Tenth of hunt.  throughout Northamptonshire, that whosoever hunted any game throughout this County, for the King's use, or by his authority, was responsible to the Abbot of Peterburgh for the tenth thereof, which were granted, and confirmed long before by his Predecessors, King Richard 1. and W. Rufus. And King Henry 3. and King Edward 1. did both of them command by their express Warrant to the Forester that the Abbot of Peterburgh should have five Bucks in acknowledgement thereof.  
What this Abbot was for Learning, and Ability in his Function, let the Reader conjecture by his Library, which Wittlesey sets down. Decretales. Sermons Johannis de Abbevile. Mediapars' Missal. Breviarium. Manuale. Liber Chartarum. Actus Apostolorum & Epistolae Canonicae & Apocalypsis. Gerardus super Psalterium. Summa summarum. Diurnale. Dicta Senecae cum 36 tractatibus content is in eodem volumine. These were his Books, set down by Wittlesey, which agrees with another ancient Catalogue that I have by me.  
Adam in the beginning of his eighteenth year, died, being the year of our Lord, 1338. and the 12 of King Edward 3. On the fourth day of December following he was honourably interred, the Abbot of Ramsey performing his funeral service, and making a Sermon. He was buried betwixt the Choir, and the great Altar, a fair Marble Stone being laid over him, with some Brass upon it, which was taken away in the late demolition of Monuments. The Epitaph written about it was this: 

Claustri praelatus hujus cubat hic vocitatus  
Adam qui natus erat a Boothby niece stratus  
Vir castus, justus, omni virtute robustus.   

M semel, x trina, ter, & sex, i quoque bina.  
Pars donetur ei celestis nunc requiei.    
Presently after his death was the Seal of the Monastery broken, and care was taken for the King's consent to a new election: But before we name the Successor, we shall present the Reader with a bill of Adam's funeral expenses, which I shall give in Latin, as I find it in Wittlesey, If the Reader be but a good Deipnosophist he may construe the meaning of some words better than I can.  
In cera 250li De frumento pro distributionibus pauperum 45 quarters. De allecibus pro eisdem 1000 culibet 6. In pane pro die sepulturae, frumenti 20 quarters Brasii pro cervisia 40 quarters In vino 1 dolium, 1 pipam In allecibus pro die sepulturae 8500 De Lupis aquaticis grossis 100 De Cod-lingis 12 Sem. De Haddok 1 Sem. De Spar-lingis 1 Sem. De Salmon. 24 De Milvellis 120 De Dogdrout 100 De Plais 10 Sem. De Congris 1 De Wilkis 5 Sek. De grossis anguillis 5 estik. De minutis anguillis 70 estik. De Sturgeon 1 Barrel. De Lintea tela pro nappis mensarum, & pro naperouns 200 Vlnae. De Platellis, & diversis garnitis 1400 De Trowes 12 Bollis 4 De ciphis de ligno pro vino & cervisia  In ollis luteis pro vino, & cervisia 300 De Corbellis. 5  
Abbot Adam being interred, and the turmoil of his funeral past, the thoughts of the Monks returned to continue the succession in   

36. HENRICUS de Morcot,  
A wise, and discreet man: Being elected Abbot, he was according to the custom (though this be the first mention that I find thereof) carried on shoulders with a Te Deum, to the great Altar, and from thence to the Pulpit, where the Prior published his Election. Then Henry took his journey towards London, but the King being then at Antwerp, Henry's Election was confirmed by those whom he left in Authority, with whom Abbot Henry compounded for his Manors, and Lands, for the sum of 200 l. the Queen's money excepted, and the reservation to the King of the Knights-fees, and the advowsons of the live of the Monastery, during the vacany. And so Henry returned towards Peterburgh: and although he might have returned to some of his own Manors, yet with the Abbot of Thorneys leave, he stayed at Stanground the space of three weeks. In the mean time Simon of Islepe Vicar general to the Bishop of Lincoln (the Bishop being then out of the Kingdom) published in the Church of Peterburgh, that, if any persons could object any thing against Henry, or the form of his Election, they should appear such a day in the Church of S. James in Thrapstone, and signify the same, where, because none appeared, the said Simon ratified the Election, and granted his Letter to any Bishop to confer his benediction upon this new Elect, at any place within, or without the Diocese of Lincoln, which was performed by the Bishop of Ely, the Lord Chancellor, in his Chapel, at his house in Holbourn. Then did the Chancellor direct his Letters to the Convent, and Tenants of the Church of Peterburgh for their obedience to this their Abbot, and also to William Trussell the King's Eschaetor beyond Trent, not to meddle with any Lands belonging to the Church of Peterburgh. Abbot Henry being returned, stayed a while at his Manor of Eye, and shortly after came to Peterburgh, and was installed, the seventh of the Ideses of Feb. Anno 1338. which was the twelfth year of K. Edward 3.  
Here Walter of Wittlesey leaves me, who hitherto hath been a good guide to our story, wherein further our progress must be assisted by such other Records, and Rolls, as we light of. When Abbot Henry had governed this Church about 15. years, he died, Anno 1353, which was the 27 of King Edward 3. His Library consisted of these Books, viz. Parva Biblia. Decreta. Decretale. Apparatus sexti Libri Decretalium. Liber qui vocatur Innocentius. Hostiensis in summa. Breviarium. Antiphonarium cum Psalterio. Processionarium. Item Decretale. Catholicon.  
He had a sharp, and long contest with Sir Nicolas de Ry, and the Abbot of Swinestead, for Lands recovered from the Sea to his Manor of Gosberchirch in Linconshire, the story whereof Mr. Dugdale hath set down at large, from a Peterburgh Manuscript, Hist. of Imb. and Draining, page 235.  
Henry being dead, was buried betwixt the Choir, and the great Altar, near unto his Predecessor Adam. His grave being in the year 1648. Jan. 11. opened to receive the body of John Towers late Lord Bishop of this place, there was found a Seal of Lead (the instrument wholly consumed) having on the one side these Letters thus inscribed SPA SPE over their several Effigies, on the reverse Clemens P P vi. 'Tis probable that the instrument was some indulgence gotten at the Jubilee, which was but three years before.  
I must not here pass by a mistake of Pitseus, who, in his book of English Writers, pag. 448. makes mention of one Johannes Petroburgensis, who, as he saith, was first a Monk, and afterwards Abbot of Peterburgh, and lived about the year 1340. that he was a very learned man, and wrote annal Anglorum, which he might do; But for his being Abbot here at this time, sure I am, there was none such. And Possevine in his Apparatus making mention of one Johannes Burgensis, who wrote such a Book, saith, that he lived Anno 1200. but is not able to distinguish betwixt this and an other John mentioned in the life of Henry of Overton, although Pitseus makes them two distinct john's. Vossius contradicts Possevine concerning the time of this supposed John, but neither doth he agree with our account. Henry being dead there succeeded   

37. ROBERTUS Ramsey.  
And all that we can say of him is, that he succeeded Henry, and was Abbot here the space of 8 years: and that these books were the materials of his study. Prima pars, & 2 Hostiensis in Decreta in 2. Vol. Hostiensis in Summa. Speculum judiciale. Decretale. Derivationes Hugutionis. Prima pars & 2 Hostiensis in Decreta. His next Successor was   

38. HENRICUS de Overton  

Heu. de Pightesly.  Who was made Abbot Anno 1361. or as some say a year after, being the 36 of King Edward 3. No memorable act of his is extant upon any Record that I have seen; Only that he instituted a yearly solemnity for the Soul of William Courtney Archbishop of Canterbury, of Mary Courtney his Mother, and of Hugh Courtney her Husband Earl of Devon, and for the Souls of the Brethren, and Sisters of the said Archbishop: And likewise for the Souls of the Abbots of Peterburgh his Predecessors, and Successors. For which annual solemnity, he appointed, by his Charter, bearing date 1390 the sum of 15l. out of the Manor of Thulby, and some other Lands. But why Abbot Henry should have the house of Courtney in so high esteem, I find not.  
In his time great Commotions were raised against the Church in several places, which as Richardus Knighton, Canon of Leicester, relates, in the year 1381. reached to the Church of Peterburgh, where the Countrymen, and Tenants arose against the Abbey, with intention to have destroyed it; but by the hand of God, they were prevented. What the cause of these commotions was, or the manner of their pacification, as yet I do not find.  
About this time flourished a very learned man, one Johannes de Burgo, who wrote certain Books, Of the Sacraments, and a Book known to this day by the name of Pupilla oculi. He was Pastor of the Church of Collingham in the County of Nottingham, then belonging to the Monastey of Peterburgh: Afterwards he was chosen Chancellor of the University of Cambridg, which at length he relinquished, and returned to Collingham where he died Anno 1386. as Pitseus, and others writ. 
Page 542.   
Henry was Abbot here 29 years complete, and died in his thirtieth year Anno 1391. which might be the 14, or 15 of King Richard 2.  
His Library was but small, only these Books. Decretale. Johannes de Deo. Breviarium novum. Catholicon. Breviarum in two Vol. Innocentius. Liber de vita, & moribus Tartarorum.  
Henry being dead there succeeded   

39 NICOLAUS,  
Whom H. of Pightesly surnames Elmstow. Being made Abbot 1391. he continued so the space of five years. I have little to say of him, only I find in the account of his Celerarius for his second year of his being Abbot, wherein the daily expenses of his Table are recorded, that his provision for that year, (all entertainments of strangers being also considered) amounted to no more than 79 l. 0 s. 11 d.  
His Library had in it these Books. Digestum vetus. Digestum novum. Codex Justiniani. Liber azonis. Raymundus. Liber Poenitentiale. Parvum volumen. Digestum infortiatum. Instituta. Quaterna de lege. Vnus lib. de fisica. Alius Liber de lege. Psalterium pulchrum. Psalterium Latin & Gallice scriptum. Now although the private Libraries of these Abbots were thus small, yet was there a public Library for the whole Monastery stored with above 1700 Books, or Tractates, as by an ancient Matriculary of that Library may appear in an Appendix to this our story.  
Nicolas dying in his 5. year 1396. the 19 or 20. of 2 King Rich. 2. there came in his place   

40. WILLIHELMUS GENGE,  
Who was the first mitred Abbot of Peterburgh, and continued in his Government here the space of 12 years, both which, his Epitath will demonstrate. He was buried betwixt the Choir, and high Altar: the brass of his Monument participating of the same fate with the rest in the late devasting, or divesting of Monuments Anno 1643. His Epitaph must now live in paper, and it was this.  
Prudens praelatus Wilihelmus Genge vocitatus,  
Primus mitratus Abbas, jacet hic tumulatus.  
Summe vivebat, claustrum summeque regebat,  
Mundum spernebat, quae fecerat, illa docebat.  
Vixer at ornatus virtutibus, immaculatus,  
Tunsus, quadratus, tentatus, & igne probatus.  
Annis bissenis Burgum rexit bene plenis.  
Vt careat poenis precibus potiamur amoenis.   

41. JOHANNES DEEPING  
Was made Abbot in the year 1408. being the 10 of King Henry 4. When he had been Abbot the space of 30 years, he resigned his place, accepting of a Corrodie for his life, which was but one year more. He lieth buried at the upper end of the Choir at the left hand of his predecessors Godfrey of Croyland, and William Genge. The brass of his Monument fared as other Monuments did in the year 1643. the Inscription was this. Orate pro anima Johannis Deeping quondam Abbatis hujus Monasterii, qui obiit 5 die Decembris 1439.   

42. RICHARDUS ASHTON  
Was, upon the resignation of John, made Abbot 1438. the 17 year of King Henry 6. and continued therein about 33 years. Throughout the whole succession of the former Abbots, I find but small, or no discovery what order the Monks of Peterburgh were of, or under what rule they lived (saving the forementioned in Johannes de Caleto) but in the time of this Richard enough is delivered by Roger Bird his Register, telling us that they were Benedictine Monks or Monks of the black Order, and lived under that rule: but when this rule was first received here, I cannot positively say, though probably it was from the beginning. In the time of this Richard strict inquisition began to be made into Discipline, how the Monks of this Order observed the rules of their Founder, for which purpose, the Bishop of Lincoln sometimes visited the Abbey of Peterburgh, and sometimes the Abbots of this Order visited one another's Monasteries according to articles agreed upon in their General Chapter, which was commonly held at Northampton. As the Abbot of Eyneshame in Oxfordshire sent his summons to the Abbot of Peterburgh, Johannes permissione divina Abbas Mon. de Eyneshame, Ordinis Sancti Benedicti Lincoln. Dioc. ad visitanda omnia, & singula Monasteria nigrorum monachorum dicti Lincoln. Diocese. In Capitulo generali ejusdem Ordinis apud Northampton, etc. And so the Abbots of Peterburgh, Bardney, Thorney, Ramsey, Trinity Monastery in Norwich, the Priory of S. Ethelreda in Ely, did mutually visit each other, as occasion served.  
Many Corrodies were granted by this Abbot Richard, but the Abbey for diet got their Lands, or other Benevolences: Two were remarkable: the first of John Delaber Bishop of S. David's, 
Bird Fol. 45.  who was much affected towards this Monastery, and for bestowing upon them his Mitre, Cross, Dalmaticks, Sandals, Sabbatines, Gloves, and Mass Book, he received a Corrody, which he might take at his own choice, either at Peterburgh, or at the Abbot's Manor of Eyebury, with a yearly pension of 32l. to be received during his life out of the Abbot's Manor of Kettering, in consideration of a great sum of Money which the Abbey had borrowed of him, and he forgave it.  
The other Corrody was to Alice Garton, Widow, which I thought fit to mention, in regard the pavement of the Church 
Bird Fol. 63.  doth still retain the memory of her, and her family, which lieth buried in the Body of the Church, over against the Cloister door.  
On the first stone are engraven these verses. 
Hic duo sunt nati Thomae Garton tumulati,  
Thomas quinquennis fuit, Agnes feretriennis.   
On the second, these. 

This Tho. Garton beautified some of the Windows in the Western Cloister with painted glass.  Corpus sub Lapide Thomae Garton jacet arte,  
Conjugis Aliciaeque suae dextra sibi parte:  
Quorum nunc animae coelesti luce requiescant.   
On the third, these. 
Conjugis Aliciae Thomae Garton miserere,  
O pater egregie, quiat tecum residere:  
Mantello teste viduali vixit honest.   

Brigge Fair. Vid. Chartam in App.  In the 2 year of this Abbot Richard 1439. King Henry 6 by his Charter bearing date July 14 and the 17 of his Reign, granted to the Abbot, and Convent of Peterburgh the keeping of a Fair for three days, viz. on S. Matthew's day, the day before, and the day after, and that they should hold the said Fair as well in Huntingdonshire, as Northamptonshire: which Fair is now commonly known by the name of Brigge Fair. And in regard that a Fair was formerly granted to be kept the same day at Northolm in the time of Abbot Godfrey, as hath been said, 'tis probable that the Fair there, either by reason of discontinuance, or some other inconvenience, was settled here at Peterburgh.  

Bird Fol. 14.  This Abbot Richard was summoned to sit in Parliament at Westminster, and being unable to undertake such a journey, he delegated William Tresham, and John Kirkby Clerk of the Parliament, to sit in his place, and to act for him, and in his name, as if himself were present, as appeareth by his Letter to the King, dated Febr. 12. 1444.  
He was summoned again to a Parliament at Coventry, where he took the Oath of Allegiance to King Henry in manner and form as followeth.  


Bird Fol. 49.  I Richard Ashton Th'abbot of Peterburgh knowledge you most high, and mighty and most christian Prince King Henry the Sixth, to be my most redoubted Severayn Lord, and rightwessly by succession born to Reign upon me, and all your league People. Whereupon y voluntarily without cohertion promitte, and oblish me by the Faith, and Troth that I own unto God, and by the Faith, and Troth, and ligeance that I own unto you my most redoubted Sovereign Lord, that I shall be without eny variance, True, Faithful, humble, and obeissant Subjet, and Liegeman unto you my most redoubted Sovereign Lord, And that I shall be unto my life's end, at all times, and places, ready, and attending in my most hearty wise, and manner, as eny Liegeman oweth to be unto his Sovereign Lord, putting me in my true, undelayed Devoir to do all that that may be unto the weal, and surety of your most Royal Person, of your most noble Estate. And the way conservation and continuance of your most high Authority, pre-eminence, and prerogative, to the weal, surety, and preserving of the Person, of the most high, and benign princess Margaret the Queen my Sovereign Lady, and of her most noble Estate, she being your wife, And also to the weal, surety, and honour of the Person of the right high and mighty Prince Edward my right redoubted Lord, the Prince your first begotten Sonn, And of the right high, and noble Estate of the same, And faithfully, truly, and obeysantly in my most humble wise, and Manner, Honour, serve, obey, and bear mind Allegiance unto my most redoubted Sovereign Lord during your life which God Fadir of mercy, for my most singular recomfort, preserve, long in prosperity to endure: And if God of his infinite power take you from this transitory life, me bering life here in this World, that than I shall accept my said redoubted Lord the Prince Edward your said first begotten Sonn for my Sovereign Lord, and bear my troth, Faith, and Legiaunce unto him, as my natural born Sovereign Lord. And after him unto his Succession of his Body lawfully begotten, And in default of his Succession, which God deffend, unto eny other succession of your Body lawfully coming, And that I shall never at eny time, for eny manner, occasion, colour, affinity, or cause, consent, give aid, assistance, or favour, or agree to eny thing, that I may understond, or know, by eny means that may be prejudicial, or contrary to the premises, or eny of them, but that I shall as soon as I may so have knowledge, put me in my dew undelayed devoir in my most hearty, and effectuous wise and manner, without colour, or fayntise, with my body, goods, might, pover, counsel, and advertisement to resist, withstand, and subdue all them that would in eny wise presume to do contrary to the premises, or eny of them. So God me help, and those holy Evangelists. In witness whereof I set to these presents my Seal, and my Sign Manuel.  
After that Richard had been Abbot here about thirty three years, he surrendered his Government into the hands of the Bishop of Lincoln, June 27. 1471. which being certified to the King then Edward 4. and in the 11 year of his Reign, upon the Convents Petition for a new Election, the person thought fittest to succeed was    

43. WILLIHELMUS RAMSEY,  
Being a Monk of this Monastery, out of that good repute which the whole Convent had of him, was chosen to succeed Richard Ashton. He contributed with John Maldon towards the brazen Standard, with a displayed Eagle on the top, which is still extant in this Church, and serveth for the Bible to lie upon for the Reading of the Lessons. On one of the knops is this Distich.  
John Maldon Prior, & Willelmus de Ramiseya  
Haec tibi lectrina daunt Petre metallica bina.  

Fol. 70.  The Election of this William is so punctually set down by Roger Bird (who calleth himself the Abbot's Chaplain) that because it will make for the understanding of the Officers of the Monastery in those times, I shall give it in the Authors own words. In quo quidem termino videlicet xxvii die Julii supra scripta hora Capitulari, celebrata primitus, & solempniter prout decuit ad magnum altare in Ecclesia Conventuali Monasterii nostri antedicti Missa de Sancto Spiritu, pulsataque campana more solito & consueto convenerunt & de facto capitulariter pariter & communiter ob hoc & ad hoc congregati fuerunt in dicta domo nostra capitulari omnes qui voluerunt potuerunt & debuerunt hujusmodi electioni futuri Abbatis nostri commode interest videlicet: Ego dompnus Johannes Maldon Prior & praesidens praedictus, Johannes York magnus Senn. in firmaria, Willielmus Walmesford Senn. in firmaria, Willielmus Burgh, Robertus Lydington, Robertus Notyngham Subprior, Johannes Pycheley gardianus de Oxney, Richardus Oxford Subeleemosinarius, Johannes Burgh Preceptor, Willielmus Spalding Infirmarius, Henricus Lynne sufficienter licentiatus ad peregrinandum comperuit per Willielmum Burgh confratrem suum nomine procuratoris, qui quidem Willielmus Burgh onus procuratorii hujusmodi in se ad omnem juris effectum acceptavit & admisit, cujus tenor inferius describitur, Johannes nal Celerarius, Johannes Hill tertius Prior claustralis, Johannes Baston Camerarius, Nicolaus Overton Magister operis & Pitenciarius Johannes Glynton Sacrista, Willielmus Bury quartus Prior claustralis, Willielmus Ramsey Receptor & Senescallus, Robert Burghscolaris, Johannes Croyland signior Refectarius, Johannes Rypon magnus Eleemosinarius, Thomas Burgh hostilarius, Johannes Morys, Johannes Gent scolaris, Edmundus Lynne, Georgius Burgh Subsacrista, Johannes Tylly, Thomas London custos crucis, Gilbertus Holbech, Johannes Lincoln, Thomas Pynchebek, Willielmus Newark, Johannes Croyland scolaris Richardus Multon Capellanus Prioris Willielmus Holbech Galfridus Lynne & Willielmus Shelford Monachi dicti Monasterii ordinem & regulam sancti Benedicti in eodem expresse professi & in sacris ordinibus constituti conventum dicti Monasterii sic facientes ac jus & voces in hujusmodi electione solum habentes prout in & de facto tunc convenimus & capitulariter tunc congregati fuimus cum non essent aliqui absentes neque fuit esset neque sit plures monachi neque fratres aut alii vel alius jus aut vocem in hujusmodi electione habentes vel habens propositoque verbo Dei per confratrem nostrum Willielmum Burgh sequentem hoc thema, Vnde quaeram consolatorem tibi Et deinde invocata statim spiritus sancti gratia per solempnem decantationem ympni. Veni Creator spritus cum versiculo Emitte spiritum tuum & oratione Deus qui corda, etc. Factis etiam vice nomine & mandato nostris per Willielm. Rest. Mandatarium nostrum sufficienter in ea parte constitutum publicis Proclamationibus in valvis & hostio domus capitularis nostri quod omnes praetendentes, etc.  
By this Chapter, and after this manner was William Ramsey chosen to succeed Richard Ashton, and was installed Abbot August 1. 1471. being the eleventh year of K. Edw. the fourth. And although the precedent vacancy was but short, yet the Treasurer of the Exchequer demanded 40 l. for composition for his Temporalties, but the King's Letter to the Treasurer took off that demand: And the Archdeacon claiming his Palfrey for his Installation Fee, the Pope's Letter took off that also.  
Abbot William in his ninth year, Anno 1480. having committed an oversight in releasing a Felon, who having stolen a piece of 
Bird fol. 117. & Rotulo privato.  Cloth at Ketering, and some other things, was for that Felony committed to the Goal at Peterburgh, where the Felon secretly bribed Abbot William with forty shillings, and he quietly dismissed him: for which dismission Abbot William himself was indicted at the Sessions before John Catesby, and Guido Walston, Justices of the Peace, and being found guilty, was forced to put in security of six sufficient men, for his good Behaviour.  
In his tenth year 1481. The Church of Oundle was made an 
Oundle Church appropriated.  Appropriation. And Anno 1486. The Church of Bringhurst in the County of Leicester.  
This William found opposition from some of his Tenants, they 
Bringhurst appropriated.  of the Manor of Bellasise making insurrection, to the number of one hundred, from thence and the adjacent parts, throwing in Hedges, and Ditches, returning with Bagpipe, and great jollity for what they had done. The Abbot complained hereof, but what was the issue, the Informer tells not.  
William having been Abbot here about twenty five years, died, and lieth interred at the upper end of the body of the Church, under a fair Marble, which of late was plentifully adorned with Brass, but disrobed thereof with the rest. About the Stone went a verge of Brass, containing this Epitaph.  
Abbas Burgensis Will'elmus ut hic tumulatus,  
Ramisey natus, praelatus jam nece stratus.  
En qui protrusis rodendus vermibus instat  
Vir prudens, justus, pius, omnibus & honorandus,  
Castus, benignus, omni virtute decorous,  
Cord suo statuit nunquam offendere Christum,  
Castigans rigidos, tractans pietate modestos,  
Debita persolvi, & diruta multa novari.  
Praestet plena suis stipendia jam cenobitis,  
Et propter missas celebrandas cotidianas  
Ipse Monasterio semper servabat honorem.  
Pax donetur ei ....................   

44. ROBERTUS KIRTON,  
Formerly a Monk of this Monastery, had his Commendatory Letters from William Ramsey to Thomas Bishop of Lincoln, to be 
Bird fol. 78.  made Priest, those Letters bearing date March 3. 1473. This Robert succeeded William Ramsey, and was made Abbot Anno 1496.  
In his fourth year, viz. 1499. the Church of North-Collingham 
North-Collingham appropriated. Registrum Lincoln.  was made an Appropriation. In his nineteenth year, which was Anno 1515. on July 8. William then Bishop of Lincoln, Visited this Monastery, In which Visitation many things out of order were complained of and rectified; amongst which, these are the most remarkable. That one John Walpool a Monk, was Seditious amongst his Brethren: that he had stolen out of S. Oswalds' shrine certain Jewels, and what he could elsewhere lay his hands on, and given them to Women in the Town. That one Reginald Bray (what he was I know not, but he is called Dominus) should have a due proportion of Diet, for number of Dishes. That the Monks haunted a Tavern near the Monastery, and gave themselves to singing and dancing in the Dormitory till 10 or 11 a Clock at Night to the trouble of the rest. That at the Celebration of the Funeral of the late William Abbot of the Monastery, there was withholden from every Priest 6 s. 8 d. and from every Monk 3 s. 4 d. which was used to be given at such times. This Robert Kirton had great contention with his Tenants in Peterburgh about Pasturage, in the Fenn called Burgh, a little Fenn adjoining to the Monastery; which, as the Inhabitants alleged, the Abbot had overcharged with 1500 Sheep in two flocks: complaining also to the King, then Hen. 8. that he had suffered thirty Tenements in the street called Boongate-street to fall to utter decay, and then emparked the same ground, and made it a place 
The Park.  for his own Deer. But notwithstanding these contests, Abbot Robert forgot not to enlarge, and beautify the buildings of his Monastery; for he built that goodly building at the East end of the Church, now commonly known by the name of The New Building 
New buildings.  wherein he placed three Altars, opposite to three pair of Stairs descending from the back of the great Altar: The places of those Altars are yet discernible, though their use be not known. He built a Chamber in his dwelling House, calling it Heaven-gate-Chamber, which is extant, and retaineth its name to this day. 
Heaven-gate Chamber.  He made in his great Hall that goodly Bow window overlooking the Cloister, the memory whereof is fresh to this present age. He set up in the Church the Crucifixerium or Rood-loft, now standing at the entrance into the Choir, though placed something lower than it was at its first erection. He set up the Gate leading to the Deanery which is yet standing, and retaineth the memory of the Builder, in his Hieroglyphic of a Crosier, with the letter R, and a Church or Kirk placed upon a Tun; which must be construed with the allusion thus, Abbot Robert Kirk-Tun, and so Kirton. He beautified the Chapel of S. Mary, or The Lady's Chapel with pictures, and gilded work, much of which was lately extant. He maintained a long suit in Law against Margaret Countess of Richmond and Derby, about Knights-service for Lands in Torpell, Thorpe, Watervile, and Achirch, wherein at last he prevailed. I know not whether I have done well or ill, in declaring the acts of this Robert; but this must be according to the capacity of the Reader, for I find Abbot Robert thus pleading for himself. Legitur in historia scholastica, quod Antipater Idumaeus M. Herodis pater in quodam praelio in servitio Imperatoris multis vulneribus confossus est, qui tandem accusatus, & rejectis vestibus, dixit. Ego nolo me, Domine Imperator, excusare apud te, sed ista vulnera quae suscepi pro te, loquantur pro me, si ego diligo te: Sic ista parva praedicta loquantur pro me, si aliqua feci digna Deo laude. Si interrogaretur, utrum haec manifestari, vel celari debent, nec carnalibus, & incredulis sunt revelanda, nec devotis, prudentibus, & vere fidelibus sunt abscondenda.  
And when he had been Abbot about thirty two years, he was buried in the said Chapel. His Monument was in the year 1651. leveled with the ground, above which it was erected some four foot, and placed upon an hollow Arch where his body lay, and at the head thereof was a fair Stone lying even with the pavement, which covered a pair of stairs going down into the Sepulchre. There let him rest (if I may say he rested) till we pass to his Successor the last of all the Abbots.   

45. JOHN CHAMBERS  
Was born in Peterburgh, but what he was, or upon what score made Abbot, Records are wanting to inform us: His advancement to the Abbatical Chair was Anno 1528. which might be the 19 or 20. of King Henry 8. In his first year, Cardinal Wolsey came to Peterburgh, where he kept his Easter, upon Palm-Sunday he carried his Palm, going with the Monks in procession, and the Thursday following he kept his Maundy, washing, and kissing the feet of fifty nine poor people, and having dried them, he gave to every one of them 12d. and three els of Canvas for a shirt, he gave also to each of them a pair of shoes, and a portion of red herrings. On Easter-day he went in procession in his Cardinal's Vestments, and sang the High-Mass himself after a solemn manner, which he concluded with his benediction and remission, upon all the hearers.  
In the seventh year of this John, Katherine the first wife of King Hen. 8. and Mother of Queen Mary, died at Kimbolton Castle in the County of Huntingdon, Jan. 8. 1535. and was buried in this Church, betwixt two pillars on the Northside of the Choir, near to the great Altar, her Hearse being covered with a black Velvet Pall, crossed with white Cloth of silver, which how it came to degenerate into one of meaner value is unknown to us, yet this changeling was also taken away Anno 1643. with her Spanish Scutcheons affixed thereunto.  
Some writ, that for her sake the Church of Peterburgh fared 
Lord Herbert in King Hen. 2 Kings 23. 18.  the better at the dissolution of Abbeys, and was turned into a Cathedral, as if King Hen. (like King Josiah, who favoured the grave of the Prophet) should favour his Wife's grave in this place. Be it so, or no, the goodly structure of the place, convenient situation for a new erection, with accommodations thereunto, might make a fair plea for a reprieve from the stroke of that Axe which cut others down.  
I have not as yet seen any Record showing how John Chambers demeaned himself towards King Henry, or complied with him in that great dissolution of Abbeys, that the King should continue him in his place, and not put him to death, as he did some, or depose him, as he did others: But probable it is, that Abbot John loved to sleep in a whole skin, and desired to die in his nest wherein he had lived so long, and perhaps might use such means, as might preserve (if not his means to his Church, yet) his Church to posterity.  
And now, that we are come to those times, wherein that great alteration in the Church, and alienation of her Revenues, happened; for our more orderly proceeding in the declaration thereof, we shall first present the Reader with an Inventory of the Church-Utensils, and of the Abbot's domestic goods, and then take him abroad to view the Manors, and Lands, that he may understand what was taken from, and what continued to, the Church of Peterburgh.  

On the 30 of November 1539. being the 31 of King Henry 8. an Inventory was taken as followeth.  

Imprimis, One Cross set with Crystal, silver, and gilded.  
Item One Cross of silver, gilded, with a staff of silver.  
Item One Cross of Byrral, with a staff of silver.  
Item One old Cross plated upon wood.  
Item Five staves of the Rectores Chori, with heads of silver.  
Item Two Candlesticks, gilt.  
Item Two Candlesticks parcel gilt.  
Item Two Censors gilded, parcel of them.  
Item One Censor gilt.  
Item One Ship gilded, with a foot.  
Item One little Basin and Ewer gilt.  
Item Ten Chalices gilded, with the Patens.  
Item One little Chalice parcel gilt.  
Item One broken Crewet gilt.  
Item One holy water-stock parcel gilt.  
Item A Ghospeller, and a superaltar garnished with silver, and gilded.  
Item Two Verge rods of silver.   

Altar-clothes.  
Item One Altar-Cloth of two Kings, and Bishops.  
Item Two Altar-clothes of Purple Velvet, embroidered with Eagles, and Flower de Luce's.  
Item Two Altar-clothes of Bawdkyn.  
Item Two Altar-clothes of Cloth of silver.  
Item Two Altar-clothes of Bawdkyn with Leopards, and Stars.  
Item Two Altar-clothes of white Bawdkyn.  
Item One Altar-Cloth of white Diaper, with a border embroidered with Bucks.   

ALBES.  
Red Albes for Passion-week 27.  
Item Eight Albes with Crowns and Moons.  
Item Fourteen red Albes.  
Item Forty blue Albes of divers sorts.  
Item Seven and twenty other Albes to be worn on single Feasts.  
Item Six Albes with Peter-Keys.  
Item Six Albes called The Kydds.  
Item Seven Albes called Meltons'.  
Item Six Albes called Dogs.  
Item One old Albe richly embroidered.  
Item Eight Albes with Apples of Cloth of gold.  
Item Eight Albes with Apples of blue Tissue.  
Item Five old Albes with red Tissue.  
Item Eight Albes embroidered with Vines.  
Item Five old Albes embroidered.  
Item Fourteen Albes embroidered with divers sorts.  
Item Thirty Albes of old Cloth of Bawdkyn.  
Item Nine Albes embroidered with green.  
Item Thirteen Albes of divers sorts.  
Item Fourteen green Albes with counterfeit Cloth of gold.  
Item Four Albes called Ferial White.  
Item Seven Albes called Ferial Black.   

VESTMENTS.  
Item One suit of Crimson Velvet upon Velvet with a Cope, and Albe suitable to the same.  
Item One Chesible with an Albe called The Burgon.  
Item One suit of blue Damask with a Cope, and thirteen Albes to the same.  
Item One suit of Purple Velvet embroidered with Flowers and Angels, with a Cope and five Albes.  
Item One suit of black Velvet with a Cope, and four Albes with Flowers.  
Item One suit of rich white Cloth of Bawdkyn with seven Albes.  
Item One suit of blue Velvet with five Albes.  
Item One suit of red Velvet with ragged staves, with three Albes of green Bawdkyn.  
Item One suit of Crimson Velvet with Flowers and one Cope, and three Albes.  
Item One suit of red Satin with three Albes.  
Item One suit of red Tissue with three Tunicles.  
Item One suit of blue Tissue with two Tunicles.  
Item One suit of Cloth of gold with orphers of Tissue.  
Item One suit called The Crowns with two Copes.  
Item One suit called The Londus with four Copes.  
Item One suit of Peter Keys with two Copes.  
Item One suit of the Dogs with two Copes.  
Item One suit of the Meltons' so called with eight Copes.  
Item One suit called overton's with three Copes.  
Item One white suit called Godfrey's without a Cope.  
Item One suit of white silk called The Georges with eight Copes.  
Item One suit called the Kydds with four Copes.  
Item One suit called Red Needlework with two Copes.  
Item One suit of green silk called Martyrs with four Copes.  
Item One suit called The Squirrels with two Copes.  
Item One suit of green silk called The Cocks with one Cope.  
Item One suit of green Velvet with one Cope.  
Item One suit of yellow silk with two Copes.  
Item One suit of changeable silk with one Cope.  
Item One suit called The Daisies with one Cope.  
Item One suit called The Popinjays without a Cope.  
Item One suit of Purple Velvet without a Cope.  
Item One Vestment of black Velvet with one Albe.  
Item Three Tunicles of black Woorsted.  
Item One suit of course red without a Cope.  
Item Three Tunicles with Peter Keys.  
Item One Vestment called The Vines.   

COPES.  
Imprimis, Eighteen of red Tissue.  
Item Two Copes called The Burgons'.  
Item Three Copes called The Golds.  
Item Six Copes of red Velvet.  
Item Three Copes of red Bawdkin.  
Item One Cope of red Damask.  
Item Six Copes of blue Tissue.  
Item Two Copes of dun Tissue.  
Item Nine blue Copes called The Roots.  
Item Five Copes of blue Velvet.  
Item Thirteen Copes of blue silk called The Georges.  
Item Seven Copes of blue Bawdkin called The Hinds.  
Item Four Copes of old black Bawdkin.  
Item Seven Copes of Satin of Cyprus.  
Item Three Copes of red silk.  
Item Three Copes of green silk.  
Item Four Copes of red Needlework.  
Item Four Copes of green Velvet.  
Item Thirteen Copes of white Silk.  
Item Two other Copes.   

In the CHOIR.  
Imprimis The high Altar plated with Silver, well gilded, with one image of Christ's passion, and a little shrine of Copper, enamelled, for the Sacrament.  
Item two pair of Organs, and two desks of Latin, seven Basins hanging, with four Candlesticks, and Banners of Silk above the Choir, joining to the Tomb where Q. Katherine lieth buried.  
Item in the enclosed place where the Lady Katherine lieth buried one Altar Cloth, of black Cloth, one Pall of black Velvet, with white cloth of Silver Crossed, and one white Altar Cloth.  
Item belonging to the same remaining in the Sacristy, two Candlesticks of Silver parcel Gilt, one Chalice, and two Crewets gilded.  
Item One pair of Vestments of black Velvet, with an Albe to the same.  
Item Ten clothes called Pedecloaths to lie before the high Altar.  
Item Sixteen clothes to hang in the Quire.  
Item At the upper end of the Church, three Altars, and upon every Altar a Table of the Passion of Christ, Gilt, with three stained Fronts.   

In the Lady's CHAPEL.  
Imprimis An Image of our Lady with reddis Rissey, set in a Tabernacle well gilded, upon Wood, with twelve great Images, and four and thirty small Images of the same work, about the Chapel.  
Item a pair of Organs, one Desk, and four Seats, one Tabernacle of the Trinity, and one other of our Lady, one Desk, and one old Candlestick of Latin, four Pedecoaths called Tapets.  
Item Two Vestments of white Damask with Flowers, one red vestment of Satin with Flowers, and also Albes for the same.  
Item One suit of Crimson Velvet with Orphers of Imagery of Gold, and one Cope, and four Albes.  
Item Three white Altar clothes, one of them Diaper, with three old painted Fronts, two Orfers, eight Surplices.   

In S. John's CHAPEL.  
Item A Table of Alabaster, one front of painted clothes, with two Images of Alabaster.   

In S. James CHAPEL.  
Item One Table of Alabaster, two Images of the same, and one Front of painted clothes.   

In the Rood LOFT.  
Item One Table upon the Altar, eighteen Images well gilded, one Desk of Wood, two Orfers, one Front of painted Cloth.   

In the Body of the CHURCH.  
Item One Altar with Images, Gilt, one Front of green Silk, with Ostrich Feathers, one Coffer, the Altar of our Lady's Lamentation, Gilt, one Front of painted clothes, four Lamps in divers parts of the Church.   

In the South I'll.  
Item In S. Oswalds' Chapel, one Altar with a Front of painted Cloth, one Table, Gilt, of S. Oswald.  
Item In S. Bennets Chapel, one Altar with a Front of painted Cloth, one Table, Gilt, with the story of S. Bennet.  
Item in S. Kyneburghs Chappel, one Altar with a Front of painted cloth, with one Table, well Gilt.   

The Trinity CHAPEL.  
Item The Altar with a Front of old Silk, one white Altar cloth of Diaper, two Candlesticks of Latin, one Table of Alabaster, one Coffer, and Seats of Wood, one Lamp.  
Item In S. Spirits Chapel, a Table of Alabaster, one Front of painted Cloth.   

In the CLOISTER.  
Item One Conduit, or Lavatory of Tin, with divers Coffers, and Seats there.   

In the Ostrie CHAPEL.  
Item One Altar Cloth, two Fronts of painted clothes, two Latin Candlesticks, one Coffer, one Super-altar of Marble, one Vestment of Green Silk, one Vestment of dove-coloured Silk, two Albes.   

In the Chapel of LOW.  
Item one Altar, two Fronts of old painted clothes, two white Altar clothes, two Vestments of Silk, one Red, the other Green, and one Albe of Needlework.  
Item One Chalice, Gilt, one Corporas, one pair of Candlesticks of Latin, three Bells to ring in the Chapel.   

In the Infirmary CHAPEL.  
Item One Table of Alabaster, one Front of Silk, two Candlesticks of Latin, three Coffers, four Seats, one Vestment, one Albe of white Silk, with Orfers of red.  
Item One Vestment of white Bustian for Lent, with an Albe, three Corporasses, with cases, two Altar clothes, one old Vestment, one old Albe.  
Item One Vestment of blue Chamlet, with Moons, and Hearts, with one Albe to the same.  
Item One Vestment of red course Satin of Cyprus, with Hearts, and Knots.  
Item One little Bell, one Lamp hanging, one broken Silver Crown.  
Item Old clothes to cover Saints in Lent.   

In the Abbot's Gallery CHAPEL.  
Item One Table of Alabaster.   

In the other CHAPEL.  
Item One Table of Alabaster, three old Chests, an old Almery.   

In the Abbot's HALL..  

These Tables were taken away 1644. to be used at the Siege of Croyland, and never returned.  Item four fixed Tables, four Forms, one Table with two Tresles, at the high Bench, the hang old Tapestry, one Cupboard, one Chair, one Chaffer.   

In the Abbot's KITCHEN.  
Item three great boiling Pots, seven small Pots, four Panns, two Kettles, one great brass Pan, with two Handles, a Ladle, a Scummer, five Spits, one stone Mortar, one Brandiron with four Barrs, two Racks of Iron, one Gridiron with four Barrs, two Racks of Iron, one Gridiron, one flesh Hook, two frying Panns, one Porringer, one fire Fork.   

In the Abbot's Fish-HOUSE.  
Item Old dry Ling of the last year 24 warp.  
Item Great Ling of this year 100 warp.  
Item In middle and small Ling 100, and a half warp.  
Item In dry Gaberdine 203 Fishes.  
Item Stockfish 208 Fishes.  
Item Salmon half a Barrel.   

In Eyebury FARM.  
Item In Sheep 29 score, and ten sheep.  
Item Oxen 19  
Item Bulls, and Bulchins 5  
Item Kine 18  
Item Heifers two years and upwards 13  
Item Steers 8  
Item Yeerling Calves 12  
Item Geldings' for the Saddle 4   

In the Abbot's BREWHOUSE.  
Item Four Furnaces great and small, two of Copper, and two of Lead, two great Mashing Fats, an ark for ground Malt, three Fats, five yieling Fats, six and thirty Keelers, two cleansing Sives, four Couls, and a graining Tub.   

In the GARNET.  
Item Six quarters of Malt, ten quarters of Wheat, two quarters of Oats, two quarters of Barley, six bushels of Pease.   

In the BARNES.  
Item Fifty loads of Hay by estimation.   

The Abbot's PLATE.  
Imprimis A Basin, and Ewer of Silver, one Silver Pot of a quart, two standing pieces, covered, all Gilt, two flat Bowls of Silver, two Salts with one cover Gilt, one Nut without a cover, two ale Pots with two covers, four Masers great and small, one dozen of silver Spoons, two and twenty Masers great and small, with bands of Silver, and Gilt, two pieces of Silver, and ten Spoons of Silver, a Horn with two feet of Silver, and Tipped, a Nut Tipped with Silver, and Gilt.   

The length, and breadth of the Church and other parts thereof.  
Imprimis, The Church containing in length 8 score yards, in breadth 34 yards.  
Item, The Lady's Chapel containing in length 46 yards, in breadth 14 yards.  
Item, The Cross Isle on the North side in length 18 yards, and in breadth 12 yards.  
Item, Three Chapels with the entry into the Lady's Chapel in length 14 yards, in breadth 7 yards.  
Item, The Isle on the South side with the Chapels in length 21 yards, in breadth 20 yards.  
Item, The Cloister about four square, in length 168 yards, in breadth 6 yards.  
Item, The Chapter House in length 28 yards, in breadth 11 yards.  
Item, The great Dormitory in length 64 yards, in breadth 13 yards.  
Item, The little Dorter in length 33 yards, in breadth 12 yards.  
Item, The Fratry in length 54 yards, in breadth 14 yards.  
Item, The Infirmary in length 65 yards, in breadth 10 yards.  
Item, The Chapel at the gate of the Monastery 14 yards in length, in breadth 8 yards.  
Item, The Vestry containing in length 18 yards, in breadth 6 yards.  
Item, The Abbot's Hall, in length 32 yards, in breadth 12 yards.  
Item, The Abbot's great Chamber in length 33 yards, in breadth 10 yards.  
Item, In the two Steeples of the Monastery at the Front, Bells 10, and in other several places of the houses, Bells 4.  
Item, The Convents Kitchen in length 25 yards.  
Item, The Lavers in the Cloister weighing 100 lib.   
All which goods were assigned to the said Abbot being Guardian for the same time, by the Commissioners  
Philipp Price, John Tregonnel, and others.   
Two years after this Inventory, viz. 1541. and of King Henry 33. the King changed the person from an Abbot to a Bishop, the Church from a Monastery to a Cathedral, and the Town of Peterburgh from a Village to a City.  
Here I must acknowledge myself at a stand, as not able to give a perfect account of all Manors, Lands, and Tenements belonging to the Monastery of Peterburgh at the time of the dissolution; for it had Lands, or Tenements in Catworth, Thorp Watervile, Achirch, Tichmersh, Winwick, Hemington, Kynethorp, Armiston, Grendone, Thurning, Pappelee, Beningfield, Addington, Slipton, Twywell, Woodford, Churchfield, Stoke, Pilketon, Craneford, Burlee, Thornhaw, Sibberton, Walmisford, Etton, Lolhame, Southorp, Walcot, Vfford, Helpiston, Woodcroft, Vpton, Cathwait, Torpel, Baddington, Aston, Nunton, Deeping, Bernack, Marham, Hargrave, Allington, Glapthorne, Cotterstock, Angotby, Osgotby, Swinstead, Witham, Careby, Gretton, Thrapston, Denford, Ringsstead, many Lands in Holland, etc. Which, how, or when they were alienated from this Monastery, whether by the King, or by the Monastery itself before, I cannot say; But of such Lands as the Abbey was at this time in full tenure and possession of, King Henry made a tripartite kind of division, assuming a third to himself, confirming another third upon the Bishop, and the rest upon the Dean, and Chapter. Those which King Henry took to himself, being surrendered unto him, were then let out unto Tenants at a yearly rate, these, and thus.  
Com. North.     
* Or L. Russel afterwards E. of Bedford.  Eyebury, then in the hands of Sir John Russel. 13 l. 6 s. 8 d.  Oxeney, then in the hands of Roger Horton Gent. 1 l. 10 s. 0 d.  Dosthorp, called Gillims, & le Lane-land then in the hands of John Stoddard. 2 l. 0 s. 0 d.  Pillisgate, in the hands of David Vincent. 19 l. 0 s. 0 d.  Kettering cum Pightesly with the Advowsons' of the Rectories there, in the Queen's hand 111 l. 3 s. 4 d. ob. q. dimid. 
* Given first to the Dean and Chapt. but taken away again with Polebrook also.  Stanwigge, then in the Queen's hand. 27 l. 16 s. 0 d. ob. Cottingham cum Desborough with the Advowsons' of the Rectories, in the Queen's hand. 67 l. 2 s. 1 d.  Oundle with the Advowson of the Vicarage in the hand of the Lord Russel. 172 l. 0 s. 3 d. ob. Ashton, in the Queen's hand. 29 l. 3 s. 8 d.  Wermington cum Egilthorp, with the Advowson of the Vicarage, in the Queen's hand. 97 l. 4 s. 10 d. ob. q. Polebroke, with the Advowson of the Rectory, then in the hands of Sir Edward Montague. 12 l. 14 s. 0 d. ob. q. Clopton with the Advowson of the Rectory, in the hands of William Dudley Esq 3 l. 17 s. 4 d.  Lullington with the Advowson of the Rectory in the hands of Sir Edward Montague 8 l. 15 s. 7 d. ob. Hundreds of Polebrook and Navesford in the Q. hand s. 19 l. 9 s. 3 d. q. Hundred of Howkeslow in the Queen's hand. 16 l. 13 s. 4 d. q. 
Com. Rutland.  Tinwel with the Advowson of the Rectory, in the hands of Sir William Cecil. 33 l. 13 s. 4 d.  
Com. Lincoln.  Gosberkirk in the Queen's hand. 74 l. 9 s. 2 d. ob. q. 3 ob. 
Com. Hunt.  Fletton in the hand of Roger Forest. 27 l. 0 s. 6 d.  Sum. total. 733 l. 9 s. 9 d. 0. 3 pt. q. & dimid.  
King Henry having taken these Lands from the Church of Peterburgh, made provision for the Bishopric, to which he subjected the Counties of Northampton and Rutland for his Diocese, and appointed the Abbot's dwelling for the Bishop's Palace, and for his maintenance confirmed these Lands, viz. Burghbury, Eye, Singlesholt, Northam, Witherington, Walton, Paston, Gunthorp, Southorp, Thirlby, The Hundred of Nassaburgh. A Pasture in Park-lane of 8 Acres. 40 Acres. Sheepcotes, S. John's Yard, The Vineyard, and Toothill, Snorshills, Edgerly 50 Acres. In Padholm 18 Acres, Eastwood 180 Acres, Westwood Burghbury 246 Acres, The Spittle. More at Eye and the Tything Barn there, Pensions from Helpiston, Etton, Wittering; Houses and Shops in the Parish of S. Gregory, London, and in the Parish of S. Bridget. The Advowsons' of Castre, Bernack, Paston, Polebrook, Scotter, South Collingham, The Vicarage of S. John Baptist in Peterburgh, The Deanery of the College at Irtlingburgh, and the Chantry there, The Chapel of S. John, upon or adjoining to the Bridge in Stamford. For all which the Bishop was to make to the King Annual acknowledgement by the payment of 33l. 10s. 8ds.  
In this Dotation of the Bishopric, bearing date September 4. and of King Henry 33. which was of our Lord 1541. John Chambers 
Hen. Isaacson in his Chronology. pag. 375. B. Goodwin in J. Chambers.  the present Abbot was nominated for the Bishop (whom some will have to be Doctor of Physic, and Dean of S. Stephen's in Westminster) and continued in his new transformed government about the space of 15 years to the year 1556. the 4, or 5. of Queen Mary: Although an Inscription in Brass about the Verge of his Marble Monument beareth date otherwise, for it was thus, Credo quod redemptor meus vivit, & in novissimo die de terra surrecturus sum, & in carne mea videbo Deum, salvatorem meum: reposita est haec spes mea in sinu meo. Moritur die ........... Anno Domini Millesimo, Quingentesimo, Tricesimo. Which could not be, for than he must die about his second year of government, long before the dissolution of his Abbey, when he was nominated Bishop, for Goodwin saith, he was consecrated Bishop October 23. 1541. But it is probable that there was a mistake, which if it happened in his time, a wonder he did not reform it; the Monument indeed might be extant in his time, for he might be careful in providing the house of his mortality before he came to inhabit therein. At the foot of his figure upon the same Stone was laid a plate of Brass, wherein these Verses were engraven. 
En pius, en validus pastor jacet hic Johannes  
Burgh, Burgo natus, ac domus hujus apex.  
Cui caro, mundus, opes cesserunt, idgenus omne  
Praelia divinus carnea vincit amor.  
Ordinis infestos redigens sub vindice mores,  
Dum comes ipse fuit, norma, locique decor.  
Pauperimos ditans, lapsis peccata remittens,  
Mitibus ipse pius, asperimus rigidis.  
Sta, lege, funde preces, Deus est cui singula cedunt,  
Dic, velit ipse dare celica regna sibi.   
He had also another more stately Monument at the head of this, made of white Chalk-stone, with his Statue tightly carved, lying on the top (perhaps being Abbot, and Bishop he might have a Monument for each) but these Monuments (habent sua fata sepulchra) were demolished Anno 1643.  
There were lately some doors in the Church curiously carved with the device of this John, thus, An Eagle, a Crosier and Mitre, a Bur-dock with Burrs thereon, and a Ro-buck, with the Letters R. O. on his side, the sum whereof was John, Abbot or Bishop of Bur-row.  
At the same time that King Henry thus established the Bishop and his Revenues, he established also the Dean, and Chapter with theirs, of which hereafter: Return we now to our Series of Succession.  
John Chambers being dead, the Succession continued in   

46 DAVID POOL,  
Who was first Fellow of All-Souls College in Oxford, afterwards Dean of the Arches and Chancellor of the Diocese of Lichfield, and made Bishop of Peterburgh 1556. But I find not his nomination thereunto by Queen Mary, only the Pope's in the donation and confirmation of him in this Bishopric. For it is sufciently known, that this Church and Kingdom of England began again to submit to the Roman yoke, from which they had been delivered in the time of King Edward 6. under which relapse I find the Pope's power in reference to the Church of Peterburgh to have been more practised than ever it was before; for, throughout the whole Series of Abbots formerly recited, I find not any Papal election, ratification, confirmation, or any other writing, whereby the Pope contributed any thing to the establishment of any Abbot, either to the Convent or any other persons; but all was from the King alone, who either himself nominated the person, or accepted of such a one as the Monks elected, whom he ratified and confirmed in the Abbey. But now (and I suppose through the succumbency of Q. Mary and K. Philip to the Roman Chair) this David was presented unto, and confirmed in this Bishopric by Paul the fourth Pope of that name; whose Letters in the behalf of Bishop David were as followeth. First for his nomination or presentation.  
Paulus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Dilecto filio Davidi Pool Petriburgen. salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Apostolatus officium nobis meritis licet imparibus ex alto commissum, quo Ecclesiarum omnium divina dispositione praesidemus, utiliter exequi coadjuvante Domino cupientes solliciti corde reddimur, & solertes ut cum de Ecclesiarum ipsarum regiminibus agitur committendis, tales eyes in pastors praeficere studeamus qui populum suae curae creditum sciant non solum doctrina verbi, sed & exemplo boni operis informare, commissasque sibi Ecclesias velint, & valeant auctore Domino salubriter regere, & foeliciter gubernare; dudum siquidem provisiones Ecclesiarum omnium tunc vacantium, & in antea vacaturarum ordinationi, & dispositioni nostrae reservavimus, decernentes extunc irritum, & inane, si secus super hiis per quoscunque quavis auctoritate scienter, vel ignoranter contingeret attemptari. Postmodum vero Ecclesia Petriburgensis cui bonae memoriae Johannes Episcopus Petriburgensis dum viveret, praesidebat, per obitum ejusdem Johannis Episcopi, qui extra Romanam curiam debitum naturae persolvit, pastoris solatio destituta, nos vacatione hujusmodi fide dignis relationibus intellecta, ad provisionem ejusdem Ecclesiae, celerem, & foelicem, de qua nullus praeter nos hac vice se intromittere potuit, sive potest, reservatis & decreto obsistentibus supradictis, ne Ecclesia ipsa longae vacationis exponatur incommodis, paternis & sollicitis studiis intendentes, post deliberationem quam de praesiciendo eidem Ecclesiae personam utilem & fructuosam cum fratribus nostris habuimus diligentem—— Petriburgensem, seu alterius civitatis, vel dioeceseos, legum Doctorem de legitimo matrimonio procreatum, & in aetate legitima constitutum, quem charissima in Christo filia nostra Maria Angliae, Franciae Regina illustris nobis per suas literas commendavit, & cui apud nos de munditia, honestate morum, spiritualium providentia, & temporalium circumspectione, aliisque multiplicum virtutum donis fide digna testimonia perhibentur, direximus oculos nostrae mentis: Quibus omnibus debita meditatione pensatis, de persona tua, nobis, & eisdem fratribus, ob tuorum exigentiam meritorum accepta, eidem Ecclesiae de ipsorum fratrum consilio, auctoritate Apostolica providemus, teque illum Episcopum praeficimus, & pastorem, curam & administrationem ipsius Ecclesiae tibi in spiritualibus & temporalibus plenè committendo, in illo qui dat gratias, & largitur praemia, confidens quod dirigente Domino actus tuos praefata Ecclesia per tuae diligentiae laudabile studium, regetur utiliter, & prosper dirigetur, ac grata in eisdem spiritualibus & temporalibus suscipiet incrementa. Jugum igitur Domini tuis impositum humeris prompta devotione suscipe, curam, & administrationem praedictas sic exercere studeas, sollicitè, fideliter, & prudenter, quòd Ecclesia ipsa gubernatori provido & fructuoso administratorigaudeat se commissam, tuque praeter aeternum retributionis praemium, nostram, & Apostolicae benedictionem, & gratiam exinde uberius consequi merearis. Dat. Romae apud Sanctum Petrum Anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millesimo Quingentesimo Quinquagesimo sexto, nono Kal. Aprilis, Pontificatus nostri Anno secundo. The other Letters were to the Church of Peterburgh for the reception of David for their Bishop, and were as followeth. Paulus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Vniversis Cathedralis Ecclesiae Petriburgens. salutem, & Apostolicam been. Hodie Ecclesiae Petriburgen. tunc per obitum bonae memoriae Johannis olim Episcopi Petriburgen. extra Roman. curiam defuncti pastoris solatio destitut. de persona dilecti filii electi Petriburgen. nobis, & fratribus nostris obsuorum exigentia meritorum accepta, de fratrum eorundem consilio Apostolica autoritate providimus, ipsumque illi in Episcopum praefecimus, & pastorem, curam, & administrationem ipsius Ecclesiae, sibi in spiritualibus, & temporalibus plenarie committendo, prout in nostris inde confectis literis plenius continetur. Quocirca universitati vestrae per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus eundem Davidem electum devote suscipientes, & debita honorificentia prosequentes, ei fidelitatem debitam nec non consueta servitia & jura sibi à vobis debita exhibere integre studeatis, alioquin sententiam sive poenam quam idem David electus rite tulerit, in rebels ratam habebimus, & faciemus, auctore Domino, usque ad satisfactionem condignam inviolabiliter observari. Dat. Romae apud Sanctum Petrum Anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millesimo quingentesimo quinquagesimo sexto, nono Kal. Aprilis, Pontificatus nostri Anno secundo.  


Jo. Mathe  
B. Jens.  
Jo. Csyrinus p. m.  
Jo. Gunnos.  
Larengus.  
Jo. Bapt. Capata  
Ant. Gibert.    

Tortura Torti pag. 146.  To these Letters was affixed the Common Seal of Lead. But as peremptory as they were, they could not secure David in his Bishopric from the just Authority of the Q. Eliz. who, in the second year of her Reign, ejected him, and placed another in his room. What became of him after his ejectment, let the late Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews be the Informer: for the Author of a Romish Pamphlet, I mean Bellarmine, having charged those times with cruelty, that such Bishops as were deposed by Queen Elizabeth, were yet more hardly used, and died in misery: The Bishop gives us account of them, and particularly of this our David, in these words. Polus Petriburgensis summa comitate habitus, liber semper, Principis beneficio, & in agro suo matura aetate decessit. His Successor in the Bishopric was   

47. EDMUND SCAMBLER,  
Whom some will have to have been first a Secular Priest, which we will not stand upon. He was when he was nominated to this Bishopric, but Bachelor in Divinity, as appeareth by the Queen's Letter to the Church for his Election, bearing date November 11. and second of her Reign, 1560. He was Authorized to hold in Commendam with his Bishopric of Peterburgh a Prebendary in York, and another in Westminster, for the space of three years by Commission from the Queen, bearing date May 13. Anno Eliz. 3. And from Matthew Archbishop of Canterbury, bearing the same date. But he was made Bishop something before February (some say January) 16. being the year of our Lord 1560.  
What he was for Learning, and integrity of Religion in the now reformed Church of England wherein he was a Bishop, may appear by these Doctrinal Articles, which in his first Episcopal Visitation he prescribed to the Dean and Prebendaries of his Church, requiring their subscription thereunto. For as yet the general Articles of the Church of England were not form, until about two years after, Jan. 29. 1562. B. Scamblers Articles were these,  



1 Sacra Scriptura in se continet omnem doctrinam pietatis, ex qua sufficienter & error convinci possit, & veritas stabiliri.  
2 Symbolum Nicaenum, Athanasii, & quod communiter Apostolorum dicitur, continent brevissime articulos fidei nostrae sparsim in Scripturis ostensos: qui istis non crediderint, inter veros Catholicos non sunt recipiendi.  
3 Ecclesia Christi est in qua purum Dei verbum praedicatur, & sacramenta juxta Christi ordinationem administrantur, & in qua clavium autoritas retinetur.  
4 Quaevis Ecclesia particularis autoritatem habet instituendi, mutandi, & abrogandi caeremonias, & ritus Ecclesiasticos, modo ad decorem, ordinem, & aedificationem fiat.  
5 Christus tantum duo sacramenta expresse nobis commendat, Baptisma & Eucharistiam, quae conferunt gratiam rite sumentibus, etiamsi malus sit Minister, & non prosunt indigne sumentibus, quamvis bonus sit Minister.  
6 Laudandus est Ecclesiae mos baptizandi parvulos, & retinendus.  
7 Coena Dominica non est tantum Symbolum benevolentiae Christianorum interse, sed magis Symbolum est nostrae redemptionis per Christi mortem, & nostrae conjunctionis cum Christo, ubi fidelibus vere datur, & exhibetur Communio corporis, & sanguinis Domini.  
8 Sacramentum Eucharistiae ex usu Primitivae Ecclesiae, neque servabatur vel elevabatur, vel adorabatur.  
9 Missa, quae consuevit a sacerdotibus dici, non erat a Christo constituta, sed a multis Romanis Pontificibus confirmata; nec est Eucharistia ex se sacrificium propitiatorium, sed recordatio sacrificii semel peracti.  
10 Scholastica transubstantiatio panis & vini in corpus & sanguinem Christi, probari non potest ex sacris literis.  
11 Non omne peccatum mortale, seu voluntariò perpetratum post baptismum, est irremissibile, & peccatum in Spiritum Sanctum.  
12 Post acceptum Spiritum potest homo peccare, ac denuo resipiscere; neque sine peccato vivit, quamvis regeneratio, in Christo imputetur.  
13 Justificatio ex sola fide est certissima doctrina Christianorum.  
14 Elizabetha Regina Angliae est unicus, & supremus gubernator hujus regni, & omnium dominiorum, & regionum suarum quarumcunque, in rebus & causis Ecclesiasticis, quam temporalibus.  
15 Verbum Dei non prohibet foeminarum regimen, cui obediendum est juxta ordinationem Dei.  
16 Romanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in hoc regno Angliae, nec alia quaecunque potestas extranea.  
17 Leges civiles possunt Christianos, propter flagitia, morte punire.  
18 Christianis licet ex jussu Principis bella gerere, & ex justa causa & propria possidere.  
19 Doctrina scholasticorum de Purgatorio, & invocatione Divinorum, nullum habet fundamentum ex verbo Dei.  
20 Praeceptum Dei est, ut quae leguntur in Ecclesia, illa lingua proferantur, quae ab Ecclesia intelligatur.  
21 Absque externa, & legitima vocatione non licet cuiquam sese ingerere in aliquod ministerium Ecclesiasticum, vel seculare.  
22 Matrimonium inter Christianos legitime juxta verbum Dei initum & contractum, est indissolubile, nec per traditiones hominum unquam vellendum.  
23 Coelibatus nulli hominum statui praecipitur, neque injungitur ministris Ecclesiae ex verbo Dei.    
Haec omnia vera esse, & publice docenda profiteor, eaque juxta datam mihi facultatem, & eruditionem tuebor, & docebo: Hancque meam confessionem manus meae subscriptione testificor, contrariamque doctrinam abolendam esse judico, & detestor.   
By these Articles it may appear, that Bishop Scambler was no friend to the Church of Rome, nor they to him; and whether it was for these Articles or some other Book which he published, I find him recorded in the Roman Index of Books prohibited, and branded with the Title of Pseudoëpiscopus: But his name and memory are the more honourable by that name of Infamy which the Papists might cast upon the Worthies of our English Church. Scambler having been Bishop here the space of twenty three years, was translated to Norwich, whither, he that would know the residue of his life, end, burial, or Epitaph, must follow him, it being without the Climate of our story. But whilst he was at Peterburgh, he impaired the honour, privileges and revenues of his Bishopric, passing quite away the Hundred of Nassaburgh, with the whole Liberties thereof, The Goal, The Manor of Thirlby, The Manor of Southorpe, etc. to the Queen, from whom the Earls of Exeter enjoy them to this day: As if King Henry had not taken away enough, the Bishop himself would pass away more. Scambler being translated to Norwich, there succeeded   

48 RICHARD HOWLAND,  
Who was Master of S. John's College in Cambridge, and made Bishop here March 16. 1584. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth. We have not much to say of him, his parts, or actions, but shall enlarge this Paragraph of his being Bishop here, with the story of Mary Queen of scott's her death at Fotheringhay Castle, and burial in the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh. The whole progress of her life and actions, from her first arrival in England, May 16. 1568. to her coming to Fotheringhay, with her several places of removal, and several keepers, is so largely related by Mr. Vdal, Mr. Saunderson and others who have wrote her story, that I shall remit the Reader to them, and content myself with her death and burial.  
Upon the seventh day of February, 1586. (eighteen years from her first arrival) The Commissioners for her execution came to Fotheringhay, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Kent, etc. and Thomas 
The Earl of Shrewsbury was George Talbot, and E. Marshal of England. The Earl of Kent was Henry Grey.  Andrews of—— Sheriff of Northamptonshire for that year. By these the Queen of Scots understanding that the Lease of her life was not long to last, only one day longer, she seemed not dismayed with the Message, but told the Commissioners, she did not think that Queen Elizabeth would have consented to her death; but since it was so, she would most gladly embrace it, and in order thereunto, desired of the Commissioners the benefit of her Clergy, that her Confessor might come to her, which the Commissioners denying, propounded the Bishop, or Dean of Peterburgh, which the Queen of Scots refused. The Commissioners being departed, she gave order for her Supper, at the time whereof she drank to her servants, and comforted them, because she saw them much troubled for her. After Supper she perused her Will, and Inventory: At her usual hour she went to Bed, slept some part of the night, and spent the rest in Prayer. Her fatal day being come, she arose to prepare herself for her last lying down, when calling her servants together, she read over her Will to them, letting them know what Legacies she had bequeathed. Then did she apparel herself after this manner, In borrowed hair, a Bourn, having on her head a dressing of Lawn edged with bonelace, and above that, a vail of the same, bowed out with wire, and her Cuffs suitable: about her neck a Pomander chain, and an Agnus Dei hanging at a black Ribbon, a Crucifix in her hand, a pair of Beads at her girdle with a golden Cross at the end. Her uppermost gown was of black Satin, printed, training upon the ground, with long hanging sleeves, trimmed with Akorn buttons of Jet, and Pearl, the sleeves over her arms being cut, to give sight to a pair of purple Velvet underneath; her Kirtle, as her Gown, was of black printed Satin: her bodies of Crimson Satin unlaced in the back, the skirt being of Crimson Velvet: her Stockings of Worsted, watchet, clocked and edged at the top with silver, and under them a pair of white: Her Shoes of Spanish Leather with the rough side outward.  
Thus attired she came forth of her Chamber to the Commissioners, who were ready in the passage to receive her, and to accompany her to the Stage whereon she was to act the last scene of her life, making as yet no show of sadness, until Melvin her servant presenting himself on his knees, bewailing not only hers, but also his own misfortune, that he was to be a sad reporter to Scotland of her death: then with some flux of tears she comforted him, that he should shortly see the troubles of Mary Stuart have an end; sending by him her commands to her Son, and bidding him tell him, that she had done nothing prejudicial to his Kingdom of Scotland. Then addressing herself to the Commissioners, she told them that she had certain requests to make to them, viz. that a certain sum of money might be paid to one Curl her servant, which Sir Amyas Pawlet had knowledge of. That her servants might enjoy such Legacies, as, by her Will she had bequeathed unto them. That they might be fairly used, and safely sent into their own Country: To the first Sir Aymas Pawlet gave his testimony, and promise: The rest were also promised and performed. Yet said the Queen of Scots, I have one request more to make, that you would suffer my servants to be about me at my death, to which the Commissioners returned a refusal, the Earl of Kent saying, that their presence would be a disturbance to her, and besides he feared there would be some superstition practised in pressing to dip their handkerchiefs in her blood. My Lord, said the Queen, I will pass my word they shall do no such things, Alas poor souls, it will do them good to bid their Mistress farewell: Your Mistress (meaning Queen Elizabeth) being a Maiden Queen, for womanhoods' sake would not deny me this courtesy, and I know she hath not so straitened your Commission, but that you might grant me more than this, if I were of a far meaner condition Whereupon the Commissioners consulted, and granted her the nomination of six persons to be with her: so she nominated four men, Melvin, her Apothecary, her Chirurgeon, and another old man: And two women which used to lie in her Chamber. After this she proceeded towards the great Hall in the Castle, Melvin bearing up her train, two Gentlemen of Sir Amyas Pawlets, on each hand one, and Mr. Andrews the Sheriff going before. The Scaffold at the upper end of the Hall was two foot high and twelve foot broad, hanged with black, and she seemed to monnt it with as much willingness, as ease, and took her seat, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent standing on her right hand, Mr. Andrews the Sheriff on her left, and the two Executioners opposite before her. Then was the Commission read by Beal Clerk of the Council, which she seemed as little to regard, as if it had not concerned her at all: After the reading of the Commission Doctor Fletcher Dean of Peterburgh addressed an Exhortation to the Queen of Scots, that she would consider her present condition, and withal, the vanity of her Religion, which he besought her to renounce, but she refused, professing her readiness to die therein. The Lords desiring her to join with them in prayers, she also refused, alleging the difference in their Religions, and saying she would pray by herself: But the Dean was by the Commissioners desired to pray, which he did in these words.  

Dr. Fletcher's Prayer.  O Most gracious God, and merciful Father, who according to the multitude of thy mercies dost so put away the sins of them that truly repent, that thou remember'st them no more; Open, we beseech thee, thine eyes of mercy, and behold this Person appointed unto death, whose eyes of understanding, and spiritual light, albeit thou hast hitherto shut up, that the glorious beams of thy favour in Jesus Christ do not shine unto her, but is possessed with blindness and ignorance of heavenly things (a certain token of thy heavy displeasure, if thy unspeakable mercy do not triumph against thy judgement) yet O Lord our God, impute not, we beseech thee, unto her those her offences, which separate her from thy mercy, and, if it may stand with thine everlasting purpose, and good pleasure, O Lord, grant unto us, we beseech thee, this mercy, which is about thy throne, that the eyes of her heart may be enlightened, that she may understand, and be converted unto thee, and grant her also, if it be thy blessed will, the heavenly comfort of thy Holy Spirit, that she may taste, and see, how gracious the Lord is: Thou hast no pleasure, good Lord, in the death of a sinner, and no man shall praise thy Name in the pit; renew in her, O Lord, we most humbly beseech thy Majesty, whatsoever is corrupt in her, either by her own frailty, or by the malice of the ghostly enemy: visit her, O Lord, if it be thy good pleasure, with thy saving health, as thou didst the offender at the side of thy Cross, with this consolation, This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise: say unto her soul, as thou didst unto thy servant David, I am thy salvation, so shall thy mercy, being more mighty, be more magnified. Grant these mercies, O Lord, to us thy servants, to the increase of thy Kingdom, and glory at this time. And further, O most merciful Father, preserve we most humbly beseech thy Majesty, in long and honourable peace and safety, Elizabeth thy servant, our most natural Sovereign Lady and Queen; let them be ashamed and confounded, O Lord, that seek after her soul; let them be turned backward, and put to confusion that wish her evil: And strengthen still, Lord, we pray thee, the hand and balance of justice amongst us, by her gracious government: So shall we, both now, and ever, rest under thy faithfulness and truth, as under our shield and buckler, and bless thy Name and magnify thy mercy, which livest, and reignest one Most Gracious God, for ever and ever, Amen.  
The Queen's assent and attention to this prayer were withdrawn to her own private Devotions, which she performed after the custom of her Religion out of her own Portuary, with her Beads, and Crucifix, sometimes in the Latin, and sometimes in the English tongue; which being ended, the two Executioners with her women, began to disrobe her, whereat she said with a smiling countenance, that she was never served by such grooms before, nor was she wont to put off her clothes before such a company. Her women with a Corpus Christi cloth wrapped up three corner-wise, covered her head and face; which done, they departed, and the Queen was left alone to close up the Tragedy of her life by her own self, which she did with her wont courage, and devotion, kneeling down upon the Cushion, and saying in Latin, In te, Domine, speravi, ne confundar in aeternum. Then she groaped for the block, whereon she laid down her head, crying out, In manus tuas, Domine, etc. and then the Executioner at two strokes separated her head from her body, saving a sinew, which a third struck parted also: the Executioner took up the head, and shown it to the assembly, and Dean Fletcher cried, So perish all the Queen's enemies, which was seconded by the Earl of Kent. Her head coming clear out of her dressing, appeared very grey, as if she had been much elder than she was, it was polled very short, which made her (as hath been said) to wear borrowed hair. The Executioner that went about to pluck off her Stockings, found her little Dog crept under her Coat, which being put from thence, went, and laid himself down betwixt her head and body, and being besmeared with her blood, was caused to be washed, as were other things whereon any blood was. The Executioners were dismissed with Fees, not having any thing that was hers. Her body with the head, was conveyed into the great Chamber by the Sheriff, where it was by Surgeons Embalmed until its Interment.  
The Castle of Fotheringhay was at that time by Lease from Queen Elizabeth in the hands of Sir William Fitz-Williams of Milton in the same County who was one of the Queen's Pensioners, who by reason of his relation to the place, was sent to by the Commissioners that he should come and guard them in his Castle, this was required of him the first time that the Commissioners came, in October before, for the Queen's Examination, and Trial: but Sir William Fitz-Williams refusing, because he was not summoned by order from the Queen; the Commissioners procured such order, and by virtue thereof summoned him again, which he obeyed: This gave him opportunities of visiting sometimes the Queen of Scots, and conversing with her, wherein he deported himself with such respective civility and courtesy, that the Queen a little before her death, gave him many thanks, and told him she had nothing to requite his kind usage withal, but if he pleased to accept of her Son's picture hanging at her Beds-head, he should take it, which he did, and his Successors do still enjoy it.  
Thus died Mary the unfortunate Queen of Scots (a woman for her parts, fit to be a Queen) in the six and fortieth year of her age, and the eighteenth of her continuance in England, in a fair possibility of spinning the thread of her life to a greater length, had fate been as propitious to her as nature.  
We shall follow the remainder of this great Personage, her body, to the Earth, and so leave her.  

The Manner of the Solemnity of the Scotish Queen's Funeral, being the first of August, 1587. when she was buried in the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh.  
Upon Tuesday being the first of August were the Funerals appointed to be celebrated for the Scotish Queen in the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh, and accordingly there were sent thither from the Court, the Queen's household Officers, to make preparation for the Diet, Mr. Dorrel and Mr. Cox, for the Funeral Offices Mr. Fortescue Master of the great Wardrobe: The Heralds came down three or four days before, and appointed (together with the Bishop and the Dean) the place for the body to be Interred, which was devised over against the lying of Queen Katherine, near to the Tomb of John last Abbot, and first Bishop of that Church. There was a rich Hearse erected above the first step of the Choir, near to the place of the burial, and the whole Choir and Church were hanged with black. Upon Sunday at night the thirtieth of July, the body was brought by Torchlight from the Castle of Fotheringhay (where it had lain since the time of Execution, being the eighth of February before) by Garter King at Arms, and other Heralds, with some number of Horse, in a Chariot made of purpose, covered with black Velvet, and adorned with her Ensigns accordingly, between one and two of the Clock in the night: where attended for it before the Church, the Bishop of Peterburgh, and the Dean of the Cathredral Church, the Master of the Wardrobe, Clarentius King at Arms, and divers, as well of her Majesty's Servants, as other persons; There came with the body, six of the Scotish Train, as Melvin, the Master of her Household, and Physician, and others: the body with the closures weighed nine hundred weight, which being carried, and attended orderly by the said persons, was committed to the ground in the Vault appointed, and immediately the Vault was covered, saving a small h●●e left open for the Staves to be broken into. There was at that time 〈…〉 Offices of the Church-service done, the Bishop 〈…〉 have executed therein, but it was by all that were 〈…〉 Scotish as others, thought good, and agreed, 〈…〉 be done, at the day, and time of solemnity. Upon 〈…〉 in the afternoon, came to Peterburgh, all the Lords, and Lad●●●, and other Assistants appointed, and at the Bishop's Palace was prepared a great Supper for them, where all at one Table supped in the great Chamber being hanged with Black, where was a State set on the right side thereof of purple Velvet. Upon Tuesday morning, the chief Mourners, Lords, and Ladies, and other Assistants being ready, about ten of the clock they marched from the Hall of the Bishop's Palace, as followeth.  

The Countess of Bedford Chief Mourner.  
The Earl of Rutland.  
The Earl of Lincoln.  
The Countess of Rutland.  
The Countess of Lincoln.  
The Bishop of Peterburgh.  
The Bishop of Lincoln.  
L. Dudley L. Chamberlain.  
L. S. John of Basin L. Stew.  
L. Willoughby of Parham.  
L. Compton.  
L. Mordaunt.  
The Dean of Peterburgh.  
Lady Mordaunt.  
Lady Talbot.  
Lady Dudley.  
Lady S. John of Basin.  
Lady S. John of Bletshoe.  
Lady Mary Savel.  
Lady Cecil.  
Lady Montague.  
Lady Nowell.  
Lady Manors.  
Mrs. Allington as a Lady.  
8. Scotish Gentlewomen.  
Sr. Tho Cecil.  
Sr. Tho. Manors.  
Sr. Edw. Montague.  
Sr. George Hastings.  
Sr. Richard Knightly.  
Sr. Andrew Nowell.  
Sr. George Savel.  
Sr. James Harrington.  
Mr. John Manors as a Knight.  
18. Scotish Gentlemen.  
Divers Esquires with Gent.  
2 Kings at Arms Garter. Clarentius.  
5. Heralds at Arms.  
An hundred poor women.   
The solemnity being settled, the prebend's, and the Choir, which received them at the Church door, sung an Anthem, the Scotish, all, saving Mr. Melvin, departed, and would not tarry at Sermon, or Ceremonies. The Bishop of Lincoln preached, 
Wickham.  out of that 39 Psalm 5, 6, 7 ver. Lord let me know mine end, etc. Who shall gather them, etc. In the Prayer, when he gave thanks for such as were translated out of this vale of misery, he used these words: Let us give thanks for the happy dissolution of the High and Mighty Princess Marry late Queen of Scotland, and Dowager of France, of whose life and death, at this time, I have not much to say, because I was not acquainted with the one, neither was I present at the other: I will not enter into judgement further, but because it hath been signified unto me that she trusted to be saved by the blood of Christ, we must hope well of her Salvation: For, as Father Luther was wont to say, many one that liveth a Papist, dieth a Protestant. In the discourse of his Text, he only dealt with general doctrine of the vanity of all flesh. The Sermon ended, the offering of the Chief Mourner and hatchments were received by the Bishop of Peterburgh, and the offerings of the rest, by the Dean, which ended, the mourners departed; The Ceremony of burial was done by the Dean, the Officers breaking their Staves, and casting them into the vault upon the Coffin: And so they departed to the Bishop's house, where was a great Feast appointed accordingly: The concourse of people was of many thousands, and after dinner the Nobles departed away every one towards his own home. The Master of the Wardrobe paid to the Church for the breaking of the ground in the Choir and making the grave 10l. And for the blacks of the Choir and Church 20l.  
When Cardinal Barbarini, afterwards Pope Vrban 8. wrote his Poem upon this Queen's death, wherein he hath this, Regalique tuum funus honore caret, etc. either he was ignorant of this her manner of interment, or else he undervalved it, as not suitable to her quality.  
This relation was attested in a Church Register by Dean Fletcher himself, subscribing his name thereunto: to which (especially that of the Sermon) we may give more credit than to Martin Mar-Prelate, who, to slander the Bishops of England with Popery in a railing Pamphlet which he entitled an Epistle, charged the Bishop of Lincoln with praying at this solemnity, That his Soul, and the Souls of all the rest there present might be with the Soul of that unrepentant Papist departed. Though the Bishop, as became a charitable Christian, might hope well of her Salvation, yet who but Martin again would accuse him of being so credulous, as to bind up his own Salvation in so confident an assurance of hers?  
Shortly after this interment, there was a table hanged up against the wall, which contained this Inscription. 
Maria Scotorum Regina, Regis filia, Regis Gallorum.  
Vidua, Reginae Angliae Agnata, & Haeres proxima:  
Virtutibus Regiis, & animo Regio ornata, jure Regio  
Frustra saepius implorato, barbara, & tyrannica  
Crudelitate ornamentum nostri seculi, & lumen  
Vere Regium extinguitur: Eodem nefario judicio  
Et Maria Scotorum Regina morte naturali, & omnes  
Superstites Reges, plebeii facti, morte civili mulctantur.  
Novum, & inauditum tumuli genus, in quo, cum vivis  
Mortui includuntur, hic extat: Cum sacris enim Divae  
Mariae cineribus, omnium Regum, atque Principum vio▪  
latam, atque prostratam Majestatem hic jacere scito:  
Et quia tacitum Regale satis superque Reges sui  
Officii monet, plura non addo, Viator.   
Which in English may be rendered thus. Marry Queen of Scots, daughter of a King, Widow of the King of France, Cousin, and next heir to the Queen of England, adorned with Royal virtues, and a Royal mind (the right of Princes being oftentimes in vain implored) by barbarous, and Tyrannical cruelty, the ornament of our age and truly Royal light, is extinguished. By the same unrighteous judgement, both Mary Queen of Scots, with natural death, and all surviving Kings (now made common persons) are punished with civil death. A strange and unusual kind of monument this is, wherein the living are included with the dead: For, with the sacred ashes of this blessed Mary, know, that the Majesty of all Kings, and Princes, lieth here violated, and prostrate. And because Regal secrecy doth enough and more admonish Kings of their duty, Traveller, I say no more.  
This Table continued not long, but was taken away, and cast aside, by whose hand, or order I know not, yet the Royal Ensigns of an Helmet, Sword, and Scutcheon remained to the year 1643. hanging high over the place of her burial, yet did not their height secure them from the storms, which then fell upon this Church, and Monuments.   
After that the body of this Queen had rested in this place the space of 25 years, her Son King James being minded to remove it to Westminster, wrote to the Church of Peterburgh, as followeth.  
JAMES R.  

Rich. Neile.  TRusty, and wellbeloved, we greet you well: for that we think it appertains to the duty we own to our dearest Mother, that like honour should be done to her Body, and like Monument be extant of Her, as to others, Hers, and our Progenitors have been used to be done, and ourselves have already performed to our dear Sister the late Queen Elizabeth, we have commanded a memorial of her to be made in our Church of Westminster, the place where the Kings and Queens of this Realm are usually interred: And for that we think it inconvenient, that the Monument, and Her body should be in several places, we have ordered that her said Body remaining now interred in that our Cathedral Church of Peterburgh shall be removed to Westminster to her said monument: And have committed the care, and charge of the said translation of her body from Peterburgh to Westminster to the Reverend Father in God, our right trusty, and wellbeloved servant the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield bearer hereof, to whom, we require you (or to such as he shall assign) to deliver the Corpse of our said dearest Mother, the same being taken up in as decent, and respectful manner as is fitting. And for that there is a Pall now upon the Hearse over Her Grave, which will be requisite to be used to cover Her said Body in the removing thereof, which may perhaps be deemed as a Fee that should belong to the Church, we have appointed the said Reverend Father to pay you a reasonable redemption for the same; which being done by him, we require you that he may have the Pall to be used for the purpose aforesaid.  
Given under our Signet at our Honour of Hampton Court, the eight and twentieth day of Septemb. in the tenth year of our Reign of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the six and fortieth.  
In obedience to this Letter the Body of the Queen of Scots was taken up the eleventh of October following, in the year of our Lord, 1612. and translated to Westminster, where we shall leave Her, and return to our succession of the Bishops of Peterburgh.  
Howland having been Bishop here the space of 15 years, died at Castor, and was buried in his own Cathedral at the upper end of the Quire. And there succeeded   

49. THOMAS DOVE  
Who was Dean of Norwich, and Chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, who had so good esteem of him for his excellency in preaching, reverend aspect and deportment, that she was wont to call him The Dove with silver wings. He entered upon his Bishopric in the year 1600. and continued therein the space of 30 years. During which time, he was, like S. Paul's Bishop, a lover of Hospitality, keeping a very free house, and having always a numerous Family, yet was he so careful of posterity, that he left a fair estate to his Heirs. He died upon the 30 of August 1630. in the 75 year of his age, and lieth buried in the North cross Isle of the Church. Over his body was erected a very comely Monument of a long quadrangular form, having four corner pilasters supporting a fair Table of black Marble, and, within, the portraiture of the Bishop lying in his Episcopal habit. At the feet on the outside were these Inscriptions. 
Si quaeras, viator, quo hospite glorietur elegans haec mortis domus, ipsa prose loquetur, ipsa pro illo, quae ideo loqui didicit, ut sciant illi qui eò ingratitudinis inhumaniter obriguerunt, ut in manes, in urnas saevire studeant, non defuturam saxis linguam quae doceat de mortuis bene loqui. Vindex hoc, & pium marmor sacros cineres tegit, & sanctiorem memoriam protegit (Charissimum utrumque pignus redituri Domini.) Reverendissimi in Christo Patris Thomae Dove, quem novit Waldenum Ecclesiasten doctissimum, Nordovicum Decanum vigilantissimum, haec ipsa Ecclesia Episcopum piissimum, cui, postquam trigint a annis magno cum honore praefuisset, ad magnum illum animarum Episcopum transmigravit: Bonus pastor translatus ab ovibus in terris ad Agnum in coelis, quocum regnabit in secula. Hoc me loqui voluit Gulielmus Dove, Equ. Aur. Optimi hujus patris filius natu-maximus, honoris, & pietatis  
ergo.  

Carmine non pous est, sat sat praestabit abunde,  
Si sat flere potest officiosus amor.  
Vixt Epitaphium sibi: Te sprevisse (Poeta)  
Quam facile poterit, qui bene vixit? Abi.  
Atque abeo: durum est numeris aptare dolorem  
Atque aequo lachrymas currere posse pede.  
Me muto, tibi non poterunt monumenta deesse,  
Vivum quem soboles tam numerosa refert.  
Hoc addam: Hic illa est senio argentata Columba  
Davidis, coelos hinc petit ille suos.  
Dixi: Musa loquax tanto non apta dolori  
Si non flere satis nostra, silere potest.    
But this Monument was in the year 1643. leveled with the ground, so that Bishop Dove's Epitaph, in stead of Marble, must now live in paper.   

50. WILLIAM PIERCE  
Being Canon of Christ's Church in Oxford, and Dean of Peterburgh, was made Bishop after the death of Dove, and installed Nou. 14. A man of excellent parts, both in Divinity, and knowledge of the Laws: very vigilant and active he was, for the good both of the Ecclesiastical, and Civil State; and had he continued longer in this See, he would have rectified many things then amiss: But he was translated to the Bishopric of Bath and Wells after two years' presidency at Peterburgh.   

51. AUGUSTINE LINDSELL  
Was Dean of Lichfield, and upon the translation of Pierce, made Bishop of this Diocese, being elected December 22. 1632. and installed by Proxy, Febr. 25. following. He was a man of very great learning, and gave sufficient evidence thereof to the Church by setting forth that excellent edition of Theophylact upon. S. Paul's Epistles, which work will make his name & worth live, & be honoured among all learned Divines, Foreign and Domestic. In his time the Parsonage of Castor was annexed to the Bishopric to be held in Commendam, which was effected by W. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, as he left recorded in his Diary. When he had been Bishop here the space of two years, he was translated to Hereford, and shortly after ended his life to the greatloss of the Church of England.   

52. FRANCIS DEE  
Was taken from his Deanery of Chichester, and made Bishop here, being elected April 9 1634. and in May 28. following installed by Proxy. He was a man of very pious life, and affable behaviour. After he had with much diligence and honesty, meekness and hospitality gloriously shined in his Ecclesiastical Orb here the space of four years and six months, he died, much lamented, October 8. 1638. bequeathing by his will towards the reparation of his Cathedral Church the sum of an hundred pounds, and lieth buried in the upper part of the Choir near to his Episcopal Seat.   

53. JOHN TOWERS  
Being Dean of this Church, ascended the other step, and was made Bishop after the death of Dee, being installed March. 8. 1638. He enjoyed his Bishopric in peace a very little while, for presently great dissensions arose betwixt the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland, which occasioned the Bishop's attendance upon the King, both in the North at York, and at London in time of Parliaments, that which was convened, April 13. 1640. and dissolved May 5. following (the Convocation sitting by the King's express Commission until May 29, wherein the new Canons were made) and that also which began the same year, November 3. and was of a far longer continuance: On August 5. this year the great Commission for draining the Fens began to be holden at Peterburgh, the Commissioners sitting in the Bishop's great Hall until the 11. of the same month, the determinations therein being since known by the name of Peterburgh Law. On the third of November following a new Parliament began to sit, Bishop Towers, according to his place, giving attendance there; In the year following arose great opposition against Bishops, as to their Office, and power in having Votes in Parliament, insomuch that many of them apprehending their insecurity in attending upon the House (much opposition meeting them in the way) some of them, to the number of twelve, drew up a Protestation against all such Laws, Orders, Votes, Resolutions, and determinations, as in themselves, null, and of none effect, which in their absence from December 27. 1641. had passed, or should afterwards pass, during the time of their forced absence from the House of Lords: which Protestation so heightened the displeasure against them, that those twelve Bishops were charged with High-Treason, and committed to the Tower. Only Bishop Morton, and B. Hall to the Black Rod. Of those twelve Bishops, 
The other 11 were Williams Archbishop of York. Morton B. of Duresme-Wright B. of Coventry and Lichfield. Owen B. of Asaph. Pierce B. of Bath and Wells. Cook B. of Hereford. Skinner B. of Oxf. Wren. B. of Ely. Owen B. of Landaffe. Goodman B. of Gloucester. Hall B. of Norwich.  John Towers Bishop of Peterburgh was one, continuing under restraint some 4 or 5 months, and being enlarged, returned to his bare Palace of Peterburgh, where (although his revenues were taken away yet) he enjoyed but little quiet, or security, being continually alarmed by threaten and molestations which caused him to fly to Oxford, than the King's Garrison, under which shelter he continued until it was surrendered to Sir Thomas Fairfax, and then, (on June 29. 1646.) Bishop Towers came again to his own dwelling at Peterburgh. But than did other troubles draw nearer to him, sicknesses and diseases, which prevailed upon him until they had brought him to his dissolution, which happened January 10. 1648. twenty days before his great Master King Charles, and he was buried the day following in the Grave of Abbot Henricus de Morcot, as hath been said before.  
His eminency in his Bishopric was more illustrious by his being passive than active in the dispensation of his Office, the times not digesting such zeal in the way of conformity to the Church of England, as he was endowed withal: yet did he Preach as oft as occasion required, wherein he was so excellently qualified, as that he had but few equals, and fewer superiors in his time.  
He was earnest in his zeal to the house of God, a testimony whereof he gave long before he had relation to the Church of Peterburgh, which I have heard from his own mouth, and it was this: King James using to visit Castle-Ashby, the Seat and Mansion of the Earls of Northampton, where Dr. Towers was Parson, It was the custom of those household Officers which belonged to the Wardrobe, to use the Chancel of the Parish-Church for a Wardrobe, King James not knowing any thing thereof: Dr. Towers being to Preach before the King, in his Sermon spoke something in signification thereof, which King James apprehending, and laying up, he questioned Dr. Towers presently after Sermon about it. D. Towers acquainting him with the abuse, and that he thought himself bound in conscience to say what he had said: The King was so far from being displeased, that he thanked him for his honest boldness, and gave order for the remedying of that abuse. Presently after the death of Bishop Towers, the purchasers of his Episcopal Palace began to demolish it, and the first place they laid their hands on, was the Chapel, Jan. 29.  
John Towers being dead, the Church of Peterburgh continued under an Inter-Episcopate for the space of a dozen years (although the Bishop was made but a cipher some years before) until it pleased the Sun of Divine mercy to dispel that black cloud which had so long Eclipsed the glory both of Church and State, by the happy, (and never to be forgotten) restauration of His Sacred Majesty King Charles the Second, to his just Rights, who out of His pious care for this Church, appointed   

54 BENJAMIN LANY  
Dr. in Divinity, Dean of Rochester, and Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, whose election was November 20. 1660. and Installation Decemb. 21. His Presidency here was not long, nor his Hand short in expressing its benevolence towards the repairing of the Cathedral Church. His removal was to the Bishopric of Lincoln, 1662. And his Successor   

55. JOSEPH HENSHAW  
Dr. in Divinity, and Dean. of Chichester was elected April 15. 1663. and Installed May 28. being Ascension day.  
Thus having set down the Succession of the Abbots, and Bishops of this Cathedral Church, we shall now apply ourselves to the other Ecclesiastic Government, viz. The Dean and Chapter, which K. Henry founded at the dissolution of Abbeys.   

This he constituted of a Dean, and six Prebendaries, to be exempt from the Bishop of Lincoln, and his Jurisdiction, and also distinct from the Bishop of Peterburgh, and to be an entire Ecclesiastical Corporation of themselves. Their temporal jurisdiction in such Manors, Lands and Rents as were assigned to them, was like that of the Abbots formerly, as their Successors therein. To the Dean and prebend's, all other Officers and Members were subordinate, and this was the Original Constitution and foundation of the whole.  
The Dean l. s. d. Six Prebendaries Priests l. s. d. Eight Petty Canons l. s. d. 
These were afterwards taken away, the King releasing them for Stanwigge and Polebrook.  Four Students in Divinity l. s. d. Eight Clerks, or singing-men, l. s. d. An Epistoler l. s. d. A Ghospeller l. s. d. Two Sextons l. s. d. Eight Choristers l. s. d. A Master of Choristers l. s. d. Twenty Scholars at the Grammar School l. s. d. Six Alms-men or Beadsmen l. s. d. The Head-Master of the Grammar-School l. s. d. The Usher l. s. d. A Yearly distribution in Alms. l. s. d. For the Yearly reparation of the Cathedral l. s. d. 
This was taken off in time of K Edw. 6.  For making and mending of Highways. l. s. d. A Steward of the Lands l. s. d. Auditor of the Accounts l. s. d. Two Porters, l. s. d. Principal Cook l. s. d. Under-Cook l. s. d. Butler l. s. d. Purveyor l. s. d. Receiver of the Rents l. s. d. For extraordinary expenses Yearly l. s. d. Organist l. s. d. Subdean l. s. d. Sub-Treasurer l. s. d. Chantor l. s. d. Two Councillors in Law l. s. d. Solicitor l. s. d. Register l. s. d. Principal Steward l. s. d. Keeper of the Cloak. l. s. d.  
These were the Officers and dependants of this Church, amongst which the Revenues were to be distributed. But I have not yet met with any Authentic Copy for all these, save only the Dean and six Prebendaries. The rest I find in several Transcripts, which vary one from another, that whether they were all fixed by authority, or some left to the discretion of the Governors of the Church, to be changed as occasion served, I cannot justly say.  
The Lands and Rents assigned to this foundation were, first, the whole site or bounds of the Monastery (excepting such as were allotted to the Bishop) wherein were many dwelling houses assigned to several places, as to the Dean, Prebendaries, and Churchmen such as performed daily service in the Church, which were set forth by the King's Commission bearing date, July 20. 1541. The Revenues for the Dean and Chapter, with such offices and places as were subordinate were these.  

In Northamptonshire.   l. s. d.  Manor of Peterburgh rated Yearly at 127 07 00 ob. Manor of Longthorp 41 16 11 q. Manor of Castre 51 10 07 q. Manor of Sutton 17 00 4  Manor of Glinton and Peikirk 63 15 00  Manor of Maxey 19 04 00  Manor of Northburgh 07 08 01  Manor of Stamford S. Martin's 18 11 03 ob. Manor of Irtlingburgh 33 05 11 ob. Manor of Stanwigge 25 08 00 ob. Manor of Polebrook 40 08 01 ob. q. 
Leicestershire.   l. s. d.  Manor of Eston and Bringhurst 92 06 01 q. 
Lincolnshire.   l. s. d.  Manor of Fiskerton 68 15 03 ob. Manor of Repham, Scothern, Sudbrook 40 09 10  Manor of Scotter 49 04 06  Manor of Walcot 06 18 01  Manor of Grantham 00 12 08  Stamford beyond the Bridge 00 07 00  Boston 00 10 00  Manor of Careby 00 07 00  Liberty or Hundred of Scotter 03 08 04  
Nottinghamshire.   l. s. d.  Manor of North-Collingham and South-Coll. 85 19 5  
Huntingtonshire.    l. s. d.  Manor of Botolphbridge, and Overton 07 12 00  Manor of Alwalton  39 10 05   Sum. total. 811 16 01 q.  

Out-Rents in other places not comprehended in the former values.  Fishing in Wittlesmere 03 13 04 Fishing in Woland 01 13 04 Fishing in the Water of Vpwell Com. Norf. 00 02 04 Fishing in the River Nene 07 00 00  

Advowsons' and Presentations of Churches belonging to the Dean, and Chapter.  Peikirk, Northburgh, Stanwigge, Alwalton, Fiskerton, Irtlingburgh, All-Saints, Vicaridges of Maxey, North-Collingham, Bringhurst. 
Stanwigge Parsonage was afterwards taken away with the Manor.   

Portions or Pensions from several Churches.  Castre 05 00 00 Peikirk 01 18 00 Northburgh 00 10 00 Bernack 05 10 00 Irtlingburgh 01 13 04 Stanwigge 01 16 08 South-Collingham 01 00 00 Polebrook 01 00 00 Fiskerton 00 15 00 Scotter 02 00 00 Careby 00 07 00 Thornhaw 00 03 00 ufford 00 16 08 Woodford, and Stoke Doile 02 08 08  

Churches Appropriate.  Maxey, Eston, North-Collingham.  
In these Lands the Dean and Chapter of Peterburgh enjoyed such privileges as commonly Lords of Manors used to do. Yet was there one special privilege which the Abbots from ancient times enjoyed, and executed, and by the Grant of King Henry, and also by Queen Elizabeth, January 29. and third of her Reign, confirmed unto the Dean and Chapter a Privilege known of late days by the name of Non molestandum, that is, a freedom from payment of Tolls and Customs in all Fairs, Markets, passages of Bridges, Ways, Ports, in and without the Realm of England. This the Dean and Chapter of Peterburgh had power to grant to their Tenants, and there are some living, who reap benefit by this Non molestandum; at this very day; this privilege having been granted unto them, when the Dean and Chapter were in power so to do: And whosoever should act contrary to this Privilege, was to incur the penalty of ten pounds. And by her general Inspeximus bearing date July 9 in the ninth year of her Reign Anno 1567. she confirmed all the Lands and Privileges of this Church.  
What Religious care the late King Charles had for the augmentation of the Dean and Prebendaries, with other Stipendiaries belonging to this Church, shall be seen in the close of our Appendix.  
The Succession of this Ecclesiastical body from the first Constitution thereof by King Henry, was thus, the first in each being particularly nominated in King Henry's Charter.  

DEANS.  
1 Francis Abree, Prior of Northampton, Bachelor in Divinity, was made Dean 1541.  
2 Gerard Carlton, Bachelor in Divinity, 1543.  
3 James Curtop, Master of Arts.  
4 John Boxhall, Doctor of Law.  
5 William Latimer, Doctor in Divinity 1560. In his time the Cathedral was by a great Peer begged of Queen Elizabeth to build him an House, upon Information to the Queen that it was ruinous, and no Prayers said therein: but Dean Latimer recovered it by the Queen's favour, upon better Information.  
6 Richard Fletcher, Doctor in Divinity 1585. translated hence to the Bishopric of Bristol, thence to Worcester, thence to London.  
7 Thomas Nevil, Doctor in Divinity 1590. first Master of Magdalen-Colledge, and after of Trinity-college in Cambridge, where he built that stately back Court commonly known by his Name.  
8 John Palmer, Doctor in Divinity 1598. was Master of Magdalen-Colledge in Cambridge.  
9 Richard Cleyton Doctor in Divinity 1608. first Master of Magdalen-Colledge in Cambridge, then of S. John's.  
10 George Meriton, Doctor in Divinity 1612.  
11 Henry Beaumont, Doctor in Divinity 1616.  
12 Guil. Pierce, Dr. in Divinity, Canon of Christ-Church in Oxford, made Dean 1622. translated to the Bishopric of Peterburgh, afterwards to Bath and Wells.  
13 John Towers, Doctor in Divinity 1630. translated to the Bishopric of this Church.  
14 Thomas Jackson, Doctor in Divinity 1638. Precedent of Corpus-Christi College in Oxford. He liveth, and will live in his learned Works to the World's end.  
15 John Cousin, Doctor in Divinity 1640. Master of S. Peter's College in Cambridge, preferred to the Bishopric of Durham.  
16 Edward Rainbow, Doctor in Divinity, and Master of Magdalen-Colledge in Cambridge, installed Dean of this Church, Jan. 5. 1660. Advanced to the Bishopric of Carlisle, to which he was consecrated July 10. 1664.  
17 James Duport, Doctor in Divinity, of Trinity-college in Cambridge, Installed July 27. following.   
The Succession of the Prebendaries was as followeth.  

In the first PREBEND.  
Matthew Whittall, D. D. A secular Priest.  
Howeton.  
Peter.  
Anthony Burton, M. A.  
Robert Rhodes, B. D.  
William Bayly, B. D.  
William Smith, B. D.  
Tobias Bland, B. D. Sub-Almoner to Q. Eliz. and Parson of Abbot Rippon, Com. Hunt.  
John Bridgeman, D. D. removed to the Bishopric of Chester.  
John Williams, D. D. removed to the Bishopric of Lincoln. 
October. 11. 1621. He wrote himself John Lincoln elect C. Sigilli, whilst he was Prebendary here.   
Thomas Swift, B. D. Parson of Waddington, Com. Lincoln.  
Simon Gunton, M. A. Cambr.   

In the second PREBEND.  
William Judd, B. D. A Monk of the place.  
Edwin Sands, D. D.  
William Binsley, L. D.  
Edwin Sands, restored, being ejected by Q. Mary, or withdrawing himself, as others did in her days.  
Nicolas Shepherd, D. D.  
William Hill, M. A.  
Edward Lively.  
Robert Williamson, D. D. Parson of Tichmarsh Com. Northampton.  
Robert Williamson, D. D. Fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon.  
John Howorth, B. D. Precedent of Magd. Coll. Cantabr. afterwards D. D. and Mr. of the same College.  
William Henchman, M. A. Parson of Barton Com. Northampton. Cambr.   

In the third PREBEND.  
Robert Pierson, T. B. A Monk of the place.  
Christopher Hodgson, B. A.  
Edward Baker, Cler.  
James Howland, M. A.  
William Bayly, B. D.  
Edward Marshal, T. B. Parson of Wimple Com. Cantab.  
Warner Martial, M. A. Parson of Castor.  
Sebastian Smith, M. A. Oxon.  
Abraham Jackson, M. A.  
William Louch, M. A. Oxon.   

In the fourth PREBEND.  
John Barlow, M. A.  
Nicolas Murrey, L. B.  
Miles Johnson,  
James Ellis, L. D.  
Richard Cleyton, D. D.  
Richard Cleyburne, D. D.  
John Pocklyngton, D. D.  
William Towers, B. D. Oxon.  
Thomas Greaves, D. D.   

In the fifth PREBEND.  
John Cheyney Prior,  
Pollard, B. D.  
Richard Kay. B. D.  
Thurstane Murry.  
Nicolas Brown, B. D.  
Henry Williamson, B. D.  
Thomas Dove, M. A. Archdeacon of Northampton.  
Henry Smith, D. D. Mr. of Magd. Coll. Cambr.  
William Halls, M. A.   

In the sixth PREBEND.  
Richard White, A Monk of the place.  
Isham, M. A.  
William Binsley.  
Robert Johnson, B. D.  
Richard Smith, B. D.  
John Aungier, L. D.  
Robert Summer, M. A. now Parson of Northburgh.  
John Wyldbore, M. A. Parson of Wittering.  
Thomas Lany, B. D.  
John Whitehall.   
I have now no more to do to the body of our story but to present the Reader with a relation of some few Monuments with their Inscriptions, not yet mentioned, and then the story of this Church will arrive at its period.   

But before I give the relation of the Monuments of this Church, I shall let the Reader know when, and by whom they were destroyed. In the year 1643. the Town of Croyland was, by the inhabitants thereof, made a Garrison for the King, which they had great reason to do, not only to show themselves good Subjects, but good Tenants, they holding their Lands of him. In the month of April, on the 18 day, came the Parliament-Forces to Peterburgh in order to the besieging of Croyland, and here having settled themselves in their Quarters, they fell to execute their fury upon the Cathedral, destroying all things as the malicious Eye of each Sectarian Varlet prompted him to do mischief, beating down the Windows, defacing the Monuments, tearing the Brass from Grave-stones, plundering of Vestments, Records, and whatsoever else came to hand, which nothing could resist: Their Commanders, of whom Cromwell was one, if not acting, yet not restraining the Soldiers in this heat of their fury.  
But some two or three days after, a finger of divine vengeance touched Cromwell, (although his rabble and he would not see it). For, being at that time quartered in the house of Mr. Cervington, commonly called the Vineyard, at the East end of the Cathedral, out of the Court of which dwelling, there was a passage into the Churchyard (which since is mured up) ascending by 3 or 4 Stone-steps, Cromwell, (as others did) riding up those steps, his Horse fell under him, and rising suddenly under the lintels of the door, dashed his head against the lintels, so that he fell to the ground as dead, was so carried into the house, and it was about a fortnight ere he could be recovered: those who were eye-witnesses affirmed that the blow raised splinters in his Scalp near a finger's length. But yet the siege of Croyland went on, and on the 28 of April the Town was taken, on the 5 of May. Cromwell with his Forces marched to Stamford, and other places, leaving the abomination of desolation in this Church behind them. And now I shall give an account of such Monuments as were in the Church before their coming, and have been added since.   

I shall begin at the Nave, or body of the Church, where I shall omit such as are broken, and worn out, as not to be completely rendered: Many also as bear only names, and dates of burial, which will give but little content to any that should read them.  
As you enter into the Church, high above, on the left hand, stands the figure of R. Scarlet once a Sexton of this Church, one that was famous in his generation, as may be collected by what is under written.  
You see old Scarlet's picture stand on high,  
But at your feet there doth his body lie.  
His grave-stone doth his age, and death time show,  
His Office by these tokens you may know.  
Second to none for strength, and sturdy Limb,  
A scare-babe mighty voice, with visage grimm:  
He had interred two Queens within this place;  
And this towns Householders in his live space,  
Twice over: But at length his own turn came,  
What he for others did, for him the same  
Was done: No doubt his Soul doth live for ay  
In Heaven, though here his body clad in clay.  
Joining to a Pillar on the Northside stood a comely Font, the water whereof, though it purged many, yet it could not purge this Vessel, in the opinion of those that broke it down, 1643.  
Against the Cloister door are some ancient Inscriptions, only this perfect, besides that of Garton formerly mentioned in Abbot Richard Ashton.  
Aswalton natus jacet hic Henricus humatus.  
Presbyter ornatus, cui solvas Christe reatus.  
Something beyond towards the upper end, lieth a fair marble of late adorned with the figure of the deceased, in Brass, and on a 
Edward 3. Anno 46.  Plate round about, Hic jacet tumulatus Robertus de Thorp Miles, 
There was one Sir W. Thorpe, L. Chief Justice of the King's Bench, who for Bribery was condemned to be hanged. Anno Edw. 3. 24. 22. y. before this Robert.  quondam Cancellarius Domini Regis Angliae, qui obiit vicesimo nono die Junii, Anno Domini Millesimo, trecentesimo, septuagesimo secundo, Cujus animae propitietur Deus, Amen.  
By his side is another fair Marble which carried this Inscription, Hic jacet tumulatus—— miles, filius Domini Willielmi de Thorpe, qui moriebatur apud Tou'ton Wat'vyle die Jovis, xo. die Augusti, Anno Domini Millesimo, trecentesimo LXXV. Cujus animae propitietur Deus.  
On the left hand is a Marble bearing the figure of a cross legged Knight, after the manner of the Templars with a dog at his feet; lately the Brass was divorced from the Marble; and Senour Gascelin de Marham stripped of his Monumental bravery.  
A little above, Here lieth the Body of William Leafield sometimes 
Edwardi 3. Anno 49.  Inhabitant of this City who departed this life, January 22. Anno Domini 1625.  
Near unto, lieth one that was taken away in his budding, his name and quality may be seen in the Inscription.  

Robertus Carrier  
Subter, & Supra.   
Anno Dom. 1651. Aetat. 19 Grad. Bacc. 1. Novemb. 24.  
Not far from this is one later, who may be mentioned as another Siphrah both in function and piety. Here lieth the Body of Jane Parker, the wife of Valentine Parker, She departed this life, Sept. 19 day, 1653.  
Here lieth a Midwife brought to bed,  
Deliveresse delivered;  
Her body being churched here,  
Her Soul thanks gives in yonder Spheer.  
A little higher, lieth a fair Marble which acts the second part of Niobe, weeping for many figures of Brass which it hath lately forgone, if the Inscription may be thought worth the weeping for.  

Siste gradum, mortale meum speculare Sepulchrum,  
Hic ego qui jaceo sum genus ecce tuum.  
Frater Willimi Ramsey venerabilis olim  
Istius Abbatis hic in honore loci.  
Petriburgh Bayly Killire vocor ipse Johannes,  
Mecum sponsa jacet ecce Johanna mea.  
Tot mihi sunt nati, mihi sunt nataeque puellae  
Willimus, Thomas, Willimus, & ipse Johannes,  
Walt'rus, Richardus, Thomas, Agnes mihi Marga,  
Grata fit proles ac Katherina mihi.  
Orate, precor, nos omnes ut Deus ipse  
Salvet ab inferno: Pactus fuit en lapis iste   
1489. April. 19  
The Epitaph of W. Ramsey Abbot near adjoining, hath been related already, only be it added, that his Rebus on a plate of Brass was a Ram carrying a W. and say written over, which was William Ramsey.  
At the upper end of the South Isle, was an effigies of Brass fastened to a Marble with an Inscription thus, Hic jacet Johannes de Harwedon quondam Senescallus Burgi, Cujus animae propitietur Deus, Amen.  
On either side, betwixt the two foremost Pillars, were two Chapels, but oblivion hath sequestered them from our account. Proceed we now to the Choir, but by the way a small Inscription stays our foot, in the passage. Hic jacet Jornandes de Tringham Prior hujus loci: Cujus animae propitietur Deus. Amen.  
The Choir presents nothing legible in the pavement, more than what hath been already mentioned: only the wooden sides did very lately retain some memorial of their ancient ornaments, both paintings and writings, though their defects be now supplied with the gilded ceiling of the Lady's Chapel. It was (as hath been said) in the time of Abbot W. of Watervile near five hundred years since, ordered as we have lately known it, and the fashion of both Pictures and Letters, might plead such antiquity. For the Paintings, they were not to be commended, neither here, nor in other places of the Church, for it hath long since been found 
Peatham in his Complete Gent. Treat. of drawing, and limning, Cap. 17.  fault with, that in Peterburgh-Minster, you may see Saint Peter painted, his head very near, or altogether as big as his middle. Their Subject was Scripture stories, and underneath Latin Distiches, some whereof (though somewhat different) were written in the windows of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, as the 
W. Summoner in his Survey of Canterb. p. 385.  Surveyor thereof hath left Recorded. Many of these Verses are perished with age, these were lately legible.  
Under the Picture of the Prophet Isaias, 
En pariet, & concipiet, sic fert Isayas,  
Virgo Deum, semper inviolata manens.   
Under Moses' Bush. 
Non ardens ardere rubus: non tacta videtur  
Virginitas tangi, dum parit absque pari.   
Under Gedeon's fleece. 
Virginitas vellus, Verbum ros, arida tellus  
Est caro virginea: Conca quid? Ecclesia.   
Under the Pictures of Mary and Elizabeth. 
Plaude puerperio, virgo vetulae, quia vero  
Obviat hic pietas, veteri dat lex nova metas.   
Another by it. 
Oscula justitiae dat pax cognata Mariae,  
Applaudet Regi praecursor, gratia legi.   
Under Araon's rod budding. 
Vt contra morem dat amygdalus arida florem,  
Sic Virgo puerum verso parit ordine rerum.   
Under Nabuchadnezzar dreaming. 
Vt Regi visus lapis est de monte recisus,  
Sic gravis absque viro Virgo parit ordine miro.  These on the Southside: On the Northside were these to be read.  
Under Boaz. 
Tingere consuluit buccellam Booz in aceto  
Ruth: Thomas Christi palpat & ipse latus.   
Under the Prophet Habakkuk. 
Abaccuc solemn cernit sublime levatum,  
Coelos ascendit Christus, eosque regit.   
Under the fire descending upon the Sacrifice. 
Ignis de coelo descendens, en holocausta  
Devorat: & sacris Spiritus ecce venit.   
Under the Picture of David. 
Iste propheta David Dominum reverenter adorat,  
Vt confirmentur optima dona Dei.   
Both these sides of the Choir were adorned after an old decent manner, with hang of Tapestry formerly mentioned in the Inventory, but in the year 1643. they were taken away, and dispersed.  
Towards the upper end of the Choir, on the South side, a little above the Monument of Abbot John, there is a comely structure of white Chalk-stone, being alike on both sides, but it is not known what it was raised for, unless conjecture may pass it for a Monument of one Reginald Lolworth who lieth buried by it, in the South Isle, on whose stone this Verse is legible, Hic jacet egregius Lolworth Reginaldus humatus.  
The rest is worn out. But who this Reginald was I know no more than the stone, whereon the word Egregius is much abated by oblivion of the Person.  
But the greatest ornament of the Choir (and indeed of the whole Church) was the High Altar, a structure of stone most tightly carved, and beautified with gilding and painting; it was ascended unto by about a dozen steps, and from its basis reared after the manner of a comely wall some six foot high, upon which were several curious Pilasters supporting a fair arched Roof whereon were three goodly Spires reaching almost to the top of the Church, the whole frame dilating itself to each side, all gilded and painted, saving some void plain places, which were anciently filled up with Plates of silver, as hath been mentioned in the Inventory. I wish I could present the Reader with the Effigies of it, as Mr. Somner hath done that in the Cathedral of Canterbury.  
But were it never so glorious and beautiful to the eye, for that it had been built and used in times of Popery, and superstition, it was adjudged criminous enough so as to deserve demolition.  
The Altar or Table itself was a goodly freestone, which was long since removed, and laid in the pavement adjoining, and a Table of wood set in its place, notwithstanding which change, the Abbot's Chair of stone adjoining to the South end, suffered no alteration, but continued to our times. It was, as tradition hath derived it to us, the representative of S. Peter's Chair, where the Abbot himself sat at appointed times.  
But must an honest Convert be hanged because he was once a Thief? must a regenerate person be damned because he was once carnal? might no reformation, purgation, or alienation of this Altar to a more honest, and better use (as Altars in the Primitive times of Christianity were) reprieve it from the violent hands of an enraged multitude? yet it would not: for in the year 1643 it was beaten down to the lowest base of plain work, and so stood as a deformed spectacle some eight years, and then 1651. a private person disliking it because there was not a through reformation, it was ordered that the remainder, with the whole mound whereon it was erected, should be leveled with the pavement of the Quire.  

Ovid. Met. 2.  Now, as was said of Phaëtons overthrowing the Chariot of the Sun, Aliquis malo fuit usus in illo, There was some good from that evil, for the world had the more light: So the removal of this Altar brought something to light which had long been concealed: viz. a certain Iron like the Beam of a Balance passing through that part of the Altar to the Abbot's Chair, which for what use it served, I cannot say. On the right hand, that is, on the South side, appeared these two Verses written on the Wall in ancient Saxon Letters, now to be seen.  
Partus, & integritas, discords tempore longo  
Virgins in gremio foedera pacis habent.  
On the other side also in two hollow places of the Wall were found two Chests of about three foot long a piece, in each of which were the bones of a Man, and of whom appeared by a Plate of Lead in each Chest, whereon the name of the person was engraven; in the one was Elfricus, on the other Kynsius, both which had been Arch-Bishops of York, and being dead, their bodies were interred in the Monastery of Peterburgh, where formerly they had been Monks.  
In those time, Epitaphs, and Inscriptions on the outside of Monuments, were, either not yet, or, not commonly used, but a plate of Lead was put into the Coffin having the name of the deceased party, and so it was done to Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury, as Matthew Paris witnesseth. 
Ad ann. 1527.   
But Elfricus, and Kynsius could not have their repositories so short, from the beginning, but it is probable they had a removal, from under ground to lie above ground, in this Wall so near the Altar; their first places of Sepulture being not thought fit to contain them any longer. The place of Elfricus burial I cannot tell, but for Kynsius, I have heard my Father who was well read in the Antiquities of this Church, say, that the Marble Monument now lying on the Northside of the Choir, was his. It bears the Portraiture of a shaved Monk lying on the top.  
Beyond the Choir, the most Eastern part of the Church, is the New Building erected by Abbot Robert Kirton, as hath been said. The windows therein are fair, and lately beautified with painted glass, which contained no great matter worthy of recital, save only the pictures of Saints, largely expressed.  
In the South end of this building lie many of the family of Ormes interred, Sir Humphrey Orme, Frances his Lady with their Children. In the Wall adjoining was placed a fair and comely Monument, with their Statues: which Monument was first erected upon the burial of a virtuous Gentlewoman of the same name, born in Sommersetshire, whom Humphrey, the eldest Son of Sir Humphrey, had taken to Wife, who, though by her Marriage she changed not her name, yet she did her Country, and here died. Under her Figure was written this Epitaph. 
Mistake not, Reader, I thee crave,  
This is an Altar, not a Grave,  
Where Fire raked up in Ashes lies,  
And Hearts are made the sacrifice  
Till time and truth, her worth, and fame,  
Revive her embers to a flame.   
I cannot tell, whether this Monument fared the worse for the Statues, or the word Altar in the Epitaph, but it was defaced, And Sir Humphrey Orme, his Lady, and eldest Son, lived to see the death of what was erected to continue their memories after death.  
Near towards the midst of this building, lieth interred the body of Frances, Wife to Dr. John Cousin Dean of this Church, who died (not long after her Childbirth) March 25. 1642. A Gentlewoman well deserving a Monument to perpetuate her name, and memory, for which purpose her honoured Husband made some progress in one upon the pavement with black and white Marble checkered, but before it could be completed on the Wall, by a Statue or Inscription, it was blasted by an Eastern wind. The day of her burial was remarkable in this, that, whilst the Child (a Daughter Christened Anne) was at the Font to be Baptised, the Mother lay by upon the Bier to be carried presently to her Grave. A pretty accident (if we may call it an accident) fell out the day before. It being the Eve of the Annunciation, (and none making the least question but that this Gentlewoman was in a fair way of recovery after her delivery, and all things prepared for the Christening of the Child) the Chanter, whose Office it was to appoint the Anthems, appointed to be sung that part of the Burial-Service Composed by Mr. Wilkinson, I am the Resurrection, etc. Dean Cousin, being then at Church, and having the Anthem brought him, asked the Chanter, why he appointed this Anthem? The Chanter replied, It is a good Anthem and you have not yet heard it. The next morning this Gentlewoman died, and that day the same Anthem was sung again at her Burial. Dean Cousin afterwards observed the Omen.  
As you pass out of this building on the Northside of the Church there was lately a passage into the now demolished Ladies Chapel, in which passage was a little Chapel on the right hand, Arched over with Stone, having a fair East-window, and on the Northside little windows looking into the Lady's Chapel: Over head, were two Chambers, which common tradition hath told, to have been the habitation of a devout Lady, called Agnes, or Dame Agnes, out of whose Lodging-Chamber there was a hole made a-skew in the window walled up, having its prospect just upon the Altar in the Lady's Chapel, and no more. It seems she was devout in her generation, that she chose this place for her retirement, and was desirous that her eyes, as well as ears, might wait upon her public Devotions. I could never yet see any Record to inform me who this Dame Agnes was: And surely, this Church owes the world a better account of her than I can give, in regard she was a great Benefactoress to it, giving that, which at this day is commonly known by the Name of Dame Agnes Wood, not far from Peterburgh. Over against this, on the left hand, was a little Chapel, but what, or whose, we cannot say.  
In the Lady's Chapel were many fair Gravestones, but few Inscriptions, only these. Hic jacet Helena nomine English quondam uxor, Willielmi Gunton, quae obiit 9 Octobris 1613.  
Near unto this was buried Simon English, who was of great esteem in his generation, for a Schoolmaster, under whom the late famous, and learned Antiquary Sir Robert Cotton and many others of his time, and quality, received education. The Inscription in Brass upon his Monument, was this. Simoni English Archididascalo Petriburgi celeberrimo Epiphaniae die, Anno Domini 1592. mortuo, Discipulus Thomas Green Hieronymi filius, Gratitudinis ergo, posuit.  
The Eastern window of this Lady's Chapel was the fairest, and goodliest in all the Church, scarce a fairer in any other Cathedral. It was adorned with painted glass, containing many stories, amongst the rest, of Julian the Apostate, and these two Verses. 
Cuspide Mercurii Julianus Apostata caesus  
Vincis, ait, vincis, heu, Nazarene potens.   
At the West end of this Chapel were two small Chapels of wooden enclosure, in one of which (the Northern anciently the Chapel of S. John the Baptist) are interred the bodies of Christopher Swinscoe Gent. and Alice his Wife, their Monument of Marble is still extant, but the Inscription lost.  
This Alice was a good Benefactoress to the poor of the Town. In this Chapel I have often seen a Stone in the pavement, hollowed like a shallow Platter, which tradition hath said to have been so worn by the frequent kneeling of a devout person thereon, which might be, it being at that end which was next to the Lady's Chapel. But now that stone is gone.  
In a Pillar near, was a pretty small Monument of John Aungier Dr. of Law and Prebendary of this Church, but this Pillar could not support the Monument longer than 1643. Near adjoining to this Pillar, was the Chapel of S. James.  
Now we are in the North Cross Isle, where W. Paris, who (as hath been said) built the Lady's Chapel, and Bishop Dove, are interred. At the North end of this Isle was a Monument of wood affixed to the Wall, letting survivers know that it was in remembrance of Richard Worm, whose quality and condition may appear by the copious Inscriptions thereon.  
Richardus Worm Armiger, natus in hac urbe Petriburgensi, primo bonis literis, & artibus liberalioribus instructus, In Accademia Cantabrigiensi Magister Artium evasit, legibus deinde, & civilibus, & municipalibus dans operam, earum professione, patriam, amicos, seipsum & juvit, & ornavit plurimum: Qui post decursum 59 annorum, Domino animam tradidit 13. Maii, 1589.  

Quod cernis parvo tumulo consurgere saxum  
Hospes nunc Wormi contegit ossa mei.  
Jure fuit, studiisque valens, subsellia legum  
Saepe patrociniis personuere suis.  
Sed non immunem fati fecêre Camaenae;  
Quique aliis cavit, non cavet ipse sibi:  
Et didicit binas qui leges calluit ante  
Tertia jam fati jura subire sui.  
Quod potuit fecit vivus, promptusque petenti,  
Quae potuit patriae commoda far, tulit.  
Et miseris mitis succurrit, donec egenis  
Qui dare consueverat, vermibus esca fuit.  
Et vermes pascit meritò, qui vermis & ipse  
Natura factus, nomine dictus erat.  
Interea vivit, superas subvectus ad auras,  
Et fruitur Christo spiritus ipse suo.  
Sic, & mortuus hic, & vivus pendet ab illo  
Pendens qui pro illo de cruse membr a dedit.   

Allusio ad nomen Worm.  
Vermis edat vermem? Credas: cum vermibus ecce est  
Vermis: sic Vermis vermibus esca manet.  
Vermis edat Vermem? haud credas, non vermibus ipse est  
Vermis, nec Vermis vermibus esca manet.  
Sic est, sic non est, verum est hunc esse beatum  
Vermibus absque suis, vermibus absque suis.   

Allusio ad dictionem suam, Veritati adhaereto.  
Worm quasi verum, sicque sonat, sic nomen, & omen.  
Worm verum verè dictio vera dedit.  
Dictio non dispar, vix est ubi littera dispar  
Worm bene sic verum, qui posuit, posuit.  
Haesit Worm vero (parilis conjunctio veri est)  
Worm haesit verum, dictio parque pari est.   

Fuit Worm.  
Qui fuit, est, erit ut fuerat, Divina voluntas  
Cum voluit fieri, sic voluit fieri.   
In the same Isle upon the Pavement are these two Memorials written upon their Grave-stones. 
Christus Rogeri Clyff dignetur misereri  
In Burgo natique Prioris, & hic tumulati.   
The other, 
Hic William natus Pightesle quiescit humatus  
Facta prioratus claustro rexit monachatus  
Sit prece salvatus Petri, coeloque locatus.   
At the South end of this North Isle, near the Choir, is a Vault descending into the ground by stairs of Stone, and at the bottom a low arched passage going under the Church, wherein any might go some five or six yards, and there find the way stopped with the fall of the Earth over head, but how far further this Vault went, or to what end it was first made, I could never learn. Haply it might lead to some penitential Purgatorian place; or like Mortimor's hole at Nottingham, be a subterraneous passage to some other buildings which are now perished.  
Step we now over the Choir to the South cross Isle, and there we shall see on the North end of it next the Choir, the Chapel of the Trinity, and three little Chapels on the East side, the first of S. Oswald where the Heart of Abbot Robert Sutton was buried, the second of S. Benedict, the other of S. Kyneburga, who probably was here buried upon her removal from her Church of Castor.  
The pavement presents but one Monumental Stone of William Exton Prior, the Plate of Brass accompanied his fellows in the Monumental year of this Churches Monuments. The Inscription was this, 
Hic Wilihelmus erat Prior Exton, philosophator  
Nobilis ex genere, generis quoque nobilitator   
Ingulphus makes mention of Radinus the great Earl of Hereford, who married Godda sister to King Edward, that he was buried at Burgh, but in what place of the Church, is not known.  
On the West side of this Isle stands the Chapter house, where the Church Records were kept, and slept securely until 1643. when they were roughly awakened, or rather cast into a deeper sleep of oblivion, most of them being torn, and the rest dispersed, to the great prejudice of the knowledge of this Churches ancient affairs, and particularly of this our Story. Anciently this place was the Chapel of the Ostrie: As for the old Chapterhouse that was in the Eastern Cloister, a goodly building, founded by King Peada, but now demolished: In it were buried three of the Abbots, but no Inscriptions to inform us which they were; their Marble stones with their Portraitures or Statues tightly carved on them are now to be seen removed into the South Isle, not far off in this Isle is to be read towards the Cloister door, Hic jacet Georgius Fraunceys Monachus & natus in Burgo Sancti Petri, quondam Subprior hujus Monasterii, cujus animae propitietur Deus. Amen.  
If the Reader be not weary with the recital of these trifling antiquities, let him but go along with me into the Cloister, and there we will part. The dimensions of this Cloister hath been remembered in the Inventory. The Windows were all complete and fair, adorned with glass of excellent painting: In the South Cloister was the History of the Old Testament: In the East Cloister of the New: In the North Cloister the Figures of the successive Kings from King Peada: In the West Cloister was the History from the first foundation of the Monastery of King Peada, to the restoring of it by King Edgar. Every window had at the bottom the explanation of the History thus in Verse.  

THE FIRST WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
King Penda a Paynim as Writing sayeth  
Gate yese five Children of Christian faith.   

Col. 2.  
The noble King Peada by God's grace  
Was the first founder of this place.   

Col. 3.  
By Queen Ermenyld had King Wulfere  
These fifty sons that ye see here.   

Col. 4.  
Wulfade rideth as he was wont  
Into the Forest the Hart to hunt.    

THE SECOND WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
Fro all his men Wulfade is gone  
And sueth himself the Hart alone.   

Col. 2.  
The Hart brought Wulfade to a Well  
That was beside saint Chaddys' Cell.   

Col. 3.  
Wulfade asked of saint Chad  
Where is the Hart that me hath lad.   

Col. 4.  
The Hart that hither thee hath brought  
Is sent by Christ that thee hath bought.    

THE THIRD WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
Wulfade prayed Chad that ghostly Leech  
The Faith of Christ him for to teach.   

Col. 2.  
saint Chad teacheth Wulfade the faith  
And words of Baptism over him he sayeth.   

Col. 3.  
saint Chad devoutly to Mass him dight  
And hoseled Wulfade Christy 's knight.   

Col. 4.  
Wulfade wished saint Chad that day  
For his brother Rufine to pray.    

THE FOURTH WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
Wulfade told his Brother Rufine  
That he was Christened by Chaddys' doctrine.   

Col. 2.  
Rufine to Wulfade said again  
Christened also would I be fain.   

Col. 3.  
Wulfade Rufine to saint Chad leedeth  
And Chad with love of Faith him feedeth.   

Col. 4.  
Rufine is Christened of saint Chaddies  
And Wulfade his Brother his Godfather is.    

THE FIFTH WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
Werbode Steward to King Wulfere  
Told that his Sons Christened were.   

Col. 2.  
Toward the Chapel Wulfere 'gan go  
By guiding of Werbode Christies foe.   

Col. 3.  
Into the Chapel entered the King  
And found his Sons worshipping.   

Col. 4.  
Wulfere in woodness his Sword out drew  
And both his Sons anon he slew.    

THE SIXTH WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
King Wulfere with Werbode you  
Burying gave his Sons two.   

Col. 2.  
Werbode for vengeance his own flesh tore  
The Devil him strangled and to hell bare.   

Col. 3.  
Wulfere for sorrow anon was sick  
In Bed he lay a dead man like.   

Col. 4.  
saint Ermenyld that blessed Queen  
Counselled Wulfere to shrive him clean.    

THE SEVENTH WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
Wulfere contrite hied him to Chad  
As Ermenyld him counselled had.   

Col. 2.  
Chad bade Wulfere for his sin  
Abbeys to build his Realm within.   

Col. 3.  
Wulfere in haste performed than  
Brough that Peada his brother began.   

Col. 4.  
Wulfere endued with high devotion  
The Abbey of Brough with great possession.    

THE EIGHTH WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
The third Brother King Etheldred  
Confirmed both his brethren's deed.   

Col. 2.  
Saxulf that here first Abbot was  
For Ankeries at Thorney made a place.   

Col. 3.  
After came Danes and Brough brent  
And slew the Monkies as they went.   

Col. 4.  
Fourscore years, and sixteen  
Stood Brough destroyed by Danes teen.    

THE NINTH WINDOW.  

Col. 1.  
saint Athelwold was bidden by God's lore  
The Abbey of Brough again to restore.   

Col. 2.  
saint Athelwold to King Edgar went  
And prayed him to help him in his intent.   

Col. 3.  
Edgar babe Athelwold the work begin  
And him to help he would not lyn.   

Col. 4.  
Thus Edgar and Athelwold restored this place,  
God save it, and keep it for his grace.   
Here I have a fair invitation to conclude with my heartiest prayers that this Church may stand, and be employed to God's glory, and his people's good. To which, how far the usurped authority of the late times was propitious, I leave to the world to judge by the ensuing Act, Passed 19 August 1651.     

An ACT Concerning the MINSTER in Peterburgh.  
BE it Enacted by the Parliament now assembled, and it is Enacted by the Authority of the same, that the great Church called the MINSTER within the City and Burrow of Peterburgh, and the Churchyard thereunto belonging, shall be employed, and made use of by the Inhabitants of the said City and Burrow in all time to come for the public worship and service of God, and for a Workhouse to employ the poorer sort of people in Manufactures, the said Inhabitants at their own Costs and Charges, repairing and maintaining the same.  
FINIS.   

AN APPENDIX.  
BEING A TRANSCRIPT OF SUCH Charters and Privileges As are mentioned in the foregoing DISCOURSE.   

King Wolfere HIS CHARTER FOR THE Endowments and Privileges OF THE MONASTERY OF MEDESHAMSTED.  
WOlfere Dei beneficio Rex Merciorum, & Mediterraneorum Anglorum Australiumque regnorum, praesentibus, & posteris omnibus, Christum sanctamque ejus Ecclesiam colentibus perpetuam Salutem. Benedicat anima mea Dominum Jesum Salvatorem meum: Et coram omnibus viventibus confiteor ei cum fratribus, & sororibus meis populisque meis novo nuper baptismate initiatis, quia Soljustitiae ortus est nobis, qui nos de tenebris idololatriae transtulit in admirabile lumen suae agnitionis: Qui non solum reos paternis roribus absolvit, & advenas, & pupillos suscepit, sed etiam in filios adoptionis credentes elegit: Cumque aeterna regna omnium regnorum distributor suis fidelibus repromiserit, etiam in hac brevi via qua ad aeternitatem transitur, nos regnare facit. Quid ergo retribuam Domino pro omnibus quae retribuit mihi? cum sine ipso nihil habeamus, nihil valeamus, nihil sumus: magna etiam aviditate salutis nostrae omnium Largitor accipit parva, & infirma nostra quatenus causam habeat retribuendi maxima sua: quodque dederimus sanctis suis, quodque dilectae Ecclesiae suae, hoc sibi datum & acceptum ipse testabitur in fine, mercedem quoque justi justi susceptorem promittit accepturum esse. Quia propter illum divinae fidei, & Ecclesiarum principem, regnique Dei Clavigerum per quem admittar in Paradisum Domini specialius reconciliari mihi gestio per privilegium domus suae quae in medeshamsted studio venerabilis Abbatis Saxulfi gloriose est condita, & divina Monachorum familia bene disposita: Cui quicquid Antecessor germanus meus Peada vel Oswinus Christiana fide confrater, & conregnator concessere, non solum mea autoritate cupio stabilire, verum etiam de meo aliquid addere. Ego, ita faventibus fratribus meis Aethelredo ac Meruvala cum beatissimis sororibus meis Kyneburga, & Kynesuida, quarum prior Regina mutavit imperium in Christi ancillatum praesidens Monasterio Kyneburgensi quod suo nomine decoratur, mater sacrarum Virginum: altera illibata virginitate in divinum flagrat thalamum. His inquam consentientibus trado Beato Petro ad praefatum Medeshamstede Monasterium haec stagna, & paludes, & lacus, & piscaturas, cum terris videlicet, & omnibus infrajacentibus quae de meo regali jure vel principum meorum mutuatione, & assensu amodo in perpetuum libere famulentur Deo famulantibus: Quae ita hic determinari volumus. Ab ipso Medeshamsted ad Northburch, & inde ad locum quem vocant Folies, & inde totam paludem indirectam usque ad Esendic, & de Esendic ad locum quem Federmuder dicunt, & deinde in directum ad locum via decem leugiarum quem Cuggedic circa habitantes nominant, & deinde ad Raggewith & de Raggewith quinque miliariis ad Magistram aquam quae ducit ad Elm, & ad Wisebeche, atque inde sicut itur tribus leugiis contra cursum Magistrae aquae usque ad Trokenholt, & de Trokenholt indirectum per immensam paludem ad Dereforde longitudine viginti leugiarum, & inde ad Gratescross per unam pulchram aquam Bardanea nomine sex leugiis ad Paccelade: Sic & in medium partitis stagnis plurimis, & immensis paludibus cum habitatoribus Huntedunensis provinciae una cum stagnis, & lacis Scalfremere, & Wyttlismere, & aliis quamplurimis ad haec pertinentibus, cum terris quoque & mansionibus quae adjacent in Australi parte de Scalfremere, & cum infrasepta undique palude usque ad medeshamsted, & sic de Medeshamstede usque ad Walmisford, & de Walmisforde usque Clive, & inde ad Eston, & de Eston ad Stamford, & de Stamford sicut aqua decurrit ad supradictam Northburch. His ergo terminis omnia sint juris ejusdem Apostolici Monasterii: Haec inquam omnia licet parva ita concedo sicut ego regaliter tenui, vel ab aliis effeci libera quatenus ab omni servitute absoluta, in proprias tantum expensas liberrima possideat Ecclesia tanquam Regina, non tanquam Famula. Haec nobis Beato Petro principante, principalis in sua regione, & specialius Romana sit Ecclesia: Hic quaeramus ipsum patronum qui Romae non possimus. Non decet, immo non expedit nobis, ut haec serviat quae fide ipsius Petri Christo regaliter desponsata est: Reges gentium, ait Dominus Petro, a quibus accipiunt tributa? A filiis, an ab alienis? Ab alienis, inquit Petrus: Ergo liberi sunt filii, dicit Dominus. Ergo & a nobis sit libera haec Regina mater cum filiis suis Ministris Dei nostri, ut dimissis his quae Regis erant, tota libertate quae sunt Dei Deo reddant. Alia quoque Monasteria quae Dei famuli Saxulfi instantia assurgunt, cum aliis Ecclesiis finitimis quae deinceps generantur, hujus primaevae matris visceribus fovenda, & educanda pignora commendamus: quatenus Christiana Religio nostris primum temporibus nostrum regnum ingressa, ubique propagetur, confirmetur, perpetuetur. Hanc oblationem nostram Beatissime pater Deusdedit Apostolica manu tua obsecro perenniter corroborari, qui Successor legationis fidei Beati Gregorii, & propagator Evangelii pacis Protodoctoris nostri Augustini, sextus ab ipso Beato Augustino Apostolicus Vicarius praesides Ecclesiae Dorovernensi. Tu quoque mi frater Aethelrede, & vos sorores piissimae Kyneburga & Kynesuida pro mutua animarum nostrarum redemptione huic Testamento nostro testes optimi, ut praemiis condigniores subscribite: Precor & omnes Successores meos, sive filii, sive fratres, sive externi Reges successerint, ut hoc nostrum pactum ita servent inviolatum sicut volunt recipere rectitudinis praemium, & evadere rapacitatis supplicium. Inter has donationes, & sanctiones Venerabilis pater Monasterii Saxulfus habens Monachos Anachoreticae conversationis amatores, suggessit mihi cum nonnullis fratribus velle se quidem Dei nutu, & nostro assensu Monasterium in ipsa subjacente heremo cum heremiticis cellulis in honore Dei genetricis construere in loco qui jam nomen accepit Ancarig, quatenus ibi vel Coenobitae pro Anachoritis, vel Anachoritae pro Coenobitis divina pace possint conversari. Quibus tum ego, quod semel inquam vobis perpetuavi, & si ad alios vestros usus converteretis, non habuissem contradicere, quanto magis cum id proposueritis in aedificationem Ecclesiae, & in augmentationem religionis divinae: Immo ego faveo, & laudo, ut perficiatur eo loci haec bona, & laudabilis voluntas vestra juxta vestram ditionem in Domino. Quicunque ergo haec quae nostra vel caeterorum fidelium donatione Beato Petro consecrata sunt, auferre vel diminuere praesumpserit, Ipse Janitor coeli diminuat ejus partem in retributione beata; Ejus vero qui haec largius auxerit, augeat gaudia sempiterna. Hujus Confirmationis isti testes subscribuntur. Ego Wolfere Rex cum sociis, Regibus, & Patribus, ac Ducibus hoc testamentum donationis meae praesente Apostolico Patre nostro Deusdedit, confirmavi. Ego Oswinus Rex Nordanhimbrorum amicus Abbatis Saxulfi immo Ecclesiae Dei debitus adjutor laudavi. Ego Sighere Rex voluntarie immo Christianae fidei recenti perceptione Regi Wolfero subjectus consensi. Ego Sibbius Rex simili gratia devotionis, ac nova industria baptismatis eundem Wolfere habens praelatum subscripsi. Ego Aethelredus frater Regis cum eodem consensi. Ego Kyneburga soror Regis amplector. Ego quoque soror Regis Kyneswida favi. Ego Dorovernensis Ecclesiae Pontifex Deusdedit annui. Ego Ithamor Rofensis Episcopus corroboravi. Ego Wina Londoniensis Episcopus subnotavi. Ego Jerumanus Merciorum Episcopus approbavi. Ego Tuda Episcopus aspiravi. Ego Wilfridus Presbyter famulus Ecclesiarum, & bajulus Evangelii Dei in gentes affectavi. Ego Coppa Presbyter missus a Rege Wolfero legatione Dei convertendis 
Whitt.  gentibus in Yikt. benedixi. Ego Abbas Saxulfus saepedicti Monasterii gratifice conclamavi. Signum Imminae Principis. Signum Edberti Principis. Signum Yitberti Principis. Signum Herefridi Principis. Signum Abonis Principis. Signum Athelwoldi Ministri. Signum Brordani Ministri. Signum Walberti Ministri. Signum Alhmundi Ministri. Signum Fredregysi Ministri. His, & caeteris Optimatibus, ac Ministris Regis, haec collaudata sunt. Sancitum est hoc Privilegium Anno Domini D. C. LXIIII Wolferi Regis, VII. Deusdedit IX. Quod nullius insana & puniendi cupiditas violet.  
By this Charter it may appear that the bounds of the Monastery of Medeshamsted, from East to West were twenty Miles, and that Thorney and Wittlesey with their appurtenances were within the limits thereof, but Saxulf intending to build Thorney, and authorized thereunto by King Wulfere, abated so much from his Monastery of Medeshamsted, and so made Thorney an entire Abbey of it self.   

PRIVILEGES GRANTED BY King Ethelred, NEXT BROTHER, and SUCCESSOR TO King Wolfere, TOGETHER WITH Pope Agatho.  

GLoriosissimo filio Regi Merciorum Ethelredo, fratribus quoque & Coëpiscopis Theodoro Dorobernensi, & Saxulpho Mediterraneorum Anglorum, & Merciorum Episcopo, caeterisque consacerdotibus, Agatho Servus servorum Dei in Domino, Salutem. Dominus regnat, exultet terra, laetentur insulae multae, reges terrae, & omnes populi, & caetera omnia laudent nomen Domini, quia exaltatum est nomen ejus solius. Gratia Domini nostri Jesu Christi Regis omnium seculorum, foeliciter quotidie adimpletur haec exhilaratio, quod Reges, & gentes orbis terrarum, & praecipuè juxta Divinum Oraculum Reges insularum multarum adorant & colunt ipsum Jefum Christum unicum Dominum, & Regem suum, unde etiam sanctum nomen Ejus specialius benedicimus, quod vos Praecellentissime fili, cum vestris piae memoriae fratribus non solum damnosa sculptilia daemoniorum cum paternis erroribus exterminantes, verum Salvatorem agnovistis, & verae Divinitatis effecti estis cultores, verum etiam ad convertendos subjectos vobis Reges, & populos, fidei balteo, ut boni Ministri Christi vos accinxistis. Cumque & in Ecclesiis, & Baptisteriis extruendis quibus populus acquisitionis Dei multipliciter devote laboretis, hanc charitatis vestrae fragrantiam familiarius amplectimur, quòd de Ecclesia Beati Petri quam adeo primitivam Abbatiam censetis in regione vestri Imperii, quae est Mediterraneorum Anglorum in loco qui appellatur Medeshamsteda, praeclaram, tam benevola vota nobis Regia scilicet legatione mandaveritis. Hanc quippe, ut perhibetis, Antecessores vestri, & fratres Christianissimi per venerabilem virum nuper Abbatem, nunc consacerdotem Saxulphum regaliter condidere, & amore Beati Petri praecipue coluere, ac Regia largitate, necnon & libertate Regia cum privilegii descriptionibus gloriosius extulere. Hanc, & Vos Clarissime fili non minore fervore Regalis industriae vultis Romana & Apostolica autoritate contra omnes impetus procellosi mundi perpetuo muniri, immò etiam quantum est in prompta vestri benevolentia, Romanam & Apostolicam eam facere, ubi Beatum Petrum nobis quidem corpore, vobis vero spiritu semper praesentem possideatis, ubi & a vobis, & a toto regno vestro ac si Romae requiratur, ac piis veneretur votis fidelium: Apparet nimirum vos esse intimum filium hujus quae totius orbis mater est principalis Ecclesiarum, & ipsum ejus Praesidem affectare patronum qui Clavigeri potestate nobis aperiat regna coelorum. Quapropter non solum voluntarie, sed & maxime gratias agentes, Annuimus piae vestrae petitioni quatenus praedicta Ecclesia in medeshamsted Romana sit, & Apostolica, ubi Beatum Petrum nobis quidem corpore, vobis vero spiritu semper praesentem possideatis, ubi & a vobis, & a toto regno vestro, ac si Romae requiratur, & piis veneretur votis fidelium, & sicut Regia autoritate, ita Apostolica confirmatione sit Apostolica, sit ab omni servitute seculari libera, ita viz. ut quemadmodum vos dictastis, nec Rex, nec Episcopus, nec Praeses aliquis Abbati ipsius post electionem Ecclesiae & Regis assensum quicquam terreni oneris injungat, non censum, non tributum, non militiam, non aliqua unquam servitutis occasio de omnibus rebus ad Ecclesiam ipsam pertinentibus, vel in magno, vel in minimo, ab ullo exigatur, quatenus sub Rege suo Defensore, non Tyranno, libere Christo soli deserviat. Episcopus quoque dioeceseos, non typo praelationis, sed officio charitatis, huic se impendat, Abbatemque ipsius ac si Romanum Legatum, & Comministrum Evangelii habeat, & secundum sibi socium aestimet, non subjectum. Nullum vero potentatum in hoc Monasterium praeripiat, nec ordinationem ibi, nec quodlibet officium sine Abbatis favore arroget: Sed neque ab ipsis intimis & peculiaribus locis, & parochiis vel in omni privilegio ipsius juris quicquam praeter ejusdem Abbatis assensum accipiat, vel faciat, ne qua scil. abusione pacem perturbet gregis Dominici, quales scandalizare est cum mola asinaria in profundum demergi. Ubi autem electus ex ipsa congregatione Abbas ordinandus erit, ab Archiepiscopo Dorobernensi Romani Pontificis Vicario, aut a quo ipse modo efficaciori jufferit, Rege favente, ordinetur, nec parochianus Pontifex, sive ipse, sive alius aliquis praedicta duntaxat autoritate ordinaverit, quicquam in eum praeter fraternitatis obsequium praeripiat. Hanc Ecclesiam caeteris Imperii vestri Monasteriis quae modo assurgunt, vel deinceps in omnem posteritatem nascantur, tanquam religionis primitias excipimus, quatenus Apostolica gratia, suique Petri, vestraeque promotionis praerogativa praestet caeteris a Tamense fluvio, sicut, & orta perhibetur mater primaria: Abbas quoque ejus reliquis Arctoae Plagae prior habeatur, & in omnibus conventibus anterior sedeat, ita duntaxat, ut ad sacrae fidei, religionis, charitatis, & concordiae compaginem loco primogeniti, & vice Romana affectuose praeluceat confratribus, non imperet. Sed & in aula Regia, & Regalibus consiliis sicut Monasterii praestantia exigit, laudamus, ut primus vel inter primos adhaereat Regi. Et exemplo Saxulphi omnes successores opportune, seu importunè regem frequentent, religiosa conversatione à terrenis revocent, ad coelestia erigant, ad pietatem, ad justitiam, ad Dei cultum hortatu crebro accendant. Hanc quoque ad vestrum votum non solum voluntarie, verum etiam necessario concedimus benedictionem huic Apostolicae Ecclesiae, quatenus tam vos quam caeteri populi vestri Imperii totius quoque Britanniae, sed & proximorum regnorum nationes quicunque vel viae longinquitate, vel varia necessitudine praepediti Romae Beatum Petrum in urbe sua revisere non sufficitis, hic cum spiritu vobis cohabitantem, plena fide requiratis, hic vota persolvatis, hic absolutionem peccatorum & Apostolicam benedictionem per ipsum ligandi atque solvendi Principem fideliter speretis, & justa desiderii cum precibus exaudiri, ac coeli januam vobis aperiri credatis. Haec igitur & caetera quaecunque sunt tam a vobis, quam a fratribus, & antecessoribus vestris huic Monasterio in aeternam haereditatem, libertatemque perpetuam donata, ac privilegiorum sanctionibus perhenniter commendata: Quaecunque etiam in posterum, aut a vobis, aut a successoribus vestris, vel a quibuslibet personis usque in finem jure tradentur, omnia scilicet secundum vestram postulationem Apostolica Beati Petri autoritate confirmamus: & ita haec observanda ab omnibus Regibus, & Principibus Britanniae contestamur, sicut ipsum coeli janitorem timent offendere. Si quis autem haec in aliquo (quod absit) violare praesumpserit, cujuscunque potestatis, aut ordinis sit, excommunicatorio ipsius Sancti Petri gladio nisi emendaverit, excidatur: Qui vero custodierit, quique res Ecclesiae amplificare maluerit, ipsius Clavigeri gratia suscipiatur: Et sicut Infernus raptoribus, ita defensoribus Paradisus aperiatur.  
Scripsit quoque idem Papa in eodem Privilegio ad eundem Regem, & ad Reverendissimum Archiepiscopum 
This Epistle is extant in Sir Hen. Spelman's Book of the Eng. Councils. pag. 163.  Theodorum, & ad Saxulphum Episcopum, ut secum Regiam, & Apostolicam saepedictae Ecclesiae libertatem corroborarent, & indelibiliter subscriberent, & anathematizarent quicunque haec violaret. Hoc Privilegium sancitum & confirmatum est a Sancto Papa Agathone, assentiente Concilio Centum Viginti Quinque Episcoporum, Anno Dominicae Incarnationis Sexcentesimo Octogesimo, & per Sanctum Wilfridum destinatum est. Postea vero approbatum est ab Archiepiscopo Theodoro in Concilio celebrato in Campo Hetfelda, ipso Rege gratanter, & devote cum Regali autoritate has terras, & possessiones cum omnibus rebus ad eas pertinentibus Beato Petro ad praefatum Medeshamstede Monasterium tradente, anathematizante, & obsecrante, ut Apostolico gladio animadverterentur quicunque de his aut de omnibus rebus ad ipsam Ecclesiam appendentibus quicquam detraherent: Hoc est, Bredune, Repingas, Cedenac, Suineshened, Heanbrig, Lodeshale, Scuffenhalch, Costesford, Streteford, Wetelburna, Lusgerd, Hethelhuniglond, Barchanig. Haec inquit Beato Petro Regaliter habita, Regaliter concedo habenda in perpetuam haereditatem, atque liberrimam Ecclesiae proprietatem, obsecrans per ipsum Apostolorum Principem ne quis unquam succendentium tam de his quam de omnibus rebus ad ipsam Ecclesiam appendentibus quicquam detrahat. Quod si quis fecerit, omnibus Episcopis damnantibus & his praesentialiter subscribentibus Apostolico gladio animadvertatur. Archiepiscopus quoque Theodorus ita intulit, Ego Theodorus Dorobernensis Cathedrae inthronizatus juxta Apostolicum Papae Agathonis mandatum Privilegium Monasterii medeshamsted subscriptione nostra confirmo: Cujus violatores damno, & excommunico, defensores vero gratifico, & benedico. Et Saxulfus, Ego humilis Saxulfus 
Regali beneficio, aliud Ms. addit.  ejusdem Monasterii fundator, ita corroborare gaudeo, sicut ei specialius, optima cupio, ut nihil usurpem vel derebus, vel de Officiis ipsius Monasterii praeter voluntatem Abbatis, & postulationem, nec ego, nec successores mei: Ego quoque omnem violentiae abusionem anathemate hinc excludo. Subscripserunt autem & assenserunt Reverendissimus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis Wilfridus, & Ostrid Regina Ethelredi Regis, & Adrianus Romanus Legatus, & Johannes Romanus Legatus, & Putta Roffensis, & Waldhere Londonienss Episcopus, & omnes Comites, & Principes terrae totius Angliae. Cuthbaldus quoque Abbas ita finivit. Ego Cuthbaldus ejusdem Monasterii Abbas speciali amore amplector, ut quisquis haec servaverit, valeat, quisquis praevaricatus fuerit (quod absit) omnium Episcoporum ac sacerdotum excommunicatione dispereat.  
AMEN.   

THus doth Walter of Wittlesey give us but a mixed relation of King Ethelred 's Charter, whom I have chosen to follow, rather than a later Copy, he being of greater antiquity may so pass for authority also. Now because as hath been said before in our History, that Abbot Martin going to Rome took along with him this Charter, which was not approved by Pope Eugenius who granted him one of another strain, I shall (if it be no trouble to the Reader) present that also, as the same Author hath left it upon Record, that the difference may be seen.  
Postmodum autem (saith he) per multa tempora, illud idem Privilegium Abbas Martinus de Bek portavit ad praedictam Curiam Romanam in tempore Eugenii Papae tertii ad confirmandum vel renovandum, sed non concipiebatur in recta forma ut videbatur Curiae, quoniam unus Cardinalis in Consistorio dicebat haec verba, Ne des honorem nominis tui precamur alteri: & tunc concessum erat eidem Abbati Martino Privilegium subsequens.  
EUGENIUS Servus servorum Dei: Dilecto filio Martino Burgensi Abbati, ejusdemque fratribus tam praesentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis in perpetuum. Desiderium quod ad religionis propositum & animarum salutem pertinere dignoscitur, animo nos decet libenti concedere, & petentium desideriis congruum impertiri suffragium. Ea propter Dilecte in Domino fili Martin Abbas, quoniam per multos labores Apostolorum limina nostram praesentiam devotione debita visitasti, tuis, & fratrum tuorum justis postulationibus clementer annuimus, & Beati Petri Apostolorum Principis Burgensem Ecclesiam in qua Divino mancipati estis obsequio, sub Beati Petri, & nostra protectione suscipimus, & praesentis scripti Privilegio communimus: Statuentes, ut quascunque possessiones, quaecunque bona eadem Ecclesia impraesentiarum juste, & canonice possidet, aut in futurum concessione Pontificum, largitione Regum, vel Principum, oblatione fidelium, seu aliis justis modis praestante Domino poterit adipisci, firma vobis, & vestris successoribus, & illibata permaneat. Inprimis, haec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis. In Northamptonscire, Burch, quae antiquitus Medeshamstede vocabatur, ubi ipsum Monasterium situm est, cum Capella, Mercato, Theloneo, Cuneo Monetae, cum paludibus, boscis, & caeteris appendiciis suis. In Farseta 2 Piscatores, cum 2 mansuris terrae, & 2 naves in Wyttlismere. Castra cum Ecclesia & Capella eidem Ecclesiae adjacentibus, cum molendinis & omnibus pertinentiis suis. Wetherington & Walton, cum appendiciis suis. Glinton & Peychirch cum Ecclesia, & Capella, cum Theloneo de Deping, & Peychirch, cum piscatura, & caeteris appendiciis suis. Pillesgate cum appendiciis suis. In Stamford Quinquaginta novem mansuras terrae, cum terris, molendinis, Ecclesiis, Theloneo, Cuneo Monetae. In eadem villa in Lincolnscire septem mansuras. Tinguellam, cum Ecclesia, molendino, & caeteris appendiciis suis. Undel cum Ecclesia, & Capella, & cum toto jure eidem villae adjacente quod Ethenhundred vocatur, cum molendino, mercato, Theloneo, nemoribus, & appendiciis suis. Eston cum molendino, & pertinentiis suis. Wermington cum Ecclesiis, molendinis, & caeteris appendiciis suis. Kettering cum Ecclesia, molendino & pertinentiis suis. In Irtlingburgh decem hidas cum Ecclesia, molendino & pertinentiis suis. In Stanwigge tres hidas cum Ecclesia, molendino, & pertinentiis suis. In Aldwincle tres hidas, cum Ecclesia, & pertinentiis suis. Cottingham cum Ecclesia, molendino & caeteris pertinentiis suis, scil. Benrefeld, Driffeld, Middilton, cum foresto. Pightislee cum Ecclesia, molendino, & pertinentis suis. In Northampton sedecim mansuras. In Lincolnscire Scotere cum Ecclesia, molendino, & appendiciis suis, scil. Thorp, Scalthorp, Fiskerton cum Ecclesia, & suis pertinentiis. In Hoyland tres carucatas terrae cum salinis. In Walcote septem carucatas terrae. In Thurleby unam carucatam, & tres bovatus terrae, cum Ecclesia, & pertinentiis suis. In civitate Lincoln quatuor mansuras. In Graham, mansuras, & terram quam Colgem dedit Ecclesiae de Burgo. In Thorkesye, octodecim leugas de prato, & unam piscaturam, & unam mansuram. In Notinghamscire, Colingham cum Ecclesiis, molendinis, piscaturis, & cum appendiciis suis. In Huntedonscire, Alwalton cum Ecclesia, molendinis Theloneo navium, & pertinentiis suis. Flitton cum Ecclesia & pertinentiis suis. In burgo Huntedon terram Godrici Leffled. In Leycestrescire, Eston cum Ecclesia de Bringhurst, molendinis, & caeteris appendiciis suis. In Lenna unam mansuram. In Well quatuor millia anguillarum singulis annis. In Clopton unam virgatam terrae. Haec etiam quae ab ipso Monasterio in feodo tenentur nihilominus duximus annotanda. viz. Feodum Anketilli de Sancto Medardo, Thornhaw, Wettering, Sibberton, Angoteby, Etton, cum appendiciis eorum. Feodum Rogeri infantis, Torpel, Ufford, Pilketon cum appendiciis suis, & terram quam habet in Makeseya. Feodum Asselini de Watervile, Thorp, Marham, Upton cum eorum appendiciis. Feodum Radulphi filii Wilihelmi, Luddington, Messingham, cum appendiciis eorum. Feodum Gaufridi infantis, Gunthorp, Suthorp, & terram quam habet in Stoke, cum appendiciis eorum. Feodum Gaufridi de Lamara, Makeseya, Thurleby cum appendiciis eorum. Feodum Radulphi de Nevile, Scotton, Malmton, cum appendiciis eorum. Feodum Rogeri Malfe, Wodeford cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Roberti Frehille, Dalmiton cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Wilihelmi de Lunetot. Clopton cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Roberti Marmioun, Langeton, Pokebroc cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Gaufridi de Winchestria, Armeston, Burghlay, cum appendiciis eorum. Feodum Gilberti Faunel, Walcote cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Roberti de Fisi, Sutton cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Rogeri de Melton, cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Radulphi Tota in Paston. Feodum Wallon' in eadem villa cum appendiciis. Feodum Ysenbardi, Pappele cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Wimundi, Stoke cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Engelrami, in eadem villa. Feodum Roberti de Oyli, Craneford. Feodum Richardi Engaine, Benifield. Feodum Wilihelmi Engain, Hargrave cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Theobaldi, Bringhurst cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Godefridi de Cambrey, Plumbtre, Berham cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Roberti de Guinges, Carleby cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Gaufridi de Nevile, Walcote cum appendiciis suis. Feodum Eylsi, Helpiston cum appendiciis suis. In Wenewyk tenementum Brutnaldi. Feodum Pancenolt in Eston. Feodum Ansredii in Overton, in Thorp, & in Ermiston. Tenementum Turici in Churchfield, Wermington, & Undel. Tenementum Viviani in Wodecroft. Tenementum Osberni in Muscham. Tenementum Geroldi. Libertates à Regibus Angliae eidem Monasterio concessas pia devotione, & scripto eorum confirmatas, atque antiquas, & rationabiles ipsius Monasterii consuetudines vobis nihilominus confirmamus. Obeunte vero M. nunc ejusdem loci Abbate, vel tuorum quolibet successorum, nullus ibi qualibet surreptionis astutia, vel violentia praeponatur, nisi quem fratres communi assensu, vel fratrum pars sanioris consilii secundum Dei timorem, & Beati Benedicti regulam providerint eligend. Praeterea praedecessoris nostri Sanctissimi Papae Gregorii vestigiis inhaerentes, missas publicas ab Episcopo in vestro Coenobio fieri prohibemus omnino, ne in servorum Dei recessibus, & eorum receptaculis ullis popularibus occasio praebeatur conventibus, vel mulierum fiat novus introitus, quod omnino non expedit animabus eorum. Nec audeat Episcopus aliquis ibi Cathedram collocare, vel quamlibet potestatem imperandi habere, nec aliquam ordinationem, quamvis levissimam faciendi, nisi ab Abbate loci fuerit rogatus: quatenus Monachi semper maneant in Abbatum suorum potestate, nullusque Monachum sine testimonio, vel concessione Abbatis sui in aliqua teneat, vel ad aliquem promoveat honorem. Decernimus ergo, ut nulli omnino hominum liceat praefatum Coenobium temere perturbare, aut ejus possessiones auferre, vel ablatas retinere, minuere, seu alibet vexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra observentur, eorum pro quorum gubernatione, & sustentatione concessa sunt, usibus omnimodis profutura, Salva sedis Apostolicae autoritate, & Diocesanorum Episcoporum 
Canonum.  Canones justitia. Si qua igitur in futurum, Ecclesiastica, secularisve persona hanc nostrae constitutionis paginam sciens contra eam temere venire temptaverit, secundò, tertióve commonita, si non satisfactione congrua emendaverit, potestatis, honorisque sui dignitate careat, reamque se Divino judicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat, & a sacratissimo corpore, sanguineque Dei, & Domini Redemptoris nostri Jesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo examine districtae ultioni subjaceat; Cunctis autem eidem loco justa servantibus sit pax Domini in Christo, quatenus & hic fructum bonae actionis percipiant, & apud districtum Judicem praemia aeternae pacis inveniant. Amen. Dat. Sextodecimo Cal. Januarii, Anno Domini M. C. XL. sexto.  
Such another Privilege was granted by Pope Gregory the Ninth 1228. but I shall not trouble the Reader with it, but make a retrograde motion to King Edgar's Charter.    

THE CHARTER AND PRIVILEGES OF King Edgar, After that the Monastery of medeshamsted had been destroyed by the Danes, and continued in its desolation ninety six years, and then restored through the pious industry of Athelwold Bishop of Winchester, when the name thereof was changed into Burgh: Together with the Confirmations of several Kings his Successors.  
GRatia Domini nostri Jesu Christi Regis omnium saeculorum, omnia suo nutu distribuentis regna terrarum, & moderantis habenas rerum. Ego Edgar sub ipso sydereo Rege praesidens magnae Britanniae saepe petitionem Venerabilis, & Deo dilecti Pontificis Adelwoldi super stabilitate Ecclesiarum, quarum ipse infatigabilis constructor, accepi, maxime autem super antiqui Monasterii restitutione, ac libertate, quod primitus medeshamsted, modo Dei adjutorio, ac sua, ac nostra instantia restauratum, Burch appellatur, Quod scil. quadam praerogativa gratiae Sancti Petri, ac pristinae nobilitatis eminentius diligit. Recolens enim illud a pristinis Regibus, Wolfero necnon Ethelredo aliisque successoribus magnifici ditatum, & Regalibus privilegiis fortissimè stabilitum, sed ab externo Paganorum exercitu destitutum, Hic Dei sapiens archietectus magno zelo domus Dei studuit reparare: Et acquisitis, ac redemptis possessionibus rerum cum nostra Regali donatione prout potuit amplificare. Ego itaque pro gratia Sancti Petri, tantique patris charitate, atque animae meae redemptione, concedo gratantissimè illud sanctum, & Apostolicum Coenobium in perpetuum esse liberum ab omni seculari causa, & servitute, ut nullus Ecclesiasticorum vel Laicorum super ipsum, vel super ipsius Abbatem ullum unquam habeat dominium, sed ipso Abbate cum subjecta Christi familia in pace Dei, & superni Janitoris Petri patrocinio illud regente, ac Rege in omnibus necessitatibus adjuvante, ab omni mundiali jugo tam securum aeternaliter persistat, quam liberum, sed etiam ab Episcopali exactione, & iniquietudine, ex Apostolica libertate, & Reverendissimi Archiepiscopi nostri Dunstani autoritate cum suis appendiciis, id est, Dodisthorpe, & Eye, & Paston perpetuo maneat absolutum. Villam quoque Undale cum toto jure adjacentium quod Ethenhundred Anglice nominatur, & cum Mercato, ac Theloneo ea prorsus libertate donamus, quatenus nec Rex, nec Comes, nec Episcopus praeter Christianitatem attinentium parochiarum, nec Vicecomes, nec ulla unquam major, minorve persona, ulla dominatione occupare, nec de ipsa villa Undale ubi legitime considere debet, in alium locum transferre ullatenus praesumat: Sed tantum Abbas praedicti Coenobii illud cum suis causis, & legibus, totum in sua potestate liberrime teneat, & quando, vel in quo loco sibi placuerit, sine ulla contradictione sedere faciat. Item terras nostro adjutorio vel dono, vel optimatum meorum per praefatum Episcopum eidem Monasterio adsectas quae hic ex parte titulantur, id est, Barwe, Wermington, Aschton, Kettering, Castre, Eylisworth, Walton, Wetherington, Eye, Thorpe, & unum Monetarium in Stamford in perpetuam libertatem concedimus. Sint ergo tam istae villae quam ceterae omnes quae ad ipsum Monasterium pertinent, cum universis rebus, & rationibus suis, & totum quod appellatur Sake, & Soke, ab omni Regali jure, & ab omni seculari jugo in aeternum libere, & in magnis, & in minimis, in silvis, campis, pascuis, pratis, paludibus, venationibus, piscationibus, mercationibus, theloniis, omnium rerum procreationibus Dei beneficio provenientibus. Concedimus etiam quartam 
Fishing in Wittlesey-Meer.  partem stagni quod dicitur Witlismere per Episcopum Adelwoldum acquisitam, cum omnibus scil. aquis, piscuariis, stagnis, & paludibus attinentibus, usque ad hos terminos circumjacentes, quorum Septentrionalis est ubi primum intratur Merelode de amne Nene, Orientalis ad Kingsdelf, Australis ad Aldwinesbarne qui locus est in palude contra medietatem viae Ubmerelode, Occidentalis ubi aqua de Opbete finitur ad terram, quae omnia antiquitus ad illud sacrosanctum Monasterium multo latius, & longius pertinuisse probantur. Mercatum quoque 
The Market in Burgh.  constituimus in Burch singulare, ut nullum aliud habeatur inter Stanford, & Huntingdon, & ad illud damus ibidemque persolvi jubemus totum sine contradictione ulla Theloneum, hoc est, primo de Witlismere usque ad Theloneum Regis quod jacet ad hundred de Norman-Cross, & de Witlismere sicut Merelode venit ad aquam Nene, & inde sicut aqua currit ad Walmisforde, & de Walmisforde usque ad Stanford, & de Stanforde juxta cursum aquae usque ad Cruland, & de Cruland usque ad Must, & de Must usque ad Kingsdelf, & deinde usque praedictum Witlismere: Propter varia quippe lucra, & corporalium, & spiritualium utilitatum hoc mercatum decrevimus illic celebrari, & undique illud requiri, quatenus & Dei Ministri inde adjuventur propinquius, & a concurrente populo inter terrena necessaria coelestia petantur subsidia dummodo per Sancti Petri quaesita patrocinia: & per missarum audita mysteria secundum fidem cujuslibet ibi possint redimi diversarum offensionum debita. Porro decedente Abbate de eadem congregatione fratres, successorum idoneum eligant, & Regis favore ordinetur. Hanc igitur totius Abbatiae, tam in longinquis, quam proximis possessionibus Regificam libertatem ab omnibus approbatam, excepta moderata expeditione, & pontis, arcisve restauratione satagimus per ipsum devotissimum hujus descriptionis autorem Adelwoldum à sede Apostolica Romanae Ecclesiae juxta primitivum ejusdem Monasterii institutionem perpetuo corroborare: Quam quicunque in aliquo violare praesumpserit, ipsius summi Praesidis Petri, & Romanae Hierarchiae, omniumque sacrorum ordinum animadversione in infernum aeternum damnetur: Qui vero provexerit, & defensaverit, in sorte electorum Dei remuneretur. Sancitum est hoc Privilegium Anno Dominicae Incarnationis Nongentesimo Septuagesimo secundo, meique Imperii terreni Anno sexto decimo. Quod his probabilibus testibus cum Sanctae Crucis indicio subnotatur juxta meam subscriptionem. Ego Edgar totius Albionis Basileus hoc Privilegium cum signo Sanctae Crucis confirmavi. Ego Dunstan Dorovernensis Ecclesiae Archiepiscopus hoc idem cum trophaeo agiae Crucis corroboravi. Ego Oswaldus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus subscripsi. Ego Adelwold Praesul consignavi. Ego Alfstan Episcopus favi. Ego Athulf Pontifex consensi. Ego Asewi Abbas non renui. Ego Osgar Abbas approbavi. Ego Athelgar Abbas consensi. Ego Alfere Dux. Ego Adthelumen Dux. Ego Brichnodus Dux. Ego Oslac Dux. Ego Adelward Minister. Ego Ernulf Minister. Ego Afsis Minister. Ego Alfunard Minister. Ego Freyegist. Ego Thured. Ego Vif. Ego Wilfric. Ego Offered. Ego Wolftan. Ego Ringulf. Ego Alfstan. Ego Athelsis. Ego Wolfeah. Ego Athelmund. Ego Thureford. Ego Alfelin. Ego Frana. Ego Freyegist.  
Ego Edwardus Rex Anglorum Monarchiam regiminis tenens, Hoc decretum patris mei per deprecationem Abbatis Adulfi perhenniter affirmavi. His testibus adjunctis quos supra nominavimus.  
Ego Ethelredus Anglorum Imperio sullimatus has donationes Predecessorum meorum regnante Abbate Kenulfo solidavi, cum his testibus, Dunstano, & Oswaldo Archiepiscopis.  
Ego Cnut Rex Anglorum Deo favente, & Elfsino Abbate deprecante, hoc Privilegium cum Optimatibus corroboravi.  
Ego Edwardus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum hoc testamentum Antecessorum meorum, postulante Abbate Leufrico, comprobavi: Et villam de Fiskerton quam Regina mea ipso Abbate Leufrico instante pro me dedit, vel potius reddidit, juri Sancti Petri in Burch concedo liberam cum terris, silvis, & aquis, & omnibus rebus pertinentibus. Similiter de aliis terris, id est, Eston, Fletton, Overton, Alwalton, Osgotby, & caeteris quae in eo tempore adjectae sunt. Concedo eidem loco Sake, & Soke, Tol, & Them. Testibus Regina Eadgitha, Stigando, & Aldredo Archiepiscopis, Haroldo, & Costino, cum caeteris Optimatibus meis.   

His particular CHARTER FOR FISKERTON, Followeth more at large.  

In manu Geo. Quarles Armig.  O Portet nos quos Deus praefecit temporaliter Rectores populo suo, ad omnes facere justitiam. Maximè autem ad Matrem nostrae salutis Ecclesiam, per quam Christiani facti perveniamus ad aeternam Dei Misericordiam, qui judicabit Reges terrae, & secundum opera sua reddet unicuique. Quapropter ego Edwardus Rex Anglorum pro Villâ Fiskertunâ datâ in Burgh Sancto Petro jubeo fieri nostrae confirmationis Testamentum contra omnium scilicet calumniam iniquorum. Hanc quippe Villam cùm Leofriva foemina Lundonica haberet omnino propriam & liberam Beato Petro in praedictum locum, per obitum suum donavit eam sicut fideli Testimonio nobis probatum est, perpetuò possidendam eâ scilicet plenâ libertate quâ ipsa possidebat. Haec obiit in viâ Hierosolymae. Quod ubi Leofricus Abbas de Burgh cognovit, ad nos causam suam retulit, & per idoneos testes justum comprobavit, nostrumque assensum inde postulavit. At Regina mea Edryd cùm terram vendicasset, dicendo quod hanc sibi eadem foemina decrevisset, idem Abbas per me & principes meos, Reginae fratres Haroldum & Tostinum, ipsius potentiam flexit, datisque ei in gratiam xx marcis auri & ornamentis Ecclesiae quae ad alia xx marca appreciantur, terram Monasterio suo liberrimam & integerrimam restituit. Hanc igitur donationem ego Rex Edvardus cum ipsa Regina ita annuo, concedo, & confirmo quatenus tota illa possessio Fiscartuna in aeternum sit perpetua & dominica ipsius Sancti Petri in Burgh ad usus sibi servientium, atque ita maneat libera in terris, aquis, silvis, pratis, pascuis, cunctisque rebus & justitiis pertinentibus cum saca & socna, ut nullus inde quicquam repetat praeter Arcis vel expeditionis subsidium. Hanc ergo contestor omnes posteros meos Reges & Judices per Dominum omnium judicem, justitiae amatorem, & totius injustitiae vindicem, nequis unquam audeat quicquam tam ex his quam de omni jure Sancti Petri detrahere aut diminuere, quià revera sicut illi consequuntur aeternam vitam qui Ecclesiam Dei amplificant, ita illis manent sempiterna Tormenta qui eam in aliquo spoliant. Qui autem haec violaverit, omnium Sacerdotum & Ministrorum Dei ore Anathema sit. Anno ab Incarnatione Domini Millesimo LX. confirmatum est hoc Testamentum. Cui testes conspicui subscribendo annotantur.  

✚ Ego Eduardus Rex constitui.  
✚ Ego Edryd Regina concessi.  
✚ Ego Stigandus Archiepiscopus collaudavi.  
✚ Ego Aldredus Archiepiscopus comprobavi.  
✚ Ego Wolfrius Lincoln. Antistes corroboravi.  
✚ Ego Haroldus Dux favi.  
✚ Ego Tostinus Dux testis fui.   

✚ Signum Raulfi Regis dapiferi.  
✚ Signum Asgeri Regis dapiferi.  
✚ Signum  
✚ Signum Godrici, filii Edryfe.  
✚ Signum Ulf de Lincona.  
✚ Signum Askill Tokes sun.  
✚ Signum Laulf Maltes sun.   
Ego Wilihelmus Dei beneficio Rex Anglorum, petente Abbate Brandone, istud Privilegium in omnibus laudo, & confirmo, sicut suprascripti Reges ante me. Similiter & terras fratrum, vel propinquorum suorum quas habebant sub Rege Edwardo haereditarias, & liberas, hoc est, Scotter, Scotton, Malmeton, Ragenaldetorpe, Messingham, Cletham, Hibaldistow, Walcote, Muscham, cum omnibus adjacentibus Ego concedo Monasterio suo, & ejusdem loci Patrono Beato Petro Apostolo, in perpetuam liberas, & quietas cum omnibus consuetudinibus quae appellantur Anglice Sake, & Soke, quatenus jugiter sint proprie, & dominicè, ................... infirmas & quaslibet necessitates ibidem Deo servientium. Haec ergo nemo haeredum vel successorum meorum temerare audeat, ne excommunicationis gladio intereat, & pro haereditate Ecclesiae infernum possideat. Huic testes affuere Aldradus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis, Wilwinus Lincolniensis Episcopus, Merlesuein Vicecomes, Vif filius Topi, Willielmus Comes, Willielmus Malet. Ingelramus Presbyter.   

K. William Rufus HIS CHARTER For the Tenth of his HUNT IN NORTHAMPTONSHIRE.  
WIllielmus Rex Anglorum Omnibus fidelibus suis, & Ministris, & Francigenis, & Anglis, Salutem. Sciatis me concessisse, & dedisse Sancto Petro, & Abbati de Burgo totam decimam de mea venatione in Northamptonshire, & amodo concedo ut illam omni tempore habeant. Testes Rad. Pagnallo, & W. Peverello, & R. de Escuris, & H. de Bello Campo. Dat. per Richardum Engaine apud Bristestocam.  
This Charter was again granted by King Henry the second, and likewise by King Richard the first, and another also for Huntingdonshire, which we shall give in its place.   

King Henry II.  
HIS CHARTER Confirming the Eight Hundreds TO THE MONASTERY OF PETERBURGH.  
HEnricus Rex Anglorum, & Dux Normannorum & Acquit. & Comes Andeg. Justiciariis, & Vic. & Ministris suis Angliae Salutem. Praecipio quod Willielmus Abbas de Burgo teneat bene, & in pace, & libere & quietè, & just, & honorificè octo hundreda sua cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus suis, & justitiam suam de octo hundredis suis sicut aliquis Antecessorum suorum, melius, & liberius, & quietius, & honorificentius tenuit tempore Regis Henrici Avi mei: Et prohibeo ne quis eum in aliquam novam, & injustam consuetudinem ponat. T. Thoma Cant. apud Winton.  
This CHARTER was also Confirmed by King Richard the First.   

King Richard I. HIS CHARTER FOR A FAIR To be holden Eight Days in PETERBURGH. 
S. Peter's Fair.   
RIchardus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum, Dux Normannorum, Aquitan. Comes Andeg. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vic. & omnibus Ministris & fidelibus suis Francis, & Anglis, Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, & Carta ista confirmasse Benedicto Abbati de Burgo, & omnibus successoribus suis, & Monachis ibidem Deo fervientibus, Nundinas octo dierum in Villa de Burgo omni anno in festo Apostolorum Petri, & Pauli. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus, ut praedicti Abbas, & Monachi habeant in praedictis Nundinis omnes libertates, & liberas consuetudines quas alii Baroni nostri habent in Nundinis suis. Et prohibemus ne aliquis eos inde impediat, nec Mercatoribus illuc venientibus, vel inde redeuntibus, aliquod gravamen inferat, vel molestiam faciat. T. Waltero Rothom. Archiepiscopo. 24 Martii. Apud Rothom.   

King Richard I.  
HIS CHARTER FOR A Weekly MARKET in Scotter in Lincolnshire, 
Market and Fair at Scotter in Lincolnshire.  belonging to the MONASTERY of Peterburgh, and for a FAIR to be holden for three Days.  
RIchardus Dei Gratia Rex Angl. Dux Norman. Acquit. Comes Andeg. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justice. Vic. & omnibus Ministris, & fidelibus suis, Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, & praesenti Carta confirmasse Benedicto Abbati de Burgo, & omnibus Successoribus suis & Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, ut commune Mercatum in Villa sua de Scotter in omni septimana in die Jovis, & Nundinas trium dierum omni anno in eadem Villa ad festum Apostolorum Petri, & Pauli. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus, ut praedicti Abbas & Monachi habeant in praedicto Mercato, & in praedictis Nundinis omnes libertates, & liberas consuetudines quas alii Baroni nostri habent in Mercatis, & Nundinis suis. Et prohibemus ut nullus eos inde impediat, nec Mercatoribus illuc euntibus, vel redeuntibus, aliquod gravamen inferat, vel molestiam faciat. T. Waltero Rothom. Archiepiscopo. 24 Martii. Apud Rothom.  
King Richard by his Charter bearing Date the first Year of his Reign, which was 1189. granted the former Fair to Peterburgh, and this to Scotter, which because they (with other Privileges granted to this Monastery) were in some sort changed whilst he was detained in Almain in his return from Warring in the Holy Land, he renewed his Charter, September 15. in the Tenth Year of his Reign; saith John Trikyngham.   

King Richard I.  
HIS CHARTER FOR THE Abbot and Covent OF PETERBURGH To have the Tenth of HUNT IN HUNTINGDON-SHIRE, And also for themselves to HUNT.  
RIchardus Dei Gratia Rex Angl. Dux Norman. Acquit. Comes Andeg. Justice. Vic. Forestariis & Omnibus Ministris, & fidelibus suis, Francis, & Anglis, Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, & Carta ista confirmasse Abbati de Burgo, & Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus totam decimam totius Venationis quae capietur in Huntingdonscire quicunque eam ceperit, in perpetuum: Et quod liceat eis venari Leporem, Vulpem, & Catum: salva alia venatione nostra. Et ideo prohibemus ne aliquis eos inde impediat, nec Decimam praedictam eis detineat: Et praecipimus Forestariis ut unusquisque in Balliva sua eis decimam suam habere faciat. T. Waltero Archiepiscopo Rothom 24 die Martii, Apud Rothom.  
King Richard, and King John granted also many Charters to this Monastery, both for their Lands, and Privileges in general, and many in particular, which I shall not here-recite, but only some few relating to our Story.   

THE CHARTER OF JOHN Whilst he was Earl of Moriton, GRANTED TO THIS MONASTERY FOR VENISON.  
JOhannes Comes Moret. Vic. & Forestariis & omnibus Ballivis suis de Northamptonscire, Salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Carissimo amico meo Benedicto Abbati de Burgo & omnibus Successoribus fuis, & Monachis ejusdem loci cum vacaverit sedes Abbathiae de Burgo in perpetuum tres Cervos, & sex Damas' singulis annis capiendos quandocunque voluerint à Nativitate Sancti Johannis Baptistae usque ad exaltationem Sanctae Crucis, ubi magis voluerint, sive in Foresta mea de Schirwode, sive in Clay. Ideo praecipio vobis quod permittatis eis vel hominibus suis capere praedictam venationem infra praedictos terminos in praememoratis Forestae meae locis absque impedimento, vel contradictione, quae eis fiat inde: Hoc tamen fiat per visum Forestariorum meorum. Testibus, Stephano Ridell Cancellario meo, Willielmo de Wen. Rogero de Plan. Apud Theokisbiri.   

King John HIS CHARTER Concerning the Deforestation OF NASSABURGH.  
JOhannes Dei Gratia Rex Angl. Dux Hiberniae, Dux Norman. Aquitan. Comes Andeg. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Com. Baron. Justice. Vic. Praepositis, Forestariis, & Omnibus Ballivis, & fidelibus suis, Salutem. Sciatis nos intuitu Dei, & Beati Petri, & ob reverentiam Beati Oswaldi Regis, & Martyris, & pro salute nostra & Antecessorum, & Successorum nostrorum concessisse, & praesenti Carta confirmasse Abbati de Burgo, & Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, & militibus, & libere tenentibus qui habent terras vel tenementa in Nasso Burgi infra has metas, scil. inter aquam de Nene, & aquam de Weland sicut 
aquae in Charta H. 3.  conveniunt in Croyland, & de Walmisford sicut magnum Chiminum extendit se usque ad Stupendiston extra villam de Stanford, & de Stupendiston extra domum Sanctimonialium Sancti Michaelis de Stanford per rectam lineam usque in Weland: Ita quod praedicta domus sit infra praedictas metas: Quod ipsi habeant in perpetuum totam terram infra praedictas metas deforestatam: Ita quòd, nec nos, nec haeredes nostri ibidem ab eis vel successoribus & haeredibus eorum aliquid exigere possimus quod ad Forestam vel Forestarium pertineat, vel occasione Forestae. Concessimus etiam eis quietantiam sectae quatuor hominum, & praepositi de qualibet villata infra metas praefatas ad placita Forestae coram Capitali Justiciario nostro de Foresta ubi placitum non est super eos. Et quod omnia attachiamenta, & omnia placita emersa, tam de viridi, quam de venatione, & regardo, & in bladimentis, & vastis boscorum 
factis Ch. H. 3.  facta infra metas praedictas post ultimum iter Justiciariorum nostrorum de Foresta itinerantium in Northamptonscyra, amodo in perpetuum remaneant, & non summoneantur, vel placitentur: Quia volumus quod de omnibus supradictis in perpetuum sint quieti. Concedimus etiam praedictis Abbati de Burgo & Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in puram & perpetuam Eleemosynam Centum Acras quietas de regardo in Maneriis suis de Cotingham & de Eston, ut possint illas libere assartare, & excolere pro voluntate sua. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus quòd praedicti Abbas & Monachi, Milites & libere tenentes praedictas libertates, & quietantias habeant in perpetuum sicut praedictum est. Testibus, Domino S. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo. Dominis W. London. P. Winton. W. Wigorn. W. Coventr. Episcopis. R. Com. Cestr. W. Mariscallo. Com. Penbr. W. Com. Sar. R. Le Bigot. Com. Northfolc. W. Com. Waren. W. Com. Arund. W. Com. Ferar. R. Com. de Clare. Dat. per manum Magistri Richardi de Marisc. Cancellarii nostri. Apud Oxoniam 
1214.  12. Aprilis, Anno regni nostri 16.  
This Charter was again Confirmed by K. Hen. 3.   

King Henry III.  
HIS CHARTER FOR A FAIR To be holden Eight Days in PETERBURGH, And for a Weekly Market at KETTERING IN NORTH AMPTON-SHIRE.  
HEnricus Dei Gratia Rex Angl. etc. Sciatis quod concessimus & hac praesenti Carta confirmavimus Abbati de Burgo Sancti Petri, & Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, quòd habeant unum mercatum apud Manerium suum de Kettering singulis septimanis per diem Veneris: Et quòd habeant apud Burgum Sancti Petri unam feriam singulis annis per 8 dies duraturam à secunda Dominica infra Quadragesimam in 8 dies sequentes: Ita tamen quod praedictum Mercatum, & praedicta feria non sint ad nocumentum vicinorum mercatorum, & vicinarum feriarum. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod praedicti Abbas, & Monachi habeant & teneant praedictum mercatum, & praedictam feriam in praedictis locis in perpetuum, bene, & in pace, libere, & quietè, cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus ad hujusmodi mercatum, & feriam pertinentibus, sicut praedictum est.   

King Henry III.  
HIS CHARTER FOR A FAIR AT OXENEY To be holden there for Eight Days.  
HEnricus Dei Gratia Rex Angl. etc. Sciatis quod concessimus, & hac nostra Carta confirmavimus Abbati, & Conventui de Burgo Sancti Petri, quod ipsi & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant unam feriam apud Oxeneye singulis annis per octo dies duraturam. viz. à Vigilia nativitatis Beatae Mariae in octo dies sequentes, nisi illa feria sit 
Septemb. 7.  ad nocumentum vicinarum feriarum. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis, & haeredibus nostris quod praedicti Abbas, & Conventus habeant praedictam feriam apud Oxeneye, sicut praedictum est, cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus ad hujusmodi feriam pertinentibus, libere, & quietè, & pacifice in perpetuum. His testibus, etc.   

THE PRIVILEGE OF THE JUSTICES FOR THE ABBOT OF PETERBURGH TO HUNT.  

1253.  PRaeceptum est apud Hokham per Justiciarios Domini H. Regis Angl. scil. per Dominum Galfridum de Langley, W. Britonem, & W. Trussel. Petro de Nevile tunc Forestario, quod permittat Abbatem de Burgo venari, & capere ubi voluerit in Balliva sua, Leporem, Vulpem, & Catum silvestrem secundum proportum Cartarum Dominorum Regum Angliae quas inde habet: Et canes suos non expeditatoes, & hominum suorum in dominciis suis in eadem Balliva. Anno regni Regis Henrici filii Regis Johannis 34.   

Pope Innocent IU.  
HIS INDULGENCE FOR THE MONKS To cover their Heads in time of Divine Service.  
INnocentius Episcopus Servus servorum Dei, Dilelecto filio Abbati Monasterii de Burgo Sancti Petri Ordinis Sancti Benedicti Lincolniens. Dioc. salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Ex parte dilectorum filiorum Prioris, & Conventus Monasterii tui fuit nobis humiliter supplicatum, ut cum idem Monasterium sit in frigido loco constructum, nec valeant absque gravi periculo corporum hic mali praecipue tempore discoopertis capitibus interesse divinis officiis celebrandis, licentiam eis utendi pileis ipsorum ordini congruentibus dum eisdem intersunt officiis, de solita misericordia concedere curaremus. Volentes igitur ipsorum preces affectu paterno admittere in hac parte, discretioni tuae per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus eisdem postulata concedas prout videris expedire. Dat. Lugd. Cal. Septembris, Pontificatus nostri Anno septimo.  

M S. Eliens. in manu Geo. Glapthorn, Arm. pag. 41.  The same Privilege was granted to the MONKS of Ely, by Alexander the Fourth, who succeeded Innocent.   

King Edward I.  
HIS CHARTER FOR A Thursday-Market AT NORTHOLM, AND FOR A FAIR To be holden there for two Days, Sept. 20, 21.  
EDwardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, & Dux Aquitaniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baron. Justice. Vicecomitibus, Praepositis, Ministris, & omnibus Ballivis & fidelibus suis, Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, & hac Carta nostra confirmasse Dilectis nobis in Christo Abbati, & Conventui de Burgo Sancti Petri, quod ipsi, & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant unum Mercatum singulis septimanis per diem Jovis apud Manerium suum de Northolm juxta Eye in Comit. Northt. & unam Feriam ibidem singulis annis per duos dies duraturam, viz. in vigilia, & in die Sancti Matthaei Apostoli, nisi Mercatum illud, & Feria illa sint ad nocumentum vicinorum Mercatorum, & vicinarum Feriarum. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis, & haeredibus nostris, quod praedicti Abbas, & Conventus, & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant praedict. Mercatum, & Feriam apud Manerium suum praedictum cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus ad hujusmodi Mercatum, & Feriam pertinentibus, nisi Mercatum illud, & Feria illa sint ad nocumentum vicinorum Mercatorum, & vicinarum Feriarum sicut praedictum est. His Testibus, venerabilibus Patribus, W. Archiepiscopo Angliae Primate, W. Coventr. & Litchfield, & I Cicestren. Episcopis, Henrico de Lacie Com. Lincoln. Thoma Comite Lancastr. Humfrido de Bohun Comite Hereford, & Essex. Rad. de monte Hermerii Comite Gloucestr. & Hereford. Adomaro de Valentia, Roberto la Ward Senescallo Hospitii nostri, & aliis. Data per manum nostram apud Wolvesey, 7 die 
1306.  Aprilis, Anno regni nostri Tricesimo Quarto.  
Common Tradition hath preserved some dark remembrance of this Fair, but, as hath been before observed, it is probable for some inconvenience to have been translated to Peterburgh, where a Fair was granted upon the same day, as may appear by the following Charter. Which Fair is held, and continued to this day, to the great benefit both of the City, and parts adjacent.   

King Henry VI.  
HIS CHARTER FOR A FAIR To be holden in PETERBURGH For three Days. Sept, 20, 21, 22. commonly called Brigge-Fair. 
Brigge-Fair.   
HEnricus Dei Gratia, Rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Dom. Hiberniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Praepositis, Ballivis, Ministris, & omnibus fidelibus suis, salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali, & de avisamento, & assensu consilii nostri, concessimus, & hac praesenti Carta nostra confirmavimus Dilectis nobis in Christo Abbati, & Conventui de Burgo Sancti Petri, quòd ipsi, & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant unam Feriam singulis annis apud pontem de Peterburgh juxta aquam de Neene, tam in Comitatu Northt. quam in Com. Hunt. ex utraque parte ejusdem pontis in dominio eorundem Abbatis, & Conventus ibidem per tres dies duraturam, viz. in vigilia, & in die Sancti Matthaei Apostoli, & in Crastino ejusdem festi tenens: Nisi Feria illa sit ad nocumentum vicinarum Feriarum. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis, & haeredibus nostris, quòd praedicti Abbas, & Conventus, & Successores sui praedicti in perpetuum habeant praedictam Feriam apud pontem de Peterburgh juxta aquam de Neene tam in Com. Northt. quam in Com. Hunt. ex utraque parte ejusdem pontis in dominio dictorum Abbatis, & Conventus ibidem cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus ad hujusmodi Feriam pertinentibus, nisi Feria illa sit ad nocumentum vicinarum Feriarum sicut praedictum est. His Testibus, Venerabilibus Patribus, H. Cantuar. & J. Ebor. Archiepiscopis. Y. Bathon. & Wellen. Cancellario nostro. W. Lincoln. & W. Sarum. Episcopis. Charissimo Auunculo nostro Humfredo Gloucestr. ac Carissimo Consanguineo nostro Richardo Ebor. Ducibus. Henrico Northumber. & Will. Suffolc. Senescallo Hospitii nostri, Consanguineis nostris Carissimis, Comitibus. Necnon Radulfo Cromwell Thesaurario nostro Angliae, Waltero Hungerford, & Willielmo de Bardolf, Camerar. nostro Militibus, & Magistro Willielmo Lynwode Custode privati Sigilli nostri, & aliis. Dat. per manum nostrum apud Manerium nostrum de Sheen, Quarto decimo die Julii, Anno Regni nostri Decimo Septimo. 
1439.   
The Town of Peterburgh hath in our memory kept another Fair upon the Feast of S. Oswald, August 5. but I have not yet met with the Original of it: which Fair is now quite fallen, and like to be buried in obscurity, unless some well-willers to the Privilege shall endeavour to restore it according to its ancient custom, if the time of Harvest will permit.   

Now because I have in Abbot Robert Sutton directed the Reader to Prince Edward 's security to the Abbot, and Convent of Peterburgh for their Obligation to certain Merchants for money borrowed of them by the Prince, I shall let the Reader see it, and the manner thereof:  
EDwardus Illustris Regis Angliae Primogenitus Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos praesentes Literae pervenerint, Salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod religiosi viri Abbas, & Conventus de Burgo Sancti Petri Lincoln. Diocese. quibusdam Mercatoribus Senen. in quadam pecuniae summa pro nobis, se, & omnia bona Ecclesiae literis suis signatis dudum specialiter obligarunt; Et nos propter hoc, Manerium nostrum de Graham cum suis pertinentiis dictis Abbati, & Conventui sponte tradidimus, Ita tamen quod si dictis Mercatoribus de dicta summa pecuniae suo termino per nos satisfactum non fuisset, memorati Abbas, & Conventus dictum Manerium cum suis pertinentiis tenerent donec praefatam pecuniae summam de dicto Manerio una cum damnis, interest, & expensis factis vel faciendis occasione dictae pecuniae suo termino non solutae plenarie percipient, sicut apparet per quasdam literas super hoc inter nos & ipsos Abbatem, & Conventum confectas, ac Chirographatas, quarum una pars residebat penes ipsos nostro sigillo signata, alia vero residebat penes nos sigillo dicti Abbatis signata. Et quia de praefata pecuniae summa memoratis Mercatoribus per nos plenariè extitit satisfactum, dicti Abbas & Conventus partem dicti Chirographi nostro sigillo signatam nobis London restituerunt, & quia alteram partem ejusdem Chirographi sigillo dicti Abbatis signatam promptam non habuimus, nec habemus ad praesens, volumus, & concedimus pro nobis, & haeredibus nostris quod dicta pars sigillo ipsius Abbatis signata, cassa sit, & vacua, & penitus nullius valoris in perpetuum, & nihilominus dictis Abbati, & Conventui restituta, quandocunque, & ubicunque fuerit inventa, sine aliqua dilatione, & contradictione. In cujus rei testimonium praesentibus sigillum nostrum apponi fecimus. Dat. etc.  
The late King Charles the First, who was not inferior to any of his Royal Predecessors for religious care and protection of this Church, with others of the like nature, for which he might as deservedly as any challenge the name of Nursing Father, the glory of which name shall never be Eclipsed by the blackest cloud of any Edomitical generation) had such a vigilant eye upon this Church, that for the benefit and improvement of Officers, as well for the future, as for the present, He wrote to the Dean and Chapter, as followeth.   

TO OUR Trusty and Wellbeloved THE DEAN and CHAPTER OF OUR Cathedral CHURCH OF PETERBURGH, And to the DEAN and CHAPTER of that CHURCH that hereafter for the time shall be.  
CHARLES R.  
TRusty and Wellbeloved, We greet you well. We have lately taken the state of our Cathedral and Collegiate Churches into our Princely consideration, that we may be the better able to preserve that livelihood which as yet is left unto them. Upon this Deliberation we find that of later times there hath not risen a greater Inconvenience, than by turning Leases of one and twenty Years into Lives, for by that means the present Dean and Chapter, put great Fines into their Purses, to enrich themselves, their Wives, and Children, and leave their Successors, of what deserts soever to us, and the Church, destitute of that growing means, which else would come in to help them: By which course, should it continue, scarce any of them could be able to live and keep house, according to their Place, and Calling. We know the Statute makes it alike lawful for a Dean and Chapter, to let their Leases for the Term of One and Twenty Years, or three Lives; but time and experience have made it apparent that there is a great deal of difference between them, especially in Church-Leases, when men are commonly in Years before they come to those Places. These are therefore to Will and Command you, upon the peril of Our utmost displeasure, and what shall follow thereon, that notwithstanding any Statute, or any other pretence whatsoever, you presume not to let any Lease belonging to your Church into Lives that is not in Lives already. And further where any fair opportunity is offered you, if any such be, you fail not to reduce such as are in Lives into Years. And we do likewise Will and Require, that these Our Letters may remain upon Record in your own Register Books, and in the Registry of the Lord Bishop of that Diocese, that he may take notice of these Our Commands unto you, and give us, and Our Royal Successors knowledge, if you presume in any sort to disobey them. And further, whereas in Our late Instructions, We have Commanded all our Bishops respectively, not to let any Lease after We have named any of them to a better Bishopric, but did not in those Instructions name the Deans, who yet were intended by Us: These are therefore to Declare unto you, that no Dean shall presume to renew any Lease either into Lives or Years, after such a time as We have nominated him either to a better Deanery or a Bishopric, having observed, that at such times of Remove, many men care not what or how they Let, to the prejudice of the Church, and their Successors. And this is our express Command to you, your Chapter, and your Successors, which in any case We require both you and them strictly to observe, upon pain of Our high displeasure, and as you, and they will answer the contrary at your and their utmost perils.  
Given under Our Signet at Our Manor of Greenwich the Two and twentieth day of June, in the Tenth Year of Our Reign.   

TO OUR Trusty and Wellbeloved THE DEAN and PREBENDARIES OF OUR Cathedral CHURCH OF PETERBURGH.  
CHARLES R.  
TRusty and Wellbeloved, We greet you well. We are informed that the Dotations and Allowances in our Cathedral Church of Peterburgh are very mean both for yourselves the Dean and Prebendaries, and for the Petty Canons, Clerks, and other subservient members therein: And further that there is very little left to keep so goodly a Fabric as that Cathedral is, in sufficient reparation. Wherefore in our Princely Care and Zeal to God's service, We are ready to take notice of every good Proposal which may tend to the supportation and advancement of the same. Forasmuch therefore as it is represented unto Us by the most Reverend Father in God our Right Trusty and Right Wellbeloved Councillor, The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, that a very fair opportunity will within few years offer itself (the like whereof if that be omitted, can hardly at any time after be hoped for in that Church) namely by the renewing the Lease of the Manors of Castor and Sutton which are the Inheritance of that Cathedral, and are reputed to be clearly worth five hundred and threescore pounds per annum, or thereabouts over and above the Rents which now are reserved upon them. In this regard We are pleased to direct these Our Royal Letters unto you, willing and requiring you the Dean and Prebendaries that whensoever you shall next renew the said Lease, so as to add any Term of Years thereunto, you shall not aim at your own present advantage only, but also at the future good of that Church in succeeding Ages: And shall therefore reserve the full sum of Three hundred and Ten pounds per annum (over and above the old Rent) upon the same: By which increase (as We have caused it to be apportioned) you shall be able to add unto the Deans place, Threescore pounds yearly; unto every Prebendary, Sixteen pounds yearly; unto every Petty-Canon Six pounds; unto every Clerk, Three pounds six shillings eight pence; unto every Chorister, One pound thirteen shillings four pence; unto the Master and Teacher of them, Three pounds; Unto the Chanter Three pounds, unto the Organists Ten pounds; to either of the Sextons forty shillings; and toward the repair of the Fabric of the Church Forty six pounds: to the great Improvement of all the said places, and encouragement of all those that from time to time shall be employed in Gods Holy Service among you. And Our Royal Will and Pleasure is, that at the next Chapter to be held by you, after the receipt hereof, you shall make a Chapter-Act to this very purpose, causing also these Our Royal Letters and directions to be faithfully Registered in your Chapter-Book: And that every succeeding Dean, and Prebendary together with his admission and instalment, have notice given him hereof, until these our Princely and Pious provisions for that Church shall be accomplished and fully perfected. And that after these Our Royal Letters shall be Registered, you lay them up safe among your Evidences, there to be kept as a Monument of Our Care to the Service of Almighty God.  
Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster the Ninth of November, in the fourteenth Year of Our Reign.   

I shall here present an Ancient Catalogue of a Library in this Monastery, which, having no Date annexed to it, must be left to conjecture when it might be taken. The Marginal Illustrations I have taken out of Bellarmine, Pitseus, Trithemius, and affixed them thereunto.  

Matricularium Librariae Monasterii Burgi Sancti Petri paucis libris non examinatis.  
A 


He was a Scotchman, and lived Anno 820. Bellarm.  Claudius' super Matthaeum.  
Expositio Joh. Chrysostomi supper In principio erat Verbum.  
Expositio ejusdem super Evang. de Muliere Cananaea.  
Expositio Bedae super Evang. Non est arbor bona.  
Expositio ejusdem super Evangelium, Facta sunt Encoenia.  
Sex sermons de Sancta Maria.  
Duo Sermons de Sancta Agnete.  
Vita Sancti Romani Rothomagensis Episcopi.  

Dunstane was made Archbishop of Canterb. 961. and sat their 27 years, Summoner.  Vita Sancti Dunstani Archiepiscopi.    
B 

Dialogus Basilii, & Johannis. S. libri sex.  
Augustinus de Poenitentia.  

Gennadius was a Priest at Marseiles, Anno 490. This Book is extant amongst S. Augustine's works, saith Bellarm.  Gennadius de Ecclesiasticis dogmatibus.  

These Collations are extant in C—— See G.  Collationes Nesteronis Abbatis.  
Collationes Abbatis Abraham.  
Collationes Abbatis Cheremonis.    
C 


Amongst S. Ambrose his works this Pastoral bears the Title De dignitate Sacerdotali. Tom. 4.  Pastorale Ambrosii  
Quaestio Hieronymi de induratione cordis Pharaonis, & de aliis quatuor quaestionibus.  
Item de 15 signis ante diem Judicii.    
D 

Augustinus de libero arbitrio.  

Damianus was a Monk of Ravenna, Anno 1060. and wrote the life of Abbot Odilo saith, B——  Liber Petri Damiani Monachi qui dicitur, Dominus Vobiscum.  

The Life of Odilo and Maiola were also written by Osbinus a Monk of Canterbury, Anno 1074. Pits. This Odilo, saith Trithemius, was Abbot of Cluniack, and died Anno 1048. He succeeded Maiolus who was Abbot there, saith Sigehert. Anno 975. 998.  Vita Odilionis Abbatis.  
Vita Sancti Maioli.  
Vita Willielmi Alcurbues.  
Quaedam miracula Leonis Papae.    
F 

Hieronymus de Interpretationibus Hebraicorum nominum.  
Expositiones Hebraicarum literarum.  
Quaedam sententiae ex dictis diversorum Theologorum collectae de Mysterio corporis & sanguinis Christi.    
G. 


Albinus or Alcuinus was Scholar to Beda, and Tutor to Charles the Great, Anno 770. saith Trithemius; 780. saith Bellarmine.  Albinus super Ecclesiasten.    
H 

Hieronymus super Marcum.  
Vita Sanctae Mildredae Virgins.    
I 

Tractatus Origenis de Susanna.  

S. Nicolas was Bishop of Myra, mentioned Act 27. 5. and died Anno 309. Decem. 6. is to his memory.  Vita Sancti Nicolai.  
Vita Sancti Botulphi Abbatis.  
Tractatus de Translatione sanctorum tor——  

Guthlacus was Confessor to Ethelbald K. of Mercia, the Founder of Croyland Monastery, Anno 716. His life was written by Felix a Monk of Croyland, Anno 730. and afterwards done into Verse by William a Monk of Ramsey, Anno 1180. Pits. His life was written by——  Vita Sancti Guthlaci.  

Not known by this name in S. Ambrose.  Sermo B. Ambrosii de observantia Episcoporum.  
Ambrose de mysteriis.  

Extant in his 4 Tome.  Ambrose de Sacramentis.  

In S. Ambr. works it is De Helia, & Jejun.  Ambrose de utilitate & laude jejunii.  
Hyponosticon Augustini contra Pelagianos, & Celestranos.    
L 

Epistola Paulae, & Eustochii ad Marcellam exhortatoria de sanctis locis.  
Epistola Hieronymi de Septies percussa.  
Epistola ejusdem ad Oceanum de morte Fabiolae.  
Epistola ejusdem ad Marcellam.  
Epistola ejusdem ad Laetam de institutione filiae.  
Plures Epistolae Hieron. ad Marcellam.  
Item ad Oceanum de quaestione Evangelii, Qui dixerit verbum adversus Filium hominis.  
Item Epistola ad Marcellam.  
Item Epistola Hieron. ad matrem & filiam in Galliis commorantes.  
Item Epistola ad Castorinam materteram.  
Item Epistola ejusdem ad Salvinam de Nebrid. & viduitate servanda.  
Item Epistola ejusdem ad Aggeruchiam de Monogamia.  
Quaestiones ejusdem ad Hedibiam, s. duodecim.    
M 

Tractatus Joh. Chrysostomi super Epistolas Pauli ad Hebraeos.  
Tractatus ejusdem de seven. horis diei.    
N 

Augustinus de mendacio ad Consentium, liber unus.  
Item alius liber de mendacio.  
Item duo libri ad Vicnentium de eadem re.  
Augustinus de natura & origine animae, ad Renatum.  
Item alius liber de natura & origine animae, ad Petrum.  
Sermo Arrianorum.  
Augustinus contra eundem sermonem.  
Augustinus contra adversarium legis, & Prophetarum libri duo.  
Augustinus de adulterinis conjugiis, libri duo.  
Sermo Sancti Augustini de pastoribus.  
Item Sermo ejusdem de ovibus.  
Augustinus ad Marcellinum de Spiritu & litera, liber unus.  
Sententia Augustini de libro retracttaionum super librum de unico baptismo.  
Augustinus de unico baptismo liber unus.  
Epistola Augustini ad Marcellinum de quibusdam quaestionibus.  
Augustinus contra Donatistas de baptismo libri septem.  
Augustinus ad Marcellinum de baptismo parvulorum libri duo.    
O 


Orosius was a Priest of Spain, and Scholar to S. Austin, Anno 420. Trith. 425. Bellarmine.  Sexaginta quinque quaestiones Orosii Presbyteri, & totidem responsiones Augustini.  

The Epistles commonly vogued to have passed betwixt S. Paul and Seneca, are extant. Hence S. Hierom inserted Seneca amongst his Ecclesiastical writers. Nicolas Triveth an English man, Anno 1324. paraphrased upon these Epistles: So likewise did Faber Stapulensis.  Epistolae Senecae ad Paulum.  
Epistolae Pauli ad Senecam.  
Epistola Anselmi Archiepiscopi de sacrificio Azymi, & fermentati.  
Anselmus de processione Spiritus Sancti 
Anselmus was made Archbishop of Cant. Anno 1093. He succeeded Lanfrancus. .  
Anselmus, Cur Deus homo.  
Formula vitae honestae Martini Episcopi, quae agit 
See L. IX.  de quatuor virtutibus Cardinalibus.  
Musa Martini. i. Cacosionus lingua paterna sonat.  

Lanfrancus was made Archbishop of Cant. Anno 1070. This Book is extant, Printed Lovanii, 1551.  Lanfrancus contra Berengarium de Corpore, & sanguine Domini.  

Ernulfus was Abbot of Peterburgh, and from thence translated to Rochester. See B ....  Quaedam solutiones Ernulfi Episcopi Roffensis ad quosdam quaestiones Lamberti Abbatis Sancti Bertani.  
Sermo Eusebii de Corpore & sanguine Domini.  

See Q.  Sermo Isidori Episcopi Hispalensis de eadem re.  
Quid quibus temporibus sit legendum, aut canendum.  
Commentum Boëtii de Trinitate.  
Expositio super idem Commentum.  
Libellus contra Eutichen, & Nestorium.  
Expositio super eundem.  
Isidorus de ordine creaturae.  

Bacharius' Macceus a Briton, disciple to S. Patrick, Anno 460. Pits. who mentioneth this Epistle under this Title, Dereparatione lapsi, ceu, de fructu poenitentiae ad Januarium.  Epistola S. Bacharii ad Januarium.  
Anselmus de concordia praescientiae & praedestinationis & gratiae Dei cum libero arbitrio.  
Consuetudines Monachorum Cluniacensium.  
Epistolae diversorum Pontificum.  

Laurence was Deacon to Xystus Bish. of Rome, and under Decius about Anno 252. was roasted upon a Gridiron. S. Ambrose S●r. 71. and elsewhere makes glorious mention of him. August 10. is his Memorial.  Passio S. Laurentii versificé.  

Mauritius was Commander of 6666 Soldiers who being all Christians, were put to the Sword at Agaunum a Town in Helvetia, in the time of Dioclesian, about the year 399. as the Roman Martyrologies record, who celebrate his memory Sept. 22.  Passio S. Mauritii sociorum & ejus, versifice  
Versus de S. Pafnutio.  
De poenitentia Thaidis meretricis.  
Versus de transgressione Jonae prophetae.  
Versus de Jepte.  
Versus de Susanna.  
Exhortatio vitae honestae.  

She was—— some of her Relics were kept.  Vita Sanctae Anstrobertae Virgins, versifice, & diversa ejusdem Miracula.    
P 

Quaestiones Albini de Genesi, & solutiones.  
Tractatus de mensuris & ponderibus.  
Interpretationes quorundam nominum veteris testamenti.    
Q 

Sermo Augustini de Cantico novo.  

Aug. in his 9 tome.  Sermo de quarta feria.  

Aug. in his 9 tome  De Cataclysmo.  
De tempore Barbarico cum Sermone de Trinitate. 
Aug. in his 9 tome.   

Isidorus was Bishop of Sevil in Spain, An 630. These Tractates are recorded by Trithemius and Bellarmine.  Liber prooemiorum Isidori cum libris veteris testamenti, 
Aug. in his 9 tome.  & novi.  
Liber Isidori de ortu, & vita patrum veteris & novi testamenti.  
Isidorus de patribus veteris & novi testamenti, Quis cujus typum gesserit.  
Catalogus Isidori de Catholicis Scriptoribus.  
Catalogus Hieronymi de Catholicis Scriptoribus.  

Gelasius was Bishop of Rome, Anno 490. Bellarm.  Epistola Gelasii Papae, & septuaginta Episcoporum de recipiendis, & non recipiendis libris.  
Catalogus Gennadii de Catholicis Scriptoribus.  

See B.  Item Catalogus Isidori de Catholicis Scriptoribus.  
Robertus Tumbeley 
Rob. Tumbeley was Monk of Croyland, saith Pitseus, but knows not when he lived.  super Cantica Canticorum.  
Expositio S. Cypriani Martyris super Orationem Dominicam.  
Duo libri Soliloquiorum S. Augustini.  
Augustinus de Immortalitate animae liber unus.  

In his 1 tom. 1. Retract. c. 5.  Augustinus de Quantitate animae liber unus.  

In his 1 tom. 1 Retract. c. 8.  Augustinus de definitionibus Ecclesiasticorum dogmatum liber unus.  
Quaedam excerpta de tribus libris Augustini contra Parmenianum.    
R 

Augustinus de vera religione liber unus.  
Augustinus ad Valentinum de gratia, & libero arbitrio, liber unus.  
Augustinus de 8 quaestionibus Dulcitii.  
Augustinus contra Pelagianos de Praedestinatione Divina.  
Responsiones Augustini ad quaedam sibi falso objecta contra fidem.  
Sex Sermons Augustini de Nativitate Domini.  
Sermo Eusebii de Nativitate Domini.  
Sermo Origenis de Circumcisione Domini.  
Tres Sermons Augustini de Epiphania Domini.  
Augustinus de Doctrina Christiana.    
S 


Hildefonsus was B. of Toledo, An. 658. saith Bellarmine, and both he, and Trithemius makes mention of this book which, say they, the blessed Virgin took so well, that she gave him thanks for it.  Liber Hildefonsis Episcopi de perpetua virginitate B. Mariae.    
T 

Augustinus de Virginitate.  

In his 7 Tome.  Augustinus de nuptiis & concupiscentia.  
Liber Soliloquiorum Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi.    
U 

Quaedam excerpta de scriptis diversorum Doctorum.  
Libellus de Tonis.  
Proverbia Senecae.  
Expositiones diversarum partium.  
Augustinus de Verbis Domini.  
Idem de tempore munitionis.  
De duodecim lapidibus.  
De proprietate cantus ann.    
X 

Apotheosis v PN ad D PN. SS PD.    
Y 


Eusebius who lived Anno 326. wrote this Chronicle from the beginning of the World to 329. of Christ, then S. Hierome continued it to 382. then Prosper of Aquitain continued it to 448. and after him others.  Chronica Prosperi.  
Augustinus de diversis quaestionibus.  
Gennadius.  
Sermo Augustini de dedicatione Ecclesiae.  
Isidorus super librum Regum, sed imperfectus.    
Z 

Epistola ad Augustinum Quod vult dei Diaconi.  
Et Augustinus ad Quod vult deum Diaconum.    
A 

Beda 
Beda one of the greatest Scholars of that Century, flourished in England his native Country, Anno 731.  de Compoto, & de naturis rerum.  
Chronica Bedae.  
Liber 
Dionysius, commonly called Exiguus, was a Scythian by Nation, and for his piety and learning, became an Abbot in Rome, Anno 525. saith Bell. 540. saith Trithem.  Dionysii Abb. urbis Romae ad Petronium Episcopum de Compoto.  
Epistola ejusdem ad Bonifacium de eadem re.  
Helpricus 
Helpericus was a Monk of the Monastery of S. Gallus, An. 1069. saith Trithem. who nominates this book with some others which he wrote.  de Compoto.  
Tractatus de 12 signis, & signa depicta.  
Sententiae diversorum de cursu stellarum.  
Ratio regularum Abaci.    
B.. 

Beda super Tobiam.  
Beda super triginta quaestiones de libris Regum.  
Beda super Canticum, Abacuc.  
Beda de Templo Salomonis.  
Augustinus contra quinque haereses.  
Sermo Augustini de Muliere forti.  
Hieronymus super Ecclesiasten.  

See O  Tractatus Ernulfi Episcopi Roffensis de Incestuosis conjugiis.    
C 

Retractationes Bedae de quibusdam quaestionibus praecedentis tractatus.  
Interpretationes Bedae de quibusdam nominibus Hebraicis.    
D 

Beda super verbum Neemiae sacerdotis liber unus.  
Liber unus magni 
Aurelius Cassiodorus was Abbot in Ravenna, Anno 575. saith Trithemius who mentioneth this, though Bellarmine doth not.  Aurelii Cassiodori Senatoris de Anima.    
E.. 

Homiliae Caesarii Episcopi ad Monachos per x. homilias.  
Homiliae 
There were two Eusebii Emiseni, One Anno 350. remembered by Trithemius, the other An. 430. by Bellar.  Eusebii Emiseni ad Monachos per seven. homilias.  
Admonitio 
Caesarius was Bishop of Arles, Anno 670. saith Trithemius, which Bellarmine is against, and will have him An. 499. See C xiii.  B. Caesarii Episcopi ad sororem suam.  
Regula S. Basilii Cappadociae Episcopi per octo & decem capitula.    
F ... 

Bernardus de Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam.    
G.. 

Translatio Sancti Cuthberti Episcopi.  
Duodecim libri Cassiani 
Johannes Cassianus was a Scythian by Nation, and Deacon under chrysostom, Anno 435. Trithemius. 440. Bellarm. His works are extant, Printed Basileae, 1497. wherein he is also called Johannes Eremita. .  
Liber decem Collationum a Johanne Heremita conscriptus.  
Item septem Collationes ab eodem conscriptae.    
H.. 

Ambrose de Sacramentis libri sex.  
Idem de Mysteriis liber unus.  
Idem de Officiis libri tres.  
Item Johannes Constantinopoleos civitatis Episcopus de compunctione cordis libri 4.    
I.. 

Liber Ambrosii de Nabuthe.    
K.. 

Ambrose de laude virginum libri tres.  
Item de laude viduarum liber unus.  
De Virginitate libri duo.  
Epistola Ambrosii ad Vercellensem Ecclesiam.  
Sermo ejusdem de lapsu virginis consecratae.  
Sermo ejusdem ad violatorem.  
Lamentatio ejusdem super eisdem.    
L.. 

Ambrose de Patriarchis liber unus.  
Duo libri ejusdem de excessu fratris sui.  
Tres libri ejusdem de laude virginum.  
Vnus liber de laude Viduarum.  
Duo libri ejusdem de virginitate.  
Sermo ejusdem de lapsu virginis consecratae.  
Sermo ejusdem ad violatorem.  
Lamentatio ejusdem super eisdem.    
M 

Libellus de differentiis partium.    
N.. 

Expositio libri Jesus Nave de morte Moysi.  
Expositio libri Judicium.  
Expositio super Ruth.  
Expositio Regum iv.    
O.. 

Liber Poenitentialis in fine.    
P.. 


See G.  Alquinus ad Guidonem Comitem, de vitiis, & virtutibus.  
Glossae super epistolas Pauli.  
Liber cucullarum.  
Miracula de imagine Domini.  
Tractatus cujusdam de Dedicatione Ecclesiae.  
Item de Clericis ordinandis.  
Item de convenientia veteris, & novi Testamenti.    
Q.. 

Vita S. Martini Episcopi 
Perhaps this might be that which was written by Sulpitius Severus. .  
Altercatio Apostolorum cum Simone Mago.    
R.. 

Vita S. Egidii Abbatis.    
S.. 

Aetates ab origine mundi.  
Tractatus sic incipiens Evangelistis.  
Expositio super Orationem Dominicam.  
Quaedam Evangelia Glossata.  
Tractatus de Sacramentis.  
Liber penitential. sive Pastorale magistri 
Bartholomaeus Iscanus lived An. 1188. saith Pitseus, and makes mention of a book which he wrote De Poenitentia. Bish. Godwyn dates him B. of Exeter 1161.  Bartholomaei Exon. Episcopi.  
Tractatus de diversis libris Bibliae.    
T.. 

Dares 
Dares Phrygius was a Soldier in the Trojan War, and a writer of it: His History was translated out of Greek into Latin by Cornelius Nepos, which he dedicated to Crispus salustius, and is extant.  Frigius de Excidio Trojae.  
Libellus Pauli de itinere Aeneae—— & de casibus ejus.  
Gesta Romanorum Valenti Maximo Augusto conscripta.  
Liber de Origine & gestis Francorum, sed imperfectus.  
Gesta Tyrii Apollonii 
Philostratus in the time of Severus wrote the life of Apollonius a Pythagorean Philosopher, by some accounted a great Magician: Philostratus wrote his Miracles to parallel them with those of our Blessed Saviour, to please Julia wife to the Emperor Severus.     
U.. 

Historia persecutionis Africanae provinciae tempore Genserici, & Henrici Regis Vandalorum, a S. Victore Episcopo Patrievicensi conscripta.    
X.. 

Epistola Alexandri ad Magistrum suum Aristotelem.  
Dares Frigius de Excidio Trojae.    
Y.. 

Fulgentius 
Fulgentius was Episcopus Rus●ensis, a City in Africa, An. 500 Johannes Ridevallus who lived Anno 1330. paraphrased upon this piece of Fulgentius, and is now in the public Library of the University of Cambridge, saith Pitseus.  de expositionibus fabularum.  
Dares Frigius de Excidio Troiae.  
Prophetia Sibyllae.    
Z.. 

Liber graduum.  
Libellus sic incipiens Aes ustum.    
A ... 

Commentum Herbasii super Aphorismos Hippocratis.  
Liber 
Galen a Physician of Pergamus in the time of M. Aurelius, and Commodus, about 170 years after Christ.  Galeni de febribus.  
Antibolomenon.  
Isagoge Johannicii.  
Item Antibolomenon.  
De Phlebotomia.  
Prolivius—— de Physica.    
B ... 

Decreta Willielmi Bastardi & emendationes quas posuit in Anglia.  
Tractatus magistri 
Johannes Biletheus, or Bilet; Pitseus is doubtful whether he was English or French, yet makes mention of this book which is commonly printed, and joined with Durandus his Rationale. He flourished about the year 1328.  Johannis Beleth de officiis Ecclesiasticis & consuetudinibus.    
C ... 

Litera quae sic incipit Hugoni S. Victoris Priori.    
D ... 

Tractatus de Computatione a sinistra in dextram.  
Regula S. Basilii.  
Liber Sermonum sic incipiens Humilitas mons est.  
Duo libri Soliloquiorum Isidori.  
Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum.  
Epistola Hieronymi ad Paulinum Presbyterum de capitulis divinorum librorum, non tota.    
E ... 

Ambrose de Nabuthe.  
Vita S. Wadragisili Abbatis.  
Passio S. Nicasii sociorumque ejus.  
Passio 
This Dionysius seems to be the same mentioned Acts 17. 34. His companions were Rusticus and Eleutherius, who (as the story goes) were beheaded at Paris under Domitian. They say that Dionysius being beheaded, his body risen upright, and stooping down took up its own head, and carried it two miles in its arms, and laying it down again, was there buried. His Memorial is Octob. 9  S. Dionysii sociorumque ejus.  
Liber de inventione miraculisque eorum.  
Vita S. Wulfrani Episcopi.    
F ... 

Decreta Gregorii de quiet Monachorum.    
G ... 

Liber Sermonum sic incipiens Dicite pusillanimes 
This book is reckoned amongst those of Petrus Baboon an English man who lived Anno. 1317. Pits. .    
H ... 

Tractatus Cypriani de 12 abusivis seculi.  
Formula vitae honestae.  
Septuaginta quinque epistolae Cypriani.    
I ... 

Epistolae 
Ernulfus came into England 1164. and laboured a reconciliation betwixt King Hen. 2. and T. Becket. Hoveden pag. 282.  Ernulfi Lexoviensis Episcopi.  
Excidium Troiae versifice.  
Tractatus de Astronomia.  
Vita 
S. Agnes was martyred at Rome being 13 years of age, in the time of Dioclesian, about the year 304. When the fire would not burn her, she was thrust into the mouth with a sword. S. Ambrose in his first book De Virginibus, and in his 90 Serm. is copious in her praise, and story. The day of her memory is Jan. 21.  S. Agnetis versifice.  
Versus de ruina urbis Romae.    
K ... 

Edilnulphus de Monachis.    
L ... 

Visio Baronei Monachi.  
Narratio Josephi de S. Maria Magdalena.  
Tractatus de naturis bestiarum & volucrum.    
M ... 

Formula vitae honestae.  
Versus de Jona propheta, & de Thaide.  

See O.  Passio S. Laurentii versifice.  
Vita S. Mariae Aegyptiac. secundum 
Hildebertus was first Bish. of Cenoma a Town or Province in France, afterwards Archbish. of Tours An. 1090. saith Trithemius as to the first An. 1125. saith Bellarmine as to the second. They both mention Poetical, and other works of his, but neither of them this, yet Vossius ascribeth it to Hildebert, pag. 281. and 378.  Hildebertum Cenomanensem Episcopum.  
Passio S. Mauritii sociorumque ejus versifice.  
Versus Hildeberti Cenomanensis Episcopi de Missa.    
N ... 

Interrogationes, & responsiones optimae de Theologia quae sic incipiunt Deus summe verus, & vere summus.  
Anselmus de vera poenitentia.  
Sermons pauci.  
Excerptiones libri Pastorale Beati Gregorii sic incipiens, Ipsi regnaverunt.  
Introductiones de quibusdam themis ad praedicandum.  
De convenientia Veteris ac Novi Testamenti.  
Symphonius, Eusebius, Hieronymus in Expositionem Marci.  
Quaedam quaestiones, & solutiones de Trinitate, cum aliis.  
Liber Hugonis qui dicitur 
There is a Summa sententiarum attributed to Hugo, Monk and Abbot of S. Victor in Paris, Anno 1130. perhaps this was it. Bell.  Summa Divina.  
Tractatus de Ordinibus, & ordinandis, & de excellentia sacrorum ordinum, & de vita ordinandorum secundum Hugonem.  
Item diversae materiae per 7 folia sequentia, prima materia sic incipit, Quoniam fecisti judicium meum.  
Expositio super certos versus Psalterii sic incipiens Beatus vir, cum aliis diversis sequentibus.  
Liber Richardi Folkingham.  
Liber qui sic incipit Dei Omnipotentis.  
Compendium sententiarum secundum Magistrum Hugonem.  
Notulae super Scholasticam Historiam.  
De mystica, & Allegorica significatione propriorum nominum quae leguntur in Veteri Testamento.  
Allegoriae de Veteri Testamento per Magistrum 
Richardus de S. Victore natione Scotus. An. 1130. Bell.  R. de S. Victore per 14 libros.  
Tractatus de Oratione Dominica.    
O ... 

Tractatus de Oratione, & modo orandi, & quo studio vel affectu orandus sit Deus.  
Tractatus de 7 petitionibus in Oratione Dominica.  
Alia distinctio de 7 petitionibus.  
Titulus super Symbolum.  
Tractatus super Symbolum Apostolorum.    
P ... 

Tractatus de interdictu Angliae.  
Tractatus de trino modo precandi.  
De miseria humanae conditionis.  
Descriptio loci amoeni, & de mensibus anni.  
Tractatus de virtutibus imitandis & earum distinctionibus.  
Vitae S. Thomae martyris versifice.  
Liber quo sic incipit De Cupiditate Adae.    
Q ... 

Compendium Veteris Testamenti.  
Exorcismus Baptismatis 
Alexander Necham might be the Author. .    
R ... 

Tractatus super Ave Maris stella.  
Meditationes Guidonis.  
Tractatus super Magnificat.  
Tractatus super Evangelium Qui Manducat.  
Descriptio Ecclesiastici pastoris.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Ne videar magnificare.  
Prophetiae Merlini versifice 
There were two Merlin's: Ambrose Merlinus born at Caermardin in Wales, who flourished about An. 480. The other Merlinus Calidonius An. 570. whom Geofsry of Monmouth converted into Latin Verse. Pits. And perhaps this might be it. .    
S ... 

Templum Domini.  
Tractatus de Modo confitendi.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Bona in tempore.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Domum fecit Solomon.  
De poenitentia injungenda religiosis secundum Magistrum W. de montibus.  
Qui bene praesunt, versifice.  
Regula Beati Francisci.  
Tractatus de Sacramento altaris.  
Casus quibus excommunicatur quis ipso jure.  
Tractatus de 7 aetatibus.    
T ... 

Tractatus de nominibus deorum.  
Historia Britonum.  
Ambrose super Lucam.  
Sermons diversi.  
Compilatio excerpta de Confessionibus Augustini, & Epistolis Leonis Papae, & libris Cassiani, & aliorum Doctorum.    
U ... 


See S..  Liber poenitentialis Bartholomaei Exon. Episcopi.  
Liber Sermonum.    
X ... 

Hugo 
This Hugo was Monachus Corbeiensis, Anno 1120. saith Trithemius who recites this book amongst others which he wrote.  de Folieto de aedificatione claustri materialis.  
Tractatus super quibusdam psalmis de Psalterio.    
Y ... 

Liber Soliloquiorum.  
Tractatus de duobus luminaribus.  
Etymologiae quorundam nominum.  
Meditationes Hugonis de S. Victore.  
Compilatio diversarum quaestionum.  
Visitatio infirmorum.  
Phalecolum cum expositione ejusdem.    
Z ... 

Tractatus qui sic incipit Quantum docet in clementia.  
Liber moralis philosophiae.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Miraculum.  
Dissuasio 
Nicolas Trivit, An. 1328. And John Rideval, An. 1330. did both write upon the tractate of Valerius. Pitseus.  Valerii ad Rufinum Ne ducat uxorem.  
Libellus de diversis rebus.    
A iv. 

Vita S. Swithuni 
S. Swithune was Bishop of Winchester, and died An. 862. Mat. Westm. .  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Amor terrenus inviscat animam    
B iv. 

Ambrose de Officiis.  
Libellus de diversis rebus.  
Tractatus de differentiis in crucibus faciendis in Canone sic incipiens, In virtute sanctae Crucis.    
C iv. 

Liber Sermonum per annum.  
Liber de nature a quarundam avium.    
D iv. 

Parvus tractatus qui sic incipit Pax hominibus bonae voluntatis.  
Tractatus bonus qui sic incipit Quamlibet peritus.    
E iv. 

Liber H. Praepositi de Sempringham de Oratione, & inquisitione Dei.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit qui viderit mulierem ad concupiscendam eam.  
Compendium poenitentiale glossatum.  
Tractatus de agnitione peccatorum.    
F iv. 

Tractatus de humilitate Monachorum.  
Tractatus de arte qui sic incipit Introducendus in hanc facultatem.  
Divisiones, & subdivisiones soni per quas pervenitur ad propositiones.  
Item ars disserendi, sive discernendi verum à falso.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Cum hoc nomen.  
Tractatus de Baptismo.    
G iv. 

Exactiones de Romana Civitate.  
Seneca de remediis fortuitorum malorum.    
H iv. 

Tractatus de operibus sex dierum.    
I iv. 

Tractatus de modo precandi.  
Tractatus 
Petrus Blesensis was Archdeacon of Bath 1177.  Petri Blesensis sic incipiens Quid sit mundus.    
K iv. 

Expositio 
This seems to be Remigius Antisiodorensis, who lived Anno 890. and whom Fulco Bishop of Rheims called thither to erect Schools, Bellar. See N vi.  Remigii super Focam de Nomine & Verbo.  
Vita S. Agnetis.  
Expositiones quorundam verborum.    
L iv. 

Tractatus de Sponso, & Sponsa, scil. Christo, & Ecclesia.  
Expositio Bernardi super Canticum Canticorum.    
M iv. 

Quidam tractatus qui sic incipit Ductus est in desertum.  
Ordo de celebrando Concilio.  
Tractatus de Philosophia.  
Versus de iis quae sunt insinuanda in sermonibus.  
Statuta Generalis Capituli nigrorum Monachorum celebrati Oxon.  
Alia Statuta ordinis Monachorum quae sic incipiunt In primis.    
N iv. 

Descriptio quatuor Evangelistarum, & quid significant figurae illorum.  
Tractatus super illum versum Homo cum in honore esset.  
Parvus tractatus de Jure.    
O iv. 

Constitutiones Abbatum Archiepiscopatus Cantuariensis apud Oxon. factae.  
Concilium Oxon. sub Magistro S. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi celebratum.  
Libellus de modo poenitendi, & de poenitentia injungenda.  
Sermons 
Stephen Langton was made Archb. of Cant. Anno 1206. and sat there 22 years, saith Summoner. The dividing of the Scriptures into Chapters, as they are now commonly received, is attributed to him by Pitseus, but denied by Parker and Godwin.  Stephani Archiepiscopi.  
De virtutibus & vitiis.  
Distinctiones secundum ordinem Alphabeti.  
Tractatus de Trinitate & unitate.  
De vocabulis quae de Deo dicuntur, vel ab aeterno, vel ex tempore.  
De processu negotiorum civilium, & ordine judiciorum.    
P iv. 

Tractatus de quatuor virtutibus Cardinalibus.  
Tractatus de praeceptis legis.  
Quaestio quare magis filius sit incarnatus quam 
Alexander Necham wrote of this question, saith Pitseus, and perhaps this might be his. See V iv.  Pater, vel Spiritus Sanctus, cum aliis quaestionibus de Theologia.    
Q iv. 

Aliud Psalterium de Beata Virgin, & Orationes de eadem.  
Tractatus de Incarnatione Domini, & redemptione humani generis.  
Meditationes Anselmi Archiepiscopi ad excitandum timorem Dei.    
R iv. 

Vita S. Oswaldi versifice.  
Sermons.  
Annotationes de rerum creatione ad excitationem memoriae.    
S iv. 

Sermons & optima dicta 
This might be W. de Montibus who was Chancellor of Lincoln, An. 1210. and wrote also ad quasdam Moniales, saith Pitseus.  Cancellarii Lincoln. per totum annum.  
Sermons ejusdem & Epistolae ad Sanctimoniales.  
Sermons Magistri Reginaldi Gupill.    
T iv. 

Tractatus Magistri 
This Richard was a Monk of Westminster, Anno 1348. saith Pitseus, but he makes no mention of this book.  Richardi de Circestre super symbolum majus, & minus.  
Expositio Praecentoris super Orationem Dominicam.  
Tractatus Richardi Episcopi Londoniensis ad Regem Henricum, Rithmicè.  
Tractatus de Sacramentis.  
Postillae super Marcum.  
Glosae super eundem.  
Vtilis tractatus de Tabernaculo Moysis.  
Item multi tractatus de Sacramentis.  
Glosae super Matthaeum.  
Quaedam expositiones super Epistolas Pauli, & quaestiones.  
Glosae super Exodum.  
Quidam Sermons 
He was called Gilbertus Glanvile, and lived 1185.  Gilberti Episcopi Roffensis.  
Quaedam Quaestiones Magistri Praepositi.    
U iv. 

Sermons 
Alexander Neckam lived Anno 1227.  Alexandri Necham & aliorum.  
Euphrastica ejusdem cum Sermonibus.  

See O iv.  Moralia Stephani Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi super Exodum, Judic. & Ruth.    
X iv. 

Quidam Sermones Magistri Rogeri Supprioris Eliensis, & Magistri T. & Magistri W. de Montibus.  
Quidam versus Glosati ejusdem W. de Montibus.  
Similitudinarium ejusdem.  
Tractatus ejusdem de Philosophia.  
Sermons Magistri Alexandri Necham.    
Y iv. 

Quaedam excerpta de Glosis super Psalterium.  
Quaedam Epistolae Hieronymi.  
Acceptiones quorundam nominum in Theologia.  
Historia Pentateuchi.    
Z iv. 

Quidam versus.  
Excerpta de Sermonibus, & Homiliis S. Augustini.  
Explanatio verborum in legibus.  
Quidam Sermons S. Archiepiscopi, & Alexandri Necham.  
Historia Tobiae versifice.  
Vtilis tractatus cujusdam ad Novitios.  

See X seven.  Institutio Prioris de Esseby ad Novitios cum Distinctionibus virtutum, & vitiorum, & philosophia.  
Versus Magistri P. de Veteri, & Novo Testamento.  
Quaedam utilia secundum Magistrum R. Supprioris Eliensis.  
Quidam Sermones Alexandri Necham.  
Tractatus de Poenitentia secundum Suppriorem Sulbicensem.  
Quaedam Excerpta de Darete.    
A v. 

Liber de Gestis Normannorum.  
Gesta Caroli secundum 
Turpinus was Archbish. of Rheims, Anno 850. saith Trithemius, and makes mention of this book.  Turpinum Episcopum quomodo acquisivit Hispaniam.    
B v. 

Collectare Adae de S. Victore de Septem Septenis.  
Epistolae W. de Montibus ad Moniales.  
Morale dogma versifice.  
Cantor super Genesin.  
De Psalterio Alexandri Necham.    
C v. 

Glosae Statii Thebaidos.  
Glosae Ovidii de Ponto.  
Glosae Nasonis Tristium.  
Glosa quae sic incipit Autor iste Venusinus.  
Tractatus quare Ars dicitur reperta.    
D v. 

Dialogus inter Moysen, & Petrum.  
Duae Epistolae Hieronymi ad Paulinum, & Nepotianum de vita Clericorum, & Monachorum.  
Epistola ejusdem de decem nominibus quibus Deus nominatur apud Hebraeos.  
Disputatio Hieronymi de Ratione animae.  
Dialogus Augustini, & Hieronymi.  
Epistola Hieronymi ad Rusticum Monachum.    
E v. 

Tres libri Marci Tullii Ciceronis Tuscularis.  
Liber Platonici philosophi de Deo Socratis.  
Glosae super Ovidum m—————— 'em.  
Glosae super Priscianum.  
Libellus de diversis rebus.  
Tractatus contra vitia.  
Liber de comprehendenda corporum proceritate.  
Liber de diversis rebus inter Decium & Postiamum.  
De divisione dierum Romanorum, Atheniensium, Babyloniorum, & aliorum.  
Item de diversis nominibus in Veteri Testamento.    
F v. 

Rasis, 
Rasis an Arabian by birth, but bred up in afric. A great Philosopher and Physician. He lived ...........  & Almasor Autores— per x. libros de Physica.  
Ars Medicinalis.  
Summa Magistri Rogerini super Viaticum.  
Item Practica.  
Viaticus Isaac.    
G v. 

Liber Sermonum.  
Tractatus super Epistolas Pauli, & supper 2 Epistolam Petri.    
H v. 

Notulae super Canonicas Epistolas.  
Bathoniensis ad Nepotem suum.  
Liber de Philosophia.  
Tractatus de Compoto.  
Liber Petri Adelfonsis.  

See A xiii.  Tractatus de quibusdam libris Veteris Testamenti.  
Liber de Physica.  
Item de figuris in Grammatica.    
I v. 

Compendium Veteris Testamenti.  
Decrementum regni Hierosolymitani, & desolatio ejus.    
K v. 

Propositions 
Bellarmine names not this book amongst others of this Author.  Petri Blesensis Bathoniensis Archidiaconi contra perfidiam Judaeorum.  
Lamentationes ejusdem de hominis corruption.  
Sermons ad religiosos.    
L v. 

Practica Matthaei Platearii.  
Glosae Oribasii super librum urinarum Theophili, & super librum Pulsuum Philareti, & super librum Prognosticorum Hippocratis, & super librum Aphorismorum.  
Antidotarium Nicolai.  
Liber Matthaei Platearii de simplici Medicina.    
M v. 

Quaedam Moralia in Hieremiam, & Ezechielem secundum diversos doctores.  
Vita 
He was consecrated Bish. of Lincoln, An. 1186. Godw.  S. Hugonis Lincolniensis Episcopi, versifice secundum Magistrum H. de Davench.  
Quidam versus de mediis syllabis.  
Quidam rythmus de sancta Cruse.  
Certamen inter Regem I. & Barones versifice per Magistrum H. de Davench.  
Tractatus 
Innocent 3. He was B. of Rome, Anno 1200. Bellarmine and Trithemius make no mention of this book under this name.  Innocentii Papae de Dulia, & Latria.  
Decem Sermones Alexandri Necham.  
Octo Sermons S. Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis.  
Item alii Sermones secundum diversos Doctores.    
N v. 

Sermo de Epiphania Domini.  
Sermo de Passione Domini.  
Proverbia Senecae.  
Excerptiones ex libris Senecae de beneficiis.  
Tractatus 
There was Serlo Dorovernensis, Anno 960. And Serlo Presbyter, who was Abbot of Exeter, Anno 1129. Pitseus. But this Tractate was written by Johannes Serlo, commonly called Magister, who lived An. 1160. Pits. See R seven.  Magistri Serlonis super Orationem Dominicam  
Seneca ad Callionem de remediis fortuitorum malorum.  
Epistolae Senecae ad Lucilium.  
Alloquium Anselmi Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis.  
Augustinus de spiritu, & anima.    
O v. 

Templum Domini.    
P v. 

Tractatus de Sacramentis.  
Tractatus super Genesin.  
Tractatus super Fulgebunt justi.    
Q v. 

Liber Penitential. 
See O viij. Bellarm. writeth of one Robert of Sorbon who lived Anno 1265. and wrote a book of Confession which perhaps was this.  Magistri Roberti Flaviensis, vel de S. Victore.  
Quaedam divisiones.  
Persecutio Ecclesiae sub Decio, & Valeriano versifice, cum versibus de S. Oswaldo.    
R v. 

Tractatus super id Genes. Vidit Jacob scalam.  
Tractatus super id. Quoniam cogitatio hominis confitebitur tibi.    
S v. 

Hymnarius glosatus.    
T v. 

Sermons in festo Mariae Magdalenae.  
Sermons 
If this was not a Nickname of Peter Comestor, I cannot find who he was. See X seven.  Magistri Petri Manducatoris.    
U v. 

Tractatus Alexandri Necham de tribus viribus animae.  
Verborum significationes super librum sententiarum secundum 
This Roger lived An. 1160. Pitseus sets down the books which he wrote, but not this.  Magistrum Rogerum Salisburiensem.    
X v. 

Compendium Theologiae qui sic incipit Deus unus est.  
Tractatus Vnde Missa exordium habuit.  
De transubstantiatione Corporis Christi.  
Excerptiones Epistolarum Cassiani.    
Y v. 

Expositio Magistri Petri super librum Job, Henrico Regi Anglorum.  
Sententia L. Archiepiscopi de libertate Monachorum.  
Quaedam excerpta de libro Soliloquiorum Isidori, S. Homo respondit rationi.  
Tractatus de diversis figuris & aliis partibus Grammaticae, qui sic incipit Ferrum rubiginem.  
Tractatus de singulis libris Bibliothecae, tam Novi quam Veteris Testamenti.  

See M v.  Tractatus Innocentii 3. de Dulia, & Latria, & cultu Dei, & imaginum.    
Z v. 

Versus excerptionum Veteris, & Novi Testamenti in quibus breviter continetur Summa totius operis.  
Liber Tobiae & Job versifice.  
Verba Floris Judicis de Susanna versifice.  
Homilia Origenis super Cantica Canticorum versifice.  
Contentio spiritus, & carnis versifice.  
Liber qui sic incipit Papa stupor mundi.  
Liber Marci Valerii Martialis Epigrammaton ad diversos autores versifice.    
A vi. 

Tractatus de diversis morbis mentis & corporis.  
Meditationes Beati Bernardi.  
Item Cur Deus homo.    
B vi. 

Libellus Beati Augustini qui dicitur Cherub.  
Quaedam notulae de Confessione facienda.  
Quaedam lectio 
This Adam lived An. 1257. was Monk of Worcester, and afterwards was elected B. of Ely, but Hugh Balsham, by the favour of Pope Alexan. 4. obtained it against him. Pits.  Magistri Adae de Marisco fratris Minoris.  
Quaedam Epistolae Senecae and Lucilium.  
Liber de miseria humanae conditionis.    
C vi. 

Sermo de vitiis & virtutibus, Petendam esse solitudinem, versifice.  
Tractatus de Trinitate.  
De arte praedicandi cum sermonibus sequentibus, & literis Innocentii Papae, & aliorum.  
Moralis expositio super Cantica Canticorum Rythmice composita.  
Sermo qui sic incipit Meliora sunt verba tua vino.    
D vi. 

Sermons in Dominicis, S. à Dom. 6. usque ad 25.  
Liber Sermonum Horatij.  
Doctrinale Magnum.  
Summa 
Richard Wetberset lived Anno 1350. This book is amongst some others of his in Pitseus.  Richardi Cancellarii Cantabrigiensis, Qui bene praesunt.    
E vi. 

Graecismus.  
Tractatus de Accentu.  
Tractatus Radulphi de Mediis syllabis.    
F vi. 

Liber Boëtii Glosati de Consolation Philosophiae.  
Versus Licentii ad Augustinum, & versus Augustini ad Licentium.  
Versus de Institutione Sacrae Missae.    
G vi. 

Parvus tractatus inter defensorem, & accusatorem.    
H vi. 

Musica Boëtii 
Boetius Manlius Severinus was Consul of Rome, and Councillor to Theodoricus the Emp. by whose command he was put to death, Anno 524. saith Trithemius, who recites this book of Music amongst his other works. .  
Musica Guidonis, & alii parvi tractatus de Musica.    
I vi. 

Epistolae Senecae ad Paulum, & Pauli ad Senecam.  
Epistolae Senecae ad Lucilium.  
Seneca de Beneficiis.  
Seneca de Clementia ad Neronem.  
Seneca de Paupertate.  
Seneca de Remediis fortunae. Ludicra Senecae de Claudio Nerone, vel Ludus Senecae, Liber declamationum Senecae.  
Tragoediae Senecae.  
Seneca de naturalibus quaestionibus.    
K vi. 

Priscianus de Constructione 
Priscanus the Grammarian was born at Caesarea, and was favourite to Cozroe K. of Persia, Anno 620. Trith. .  
Priscianus super 12 versus Virgilii.  
Institutio ejusdem de Nomine, & Pronomine, & Adverbio.  
Priscianus de Accentibus.  
Liber de Barbarismis, & Soloecismis.  
Isagoge Porphyrii.  
Categoriae Aristotelis.  
Liber peri ermenias.  
Liber divisionum Boëtii.  
Categorici Syllogismi.    
L vi. 

Liber de Arte poetica.  
Sermons ejusdem.  
Epistola ejusdem.    
M vi. 

Versus Bedae presbyteri de die judicii.  
Theodulus, Sedulius, Prosper, versus Abonis.  
Versus Sibyllae de die judicii.  
Ovid de mirabilibus mundi.  
Ovid de Somno.  
Divinationes Symphronii.  
De pedibus metrorum, & arte versificandi.  
Regulae de ultimis, & primis syllabis.  
Ovid de annulo.  
Ovid de pulice.  
Regulae de primis, & ultimis syllabis.  
Regulae de ultimis, & penultimis.    
N vi. 

Expositiones quarundam partium per Alphabetum.  
Remigius super Donatum majorem, & minorem 
Trithemius makes mention of this work of Remigius. See K iv. .  
Isidorus super Donatum.  
Libellus Bedae presbyteri de metrica arte.  
Remigius super Focam Grammaticum.  
Institutio Prisciani Grammatici.    
O vi. 

Cato.  
Quintus Serenus de Medicamine.  
Symphonius de Divinationibus.    
P vi. 

Tullius de Divinatione.  
Timene ejusdem.  
Liber Tullii de Fato.  
Libellus ejusdem de paradoxa Stoicorum.  
Lucullus ejusdem.  
Tres libri ejusdem de Legibus.    
Q vi. 

Tullius de Divinatione.  
Liber Tusculanarum Marci Tullii Ciceronis.    
R vi. 


See O.  Epistolae Senecae ad Paulum & Epist. Pauli ad Senec.  
Ratio novem Musarum secundum quosdam philosophos.  
Culex Virgilii.  
Dirae Virgilii.  
Capa Virgilii.  
Versus Virgilii de Est & Non est.  
Versus ejusdem de institutione viri boni.  
Ecloga ejusdem de Rosis nascentibus.  
Moretum Virgilii.  
Epitaphia ejusdem à duodecim sapientibus conscripta.  
Versus eorundem de diversis rebus.  
Versus de 12 primis Imperatoribus Romanorum.  
Versus Sibyllae de die judicii.  
Versus Augusti Caesaris de laude Virgilii.  
Liber Theoduli.  
Versus de lapsu primi hominis.  
Versus de Jephte.  
Versus de Susanna.  
Proverbia Senecae.  
Disputatio inter Accusatorem & Epaminondam.    
S vi. 

Invectiva Salustii in Ciceronem.  
Salustius Crispus in Bellum Catilinarium.    
T vi. 

Macrobius de Somno Scipionis.  
Macrobius de Saturnalibus, sed imperfectus.    
U vi. 

Liber Prosperi.  
Versus Bedae presbyteri de die judicii.  
Versus Abonis.    
X vi. 

Prosper.  
Cato.  
Versus de die judicii.  
Dirocheum Prudentii.    
Y vi. 

Libellus Donati de voce, & literis, syllabis, pedibus, accentibus, & posituris.  
Libellus Servii de modis syllabarum.  
Donatus de Barbarismo.  
Persius' Glosatus.  
Psychomachia Prudentii.    
Z vi. 

Bucolica.  
Georgica.  
Persius.  
Libellus Prudentii de laude Martyrum.  
Dirocheum 
Aurelius Prudentius an elegant Poet, flourished An. 390. saith Bellarmine. 380. saith Trithemius, who records many more of his works, than Bellarmine doth, but neither of them any by the title of Dirocheum. It should be Diptochaeum.  ejusdem.  
Versus Abonis.  
Macer de viribus literarum,  
Regulae de primis syllabis.    
A seven. 

Macer 
Cajus Licinius Macer wrote a Roman history, and was contemporary with Virgil. There was another Aemilius Macer about the same time, who wrote of Birds, Serpents, and Herbs. .  
Macrobius.  
De Somno Scipionis.  
Glosae super Platonem juxta Magistrum Manegraldum.    
B seven. 


See T.  Excerpta de versibus Martialis coci.  
Versus contra praepositos.    
C seven. 

Salustius.  
Invectivae Ciceronis in Catilinam libri 4.  
Invectivae Salustii in Ciceronem, & Ciceronis in  
Salustium.  
Oratio Tullii pro Marco Marcello.  
Oratio ejusdem pro Quinto Ligario.  
Oratio ejusdem pro Rege Deiotaro.  
Proverbia Senecae.  
Dicta diversorum doctorum, & Gregorius de libertate Monachorum.  
De praevaricatione, & poenitentia Regis Salomonis, quid senserint nostri Doctores, Augustinus, Hieronymus, Ambrose, Bacharius, & Beda.    
D seven. 

Ovid de remedio amoris.  
Ovid Tristium.  
Ovid Fastis.    
E seven. 

Ovid Tristium.  
Ovid in Ibin.  
Ovid de Nuce.  
Versus de mirabilibus mundi.  

See L x.  Ovid de Somno.  
Ovid de medicamine faciei.  
Ovid de medicamine aurium.  
Ovid de annulo.  
Ovid de pulice.  
Ovid de cuculo.  
Dares Frigius de excidio Trojae.  

See T..  Fulgentius de expositione fabularum.    
F seven. 

Ovid Epistolarum.  
Ovid de arte amandi.  
Ovid de remedio amoris.    
G seven. 

Ovid de are amatoria.  
Ovid de remedio amoris.  
Ovid sine titulo.  
Ovid de Ponto.  
Ovid de Fastis.  
Glosae super Ovidium in Ibin.  
Tractatus de iis quae quaerebantur antiquitus in principiis librorum.  
Beda de Tropis.    
H seven. 

Donatus minor.  
Tract at us ejusdem de voce, & litera, & tonis, accentibus, & posituris.  
Donatus major.  
Dialogus de partibus orationis, & alia quaedam de Grammatica parvis instruendis utilia.  
Institutio Prisciani Grammatici.    
I seven. 

Liber Eutyci Grammatici 
Eutychius Proculus the Grammarian was Schoolmaster to Antoninus Pius. Vossius. .  
Commentum Sedulii super eundem.    
K seven. 

Cato per aequipollentiam, libri 4.  
Liber Amani de fabula, S. Rustica deflenti. Persius.    
L seven. 

Interrogatio quarundam partium, & responsio.  
Tractatus de pedibus metrorum.  
Versus de ludo Scaccorum 
Robert Helcot who lived Anno 1349. wrote De ludo Scaccorum, but by Pits. it may seem that his books began in Prose. Hieronymus Vida wrote in Verse a Poem called Scaccheae ludus, printed Basilicae 1534. but I cannot say it was this. .  
Regulae de primis syllabis sic incipiens Regula splendescit.  
Item regulae de primis & mediis syllabis.  
Regulae de Vltimis syllabis.  
Item regulae de primis, i. Labile, & labis.  
Colores Rhetorici.  
Tractatus de Tonis.  
De Symphonia facienda.  
De Organis faciendis.  
De tintinnabulo.  
Item de Organis.  
Epist. Gerberti ad Constantinum de Proportionibus.  
Textus Rythmachiae.  
Abacus.  
Libellus de Compoto.  
Tractatus de Computationibus annorum ab origine mundi usque ad Christum.  
Figurae & divisiones.  
Item Scriptum de Compoto.  
Compotus Gerlandi.  
Compotus Philippi de Tanu, Gallice.  
Item Calendarium.    
M seven. 

Remigius super Donatum.  
Item libellus Bacharii.  
Sententia Anselmi de motione altaris.  
Epistola Senecae ad Callionem de remediis infortuitorum.  
Anselmus de Concordia praescientiae & praedestinationis gratiae Dei cum libero arbitrio.  
Expositiones partium per Alphab. usque ad I literam.    
N seven. 

Versus qui sic incipiunt Adae peccatum.  
Versus qui sic incipiunt Res manet.  
Notulae super Poëtriam.  
Notulae super Persium.    
O seven. 

Tullius de Senectute.  
Tullius de Amicitia.    
P seven. 

Glosae super Priscianum imperfectae.    
Q seven. 

Versus inter Mariam & Angelum.  
Questus fratrum a'e propositis suis.  
Versus de Clavibus Philosophiae.  
Querimonia ovis de lupo.    
R seven. 

Liber Petri Eliae super majus volumen Prisciani.  
Item liber de Constructione.  
Summa Magistri Roberti Blund de Grammatica.  
Liber de Barbarismo, & Syllogismo.  
Regulae Magistri Serlonis de primis syllabis.  

See Nu.  Liber qui sic incipit Inter Summa Philosophiae    
S seven. 

Bernardus de Amore Dei.  
Bernardus de diligendo Deum.    
T seven. 

Liber Esdrae prophetae.  
Liber Methodii de Creatione mundi.  

See K viij.  Liber qui vocatur Virgilio Centena prole Gentilium.  
Carmina ad obsequium fidei retorquentis.    
U seven. 

Notulae Symmachi.  
Proverbia Euodi.    
X seven. 

Tractatus 
Trithemius saith that Alanus de Insulis who lived An. 1300. wrote De arte praedicandi, probable that this was he under another name.  Magistri Alani Poretani de Arte praedicandi.  
Tractatus super Missam, Item de eodem.  
Glosae super Canonem Missae.  
Tractatus de septem septenis.  
Tractatus Prioris de Essebi 
Pitseus makes mention of Alexander Essibiensis, a Prior who lived Anno 1220. but this book is not amongst those by him there cited. See Z v.  de Arte praedicandi.  
Summa de  
Sermo de Cruse, & Sermo de uxore Levitae.  
Tres Sermons Magistri Rogeri de Dominicis de Pentecoste.  
Tractatus ejusdem de domo sapientiae.  
Duo Sermons Magistri P. Comestoris.  
Cherubin de Confession.  
Sermo Magistri P. Comestoris.  
Sex Sermons Bernardi Abbatis Clarevallensis.  
Tres Sermons Magistri P. Comestoris.  
Quaedam Regulae Theologiae.  
Septem Regulae Ciconii: Solutiones quarundam contrarietatum.  
Sermo Magistri S. Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis.  
Tractatus Innocentii Papae de miseria humanae conditionis.  
Tractatus H. de S. Victore de oratione.  
Glosae Alexandri Necham super Quicunque vult.  
Liber Isidori ad Sororem suam Florentinam.    
Y seven. 

Tropae Magistri W. Cancellarii Lincoln.  
Duo Sermons Petri Comestoris.  
Tractatus de operibus sex dierum, i. Hexaëmeron.  
Tractatus de sex verbis Domini de Cruse.  
Glosae super Hymnos.  
Tractatus Magistri H. de S. Victore de Ascensione.  
Tractatus de septem septenis.  
Versus Magistri Matthaei Windoniensis super Tobiam.  
Versus sive A. &—  
Versus Magistri 
Galfridus Vinsalf, or De Vino Salvo, lived Anno 1199. Pits. where this book is found amongst his other.  G. Vinesalvi de Arte loquendi.  
Summa Magistri Matthaei Windoniensis de Arte versificandi.  
Eulogium Johannis Cornubiensis 
John of Cornwall. See G xi. Pitseus records this book, and saith that it is in the Library of Balliol Coll. Oxon. .  
Summa de Jure.  
Objectiones Christianorum & Judaeorum secundum Cancellarium Lincolniensem.  
Liber Bernardi Silverstris.  
Tractatus de mysteriis numerorum.    
Z seven. 

Compendium Veteris Testamenti.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Cum omnes prophet as.  
Matutinae S. Mariae de usu seculari.    
A viij. 

Tractatus Magistri Petri Blesensis super librum Job.  
Liber Magistri 
Robert Curson lived Anno 1218. was made Cardinal, and Legate into England. Pits. names this book with his other, and saith it is in the Library of Bennet College Cambridge.  Roberti Curson de Septem septenis.  
Liber Bernardi Abbatis Clarevallensis ad Eugenium Papam.  
Liber Innocentii Papae de Miseria humanae conditionis.  
Liber Magistri H. de S. Victore de Oratione.  
Glosae Alexandri Necham super Quicunque vult.  
Liber S. Ambrosii de bono mortis.  
Sermo de Ascensione qui sic incipit Beatus vir cujus est auxilium abs te.    
B viij. 

Expositio Haebraicorum nominum secundum Alphabetum.    
C viij. 

Expositio omnium partium minus not arum in Biblia praeter nomina propria.  
Sermons diversi.    
D viij. 

Tractatus de potestate clavium.  
Tractatus de Sacramento Poenitentiae.  
Tractatus de Poenitentia religiosis injungenda.  
Tractatus de Incarnatione Verbi Dei.  
Quatuor Sermons.  
Gesta Aeneaepost destructionem Troiae.    
E viij. 

Tractatus de Consuetudinibus, & Legibus Angliae. Consilium Lateranense.    
F viij. 

Templum Domini.  
Tractatus de professione Monachorum.    
G viij. 

Testamentum 12 Patriarcharum.  
Historia Trojanorum secundum Daretem Frigium.  
Vita Joachim.  
Epistola Hieronymi Cromatio, & Eliodoro.  
Bernardus de Praecepto & Dispensatione.  
Quaedam Epistolae Bernardi.    
H viij. 

Octo libri Physicorum Aristotelis.  
Quatuor libri Coeli, & Mundi.  
Quatuor libri Meteororum.  
Liber Veteris Ethicae.  
Liber generationum.  
Liber Novae Ethicae.  
Liber de Vegetabilibus.  
Tres libri de Somno & vigilia.  
Liber de Morte, & Vita.  
Liber de Sensu, & Sensato.  
Tres libri de Anima.  
Liber de Causis.  
Liber sic incipiens Quid sit Philosophia.  
Vndecim libri de Consideratione.    
I viij. 

Augustinus de Conflictu vitiorum at que virtutum.  
Meditationes Bernardi.  
Salutes cujusdam sapientis.  
De Purgatorio Patricii 
Henry a Monk of Sawtrey Abbey, Com. Hunt. who lived Anno 1140. and Sylvester Giraldus, Anno 1214. wrote of S. Patrick's Purgatory. .  
Libellus de Poenitentia W. de Montibus.    
K viij. 

Alcuinus ad Guidonem Comitem de Virtutibus acquirendis & Vitiis evitandis.  
Quaedam miracula Edmundi Archiepiscopi.  
Libellus Methodii Martyris 
S. Methodius was Bishop of Tyre in Palestine. An. 285. Bellarm. and was Martyred under Dioclesian. See T seven. .  
Quaedam Decretales Epistolae ad ordinem Monasticum pertinentis.  
Tractatus Innocentii Papae tertii super Canonem Missae.    
L viij. 

Tractatus 
Of this Peter See A xiii. Trithemius makes no mention of this tractate.  Petri Alphonsi qui vocatur Scholaris disciplina.  
Lapidarius, Gallicé.    
M viij. 

Epistolae Beati Bernardi ad Elredum Abbatem quae dicitur Speculum Charitatis.  
Ecclesiastes.    
N viij. 

Exhortationes Sanctorum diversorum Patrum.    
O viij. 


See S xi.  Liber Pastorale à Magistro I. de Deo Compositus.  
Speculum Juniorum.  
Statuta Ottonis cum Concilio Oxon.    
P viij. 

Regulae Juris.  
Chrysostomus super Orationem Dominicam.  
Expositio fratris 
Thomas Aquinas of the order of Predicants, died Anno 1274.  Thomae secundum Doctores de Oratione Dominica.  
Tractatus fratris Thomae de Oratione Dominica.  
Tractatus ejusdem super Credo.  
Tractatus ejusdem super Ave Maria.  
Tractatus ejusdem de Decem Praeceptis.  
Tractatus ejusdem de Articulis fidei.  
Tractatus ejusdem de Sacramentis.  
Quaedam de Gestis Regis Richardi.  
Mirabilia quaedam Angliae numero 25.  
Quaedam dict a moralia.  
Quaedam Gesta antiquorum.  
Quaedam dict a Poetarum.  
Quaedam de diversis libris Senecae.  
De quibusdam Imperatoribus, & Regibus.  
Fabulae Aesopi.  
Tractatus de vitis Patrum.  
De vita Cisterciensi.  
De vitis Praedicatorum.  
De vita B. Dominici.  
De B. Virgin, de diversis sanctis.  
Historiae diversorum.  
Narrationes de Speculo Historiali.  
Quaedam de Gestis Caroli Magni.  
Verba Gregorii super Job.  
Verba ejusdem super Ezechielem.  
Verba Chrysostomi super Matthaeum, imperfect.  
Verba ejusdem super Johannem.  
Verba ejusdem de Reparatione lapsi.  
Verba ejusdem de Compunctione.  
Verba Originis de Gaudiis beatorum, & de suppliciis damnatorum.  
Augustinus completus de eisdem.  
Quaedam Metaphorae & exempla.  
32 Sermons de diversis temporibus, & festis.  
Tabula secundum ordinem Alphabeti, & per Vocales.    
Qviii. 

Tractatus ejusdem de Confession.  
Tractatus Magistri Rob. ad Stephanum Archiep.  
Tractatus Segeri de Confession.  

See Q v.  Tractatus Magistri Roberti Flaviensis sic incipiens Res Grandis.  
Meditationes Bernardi.    
R viij. 

Dialogus Gregorii.    
S viij. 

Tractatus qui sic incipit In virtute sanctae crucis.  
Tractatus de Confession: Sermons diversi.  
Tractatus de Reverentia Orationis.  
Mala quae proveniunt à septem mortalibus peccatis.  
Epistola 
Baldwinus Devonius born at Exeter, was made Archb. of Cant. 1184. sat there 7 years and died in the Holy Land, going thither with K. Rich. 1. He first laid Wales to the Province of Canterbury. Somner. Pits. saith he died An. 1193.  Baldwini Archiepiscopi de Poenitentia.  
Libellus Alcuini Levitae ad Guidonem Comitem.  
Quomodo se homo debet habere in prosperis, & adversis.  
Sermons diversi.  
Libellus de Mysteriis quae contigerunt ab initio mundi, usque ad Abraham, & sic post sex aetates per octo libros.    
T viij. 

Tractatus de Narrationibus Evangeliorum.  
Tractatus Quomodo Confessio sit semel in anno facienda.  
Sermo W. de Montibus.  
Tractatus de Poenitentia religiosis injungenda.  
Tractatus quanta sit virtus confessionis.    
U viij. 

Liber Accentus: Tractatus Magistri Petri Blesensis super librum Job.  
Quaestiones de Regula S. Benedicti, & Solutiones super tribus substantialibus in eadem regula.    
X viij. 

Tractatus de Themate in praedicatione, de thematis dilatione, de dilatationis ordinatione sic incipens, Quoniam aemulatores.  
Tractatus de libro Prisciani, & de aliis libris Philosophiae & aliarum partium particulariter tangens materias sic incipiens Cum omnis eloquentiae doctrina.  
Tractatus de animalibus secundum Aristotelem generaliter.  
Expositio quorundam verborum contentorum in regula S. Benedicti.    
Y viij. 

Tractatus de Physica, Tractatus de utilitate corporis excerptus de secretis secretorum Aristotelis.  
Tractatus de Conditione hominis, & pro quibus conditus est.  
Tractatus de Poenitentia.  
Tractatus de operibus 
Forsan Hierarchicis, William Occam who lived An. 1347 wrote De artibus Hierarchicis saith Pitseus, and haply this Tractate might be his.  Jerarchisis.  
Tractatus de Confessione facienda.    
Z viij. 

Parvum Doctrinale. Cartula.  
Apologia Bernardi ad Cluniacenses.  
Speculum poenitentis.  
Versus de Biblia historialiter.  
Tractatus de Sacramentis. & de 10 praeceptis.  
Tractatus Innocentii Papae 3 super Canonem Missae.  
Epistola 
This Nicolas lived Anno 1140.  Nicolai Prioris S. Albani Mauricio Monacho.    
A ix. 

Dactyle quid latitas.  
Versus de Morte Roberti Lincoln. Episcopi.  
Tractatus de notitia Sacramenti.  
Sermons diversi.  
Quaedam Autoritates S. Augustini.    
B ix. 

Breviloquium pauperum, S. Flecto genua.  
Quidam tractatus de Mysteriis Missae.  
Quidam tractatus disputativus de Immortalitate animae.    
C ix. 

Statuta, & provisiones Regum.    
D ix. 

Libellus de Causis.  
Libellus de Articulis fidei.    
E ix. 

Orationes diversae.  
Secretum Secretorum Abbreviatum.  
Meditationes Augustini.    
F ix. 

Meditationes Augustini.  
Meditationes Bernardi.    
G ix. 

Sententiae abbreviatae.  
Tractatus super Canonem Missae.  
Tractatus de 4 virtutibus Cardinalibus.  
Tractatus de Professione Monachorum.    
H ix. 

Augustinus de Spiritu, & Anima.  
Meditationes Bernardi.  
Bernardus de Praecepto, & Dispensatione.  
Augustinus de divisione potentiarum Animae.  
Innocentius super Canonem Missae.  
Libellus 
This Robert Grosthed was B. of Lincoln, and died Anno 1213. Trithemius calls him Rupertus Lincolniensis. Several works are found in this Catalogue more than Trithemius nameth. Bellarmine hath passed him by, although he was a great writer in the age wherein he lived: but Sixtus Senensis speaks well of him.  Roberti Grostest Lincoln. Episcopi.  
Liber ejusdem de Confession.  
Parabolae Salomonis.  
Liber Ecclesiastes.  
Septem Septenae.  
Speculatio pauperis in deserto.  
Versus de Decretis.  
Tractatus de Sacramentis. Tractatus super Canonem Missae.  
Testamentum 12 Patriarcharum, S. filiorum Jacob.    
I ix. 

Flecto genua. Meditationes Bonaventurae.  
Itinerarium mentis in Dominum 
Roger Twiford alias Good-luck who lived Anno 1390. wrote an Itinerarium mentis, but whether or no this, Non constat. .  
Formula vitae honestae.  
Lamentatio Mariae in morte filii ejus.  
Tractatus de Virtutibus. Tractatus de 10. Praeceptis.  
De Quatuor virtutibus Cardinalibus.    
L ix. 

Vita B. Mariae Virgins.  
Secreta secretorum Aristotelis.  
Meditationes fratris Bonaventurae.  
Libellus 
Martinus Episcopus Dumiensis lived An. 540. saith Trithemius, who records this book amongst some other of his.  Martini Episcopi S. Formula vitae honestae.  
Itiner arium mentis in Dominum.  
Meditationes Bernardi.  
Formula Monachorum à B. Bernardo edita.  
Practica 4. virtutum Cardinalium secundum narrationes exemplares.  
Liber Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi de Definitionibus Ecclesiasticorum dogmatum.  
Tractatus Bernardi de Dolore, & Lamentatione B. Mariae in morte filii ejus.  
Tractatus de Oratione Dominica. Tractatus de 10. Mandatis.  
Epistola Bernardi ad Sororem suam volentem recedere à Monasterio.  
Tractatus de Adventu, & utilitate Adventus Christi secundum diversos Doctores, & de signis ante diem Judicii, de Antichristo, & ejus signis, & de die Judicii in uno tractatu.  
Epistola fratris R. Domino G. Abbati Alponsi, & fratribus ejusdem loci.  
De Conversatione Mariae Magdalenae post Ascensum  
Domini, & de Obitu ejus, per Josephum:    
N ix. 

Orationes diversae. Rhythmus de Memoria passionis Domini.  
Matutinae de Cruce cum Passione depicta.  
Quinque Gaudia B. Virgins, Gallice, cum imaginibus de pictis.  
Orationes diversae de Passione cum Passione depicta.    
M ix. 

Bernardus ad fratres de monte Dei.  
Tractatus de Arte praedicandi.    
O ix. 

Meditationes Augustini, Augustinus de Spiritu, & Anima.  
Tractatus de Electione, cum multis aliis.  
Anselmus de Similitudinibus.    
P ix. 

Promissio primis parentibus facta post peccatum, De oleo misericordiae.  
Meditationes fractris Bonaventurae.  
Meditatio de Redemptione generis humani per passionem Christi.    
Q ix. 

Algorismus. Practica 4. virtutum Cardinalium.  
Theorica earundem, S. formula vitae honestae.  
Quaestiones utiles de quarto libro sententiarum.  
Bernardus ad Cluniacenses, & contra eos.  
Idem ad fratres de monte Dei.  
Idem ad Eugenium Papam. Speculum Caritatis.    
R ix. 

Tractatus de bonitatibus Triaculae. Gallicé.  
Ordinarium vitae religiosae, S. Dietarium, & Itinerarium.  
Vita S. Mariae. Secreta Secretorum Aristotelis.  
Tractatus parvus, sedimperfectus de prognosticatione puerorum qui nascuntur in certis planetis. Regula S. Benedicti versifice.  
Versus de Vrbanitate, Latin, & Gallice scripti.  
Versus de Sidedero, & septem, & quatuor alii versus sequentis.  
Quomodo tres filii Noae regnum inter se diviserunt post diluvium.  
Versus de septem mortalibus peccatis.  
Vita Adae, & Evae, & de Oleo misericordiae.    
S ix. 

Tractatus docens praedicatorem perfecte Deum diligere, Gallic scriptus.  
Tractatus de Poenitentiis & Remissionibus.    
T ix. 

Tristreni Gallicé: Amiss, & Amilion Gallicé.    
U ix. 

Epistolae Jacobi, Petri, & Johannis & Judae Glosatae.  
Sermons diversi.    
X ix. 

Gradale W. de Montibus. Sermons.  
Glosae super Scholasticam Historiam.    
Y ix. 

Tractatus qui sic incipit Extendit Jesus manum.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Gladius dicitur ipse Deus.  
Tractatus qui dicitur Passio Christi.  
Tractatus quot modis redemit Deus populum.  
Tractatus de Transitu: Tractatus de Virtute.  
Tractatus de Zelo.    
Z ix. 

Cantica Canticorum glosata, Lamentationes Jeremiae glosatae.  
Liber Sapientiae glosatus: Liber Sapientiae non glosatus.    
A x. 

Concordantiae quorundam verborum 4 Evangeliorum Allegorice W. de Montibus.  
Significationes verborum ejusdem.  
Concordantiae ejusdem Veteris, & Novi Testamenti.  
Proverbia ejusdem: Contrarietates ejusdem: Regulae Theologiae ejusdem.    
B x. 

Tractatus de Arte praedicandi.  
Cherub de Confession.    
C x. 

Tractatus super Evangelium In principio erat Verbum.  
Tractatus de Ornatu Clericorum.  
Quaestiones diversae de Theologia.  
Tractatus super Beatus vir.    
D x. 

Tractatus de Confession: Tractatus de lapidibus.    
E x. 

Tractatus de Poenitentia: Visio cujusdam quae contigit in Osseria.    
F x. 

Tractatus de quatuor Sacramentis Ecclesiasticis.  
Tractatus de mysterio Missae cum aliis: Regula S. Basilii.  
Tractatus de quatuor humoribus ex quibus homo constat.    
G x. 

Quidam casus Decretalium.  
Versus de duodecim Abusionibus Clericalibus.  
Versus de duodecim Abusionibus seculi.    
H x. 

Tractatus Canonum discordantium.  
Tractatus super Psal. Qui habitat: Cum aliis.    
I x. 

Tractatus de praemissione Psalmorum.  
Tractatus de Canone Missae.    
K x. 

Summulae diversae de Theologia.  
Tractatus de Arte praedicandi.  
Significationes quorundam nominum secundum Alphabetum.  
Interpretationes Hebraicorum nominum.  
Concordantiae Bibliae distinctae per quinque libros.    
L x. 

Liber qui sic incipit Flores Grammaticae.  
Liber Distigii glosatus.  
Ovid de mirabilibus versifice glosatus.    
M x. 

Concilium Lateranense, Liber qui dicitur Viaticus.  
Concilium Stephani Archiepiscopi Oxon. celebratum.  
Tractatus super Orationem Dominicam.  
Sermons diversi: Tractatus super librum Levitici.  
Prometheus de Origine Juris Canonicé: Exameron.  
Tractatus Magistri Roberti super Exodum.  
Constitutiones 
Honorius 3 was Bishop of Rome 1210. Mart. Polonus.  Honorii Papae tertii glosatae.  
Concilium Ottonis London celebratum.  
Tractatus Magistri H. de S. Victore de Ascensione Domini.  
Tractatus de causis Decretorum Versifice.  
Glosae super libros Regum.    
N x. 

Numeriale in tribus quaternionibus sequentibus.  
Sermons & quaestiones in tribus quaternionibus sequentibus.  
De multiplici lepra, & septem petitiones, & sacrificia in duobus quaternionibus.  
Versus Magistri Henrici de vita S. Oswaldi, & aliorum in uno quaternione.  
Breviarium Papiae.  
Brevia Regis Henrici, & Articuli Justiciariorum.  
Hymnarius glosatus secundum Alexandrum Necham.    
O x. 

Continentiae in Decretis per distinctiones, causas, & consuetudines.  
Constitutiones novae Innocentii Papae quarti.  
Constitutiones apud Ludgun. promulgatae.  
De Sententiis Frederici quondam Imperatoris.    
P x. 

Liber de Miseria humanae conditionis.  
Tractatus de conditione hominis, & pro quibus conditus sit.  
Meditationes fratris Bonaventurae.    
Q x. 

Versus differentiarum. Tractatus de Physica.  
Expositio super Canonem Missae.  
Proverbia W. de Montibus per literas Alphabeti.  
Quidam sermones cum aliis rebus.  
Quaedam not abilia Decretorum.    
R x. 

Autoritates effectivae sanctorum ad praedicandum.  
Sermons fratrum Praedicatorum, & Minorum.    
S x. 

Tractatus de Philosophia sic incipiens Socrates in exhortationibus.  
Tractatus de Mundo, & Stellis, & Planetis.    
T x. 

Tractatus de Confessione audienda, & devotione.  
Quaedam dict a collect a de dictis diversorum Patrum.  
Tractatus de Confessione facienda: De pollutione nocturna.  
De malo Luxuriae secundum diversos Doctores.  
De septem Gratiis Ecclesiae: De Continentia.  
De septem mortalibus peccatis; De horis diei.  
De poenis Inferni: De fide, spe, & charitate.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit, Sicut Turris David.    
U x. 

Meditationes Bernardi.  
Liber Bernardi ad Anselmum Cardinalem de diligendo Deum.  
Tractatus ejusdem de Gratia, & libero arbitrio.  
Tractatus de deliberando, & consilio capiendo.  
Sermons Bernardi de Resurrectione Domini cum aliis Sermonibus.  
Sermons diversi: Templum Domini.  
Dicta not abilia cujusdam de multis, & magnis, periculis in Ecclesiasticis.    
X x. 

Summa de Theologia: Templum Domini.  
Summa Magistri 
I find no Simon of this name in Pitseus unless it was Simon of Feversham, who lived Anno 1370. And wrote upon Aristotle's Ethics.  Simonis Cantuariensis, de vitiis, & virtutibus.  
Sermons Magistri Nicolai Cancellarii Lincoln.    
Y x. 

Anselmus Cur Deus Homo.    
Z x. 

Sermons in Dominicis post Pascha.  
Tractatus de Poenitentia secundum Magistrum Robertum.  
Sermons diversi: Miracula diversa.  
Versus de transgressione Adae. Tituli hist. Genes.  
Sermons in Adventu, & Quadragesima.  
Versus de aetatibus mundi: Proverbia libri Ovidii Versifice.    
A xi. 

Moralis Philosophia: Phalecolum.  
Tractatus de duodecim abusionibus seculi.  
Regula B. Augustini à Roberto exposita.    
B xi. 

Epistola cujusdam Prioris de Concilio bene vivendi.  
Speculum Poenitentiae Magistri W. de Montibus.  
De Sanctimonia conservanda, & vitiis carnalibus, & spiritualibus vitandis.  
Bernardus ad Cluniacenses, & contraeos.  

See T xi.  Tractatus Petri Abbatis S. Remigii de Claustrali disciplina.  
Psalterium metrice compositum.  
Tractatus de duodecim abusionibus seculi, metrice compositus.  
Psalterium Seculi: Apocalypsis guliae.    
C xi. 

Simphosius de divinationibus: Proverbia Gregorii.  
Quaedam Summa Kystani Sacerdotis.  
Anselmus de Veritate, de libero arbitrio, de casu Diaboli, de Incarnatione Verbi.  
Meditatio Anselmi: Quomodo Grammatica sit substantia, & qualitas.  
De conceptu Virginali, & Originali peccato.  
De Sacrificio azymi & fermentati.  
De concordia praescientiae, praedestinationis, & gratiae cum libero arbitrio.  
Anselmus & Bosco Curio Deus Homo.  
Monologion Anselmi: Prosologion ejusdem.  
Anselmus de Processione Spirit us Sancti.    
D xi. 

Meditationes Bernardi: Meditationes Anselmi Archiepiscopi.  
Augustinus de Spiritu, & Anima.  

See R xi.  Poenitentiale fratris Segeri à canonibus compendiose extractum.    
E xi. 

Tractatus brevis versifice qui sic incipit Pluribus in dubium.  
Liber Methodii historialis: Historia Britonum, Prophetiae Merlini.    
F xi. 

Divisiones & definitiones. 7 vitiorum capitalium.  
Tractatus Magistri Roberti de Lincoln. de Confession, S. Quoniam .........  
Tractatus de levioribus peccatis.  
De Antidote is vitiorum, & duodecim abusionibus.  
Bernardus de Praecepto, & Dispensatione: Confessiones Augustini.  
Compendium Poenitentiale glosatum Magistri W. de Montibus versifice.  
Speculum poenitentis W. de Montibuus.  
Tractatus de Lege naturali, & spirituali.  
Meditatio S. Augustini.  

See P xi.  Tropi Magistri H. Abrimensis de B. Virgin.    
G xi. 

Excerpta B. Augustini de Decretis.  
Definitiones, & divisiones 7 vitiorum capitalium, & autoritates.  
Poenitentiale glosatum Magistri W. de Montibus versifice.  
Tractatus R. Episcopi Lincoln. de Confession.  
Bernardus de Praecepto, & Dispensatione. Meditationes Bernardi.  
Excerpta B. Bernardi de 12 gradibus humilitatis.  
Apologia B. Bernardi ad Cluniacenses, & contracoes.  
Compendium Poenitentiale S. Quae suntpecc at a magis periculosa.  
Summa Magistri 
Johannes Cornubiensis lived Anno 1170. saith Pitseus, by whom these Tractates are mentioned with others of his writing.  Johannis Cornubiensis, Qualiter fiat Sacramentum altaris per virtutem S. Crucis: & de 7 Canonibus vel Ordinibus Missae.  
Tractatus veterum patrum de venialibus peccatis.  
Epist. Bern. ad Monach. Lib. de Claust. disciplina.  
Tractatus Innocentii Papae de Dulia, & Latria.    
H xi. 

Tractatus super Symbolum fidei: Tractatus super Orationem Dominicam.  
Tractatus super 7 dona Spiritus Sancti: Tractatus super quatuor virtutes Cardinals.  
Tractatus super quatuor Virtutes Theologicas: Tractatus super septem vitia Capitalia.  
Tractatus super 7 Sacrament a Ecclesiae: Tractatus super duo mandata Charitatis.  
Tractatus super 10 praecepta legis: Tractatus de erroribus Laicorum.    
I xi. 

Definitiones & Species virtutum & vitiorum secundum W. de Montibus.  
Quod salubris sit memoria passionis Christi secundum Bernardum.  
Summa Magistri 
Johannes Cantianus lived Anno 1248. Pitseus' mentions not this book by name, but one like it, De Casibus Juris. See F xi.  Johannis de Cantia de Decretis.  
Tractatus de Confession, & Contemplatione: Tractatus de Purgatorio Patricii.    
K xi. 

De miseria humanae conditionis.  
Tractatus de virtutibus qui sic incipit, Dominus virtutum ipse est Rexgloriae.    
L. xi. 

Tractatus de diversitate Curiarum.  
Tractatus de sententia Excommunicationis secundum Reymundum.  
Chronica Alexandri: Versus de judiciis urinarum glosatus, & non glosatus.  
Tractatus de 12 abusionibus Claustri: Proverbia autorum.  
Expositiones partium Bibliae: Prometheus versificacatus: Sompnarium.  
Propositiones magis famosae primi libri Physicorum & aliorum librorum.  
Versus de Decretis secundum Henricum de Hamerincham.  
Versus ejusdem de Decretalibus: Versus de Decretis cum sententiis eorundem.  
Sententiae versificatae: Quaestiones & Responsiones inter Animam & Rationem.  
Tractatus Gallicus de Modo Confessionis, & Ordine cum aliis rebus Gallice scriptis.  
Tractatus de Modo muniendi.    
M xi. 

Parvus tractatus de Alis Confessionis.  
Quidam Rythmus sic incipiens Qui vult sane saint escrit & sensum Tropologicum.  
Altercatio inter Magistrum Henricum de Hamrincham, & Magistrum Michaelem versifice.    
N xi. 

Versus W. de M ........... sic incipiens Cives coelestis.  
Quomodo Dominus Innocentius Papa canonizavit B. Edmundum.  
Vita S. Thomae Martyris: & Miracula aliorum sanctorum.    
O xi. 

Regula S. Francisci, Regula S. Basilii, Regula S. Augustini.    
P xi. 

Matutinae B. Virgins de miraculis ejus composit us.  

See F xi.  Tropi magistri P. Abincensis de B. Virgin.  
Compilatio brevis de Confession semel in anno facienda.    
Q xi. 

Casus diversi extracti de Decretis, & Decret alibus.    
R xi. 

Tractatus 
This Simon was Monk of Winchester, Anno 1360. saith Pits. but this is not amongst his works there recited.  Simonis de Hentona de Cruse Christi.  
Meditationes fratris Benaventurae editae ad aedificationem fratrum Minorum.  
Rhythmus de Passione Christi: Rhythmus de memoria Christi, Templum Domini.  
Meditationes Bernardi: Tractatus de mysteriis Missae.  
Vita Sancti Alexis, Gallice.  
Versus magistri 
Michael Blaunpain, an elegant Poet, lived 1250. This piece is with some other reckoned by Pits. See D xi.  Michael. Cornubiensis contra magistrum H. Abrinensem.  
Liber Poenitentialis fratris Segeri per Decreta, & Decretalia effectus.  
Aphorismus: Prognostica Hippocratis: Regula S. Benedicti Gallice exposita.    
S xi. 

Tractatus de Poenitentia.  
Tractatus de Ordinationibus, & de iis quae concernunt Ordinationes.  
Pastorale Magistri I. de Deo: Tractatus de Confessionibus.    
T xi. 

Collationes Domini 
This William was Abbot of Peterburgh, Anno 1246. William was Bishop of Antissiodorum in France 1240. una ejus sententia notari solet, ut singularis, quod videlicet merita hominum justorum prius, & principalius a fide quam a charitate dependeant, saith Bellar. And probably it was this which Abbot William of Peterburgh wrote against: or it might be the Epitome mentioned in his Library. See the History.  Willielmi de Hotot Abbatis, de sententia magistri W. Antissiodorensis.  
Historia B. Edmundi, Gallice. Regulae Theologicae.  
Compendium W. magistri de montibus de Poenitentia religiosis injungenda.  
Inquisitiones fratrum minorum in Confessionibus: Inquisitiones contra religiosos.  
Tractatus de Philosophia: De 4 generibus disputationum.  
Tractatus de octo Tonis: Tractatus de iis quae sunt insinuanda in sermonibus.  

See B xi.  Tractatus de Sacramentis: Tractatus Petri Abbatis S. Remigii de Claustro materiali.  
Tractatus de quadruplici similitudine: Tractatus de virtutibus.  
Tractatus de aliquibus verbis contentis in tertio libro Regum: De capitalibus vitiis.  
Tractatus optimus qui sic incipit, Beatus Benedictus.  
Tractatus sic incipiens; Si habes brachium sicut Dominus: Tractatus de Musica.    
U xi. 

Pastoral a magistro 
Johannes de Deo is mentioned by Trithemius, but not his time only, he saith, he was a learned Lawyer of Bononia, and sets down his works of Law, but not this Pastoral.  J. de Deo compositum.    
X xi. 

Regula S. Basilii: Definitio Confessionis: Sermo sic incipiens, Si habes.  
Salutes cujusdam sapientis: Bernardus de periculo tentationis.  
Augustinus de Origine Animae, vel de Spiritu, & anima.  
Sermo sic incipiens, Ecce sacerdos: Qualiter fit Sacramentum Altaris.  
Sermo sic incipiens, Ecce elongavi: Quid sit Praedestinatio.  
Summa de Originali peccato: Liber de 7 Septenis.  
De Confession quae dicitur Cherub: De conflictu vitiorum.  
Quaestio de Sacramento Altaris: Expositio super Canonem Missae.  
Sermo sic incipiens, Nigra sum: Vita S. Thomae Martyris versifice.    
Y xi. 

Tractatus de Anima sic incipiens: Si ignoras te O pulcherrima mulierum.    
Z xi. 

Tractatus Ratriani de eo quod Christus natus est de Virgin.    
A xii. 

Tractatus de multiplice divisione potentiarum animae.  
Testamentum 12 Patriarch. Oleum misericordiae.    
B xii. 

Gesta Salvatoris quae invenit Theodosius magnus Imperator in Jerusalem in Praetorio Pontii Pilati in codicibus publicis a B. Ambrosio Doronensi Episcopo conscripta.  
De tribus fratribus cum Domino resuscitatis testimonium ei perhibentibus.  
Confessio Judaeorum coram Pilato de Domino Jesus.  
Epistola Pilati ad Imperatorem de Jesus.  
De Tiberio Imperatore, & Confusione Pilati.  
De Veronica, & damnatione Pilati.  
Narratio de Assumptione S. Mariae.  
Visio Elizabeth de Assumptione ejusdem.  
Quomodo crevit arbor de qua facta est Crux: Miracula B. Mariae.    
C xii. 

Regula S. Benedicti versifice.  
Tractatus secundum literas Alphabeti sic incipiens, Avaritia.    
D xii. 

Casus disputatus de eo qui intravit religionem, uxore sua in seculo remanente.  
Registrum in Decretis; Tabula duplex in Evangelium secundum Canon's.    
E xii. 

Collationes de singulis libris Bibliothecae secundum ordinem Alphabeti.  
Quaedam Homiliae Caesarii Episcopi ad Monachos.  
Admonitio B. Caesarii Episcopi ad Sororem suam.  
Expositio super Malachiam Prophetam, & aliae multae per prius de diversis.  
Poenitentiale sic incipiens Petisti a me.  
Symphonius versifice de Divinationibus; Item Sermons diversi.    
F xii. 

Epistolae Canonicae, & aliae Epistolae glosatae: Sermons diversi.  
Tractatus de Confession. Tractatus de iis quae sunt inquirenda in Confession.  
Poenitentia religiosis injungenda: Libellus de Silentio servando.  
Speculum Poenitentiae a magistro W. de Montibus edit.  
Concilium Oxon. Stephani Archiepiscopi: Definitio superbiae, & ejus speciebus.    
G xii. 

Versus de 12 abusionibus: Libellus secundi Philosophi de Silentio.  
Compendium poenitentiale glosatum: Speculum poetentis secundum W. de Montibus.  
Poenitentia religiosis injungenàa secundum W. de Montibus.  
De peccatis religiosorum contingentibus; De peccatis contra naturam contingentibus.  
De 7 Capitalibus vitiis: De inquisitione peccati: De his qui se inaebriant.    
H xii. 

Quaedam Epistola ad Monachos sic incipiens, Dilecto Patri: Decretum Innocentii Papae.  
Quaedam Epistola Bernardi ad Monachos: Bernardus de Praecepto & Dispensatione.  
Tractatus de desolatione animae. Sermo sic incipiens Omne quod natum est.  
Sermo sic incipiens, Vt filii lucis.  
Expositio Regulae S. Benedicti a Smaragdo edita.  
Regula S. Basilii, Regula S. Francisci.  
Correctio sive Reprehensio praelatorum, qui sic incipit, Scire desideras.  
Prophetia Sibyllae de Incarnatione Verbi: Tractatus de 15 signis cum versibus.  
Tractatus de Antichristo: Tractatus de 7 vitiis principalibus.  
Tractatus de Matre Domini, & sororibus suis: Tractatus de decem praeceptis.  
Tractatus quo die Divina sapientia uterum Virginis ingressa est, cum quibusdam versibus, sic incipiens, Cum fortuna tibi.  
Tractatus de Remedio professionis Monachorum.  

See I xi.  Summa Magistri J. de Cantia de Poenitentia.  
Tractatus Petri Blesensis super librum Job.    
I xii. 

Nova Logica: Ethica Nova, De somno, & vigilia, de sensu, & sensato.    
K xii. 

Vita S. Francisci, Testamentum ejusdem, Regula ejusdem.  
Miracula Fremundi Martyris, Vita, & passio ejusdem.  
Vita S. Edmundi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi 
He died, saith Summoner, 1242.     
L xii. 

Tractatus de 7 Sacramentis, Tractatus de 10 praeceptis.  
Augustinus de differentia spiritus, & animae, Expositio super Canonem Missae.  
Libellus 
Petrus Alfonsus, L viij. A xiii.  Petri Alfulsi qui vocatur Scolaris disciplina.  
Expositio super Symbolum Apostolorum.    
M xii. 

Tractatus super Symbolum fidei, Tractatus super Orationem Dominicam.  
Tractatus super 7 dona Spiritus Sancti, Tractatus super 4 virtutes Cardinals.  
Tractatus super virtutes Theologicas, Tractatus super 7 vitia Capitalia.  
Tractatus super 7 Sacramenta Ecclesiae, Tractatus super 2 mandata Charitatis.  
Tractatus super 10 praecepta legis: Liber parvi doctrinalis.  
Quomodo Salue Regina fuit ordinata.  
Tractatus de Confession, imperfectus, Gallioe.  
Meditationes Bernardi.    
N xii. 

Tractatus de Complexione hominum.  
Fallaciae, & suppositiones, & aliae summulae.  
Diversa capitula Decretalium.  
Parva summa de dolore dentium.  
Quaedam excerpta de Magistro historiarum.    
O xii. 

Tractatus qui sic incipit David in spiritu.  
Tractatus de Calendario.  
Tractatus sic incipiens Laboravi in ludum.    
P xii. 

Liber de Causis, Versus de Decretis.  
Tractatus de Philosophia super dictum Opinamur.  
Tractatus sic incipiens, Inter Summas.  
Tractatus de his quae sunt inquirenda in confession.  
Collationes diversae, Tractatus de Sapientia.  
Boëtius de disciplina scholarium, Sermons diversi.    
Q xii. 

Tractatus de Orthographia.  
Bernardus de Praecepto, & Dispensatione.  
Tractatus Innocentii super Canonem Missae.  
Isagoge Magistri H. in Theologia.  
Quaestiones de Anima, & ejus potentia.  
Physica Alexandri edita ab Aristotele.    
R xii. 

Articuli diversi pro quibus quis excommunicatur.  
Versus de Sacramento altaris.  
Quidam Canon's, Versus de 7 mort alibus peccatis, & eorum speciebus.  
Tractatus de Philosophia, Literae diversae.  
Tractatus de Sole.    
S xii. 

Versus de judiciis urinarum.  
Liber qui dicitur Morale scholarium, Tractatus de terra Tartarorum.    
T xii. 

Quaedam Metaphorae sumptae à naturis bestiarum.  
Versus de Poenitentia, Tractatus de Poenitentia.  
Versus de operibus sex dicrum, Errores Originis.    
U xii. 

Algorismus, Tractatus de Sphaera 
Probable Johannes de Sacrobosco, who lived An. 1256. wrote those Tractates, for Pitseus reckons them with his other works. .  
Liber Phalecolum Alexandri Necham.    
X xii. 

Summa Segeri, Tractatus de Confession religiosorum  
Solutiones quarundam contrarietatum.    
Y xii. 

Disputatio inter Animam, & Rationem.  
Liber de Sacramentis Veteris, ac Novi Testamenti.  
Compendium Poenitentiale glosatum, Tractatus de Confession.  
Sermons diversi, Tractatus de societate mulierum vitanda.  
Parvus tractatus de superbia.    
Z xii. 

Expositio super Canonem Missae.  
Templum Domini cum illo tractatu quoniam cogitatio  
Summa de 10 Praeceptis, & 7 Sacramentis.  
Libellus de Institutione Novitiorum.  
Augustinus de Spiritu, & Anima.  
Tractatus Innocentii Papae de Missa, Bernardus Silvestris.  
Versus qui sic incipiunt Scribo Sampsoni.  
Versus 
John of Salisbury lived Anno 1182. Pitseus' mentions this book to be in several places, as in Cambr. and Oxon, and printed at London 1595. He was made Episcopus Carnotensis, and known by that name in Trithemius.  Johannis Sarisburiensis in Polycraticon, Hieronymus de proprietatibus.  
Tractatus de Grammatica, Versus de nominibus volucrum.    
A xiii. 

Liber Poenitentialis secundum R. Lincoln, Liber Penitent alis glosatus.  
Symbolum majus, & minus.  
Speculum poenitentis, a Magistro W. de Montibus edit.  
Liber 
This Peter was first called Moses, and of a Jew becoming a Christian, King Alfonsus was his Godfather, and gave him this name. He lived An. 1100. saith Trithemius, who yet makes no mention of these Verses. Perhaps this is the same with Adelphonsus. H ..... L viij.  Petri Alfonsi, Versus de Decretis.  
Solatium animae, Rhythmus Gallice, & Latinè sic incipiens Ky vult Sanoye.    
B xiii. 

Solatium animae, Liber de miseria humanae conditionis.  
Meditationes Bernardi, Tractatus super Canonem Missae.    
C xiii. 


See E..  Epistola Caesarii fratribus Blagatensibus Monasterii.  
Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum.  
Praedicatio Roberti Lincoln. viris religiosis.  
Narrationes diversae.  
Tractatus de pace reformata inter Deum, & homines.  
Tractatus de Confession.    
D xiii. 

Regula S. Benedicti, Templum Domini.  
Liber Petri Aldulphi.  
Excerpta B. Bernardi de 12 gradibus humilitatis.  
Bernardus ad Cluniacenses & contraeos.  
Quae sunt peccata magis periculosa.  
Epistola B. Bernardi de Praecepto, & dispensatione.  

See E xiv.  Qualiter sit Sacramentum altaris per virtutem sanctae crucis.  
Remedium professionis, Solatium animae.    
E xiii. 

Meditationes Bernardi, Tractatus de professione Monachorum.  
Quaestiones Magistri Albini super Genesin.  
Seneca de 4 virtutibus, Regula B. Francisci.    
F xiii. 


See K xiii.  Descriptio Northfolciae, Consuetudines terrae Saracenorum.    
G xiii. 

Liber soliloquiorum Isidori.  
Compilatio excerpta de diversis doctoribus.  
Item duae aliae Compilationes universorum doctorum.  
Quaedam excerpta de Canonibus.  
Praecepta Regularia S. Augustini.  
Tractatus sic incipiens Necessarium valde sit.    
H xiii. 

Macer de viribus herbarum.  
Tractatus contra diversas infirmitates.  
Tractatus sic incipiens,  
Experimenta diversa.    
I xiii. 

Sermons diversi, Excerpta de diversis doctoribus, & de decretis.  
Versus sic incipientes Fraus profert florem.  
Tractatus de peccato in Spiritum S.  
Versus de malitiis foeminarum.  
Vita Simonis de Monte forti Rythmice.  
Vita S. Thomae Martyris Anglice.  
Septem mort alia peccata, Gallice, cum eorum speciebus.    
K xiii. 

Tractatus de Physnomia.  
Descriptio terrae 
A Monk of Peterburgh (whose name I find not) wrote a description of Norfolk in derision of that Country, and was answered by Johannes de S. Omero, who was a Norfolk man, and lived Anno 1219. Pitseus.  Northfolciae, Historia S. Georgii.  
Vnde 7 mortalia peccata, Gallice.  
Expositio somniorum.  
Tractatus qui dies Lunae sunt boni, & qui mali.  
Tractatus compilatus ex dictis diversorum doctorum, & poetarum.    
L xiii. 

Solatium animae, Liber Poenitentialis ad Religiosos, & Laicos.  
Item Launcereyes de Confession.    
M xiii. 

Psalterium B. Mariae.  
Formula vitae Monachorum a B. Bernardo edita.  
Brevis compilatio de Confession. Tractatus de Humilitate.  
Regula B. Benedicti, Regula B. Augustini.  
Regula B. Basilii, Psalterium B. Hieronymi cum aliis rebus.    
N xiii. 

Liber de naturis lapidum cum moralitatibus.    
O xiii. 

Item moraliter, Gallice.    
P xiii. 

Tituli librorum decretalium.  
Tractatus de servit. tenebrarum.  
Tractatus de Eucharistia, & aliis festivitatibus anni.  
Interpretatio Hebraicorum nominum.    
Q xiii. 

Sermo de destructione Jerusalem cum multis aliis capitulis.  
Quaedam excerpta de libro Soliloquiorum Isidori, Ratio dicit, homo respondet.  
Tractatus excerptus de quodam tractatu H. de S. Victore de Conjugio inter Mariam, & Joseph.  
Tractatus de———, cum aliis bonis.  
Tractatus contra eos qui dicunt Sine corporali commixtione non esse perfectum matrimonium.  
Regula B. Benedicti, Regula S. Augustini.  
Versus de Monachis, Descriptio corporis humani.  
Tituli Cardinalium.  
Liber metricus Veteris ac Novi Testamenti.  
Contentio Spiritus, & Carnis metrice.  
Versus de descriptione nominum diversorum, ut Roberti, & Richardi, & aliorum.  
Item versus de diversis materiis cum dictis sapientum    
R xiii. 

Regula S. Basilii, Epistola Aristotelis ad Alexandrum.  
Item Job, Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum, cum aliis rebus.  
Augustinus de verbis Domini.  
Quaedam excerpta de diversis Doctoribus, & Canonibus.  
Septem mortalia peccata, Gallice, Liber Job.  
Tractatus metrice compositus, sic incipiens, Post tempus horridum.    
S xiii. 

Tractatus de 12 abusionibus Claustri.  
Tractatus de 12 abusionibus seculi.  
Historia Tartarorum.  
Libellus de vita, & moribus Tartarorum, & eorum actibus.  
Tractatus incipiens sic Duo bona.    
T xiii. 

Tractatus super illud Pauli, Si Spiritu vivimus.  
Tractatus de Confession.  
Vita S. Edmundi Archiepiscopi.  
Liber Adulfi qui dicitur Scholaris disciplina.    
U xiii. 

Tractatus de Logica qui sic incipit, Quoniam in disserendo. 
Petrus Alfonsus. See L viij.   
Disputatio Physicorum de interpretatione Somniorum.  
Tractatus de Superbia, Tractatus de Confession.    
X xiii. 

Tractatus de Mundo, & ejus miseria, Gallice.  
Liber Poenitentialis glosatus.  
Speculum poenitentis, editus a Magistro W. de Montibus.  
Solatium animae, Confessio Roberti Lincoln. Episcopi.  
Versus glosati de Compoto Calendarii.  
Libellus qui dicitur Massa Compoti.  
Versus de Decretis glosati.  
Versus de iis qui deficiunt in accusationibus, Orationes diversae.    
Y xiii. 

Salutationes, & Meditationes ad B. Mariam.  
Meditationes fratris Bonaventurae, Liber qui dicitur Doctrina animae.  

See H ix.  Causa quare Robertus Grostest Episcopus Lincoln. fuerit a Domino Papa excommunicatus.  
Solatium animae, Tractatus super illud, Nolite ante tempus judicare.  
De Ordine Monachorum per Epistolas missas, Orationes diversae.    
Z xiii. 

Meditationes Bernardi, Vita S. Edmundi Archiepis.    
A xiv. 

Regula S. Benedicti, Tractatus sic incipiens Rationem autem humani corporis.  
Versus de vita Monachorum omniumque hominum, Versus de Decretis.  
Formula Vitae Monachorum, a B. Bernardo edita.  
Libellus de conflictu Augustini, vitiorum & virtutum.  
Regula S. Basilii, Compendium Poenitentiale glosatum.  
Tractatus de 7 Sacramentis Tractatus, de 10 Praeceptis.  
Expositio super Canonem Missae, Duo libri Soliloquiorum Isidori Episcopi.  
Tractatus Qui in Lingua Romana secundum Robertum Grostest Episcopum Lincoln.  
De principio Creationis mundi, de medio, & fine.  
Vita S. Alexis, Gallice.    
B xiv. 

Summa quae dicitur Laus divinae Sapientiae, & 7 .....  
Macer de viribus herbarum, Tractatus de imagine mundi.    
C xiv. 

Augustinus de libero arbitrio, Regula S. Basilii.  
Vita Religiosorum a B. Bernardo edita.  
Meditationes B. Bernardi.  
Bernardus de Praecepto, & Dispensatione.  
Bernardus de 12 gradibus humilitatis,  
Bernardus ad Cluniacenses, & contra eos.  
Boëtius de disciplina Scholarium.  
Augustinus de 12 abusionibus.  
Liber de septem septenis.  
Tractatus de mysteriis Missae.  
Augustinus de Spiritu, & Anima.  
Liber differentiarum Isidori.  
Alquinus de vitiis & virtutibus.  
Formula vitae honestae.  
Augustinus de Conflictu vitiorum.  
Ambrose de 7 Sacramentis.  
Templum Domini.  
Tractatus veterum Patrum de Venialibus, & minoribus peccatis.  
Liber de Dulia, & Latria.  
Liber de miseria humanae conditionis.  
Isidorus de naturis rerum.  
Augustinus de observantia Episcoporum, & Praelatorum.  
Augustinus, Qualiter homo factus est ad imaginem, & similitudinem Dei.  
Augustinus de Charitate.    
D xiv.  
E xiv. 


See G xi.  Summa Magistri J. Cornubiensis Qualiter fiet Sacramentum altaris.  
Speculum poenitentis editum a Magistro W. de Montibus.  
Liber Soliloquiorum Isidori Episcopi.  
Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum, & virtutum.  
Tractatus Innocentii Papae de Dulia, & Latria.  
Liber Poenitentialis secundum Magistrum 
Robert Rilwarby was Archbishop of Cant. Anno 1280. and likely to be the Author of this Book, although Pits. nameth it not amongst many others of his.  R. Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum.    
F xiv. 

Meditationes Bernardi.  
Liber de Miseria humanae conditionis.  
Tractatus Magistri Petri Blesensis super librum Job.  
Regula S. Benedicti.  
Meditationes B. Bernardi.  
Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum, & virtutum.  
Liber de miseria humanae conditionis.  

See G xi.  Summa Magistri Cornubiensis super Canonem Missae.  
Tractatus Magistri Petri Blesensis super librum Job.    
G xiv. 

Tractatus qui sic incipit Vidit Jacob scalam.  
Tractatus super Te igitur Clementissime Pater.    
H xiv. 

Liber de naturis lapidum.  
De his quae sunt .......... ad coitum faciendum.    
I xiv. 

Tabula Salernic ................ Salernicatorum.    
K xiv. 

Tractatus de come ............., Gallice.  
De 7 mortalibus peccatis, Gallice.  
Quomodo Carolus acquisivit coronam domini, Gallice.  
De bello Valle Runciae cum aliis Gallice.    
L xiv. 

Miracula B. Virgins' Gallice.    
M xiv. 

Sermons diversi, Allegoriae Veteris ac Novi Testamenti.  
Tractatus super Orationem Dominicam, Item Sermons.    
N xiv. 

Libellus de Confessione Cum definitionibus 7 capitalium vitiorum.  
Divisiones 7 Capitalium vitiorum, cum speciebus, & ramis, & circumstantiis eorum secundum Magistrum Alexandrum Episcopum Cestriae.  
Tractatus de Poenitentia injungenda.    
O xiv. 

Matutinae cum horis de Cruse cum depunctione passionis uniuscujusque horae.  
Meditatio de Passione Domini nostri Jesu Christi.    
P xiv. 

Visio cujusdam quae contigit in Essexia.  
Tractatus Quare in Parasceve non consecramus.  
Quaedam not abilia excerpta de libris Hieronymi contra Jovinianum.  
Regula S. Benedicti, Gesta Barlaham, & Josaphat.  
Versus Qualiter sit orandum, Versus de Passione Domini.  
Sermons diversi, Tractatus de Meditat. S. Crucis.  
Tractatus de Confession.  
Quae Clerici tenentur facere, Item Sermons diversi.  
Visio cujusdam. Episcopi.  
Tractatus sic incipiens Conflictus Spiritualis, sive Corporalis.  
Tractatus de Monachis.  
Historia de S. Edwardo metrice composita.  
Versus sic incipientes Humanae menti.    
Q xiv. 

Conceptio S. Mariae cum Assumptione ejusdem, Gallice.  
Vita & Passio S. Thomae Martyris Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Gallice.    
R xiv. 

Papias Versifice.    
S xiv. 

Regula S. Benedicti versifice edita.  
Regula S. Basilii, Regula S. Augustini.    
T xiv. 

Elucidarium, Expositio Bernardi super Missus est.  
Tractatus de 12 abusionibus.  
Solatium animae, Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum, & virtutum.  
Edicio de die judicii, Meditatio de sancta Cruse.  
De oleo misericordiae post peccatum promisso.  
Meditatio de redemptione humani generis per mortem Christi.    
U xiv. 

Item de Instructione animae.    
X xiv. 

Manuale qui nos addiscit viam ad coelum, Gallice.  
Tractatus de 10 praeceptis Decalogi, Gallice.  
Tractatus de 7 mortalibus peccatis cum eorum speciebus, & narrationibus diversis.  
Tractatus de 7 Sacramentis, Gallice.  
Fabulae diversae Poetarum moraliter reductae, Gallice.  
Calendarium cum tractatu de Compoto.  

See H ix.  Sermo Roberti Grostest quem praedicavit in praesentia Papae.  
Tractatus de Philosophia.  
Parvus tractatus de Theologia.  
Meditationes Bernardi.  
Libellus de Institutione Novitiorum secundum Magistrum H. de S. Victore.  
Quaedam quaestiones, & solutiones super certis articulis contentis in Regula Benedicti.  
Historia Britonum.  
Gesta Caroli Regis Magni in Hispania quomodo liberavit viam Jacobitanam à potestate Paganorum.  
Bellum contra Eygelandum.  
Bellum contra Ferratorium, Bellum contra Runciae vallem.    
A xv. 

Quidam Sermo quomodo crevit arbor de qua fact a est Crux Christi.  
Vita S. Mariae Virgins, Solatium Animae, Vita S. Fremundi Regis, & Martyris.    
B xv. 

Consuetudines, & Statuta terrae Saracenorum, Quaedam scripta translata a Graeco in Latinum a R. Grostest, Tractatus de septem mortalibus peccatis, & eorum remediis, Tractatus de diversis dictis Doctorum.    
C xv. 

Liber Salutaris Alquini Diaconi.  
Principium libri scintillarum cum aliis rebus.  
Versus qui sic incipiunt Dum mea me mater:  
Item versus de dictis diversorum Doctorum.    
D xv. 

Itinerarium, Libellus de Articulis fidei.  
Tractat. de septem petitionibus in Oratione Dominica.  
Tractatus de 10 Praeceptis, Tractatus de 7 Sacramentis.  
Tractatus de quatuor virtutibus Cardinalibus.  
Tractatus de dono Spiritus Sancti, Item de Beatitudinibus.    
E xv. 

Tractatus B. Bernardi de dolore, & lamentatione B. Mariae in morte filii ejus.  
Speculum spirituale avaritiae. Tractatus super Ave Maris stella.  
Testamentum 12 Patriarcharum.  
Narratio 
Either the same or the like story is in Suidas in voce Jesus.  Theodosii Judaei amico suo Philippo Argentario quomodo Jesus filius Dei electus fuit, & computatus Sacerdos inter eos fuit, & quo modo Maria probata fuit Virgo.  
Vita a cujusdam Virginis nomine Elizabeth, quae stigmata a Jesus Christi recentia, & manifesta in corpore ejus apparaverunt.  
De Secundo Philosopho qui silentium servabat, & de quaestionibus 
There is extant an Altercation betwixt the Emp. Adrian, and Epictetus the Philosopher, printed Hamburgi 1615. but of this Secundus I find nothing.  Adriani Imperatoris.  
Quid Maria Magdalena egerit post Ascensionem.  
Liber Ysopi versifice.    
F xv. 

Consuetudines Ecclesiae Dorobernensis quas Lanfrancus misit Priori, & Conventui.  
Extracta Gratiani de Decretis.    
G xv. 

Quaestiones diversae, Gallice.  
De malis quae proveniunt ex dispensatione Gallice.  
Eruditio Juliani ad discipulum ejus, Gallice.  
Infantia Salvatoris, Gallice.  
Tractatus qualiter Dominus in cruse commendabat matrem suam Johanni Evangelistae, Gallice.    
H xv. 

Regula B. Benedicti.  
Expositio super Regulam S. Augustini secundum H. de S. Victore.  
Tractatus de Informatione Novitiorum.  
Diadema Monachorum.  
Exaëmeron Hugonis de S. Victore.  
Epistola Aristotelis ad Alexandrum de Medicina, cum aliis.  
Proverbia Senecae, Augustinus de vera & falsa poenitentia.  
Quaestiones de quatuor libris Regum.  
Tractatus qui sic incipit Quoniam interiorum.    
I xv. 

Fabulae de animalibus, & avibus, moraliter, Gallice.  
Qualiter Sibylla Regina posita sit in exilium extra Franciam, & quomodo Makayre occidit Albricum de Modisdene.  
Versus de quodam Claustrali facti.    
K xv. 

Augustinus de con——————— vitiorum.  
Augustinus de Ecclesiasticis dogmatibus.  
Libellus de 4 virtutibus Cardinalibus.  
Augustinus de verbis Domini.  
Meditationes Augustini, Meditationes Bernardi.  
Formula vitae honestae, Regula B. Basilii.  
Vita B. Virgins.  
Tractatus B. Bernardi de lament atione B. Mariae in morte filii ejus.  
Quaedam Summa de naturis animalium.    
L xv. 

Tractatus Gregorii de expositione diversorum vocabulorum secundum Alphabetum.  
Tractatus Grammaticalis de accentu mediarum syllabarum secundum Alphabetum.    
M xv. 

Isidorus de Summo bono.  
Distinctiones super quartum Sententiarum versifice secundum Alphabetum. Versus proverbiorum Gallice, & Anglice.  
Tractatus de Sacramentis.  
Tractatus de Ornamentis Missae pro diversis Praelatis, & Sacerdotibus, & quid significant, & de spectantibus ad Missam, Versus qui sic incipiunt, Scribo Sampsoni.    
N xv. 

Tractatus de diversis languoribus curandis.  
Tractatus de vero amore, Gallice.  
Vita S. Alexis, Gallice, Narrationes diversae moraliter reductae.  
De discretione spirituum.  
Tractatus de vanitatibus, & occupationibus mundi, Gallice.  
Vita 
There was a Margaret martyred at Alexandria by Olibrius governor there under the Emp. Decius about the year 252. the story whereof is still remaining in the first window of the North Isle of the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh. And there was another Margaret Queen of Scotland, Wife to King Malcome, whose story was written by Turgotus a Monk of Durham, who lived 1115. and again by Ealredus Abbot of Rieval in Yorkshire, who lived Anno 1166. But which Margaret this was, and who wrote her story in French, Quaerat lector, si tanti aestimet.  S. Margaretae, Gallice.    
O xv. 

Tractatus Bernardi de dolore, & lamentatione B. Virgins in morte filii ejus.  
Secreta secretorum Aristótelis.  
Tractatus de 4 virtutibus Cardinalibus.  
Templum Domini, Tractatus de Confession.  
Speculum poenitentis Magistri W. de Montibus.  
Compendium poenitentiale, Regula S. Basilii.  
Augustinus de Conflictu vitiorum.  
Tractatus de Articulis fidei.  
Modus confitendi saltem semel in anno.    
P xv. 

De Antidotis vitiorum, De Praecepto, & Dispensatione.  
Concilium Otthonis.  
Tractatus de extractu omnium virtutum principalium.  
De Inchoatione Bruti, & aliis Regibus.  
Literae diversae.    
Q xv. 

Guy de Burgoyne, Gallice.  
Gesta Osuelis, Gallice,    
R xv. 

Conventio facta tempore 
Abbot Godsrey died Anno 1321.  Godfridi Abbatis inter Sacristam & Vicarium Burgi ex una parte, & Sub-eleemosynarium Burgi ex altera de Oblationibus percipiendis in Capella S. Thomae Martyris juxta portam.    
S xv. 

Synonymis: Tractatus parvus de Grammatica.  
Accentarius, Liber qui dicitur Commentaria.  
Aequinoctium: Dictionarius, Alexander parvus.    
T xv. 

Liber Elucidarii, Regula S. Basilii.  
Liber Soliloquiorum Isidori.  
Tractatus de diversis poenitentiae fructibus & Collatione patrum cum Abbatibus.  
Augustinus de conflictu vitiorum, Summum bonum.    
U xv. 

Exitus B. Mariae, Vita S. Thomae Martyris.  
Liber metrice compositus qui sic incipit,——.    
X xv. 

Visio cujusdam Monachi de Evesham.  
Visio Audoeni de Purgatorio Patritii.  
Seneca de verborum copia.    
Y xv. 

Ordinarium vitae religiosae.  
Vita B. Mariae Virgins, Formula vitae honestae.  
Privilegium Domini Papae Agathonis de Ecclesia Burgi.  
De praevaricatione, & poenitentia Salomonis, quid senserint S. Patres nostri, Augustinus, Hieronymus, Ambrose, Bacharius, & Beda.  
Solatium Animae, S. Meo me totum.    
Z xv. 


See L seven.  De ludo Skackarii moraliter, De Oleo misericordiae.    
A xuj. 

Lamentatio Gloriosae Virginis Mariae, Gallice.  
De 12 Articulis fidei, Gallice, De 10 Praeceptis, Gallice.  
De 7 Peccatis criminalibus, Gallice.  
De tractatu Confessionis, Gallice.  
De 7 Sacramentis, Gallice, Quaedam utilis instructio sapientis, Gallice.  
De Confession speciali, Gallice.  
Quaedam Orationes Latinè, & Gallice.  
Pater Noster cuidam sanctae mulieri expressa, Gallice.  
Tractatus de Origine Mundi secundum Rob. Grostest, Gallice.  
Porta Clausa, Gallice.  
Expositio Evangelii, S. In principio, Gallice.  
De regina omnium vitiorum, S. Superbia, Gallice.  
Meditationes Bernardi, Latinè.  
Oratio sine devotione, est quasi corpus sine anima.    
B xuj. 

Amours ou estis venus.  
Lumer de Lais, Gallice.  
Speculum Edmundi, Gallice.  
Pater noster, Gallice, Contemplationes pro diversis horis diei, Gallice.  
Contemplatio de Passione Christi, Gallice.  
Disputatio inter spiritum, & animam, Gallice.    
C xuj. 

Proverbia Senecae: Liber qui vocatur Housbondrie, Gallice.  
Historia Anglorum, Gallice, & Rythmices.  
Computatio annorum ab initio mundi usque ad tempus Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi.      

A SUPPLEMENT To the Foregoing HISTORY.  
THE ancient name of this place all agree was medeshamsted or Medeshamstud (as it is called by simeon Dunelmensis, and the Abbot Medeshamstudensis Abbas, by Roger Hoveden ad An. 992.) or Medeshamstide, as it is in Radulphus de Diceto, ad An. 1051. But whence it had this name is not so certain. The derivation which Mr. Gunton gives of it, is out of Swapham, or rather Hugo (as I have shown in the Preface) who saith that as Eli had its name from the abundance of Eels taken in the Waters there; and Thorney from the Thorns and Bushes wherewith it was overgrown; and Croyland from the Terra Cruda, moist and morish Ground on which it stands; so this place from that Vorago or Gurges, (as he terms it) in the middle of the River called anciently Medeswell. Whose wonderful properties he derives from Springs perpetually bubbling up; which kept it from being frozen when the rest of the River was, and yet made it so cold, that when the Sun was hotter than a Chimney fire (as his words are) no Swimmer could endure it. And it must be confessed that Bede derives Eli ab anguillarum copia, from the plenty of Eels there; consentiens communi notitiae, saith Will. of Malmsbury (L. ult. de gestis Pontif. Angl.) agreeing to the common notion: For it is known to all, there was such abundance of all other Fish, and Fowl also in that place, ut pro uno ass, etc. that for one farthing, five men and more might not only drive away hunger, but fill themselves to satiety. And Thornei also other Writers will have so called propter dumorum condensitatem, from the thickets of all sorts of Thorns, and Briers, etc. which Athelwold caused to be cut up, saith the same Malmsbury; intending in the very beginning of his Episcopacy, to go and lead an Hermite's life in that place: Which he magnifies to the Skies. That place also which we now call Crowland or Croyland, is called Cruland both by Hugo and by Henry of Huntingdon. John Prior of Hexham, Gervase of Canterbury and many others: And Crulant by simeon of Durham or rather Turgotus ad An. 1075. and Cruiland by Roger Hoveden, in Hen. 2. p. 547. and, more ancient than all this, King Edgar in his Charter to our Church of Peterburgh, calls it Crulond: Which may make that derivation probable, from crude Land which Ingulphus himself, who was Abbot of Croyland, gives of it; crudam terram & coenosam significat. But for all this, I see no reason to think that Medeshamsted had its name from the Medeswell; there being no such deep pit in the River; and Hugo himself reporting it, with an ut dicunt, as they say; and another plainer derivation offering itself, from the fair Meads or Meadows, that lie on both sides of the River Nen, upon which this place stands. Which in those days were the more considerable, because all the rest of the Country thereabouts which was not Fenn, was Woods.  
So I find in the Book called Swapham fol. CCXCU. that all the Nashum, or Nassa as it was termed, afterward called the Liberty of Burgh, was solitary, and full of Woods, without any Inhabitant: And so continued till the time of Adulphus, who did but begin neither to clear the Country, by cutting down the Woods; and to make Manors, and Granges. Presently after which, the place being new built, its name was changed into Burch or Burg (as shall be then more largely shown) which during all the time of the first Monastery, before it was burnt by the Danes, had been called medeshamsted, and frequently Medhamsted: As much as to say, the Ham, i. e. Village or House, standing upon the Medes. And was sometime simply called Hamstede; as I find in Matthew of Westminster. Who speaking of the inroad made by the Danes, under the conduct of Hinguar and Hubba in the year 870. and showing how they destroyed the North Country, and then passed over Humber, and so went forward till they came to the Fens, where they burned the Monasteries and killed their Inhabitants, he adds Horum autem nomina Coenobiorum sunt, Croulandia, Thorneia, Rameseia, Hamstede, quod nunc Burgum Sancti Petri dicitur. Which is no mistake in the Printed Book; for in a MS. now in the Library of the Church of Westminster, I find the same words without the least difference, but only the letter e in the end omitted, it being written Hamsted.  
Where I doubt not there was another Well, as Mr. G. observes by the way, called St. Laurence his Well: and very probably was near the Chapel bearing his name; which was dedicated to the use of the Infirmary. As appears by a Charter of Willielmus de Midilton, a servant in the Infirmary, who gave to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh and to the Infirmary of that place, a Noble of annual Rent, ad sustentationem unius lampadis continue arden's, in capella Sancti Laurentii ejusdem Infirmariae; for the maintaining of a Lamp perpetually burning in the Chapel of St. Laurence belonging to the same Infirmary. Swaph. fol. CLXXXIX.  
The Superstitious resort to it, was the cause I suppose of its being stopped up, so that now there are no footsteps of it. For that moved Oliver Sutton Bishop of Lincoln to send his Inhibition to restrain that kind of devotion, which (as Mr. Gunton observes out of Dr. Hammond) was used both here, and at St. Edmund's Well in Oxford: and, I may add, in other places also; as appears by the Records of the Church of Lincoln. Where the Register of the Acts of this Worthy Prelate, in the ten first years of his Government (which was twenty years in all) are lost; and therewith this Act about the Church of Peterburgh: But there still remain the Acts of the other ten; In the first of which he condemned that superstitious devotion, which many people paid at St. Edmund's Well, in the Fields near St. Clment's- Church, without the Walls of Oxford, as tending to introduce the error of the Gentiles among Christs-worshippers; and in the last the like foolish devotion at another Well in the fields of Lincelad, in the County of Buckingham: Requiring the Archdeacon's of Oxon and Bucks solemnly to excommunicate all such persons as should presume hereafter, to frequent those places, under the pretence of Miracles done there. Both which my worthy Friend, Dr. James Gardiner, Subdean of the Church of Lincoln, having at my request, transcribed for me, out of the Book of that Bishop's Memorandums, I have thought good to communicate to the Reader; but that I might not too much interrupt the course of this History, have placed them in the end of this Supplement; together with some few other Records  
I shall only note here, that there had been long an inclination in the people to this superstition, appears by the Constitutions made in the Council held at St. Paul's London MCII by Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury. Where among other things it was ordained, that none should dare to give holy reverence to the bodies of dead Men, to Fountains, and other things (which some had done) without Episcopal authority. The words are these both in Malmsbury L. 1. de Gestis Pont. Angl. and Eadmerus L. 3. Hist. Ne quis temeraria novitate corporibus mortuorum, aut fontibus, aut aliis rebus (quod contigisse cognovimus) sine Episcopali autoritate, reverentiam sanctitatis exhibeat. But within a few days almost all the Constitutions of that Council were broken; and the principal transgressors were the Lawmakers; as William of Malmsbury's words are, in MS. Copy of that Book in Sir John Cotton's Library: Which are wholly omitted in the Printed Book among the Anglicarum rerum Scriptores: MDCI Eadmerus saith the same, (without mentioning particularly the prevarication of the Lawmakers) in the conclusion of those Constitutions. Et hic quidem Lundoniensis Concilii textus est, qui non post multos institutionis suae dies, multos sui transgressores in omni hominum genere fecit. And therefore no wonder Oliver Sutton found the people still poisoned with this error, almost 200 years after that Council: Which he honestly endeavoured to remedy, by his Episcopal Authority.  
But it is time to return to our History: And to give a short account of the Founder of this Monastery, and the time of its founding. The first Founder all agree was Peada Son of Penda King of the Mercians. Whose story is thus distinctly told by Hedda Abbot in a MS. Relation, still remaining in the Book called Swapham. There was a great Friendship between Peada Son of Penda, and Alhfrid Son of Oswin King of Northumberland (Brother to the great King and Martyr Oswald) in so much that they made an interchangeable Marriage: Alhfrid taking Kynesburga Sister to Peada, and Peada taking Alfeda (as he calls her) Sister to Alhfrid unto Wife. Whereupon Peada by the persuasions of his faithful Brother-in-Law, and of his own pious Sister, was made a Christian, and baptised in Northumberland by that famous Bishop Finanus. From whom he received also four Religious Preachers of the Gospel, to carry with him to his own Country; whither he returned, plus jam gaudens de aeterna salute, quam de petita Virgin, rejoicing more in the eternal Salvation, than in the Virgin he had gotten in Northumberland. simeon Dunelmensis speaks of this conversion, in the very beginning of his History Cap. 4. and John Brampton names the place where he was baptised, viz. Admurium (twelve miles from the Eastern Sea) together with the four Presbyters which Finanus gave him, Ceadda, Abde, Betta and Dunna: who coming into Peadas Country, converted a great many to the Christian Faith, in two years' time; for Penda did neither hinder these men from Preaching, nor his people from believing.  
All which is taken out of Bede L. III. Eccles. Hist. C. 21. where he saith, that not only Peada, but all his Nobles and Knights and every one of his Servants and Attendants were Baptised, in vico Regis illustri, qui vocatur Admurum. And that Penda when his Son returned, was so far from prohibiting the entertainment of the Christian Religion in his Kingdom, that he hated and despised those who having received the Christian Faith, did not live accordingly: Saying, they were wretched creatures, who did not take care to obey the God, in whom they believed.  
These things were done two years before Penda died; and in his Epitome he saith Penda died An. 655, and the Mercians were made Christians. And in this year the foundation of this Monastery is said to have been laid by Peada with the assistance of Oswin King of Northumberland, and of devout people, newly Baptised, and especially of Saxulph, as Hugo often says. Though the Chron. Johannis Abbatis saith it was An. 654. They are the very first words of it. Anno Domini DCLIIII. fundatum est Monasterium de Burgo Sancti Petri, à Peada Rege Merciorum Saxulfo Comite facto ejus Abbate primo. But Hedda, before mentioned, carries it still higher; for he saith this Monastery was begun five and fifty years after the coming of Austin the Monk into England; ab incarnatione Salvatioris DCL. exacti.  
The great Stones, which Mr. G. observes were laid in the foundation, Hugo says he saw, when the Monastery was burnt, and demolished, quales octo paria boum vix unum traherent.  
But it was only begun; for Peada died in the year 656. (as the forenamed Chronicle of John Abbot tells us; A. DCLVI. Peada mortuo Wlferus regnabat super Mercios, & erat Bissexto, etc.) and left the Building to be perfected by his Brother Wolferus. Who, as Hugo says, was no less in love with this work than Peada had been: but pursued it with great zeal till he had finished it, by the help of Saxulfus, and the assistance of his Brother Ethelred and his two holy Sisters Kyneburga and Kyneswitha: And having endowed it with Lands and other Revenues, dedicated it to St. Peter.  
This is all that Hugo says (save only what belongs to his Charter, etc.) in whom I find not a word about his revolting from Christianity, or his growing cold in it: nor in Hedda's Relation neither, quo modo incipiente Christianitate in regione Mediterraneorum Anglorum initiatum sit Medeshamstedense Monasterium, & subsequentibus privilegiis confirmatum, as the title of it bears. But quite contrary he says King Wolfere was so flagrant (as his word is, in the worship of Christ, that he made it his business, not only to kindle the like affection in his own people, but to bring the Southern Kings and people that were subject to him, ad veram Dei sectam to God's true Religion; by sending them Royal gifts, and enlarging their Dominions.  
Yet I cannot say that Walter of Wittlesea devised all that story which follows in Mr. G. about him, his Steward, his two Sons, and St. Chad and the Hart: but he had it no doubt out of ancienter Writers. For Leland gins his Second Vol. of Collections out of a Book of an Author without name, but as he gathers, of the Church of Peterburgh, whose title is De Martyrio Wulfadi & Rufini filiorum Wulferi Regis. And there is an old MS. in Sir John Cotton's Library, entitled Passio Sanctorum Wlfadi & Rufini filiorum Wlferi Regis: in which the whole story is told more amply, with the Speeches made by all parties concerned in it, as may be seen in the 2. Vol. of the Monasticon p. 119. Out of which I shall transcribe nothing; but only note a few things wherein these two Writers agree, and wherein they differ, or which are omitted by the one, but related by the other.  
Leland's Author saith, that Werbord was tanquam secundarius in Regno; prime Minister of State, as we now speak. And so says the other Writer, but explains it thus; he was Secretary to Wlfere; having been a Privy Counsellor to his Father Penda: who esteemed him as David did Achitophel, and let him govern the whole Kingdom under him, as Haman did under Ahasuerus. Which puffed him up so much, that they both say he aspired to the honour of marrying the King's Daughter Werburg: only Leland's Author says, that he Courting her for his Wife, was despised by the Virgin, by the counsel of her Mother Ermenild; the other Writer says, he asked her of the King for his Wife, when she was but a little Child, and the King consented: But the Queen denied it; and the two Brothers were so incensed at the man's insolence (especially because he was a Pagan) that they opposed his Petition to his face. From which time Werbord meditated revenge, and contrived their ruin; which followed in such manner as is related by Mr. G. Wolfere (says the Writer now mentioned) being like his Father Penda, naturally fierce and prone to anger; and, when the fit was upon him, more furious than any wild Beast.  
They both say that, upon their being Baptised, both the Brothers persuaded St. Chad to remove his Cell nearer to their Father's Court, at Wlfercestre, in Staffordshire; to give them the advantage of more frequent conversation with him: and that, upon their being slain by their cruel Fathers own hand, he retreated to his old Oratory again. But Leland's Author says they suffered upon the tenth Kalander Augusti; the other upon the ninth.  
They both agree that Werbord ran mad, as one possessed with a Devil; and the latter of them saith, he tore his own flesh from his arms with his own teeth; and so died distracted. They agree also, that the Queen buried both her Martyred Sons, in uno saxeo Sarcophago in one Stone Coffin; and that in process of time she built a fair Church of Stone, in that place: for a multitude of people coming there to pray, were wont to bring Stones along with them for the building; which gave the place the name of Stanes. And the King, when he had in cool blood considered of the fact, was pricked in Conscience, or rather miserably tormented in mind, like a man upon the rack: and was thereupon admonished to seek for ease, by confessing his Sin to St. Chad, and doing whatsoever he enjoined. Who commanded him instantly to destroy all Idolatry, and the Temples of Demons; to build Churches, found Monasteries, get Clergy men Ordained, cause the Laws of Christ to be observed, etc. which he did, and among other things, illud nobile Coenobium in medeshamsted praediis & possessionibus ditavit, etc. quod hodie Petresburch i. e. Civitas Sancti Petri nominatur, saith the last named Author. By which passage it appears, that he lived after the Restauration of the Monastery by King Edgar: and that what follows in Leland concerning the Procurator of the College at Stanes (which Wolfere also founded for Canons Regular) going to Rome; to get the two Martyrs Wulfade and Rufinus put into the Catalogue of the Saints, was done also, if the story be true, long after their death. They both say, he carried the head of Wulfade with him, though much against the will (saith the latter Writer) of almost all the Brethren. For he hoped thereby the more easily to obtain his Petition. And to prove their Sanctity, though the Records of the Miracles done by them, were destroyed by the fury of the Pagans, he voluntarily offered to pass through a great fire (made by a pile of Wood) with the head of Wulfade: which he said he had brought with him for that very end. But the Pope answered as Christ did the Devil, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. For the Sacred Canons did not appoint such trials by fire or water, nor decisions by single combat; but they were invented by superstitious men. Yet taking compassion upon the great pains he had taken in so long a journey; he granted the request; and commanded their names to be put into the Martyrology of the Saints.  
The Procurator and his Companions returning home with great joy, left the head of St. Wulfade at Viterbium in the Church of St. Laurence, as Leland concludes the story. Which the other Author explains thus; that in their journey they lay one night in the City Biterinum (as he calls it) and, for greater security, committed the head to be kept for that night, in the Church of St. Laurence the Martyr: but in the morning when they came to take it again, they could not with all their might, remove it from the place where they had laid it. And so with shame and confusion of face came to their own Country, with the loss of that Treasure: it being apparent that their carrying it from Kingdom to Kingdom, through various places (and perhaps for gain, or honour, or favour) was not a thing pleasing to God and the Holy Martyr Wulfade.  
But what truth there is in all this, is hard to say: Cedda or Chad being gone from those parts as far as York, before Wulfere's Charter to this Church; which, by the story, must be supposed to have been granted immediately upon his going to St. Chad: who in his Penance enjoined him, says the last Author, sub omni celeritate with all speed, to cause Monasteries to be founded, etc. For it bears date DCLXIIII. and Cedda, says the Chronicon Litchfeldense 
MS. in Sir John Cotton's Library. , was consecrated Bishop of York DCLXIII. Where having governed three year he retired to his Monastery of Lestingay, where he had been Abbot, because Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury was not satisfied, that he had been duly consecrated. It may be supposed indeed that before he went to York, all those things happened, between the years DLVI and DLXIII. But then here is the mischief of it, that Jarmannus (one of those who subscribes Wulfere's Charter) was not then Bishop of the Mercians, i. e. of Litchfield; for he was made so the same year Cedda went to York DLXIII. and yet the story says, that when Wulfere was troubled in mind, his Queen wished him to be advised by the holy Bishops, Jermannum & Ceddam. Which supposes this to have been after Cedda was come back to his old Cell or Monastery; that is after the year DLXVI. or in that year: For Jarmannus having governed four years, saith the Chronicon Litchfeldense, died, and Theodore made Cedda Bishop of Litchfield Anno DLXVII.  
And there is still one difficulty more, that Cedda, says the story, commanded Wulfere immediately to destroy all Idolatry throughout his whole Kingdom: and yet that was not done, if we may believe the Chronicle of our Church per Johannem Abbatem, till the last year of his Reign DCLXXV. Where his words are Wlferus Rex Merciorum omnium Ydolorum cultum ex regione fugavit.  
Leaving these things therefore in uncertainty, let us pass to what follows; that Wulferus dying Anno 675. (as Bede saith in his Epitome) after he had reigned 17 years; left his Kingdom to his Brother Etheldred, or as he calls him Edilredus: who Reigning longer, had more time to add what was wanting to the perfecting of this Monastery. To which he was the more inclined, because he loved this kind of life so much, as to exchange his Crown for a Cowl. So Mr. G. hath observed out of Malmsbury; and I find the same in the Chron. Joh. Abbatis, An. DCCIIII. Ethelredus Rex Merciorum factus Monachus, apud Bardeney. When he was made Abbot of that place it doth not appear: but he tells us that he died Abbot the same year that Ethebald came to the Crown. Anno DCCXVI. Ethelredus quondam Rex Abbas de Bardeney obiit.  
But he that contributed the most towards the beginning and perfection of this Monastery (and indeed towards the introduction of Christianity into these parts) was that Noble person, who became the first Abbot of it,  

SAXULFUS.  
Venerable Bede calls him Sexuulfus; but most other Writers Saxulfus (or Saxulphus) who was so far assisting to Peada in the foundation of this Monastery (which Hugo saith he began to build per Saxulphum virum potentissimum) that he is commonly called by all ancient Writers constructor the Builder or at least Co-founder of it. In this stile the Chronicon Litchfeldense speaks of him. Hic erat constructor & Abbess Monasterii de Medamstede quod nunc Petrusburgh. And Radulphus de Diceto ad An. 680. (speaking of the deposition of Wilfrid Bishop of the Mercians) saith that Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury ordained in his place Saxulphum constructorem & Abbatem Monasterii quod dicitur Burch in regione Girviorum. A great many others speak the same Language; and they all have it out of Bede L. IU. Histor. Eccles. c. 6. where treating of the same matter, viz. Sexuulfus his ordination to be Bishop, he gives this character of him, Qui erat Constructor & Abbess quod dicitur Medeshamstedi, etc. And this memory of him continued after the Monastery was burnt by the Danes, till the time of King Edgar, who restored it. For when Hugo speaks of Athelwold's repairing of Thornei, he saith he was moved to it, because it had been founded and built by Saxulf who was, primus Abbas & constructor medeshamsted.  
The meaning of all which is explained in King Wulphere's Charter, where he saith this House, Study venerabilis Saxulphi gloriose est condita, was built gloriously by the Care and Study of Saxulf. Who excited these Kings to this Work, and looked after it with such diligence, and perhaps procured the charitable Contributions of well disposed People towards it, that he might, in some sort, be accounted the Founder of it. And in those terms Leland speaks of him, in his Collections de Fundadatoribus Monasteriorum: where he saith, Ecclesia S. Petri de Burgo à Saxulfo fundata est. But Saxulf himself shows this is not to be understood, as if it was built at his Charge, but by his care in managing the Royal Bounty; For when he subscribes his Name to the Privileges granted to this Church by Pope Agatho, approved by Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury, and confirmed by King Ethelred; he doth it in these terms: ✚ Ego humilis Saxulfus, regali beneficio ejusdem Monasterii fundator, ita coroborare gaudeo.  
But that which is most for the Honour of this Noble person, is that he was a great Instrument in bringing the Christian Religion itself into the Kingdom of Mercia. As appears from the relation of Hedda, who lived in or immediately after those times: which show also what hand he had in the erection of this Monastery. ‛ For having told us how Peada was converted, and Baptised in the Northern parts, and brought with him hither the four Preachers, I before mentioned, he adds, His accessit Comes & Cooperator illustris Saxulphus, vir praepotens, & seculo & religione, Regiq. & Ecclesiae acceptissimus, etc. To these joined himself as a Companion, and Co-worker, Saxulf, a very powerful man every way, both in Secular and Religious affairs; being no less gracious with the King, than acceptable to the Church. Who desiring to enlarge the new Plantation of Christianity, by the favour of God and the benevolence of the King, molitus est Monasterium nobile quod Medeshamstede dicitur, etc. built that noble Monastery which is called medeshamsted in the Country of the Girvii, which he consecrated to St. Peter (by whom the Lord built his Church) tanquam Ecclesiae primitias as the first-fruits of the Church. In this place, having got together a numerous society of Brethren, he sat Abbot and Doctor of the Middle-Angles and Mercians, till he was advanced to be a Bishop: instructing Unbelievers, baptising those that believed; having religious Monks his Disciples within doors; and without, Masters for the propagating of the Faith. Insomuch that he built suffragan Covents, and other Churches, as Daughters of this fruitful Mother. '  
Of what Order these Monks were, and under what rule this Monastery was founded, I believe no body now can determine. For it doth not follow that because they were Benedictines in after ages, they were so at the beginning: Nay, it is certain, as I shall show in its due place, the Rule of St. Bennet was not heard of in England, till after the foundation of this Monastery. The Benedictine Monks indeed pretend, for the honour of their Order, that Austin the Monk, and his Brethren (who came into England between fifty and sixty years before this An. 597) were Benedictines. But no such thing appears from any Records, but rather the contrary: for all agree, Austin was of the same Order with him that sent him, viz. Gregory the great: and no less man than Cardinal Baronius denies that he was a Benedictine. It is not certain indeed what Order he was of; for there had been so many rules in the World for a long time before him, that Cassianus saith about the year 450, we see almost as many types and rules used as there are Monasteries and Cells. In Italy, it might be easily shown, there were several Orders at that very time when Austin came hither; and had been so a good while before that: Out of which great variety they afterward form the Regulares Consuetudines; which were in such high esteem, that they always had regard to them, in the reformations which, in process of time, were made in Monastical Orders; as shall appear hereafter.  
All that is proper for this place, is to inquire what Rule was observed by the Monks in the North: from whence he came who converted Peada, and sent Preachers to convert the Mercians. Which would prove so long a business, and yet leave us in such uncertainty, that I think fit wholly to omit it; and return to Sexulph.  
When he was advanced to the Episcopal Authority the forenamed Author doth not tell us: but we learn it from the Chronicon Litchfeldense, which saith it was DCLXXIII. Sexulfus post depositionem Winfridi per Theodorum, Episcopus Litchfeldiae consecratus est An. Domini DCLXXIII. which is exactly agreeable to the account given of these Matters by V Bede who calls his Predecessor by the name of Winfridus, whom other later Writers call Wilfridus, and Wolfridus: who was deposed, they all say, by Theodore, ob meritum cujusdam inobedientiae; but do not tell us what that disobedience was, which deserved so great a punishment. For he was esteemed a good man, and had been Deacon to St. Chad, as Bede tells us: and thought worthy to be his Successor in the Episcopal See; to which he was promoted An. DCLXX. and within three years' time removed. Radulphus de Diceto indeed saith it was not till the year DCLXXX. Where he hath these words, Offensus Wilfrido Merciorum Episcopo per meritum cujusdam inobedientiae Theodorus Dorobernensis Archiepiscopus, Eum de Episcopatu deposuit, & in loco ejus Saxulfum Episcopum ordinavit, Constructorem & Abbatem Monasterii quod dicitur Burch, in regione Girviorum.  
Whensoever this was, it is certain Sexulfus was his Successor; and is reckoned the Seventh Bishop of the Mercians, or of Litchfield. For Duina a Scotch man was the first Bishop of the Mercians, as well as of the Lindifararians (as my Author speaks 
Chron. Litchf. ) the paucity of Priests in those days compelling them to set one Bishop over divers people: who having governed two years, died DCLVIII. and had another of the same Nation his Successor, called Cellach; who left it presently and returned to his Island Hii DCLIX And then came Trumhere an Englishman, but ordained by the Scots, who died DCLXII. And then Jarmannus who died DCLXVII. to whom succeeded Cedda, or Ceadda (as Bede calls him) who was the fifth Bishop (not the first as Mr. G. hath it) and died DCLXX. And then, as I have said, followed Winfrid, and after him Saxulf, who flentibus & moerentibus (as Hugoes words are) ejus Monasterii fratribus, eligitur ad Episcopatum Mediterraneorum Anglorum, & Merciorum, simul & Lindisfarorum. By which it appears that the people of those different regions still continued under the same Bishop. But in Saxulph's time a great and happy alteration was made, by the increase, I suppose, of Priests; and of such Priests as were fit to be advanced to the Episcopal charge. For the Bishopric of the Mercians (to say nothing of Lindsfarn) was in his days divided in quinque Parochias, (into five Dioceses, as we now speak) in Herefordensem, Wigornensem, Lichfeldensem, Legecestrensem, & Lindifiensem. Two of which, it should seem by the forenamed Chronicle, Sexulphus governed, viz. Litchfield and Leogastre; which were divided after his death between two, Hedda and Wilfrid: but upon the death of Wilfrid again united in Hedda who governed both Dioceses. By which Hedda the Church of Lichfield was built secundo Kal. Januarii An. DCC. and the body of St. Chad translated into it.  
By all which it is evident that passage in Mr. G. p. 3. must be corrected, that S. Chad was first Bishop of Litchfield, where he founded the Cathedral Church. Bede saith no such thing in the place quoted in the Margin, but rather the contrary; that he had his Episcopal See at Litchfield, where he died and was buried nigh the Church of St. Mary, and afterward, (viz. by Hedda as I have shown) the Church of blessed St. Peter being built, his bones were translated thither.  
How long Saxulf governed this Church is not certain. The forenamed Chronicon saith he died DCLXXIIII. but it should be DCLXXXIIII. I make no doubt. For all agree he was alive when Edilred, wasting the Country of Kent and prophaneing Churches and Monasteries, made Putta Bishop of Rochester seek for safety else where, and at last betake himself ad Sexulfum Merciorum Antistitem, as Bede tells (L. IU. C. 12.) and this was in the year DCLXXVII. He was witness also to the Privilege granted by Pope Agatho, as I showed before; which was DCLXXX. in which year the forementioned division of the Kingdom of the Mercians into five Dioceses, was made, as we learn from the MS. Chronicle of John Abbot. Whose words are An. DCLXXX. Regio Merciorum in V Parochias est divisa; per Theodorum Archiepiscopum, & Johannem Romanum Archicanc. & Legatum. And simeon Dunelmensis mentions him add Ann. DCLXXXIII. where speaking of the Towns given by the King of Northumberland to St. Cuthbert and his Successors, and of the Witnesses to this grant, he makes Saxulf one of them, who thus subscribes: Ego Sexulfus Merciorum Episcopus subscripsi. In the next year, I suppose, he died; and left his See to Hedda, whom other Authors call Etheldus, and Bede L. IU. C. 12.) Eadhedus: for I find no ground for what Matth. of Westminster writes, who makes him to have lived till the year DCCV.   

CUTHBALDUS.  
Sexulf being promoted to the See of Litchfield An. DCLXXIII. Cuthbaldus was chosen by all the Monks to be their Abbot; and that Saxulfi consensu & voluntate, by the consent and the desire of Saxulph, as Hugo writes. Who gives him this Character that he was a most religious and most wise person: in so much that his relics were preserved in the Church after his death; he being reputed a Saint.  
I observed before out of Hedda's relation, how other Convents began to spring out of this, as Daughters from a fruitful Mother, in the time of Sexulf. Which grew so considerable in the time of Cuthbaldus, that they could not any longer be well governed by him; but desired, as many other places did, an Abbot to be appointed over them out of this Monastery of medeshamsted. So Hugo reports it (not as Mr. G. says, that they desired to have him for their Abbot, he being so already, but) that they thought themselves happy and blessed, who could receive either Abbot or Monk, from their first Mother; who might diligently instruct them and preside over them. Whence it came to pass, saith he, that from this Monastery many others were built, and both Monks and Abbots appointed out of the same Congregation, viz. at Ancarig, al. Thornei, and at Bricclesworth and the rest of the places mentioned by Mr. G. p. 6.  
Which is not to be understood, as if they became wholly independent upon this Mother Monastery; for they still continued subject to it, as the manner was, in after times, for small Abbeys, which had been drawn, as Colonies, out of a greater, to be under the command of that from whence they were derived: being as so many Cells, and members of it. Such were these, and several other, mentioned by the same Hugo: which in the time of Pope Agatho had their dependence upon this great Monastery, viz. Bredun, Reping, Cedenac, Swinneshead, Hehanbyrig, Lodeshale, Schuffenhalch, Costesford, Streford, Weteleburn, Lusgerg, Ethelhuniglond, Barchanig. Which were places not very far from medeshamsted, it appears by several Charters, which still remain upon Record in the Book called Swapham. Where I find fol. CXXX. & XXXI. that in the time of this Cutbald, the glorious King of the Mercians, Ethelredus, or Adilredus (for he is called by both names) came to visit the servants of God in this Monastery of medeshamsted; and, to obtain their prayers for the relief of his Soul, and out of a desire of Eternal life (as the words of his Charter are) gave to the Friars there, all that land called Leugtricdun, triginta manentes habentem. Not long after which, one of the Friars coming to this King upon a certain occasion, he took a glebe from the forementioned Land, and put it, super codicem Evangeliorum, upon the Book of the Gospels, in confirmation, and for a testimony, of the aforesaid donation. Unto which these witnesses were present; Sexulfus Episcopus Merciorum; Wecca and Berhthun Monachi; Hostryga ipsius Regis Regina; Henfric & Eadfric principes Regis Adilredi: that none might dare to attempt any thing, against this donation of the King; qui sibi divinam donationem adesse optaret in futura vita. Amen. Which Leugtricdun I have reason to think was an Appendix to one of the above named places. The first of which Bredun was given to this Church of medeshamsted by Friduricus one of King Adilred's Noble Men, by a Charter bearing this Title, Fridurici principis de Bredun, ad medeshamsted. ‛ In which he saith that the number of Christians increasing and multiplying, he had given to the family of St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, inhabiting the Monastery of medeshamsted, terram cui vocabulum est Bredun viginti manentium, cum omnibus ad eam pertinentibus. Which was done in the presence and with the consent of Saxulph (ejusdem gentis Episc.) and of the abovenamed King Adilredus: For this end and purpose that they should found Oratorium in eadem praefata terra, and there constitute a Priest, for the teaching and Baptising of the people. Which, upon due deliberation, they undertook; and chose one of their own number whose name was Hedda, a man endued with admirable Wisdom and all manner of Virtues: whom they made Abbot of Bredun; with this condition, that he should acknowledge himself to be a member of the Fraternity of medeshamsted. So it runs in the Charter, whose words are these: Et unum ex semetipsis nomine Hedda, Presbyterum mirabili sapientia, in omni virtutum genere praeditum, summo libramine eligerunt; eumque in loco praefato Abbatem constituerunt: ea tamen conditione interposita, ut se unum de eorum Fraternitatis membris esse noverit. '  
And the same Religious Prince Friduricus, finding that this Venerable Abbot Hedda, most diligently fed the people committed to his charge with the food of divine Preaching, added another benefaction, in a distinct Charter; whose title is, the Repinges ad medeshamsted. Wherein he gives to the aforesaid Abbot Hedda. XXXI. manentium terram, quae vulgo vocitatur Hrepingas; which is another of those places above mentioned. This he did in the presence of King Adilredus, and of Saxulph the Bishop of that Country: who joining their hands with his, cespitunculam communiter praedictae terrae Sacrosanctae evangeliorum codici, simul omnis coram multitudine populi imposuerunt; and so subscribed this Deed with their own hands.  
And afterward this Honourable Abbot Hedda (as the Book calls him fol. CXXXIII.) and the Prior of the Monastery of Bredun obtained from King Adilred other Land which had quindecim Manentes, (15 Tenants or Housekeepers as we now speak) called by the name of Cedenanhac (another of the places depending on medeshamsted) for fifty Shillings; that is for Bedding and other Goods of that value: which are thus specified in the Deed. Id est, duodecim lectorum stramenta, utpote culcita plumacia, ornata capitalia, simul cum sindonibus & lenis, quemadmodum in Britannia habere mos est: nec non servum cum ancilla, fibulam auream cum quatuor ex auro massiunculis arte aurificis compositis, & duos caballos cum cannis duabus, pro praefata terra pretium dedit. I have not room to examine the meaning of every word in this Deed (some of which I no where meet withal but here) which concludes as the former did, that this price being paid, the King in his Bedchamber, at his own Town called Tomtun took a little clod of earth from the aforesaid Land, with his own hands, and laid it upon the Sacred Volume of the Gospels, his Queen and Saxalph joining their hands with his, that none might dare to violate this grant.  
The same Hedda, if I mistake not, was Abbot also of other two places before mentioned, called Wermundshey and Wokinges; for I find a Bull of Pope Constantine's about the Episcopal Jurisdiction over these places fol. LXXXVI. directed unto him; which I have not room to set down at large, but only note that they are both said there to be found in nomine beati Petri Apostoli, in the name of St. Peter: Which makes it probable they were those belonging to this Church, under the Government of this great man Hedda. Whom I take to have been the Author of the Relation above named, concerning the first plantation of Christianity in these parts of England: and the next Bishop that succeeded Sexulf, in the See of Litchfield: who built that Church as I have already said, and died DCCXXI.  
When Cutbaldus died I am not able to affirm certainly; but it was between the year DCCIX. and DCCXVI. For he was alive in the former of those years, I gather from hence, that Hugo saith, Wilfrid died in his time at his Manor of Owndle, etc. his words are In hujus Abbatis, id est Cuthbaldi tempore, Sanctus Wilfridus Episcopus in possessione ipsius Monasterii ad Vndalum, transivit ad Dominum: & Ministeriis fratrum deportatus est ad suum proprium Monasterium in Rypun. Now Wilfrid (the first of that name who was Archbishop of York) died An. DCCIX. as I find in the Chron. Johannis Abbatis. With whom agrees Tho. Stubbs 
Chron. Eccles. Eborac. ; whose words are to be corrected out of our Hugo (commonly called Swapham) for he speaking of the death of Wilfrid says, Defunctus est in Monasterio suo apud Vndalum, quod est juxta Stamford, & inde Ministerio fratrum delegatus in Monasterio suo apud Riponum est sepultus An. Domini DCCIX. Where he calls Owndle Wilfrid's Monastery; which, it appears by all our Records, was as Hugo only calls it, part of the possession of the Monastery of medeshamsted.  
But as Cuthbald was then alive, so it is certain he was dead before the year DCCXVI. when, as Mr. G. observes out of Ingulphus, the Charter of King Ethelbald for the founding of Croyland Abbey, was signed by Egbaldus Abbot of medeshamsted.   

EGBALDUS,  
Concerning whom, and the three next Abbots following, Hugo saith no more than this: ‛ Egbaldus succeeded Cuthbaldus in the government of this Monastery, and Pusa succeeded him; after whom came Celredus; to whom succeeded Hedda: But what they did, and at what time, doth not appear unto us in these Ages; all being abolished, either by the negligence of Writers, or by the times of persecution; saving only what is written in Privileges, in which their names are found. '  
And, particularly, in the Records of the Church, at the end of Hugoes Book fol. CXI. there is a Charter of Ceadwalla King of Kent, granting to this Abbot XL. terrae illius Manentes, ubi Hogh nuncupatur, ad Hebureahg insulam. In which Charter he is called EGBALTHUS: as he is also in one that follows granted by Suehardus, Honorabili Abbati Egbaltho; wherein he confirms the Donation of Ceadwalla, and adds more of his own. It would have been grateful perhaps to some Readers, if I could have represented them at large: but it will not consist with the bounds to which I am confined in this Supplement; and therefore I shall only note the same of the next Abbot,   

PUSA,  
Who by the intercession of a great man called Brorda, obtained of Offa King of the Mercians, a grant of Land viginti Manentium, for his Church at Woccing before named. I shall set down the beginning of the Charter, as I find it fol. CXXX. In Trino nomine Divinitatis individuae Juste à nobis pietatis opera persolvenda sunt: idcirco ego Offa, etc. rogatus à venerabili Abbate meo nomine Pusa; simul & à praefato meo (it should be praefecto, as appears by the Subscription) vocabulo Brorda, ut aliquam liberalitatem ejus Ecclesiae quae sita est in loco ubi dicitur Woccingas concederem; quod & libenter facere juxta eorum petitionem providi, & pro expiatione piaculorum meorum Domino devote largitus sum, etc.   

BEONNA.  
There is a Charter of this Abbot which gins thus, In nomine Gubernantis Dei monarchiam totius mundi, Ego Beonna Abbas gratia dei, cum conscientia & licentia fratrum Dominum colentium in Monasterio quod appellatur medeshamsted. Wherein he grants to Prince Cuthberth, terram decem manentium quae nuncupatur Suinesheade (or Swineheved) with the Meadows, Pastures, Woods, and all the Appurtenances: acknowledging that the forenamed Cuthberth had purchased the same of him for a valuable price; i. e. mille solidis, and every year for himself and his Successors, unius noctis pastum, aut triginta Oravit (it should be Orarum, I believe) siclos. Which Territory the Prince purchased on this condition that after his death it should go to his Heirs, who should hold it for their lives upon the aforesaid terms, in pastu vel pecunia: but after their decease, it should return quietly, and without any suit at Law, to the Monastery. Of which bargain their were many Witnesses, who signed it, in manner following. Ego Offa gratia Dei Rex Merciorum signo crucis Christi propria manu roboravi. Ego Egferth Rex Merciorum consensi & subscripsi. Ego Higeberth Archiepiscopus firmando subscripsi. After two Bishops subscribe, and then Ego Beonna Abbas hanc meam Munificentiam signo crucis Christi firmavi. To which the Prior and two other Priests subscribe their consent.  
It may be necessary here to note that Ora was a piece of money of a certain weight; or rather a weight whereby they received money: and is written alsio hora in the Inquisition made into the Lands of this Church, in the time of Martin the Second An. 1231. Where, speaking of the Fishery at Walcote, it is said to have yielded yearly duas horas. The best explication of which that I can find, is in the Laws of King Ethelred recorded by John Brompton in his Chronicle N. XXX. which is concerning his Monetarii in all the ports of the Kingdom: who were to take care, ut omne pondus ad mercatum sit pondus quo pecunia mea recipitur; & eorum singulum signetur, ita quod XV. Orae libram faciant. But in the Inquisition now mentioned, which was made through all the Manors of this Church; it seems to signify a piece of money. For thus the account is given of the Manor of Walcote juxta Humbram, after other particulars, ibidem est situs unius Piscariae qui vocatur Holflet, & solebat reddere duas horas. fol. CLIIII.   

CELREDUS,  
Besides his name Recorded by Hugo, I find no mention of him, but in Ingulphus, which Mr. G. hath observed; by which it appears he was Abbot here in the year DCCCVI. and was Brother to Siwardus the third Abbot of Croyland. But I suppose he is the same CEOLRED who in the year DCCCXLVIIII. subscribed to a Charter of King Berthwulfus or Beorthwulfus; wherein he granted great liberties to the Monastery of Breodun (depending upon this Church of medeshamsted as was said before) then governed by the Venerable Abbot 
Swaph. fol. CXXXII.  Eanmundus, or rather Eadmundus, as I believe it should have been written. This Charter being remarkable for many things, I have represented at large in the Appendix: by which it will appear, if my conjecture be true, that this Celredus was advanced to the Episcopal dignity, as Sexuulf had been (though his See be not named) whereby way was made for Hedda to succeed him here.   

HEDDA,  
When he entered upon the government of this Monastery, or whence he came, is not known: but by Ingulphus we understand (as is observed by Mr. G.) that he was Abbot here in the year 833. and continued so to be, till the destruction of the place by the Danes: Who began to infest this Kingdom in the year 837. as John Abbot writes 
Chron. MS. in Sir J. C's Library. , DCCCXXXVII. Dani crebris irruptionibus Angliam infestant. And again An. DCCCXXXIX. Dani passim per Angliam multas caedes agant. And though they were several times beaten, yet An. DCCCLI. a great Army of them, in 350 Ships, came up the River Thames, and pillaged Canterbury and London. An. DCCCLIII. the English fought against them in the Isle of Thanet, magno dispendio. An. DCCCLV. they wintered in the Isle of Schepie: and in the year DCCCLXIV. in the Isle of Thanet, having made peace with the Cantuarians. In the year DCCCLXVI. they did great mischief in the North; took York; depopulated the Country of the Eastangles; entered into Mercia; and wintered at Nottingham. Three year after An. DCCCLXIX. they left Mercia, and went back to York, and wintered there. But the next year (which was famous for the desolation they made of this Church and many other places) they came and landed on Lyndesay Coast; destroyed the Monastery of Bardney; killing all the Monks without any pity: and then entering Kestiven, trod down, killed and burnt all that came in their way. Which Mr. G. hath largely enough related out of Ingulphus; and therefore I shall follow my Author no further: who hath nothing which is not to be found there.  
The Monument erected for the slain Abbot and Monks, is here represented in this draught, which I have caused to be taken of it, as it now appears.  
The very next year after the desolation of the Monastery An. DCCCLXXI. Goredus (so Abbot John's Chronicle calls him, whom Ingulph calls Beorredus) King of the Mercians, took all the Lands of the Church of medeshamsted, between Stamford, Huntingdon and Wisbeck into his own hands: giving those that lay more remote, to his Soldiers and Stipendiaries. The same he did with the Lands belonging to St. Pege, at Pegekyrk: some of which he kept himself; and gave the rest to his Stipendiaries. Which are the very words of Ingulphus, from whom, its likely, they were transcribed into that Chronicle.  
In which we find nothing concerning this place, till almost an hundred years after. Edredus, he saith, in the year DCCCCXLVII. cleared and restored the Monastery of Croyland, by the instigation of Surketulus: who turning Monk, the King made Abbot of this place. Which Ingulphus saith was done the year after, An. 948. and sets down the Charter of that King; in which there is no mention (as in former Charters) of the Abbot of medeshamsted consenting to it, and confirming it: though in the boundaries of the Lands of Croyland Ager de Medeshamsted is there named 
Ingulphus p 35. Oxon. Edit. . Nor in King Edgar's Charter to the same Monastery of Croyland An. 966. is there any mention of his Subscription: though, among other Royal Woods, there is mention made of Medeshamsted-Wood. p. 42.  
For, though Adelwaldus, who by the assistance of King Edgar, restored many Monasteries destroyed by the Pagans, as Burgh, Eli, and Abenddon (they are the words of John Abbot) was made Bishop of Winchester An. 961. yet he did not apply himself to the rebuilding of this of medeshamsted till nine years after; if we may credit that Writer; who saith it began to be restored just an hundred years after its desolation. His words are these An. 970. Sanctus Adelwoldus Episcopus Wint. transtulit de Coemiterio in Ecclesiam, reliquias Sancti Surthuni praedecessoris sui; & ante altare Sancti Petri honorifice collocavit. Monasterium etiam de Medeshamstede restaurare coepit, & Burgum Sancti Petri appellavit. Anno desolationis suae aequaliter centesimo. In another different hand, there is this Animadversion given, that, in claustro dicti Monasterii notantur anni desolationis LXXXXVI. the time of its desolation are noted in the Cloister of the said Monastery to have been but 96. years. Which account Mr. G. follows; though in Swapham (or Hugo rather) they are reckoned to be 99 years. For so the Note is in the Margin of the Book (in a hand of the same age with the Book itself) Restauratio hujus loci à prima fundatione ejus An. CCCXIII A destructione vero ejusdem Anno XCIX.  
This great man Adelwold was at first a Monk in the Abbey of Glastonberry: where, as William of Malmsbury relates 
L. 2. de gestis Pontificum Angl. , the Abbot had a dream representing to him, how excellent a person this Monk would prove. For he thought he saw a Tree springing up within the Walls of the Abbey, which spread its branches, to all the four quarters of the World; and had all its leaves covered over with Cowles; a very great Cowle being placed at the top of all. At which being amazed, an old man, he thought, told him, that the great Cowle was Athelwold; and the rest were innumerable Monks, whom he should attract by his example. Consonant to which was a vision his Mother had, when she was with Child of him; with which I shall not trouble the Reader, but only note that it signified the large extent of his mind in this sort of Charity: which reached to no less than forty Monasteries, as all our Writers report. Particularly W. of Malmsbury, who saith 
L. 2. de gestis Regum Angliae.  he built so many and such noble Monasteries, that it scarce seemed credible in his days, that a Bishop of one City should do such things, as the King of all England could not easily effect. But he himself in another place makes this wonder cease, by telling us that he could make King Edgar do what he pleased. So his words are in the Book before named (of the Acts of the Bishops of England) it might seem a wonder he should do such things, nisi quod Rex Edgar omnino ejus voluntati deditus erat, à quo super omnes infra Dunstanum diligeretur. And therefore the Abbot of Rieval 
L. de genealog. Regum Angliae.  saith expressly that Edgar himself caused forty Monasteries to be built; among which he reckons this of Burch; as it now began to be called. Which Athelwold (saith Malmsbury L. IU. de gestis Potif. Ang.) built so sumptuously and endowed with such ample possessions, ut penè tota circa regio illi subjaceat; that almost all the Country round about was subject to it. And this account also John Bromton Abbot of Joreval gives of this matter, who having said that King Edgar built and repaired above forty Monasteries, adds, Inter quae, consilio & monitione Sancti Ethelwoldi Wintoniensis Episc. Abbatiam Glastoniae & Abendoniae composuit, & Abbatiam de Burgh prope Stamfordiam stabilivit, etc.  
So that the very truth, in short, is this, Athelwold was to Edgar, as Saxulf had been to Wulferus; a trusty and diligent Servant, who managed his Royal bounty in these magnificent Works: And therefore is called by King Edgar in his Charter (as Saxulf was by Wolfere in his) Constructor, the builder of the Churches before mentioned; particularly of this, formerly called medeshamsted, but now sua ac nostra instantia restauratum, Burch appellatur. Which by Ingulphus is called Burgum; and by Matthew of Westminster ad An. 664. is said to be Vrbs Regia a Royal City. Which this famous Bishop lived to see flourishing under Adulphus, about thirteen year, for he died not till the year 985. At which I find these words in the Chron. of John Abbot. Sanctus Athelwoldus Wint. Episcopus, qui Monasterium Burgi restauravit, Kal. Augusti migravit ad Dominum. There were some relics of him preserved in this Church; particularly of his Heirs.   

ADULPHUS.  
Mr. G. having given an account of the most material things that are in Hugo concerning this Abbot (whom John Bromton calls Eadrilf) I shall only add that it is certain he succeeded Oswald in the Archbishopric of York An. 992. So John Abbot writes Sanctus Oswaldus Archiep. Ebor. 2. Kal. Martii migravit ad Dominum: cui Adulphus Abbas Burgi successit. But though he call him Abbot of Burg, which was become the new stile, yet other writers still retained the old one, and call him Abbess Medeshamstudensis. So the Chron. of Mailros lately printed, pag. 152. And so Florentius Wigornensis 
Ad An. 992  Venerabilis Medeshamstudensis Abbas Adulphus successit, pro quo Kenulphus Abbatis jure fungitur. Roger Hoveden also speaks the same language; and simeon of Durham, in his History de gestis Regum Angl. where he calls him Adulphus, and speaking of Oswald, saith, cui Venerabilis Medeshamstudensis Abbas Adulphus successit. And in that See he sat till the year 1003. Which John Abbot concludes thus. Adulphus Archiep. Eborac. quondam Abbas Burgi obiit. In the year before which (1002, as I find in the Chron. of Mailros) he took up the Bones of St. Oswald out of his Tomb, and honourably placed them in a Shrine. Of which there is a larger account given by Thomas Stubbs (in his Act. Pontif. Eboracens.) which explains also what Mr. G. saith about his being translated to Worcester: and therefore I shall transcribe some of it. Vicesimus Eboracensis Ecclesiae Archiepiscopus fuit Venerabilis Abbas Medeshamstedensis, i. e. Burg, Adulphus, etc. Who by the favour of King Adelredus held the Bishopric of Worcester in his hand, as his Predecessor St. Oswald had done. Whom he honoured so much that in the 12th year of his Episcopacy, his Brethren the Bishops, with the Abbots and many other Religious men being gathered together, he took up the Bones of St. Oswald out of his Tomb, Anno Regis Agelredi XXV. VII. Kalend. Maii feria quarta; and placed them in a Shrine, which he had prepared honourably for them. And not long after died himself, 2 Nonarum Maii, and was buried in the Church of St. Mary at Worcester.  
simeon Dunelmensis saith the same ad An. 1002. only he makes this to have been done not the VII. but the XVII. Kal. Maii. And there is a mistake also in the year, for it should not be the 12th but the 10th year of his Episcopacy.  
And here now, it may be fit to note that, in all probability the Monks of this Church were brought under the rule of St. Benedict; when it was restored, as hath been said, by King Edgar, and put under the government of Adulphus; and not till then. For, though there was a famous regulation of Monastical Orders made before this time, under Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury An. 747. in concilio Clovishoviae, in which some things were mended in the Manners and Habits of Monks, yet there is not the least mention made of the Rule of St. Bennet, though there was a very fair occasion for it: nor is there one word of it in Venerable Bede.  
It is true Wilfrid, who was ordained 10 or 14 years after the foundation of this Monastery (An. 664.) as the Chron. of John Abbot affirms, was employed by Wulfere King of the Mercians to settle Monasteries, as the Author of his life tells, which is in MS. in Sir J. Cotton's library: whom Malmsbury calls Stephanus Presbyter, viz. Stephanus Heddius, as he is named by Bede. And after the death of Deusdedit, was sent for by Ecbert King of Kent; where he went up and down through his Country (saith the same Author, C. 14.) Et cum regula Benedicti instituta Ecclesiarum benè melioravit, and very much improved the Orders of the Churches, by the Rule of Benedict: which he had learned beyond Sea, being so much addicted to foreign customs; that he refused to be consecrated by our Bishops, and desired to be consecrated in France, when he was to succeed Colman. This passage is much to be observed, for it appears thereby the Churches he visited were already under Rules and Institutions before he came to them: who only bettered them by this Rule of St. Bennet, but did not bring those Churches under it. And as this was all he did, so what he did was in the Kingdom of Kent alone, not all England over. And so as the Chronologia Augustinensis is to be understood in these words 
Inter Decem Scriptores p. 2232. , Wilfridus Episcopus regulam Sancti Benedicti fecit in Anglia observari ad An. 666. that is, in these parts of England: for in the midland parts, it was little known for several years after. As appears by the Bull of Pope Constantine An. DCCIX. (the very year wherein Wilfrid died) to Kenred King of the Mercians, Offa his Son, and Egwin Bishop of Worcester for the Monastery of Evesham: which saith the Monks were to live under the rule Patris Benedicti, quae minus in illis partibus adhuc habetur.  
And so it continued to be little known for above two hundred years. For Oswald (whom Adulphus succeeded in the See of York) who had been Bishop of Worcester, before he went to York, was the man who brought it hither from the Abbey of Fleury in France, where he had been a Monk. So W. of Malmsbury expressly testifies in his Third Book de gestis Pontif. Angl. where, not far from the beginning, he saith that Oswald, being Nephew to Odo the Archbishop, was bred up in his Youth apud Floriacum in Gallia, taking upon him the habit of a Monk, as the custom of that time was for all that were piously disposed, in the Benedictine Convent. A quo (viz. Oswald) Religionis hujus manavit exordium, as his words are in the MS. Copy, in Sir J. Cotton's Library. Which are the more remarkable, because the very same W. of Malmsbury had a little before mentioned Wilfrid, bragging that he was the first who commanded the rule of St. Bennet to be observed by the Monks.  
But after all this there was no general Constitution for our Monasteries, till the Second Reformation of the ancient English Monkery, which was in the Council of Winchester An. 965. under King Edgar the great restorer, as hath been said, of Monasteries. When there was framed a general Constitution; partly out of the Rule of St. Bennet, and partly out of the ancient customs before mentioned; which was called Regularis Concordia Anglicae Nationis, and may be found in Mr. Selden's Spicilegium to Eadmerus, both in Saxon and in Latin. This Rule thus composed, was called Oswald's Law (as Sir H. Spelman observes) he being then Bishop of Worcester (to which he was promoted at the instance of St. Dunstan An. 960 
Chron. Mailros p. 149. ; and translated to York not till 971.) and had not long before, as I have said, brought the Rule of St. Bennet from Fleury. From which Monastery of Fleury, several Monks also were called and advised withal in the drawing up of the Constitutions of this Regularis Concordia. So King Edgar himself tells in his Preface to it: where he relates how that upon his Exhortation to all under his care, to come under the same Rule, which many Abbots and Abbatisses, with the Colleges of Brethren and Sisters subject unto them, had taken upon them to observe; that so there might not be divers usages in one and the same Country; thereupon the Bishops, the Abbots and Abbatisses, being wonderfully thankful that God had bestowed upon them such a Doctor (who is there called Pastor Pastorum, such was the language of those times, concerning Kings) lift up their hands to Heaven, and consented to what he proposed. And immediately sent for some Monks of Fleury and from Gent, to advise withal about this matter: who, as Bees suck their honey out of several Flowers, composed these Constitutions out of several former Rules. And more particularly took care about the singing used in Monasteries 
V Seld. ad Eadmerum p. 145. ; that it should not be huddled, nor too swift: but be so distinct, that the mind might accompany the voice; and they might fulfil that of the Apostle; Sing with the Spirit, and sing with the Understanding also.  
All which considered, I look upon it as highly probable, that this Monastery of Peterburgh, now became subject to this Rule, being one of those restored by King Edgar. And yet it was not the very Rule of St. Bennet, which was established in this Council; but many ancient Orders and Customs, improved by that Rule and accommodated to his Precepts.  
For long after this when there was a Third Regulation of Monasteries under Lanfranc. An. 1075 in the Council of London, when several things were restored (as the words are) which had been defined by ancient Canons, the Council (after consideration of Episcopal affairs) decrees concerning Monks, ex Regula Benedicti, Dialogo Gregorii, & antiqua Regularium locorum consuetudine, as Baronius observes: From which Sir John Marsham judiciously concludes (in his large Preface before the Monasticon) that even in the Norman times, the Monastical Laws were mixed; and that the Benedictine Rule was not so admitted, as that the ancient customs of the Monks were thereby abrogated.  
I have noted already the day and year when Adulphus died; but there is a mistake I since find in the day; which if the Records of our Church be true, was June 5. when he was solemnly commemorated in this Monastery: and is the very first Abbot of whom there is any mention made in the Calendar of this Church; which is still preserved in the Library of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth; of which I shall give an account in its proper place. Where over against the fifth of June are these Words, Depositio Adulphi, & Anniversarium Ricardi de Lincolnia & Agnetis uxoris ejus. Of all the foregoing Abbots, there is not the least memory, little being certainly known of what passed in the time of the first Monastery, before its desolation by the Danes. But it's like they were all comprehended in that general commemoration, which was made in Whitsunweek, Specialium Defunctorum: and was repeated in the two Ember-Weeks following, in September and December. Where I find the same Order, with this addition; that there should be a Missa ferialis, cum de Profundis: and the names of those speciales defuncti were then read.   

KENULPHUS.  
The Character which Hugo gives of this Abbot (who was chosen by the unanimous consent of the Friars, and the favour of King Edgar) is that he was, Flos literalis disciplinae, torrens eloquentiae, decus & norma rerum divinarum & secularium; which was the cause of that general concourse from all parts ad ejus Magisterium; which Mr. G. hath observed. And it's likely that he brought this Monastery into the credit, wherein it continued for several years. For Ingulphus 
P. 83. Oxon. Edit. , tells us that in the Reign of the Conqueror the Monks of Burgh were so famous, and the World had such an high opinion of them, ut totus mundus abiret post eos: and many of the great men of the Land, both the highest Bishops, and other Noble Men, and Lieutenants of the Countries, chose to be Interred among them.  
He procured a confirmation of the Privileges of this Church, and of all that had been given to it, from King Ethelred the Son of Edgar in these words 
Swapham fol. XL. , Ego Athelredus Anglorum imperio sublimatus, has donationes praedecessorum meorum, regnante Abbate Cenulfo, solidavi; cum hiis testibus, Dunstano & Oswaldo Archiepiscopis.  
That he surrounded the Monastery with a Wall, is certain: but that it was thence called Burch or Burgh as W. of Malmsbury writes, Mr. G. justly doubts: For King Edgar in his Charter calls it upon its restauration, by this name of Burch. Yet notwithstanding this name Burh, and Burgh, and Byrigh, signifying any place which was walled about, and particularly a City, or Castle (from the Saxon word Deorgan, which signifies to defend, or take into safety) W. of Malmsbury might mean that the place did not deserve the name of Burch till this time. His words I confess imply more; for he saith the place formerly called medeshamsted being now encompassed with a Wall by Kenulphus, à similitudine Vrbis, Burch vocatus est, was called Burch from its likeness to a City.  
Upon the translation of St. Elphege to the See of Canterbury, Kenulphus succeeded him in the Bishopric of Winchester, as Abbot John, among others, remembers ad An. 1006. Who saith not a word of his Simony, with which William of Malmsbury boldly charges him 
L. 2. de gestis Pontificum Angl. , Wentanum enim Episcopatum Kenulphus Abbas Burgensis nummis nundinatus fuerat: Sed non diu sacrilego ausu laetatus, ante duos annos hominem exuit. For which cause, it is likely, there was no commemoration made of him in this Church: his name not being in the Calendar before named (as his predecessors and all his Successors are except one guilty of the same crime, and another guilty of the like) though he was so great a benefactor, and famed also for his Wisdom and Learning. Hugo saith he governed most admirably and sweetly, till he was promoted to Winchester.   

ELSINUS,  
Called also Elfinus, and Alfinus: between whom and Kenulfus, there was another Abbot, viz. KINSINUS if we may believe the MS. Chron. of John Abbot of this Church, which I have so often cited. For though he say ad An. 1006. that upon Kenulphus his removal, Elsinus succeeded him, and was the third Abbot after the restauration: yet ad An. 1048. speaking concerning the suit which the Abbot of Peykyrke had for the Lands of his Monastery (which by the judgement of the Court of Hardecnute, as I shall show hereafter, were given away from him) he saith it was contra Kenulfum & Kinsinum abbots Burgi. And that this was no mistake, we may learn from his remark upon the year 1051. where he saith expressly, Elfinus succeeded him in this Monastery. Alfricus Eboracens. Archiepis. obiit, & apud Burgum sepelitur; cui successit Kinsinus Abbas Burgi: cui successit Elfinus in Abbatem promotus, Monachus ejusdem loci. And again ad An. 1060. obiit Kinsinus Eborac. Archiep. quondam Abbess Burgi, etc.  
What truth there is in this I am not able to say, from any other record; but that he was a great man and Archbishop of York, and here buried, it will appear more hereafter, when I come to that time: and we have gained this piece of knowledge from John Abbot, that Alfinus was a Monk of Burch; and chosen to be Abbot, saith Hugo, by the unanimous consent of the whole Congregation, whom he governed fiftyyear. By which account Kinsinus must either never have been Abbot here; or but for a few days or months.  
Mr. G. hath related how he laboured to enrich this Church with Relics (and Hugo saith, many other ways) but is mistaken I think in his conjecture about his procuring the Arm of St. Oswald to be brought hither. For Hugo mentions it among the benefits which the Church received in the time of Leofricus and thereabouts; when Winegotus apportavit brachium Sancti Oswaldi de Bebeburch. There it was preserved in Bede's time, in urbe regia, quae a regina quondam vocabulo Bebba cognominatur, as his words are L. III. Cap. 6. and thence, the ancient Seat of its rest, it was furtim ablatum taken away by stealth, if we may believe William of Malmsbury; who relates what was pretended by the Church of Burgh, which in his days said they had Oswald's Arm: but doth not seem to give credit to it himself.  
How they came to have his Arm at Bebbeburch (a place in the North) I cannot imagine, if it be true which the MS. Chron. of John Abbot says, ad An. MLXV. that his body was not till then taken out of his Tomb. Agelwinus Dunelmensis, Episcopus, Ossa beati Oswaldi Regis & Martyris apud Tynemutham, de tumulo in scrinio cum honore levavit. But perhaps Oswaldi is there false written for Oswini; for simeon of Durham saith it was Oswin's body that was taken up by that Bishop.  
From the same Chronicle we learn also when it was that Elfinus went into Normandy, and upon what occasion: and bought there at Bonavalle the body of St. Florentine pro centum libris argenti. Which was not till the year MXIII when Suanus coming with innumerable Danes into England, and exercising unheard of cruelties, King Ethelred hardly escaped his hands, and sent away his Wife per Abbatem Burgi and another person, unto Richard Duke of Normandy: he himself following her presently after. In the same year Ingulphus 
P. 56. Oxon. Edit.  tells us this Monastery was again burnt by the same Suanus, or Swanus: and many Lands were taken away from the Church (as Hugo relates) while the Abbot was with the Queen in Normandy; the English paying a vast Tribute to the Danish Army, which wasted the Kingdom forty years together. But he procured from Canutus the confirmation of their privileges in as ample manner, as they had been confirmed to Kenulphus by King Ethelred. In these words, Ego Cnut Rex Anglorum, Deo favente & Elfino abbate deprecante; hoc Privilegium cum optimatibus corroboravi. And in the days of Hardecanutus got a Judgement against Wolgatus Abbot of Pegekyrke: both for the Seat of his Monastery and all the Manors belonging thereunto, which Elfinus claimed (as Kenulphus had done) to be part of the possessions of Burgh. How just a suit this was I am not able to say; Ingulph condemns it most heavily, as a monstrous piece of oppression: and it will not be amiss if I not only relate the whole story, but give an account of this Monastery from its beginning; there being very little said of it in the Monasticon Anglicanum.  
St. Pege, as Ingulphus informs us, was Sister to St. Guthlac, a person descended of a noble Stock, both by the Father and Mother (as Matthew of Westminster writes) who being in love with a solitary life, settled himself in the Island called Croyland, where no body durst dwell: because they were terrified, as his words are, with fantasies of Devils there inhabiting. This was in the year DCXCIX as the often named Chronicon of John Abbot tells us. Sanctus Guthlacus apud Croylandiam vitam Anchoreticam ducere coepit. Anno aetatis suae XXVI. About XV. year after he died, as the same Writer informs us, DCCXIIII. obiit feria quarta in hebdom. Pasch. Upon whose death, his Sister Pega settled herself in a Cell about four miles Westward, distant from his Oratory of Croyland: which afterward improved into a Monastery. The place from her, was called Pegekyrke, now Peykirk: and had Lands bestowed upon it by Edmund Athebing (which of them doth not appear) who gave for the redemption of his own Soul, and of his Wives, and of Siwerthus a little Country gift, as he calls it, of Land in a place called Pegecyrcan, to the new Monastery, of the Holy Trinity, and our Lady, and all the Saints, viz. one Mansa and a half in that Village, and three Perches in Waltun, &c 
Swapham fol. CXXXI. . It is a very remarkable Charter, both for the Preface, and for the Blessings and Curses annexed in the conclusion; which therefore I have represented to the Reader entirely in the Appendix.  
What other benefactions they had to that Monastery doth not appear; but they were all seized, as was said before, by Beorredus, in the year 871. after the first desolation made by the Danes. And it was again destroyed by Swanus the Dane in the forenamed year 1013. And so lay waste till the time of Wlgatus; when, in the year MXLVIII. after a long suit with the Abbots of Peterburgh, he lost the very sight of his Monastery which was adjudged to belong to Burch. Upon which Engulf makes this severe reflection, tantum tunc potuit super justitiam pecunia, contra veritatem versutia, etc. So much could money then prevail over justice, and craft against truth, and so powerful was the Earl Godwin in the Court of King Hardecnute. And he shows how several Manors were recovered by particular persons from this Abbot Wlgatus: so that he and eighteen Monks had nothing to live upon, but wandered about, till King Edward the Confessor took him into his Court; and upon the death of Brickmerus made him Abbot of Croyland.  
The same he repeats again when he comes to the Reign of the Conqueror; telling us how in the times of Suanus, Cnutus, Harold, and Hardecnutus, many privileges of Monasteries were lost, the limits of their Lands changed, etc. according as the money of Rich men prevailed in the minds of the Barbarians who sought nothing but ruins. Of which the erection of the Monastery of St. Pege was an evidence in the time of Hardecnute when the money of the Abbot of Burgh prevailed against the right of the Pegelandians, and the power of Earl Godwin against the simplicity of the Poor. So his words are, praevalente contra justitiam Pegelandensium Abbatis Burgi pecunia, & super simplicitate pauperum Godwini comitis potentia.  
But if we compare what he saith, with the Chron. of John Abbot it will appear that this suit was commenced long before this, in the time of Kenulphus, and continued more or less till the time of Leofricus, who died just before the Conquest. I will set down both their words, and so leave it. 
Chron. Joh. Abbatis Burgi, MS.  MXLVIII. Wolgatus Abbas de Peykirke amisit sedem Abbatiae suae, cum omnibus Maneriis dicto Monasterio quondam pertinentibus, per judicium Regis Hardecanuti, contra Kenulphum & Kinsinum abbots Burgi, ipsum Monasterium de P. suam possessionem esse calumpniantes. Which Ingulphus relates in this manner, Wlgatus diutissimam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi Elfino, Arwino, & Leofrico, Abbatiae suae sedem amittens, tandem succubuit, & (proh dolour) totum situm Monasterii sui judicio Regalis Curiae perdidit.  
In the time of Edw. 4. 1477. John Wysbech Abbot of Croyland rebuilt the Chapel of St. Pege de Paylond, as it was vulgarly called; quae per multas ante annos solo aequata jacebat; as I find in the Continuation of the History of Croyland lately printed p. 560. For though the Church of Peterburgh had the greatest interest in that place (and still hath the Manor and Advowson of Peykyrke) yet the Abbot of Croyland also had some Land there by an ancient right. Which appears from an agreement made between John de Sesse Abbot of Burgh and Godfrey Abbot of Croyland in the year MCXVI in coemiterio de Peichirche, in the Churchyard of Peykyrke: where there were complaints on both sides de Sochemannis. For the Abbot of Croylande had anciently (as the agreement acknowledges) a certain Court in that Village, in which were his Houses, de qua nulla soca Ecclesiae Sancti Petri de Burgo reddi debebat. But all the rest of the Land in the Village, de soca Sancti Petri de Burgo erat, & consuetudines socae Abbati & Monachis reddebat. Now the Monks of Croylande complained that some did unjustly intra septa suae curiae hospitari, whereas they ought to have in that Court, octo hospitum domos quietas, & sine soca. And therefore they came at last to this conclusion, that it was acknowledged upon Oath, that all the Land was in soca Sancti Petri (except that ancient Court, and the eight houses therein) the House of the Abbot of Croyland himself not excepted. So the words are 
Swaph. fol. CXVIII. , Fuit ergo in praedicto coemiterio de Peichirche disraimatum & per Sacramentum firmatum, omnes esse in soca Sancti Petri: excepta illa antiqua Curia & octo hospitum domibus. Domus quoque Abbatis de Croylande quam Monachi in soca Sancti Petri fecerant, sicut justum erat, in soca Sancti Petri fuit jurata. The names of the Jurates on both parts are set down; and the Witnesses also. The last of which on the part of Croyland is Robertus, Nepos Abbatis Ingulphi. There have been more Records belonging to this matter; but a whole Leaf, concerning it, is torn out of the Book: and other differences between this Church and that, if I have room, shall be noted hereafter.  
Towards the latter end of the government of Elfinus, all our Historians agree Elfricus or Alfricus (for his name is diversely written as the other is) was buried in this Church. He had been bred up here, but came to be first Bishop of Winchester (as Tho. Stubbs tells us 
Actus Pontif. Eborac. ) and afterward Archbishop of York: who had a Palace at Suthwell, where he died An. MLI. and commemorated here in this Church of Burgh upon the 23. Jan. over against which I find in the Calendar these words, Depositio Elfrici Archiepiscopi. He was succeeded in his See by Kinsinus, or Kinsius, as some call him (Radulph de Diceto calls him Kinsigius) than Chaplain to King Edward the Confessor.  
Four years after which Elfinus died; as, among many others, John Abbot tells us. Whose words are these ad An. MLU. Elfinus Abbas Burgi obiit, successit Ariwinus. It happened in January also; for in the forenamed Calendar are these words, over against the 13. day, Depositio Elfini Abbatis, & Anniversarium Matthaei Capellani.  
I have nothing further to add; but that Elfricus the Archbishop gave to this Church together with his body, as Hugo writes, two rich Albes wrought with Gold, two of their best Copes, an Altar with Relics, two Palls, and two great Silver Candlesticks (which were afterward stolen) and his own Staff, with many other things.   

AREWINUS.  
Eruinus, as some call him, or Arnewinus, was chosen by the whole company; being vir mirae Sanctitatis & simplicitatis, as Hugo Characterizes him. Who out of too much simplicity changed the Royal Village of Holneie, which was in the Demean of St. Peter, (as the writings of the Church witness) for that of Stokes: for no other reason, but because it was a nearer way unto his own Farm, to go by Stokes. In this private Farm it was, I suppose, that he chose to live, rather than in this great dignity; wherein he continued a far less time than Mr. G. mentions. For if W. the Conqueror came into England the XIth year (it should be the IXth.) of Leofricus, as Hugo saith, than Arewynus could not possibly be Abbot here eight year. For Elfinus dying, as hath been shown 1055, there passed from thence till the coming in of the Conqueror, which was 1066. no more than Eleven year. He resigned therefore his place after he had been two year Abbot An. MLVII. (as it is in the Margin of Hugo) and after that lived eight year. So the words of Hugo run very plainly, Hic in prosperitate vitae suae voluntarie dimisit Abbatiam suam; VIII. postea feliciter vivens annos. And so I find it in the MS. Chron. of Abbot John ad An. 1057. Arewynus Abbas Bur i demisit se de Abbatia: cui successit egregius Pater Leofricus. He died it appears by the Calendar on the 30. of May; where are these words, Depositio Arewyni Abbatis.   

LEO FRICUS,  
Called in the Kalander of this Church Lefricus, and by Hugo Leuricus, and by the Annals of Burton Levericus, was chosen by the whole society, with the consent of the King and of Arewinus, being pulcherrimus Monachorum (as Hugo describes him) flos & decus Abbatum: descended of the noble Stock of the Angles, and more Noble for his behaviour, most nobly governed and enriched this Church: and as it is written, ornavit tempora sua usque ad consummationem vitae. For he purchased much Land, and bestowed divers Ornaments upon it: particularly the great Crucifix upon the Altar, of marvellous work, of Silver and Gold; Gold and Silver Candlesticks, a great Table before the Altar, all of Gold and Silver and precious Stone, and (besides other things mentioned in Hugo) Casulam ex purpura optime de auro & pretiosis gemmis ornatam, & alias multas casulas, & cappas, & pallia, & alia ornamenta: plus quam ullus ante cum fecit, aut post eum facturus est. In short this place, he saith, was enriched so incredibly in his time, that now it was called not simply Burch, but Gildinburch i. e. aurea civitas, the Golden City. At his petition Edward the Confessor confirmed all the Grants of his Ancestors to this Church; and made him the more able to enrich it by letting him hold four other Abbeys with it. Which, though mentioned by Mr. G. I take notice of again, because he hath omitted the reason, why the second of them, viz. Coventry was granted to him: which was because it had been founded and endowed by his Uncle of the same name. So Hugo relates, speaking of the King and Queen, who out of love to him, gave to him and St. Peter other Abbeys, viz. Birtune, & Coventre, quam Comes Leuricus, avunculus ipsius, construxerat, & nimis in auro & argento ditaverat, etc.  
Yet he did not give all he could to this Church, for in an ancient explanation of Lands (as it is called 
Swaph. fol. CXXXIII. ) I find that he gave a forfeited Estate to his Brother Leowinus. The words are these, Reteford occidit quendam Ylkytelum, & pro hac forisfactura, terra & silva sua Franewude pervenit in manus Abbatis de Burch: Sed Leofricus praepositus Sancti Petri permisit eam suo fratri Leowino.  
He was Abbot of Burton before he was Abbot of Burgh; unless there was another of that name; for the Annals of that Church say An. MLI. 
Annalis Monast. Burton.  venit Levericus Abbas. The account indeed they give of this Levericus his death is so widely different from what Hugo saith of Leofricus his, that it inclines me to think it was another person. For they say MLXXXV. obiit Levericus Abbas; whereas ours died, as I have said, almost twenty year before.  
In his time there were three great Benefactors to this place, Egelricus, Kinsinus, and Wulstanus.  
Of the first of which Mr. G. hath given some account; but to make his History more complete, I must let the Reader know how he came to rise to the dignity he held in the Church. Which simeon Dunelmensis relates in this manner 
L. 3. Hist. Eccl. Dunelm. C. 6. ; Eadmundus being chosen Bishop of Durham, would first be made a Monk, before he was consecrated by Wulstan Archbishop of York, who was then at Worcester. From whence returning home, he diverted into the Monastery of Burch: where being mightly pleased, he requested the Abbot to bestow a Monk upon him, skilful in Ecclesiastical Offices, and in regular discipline; to be his constant companion, and teach him the way of the Monastical life; Accordingly the Abbot appointed this Monk Elgericus, or Algericus (for he is called by all these names) to wait upon him: who, as Hugo writes, was vir Sanctissimus a most holy man, and thought fit for the Archbishopric of York, to which he saith he was consecrated. But being there rejected (as Mr. G. out of him relates) factus est Episcopus Dunhelmiae, he was made Bishop of Durham; and there received with love of all, both Laics and Monks. This was in the year 1042, as John Brompton informs us: where he continued twelve years, saith Hugo: but it should be fourteen: for both the Chron. of Mailros, and the Chron. of John Abbot of Burgh say he resigned in the year 1056. the words of the last named are these MLVI. quinta feria Kal. Augusti, Monachus factus est Dunelmensis Episcopus Egelricus; Episcopatu sponte relicto ad Monasterium suum de Burgo, ubi quondam Monachus erat remeavit. Agelwino fratre suo & Monacho ejusdem Monasterii in locum suum, consecrato.  
John Brompton places this resignation in the year 1057. (the very year Leofricus was made Abbot) which agrees with simeon Dunelmensis (who should best know) who saith after he had been Bishop fifteen year, he returned to his Monastery; whither he had sent his Gold and Silver, and other Goods of the Church of Durham before. The Gold and Silver, he acknowledges, was found as he was digging very deep to lay the foundation of a Church of Stone, in honour of St. Cutberd, which before was of Wood: but he saith it had been formerly hidden there by the Church of Durham, because of the Covetousness and Tyranny of Sephelmus. And therefore though he did good Works with this money (which he immediately sent away to Burgh, intending to follow it himself) making Highways with Wood and Stone in the fenny Countries; building Churches, and other things; yet in the Reign of the Conqueror he was accused for carrying away this Treasure, which he would not restore; and being brought up to London and committed to custody, there he died in captione Regis, as simeon of Durham tells the story 
L. III. Histor. Dunel. Eccles. C. 9 .  
It was in the year 1072. when death delivered him out of Custody: and he was buried in the Chapel of St. Nicolas in the Abbey of Westminster; but constantly commemorated here at Burgh on the 15th of October over against which day I find in the Kalander these words Depositio Domini Eylrici Episcopi & Memoria Benefactorum. Which no doubt was this Egelricus, or Elgericus: for so names are wont to be contracted; as the Abbot of Rieval, Adilredus, or Ethelredus, is not only called Aluredus, but Ailredus also and Eilredus. But besides this, Hugo 
Or Swapham, as commonly called, p. 11.  expressly calls him Eilricus; and the road he made in the Fens for Travellers, was called Elrich-rode.  
Whence Bishop Godwin hath it that he was accused of Treason by the Conqueror I cannot yet find. Perhaps he was thought to be confederate with his Brother Agelwinus whom he left his Successor in Durham. Who, as the forenamed simeon Dunelmensis relates, not long after the Conquest (viz. An. 1070 
L. de gestis Regum Angliae. ) being weary of the troubles of England, took Ship at Weremuth, with many other great persons, and went into Scotland. But returned the next year, with Hereward de Wake and the rest, to the Isle of Eli. Where they were all in a manner taken (except Hereward and a few others) and Agelwinus being sent prisoner to Abbandon, there in the Winter ended his days 1071. one year before his Brother.  
The second of these great men, viz. Kinsinus, who had been Chaplain to King Edward the Confessor, as was said before, and succeeded Aluricus (as Radulphus de Diceto calls Elfricus) in the Archbishopric of York 1051. after he had sat there nine years, died at Burg, if we may believe John Abbot's Chronicle, in the year MLX. where his words are Kynsinus Archiepiscopus apud Burgum obiit, & jacet tumulatus in scrinio juxta magnum Altar in part Boreali. And there the Scrinium still remains (just above that of Elfricus who lies at his feet) with these words on the side, Hic posita sunt Ossa Kynsini Archiepiscopi Eborac. 1059, which by the Characters appear to be a late Inscription, and hath mistaken the year. For all agree it was 1060. though none but he mention his dying at Burgh, but all suppose he died at York. Particularly Roger Hoveden, who saith he was brought from York to this Monastery of Burch to be buried, & honorifice tumulatus est. They agree also that he died on the XIth of the Kalands of January: and accordingly I find in the Kalander of the Church: Decemb. 20. Depositio Kynsini Archiepiscopi & Radulphi Comitis. It is possible that Chronicle may mean another Burgh which was in the North, and belonged afterwards to the Church of York. For Tho. Stubbs saith Girardus obtained of King William the second six Churches: Five of which he gave to St. Peter's Church of York, i. e. de Dyrfeld, de Kyllum, de Pokelymon, de Pykerynga, de Burgh: where perhaps Kynsinus died.  
The same Thomas Stubbs 
Actus Pontif. Eborac.  saith, the vulgar opinion of him was, that he was not born, but cut out of his Mother's Womb. He gave to this Church the Village of Linewelle as Hugo tells us, with the textum Evangelii excellently wrought with Gold; and so many Ornaments, that they were apprised at three hundred pound: which with his Body were all brought hither: But Queen Edgit he adds took them all away. The Character he gives of him is this; that he always lived like a Monk, most abstemiously and Holily. So that when his Clergy, and Family had a splendid Table, he contented himself with coarse and Barley Bread; and with the viler sort of meat and drink. And walking on foot from Town to Town, Preaching and giving Alms, he often went barefoot: and commonly traveled in the nights, that he might avoid vainglory. Which makes him call him Sanctus Kinsinus.  
The last, Wulstanus was also Archbishop of of York; and Successor to Adulphus: holding the Bishopric of Worcester together with the See of York, as he and St. Oswald before him had done. Who, if we may believe Hugo, gave himself and all that he had to this place: but going to visit the places where other Saints lay buried, and coming to Eli; there he fell sick and died and was buried; in the year MXXIII. V Kal. Junii 3. feria (as Thomas Stubbs relates) after he had been Archbishop twenty year. He and Radulphus de Diceto differ from Hugo, in the place of his sickening and dying; for they make him to have been brought to Eli to be buried, according to his own prediction (as the latter of them affirms) upon a time when he came thither for devotion sake.  
The mention of him puts me in mind of another of that name who was bred in this Monastery; and therefore ought not to be here omitted. For though he died a good while after this time, yet he was advanced to the See of Worcester in the days of Leofricus, viz. MLXII. So John Abbot, Venerabilis vir Wlstanus Burgi Monachus, Wigorn. fit Episcopus. Roger Hoveden also; who saith that literis & Ecclesiasticis Officiis imbutus in Nobili Monasterio quod Burch nominatur. The very same hath simeon Dunelmensis & John Brompton. But the largest account I find of him is in his Life written in Three Books 
MS. in Sir J. C's Library. , by Bravonius a Monk of Worcester 1170. who relates at large, all that he did both before and after the Conquest.  
He was born at Jceritune in Warwickshire; his Father Athelstanus, his Mother Wifgena, who put him to School at Evesham, where he received the first Elements of learning; and then sent him hither to be perfected in it; so his words are, perfectiori mox apud Burch (which I shown before was famous for learning) scientia teneras informavit medullas. Here he gave great indications of his future Virtue; when he had scarce taken the first step out of his Childhood. He had a Master called Eruentus, who could Write admirably, and Draw any thing in Colours: Who made Wlstan, when he was but a Boy, Writ two Books, Sacramentarium & Psalterium; and Flourish the Principal Letters in Pictures with Gold. The former of which his Master presented to King Cnute, the Psalter to Queen Emma. After this he went from Burch to his Parents; who putting themselves into Religious Houses at Worcester, he also became Monk. And in a short time was made Master of the Boys; then Chanter, and then Sacrist; and afterward Praepositus, ut tunc Prior, ut nunc dicitur, Monachorum constitutus: and at last made Bishop of Worcester, though against his will, upon the preferment of Alredus to York. Who presuming upon the simplicity of Wlstan, committed great rapine at Worcester, and kept from him a considerable part of the Possessions of that Church; which he could not recover as long as Alred lived; but, though William the Conqueror seized them at his Death, yet Wlstan never left till the cause had a fair hearing, and his Church had all restored to it, which its first Founders had left unto it. The story is told at large by John Bromton 
Chron. Williel. primi p. 976. etc. , who says Lanfranc would have deposed him for insufficiency: but by a Miracle was moved to restore him his Staff and his Ring, which he had resigned. And indeed he was not so ignorant as many imagined, but knew all that was necessary for him to be acquainted withal: only was not learned in the Fables of the Poets, and in the perplexities of Syllogisms; which perhaps he did not vouchsafe to know, as not worthy his notice. So Henry de Knyghton, in these remarkable words 
L. 2. de Eventibus Angliae C. 6. , Sed ille magis virtute quam literis fretus, res Ecclesiae defensabat: Quanquam non it a hebes in literis fuerit, ut put abatur; quip qui caetera necessaria sciret, praeter fabulas poetarum & tortiles syllogismos; quae forsan nec nosse dignabatur.  
He pulled down the old Church of Worcester, built by St. Oswald, and made the new one we now see: Weeping, as Malmsbury saith, when they began the Work. For which he gave this reason (when he was told he ought rather to rejoice at the erection of a more magnificent Structure) Alas! said he, we miserable sinners destroy the Works of the Saints, that we may get glory to ourselves. That age of happy men did not understand how to build pompous Temples; but under any kind of Roof offered up themselves to God, and attracted their Subjects by their examples: We, on the contrary, neglecting the Cure of Souls, heap up Stones, and raise goodly Piles, etc.  
He lived till he was almost 90 years old; dying in the year MXCV. where John Abbot writes; Sanctus Wlstanus obiit.   

BRANDO,  
While he was only a Monk in this Church, he was not only a Coadjutor to Leofricus in all the good things that he did (as Hugo his words are) but also a great Benefactor to the Monastery, out of his own Patrimony, and that of his Brethren. For he and his two Brethren, Askatillus and Syricus, purchased Walcote de proprio patrimonio; and gave it to the Church, in perpetual inheritance, together with Scotere, Scotune and other places mentioned by Mr. G. This was in the time of Edward the Confessor; who confirmed this Grant by his Charter, rogatus ab Abbate Lefrico, & Monacho ipsius nomine Brand 
Hugo or Swap. pag. 5. f. 2. . Another writing mentions a third Brother named Siworthus in these words, Brand Abbas Burgensis & Askilus & Sericus & Sivortus fratres, dederunt has terras, Deo & Sancto Petro, & fratribus in Burgh, sc. Muscham ex alia parte Trentae, & Scotere, etc. Which is related something more distinctly in a little Charter 
Ibid. pag. CXXII. , containing the Names of all the Lands and Possessions of the Church (which was recorded for the honour of their Benefactors, whose names are written in the Book of Life, etc.) Among which it is said, Askill filius Toke dedit Walcote super Humbram, dum adhuc viveret, & post obitum illius & fratrum ejus, sc. Scirici & Siworthi, dedit Brand Abbas frater eorum eidem Ecclesiae Sancti Petri, Muskam, etc. And in the Charter of Edward the Confessor, confirming this benefaction, it is said that Askil or Askitill, gave this Land, upon occasion of a journey which he undertook to Rome. Askitillus Romam pergens dedit Sancto Petro & Ecclesiae suae de Burch, septem carrucatas terrae in Walcote, duabus bovatis minus, & in Alcheburn unam Carrucatam, & totam Ecclesiam, & in Normandy unam Carrucatam, quae sunt super fluvium Humbre. William the Conqueror in his confirmation 
Ibid. pag. CIX. , petente Abbate Brand, saith the same, concerning the number of Plough-Lands in that place, held by the Monastery sub Rege Edwardo. Most of which, it should seem by a trial, which John Deeping Abbot of this Church had about the Lands in those Towns in the 13th year of Hen. 4. were part of the possessions of the Abbey from its foundation: and being alienated perhaps, were again restored or redeemed by Brand and his Brethren before mentioned. For that Abbot then before the King's Judges at Westminster 
Ibid. pag. CCCLII , declaring how he was destrained by the Servants of Thomas de Lancaster the King's Son, pretending that he held a Manor of his in Holderness, and aught to do him homage and suit at Court, for six Carrucatae of Land in Walcote juxta Humbr, and one in Normanby (which they said he held of the aforesaid Thomas) alleged against all this, that Wolferus, King of the Mercians, long before the Conquest gave and granted by his Charter (which he there produced and laid before them) to God and the blessed Apostle St. Peter, and the servants of God in Medhamstede, which is now called by another name Peterburgh, in puram & perpetuam eleemosynam praedictas sex Carucatas terrae cum pertinentibus, in Walcote juxta Humbr, & praedictam unam carucatam terrae cum pertin. in Normanby in Lincoln, etc. Of which Land he and his Predecessor were seized, and held as parcel of the first foundation of the Abbey from the King, and not from the aforesaid Thomas; of whom he held no Land at all, nor owed him any service, etc. And accordingly it was adjudged for the Abbot.  
This Estate was in danger to be lost again after the Conquest, being got into the hands of Yvo Talbois; but restored by him to the Monks, as I shall observe in my Remarks upon the next Abbot Turoldus.  
The Character which Ingulphus 
Pag. 70. Edit. Oxon.  gives of Abbot Brand is, that he was a very Religious person, and, as he had heard from his Predecessor and many others, very much addicted unto Alms-deeds, wherewith he relieved the poor; and, in short, adorned with all Virtues.  
They that have a mind may in the same Author, find the form and manner, after which this Abbot made Hereward a Knight; which was a thing forbidden afterward, in the Synod of London held under Anselm, as Eadmerus informs us, p. 68 Where Mr. Selden calls this Abbot Brand Coenobiarcha Edmundoburgensis 
Spicileg. ad Eadmerum p. 207. N. 5. ; not attending I suppose, to those words of Ingulphus, where he mentions Abbatem Burgi the Uncle of Hereward, which he construes as if he spoke of the Abbot of St. Edmundburgh.  
There is mention of Brand as witness to a Charter of William the Conqueror, in the second year of his Reign (1068.) wherein he settled the Collegiate Church of St. martin's le Grand, in the City of London, endowed by Ingelricus and Girardus his Brother out of their own Revenues: as may be seen in the third Tome of the Monasticon Anglicanum 
De Eccles. Collegiatis. p. 26. . But the next year after he died; as not only Hugo, but John Abbot of this Church tells us in his Chronicon. Where An. MLXIX. having spoken of the death of Aldredus Archbishop of York, he adds, Obiit etiam Brando Abbas Burgi, Patruus dicti Herewardi de Wake, & ex Regis collatione successit Turoldus. Brando dedit pro Fyskyrton XX. marcas auri, & alias XX. pro Quametis, & pro ibidem ..... VIII marc. auri. Our Writings also mention his redeeming Burleigh, as well as the forenamed places: which shows how studious he was of the prosperity of this place. Where he died 2. Kalander. Decembris, saith Hugo, agreeable to the Kalander which saith 30. Novemb. Depositio Brandonis & Will. de Waterville Abbatum, etc.   

TUROLDUS,  
Or THUROLDUS (as he is called in a Chater of King Henry the First) was no sooner settled in the Monastery, but all manner of evils (as Hugoes words are) came to it. For that very year (1069) the Danes returned to infest England, under the conduct of Suenus (Abbot John saith the Sons of Swain) their King, with a very great Army. Part of which under Osbern came to Eli, and was presently reinforced by Hereward de Wake and his associates, who came and joined with them. He was a very great man, called by one of our best Historians, vir Serenissimus 
Walsingham. ; who at his return out of Flanders (where he had been for a while) hearing how much his Family and Kindred had suffered by the Normans, and finding Ivo Talbois the Conqueror's Sister's Son, possessed of his Estate (the Conqueror having given Ivo large possessions in Holland) was extremely enraged thereat: and resolved by force of Arms to recover his own, though with the havoc and spoil of other people. I cannot say that this place felt the first effects of his fury, but here he discharged it after a most terrible manner, as Hugo relates the story. For he it was that invited and incited also Osbern and his Danes to go and plunder this Abbey: where he heard the Abbot his Uncle was dead, and the place filled with a Norman (whom he accounted an intruder) and he a very severe man; who lay then with some Soldiers at Stamford. They came therefore with great speed; though not so hastily, but the Monks of Burgh had some notice: so that the Sacrist, called Ywarus, by the Counsel of the Monks carried away all that he could, viz. the Texts of the Gospel, with the Chesibles, Copes, and Albes, etc. and went with them to the Abbot Turoldus at Stamford. The very same morning came Hereward and his company in Boats; against whom the Monks maintained the Close so stoutly (as is observed out of him by Mr. G.) that he had no way but to set fire to the Houses near the Gate; by which means his Forces entered, and burned all the Offices of the Monastery and the whole Town, except the Church and one House.  
The Monks therefore besought them to be favourable to it; but they, not regarding their cries, entered armed into it, and endeavoured to carry away the great Cross, but could not. Yet they took the golden Crown from the head of the Crucifix; with the precious Stones, and the Footstool under its feet, made of pure Gold and Gems: together with duo aurea feretra (two golden or gilded Bears whereon they carried the Saints Relics and other such like things in Procession) and nine Silver ones, and twelve Crosses, some of Gold, some of Silver. And besides all this, went up into the Tower and took away the great Table, which the Monks had hidden there; which was all of Gold and Silver and precious Stone, and wont to be before the Altar: with abundance of Books and other precious things, which were invaluable; there being not the like in all England. And they pretended to do all this, out of faithfulness to the Church; for the Danes, they told them, would preserve these things for the use of the Church, better than the Franks would do. Nay, Hereward himself was Homo Monachorum a lover of Monks, and therefore some believed what they said; and he also afterwards swore, that he did all this with a good intention; because he thought William the Conqueror would get it all. Away they went therefore with their Booty, and made all the hast they could to their Ships; fearing the Normans might fall upon them: and coming to Eli, they committed all their spoil into the hands of the Danes themselves.  
What became of it, Mr. Gunton hath largely enough related out of Hugo. Which doth so little agree with what I find in the life of Hereward de Wake, that we must suppose all this to have been done (if he was not mistaken in his story) in the year 1070. and that he came again and spoiled this Church after the Goods, which remained were restored; as I shall show presently, when I have finished the foregoing History. Which saith that Turoldus came to the Abbey the very same day the Danes went away, with an hundred and sixty Normans well armed; hoping to meet with the Enemy, before they carried off their prey: but found no body there, and the place laid desolate; all being burnt both within and without, except the Church. Insomuch that the City not long ago, called aurea, was now made pauperrima. But the Abbot being come, the Monks, who had been scattered, returned; and performed divine Offices, which had been discontinued seven days. He strengthened himself also by Stipendiary Soldiers, upon whom he settled threescore and two Hides of Land; that they might defend him from Hereward. So John Abbot ad An. 1069. Turoldus vero lxii hidas terrae de terris Ecclesiae Burgi, dedit Stipendiariis militibus qui eum contra Herewardum le Wake tuerentur. He built a Castle also hard by the Monastery (as I shall note anon out of the same Chronicle) and had the pleasure to see Hereward the next year, 1071. hardly escaping out of the Isle of Eli, where most of his accomplices, as I have said were taken: And yet notwithstanding that great man rallied again, and came into these parts with Forces, against which a great Army was raised out of Northamptonshire, Cambridgshire, Linoclnshire, Holland, Leicestershire, Huntendone and Warwickshire: while Hereward lay with a few Soldiers, in comparison, skulking in the Woods nigh unto Burch.  
This I learn out of a Treatise at the end of Swapham, entitled de gestis Heruuardi inclyti militis, gathered out of such fragments as could be found of a Book written in the English tongue, by Alefricus Diaconus, who was Hereward's Priest at Brun. Who says this great Army gathered out of those severai Counties, was lead by Turoldus Abbot of Burch, and Yvo Talbois; who encompassed Hereward and his men so strictly, that they greatly distressed them. But he, nothing terrified, placed all his Sagittarii and balistarii among the Trees, which they had there for their security: and from thence issued out, as he saw his opportunities, and having made great slaughters, retreated under their shelter again. This he continued to do, after several manners, all the day long, till he had tired the opposite Army, and made them raise their Siege. And then Hereward, with all his men, rushing out upon their Rear all at once, put them into such a confusion, that he took many of them Prisoners; and among the rest Abbot Turoldus. Whom he kept in Custody till he redeemed himself, and other considerable persons with the sum of three thousand Marks of Silver. So that writer saith 
Fol. CCCXXXVI.  with whom John Abbot agrees; but mentions a far greater sum. Nihilominus tandem cum multis aliis magnatibus (speaking of Turoldus) ab Herewardo captus quousque pro sua redemptione XXX. marcas argenti solveret, cum aliis suis conductitiis in custodia detentus est.  
But after this ransom of himself and his Nephew and others, whom he received from the hand of a Cousin of Herewardus, called Siwardus Albus, who had honourably entertained him out of reverence to the Abbot; he forgot both his Covenant, and the benefits he had received; renewing the War against Hereward. For the carrying on of which, he gave away more Goods of his Church, and many Possessions to Soldiers; ut haberet semper militare auxilium ad expugnandum Herewardum. Which coming to the Ears of Hereward, who saw he was like to suffer for his kindness, he made no delay; but the same night marched with all the force he could make to Burch; and burning the whole Town (which it seems by this story, began to be built again) carried away all the Treasure of the Church; and pursued the Abbot himself, licet latitando cum suis evaserit.  
But the next night (if we may believe this Writer) Hereward thought he saw in his dream an old man, of inestimable beauty, and in brighter habit than he had ever beheld or imagined, with a terrible countenance, threatening him (with a great Key he held in his hand, and with a dreadful voice) that he should immediately restore all he had taken out of the Church, if he loved his life. Whereupon he risen up the very same hour, and carrying back all that he had pillaged, immediately departed from Burgh. But lost his way in the night, and wandered up and down in the Woods, not knowing whither he went; till a vast Wolf appeared, who marched before them like a household Dog, and led them into their right way: As they saw by lighted Candles which appeared upon every man's Shield; which none of them could pull off or blow out. But when morning appeared, both Wolf and Candles vanished, and they came whither they desired beyond Stamford.  
He relates many other wonderful achievements of this famous Warrior (who was accounted the Hector of his time) and at last shows how he was reconciled to the King, and served him faithfully: having all his Father's Lands and Possessions restored to him; and living comfortably and peace ably with his Countrymen and Friends, dyedin peace, after he had lived many Years. Other Writers say, he having taken Ivo Talbois in Battle, would not deliver him, until the King (to have his Nephew preserved) promised by Oath unto Hereward Reconciliation, Pardon, his former dignity, with full restitution of all that had been his. Which was done in the year 1076. Until which time from the death of Brando, not only this Monastery but others also suffered very much. For in the year 1070. many Abbots as well as Bishops by the King's procurement, were deposed or ejected, upon slight surmises, that the English might be deprived of all dignities. So John Abbot; who after he had related how Stigandus was deposed, to make way for Lanfranc, adds, Plures eo anno tam Episcopi quam Abbates vel nullis vel levibus suspitionibus deponuntur, aut ejiciuntr; procurante Rege, ut Angli nullis dignitatibus potirentur.  
In the year 1072 the Monks of Eli were Outlawed, having afforded succour to some Great men who were in Rebellion against the King. I suppose to those, who in the year before were in that Isle, and in that Church in open rebellion, with Hereward. So Abbot John MLXXI. Hereward le Wake Ecclesia intra paludes Heliensi, cum multis aliis Anglis exlegatis resistit. And then it follows, An. MLXXII. Monachi Helienses, quibusdam Angliae Magnatibus contra Regem rebellantibus succursum praebentes, exlegati sunt. Et multi Monachi Anglici per totam Angliam malè tractati & plurimum vexati. Multa Monasteria tam de propriis pecuniis quam de aliorum apud ipsos depositis ad quadrantem ultimum spoliata. Walsingham 
Hypodigm. Neustriae p. 418.  writes much to the same purpose; telling us the Conqueror made all the Abbeys in England to be searched, and caused all the money, which the Richer people had there deposited, to be brought into his Coffers; only he places this in the year 1070.  
In the year MLXXU. Comes Northampt. Sanctus Walterus apud Wynton decollatus, as the same Abbot John writes. Which was done he saith, notwithstanding that Lansranc pronounced him innocent, and that if he was put to death he would be a Martyr. And accordingly he was honoured by Wlfketulus Abbot of Croyland: who gave him an honourable Burial, and thereupon was violently deposed. As indeed all the Bishops and Abbots were, if they were Angligenae, (as he again repeats it) introductis in eorum sedes Normannis  
Which I the rather mention, because this Wlfketulus had been bred up in this Church of Burgh; as we learn from what follows. For that Coronicle saith, that Ingulphus succeeding Wlfketulus (for though he was an Englishman born, he had lived long among the Normans) interceded with the King for his predecessor, that he might come from Glastonbury, where he was shut up in the Cloister, ad Ecclesiam suam de Burgo. Which was granted, ubi post paucos dies morbo correpto in Domino requievit. Ingulphus 
P. 78, 79. Oxon. Edit.  himself, saith he was taken with a Palsy; and that having been kept ten Year at Glastonbury, he died 1085, after he had been (not a few days) but four Months at Burgh. While he was here, Ingulphus had frequent conversation with him; for he procured leave that Wlfketulus might come from Burgh to Croyland as often as he thought good to call him. Who informed Ingulphus of the Estate of the Church of Croyland; and brought back to it many rich things: but some, he saith, still remained at Burgh. He was the more acceptable; because there were Lands concealed from that Monastery; in the discovery of which he thought Wlfketulus might assist him. For one Alsford Bailiff of the Church of Croyland had been notoriously guilty of it; and was called to an account for it by Ingulphus presently after he entered upon his Government. But as he was in the way to appear before the King's Justices at Stamford, he broke his neck by a fall off from his Horse: and was carried to be buried at Burgh; according to the order he had taken about it in his life time. They that delight to read wonderful things, may look into Ingulphus 
Pag. 77.  and find a story he tells of a miraculous cloud about the Sun, as they were carrying his body thither.  
But it is time to return to Turoldus: who, as Hugo writes, was a mischief to this Church eight and twenty years. Which is not to be understood so rigorously, as if he did no good; for first as he gave away much Land, so he got some back again: particularly the Manors that had been granted to Ivo Talbois; which he was persuaded to restore to the Monks in his life time, so that after his decease they should return ad dominium Sancti Petri. This I find in a Charter of William Rufus, which runs thus, Gulielmus Rex Anglorum Roberto Lincolniensi Episcopo (by this it appears this was William the second, for he made Robert Bishop of Linc. in the 6th year of his Reign 1092) & Oswino vicecomite & omnibus Baronibus suis & fidelibus salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Sancto Petro de Burgo, & Thuroldo Abbati & Monachis ejusdem Ecclesiae ad victum eorum, terras illas quas Ivo Talbois de praedicto Abbate tenuit, & ipse idem Yvo eisdem Monachis in vita sua reddidit: ita sc. ut post decessum ejus, ad dominium Sancti Petri redirent. Testante Cyrographo ab eodem Yvone & Thuroldo Abbate conscripto. Haec autem sunt terrarum nomina, scil. Scotere & Walcote, cum omnibus appendiciis, etc.  
And secondly, all these Soldiers who had feods given them out of the Estate of the Church for its defence, were bound by the original grant to serve the King also, when there was occasion, in his Wars. This I understand out of a description of all the feoda militum, still remaining in the Book called Swapham 
Fol. CCLXX. : where this account is given, why they were granted. Quia omnes milites praedicti pro defensione domus facienda, in exercitu Domini Regis, & alibi cum necesse esset, de dominico Abbatis & conventus feodati fuerant. There also it appears how they sewed in King John's time, and before that in Henry the seconds, nay from the time of their first Infeoffement. So the words are, Et ante tempus ejusdem (Henrici) postquam feodati fuerunt, & à tempore dicti regis, usque ad praesens; & hac ratione, quia, etc.  
And Thirdly, He and his Soldiers, not only built Towns in those waste places which Adulphus had cleared from Wood, and let the Lands out to Farm at a certain Rent, etc. (some of which Towns were called by their names, and remain to this day, as Gunthorp, Melton, Walton, Barnak, etc.) but also Churches and Chapels, the profits of which the Monastery received entirely for many years, till the time of Ernulphus. So the words are 
Ibid. fol. CCXCU.  eodem vero tempore construebatur tam Ecclesiae quam capellae per praedictos Abbatem (sc. Thuroldum) & milites, quarum proventus Monasterium Burgi totaliter recepit, per multos annos; usque ad tempus bonae memoriae Domini Roberti Lincoln. Episcopi & Abbatis Ernulphi Burgensis Ecclesiae Anno, viz. Domini MCXII  
The names of those Milites who were first infeoffated, and did these good things are there set down fol. CCXCVI There were but nineteen of them; the first of them called Azelinus de Watyrvil. I shall not trouble the Reader with the rest: but end this account of Turoldus, who died saith John Abbot MXCVIII. Obiit Turoldus Abbas Burgi, qui milites feodavit de terris Ecclesiae, & Castellum juxta Abbatian constraxit, & alia multa mala secerat. Hic erat alienigena. The Hill whereon this Castle stood (called now Touthill) is on the Northside of the Minster. Notwithstanding all which, he had an honourable memory perserved in this Church upon the XIIth of April, upon which was, Depositio Thoroldi (so he is called) and Guidonis Abbatum, & Anniversarium Roberti de Hale, & Agnetis Matris ejus. Who Guido was I have not yet found.   

GODRICUS.  
He is called by Roger Hoveden, Bodricus de Burch: who was not deposed in that Council mentioned by Mr. G. but only removed; for he was barely elected to the place, but not blessed, or consecrated. So Eadmerus informs us, who tells this story more exactly than any following Writers; except William of Malmsbury, who to a little agrees with him; and says that in the year MCII in the 4th year of Pope Paschal and the third of King Henry, there was a Council held by Anselm with all the Bishops of England in the Church of St. Paul. Where in the first place, simonicae haeresis surreptio dampnata est. In qua culpa inventi depositi, sc. Guido de Perscora (called by others Wido) & Wimundus de Tavestock & Aldwinus de Ramesei. Et alii nondum sacrati remoti ab Abatiis suis, sc. Godri cousin de Burgo, Hanno de Cernel, Egelricus de Mideltune. Absque vero Simonia remoti sunt ab Abatiis, pro sua quisque causa, Ricardus de Heli, & Robertus de Sancto Edmundo, & ille qui erat apud Micelneie. Many other of our Writers tell this story (though not so distinctly) particularly Florentius Wigornensis; and Gervasius Monk of Canterbury (in the life of Anselm) who calls Goderick Electum de Burgo, agreeable to what Eadmerus saith. And yet, notwithstanding this deposition, they tell us that Anselm, going to Rome the next year (1103) had two of these Abbots in his company; viz. Richard of Ely, and Aldwinus of Ramsey; as both Florentius and simeon of Durham report: which would make one think, he did not take them, upon further inquiry, to be so guilty as was pretended. And as for our Godrick it is very strange he should be touched with this crime, who was chosen Abbot against his Will, if we may give credit to Hugo: and had been before Elect to an Archbishopric in Little Britain, but refused the dignity. And therefore this is all he saith, of his being thrust out of this place, that when Richard of Ely and Alduinus of Ramsey and others were deposed in Council for purchasing their Abbeys, he also was deposed with them. Neither doth Abbot John mention his crime, but only saith ad An. MCII Anselmus Archiepiscopus Concilio convocato apud Lond. Rege consentiente plures deposuit Abbates, vel propter Simoniam, vel propter aliam vitae infamiam. Depositi sunt ergo Burgensis, Persorensis, Heliensis, de Sancto Edmundo, Ramesiensis, Cervel. Midleton. Tavestock. Micheln. And so simeon of Durham, plures Abbates Francigeni & Angli sunt depositi & honoribus privati, quos injuste acquisierunt, aut in eyes inhoneste vixerunt, etc.  
What became of him afterward I do not find. He hath no memorial in the Kalander of this Church; as all the rest since the Restauration of it, but Kenulphus and another have, till the time of Henry Morcot. John Abbot adds, at the end of the year 1098. that the Church wanted an Abbot five years, Vacavit Ecclesia quinque annis: That is, from the death of Turoldus, to the coming in of Mathias, which was in the year 1103. So he makes Godricus to have been but a cipher; by whom the place was not filled at all. This vacancy began in the time which Eadmerus speaks of (p. 26.) when W. Rufus kept many Abbeys in his hands: and making no Abbots, the Monks went whither they list.  
The robbery Mr. G. mentions, was committed in Whitsunweek, by climbing up to a window over the Altar of St. Philip and Jacob, where those Vagabonds broke in. While they were taking the things away, one of them stood with a drawn Sword, over the head of the Sacrist Turicus, who was fast asleep: that if he waked, he might instantly dispatch him.   

MATHIAS.  
John Abbot of Burgh, comprehends the most that can be said of this Abbot in these words 
Chron. M. S.  MCIII. Mathias Abbas factus est post Godricum Abbatem, qui uno anno praefuit Ecclesiae Burgensi. Et eodem die quo receptus est, anno revoluto ex hac vita decessit. Hic concessit fratri suo Galfrido Manerium de Pyetislee ad firmam. Only we understand from Hugo, that he died at Gloucester, and was there buried: and that the day of his reception and death, was XII. Kal. Novemb. (the Kalander saith 22. Octob. Depositio Domini Matthiae Abbatis, etc.) and that he granted this Manor of Pichlee unto his Brother, to Farm, but for one year: but after the Abbot's death, he kept the Village by force. And yet he swore, when he was accused before the King, for himself and for his Heirs, upon the high Altar and the Relics of St. Peter (promising he would compel his Wife and Children to make the same Oath) that he would restore the said Manor with all belonging to it, unto the Church (without putting them to the trouble of a suit) and for the time he had held it, pay four pound a year Rent.  
This Oath he made to Ernulphus. But in the time of the next Abbot John de Sesse An. 1117. Godfrey came to him in his Chamber, and by importunity procured a grant of it for his life; at the yearly Rent of four pound: provided that when he died, it should without suit at Law, return to the Monastery. Unto which he swore upon the Gospel, before many Witnesses; whose names, Hugo saith, were written super textum Evangelii, and therefore he did not mention them. Three years after this agreement (viz. An. 1120.) he was drowned, as he was crossing the Sea with the King's Son; and the same Abbot seized on the Manor, according to the forenamed agreement. But fearing some suit, he gave the King Sixty Marks of Silver, to confirm the possession of this Manor to the Monastery for ever, per suum Breve. The Chron. of the other Abbot John saith he gave but XL. Mark: ipse dedit XL. Marcas (perhaps it should be LX.) pro Pichlee. Which he held as long as he lived; but after his death all this little profited.  
This Story is told more largely in other records; which say that forty shillings of that 4 l. Rent, reserved upon Pithesle (as it is there called) was for the use of the Monastery, and the other half for the use of the Abbot. They say also his Wife and Children swore, as well as he, upon the Text of the Gospel, that the above named condition should be performed. And the Witnesses to these Covenants are named, Herveus Bishop of Ely, Reginaldus Abbot of Ramsey, Robert Abbot of Thorney, Hugo Vicecomes; and of the Abbot's Tenants, Willelmus de Lusoriis, Azelinus de Gunethorp, Rogerus de Torpel, Richardus de Sancto Medardo and many others.  
Hugo tells us in another place 
Fol. XII.  that this Mathias, would not believe, what was commonly said by the Monks, that the Arm of St. Oswald was entire, without corruption. And therefore the Saurist was commanded, for his satisfaction, to open the Capsuld wherein it was kept, and show it to him. The Sacrists name was Eilricus Cnorti, who not being expert in handling such things, incautiously took hold of the Scapula of one of the Holy Innocents' (which with some other Relics were kept in the same Chest with St. Oswald's Arm) and it breaking between his fingers, blood issued out and fell upon the Cloth wherein it was wrapped. Which he relates as a great miracle, as indeed it was if it were true: but we have reason to think there was some trick in the business, whereby they imposed upon Hugoes credulity, who saith he saw this, Quod & oculis nostris vidimus.   

ERNVLPHVs,  
Or Arnulphus, after four years' vacancy, was promoted to the Abbey 1107. and most willingly received, because he was known to be a good and wise man, and a Father to Monks. In his days saith, Hugo, all went well, and there was joy and peace; because the King and the Nobles loved him, and always called him Father. He was by his Country a Frenchman, bred a Monk in the Monastery of St. Lucian, at Belvacum: where seeing some things, very full of insolence, which he could neither amend nor endure, he resolved to leave the place. But sent first to Lanfranc for his advice, (with whom he had studied a long time at Becc) who knowing the industry of the man, persuaded him to come over hither: because, where he was, he could not save his Soul. He came therefore, and all Lanfranc's time remained a Monk at Canterbury: but was preferred by Anselm to be Prior of the Convent there; and presently after to be Abbot of this Church: and then by Radulphus to be Bishop of Rochester. All which I have transcribed out of William of Malmsbury 
L. 1. de gestis Pontif. Angl. C. ult. , who gives the most distinct account of him; and says it is not easy to tell, quantae probitatis & prudentiae in omnibus Officiis fuerit. In Kent, the fore part of the Church, which Lanfranc built, being fallen down, he raised so splendidly, that nothing like it could be seen in England; both for the light of the glass Windows, and the brightness of the marble pavement, and the variety of Pictures in the Roof of the Church. At Burgh Monachorum numerus auctus, Religio bonis moribus confota, aedium veterum ruderibus deturbatis nova fundamenta jacta; culmina erecta; eaque omnia, cum vorax ignis absumpsisset, meditanti reficere, honos Pontificalis impactus.  
Mr. G. hath given an account of his buildings, (out of Hugo) which sufficiently explains what Malmsbury writes: and there is one more which he hath omitted, for he began the Refectory, and did many other good things, (saith Hugo) in that seven years wherein he governed. The Chronicon of John Abbot mentions one; XXl. dedit Conventui ad Capas & alia ornamenta emenda. But this was not strictly his gift, if we may believe Hugo, who tells this Story. That one Robertus de Castre came in Ernulphus his time, and (being weak) gave to St Peter, the Abbot and Monks, Fifty pound of Silver, and turned Monk with his Son, a very towardly youth. Out of which money the Abbot appointed twenty pound, to be employed to buy Palls and Copes, by the hands of the Sacrists Wictricus and Remaldus. Two very able men, who for thirty year together served the Monastery faithfully, and did abundance of good. Wictricus was the Elder, and growing infirm resigned the place: but Remaldus (whom they called Spiritualis, because he was a little man) continued in it till his death, for they would not suffer him to leave it. He was thought to have the Spirit of Prophecy; being able to tell before hand when any of the Monks would die, and having had other things to come, shown him by Visions, which they took to be from God. Particularly, one night he thought he was in the Porch of St. Andrew (adhuc stante vetere Monasterio) and that two honourable persons appeared to him, and sat down there; clothed in Albes, and Chisibles, and having on Episcopal Palls, and Mitres upon their Heads. Who called to him, and named themselves Kynsinus and Elfuricus (who as I noted before lie buried together) bidding him call thither several of the Seniors of the Church; Adelwoldus the Prior by name, and then divers other, all honourable persons: (whom Hugo saith he himself had seen) who being come before them, they bad Remaldus go out, for he could not yet come to them. And all those who were thus called, died, one after another, in the same order wherein he had seen them come to them.  
Other Stories he tells of like nature, and then returns to Ernulfus, wishing he had not been so much beloved: for by this means they lost him, and he was preferred to the Bishopric of Rochester, in the year 1115. Abbot John in his MS. Chron. saith 1114. and they agree well enough; he being chosen one year and Consecrated the following. So I learn out of simeon Dunelmensis 
De gestis Regum Angliae. ; who saith, ad An. 1114. that on the day of the Assumption of St. Mary, Arnulphus Abbas de Burh, ad Hrofensem Ecclesiam eligitur Episcopus (where, by the way, it may be observed, that this way of writing Roffensem, caused the mistake in the printed History of Hoveden, which saith he was chosen in Herefordensem Episcopum). And then An. 1115. the same simeon saith, the Archbishop of Canterbury ordained this Arnulphus Abbot de Burh, ad Hrofensem Ecclesiam die Sancti Stephani Martyris, in Christ's Church at Canterbury. Eadmerus speaks of the same Consecration, and calls him Abbatem Burchorum 
P. 110, 111. , and Abbatem de Burcho. And by comparing this with what was now said by simeon, we may observe that Burh, and Burch, and Burg, are used indifferently when Writers speak of this place.  
In this year wherein he left this place, 1114. it was that he got a Charter from King Henry, I. for the holding a great many Lands therein specified; and in the same right, and with the same Customs and Liberties, wherein they were held, die ipso quo Thuraldus Abbas vivus fuit, & mortuus habuerit: from whose time little had been done by any Abbot till now. This was seconded with many other Grants full of great Privileges: and at last in a distinct Charter he gives to the Abbot, Manerium suum de Pichelee, quod Galfridus Ridellus de eo tenuit, cum tota instauratione quae in manerio erat, die quo fuit vivus & mortuus.  
This was confirmed by King Stephen (that I may put all belonging to this matter together) in following times; that they should have their Manor de Pichelle, quod Henricus Rex eis reddidit & concessit, & charta sua confirmavit, quod oculis meis vidi, etc. And afterwards Hen. 2. confirmed the same in these words, Sciatis me concessisse Ecclesiae & Abbati de Burgo Manerium suum Pihtislea, quod Galfridus Riddel de eo tenuit, sicut Charta Henrici Regis avi nostri testatur, etc.  
Two years before this, there was an alteration made in the Churches and Chappells built by the Milites in the time of Turoldus. For now, in the year 1112. some of them (whose profits had hitherto been received entirely by the Monastery) were assigned to the use of those that ministered in those Churches, and served in the Chapels. Who were there appointed to administer the Ecclesiastical Sacraments to the people; it being too far for them to come to Burg, and the ways also dangerous. But there were referred to the Church of Burg, two parts of the predial Tithes of those Milites; and saved to the same Church the Sepulture of the aforesaid Milites, their Wives and their Children, and a certain portion of their Goods thereupon: saving also to the Church of Burg, from some of the Churches so endowed, certain Pensions which had been paid to it from the Foundation.  
Then followed the Convention made before Robert Bishop of Lincoln between Ernulphus and the Monks, and the Milites of the same Church, that every Knight should give two parts of his Tithes to the Sacristry of Burgh: and when he died, tertia pars substantiae suae ad sepulturam, cum militaribus indumentis, tam in equis quam in armis; which were to be brought to his Funeral with him. And then a Solemn Procession was to be made by the whole Convent before him; and a plenary Office celebrated, for him by all; and he was to partake, both himself, and his Wife, and their Children, of the benefits of the place for ever: viz. in Eleemosynis, in celebratione Missaram, in jejuniis, in vigiliis, in Psalmodiis, & in caeteris bonis quae, Deo annuente, usquequaque in Ecclesia Sancti Petri fiant. In like manner their Wives and their Children, it was agreed, should be brought, with their substance belonging to them, to the same Church in the end of their life: And the Divine vengeance they desired might light upon them, who made void this agreement.  
In the same year the dedication of the Church of Turleby mentioned by Mr. Gunton, was made by the same Bishop: In whose presence and in the presence of the whole Parish, Bencelina, Mother of Ralph de la Mare, granted to that Church, for the health of her own Soul and of her Parents, dimidiam bovatam terrae, & unam acram prati, etc.  
He lived after he went to Rochester some days above Nine years, and died leaving many Monuments of his virtue, in the 84. year of his age. So Malmsbury writes Vixit in Episcopatu aliquot dies super Novennium, decessitque quatuor & octoginta annos natus; multa probitatis suae monumenta relinquens. Which doth not disagree with Abbot John (if we remember he was elected the year before he was installed) who says he was Bishop Ten years, and died An. 1124. So John Bromton also   

JOHN of SALISBURY.  
This Abbot (whom our Writers call John de Sais, or Says) was no sooner appointed by the King to succeed Ernulphus, but he was immediately dispatched to Rome by the Archbishop of Canterbury (Radulphus) to fetch his Pall from Pope Paschal. So Hugo (or Sawpham, as it's commonly thought) expressly tells us; and names two persons who were sent with him, Guarnerius, and Johannes Archidiaconus, Nephew to the Archbishop: which makes it the more strange that Mr. G. should overlook this passage, so as not to find to what end he was sent. Eadmerus also relates the same, from whom we learn also why he was called John de Sesse: for he calls him Johannes Monachus Sagii, who being elected and Consecrated Abbess Burchorum, was sent to Rome with Warnerius a Monk of Canterbury, and Johannes Clericus Nephew to the Archbishop, upon the business before named. Which they effected in little more than a years time; for Radulphus was Consecrated (as Radulph. de Diceto informs us) on the 6. of the Kal. of May, and received the Pall on the 5. Kal. of July. Agreeable unto which, Hugo saith, the Abbot returned to the Monastery the next year after he went to Rome, upon the Feast of St. Peter. One reason I believe why he was chose to be sent upon this errand, was, that he had been an old acquaintance of the Archbishops, bred in the same Monastery; where Radulphus had been Abbot, as John had been Monk. For so I find him called by Gervasius 
Actus Pontif. Cantuar. , Radulphus Abbas Sagiensis: and by simeon of Durham also ad An. 1104. Where he speaks of the body of St. Cuthbert being found incorrupt (after he had been buried above 400. years) a Radulfo Sagiensi Abbate, postmodum Hrofensi Episcopo, & deinde Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo 
De gestis Regum Angliae. . From this place, I doubt not that is from Say or Says in Normandy he had the name of Sesse or Sais: and is by mistake called John of Salisbury, which they fancied was contracted into Sais. This must be corrected therefore in Mr. G. for Sagiusn is not Salisbury, but Say: where he was bred, and perhaps born. And it is very likely was the Author of that contract of mutual Friendship, which was between this Monastery and that of Sais. For so I find in our Records fol. CCLXXIV. among divers Conventions which were made between the Friars of St. Peter of Burch, and a great many other Churches, there is one cum fratribus nostris de Sais. Wherein they engaged when any Monk died in either Church, three plenary Offices should be said for him by the other Church; and every Priest should sing three Masses for him: and they that did not sing Mass, should say the whole Psalter.  
The next year after his return, An. 1116. I find he cleared the Abbey of the yearly payment of forty shillings, which Azeo Wardeden had long unjustly claimed from it. For upon a full hearing of the difference between them, before King Henry at Bramton, the Bishop and Barons then present in Court, judged that Azeo had no right to the aforesaid forty Shillings; and so Abbas Johannes disraisniavit (as the word is) apud Bramtonam in curia Regis, quadraginta solidos quod Azeo Wardeden (called also Wardede) diu injuste habuerat, etc. 
Swaph. fol. CXII.  One of the Witnesses to this was Galfridus Ridel before named; who herein I suppose, endeavoured to serve the Abbot; and the next year after, as I have showed, got of him the Manor of Pithesle for his life. I have observed before, in the life of Elfinus, how the same year 1116. he made an end of a controversy with the Church of Croyland: where there is the same phrase disrainiatum fuit, for disproving; and by showing the contrary to clear the Abbey from pretended claims.  
But before this year ended, that dreadful fire happened, which is mentioned by Mr. G out of Walter of Witlesea: who doth not tell the story so exactly as it is in Hugo. From whom we learn that it burst out upon the second of the Nones of August (as the Chron. of John Abbot also relates) in the Vigils of St. Oswald, King and Martyr after this manner.  
The Friars having been in the Refectory that morning to mend the Tables, the Abbot not liking what they had done, fell a Cursing; and straightway went out ad placitum apud Castre, to keep a Court at Caster. And one of the Servants in the Bakehouse making a Fire, which he could not kindle so soon as he desired, in an angry fit, cursed also; and said, Come Devil and blow the fire. Whereupon the flame instantly broke out and ran to the very top of the house, and through all the Offices, to the neighbouring Town: which Hugo saith was wholly consumed; but Abbot John in his Chronicon saith, only a great part of it, Magna pars villae adjacentis, etc. And thus was fulfilled the second prediction of Elricus (mentioned by Mr. G. in the life of Leofricus) who said the Church should be set on fire. Let us all therefore, saith Hugo (in whose time these things happened) deprecate the Divine displeasure, that the third may not come to pass. And let every one of us walk circumspectly, and bridle his anger, and contain his hands, that he do no evil: not calling the Enemy to do any thing, nor commending any thing to him, for he is always ready to do mischief, etc. After which pious reflection, he proceeds to relate how the fire continued burning in the Tower of the Church Nine days: and on the night of the ninth day, a furious wind arising, blew the fire and live coals upon the Abbot's houses: so that we thought, saith he, all the remaining Offices would have been consumed. Dies tristitiae & doloris erat dies ille.  
But the next year upon the eighth of the Ideses of March, the Abbot laid the foundation of a new Church MCXVIII. An. ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo centesimo octavo, saith Hugo. It should be MCXVII. even by his own computation; for he brought the Pall from Rome 1115. the next year the Monastery was burnt; and the next he began to build it. And so the Chronicon Johannis Abbatis expressly saith, that he began to build it again 1117.  
In which year also he recovered duos sochemannos apud Castre, which were unjustly detained from the Church by one Leofwine: who came into the Chapter house, and openly acknowledged that they belonged to the Demeans of St. Peter of Burch, and accordingly quitted to God and St. Peter and Abbot John the two aforesaid Sochemen (whose names were Willielmus filius Leoffi Lickadisc & Leofricus avunculus ipsius) with all that they held in the aforesaid Village: and from thence forward held them of the Abbot.  
The same Leofwinus requiring from this Abbot five Shillings from the houses beyond the River of Stanphord, which he pretended to have a grant of from Abbot Ernulphus and other Abbots; he came into Court the next year 1118. and it was adjudged that he should lose these five Shillings. Unto which the names of the Judges and Witnesses are set 
Swaph. fol. CXIII. .  
What other good Acts he did I do not find, but Hugo saith, he laboured much in the restauration of the Church, though he could not finish it: and governed the Church and the Abbey well all his time, and purchased Lands. After all which he was struck with an incurable disease, viz. the Dropsy, which put an end to his life 1125.  
Immediately upon which the King sent his Justiciaries, Richard Bassed and Walter Archdeacon and many others; to search the Abbot's Treasures and Goods: but found nothing, he having spent all in his life time. But they than took an account of all that belonged to the Church and the Abbey, and carried it to the King; who kept the Abbey in his hand two year. Thus Hugo.  
This account of all its Manors, and Goods, I find among the records at the end of that History, whose Title runs thus 
Ibid. fol. CXXXIV. etc. . Haec est descriptio Maneriorum Abbatiae de Burch, sicut Walterus Archidiaconus eam recepit, & sei sivit in manu Regis Henrici I. post obitum Johannis Abbatis. By which it appears, there were at that time LXXII. Monks; who had the full diet of Monks. In the Bakehouse, there were duo pistores who had victum militis: and unus vanator, who had the same: and two other Bakers, who had every day two White loaves and two Brown loaves (which he calls panes bisos) with Beer: duo caratores (I suppose he means labourers, for afterward in the Brewhouse, mention is made of Caratores ligni, Carriers of Wood) who had four brown loaves and bear; two Servants that grinded in the Mill, who had the same. Every one of which had a yearly salary of Twenty four Shillings and four pence.  
Then follows the number of Servants and their allowances, in the other Offices, in Bracino, in Coquina Monachorum, in Sartrino, in Ecclesia, in Infirmario. In the last of which (the Infirmary) there were no less than forty Servants.  
In the diet of the Monks there was spent every week in Bread XII. achersetoes de frumento, & VIII. achersetoes de brasio, & iv de grud, & 2. achersetoes de fabis, & in denariis 2. Marcas argenti; as the words are fol. CXL. Where achersetoes I suppose signifies that which we now call a quarter, but I cannot find its Original, nor mention of it in any Glossary: unless it come from Chirchset (or Chirchsed) which Fleta 
L. 1. c. 47.  says was a certain measure (but he doth not tell us of what quantity) of Wheat; which in old time, every one both Britain's and Englishmen paid to the Holy Church at Martinmasse. After the Normans came hither many great men gave it under the name of first-fruits: as appears, he observes, in a Brief of King Knute, sent to the Pope; wherein this Contribution is called Chirchsed, as much as to say, Semen Ecclesiae, the Seed or Corn of the Church. Which I find word for word, in very old French, in a short Glossary upon unusual English words, in the ancient Charters or in the Laws of King Alred, Alfrid, Edward and Knute.  
Chirchesed, vel Chircheomer, vel Chircheambre un certein de ble batu R checun hume devoyt au ceus de Bretuns, e de Englis. a le Eglise le jur saint Martin. Mes pus le venue de Normans, etc. donewint sulum la velie ley Moysi, & ratione primitiarum, sicun lein truve en le letters Cnut Kilenveya a Rome c' est dit Chirchesed, quasi semen Ecclesiae.  
The Letter itself is in Ingulphus; but it was not sent adsummum Pontificem as Fleta says, but to the Archbishops and Bishops, and all the Nation of England, as he was coming from Rome 1031. wherein he desires them, that before he arrived in England, all the deuce which by ancient Laws were owing to the Church might be paid, and after the rest he mentions the tenths of the fruits in August, and in the feast of St. Martin the first-fruits of the seeds called Kyrkset: So his Letter concludes, Et in Festivitate Sancti Martini primitiae seminum, ad Ecclesiam, sub cujus parochia quisque degit, quae Anglice Kyrkeset nominatur, 
Ingulph. p. 61. Edit. Oxon.  etc.  
This description of their Lands and Goods, concludes with a Customary of their Tenants, Villani, Cottarii and Sochemanni, in every Manor belonging to the Church. Which while the King held in his hand, he gave away as Mr. G. observes, the Manor of Pithtesle for the same sum of money, which the late Abbot had given him to confirm it, Deo & Sancto Petro & Monachis sigillo & authoritate regia. And the person to whom the King granted it, (it may be further observed) was one employed to take the forenamed account of the Estate of the Church, viz. Richard Basset, or Bassed.  
This Abbot was commemorated upon the 10. of November, on which, it appears by the Kalander, was Depositio Johannis de Sesse Abbatis, & Anniversarium Henrici Talbot, etc.   

HENRICUS de Angeli.  
His story is told more perfectly by Hugo in this manner. He was first of all Bishop of Soissons and afterward made a Monk and Prior of Cluni; and then Prior of Savenni. After which, because he was Cousin to the King of England and the Count of Aquitain, the same Count gave him Abbatiam Sancti Johannis Angeli, from whence he took his denomination. And he being crafty, cunning and ingenious, afterward got the Archbishopric of Besenscun: but stayed there no more than three days. For he had not yet enough, but got the Bishopric de Senites: where he stayed about seven days. And out of this preferment as well as that of Besenscun, the Abbot of Cluni got him expelled. He got therefore, being never quiet, to be Collector of Peter-pences in England. Where he obtained this Abbey of Burch; by pretending he was very old, past labour and toil, unable to bear the Wars and Troubles of his own Country, and would quit his Abbey there of St. John de Angeli (and that by the advice of the Pope and the Abbot of Cluni) and would here take up his rest. There was another thing also that had a great stroke in his preferment, for besides he was near of kin to the King, and that the forenamed discourse seemed to have truth in it, he was the principal Witness to make Oath, in a difference between the King's Nephew, the Duke of Normandy, and the Daughter of the Count of Anjoy. Upon all these scores the Abbey was bestowed upon him in the year mentioned by Mr. G. So John Abbot also in his Chron. MS. An. MCXXVIII. Henricus Abbas Andagavensis, precibus optinuit à Rege Henrico Abbatiam Burgensem.  
What Walter of Witlesea saith of Spectres seen that year he came to the Abbey, he had out of Hugo, who saith: Hoc non est falsum: quia plurimi veracissimi homines viderunt; & audierunt cornua. He stayed one year in the Monastery, and received homage and money of the Milites, and of the whole Abbey, but did not the least good: for he sent and carried all to his Abbey beyond Sea, whither he went by the King's licence. And having stayed there a whole year he returned hither; and said he had absolutely quitted his other Abbey, for good and all, as we speak. The same year came Petrus Abbot of Cluni into England, and was honourably received by the King's command in all the Monasteries. Particularly here at Burch, whither he came to see Henry: who complemented him highly, and promised he would procure the Abbey of Burch to be made subject to that of Cluni; with which hopes Peter went home. The next year Henry got together a great sum of money, and went beyond Sea again; where the King then was. Whom he made believe that he was commanded by the Abbot of Cluni to come and resign his Abbey of St. John de Angeli to him: and then he would return free from that care into England. So he went thither, and there stayed till the Feast of St. John Baptist. And the next day after the Monks chose another of their own body into his place, and installed him; singing Te Deum, and doing all other things necessary for that end: expelling Henry, by the help of the Count of Anjoy▪ with great disgrace, and detaining all that he had there. Where he had done no more good, than in other places, all the five and twenty years that he had governed them.  
Being thus cast out he went to Cluni, where they kept him prisoner; the Abbot and Monks being very angry with him; saying he had lost the Abbey of St. John by his folly. Nor would they let him stir out of Doors, till by his craft he again deceived them, with promises and Oaths; that if they would permit him to return into England, he would subject the Abbey of Burch to them, and, as Hugoes words are, ibi construeret Priores, & Secretarios, & Cellerarios, & Camerarios, & omnia commendaret in manibus eorum, intus & foris. By which agreement he got into England, whither the King also returned out of Normandy. Unto whom Henry came, and accused the Monks of Burch to him very heavily (though with out any truth) in order to his end of subjecting them to Cluni. The King in great anger sent for them to Bramtun; where a Plea was managed against them with so much art, that the King was almost deceived. But God stepped in to help them, by the Counsels of the Bishops there present (particularly Lincoln) and the Barons; who understood his fraud. Yet he would not desist; but being thus defeated, endeavoured to make his Nephew Gerardus Abbot of Burch: that what he could not do by himself, might be effected by him. All which made the lives of the Monks very uneasy, till the King at last understood his knavery; and, sending for him commanded him to surrender his Abbey and be gone out of his Realm. Which he did in the year MCXXXII. So John Abbot, Henricus Abbas de Burgo quem dimisit, ad Andegavenses redit. With which Hugo agrees; who says he recovered his Abbey of St. John de Angeli: and that notwithstanding all his faults, bonus Eleemosynator omnibus diebus fuit, he was good to the poor all his days. And therefore he made a good end; not living long after he returned thither.  
There is no memory of this Abbot in the Kalander of the Church; no more than of Kenulphus, and Godricus.   

MARTINUS de Vecti.  
Henry being gone, the King gave this Abbey (by the consent of the Monks, saith Hugo) to a religious Monk, Martinus de Bec, the Prior of St. Neots: who was here installed upon the Feast of St. Peter, with great honour, and with the joy of the whole Convent, and all the people: An. MCXXXIII. Where Chron. M. S. Johannis Abbatis saith: Martinus de vecto in Abbatem Burgi est electus, & in die Sancti Petri receptus. The next year, the day after the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, the King crossed the Seas again: when about six a clock, the Heavens were on a sudden so darkened, that the Sun, saith Hugo, looked like the Moon (I suppose by a great Eclipse) and for three or four hours the Stars appeared: which many took to portend some great thing. And so it did; for that year the King died; and all ancient and wise men of the Land fell with him: and so the Land was darkened, because peace and truth and righteousness were taken away from it. The same year 1135. King Stephen, Nephew to the former King, a Prince of a mild and low Spirit, got the Crown: and with him, (as Hugo goes on) Young men, who were very wicked also, got into power; and troubled the Land. The Church especially was in great tribulation all England over: and among the rest this of Burgh; whose Abbot suffered very much, and kept his Abbey with great difficulty. And yet, for all that, he provided all things necessary for his Monks, and for Strangers: there being great love among them, and the Monks being assistant to him.  
He went on also with the building of the Monastery, and of the Church: the Chancel of which he finished; and brought in cum magno honore, the holy Relics and the Monks into the new Church, upon the Feast of St. Peter; in the year of our Lord One thousand one hundred and forty; three and twenty years after the burning of the place. It should be twenty seven years after, if we may belive the MS. Chron. of John Abbot; which saith, MCXLIII. Conventus Burgi hoc anno intravit in novam Ecclesiam, that they did not go into the new Church till 1143.  
At this great solemnity of bringing the Relics and Monks into the new Church, the Arm of St. Oswald was produced, before Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, the Abbots of Ramsey, Thorney, Croyland, many Barons, and a vast number of people (as it had been once before brought forth to satisfy Mathias Abbot) and shown entire, in its flesh, skin, Nerves, and every thing else. The story of this Arm is in short related by Mr. Gunton, where he speaks of the Relics of this Church. To which Will. of Malmsbury gives no great credit: for though he saith there was shown here at Burgh the hand of St. Oswald with the Arm, and devoutly worshipped by the people, being kept loculo argenteo & deaurato in Ecclesia Beati Petri; yet he adds that too much credit is not to be given to it, for fides dictorum vacillat, ubi nihil auditor visu explorat 
L. 4. the gest. Pontif. . Which he doth not say, he pretends, because he doubted of the thing; but he would not too hastily affirm that his Arm was in this place.  
But waving this doubt of his, Hugo saith he saw it, and kissed it, and handled it with his own hands, at this time: and relates a great many wonderful cures, which were performed merely by the water wherein it was washed; with which I shall not trouble the Reader. He saith it had been shown before this to satisfy Martin himself; who desired to see it either out of curiosity, or because he doubted of its being uncorrupted. And a Third time, he adds, it was shown to King Stephen, who came to Burgh: and offered his Ring to him, etc. as Mr. G. hath observed. In like manner it was again shown (that I may put together what belongs to this matter) to King John, in the time of Abbot Akarius: as I learn from the Chron. of John Abbot An. MCCVI Brachium Sancti Oswaldi Regis & Martyris ostensum est Johanni Regi apud Burgum. It was ordered also, by a Statute of Abbot Walter, to be carried in solemn procession every year, upon the Feast of the Dedication of the Church: unless it had been carried about, on the Feast of St. Oswald 
Swaph. fol. CCLXXIII. .  
But leaving this, let us take some account of his benefactions to this Church, which were very many. Hugo says indeed that by the instinct of the Devil, and by ill Counsel, he was guilty of imbezzling the Treasure of the Church, in the beginning of his Government: but he made amends afterward, giving a whole Town called Pilesgate to the Church, with all the Tithes and Offerings, and many possessions, etc. By his Charter also in the time of King Henry (I suppose the first, for he died just after the second came to the Crown) he gave with the consent of the King a great deal of Land, and Rents and Services in several Towns (which are therein named) for the use of the Sacrist, and for the Building and Repairing of the Monastery 
Ibid. fol. 100 . This was in the beginning of his Government: when Richard Priest of Castre, having a mind to change his life and take upon him the habit of a Monk, prevailed with this Abbot, by his own and others entreaties, to receive him into the Monastery of Burch. Accordingly he came on a day appointed 1133 (which was the first year of Martin) into the Chapterhouse and there before the Abbot and all the Monks made it his humble Petition, that they would receive all he had, viz. the Church of Castre, which he then held: with all belonging to it, both in Lands and in Tithes, and in other things, which he gave to God and to St. Peter for ever. Whereupon the Abbot granted what he desired, on condition, that he should come into Court, coram Baronibus suis, and there confirm what he had now done in the Chapterhouse, which he performed accordingly. For the aforesaid Richard Priest, came into the Abbot's Chamber, and there, before the Abbot of Thorney, and Will. de Albeni, and Richard Basset, and many other Barons of the Abbey, and divers other persons who came with William and Richard, restored his Church of Castre to the Church of St. Peter de Burch, de quo prius exierat. Which his Brother Galfridus hearing, contradicted it; affirming that Church was the feodo suo, & servitium, sicuti de alio feodo suo in se habuisse. Whereupon the Abbot impleaded him about this and about other forfeitures: and he fearing the penalties, if judgement went against him, came and made the same surrender his Brother had done: and disclaimed all interest in this Church, which he had pretended to be his Fee, and as Hugoes words are, clamavit solutam & quietam de se & haeredibus suis in perpetuum: ac in manum Abbatis per quandam virgam reddidit & dimisit. His heirs also, Turoldus and Robertus did the same in open Court, which was very full: and the aforesaid Galfridus begged the Abbot's pardon, which he obtained. The Abbot also, before the above named persons, freed him from the service dimidii Militis; and pardoned him seven Marks of Silver de relevamine suo. All which was done on the day that the Abbot Martin received the Homages of his Tenants: which shows it was in the entrance of his Government.  
The same year Pampelina, Wife of Osbern, holding certain Lands unjustly, in Burch, Withrington, and Glinton, for which she could show no right, came into the Abbot's Court at Castre, and surrendered them all into his hands; declaring them to be free from her and her Heirs; and begging with many prayers the Abbot's pardon. Who took compassion upon her, when he understood her poverty, and restored her the Land of Wither de Witherintona (which she said her Husband Osbern had bought) to hold it of him for sixpence a year Rent, instead of all services owing to the Abbot. And because she was Niece to his Predecessor John, he pardoned her ten shillings she owed him, for the service of her Land.  
There are several other such Acts of his, of the same year: which show he was not unmindful of the good of the Church in the very entrance of his Government.  
The Church of Castre after this was supplied by a Chaplain, whose name was Robert: as I find in a Grant made of this Church (but it doth not appear in what year) by the Abbot and the Convent to the Archdeacon of Northampton in Eleemosynam, with all its appurtenances in Tithes and Lands, either Wood or Pasture, Meadow or Arable; For which he was to pay every year one Mark of Silver, for the service of the Altar: and if he either died, or took upon him a Religious habit, it was to return to the right of the Monastery freely and quietly, salva Episcopali dignitate. They granted him also plenariam societatem in capitulo: So that they would give him the habit of a Monk, if he would live among them; or if he died in another place and in another habit, obsequies should be made for him, as for one of their Monks. Whereupon Robert, Chaplain of Castre, proclaimed with a loud voice in the Chapterhouse, the Church of Castre to be free and quiet from all claim that he had hitherto had unto it, and delivered the Charter which he had received, to the Archdeacon.  
I do not find what was done in the following years till 1140. when Radulphus filius Arconbi de Glinton, being mindful of the salvation of his Soul, and repenting of his sins, came to Burgh, and standing before the great Altar (many standing about him) offered to God and St. Peter, for the salvation of his Soul and forgiveness of his sins, unam culturam terrae de suo dominio in Peychirche quae jacet pro sex acris. In testimony of which Donation, he demised his Knife in the very Church, laying it upon the Altar: and Martin the Abbot, on the other side, gave, from the Charity of St. Peter one Mark of Silver to the aforesaid Radulphus; desiring to make him the more cheerful in this Donation.  
That form of confirming a grant, by the donors laying his Knife up on the Altar, was usual in those times. For in the year wherein King Stephen was taken Prisoner (the next I think after that now mentioned) upon the Feast of the invention of the holy Cross, Guido Malfet, with Adelize his Wife, came into the Chapterhouse of Burg; and there restored to God and to St. Peter and the Monks of the Church, ad luminare Altaris, two parts of all the Tithes of the Land he held of St. Peter: for the Souls of his Father and Mother; and for his own Soul, his Wives and children's: which Tithes he had, in part, formerly kept wrongfully from the Church. And after he had done this in the Chapterhouse, he went to the Altar of St. Peter; and there finally granted and confirmed what he had done in the Chapterhouse per cultellum super altare ab eodem positum.  
In the year 1150. also I find that Ingelramus Wardeden came to Burgh with his three Sons; and there made a solemn acknowledgement, that the thirty shillings, which he yearly claimed from the Abbey, had been unjustly and to the peril of his Soul received by him. And therefore before the High-Altar, in the presence of the Convent, he both promised amendment of his fault (which he acknowledged) by laying his Knife on the Altar, and also disclaimed all right in the premise, by the same Knife, etc. so the words are, Et de culpa sua quam timuit & recognovit cultellum super illud pro emendatione posuit; & omne rectum quod in eisdem triginta solidos hactenus clamaverat, de se & haeredibus suis, natis & innatis, & de omni progenie sua, per eundem cultellum, reddidit, & quietum clamavit. After which they all took their Oaths also upon the Altar, that they would never pretend to these thirty Shillings, in time to come.  
There were more memorable things than these done in the year before mentioned 1140. When King Stephen granted a great many Charters to this Church. The first of which directed to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Chancellor, Justices, Barons and all his Subjects, declares that he had granted in perpetuum Eleemosynam, to God and St. Oswald and the Church of St. Peter de Burgh▪ etc. for the Soul of King Henry his Uncle, and other Kings his Ancestors, and for the health of his own Soul, of Matildis his Wife, and Eustachius his Son, and his other Children, omnia assarta quae Abbas & Monachi de Burgo & homines sui fecerunt, etc. i. e. all the Woods grubbed up (which was a great offence) by the Abbot, Monks and their Tenants, in the Lands of the Abbey of Burgh, until the day that he came to Burgh, in his return from Lincolnshire when he had newly finished his Castle at Castre in Lindsey, viz. Septimo idus Junii An. MCXL. & à passione Oswaldi Regis & Martyris quingentesimo primo.  
Another Charter he granted about the Liberties of the Village of Pilesgate; a second concerning Land in Northorp; a third about Essarts in Nasso de Burgo: with three more, which I shall not mention.  
In the year 1145. Ivo Monk and Sacrist of this Church, being desired by his two Brethren William and Walter Sons of Alswarchus de Burch, came together with them before the great Altar, on the Feast of the Chair of St. Peter, ante introitum Majoris Missae, and there gave to God and St. Peter, in the presence of the Relics of the Saints, for the use of the Church and the service of the Sacrist, the inheritance of their Father: which was twenty Acres of Arable Land, and four Acres of Meadow.  
The next year, or in the end of this, he went to Rome and was there honourably received by Pope Eugenius; who was newly advanced to the Chair of St. Peter. So MS. Chron. of John Abbot tells us, ad. An. 1145. obiit Lucius Papa, cui successit Eugenius Secundus. Whose Bull (mentioned by Mr. G.) is directed to Martin Abbot 1146. the next year after his preferment: wherein he granted and confirmed all the Tenements and Possessions of the whole Abbey, and the Fees of Knights, and the Liberties of the Church, etc. To which he added a second concerning the Goods of the Sacristry. The first of them is to be seen in Mr. G's. Appendix: and the very Original, signed by Pope Eugenius his own hand, and attested by the Cardinal of St. George and another whose name is eaten out, came to light about 13 year ago, upon this occasion. Some Workmen employed about mending the Roof of the Church, in the upper Ceiling, taking up a board (fast nailed down just over the High Altar) which it was necessary to remove, found this Bull under it: much defaced indeed by time, and worm-eaten in many places, but with a very fair Seal to it, which I have caused to be represented in this Figure of it.  
How it came there; hath been the inquiry of several persons ever since it was found. My conjecture is that in the Insurrection of Jack Straw, and his partakers, some Monk, fearing all their Records might be destroyed, resolved to secure this, which was of great value, by hiding it on the top of the Church; where, by his sudden death perhaps, or by forgetfulness, it ever after remained. For some of those Miscreants (our Historians observe) ravaged as far as the Isle of Ely: So Henry de Knyghton informs us 
L. V de Eventibus Angliae. , that the Tenants of the Abbot of Peterburgh and their compatriots, risen up against that Abbey, intending to destroy it. Which they had done without remedy; if God had not unexpectedly stretched out his resisting hand. For Henry le Spencer Bishop of Norwich coming to the assistance of the Monastery, with a strong power, forced the Villains to desist from their enterprise: Nay, dispersed them, and took some of them, and killed others. The rest taking the Church for Sanctuary, which they intended to have destroyed, were there run through with Lances and Swords: some of them hard by the Altar, others by the walls of the Church, both within and without. The like did this valiant Bishop in divers places in the Counties of Cambridg and Huntingdon. And thus, saith he, God returned to them, according to what they designed against others: they came to destroy the Church and Churchmen, and they deserved to perish in the Church, and by a Churchman.  
Which, by the way, may satisfy the doubt which Mr. G. raises (in the life of Henry Overton) about the manner of the pacification of those commotions: which he might have found in the Author he there quotes. The cause of them also it is visible, was their hatred to Churchmen; whose riches they envied, and desired to get to themselves.  
When Martin returned from Rome he was received by all the Convent with great honour and joy. And presently after Richard the Prior of this Church (a very wise and provident person, to whom Martin commended the care of all things in his absence) was chosen Abbot of Whitby; Benedict their former Abbot being deposed. The Archbishop proposed him with two other Monks of St. Albon to the choice of the Convent, that they might take which they pleased. In which they remained doubtful a great while, till one night a little Boy had a vision; wherein such things were represented to him, that when the Brethren heard it, they immediately concluded this Richard was the man they ought to choose: which accordingly they did; and sent to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh that they would part with him. Which they did unwillingly; but being overcome with prayers and reasons, they condescended to it: and he was received there with wonderful joy, in a great procession not only of the Monks, but of the Canons, and Clergy, and Lay-people, Noble and Ignoble. The Archdeacon also, and the Legates of the Archbishop attended him; and placed him in his Seat. Where he so governed their affairs, that they who were very poor before, became now very rich: till God who suffered Job to be tempted, tried him also. For on a sudden a Navy arrived from Norway in the port of Whitby, which spoiled them of all, and left nothing behind them. But God who restored to Job double for what he had lost, so blessed the Abbot (who comforted them in their distress, and beseeched them with patience to give God thanks, and hope for better) that in a short time they abounded with all things, and he lived in great splendour.  
In the next year after his return from Rome 1147. Rob. de Torpell, being very weak, came to the Hospital of the Infirm in Burch, apud Capellam Sancti Leonardi, and there before many Witnesses, gave himself, Body and Soul, to God and Saint Peter and the Church of Burch, with all his Lands in Codestock, and Glapetorp, both in Wood and Arable and Meadows 
Swaph. fol. CXV. , etc. And for the confirmation of this Donation misit vadimonium suum ad Altar, ramum sc. viridem bis in die, per quendam Monachum Ecclesiae. Upon this condition, that he for his life should have the diet of a Monk, and four Servants of his the diet of a Miles from the Church: and that at his death they should receive him in the habit of a Monk.  
The year before he died 1154. Galfridus have, and Jol. his Brother gave two shillings a year, for the light on the Altar: half to be paid upon All-Saints, the other at Easter.  
Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury at the desire of this Martin confirmed the Charter of Robert formerly Bishop of Lincoln, concerning the Church of Karlton with all its appurtenances: but in what year I cannot find 
Ibid. XCII. . The Charter runs thus, To the Archdeacon of Northampton and all others. Sciatis me consecrasse Ecclesiam de Carltona, quae fuit capella subjecta Ecclesiae de Cottingham; & hoc feci requisitione dominorum Carlton, & proborum virorum ejusdem villae. Et Osbertus de Cottingham concessit ut praedicta Ecclesia Carlton cum suo coemiterio consecraretur, etc. The condition of this was, that Robert Son of Richard should give to the same Church one Oxegang of Land; Walter Ponhar another; Ralph de Pippewell, half an Oxegang; and the people of the Village XV. Acres, & a dwelling house for the Priest. Which conditions if they were not fulfilled, the Chapel was to return to its former subjection unto Cottingham. Osbert was to have the right of Patronage; and to find a fit Clerk to serve God, and the Parishioners there.  
The same Robert Bishop of Lincoln made a composition between the Church of Burch and of Spalding; about the Church of Haltbarge, viz that the Monastery of Spalding should pay yearly to the Abbot of Burch sixteen shillings and four pence, out of the Church of Haltbarge, and out of the Lands they had in that Parish, and out of one Oxegang of Land in Walcote. And the same Monastery consented that the Abbot of Burch might erect a Chapel in Walcote, and consecrate a burying place belonging to it: yet so, that the Monks of Spalding should present the Priest, that served in that place; and none should be buried there without the consent of the Prior and Monks of Spalding. The Abbot of Burch also stood bound to assign and give in a commodious place, unam mansuram terrae, for the dwelling house of the Priest which there officiated.  
It would be too long to mention all the Lands which he recovered, that had been held by rich and potent men from the Church; some of which are taken notice of in Hugo: and all the Ordinances he made, among which this was one; that in the principal Festival of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, seven Wax Candles should be lighted before the Altar, and four upon it, à principio matutinorum ad finem 
Swaph. fol. CCLXXIV. . I shall only note that Hugo, concluding his story, gives this Character of him; that all loved and feared him too, for his honesty and his holiness: and that in all the time he governed, which was twenty (it should be one and twenty) years, six months and eight days, neither Monk nor stranger wanted any thing, but rather were provided for in abundance. He fell sick and took his Bed upon the Sunday before the Nativity of our Lord; and died not long after on the fourth of the Nones of January, as he reckons (in the Kalander it is Jan. 3. when he was commemorated) in the year 1155. So the Chron. of John Abbot MCLU. obiit Martinus Abbas Burgi, successit Willielmus de Waterville.   

WILLIHELMUS de Waterville.  
The same day that Martin died, all the Monks met together, that they might choose one of their own body, to be their Pater, Pastor and Custos: fearing lest, by delay, some stranger might get in by money, and domineer over them. The manner of it was this; they chose twelve of the Seniors and Wisemen out of their whole number, to make an Election for them; it being very hard for a multitude to agree in one man. But they first made them swear upon the holy Gospels and the holy Relics, that they would act sincerely; and be moved in their choice neither by love nor hatred, etc. Which they all did; Hugo the Eldest (whom I take to have been the Author of this History) beginning to take the Oath; and all the rest following: after which the whole Convent swore that they would choose him in whom those 12 should agree. This being done the 12 went into the Abbot's Chamber; and the Prior, with the rest that remained in the Chapterhouse, sung the Seven Psalms, and prayed God to direct them by the grace of his holy Spirit: which the 12 also begged by singing Veni Creator Spiritus: and then conferred among themselves. And it was agreed that Hugo the Eldest of them, should hear every one of them confess, and tell what God had put in their heart: Which being done he asked them if they would know what every man's opinion was singly. They said no, but he should declare in whom the Major part of them agreed: to which he replied, that they were all in a manner agreed in one man, William de Waterville; and if any one were against it, he had liberty still to contradict it. But they were so far from opposing it, that they all consented: and entering into the Chapterhouse, and there declaring what they had done, the whole company praised God. And the day after, having performed the Obsequies of the deceased Abbot, Remaldus the Prior, and Hugo, with the Abbot Elect went to the King (Henry II.) then at Oxford. Who upon inquiry finding the Convent really desired it, confirmed the Election by his Charter.  
After which Te Deum being sung, and prayers made, the Abbot did his homage to the King; and then repaired to Robert Bishop of Lincoln: who prefixing him a day and place, gave him his benediction; and thereupon he was installed at Burch on the Sunday called Sexagesima, with a solemn procession of Abbots, Monks, Clergy and Laymen.  
In the beginning of the ensuing Lent he found there was a great want of Provisions in the Monastery: which he presently began to buy, and continued so to do, both Wheat and Malt, Oats and Beans, Flesh, Cheese and Wine, with all other things necessary till the Feast of St. Bartholomew. This was a very great expense: and yet he moreover discharged all the Debts of his Predecessor; which were 300 Marks of Silver; besides 60 more owing the King for interest, which he got him to pardon. He recovered also the fee and the service of Galfridus de la Mare, for a hundred Mark, which he gave the King, To whom he also gave an hundred Marks more, for the confirmation of Nine Knights Fees, which had been held by Earl Simon. At the same time he built a Nunnery at Stanford in honour of God and St. Michael; and both founded and built the Church there: in which he placed no less than forty holy Virgins. Who were to pay yearly to the chantry of Burgh, a Noble of Silver as an acknowledgement: with ten Shillings to the Sacristry out of the Church of St. Martin's, which this Abbot purchased.  
It would be too long to mention particularly all the Land, Rents, or Pensions, which this Abbot bought, at London, Irtlingborough, Hargrave, Easton, Warmington, Paston, Walton, Cambridg and several other places. I will name only one; he purchased all the Village on this side the Bridge of Stanford: and redeemed for a sum of money, fourteen houses, with the ground belonging to them, beyond the Bridge: which a certain Knight claimed as his Inheritance. He increased the Rents of the Market and Town of Burgh, and built useful Offices in all the Manors belonging to the Church; and did a great many other good things (besides those mentioned in Mr. G.) and had done more and greater; if he had not been hindered, by great misfortunes and disturbances which were given him; both by false domestics, and by some other rich men. Who accused him to the King, and to the Archbishops, Theobald, Thomas a Becket, and Richard (who succeeded them) so that at last he was, by the anger of the King, deposed in the Chapterhouse of Burgh by Robert Archdeacon; before a multitude of Abbots and Monks: being neither convicted of any crime, nor confessing any, but privily accused to the Archbishop by some Monks.  
This is all that Hugo (if he lived to write the end of this great man) saith concerning his deposition. Gervasius in his Chronicon saith more, that the Archbishop himself came to the Abbey of Burgh and deposed Will. manifestis culpis accusatum & convictum; but saith not what they were. Nor doth Radulphus de Diceto give any account of them, but only saith multis impetitus notoriis, being charged with many notorious crimes and convicted of them, in the presence of the Archbishop, he received the sentence of deposition 3. Kaland. Novembris. Nay Gervase in another place (in the life of Richard Archbishop of Canterbury) saith not so much, but only that he deposed the Abbot of Burgh certis ex causis, for certain reasons. John Bromton indeed (who saith the Archbishop came hither a little before Christmas) and Roger Hoveden, (as Mr. G. hath observed) assign the reasons; which I cannot contradict: though it seems something strange that a man, who was brought in with such an Universal kindness of the society, and did such abundance of good, should be guilty of the violence which the first of them mentions; and of such Sacrilege also as is scarce credible. And it is less credible that he who enriched the Monastery so vastly as it hath been already said, should impoverish and oppress it, as he is accused to have done, in the account they gave to the Pope of this business.  
For I must let the Reader know that William thinking himself wronged by this sentence, appealed to Pope Alexander: Who, upon mature hearing of the Cause, confirmed the deposition and commanded him silence for ever. So we are told in a Bull of his Successor Pope Vrban, still exstant 
Swaph. fol. LXXVI. ; directed to Benedict (who succeeded this William) confirming the aforesaid deposition of W. de Watervilla; by whose malignity the Monastery, saith the Bull, was much attritum & gravatum, and he himself also de prava conversatione graviter infamatus. Which damage done to the Monastery, if he was truly accused, arose its likely from borrowing money, to carry on all those great works which he did and attempted. For in the same Bull it is said, that William Norman Procurator for the Abbot, having taken up great sums of money in the Abbot's name, for which he stood bound, desired satisfaction. But the money appearing to have been borrowed, non pro utilitate, sed pro gravamine Monasterii, Pope Lucius absolved the Monastery, ab impetitione tam creditorum, quam fidejussorum, freeing them from all obligation to pay the money so borrowed; as appears, the Bull saith, by the writing of Pope Lucius. Whereupon Vrban, being induced by these reasons, and moved by the desire of King Henry, again confirmed the deposition, as Alexander had done: and again absolved them from that debt, of which they had been acquitted in the judgement of his Predecessor Lucius. Thinking it but reasonable that a debt which was remitted them communis juris aequitate, should be relaxed also, speciali Apostolicae sedis indulgentia.  
But whatever his crimes were, for which the King was incensed against him, he had been once very much in his favour; and procured from him a confirmation of all the privileges granted by the King's Grandfather. Two of his Charters are very remarkable, which run in the form of precepts. One is, omnibus militibus Abbatis de Burgo; whom he commands without delay, quod faciatis Abbati de Burgo servitium suum quod ei facere debetis: and that not only in the present summons to serve in the Army in Wales but in all other entirely and fully. Which if they did not do, he tells them his Sheriffs should proceed against them according to Law, Vicecomites mei, in quorum balivis terras habetis, justificent vos, etc.  
The other is to all his Justiciaries, Sheriffs, and Ministers, Praecipio quod Willelmus Abbas de Burgo teneat bene & in pace, & libere & quiet & just & honorifice. Octo Hundreda sua, cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus suis; & justitiam suam de octo Hundredis suis, sicut aliquis antecessorum suorum, melius & liberius & quietius & honorificentius tenuit, etc.  
I find an agreement made in his time between the Sacrist of Burgh, and Reginaldus Capellanus his Vicar, that the same Reginald should serve honourably two Chapels, viz. de Eea and de Thorp, and pay all duties 
Swaph. fol. CCXXIX.  to the Bishop, Archdeacon and Dean: for which he should have the diet of a Knight in the Abbot's Hall, and the third part of all the profits, which belonged to the Altar; together with the panis cum companagio altari oblatus, which was to be his entirely. And upon every Michaelmas-day, inter tertiam, the whole Convent being present, he was to bring the Key of the Chapels, and lay it upon the Altar, from whence he received it: there to receive it again from the Sacrist, if he had well behaved himself. Besides all which, William the Abbot and the Convent of Burch, granted and gave to the same Reginald another Chapel; which was that I shall hereafter mention, belonging to the Hospital of St. Leonard Capellam infirmorum, quae sita est prope villam de Burch, cum omnibus quae ad eam pertinere noscuntur: & custodiam infirmorum, ananutim reddendo infirmis 2. Sol.  
This Domus infirmorum Hugo saith was built by William Waterville, who did so many other worthy things that I have not room to insert them. All agree he was deposed in the year MCLXXV. where Chron. MS. Johan. Abbatis hath these words, Ricardus Cantuar. deposuit Will. de Waterville Abbatem Burgi. He was commemorated in this Church (notwithstanding his deposition) on the last of November where I find these words in the Kalander; Depositio Brandonis & Will. de Walterville Abbatum, & Anniversarium Adae de Walkote.   

BENEDICT.  
It appears from the Bull of Pope Vrban before mentioned, that it was two year, after the sentence given against William, before Benedict was promoted: all which time the King kept it in his hands. And the truth is, there were a great many Abbeys void in his time, as Hoveden tells us, viz. Grimsby, Thornei, Croyland, Westminster, Holm, St. Augustine's in Canterbury, Abendune, Abbotsbury, Battle, Hid, etc. But at last the Archbishop (who four year before had been Prior of Dover and elected to the See of Cant. 1173.) prevailed with the King for the advancement of his old Neighbour and acquaintance Benedict; who at this time was Chancellor to the Archbishop, and also Prior of the Church of Canterbury; that is, of the Church of the Holy Trinity. So Gervasius calls him 
Chron. ad Ann. 1176. , Benedictus Domini Cantuariensis Cancellarius, etc. who promoted him, he saith in another place, by the consent of the King; Deposuit certis ex causis Willielmum Abbatem de Burgo, & eidem, ex assensu Regis, supposuit Cancel larium suum Benedictum 
Actus Pontif. Cantu. . That is, Richard the Archbishop obtained the place for him, as John Bromton explains it ad An. MCLXXVII. eodem anno Rex concessit Benedicto Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Cantuariae Abbatiam de Burgo, etc. Our Historian (whom, from this time forward I take to be Robert Swapham; for by the very writing it appears a new man gins to carry on the story where Hugo left) saith he was Prior Ecclesiae Christi Cant. (which is the same it will appear presently) and was elected Abbot at Winchester.  
All agree he was made Abbot in the year MCLXXVII. in the beginning of which I find him still Prior of Christs-Church. For William Thorn in his Chron. hath set down a composition made between the Monks of St. Austin in Canterbury, and the Church of the Holy Trinity: which gins thus. Benedictus Prior & Conventus Ecclesiae Christi Cant. universis Christi fidelibus salutem, etc. and then, relating how he and Roger Elect of the Monastery of St. Austin had changed certain Lands one with another (which are there particularly mentioned) it concludes thus, Facta est autem haec compositio vel conventio, anno ab incarnatione Millesimo CLXXVII. seven year after the Murder of Thomas a Becket in his Church. Where, by the way, it may be observed, that this Roger had himself been a Monk of the Church of the Holy Trinity (where Benedict now was Prior) and was keeper of the Altar, where Thomas was slain.  
As soon as Benedict was here settled, he straightway endeavoured to destroy the ill Customs, which had crept into the Monastery; to restore regular discipline; and then to free the Church from the debts left by his Predecessor: of whom the Romans and many in England had exacted 1500. Marks. The Ornaments of this Church also were dispersed and pawned in several places: which was such a burden to this Abbot, that, out of the load of grief he had upon his mind, he went to Canterbury with one Monk alone, and there stayed many days.  
When he had a little eased, and freed himself, not without much labour, from those demands and vexations, he returned hither and gave his mind to Meditation in the holy Scripture. They are the words of Swapham, who saith he composed himself unum egregium volumen, one most excellent volume (as they then accounted it) the passione & miraculis Sancti Thomae: and caused a great many others to be transcribed for the use of the Monastery; which are those set down by Mr. G. out of Wittlesea, who did in this but transcribe Swapham. Who tells us of a great many benefactions besides those named by Mr. G. especially in precious Ornaments bestowed upon the Church; which made his memory deserve, as his words are, to remain in benediction for ever. The principal were three rich Palls, and six Chesibles: the last of which were black Embroidered with Golden Trees before and behind; and full of precious Stones from the top to the bottom. He acquired also many Relics of Thomas a Becket, viz. his Shirt, his Surplice, and a great quantity of his Blood, in two Crystal vessels; with two Altars of the Stone upon which he fell, when he was murdered. Whose Chapel begun by William de Waterville, he finished, together with an Hospital, adjoining to it. From whence I gather that Mr. G. is mistaken in his opinion, about the place of it; which was not in the middle Arch of the Church-Porch, but at the gate of the Monastery; and is now, as I conceive, the School-house. For thereabout the Hospital was, as I learn from a Charter of King Richard I 
Swaph. fol. XLIX. . Wherein this benefaction of Benedict's is remembered. It contains a grant of all the Lands sometimes belonging to Thuroldus de Sutona, unto his beloved and faithful Clerk Magister Damianus; to have and to hold them de Hospitali Sancti Thomae Martyris, juxta portam Ecclesiae de Burg, which Land was the purchase of Benedict Abbot of Burgh, and assigned by him to the aforesaid Hospital, in perpetuam Eleemosynam: Upon this condition, that the aforesaid Damianus should pay out of it yearly to the Almoner of the Church of Burgh, one Mark of Silver; and after his decease the whole Land to return to the aforesaid Hospital. It is dated at Spire 20. of Novemb. in the fifth year of his Reign, per manum Will. Eleyensis Episcopi Cancellarii.  
But this is more fully cleared by the Chron. MS. of John Abbot who saith expressly that this Chapel of St. Thomas was at the Gate of the Monastery. Ad An. MCLXXV. Solomon Prior Eliensis factus est Abbas Thorneyensis, & Benedictus Prior Cantuariensis factus est Abbas Burgi. Qui fecit construere totam Navem Ecclesiae Burgi ex lapide & ligno a Turri usque ad frontem. Et Capellam in honorem Sancti Thomae Martyris ad portam Monasterii.  
He begun also that wonderful work, as Swapham calls it, juxta bracinum; but did not live to finish it. The Abbey in his days was full of all good things; in the Convent there was joy and peace; in his house nobleness and exaltation; among the Servants in the several Offices, jocundness and mirth; the greatest plenty of meat and drink; and at the Gate a gladsome reception without any murmuring of the Guests or Strangers.  
He procured a large Charter from Rich. I. in the first year of his Reign, dated at Canterbury, confirming to them all their Lands and Possessions in the several Counties of the Realm (which are particularly enumerated) in perpetuam Eleemosynam. And thereby it appears that Benedict recovered the aforesaid Lands in Sutton, with the Mill and appurtenances, from Thorald Son of Anketillus, who restored them to the Church, as part of its Demeans. And afterward also purchased of the Nephews and Heirs of the same Thorald, Pilesgate, Badigtune and Bernack and other Lands, which Gaufridus Son of Gaufridus gave to the Monastery: with a great many other things, worth the remembering, if I had room to insert them. I will name only the last, Concedimus etiam pro amore Dei & Sancti Petri, & ob reverentiam beati Oswaldi Regis & Martyris, quod praedicti Monasterii Milites, qui Guuardam suam faciunt in Castello nostro de Rokingam sint quieti; solvendo singulis annis tempore pacis de feodo militis 4. solidos, sicut facere solebant tempore Henrici R. avi nostri, etc.  
There is a Charter of the same year, bearing date 22. March from Rouen, confirming all their Liberties, particularly the 8. Hundreds (for which he afterwards granted a special Charter by itself) Which Charter being lost when he was Prisoner in Germany, he renewed it and in some things enlarged it, in the Xth year of his Reign.  
Many others there are of his, but I shall name only one more concerning their Woods in Nasso Burgi: with free liberty of hunting the Fox, the Hare, the Cat in all their Manors (saving to the King his other game) and that they should have, Canes non expedatos, Dogs not lawed, as they called it, by cutting off the three fore Nails, or paring the ball of the foot. There was this privilege also in the same Charter, that they should not answer for any offence in this kind, but before himself, or his Chief Justice de Foresta: because his pleasure was, that they should be quiet from all other Bailiffs.  
The Charter mentioned by Mr. G. granted by King John, while he was only Earl of Mortaing; runs thus: Karissimo amico meo Benedict. Abbati de Burgo & omnibus successoribus, etc. wherein he grants tres cervos & sex damas singulis annis capiendas, whensoever they pleased; between the feast of St. John Baptist, and the Exaltation of Holy Cross; either in his Forest de Sirwod or in Clay.  
I must omit the Compositions made by him with several persons. Among his Ordinances this was one that the Sacrist should find a Cope, and an Albe every year, for the blessing of Fonts and Wax, in the Vigils of Easter 
Swaph. fol. CCLXXIV. . Statutum est per venerabilem Abbatem Benedictum, etc. quod Sacristia inveniet singulis annis in perpetuum unam cappam novam & bonam ad benedictio nem fontium, & unam albam bonam & bullatam, ad benedictionem cerae in vigiliae Paschae.  
There was a great controversy in his time between Baldwin Archbishop of Cant. and the Monks of the Holy Trinity (where Benedict had been Prior) about Roger de Norreis, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against the will of the Monks, and some other things. About which the Pope sent over a Cardinal à latere; who with King Richard, his Mother, and a great many Bishops and Abbots, made peace and a final agreement between them, unto which they all set their Seals, and among others, Benedictus Abbas de Burgo, An. 1189 
Rog. Hoveden p. 662. .  
Three years after Hugo the Bishop of Durham being Excommunicated by Gaufridus Archbishop of York, and appealing to Pope Celestine he sent his Letters directed to the Bishops of Lincoln and Rochester, & dilecto suo Abbati de Burgo; requiring that in their Churches they should declare the Excommunication to be void. Which Letter John Bromton hath set down at length ad An. 1192.  
The next year this Abbot died, as the Chron. Johan. Abbatis tells us An. MCXCIII. obiit Benedictus Abbas Burgi, cui successit Andreas. So he did not live to see King Richard return from his Captivity, which was not till the next year, as the same Writer saith. MCXCIV. Rex Richardus liberatus à carcere venit in Angliam.  
The Counsel he gave about the King's redemption is thus related by Swapham. Many of the Nobles being of opinion that ten of the best Cities of the Kingdom should be sold, and with that money his Ransom paid, this Abbot being extremely afflicted to think of the disgrace and damage it would be to the Realm, humbly advised them to have all the Chalices in England prized; and gathering their price, as his words are, into one sum, that should be given for his redemption, sine gravamine alicujus. Which Counsel was approved and confirmed by all present; and it was done accordingly. But Walsingham reports it thus, that the greater Churches promised their Treasures which had been heaped up from ancient time; the Parish Churches their Silver Chalices; and by common consent it was agreed that the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors of Conventual Churches, Earls and Barons, should give the fourth part of their Annual Rents.  
Swapham saith he died on Michaelmas-day. But the Kalander saith on the 25. was Depositio Domini Benedicti Abbatis.   

ANDREA'S.  
The Character Swapham gives of him is, that he was a man of great Religion and Authority, as well as age: and being very mild and peaceable, made it his endeavour to plant and establish peace and tranquillity in his flock. He gave (as Mr. G. observes) the two Towns of Alwalton (or Athelwoltone) and Fletun to the Kitchen of the Convent, but with exception of the auxilia ad festum Sancti Michaelis. Which his Successor remitted, and assigned also to the Monk's Kitchen by his Charter. He gave also to the Infirmary 6 Marks a year, de furno Burgi, as appears by his Charter, fol. 102. which gift remained till the time of Abbot Walter: who assigned those 6. Marks to the pitanciary; to find as much Wine as should be sufficient. But afterward, the Pitanciarius being negligent, they were brought into the Treasury, by the order of the Abbot and Convent, to be employed for the above said use. This Andrew first assigned forty shillings de Alebode, for the Anniversary of his Predecessor Benedict: who had recovered that Man nor of Alebode from the Canons of Berlinges. I do not read of any Anniverssaries observed before this; and therefore suppose those words primo. assignavit, are to be understood, as if he had said, that Andrea's first brought up the Custom of Anniverssaries: with such solemnity, that is, as shall be hereafter mentioned  

Fol. CCLIII.  He gave also two Windmills at Paston, and six pound per an. from Tinewell, and forty shillings from Castre, as appear by his Charters: which I find about other matters, but have not room to give a particular account of them. Among the innumerable gifts to the Eleemosynary (the time of whose grant is not specified) I find one in this Abbot's days: by Willielmus de Witerinton with the assent and will of his Wife and his Son William and his Heirs, of FOUR Acres of Arable Land, sub Estwood, which lay between the tillage of the Abbot and the Land of Solomon fratris piae memoriae B. quondam Abbatis Burgi. Which four Acres he offered upon the great Altar of St. Peter, to God and the Eleemosynary, coram Dominis meis Andrea tunc Abbate Burgi, & toto conventu ejusdem, etc. as the words of the Charter are. Immediately after which follows a gift of David de Beggevile of all his Land in the same place: in consideration of which the Abbot and Convent received him and all his, whether living or dead, into their Fraternity, in vigiliis, jejuniis, orationibus, & in missarum celebrationibus & in omnibus aliis beneficiis, quae fient in praenominata Ecclesia in perpetuum.  
Not far from which there is a Deed of William Vicar of Burgh (it is not said in what time, which in an exchange of Land mentions a Chapel of St. Botulphs', which I know not where to find. It is in these words, sciant presents & futuri quod ego Willielmus Vicarius de Burgo ad petitionem Parochianorum meorum dedi & concessi in Escambium, Deo & Sancto Petro & eleemosynary Burgi unam dimidiam acram terrae arabilis, quam adquisivi; sc. illam que jacet inter terram Thome Speciarii, & terram Agnetis quondam uxoris Henrici, in cultura que jacet inter boscum de Westwoode, & Capellam Sancti Botulphi, pro quadam placia pertinente ad ortum eleemosynary Burgi, super q. cancellum capellae Sancti Johannis Bapt. constructum est, etc.  
Which Chapel also of St. John Baptist seems to be distinct from the Church of that name.  
Swapham doth not tell us when he died: But the often mentioned Chron. of John Abbot saith An. MCC. obiit Andreas Abbas Burgi, cui successit Acharius Sancti Albani. So he governed (not about 5. but) about seven year. His memory was celebrated on the twenty first of February: when, I find in the Kalander was, Depositio Domini Andreae Abbatis.   

ACHARIUS.  
As King John gave the Abbey of Burgh to this Prior of St. Alban, so in the same year he gave the Abbey of Ramsey. to the Prior of Burgh. They are the words of Rog. Hoveden 
Ad An. 1200. p. 802.  in that place where he calls this Abbot Zacharias as Mr. G. observes. But he did not put him in presently, upon the death of Andrea's: for Swapham tells us he received the Abbey in Rogation week: and found it so bare of all manner of Provisions, that there was not food enough for one day. The reason was, the Archbishop of St. Andrews in Scotland, to whom the King had given the custody of the Abbey, while it was void, had left nothing; but carried all that he could away with him. Notwithstanding which, this good man in a short time was able to furnish the place not merely with necessaries, but superfluities. For besides a great many rich vestments, he gave to the Church Silver Basins for the great Altar; with a case of Gold and Silver, set with precious stones (opere pulcherrimo & subtilissimo) for the Arm of St. Oswald. A yearly Rent also to the Refectory, and the Pittancia: to the former of which he gave likewise two excellent Cups the Mazaro, with great Silver feet richly gilded, and Covers to them; one of which had the three Kings, offering their gifts to our Saviour, in the bottom of it. He gave moreover to the said Refectory, Nine great drinking Cups de Mazaro, and four Table Knives with Ivory hafts. He assigned Thurleby also to the Chamberlain; from whence, saith Swapham we have XII Coverlids of St. Alban, and as many Coats. He assigned also to the Chamber, the house which Richard Crookman offered to St. Peter, when he was made a Monk; which yielded the yearly Rent of a Noble. And when the Celleraria, upon a time, wanted Provision, he fed the whole Convent, from the Feast of St. Peter and St. Paul to the Feast of St. Andrew, at his own charge. And caused the Mill of Athelwalton to be repaired, the Land to be ploughed and Sown, and the Corn gathered: which he caused to be brought into the Cellerary. And out of his pity to the infirm Monks, who had not where to take the comfort of the air, he gave them, of his own accord without ask, a part of his Vineyard: where Rich. de Scoter afterwards planted a garden.  
He also bought houses, hard by St. Paul's London, which cost him above two hundred and fifty Marks; and in several of the Manors belonging to the Church, caused Halls, Chambers, and other edifices to be built: as the Hall at Scottere, the Hall at Fiskertune, and divers other places which Swapham mentions. He gave two hundred Marks to King John for his Charter of Liberties, which is still remaining: and discharged the house of above a thousand Marks, in the Exchequer. He recovered the Manor of Walcote from Peter Son of Radulphus (who had held it long, and got many confirmations of it from the Kings of England) as well as the Marsh between Singlesholt and Croyland (mentioned by Mr. G.) from which he received yearly, by the consent and agreement of the Abbot of Croyland, four Stone of Wax: which he appointed to be employed for Wax-Candles, on the Feasts of the Saints of this Church.  
They that have a mind, may read the whole story of this recovery in the continuation of the History of Crowland, lately put out at Oxford, with Ingulphus, etc. 
P. 471, 472.  which tells us it was in the year 1202. not long after he came to the Abbotship. But though the King himself then, after many meetings and treaties and great expenses made a final end, as they speak; yet the controversy was renewed again not long after, as shall be showed in its place. His Constitution, wherein with the consent of the Brethren, he orders how the four Stone of Wax should be yearly spent, is as follows. That it should be delivered to the Keeper of the Altar of St. Marry: who was to take care that in each of the 3. Festivals of St. Peter one Wax Candle of five pound weight should burn continually before the great Altar, from the beginning of the first Vespers, till after the completorium of the Festival. In like manner in the four Festivals of St. Mary, and in those of St. Oswald, St. Kyneberge, St. Kyneswithe, and St. Tibbe. What remained of the four Stone of Wax, and was left after the completorium of those Festivals, he was to take care should be spent every day ad missam Sanctae Mariae.  
There is another agreement between him and the Abbot of Crowland, which I find at the very end of the Book called Swapham, whose title is this,  

De bunda de Fynfet.  
Be it known to all that be olyve, and to all that shall come here after that the Bound of Fynfete, which is made mention of in the Fine betwixt Akary Abbot of Peterburgh and his Covent, and Henry Abbot of Croyland and his Covent, it is set in an Angyl beside a Plot that is called now a days Nomansland betwixt the waters of Weland and of Nene. Which water of Nene hath its course directly from thence until Croyland-Brig, after the course of water be the which men row from Croyland unto Dowesdale, on the South side of a Cross set there. And the water of Weland hath his course directly from Croyland Brig unto Nomansland Hyrum, by a water called Twandam Dyke: And there the water of Weland falleth into Nene. And the said Hyrum is set at a bar, and an Old Welow, anens the Dyke by the which men go to a place called Tutlakisland.  
He bought Land at Stowe near Simpringham, where Abbot Robert afterward built houses: and the custom being that the Abbot should have the Auxilia Sancti Michaelis before mentioned, from Alwallon and Flettune, viz. twenty Mark; he gave 15. to the Convent, and left only 5. to his Successors: which Abbot Robert also assigned to the Convent. This goodness therefore of his, saith Swapham, deserves to be had in everlasting remembrance: and yet it would be tedious to tell the persecutions he endured. Which were exceeding great, from a hard King, and from untamed Tyrants, from Foresters, and other Ministers; the days then being very evil; because there was great discord inter Regnum & Sacerdotium, between the Civil and the Ecclesiastical power. For they that should have defended the Church took Arms against it; and they who seemed to be friends of Religion endeavoured to destroy it.   
There had been a Petition preferred by the Almoner of Burgh (in his Predecessors time) to Pope Clement; showing that he having no Ecclesiastical benefice belonging to the Almonry, whereby he might be able to keep good hospitality, was willing to assign the Church of Makeseia to that use, if the Abbot and Convent, who had the right of presentation would consent. Whereupon the Pope moved Hugo Bishop of Lincoln to use his Authority to persuade them to grant the said Parsonage, to that use: which Hugo did, and Pope Celestine afterward confirmed the Grant of the Church of Makeseia and Normanby with all their appurtenances unto the use of the Almonry. After which Acarius, by the Petition and advice of the Convent settled all the Tithes of all their Lands, for the maintenance of Hospitality; except of those two Manors the Stanewig, & de Irtlingburgh. Which was afterward confirmed by William Bishop of Lincoln, who recites the whole Charter of Akarius in his Fol. XCIII.  
He granted also, out of reverence and respect to this Church of Makeseia, and at the Petition of Galfridus Son of Radulphus de Halone, one of the Milites of Burgh, and at the desire of the Parishioners, that they would hereafter have no passage through the Churchyard of Makeseia, for their Horses, Oxen, Cows, Hogs or other Animals; nor by themselves nor Servants lay any thing in the Churchyard, which might discolour, or dishonour it; saving to themselves only the herbage of the Churchyard and liberty to mow it, etc. Galfridus, on his part giving the Eleemosynary of the Church of Burgh two Acres of Arable Land in the field of Makeseia; so that the Church yard might be freed from all that filth, which was caused by the Carriages of the Procurators of the Eleemosynary. Both these Charters are remaining 
Swaph. fol. CIII. .  
In another Charter this Abbot granted to the same Eleemosynary, the offerings of the Chapel before mentioned of Tho. a Becket (called there Capella Sancti Thomae ad Portam) for the use of the Hospital, which belonged to it. Yet so, as that on Festival days, when the Parishioners of St. John Baptist were bound to make their Oblation at that Church, none should be admitted to hear Mass in the Church of the Hospital, to the prejudice of the said Church of St. John Baptist. But if any man were so weak in Body, that he could not go so far as the Parish-Church, and therefore made his Oblation in the aforesaid Chapel, two parts of three of such Oblation should be given to the Sacrist, and the remaining third, to the Chaplain of St. J. Baptist. Upon other days, if any body came out of devotion, to this Chapel, and made his offerings here, they should be wholly applied to the use of the Hospital. In like manner if Strangers came to pray there, whether on Festival or other days, and offered any thing, or if any Legacy were given to the Hospital, all should be entirely applied to the uses of the poor people there 
Fol. CIV. and fol. CC. . And accordingly an agreement was made and drawn in writing, between the Sacrist, the Chaplain of St. John Baptist, and the Almoner. In which the Festivals are expressed, on which the Parishioners of St. J. Baptist were wont to offer, and might not be admitted, unless in case of weakness, to hear Mass in the Chapel of the Hospital, viz. All-Saints, All-Souls, Christmas, Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, Good-Friday, Easter, Ascension, Whitsunday, St. John Baptist, the Assumption and the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, and Saint Giles.  
This Abbot did many other memorable things, for the benefit of the Infirmary, and of the Monk's Chamber: and many things were done by others in his time (particularly Robert de Tota, by the will and assent of Akarius, whom he calls his Lord, gave seven acres of Arable Land in Paston, to the Chapel beatae Mariae de Parco) which I cannot set down; without enlarging this Supplement too much beyond the bounds, to which I am confined.  
One thing done in his time I must not forget: which is a Bull sent from Gregory the IXth. to the Bishop of Lincoln, and him (the Abbot of Burgh) importing that the Abbot had represented to him, how some Monks of his Church had incurred the sentence of Excommunication, for laying violent hands one upon another, and upon other both Secular and Religious persons, and Secular Clergy, and other Monks were under the same sentence for denying due obedience to the Abbot, when they were corrected by him; others because they had entered the Monastery by Simony; and how some of these Excommunicated Persons, had presumed to celebrate divine Offices, not having obtained absolution; For whose Salvation, the Abbot being solicitous, had petitioned the said Gregory, that it might not be necessary for them to come to the Apostolical See for the benefit of absolution and dispensation; he, in confidence of his discretion, granted him power to absolve them in all the forenamed cases (except such enormous excesses in laying hands on any body, as might seem fit to be referred to the See Apostolic) after satisfaction made to those who had been injured: And that he should proceed against the Simoniacal Monks according to the constitution in a General Council; and suspend those who, in contempt of Ecclesiastical discipline, had officiated in the Church during their Excommunication, for two years à suorum executione ordinum. Which being finished, he might mercifully dispense with them, if they were of an honest Conversation and a better life.  
Several compositions also made by him I must omit; and conclude as R. Swapham doth, that this good man governed the Monastery for about X. years; and was such an example to all of order, honesty, kindness, and bounty, that from him posterity might learn how to behave themselves, both in the cloister and in the World. And particularly he was extroardinary kind to the Convent; unto whom he sent meat every day from his own Table, for the consolation of the Brethren: which the Prior divided among them. The like he did to the domus infirmorum; sending flesh-meat to those who were weak: and would often say in the Convent, Domini, Domini, nisi per quosdam vestrum stetisset, etc. My Masters, my Masters, had not some of you hindered, I had done much good to you. Which saying (saith Swapham, from which we may gather he lived in this time) was not understood by us then; but after his death we perceived why he said this, and knew of whom it was meant. But it is no matter, saith he, they are gone; they lifted up themselves, and the Lord hath cast them down. As for this good man, he never rendered evil for evil to any man; but studied more to be loved than feared: and out of mere respect to piety took in two and twenty Monks: by whose merits, and the merits of all the Saints, he prays the Lord to grant this Abbot pardon, and eternal joy.  
Chron. MS. Johan. Abbatis saith MCCX. obiit Akarius Abbas Burgi, cui successit Robertus de Lyndesey. He was commemorated on the 13th of March, which was Depositio Domini Akarii Abbatis.   

ROBERTUS de Lyndesey.  
When ad An. 1210. John Abbot saith that Rob. de Lyndesey succeeded Akarius, it must be understood thus; that four year after he came into his place: till which time not only this Monastery, but many other Churches were kept by King John in his own hands. So the same Writer tells us, at the year 1214. Vacabant sedes Cathedrales, etc. ‛ The Cathedral Sees of York and Durham were void, with the Abbey of Wytheby. In the Province of Canterbury, the Bishoprics of Worcester, Exeter, Chichester; the Abbeys of St. Edmund, St. Austin apud Cant. Reding, St. Bennet de Holme, St. Martin de Bello, Ramsey, Burgh, Cirencester and Evesham. All which were in manu Domini Regis: but this year, libenter concessit ut istis Ecclesiis vacantibus Pastores providerenter. Only he desired it might be secundum formam & consuetudinem Regni: the Bishops on the other side contradicting and desiring, it might be done according to the Canons. Thus he; who adds that hereupon the Interdict which had continued upon the Kingdom VI year, III. months and XVI. days was taken off: viris Religiosis non facta restitutione bonorum, but without any care that the Religious should have their Goods restored to them. So much did Pandulphus favour the King's inclination.  
This Abbot, with whom this Church was happily provided (but whether by the King's Nomination or no I find not; for the Chron. before named saith, some Abbeys proceeded immediately to choose their Abbots, that the King might not obtrude one upon them) was a wise, discreet, and honest man; in all things very provident; as Swapham hath delivered his Character to us. Who relates a great many worthy things he had done, and gifts he had bestowed on the Church, while he was only Sacrist. Among which that of making thirty glass Windows, which before were stuffed with Reed and Straw, was one of the least. He made one Window also of Glass in the Regulare Locutorium; another in the Chapterhouse; on the side where the Prior sat; nine in the Dormitory; and three in the Chapel of St. Nicolas. He made the whole Chancel of Oxney and a Table with the Image of the Blessed Virgin upon the Altar. He augmented also the Dormitory, and made private Chambers: and then built a Larder hard by the Kitchen, for the use of the Celerarius. Which solicitous goodness of his, moved the Convent with one consent to raise him to a higher station, by choosing him for their Abbot: whom they presented to King John at Winchester, upon the day of the Assumption of St. Mary. Being kindly received by him, he went to Northampton, and there on St. Barnaby's day received from Hugh 2. Bishop of Lincoln, ordinationis suae benedictionem.  
As soon as he returned home, he offered a rich Cope and a Pall: and then made it his business to deliver the Country from that grievous slavery and bondage they were in, by the Foresters and the Beasts; which at that time domineered over men. Mr. G. hath given some account of it; I shall only add that this deafforestation was made in the year 1216. as appears by the agreement made between this Abbot, and the Milites and Francolani, who had any interest in the Nasse of Burgh: which is annexed to the Description of all the woods, and their names, and the names of those to whom they belonged, when it was disafforested. In the year before which (1215.) King John had granted his Charter confirming all the liberties of the Church: which was confirmed by Pope Innocent the Third, as may be seen in Matth. Paris; and there is the very same in our Records at the end of Swapham.  
Besides the benefactions mentioned by Mr. G. (the first of which was only covering the Abbot's Hall with lead versus claustrum, in that part next the Cloister) I find divers others, no less memorable. For he gave four Marks of Silver to the Infirmary: and eight Shillings custodi Hospitum, to buy Mats and other necessaries for his Office: and got a Bond out of the bands of the Jews, for five and thirty Mark; upon which they demanded a vast sum of money, it being an old debt. He freed also the Tenants of this Church in the Manor of Stanwig, à secta Vn. dredi de Hecham, for a sum of money which he gave to the Earl of Ferers. He purchased likewise the Advowson of the Church of Clopton, and gave two Marks of Gold, and his own Silver Cup, ad feretrum Sanctae Kyneburgae. He made the new inward gate, and the new Stable for the Abbot's Horses; and the Vivarium near the Churchyard. He built not only the Hall of Collingham, but of Stowe; which Martin Abbot afterward changed: and a Chamber at Tinewell, another at Cottingham, a Summer-house at Stanwick; with a Chapel, and almost finished the Chapel at Kettring. Barns he built in several places, and erected the great building beyond the Bakehouse and Malthouse: and by a plea against the Abbot of Croyland obtained the power of enclosing as much as he pleased of the common Pasture, in the Marsh of Pykirke, and made it separate: and, finding the Churchyard too straight, he gave to the honour of God and of his Church, a part of his own Vineyard to enlarge it; for the Burial of the Monks, and of their Parents and Friends: which he surrounded also with a strong and high Wall.  
Anciently the Abbot and Convent received 60. Marks of Silver yearly from Fiskertune and Scoter, for their Clothes and Shoes: which he finding to be too little, added 20. Mark more. And twenty shillings also for the celebration of three Feasts in Copes; viz. the Transfiguration of our Lord, the Translation of St. Thomas, and the birth day of St. Hugh. For Hugh Bishop of Lincoln who died in the year 1200. was canonised a Saint by Pope Honorius 2. in this Robert's time An. 12200. The Bull is at large, in the Records at the end of Swapham 
Fol. LXXXVII. ; directed to the Bishop, Chapter, Clergy and people of the Diocese of Lincoln: bearing date from the same place, and the same day and year, with that in Matthew Paris, who hath set down but a little scrap of it.  
In his time the Monastery petitioned Pope Gregory the 9 representing the danger they were in, to lose some Tithes, which they had held from the very Foundation of the Church; because some Deeds concerning them were lost, or could not be found: and therefore desiring that he would command some very old men to be examined about this matter, before they died; lest they should lose all possible proof of their right. Whereupon the Pope sent his Apostolical Letters to the Priors of Deeping, and St. Leonard in Stamford, and to the Dean of Stamford, that they should hear and examine such Witnesses as the Abbot and Convent could produce; and cause their testimony to be Recorded, and to make a public Instrument thereof. Datum Laterani 7. Kaland. April. Pontif. nostri Anno 7.  
And here it may be fit to mention the Council of Lateran, unto which there was a general citation, saith Swapham, thoughout Christendom: in so much that there were assembled 400. Bishops, above 800. Abbots and Priors; and Procurators without number. So John Abbot MCCXV. Romae Concili um Lateranense secundum celebratum est, ubi Episcopi CCCC. Abbates & Priores DCCC. & ultra; Procuratorum non erat numerus. Here it was provided among other things, that all Convents of Monks should fast (that is, eat no Suppers) from the Feast of the exaltation of the Holy Cross, till Easter. Which order the Abbot when he returned from this Council, prevailed with his Convent to observe as they did at Rome. But not without many entreaties; for it had been the custom, not only here at Burgh but in other places, for the Monks to eat two meals a day at certain times; for instance, from the exaltation of Holy Cross till the first of October; from the Nativity till the Octaves of the Epiphany; and many other days, within that compass of time forementioned: on which the Convent was wont to have one dish at Supper with Cheese. And therefore propter integrita. tem Eleemosynae, that their constant allowance might not be diminished, the Abbot ordained, that what was wont to be provided for their Supper they should have at Dinner.  
While the Abbot was at Rome King John demanded the whole military service of the Abbot. Whose Attorneys complaining that they could not justitiare milites libertatis Burgi (make these men do their duty) the King commanded their fees to be destrained. Which when the Attorneys said they could not do, the King gave away the Land of Nic. de Bassingburn to Baldwinus de Gynes; and the Land of Roger de Torpel, to Will. Blome; and the Land that was Rad. de Dyve in Vpton, to Rob. de Nevile of Scottone: and the Land of Richard de Watervile to Will. de Palms; and the Land of Will. Andegavensis in Chirchefeild, to Ade Furneiss; and the Land of Hugo Wac in Deeping with the appurtenances to Will. de Bruere; and so he disposed of the rest of the Lands. And commanded Will. de Aundres Constable of Rockingham that he should destrain all the military feods: and that he should not meddle with the demesne of the Abbot, but let it be undisturbed, utpote liberam Eleemosynam Domini Regis.  
These feods I suppose were restored, upon their submission, for I find in a Marginal Note 
Swaph. fol. CCLXX. , that Rog. de Torpel refused to serve unless the Abbot paid his expenses: upon which his Estate he held of the Abbot being ordered to be seized, he scarcely obtained the favour to serve upon his own proper charges.  
Before his time there had been great discord and murmuring, contention and envy frequently happened among the Brethren, propter minutionem, about blood-letting (which was very necessary some time to those sedentary people, who were subject to repletion) And not wonder, because no body could, accipere minutionem, be let blood, without an Order from the Prior: who let some have it oftener, others more rarely; some after five weeks, others after 6. and others not till after 8. or 10. or 15. or perhaps half a year. To take away therefore all trouble out of their minds about this matter, this Abbot ordered that the Convent should be divided into six parts, and upon the day of letting blood, he that was the Senior of that part, whose turn it was to have the benefit of it, should ask licentiam minuendi (and that under his hand) for his Brethren from the Prior.  
In the Margin of the Book there is this Note. That in Abbot Walter's time this mode of minution, was thus far altered; that they should be divided into five parts, and then minuerentur modo supradicto. For Robert Grosteste Bishop of Lincoln in his Visitation had forbidden the eating of flesh altogether, unto the Monks every where; except only in the Infirmary, or in the Abbot's Chamber: which was accounted by them an unsupportable burden. It is further also noted, that the Convent in former times, had liberty at three seasons in the year, to eat as much flesh as they pleased, in a house deputed for that purpose; and in the domus Hospitum, house where they entertained Strangers; and in all places where they eat out of the Refectory, they might eat flesh. Which liberty was quite taken away by the above named Inhibition of the Bishop. They who were minuti let blood, were formerly refreshed in the Refectory three times a day, with a regular diet; as appears by the ancient Customary of this Church.  
Swapham observes, that he found LXXII. Monks here when he came to the Convent: and so many, I have noted before, King Henr. I. found here, when he took an account of all belonging to the Monastery, upon the death of John de Sais. And therefore what is said of Akarius his taking in XXII. Monks, must be understood, I think, of supernumeraries, whom he maintained for his time at his own charges, ex intuitu pietatis, as the words there are.  
For the maintenance of these, the Lands in Alwalton and Flettun had been given by Andrea's: but were not sufficient to supply the Kitchen with provisions, though it had other Rents besides; which are all distinctly mentioned in a Charter of his 
Swaph. fol. CV. , wherein he gives those Manors entirely to the Celerary, with all that had been reserved out of them to the Abbot, at the Feast of St. Michael. This Abbot Robert therefore gave other Revenues, not only for the recreation, as the word is, of those 72 Monks; but for the increment of eight Monks more: whereby the whole Number was made LXXX. And particularly Belasise, as Mr. G. observes, to find those 8. with Bread and Beer. Which Corn and Malt was afterward changed into money, in Abbot Welter's time, because the Celerarius of the Abbot and his Servants, would receive none but the very best; which was the occasion of great quarrels.  
In the Charter wherein he settles those Lands, he makes mention of the observation of his own Anniversary: the expenses of which were to be born out of them. Andreas I noted before began this custom, as far as I can find, assigning an annual Pension for the celebrating of the Anniversary of Benedict his Predecessor. After which I find no mention of it till this Abbot's time; who took care not only of his own, but both of Andrea's his, and of his Successors Akarius. For after the Constitution of Akarius directing how the sour Stone of Wax from Croyland, should be employed; there follows immediately a Statute of this Abbot Robert; ordaining that upon the Anniverssaries of Andrea's and Akarius, the Celerarius should provide four good dishes of meat for the Convent, together with Wine if it could be had, or else good Beer; and that the Eleemosynary should distribute to the Poor that came on those days, a convenient portion of Bread and Ale.  
What the Religious part of the observation of these days was in this Church, I have not yet found: but in other Churches it appears to have been very solemn and great. Particularly in that of Westminster (where they were of the same Order with the Monks of this Church) Anniverssaries were about this time kept in all regards, very magnificently. For example, Abbot Walter (who died not long before Rob. Lyndsey's days An. 1191.) gave the Manor of Paddington to that Church, and totally deputed it, to this use, for the celebration of his Anniversary, on the Feast of St. Cosmas and Damianus. On which day he requires the Almoner to provide for the whole Convent, Simnella, Gastella, Canastella, Brachinella and Wafras: and to every one of the Brethren one Galon of Wine, cum tribus bonis pitanciis, with three good dishes of Meat (called pitancias from the word Piety, and thence also called Misericordias, now called in the Colleges exceed) and also good Ale in abundance before the Brethren at all the Tables, as upon other Feasts and Anniverssaries it was wont to be found by the Celerarius, in the great Tankard of five and twenty Galons. For the ordinary guests, who should that day dine in the Refectory, he requires him to provide two dishes of Meat, with Bread and Wine, and Ale honourably and abundantly: and for the more honourable persons make the same provision, as for the Convent. And besides, find for all comers whatsoever, from the hour that the Table concerning the Anniversary was read in the Chapterhouse, until the Completorium of the next day, both in Meat and Drink, Hay and Oats all things necessary: nor was entrance to be denied to any person, whether Footman or Horseman. He was to make provision also for the Nuns of Holborn, for the Servants of the Monastery, and for three hundred poor; every one of which was to have a loaf of Bread, (of the same weight with the Bread of the Convent) and a pot of Ale: and they who had no Vessels might drink pro voluntate, as much as they pleased. And, to omit the rest, there was after all, Mede to be provided, for the Convent ad potum charitatis.  
As for the Religious part of the Ceremony, it was after this manner. On the vigils of the forenamed day, the Prior and the Convent sang, Placebo and Dirige, with three lessons; as on other principal Anniverssaries they were wont, with ringing of Bells: two Wax-Candles burning continually at his Tomb (which was on the South side of the Cloister) from the said Vigils, to the end of the Mass da Requem, which was sung the next day.  
On the Anniversary of Richard de Crokesley, who died as long after this time, as the other did before it (1258.) there was a far greater solemnity: for which he gave the Manors of Hampestede and of Stoke with other Rents. It began with ringing of Bells, the evening before, for which they received xiii s. iiii d. and the next day after Mass, there were Alms given to a thousand poor people: and for six days following to five hundred every day; to every body a penny, etc. And he ordained that four Monks should every of those days say Mass for his Soul at four several Altars: four Wax Candles burning at his Tomb, during the Mass, if he was buried in the Monastery; if without it, than two of the Candles were to burn at the Altar of the Holy Trinity, the other two at the Altar of Edward the Confessor. Provided that upon his Anniversary four Wax-Candles should burn all day about his Tomb, or before the Altars now named, for which he assigned three pound, etc. This was agreed in the Chapterhouse on the Friday after the Feast of St. Barnaby 1256. and he got a confirmation of it from Alexander 4. But ten year after his death they obtained a Modification of this Anniversary from Pope Clement iv according as the Abbot of Waltham and other Delegates appointed for this business, should think fit to moderate it. I omit many others, which are in a MS. History of that Church written by John Fleet a Monk of that Church: which he collected out of better writers than himself.  
After some such manner no doubt, Anniverssaries were observed in this Church of Burgh: for I find that in Akarius his time, Hugo de Longo Campo, Son of Henry de Longo Campo, out of respect to God and the Salvation of his Soul, granted all his Land in Eyliswurthe, viz. quadraginta sex solidatas terrae in liberam puram ac perpetuam Eleemosynam, for the making of his Anniversary, cum debita ac solita solemnitate, with due and with usual solemnity. Which Charter of his was afterward confirmed by Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury 
Swaph. fol. XC. .  
Immediately after that Statute about the forenamed Anniverssaries, there follows a Constitution (which I suppose therefore was made by this same Abbot Robert) directing what was to be done when any part of the Body or Blood of our Lord in the Sacrament, by negligence fell upon the 
Ibid. Fol. CCLXIII.  Ground, or upon a Matt, Carpet, or the like. Concerning which two other Constitutions follow; with verses comprehending the sense of them: which I have transcribed and put in the Appendix.  
This Abbot lived in evil days (which makes the many good things he did besides these the more commendable) there having been great discord, as Swapham observes, between the King and the Church, insomuch that the Kingdom was interdicted for above six years: after which followed cruel and most shameful Wars between the King and his Nobles; in which Charches were broken down and destroyed, and what was in them was pillaged and carried away. After he had governed Nine year and ten months he died, in the Feast of Crispinus and Crispinianus. It should be eight year, for he began to govern in the year 1214. and all agree he died in the year 1222. So the MS. Chron. Johan. Abbatis. An. MCCXXII. obiit Rob. de Lyndesey Abbas Burgi, cui successit Alexander Abbas. And so Swapham himself.  
In which year, I find in the same Chronicon there was a Council held at Oxford in the Church of Osney, by Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury, where the Bishops and other Prelates being generally present, some of the Institution made in the forenamed Council of Lateran, with some additions, for the reformation of the Clergy and people, were recited. Two of the most Noble of which (as he calls them) he sets down. The first concerning the Prelates; that all of them both Bishops and Abbots should be bound to change every year, those that waited on them in their Chambers; ut plures haberent testes suae Sanctimoniae & castitatis. The other belonging to Subjects; that all Monks and Nuns who were under a Rule, should every year, openly in the Chapterhouse, recite their profession before the whole company; ut semper illius memores siant ad Deum devotiores.  
He was commemorated here on the day after Simon and Judas, as appears by the Kalander: where over against that day, I find Deposuio Domini Roberti de Lyndsey: which doth not agree with Swapham's account, who places his death on the 25th of October.   

ALEXANDER de Holderness.  
So named from the Country where he was born; which also gave the preceding Abbot the name of Lyndesay. He was a man much beloved by his Convent, because he was a good Pastor: who gave many very rich Vestments to the Church (mentioned particularly in Swapham) and built, not only the Halls Mr. G. speaks of, but the solarium magnum at the door of the Abbot's Chamber, and a Cellerarium under it: and furnished the Church also, with that precious Crystal Vessel, as Swapham calls it, wherein the blood of Thomas a Becket was kept, and with divers Reliquer●●. And the was about many other works, in which death stopped him; after he had governed four years complete. For he died on the same day he was chosen Abbot: which was the Feast of St. Edmund King and Martyr: or, (as he saith a little after) the Vigils of that day. An. 1226. And so it is in the Kalander Nou. 17. (it should be 19) Depositio Alexandri Abbatis & Anniversarium Reginaldi de Castre & Matildis Vxoris ejus. The Chron. Johan. Abbatis; agrees to the year, beginning An. MCCXXVI. with these words. Ob. Alexander Abbas Burgi, cui successit Martinus.  
In his time the fifteenth part of all the Goods in England, were given to the King Hen. 3. as appears by his Charter. The Friar's Minors also came into England, as Abbot John bewails with many deep sighs and groans, at the end of An. MCCXXIV. Eodem Anno, O dolour & plusquam dolour, O pestis truculentissima, fratres Minores venerunt in Angliam.  
He made this composition with Baldwin de Ver of Thrapestone, from whom the Abbot and Convent claimed many payments, de auxiliis Vicecom. & sectis Hundredorum & visu franciplegil, etc. that he should he be free from those and all other demands, upon the account of his Lands in the Abbot's VII. Hundreds, paying yearly on the Feast of St. Michael, half a Mark of Silver, &c 
Swaph. fol. CCIII. .  
He made also a friendly confederacy with Hugo the Abbot of St. Edmund, and their respective Convents: who by this league were tied in a Bond of special affection, for mutual Counsel and assistance for ever. It is set down at large, in Swapham 
Fol. XCIX. ; but I shall only give the Reader a taste of it. They were so linked together, as to account themselves one and the same Convent: so that if one of the Abbots died, the survivor being desired, was immediately to go to his Convent; and there before him they were to make a Canonical Election; or if already made, they were to declare it in his presence. If the Friars of either place were by any necessity driven from their Monastery, the other was to receive them, and afford them a familiar refuge and aid: with a place in their Choir, Chapterhouse and Refectory, secundum conversionis suae tempus.  
This Abbot among others signed the confirmation of the great Charter of England, and the Charter de Foresta in the 9th year of Hen. 3. unto which the great Bishops and Abbots and Earls are witnesses, and among the rest Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri (but he is not named) in the annal Burton ad An. 1224.  
But that which was most memorable concerning this Abbot is, the care he took about the VIII. Monks augmented by his Predecessor, which I find in a Charter by itself, in these terms, Vniversis Sanctae Ecclesiae filiis ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit; Alexander permissione Dei Abbas de Burgo, salutem in Domino, etc.  
Wherein, out of his paternal care to provide well for those eight Monks, which Robert his predecessor had added to their wont number, and at the Petition of the Convent, he granted and confirmed to the Celerary, all the new assarts belonging to the Monastery in Nasso Burgi sc. Belasis with all its appurtenances, Glintonhawe, and the assart of Estuude and Franehawe, of the purchase of the forenamed Robert Abbot, of Will. de Ginniges, and all the Meadow in Norburch, to find fifty seam of Wheat and threescore of Barley; and 80. of Oats, for the drink of those VIII. Monks. He grants also to the Chamber of the Monastery, for the increment of those Monks X. Marks of Silver, to the wont Rent of LXX. Marks from Fiskerton, Collingham and Scottere, to be paid yearly, at the 4. quarters, viz. XX. Marks at the Feast of the Nativity, etc. And besides he grants to the same Chamber, all his Land in Thurlbey with all the appurtenances, etc.  
His Successor Martin confirmed this Charter in the very same words Fol. CVI   

MARTINUS de Ramsey.  
Alexander dying on the Viglis of St. Edmund and being buried the next day after, Martin was chosen on the fourth of the Nones of December, that is on the second day of that month: and was received by King Henry on the Octaves of St. Andrew: and the same day confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln, after the examination of the Prior and three Monks About his Election, in St. Katherine's Chapel at Westminister: and received his Bendiction, as Mr. G. observes, on the Feast of St. John Evang. apud Tinghurst: and then was installed at Peterburgh on the Sunday after the Octaves of Epiphany. Thus Swapham (who lived in his time) who tells, he immediately discharged the Abbey of a debt remaining to the Exchequer from Abbot Robert for the disafforestation of Nassaburgh: which was fifty Marks. And so the Chron. Johan. Abbatis relates ad An. 1227. Martinus Abbas Burgi solvit ad scaccarium Regis pro disafforestatione Nassa de Burgo 50. Marcas argenti. The same year he got their Charters confirmed by King Henry, for sixscore Marks of Silver, to his own use; and eight and twenty more to the Chancellors; besides many other gifts. The Story of Brianus is related by John Abbot, as belonging to the same year 1227. with very little difference from the account Mr. G. hath given of it. The Inquisition made before the King's Justice was, whether Brian's Predecessors held of the Monastery or of the Forest, utrum prius fuerunt Predecessores dicti Briani feoffati de domo Burgi, an de foresta. The Inquisition was taken apud Bernack per XII. legales homines, & Regi transmissa. Adjudicata est Warda dicti Briani Abbati de Burgo & suis successoribus in perpetuum.  
The next year 1228. the same Chronicon tells us the Pope summoned a Council at Rome, but the ways were stopped by the Emperor, both by Sea and Land, to hinder any from coming to it. Two Cardinals, many Prelates, both Bishops and Abbots, and other Clergymen, especially those that went by Sea, were taken by the favourers of the Emperor. Whereupon the Pope Excommunicated him, and absolved all the Barons of Germany from their Allegiance. Thus that Chron. of John Abbot. Whether Martin got thither or no I do not find, but it was in this year, as Mr. G. hath related, that Gregory the Ninth granted to this Monastery that which they have entitled Magnum privilegium, bearing date Anno gratiae Millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo octavo, quarto idus Januarii. In which besides that privilege mentioned by Mr. G. there are these among others remarkable; that he frees them from paying any Tithe of the Land which they kept in their own hands, and Ploughed or Fed themselves. And that there should be libera sepultura in this place, for any that desired in their last Will or otherwise to be here buried, which none should presume to hinder, except he were an excommunicated person, or interdicted, or exercised public Usury; and saving also the rights of other Churches, from which the dead bodies were brought.  
In the year 1230. he asserted the liberties of the Church in Alwalton and Fletton against the pretences of the Abbot of Thorney, as I find in an old record; which gins thus, Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCC. XXX. in Crastino Apostolorum Philippi & Jacobi, dirationavit Abbas Martinus libertates suas de Alwalton & Fletton, contra Abbatem de Thorney, apud Westm. coram Justice. de Banco, sicut in eorum rotulis continetur, & infrerius scriptum est, etc.  
The next year as Mr. G. observes, the Bishop of Lincoln, visited this Church, the next day after the Feast of St. Laurence: where a great many things were agreed on by the common consent of the Abbot and Convent, and confirmed by the Episcopal authority, under pain of Excommunication. One was that the Abbot should not borrow any money upon Usury, of the Jews; nor of any Christians, cum aliqua poenae adjectione, without the consent of the Convent: nor, in that case, ever engage the Monastery, or the Goods of the Monastery movable or immovable. Another was, that the Sacrist of the Church should have, as had been accustomed, the Horses and all other things, with the bodies of the Milites deceased. With this moderation, that if any Horse of a deceased Knight was worth more than four Mark, the Abbot should have him: and his Arms, or the price of them, should be laid up in some safe place, by the Abbot with the privity of the Convent, for defence of the Country, and of the peace of the Church; and with the money, Arms should be mended and sustained.  
In this year also an Inquisition was made by his Order, into all the Manors belonging to the Church: and the Lands, Tenements, Tenants, Customs, etc. are particularly set down, belonging to every one of them. It gins thus, Ad festum Sancti Martini & ad Pentecost. per Chartam Domini Martini Abbatis, Haec Inquisitio facta fuit per Maneria Domini Martini Abbatis secundi, anno quinto, anno ab incarnatione Domini M. CC. XXXI. etc.  
Two years after this he died, as John Abbot tells us in his Chron. An. MCCXXXIII. Martinus Abbas Burgi ob. cui successit Abbas Walterus.  
The day on which he died was the 26th of June; where I find in the Kalander, Depositio Martini Abbatis.  
I have not room to insert several compositions and agreements made by him. One in the year 1230. between him and Richard de Middleton about a Pond and a Mill in Cotingham and other things. fol CLXXIIII. Another 123. between him and the Rector of Bernake de decimis Lapidicinae, Fol. CC. Another between him and John Earl of Huntendune, in the same year, about the Fishery and other things Fol. CCIII.  
There was a Bridge then in Burgh called Pons Martini, Martin's Bridge, which was sometimes called Bruni: nigh unto which Hugo Fluri of Dodicthorp had a Message, which he released unto the Abbot. Which Hugo by the consent of his Wife Dionysia was a Benefactor to the Abbey in Martin's time many ways; as appears by several Charters of his at the end of Swapham Fol. CCXXI. etc.   

WALTER de S. Edmundo.  
This man though born at St. Edmundsbury, was bred up here, as Mr. G. relates; and as Swapham tells us (who gives a large account of his life) was chosen Abbot by the unanimous consent of the Monks. At his installation, he offered a great Pall Flowered with Peacocks; with a rich Cope, and many other things of value. And then applied himself to enlarge both the Buildings and the Revenue of the Church: for he made the entrance of the new Refectory with great expenses; and many great buildings below his Palace: especially that great House, in which were two Horse Mills and a Barn for Hay: and the Kitchen of the Abbot apud Grangias Burgi, one new Grange, and Boveriam novam covered with Stone. He renewed the Grange at Thorp, and made a new Bovaria at Castre, at Warmington and at Owndle; and a great many other places which Swapham mentions: where he saith he built an incredible number of Barns, or Granges, or Oxstalls, or Summer-houses; besides Lands which he purchased.  
He augmented the Revenue of the Infirmary with the increase of fifty seven Shillings, out of a certain Rent at Stamford which he bought. The Rents also of the Hospitalary he increased: and both procured several grants of Lands from other devout people, and settled those that had been formerly given. For I find that Henry Rector of Paston, for the health of his Soul, and in gratitude for the Benefice he had received from Walter Abbot of Burgh, and the Convent there, gave, with his body, all the Lands he had in Paston, in Burgh, in Wermington, etc. to this Church 
Fol. CCI . Henry of Wermington his Nephew, gave likewise a great deal to the same Church. And Galfridus de Northbruc made a very great gift of a Capital Message of his, with all the Lands, Rents, Tenements, and all appurtenances, in Norbruc, Makesheye, Nunton, and all other places where he had any estate; which are particularly mentioned in his Grant 
Fol. CCXIX .  
He took an account of all the expenses of the Granary, and of the stipends of Servants and Officers; and especially the expenses on the several great Feasts of the Church: which still remain under this Title; explanatio liberationis & expensae de granario Burgi per annum, & de diversis mensuris ejusdem, & de sol. Servientium curiae in tempore Abbatis Walteri & ante.  
There arose in his time a great controversy between this Church, and the Canons of Landa about the Church of Pithesle: and after a long suit the Canons yielded it to Burgh; whereupon Pope Vrban confirmed the Church of Burgh in the possession of it. I find agreements made between him and Rich. de Dumar about Woods, and the bounds of them in Eston; and between him and Rob. de Burnebu, and others about Essarts in the same Woods; which I can but just mention.  
He was one of the Witnesses to the great Charter of the Liberties of England, granted by King Henry in the XIX. year of his Reign, upon the Kal. of January. After the mention of which, there follows in our Records that solemn Excommunication (which was made eighteen year after 1253.) of all those that infringed this Charter. It is in Matthew Paris 
Pag. 866. : only in our Book there are these words added, which are not in him. Qui omnes testes audierunt cum Dominus Rex, non coactus, sed propria voluntate petiit quod omnes Archiepiscopi, Episcopi & Abbates excommunicent ipsum Henricum nomine, si ipse unquam veniret contra aliq' articulum istius Chartae, & omnes alios venientes contra eandem chartam. Et idem Rex tenuit candelam dum sententia fuit promulgata. Whereas Math. Paris saith he refused to hold the Candle. P. 887.  
Two years after 1237. followed the solemn dedication of this Church of Burg: Which Matth. Paris places in the next year 1238. when he saith that several noble Monasteries in the Diocese of Lincoln, within the Fens were dedicated, by the venerable Bishop of Lincoln, viz. Ramsey, Burgh and Sautrei, and that the Church of Burgh was dedicated quarto Calendar' Octobris. But the Chron. Johan. Abbatis Burgi makes this to have been done, as I said, the year before, and not on the 4th of the Kalends, but of the Nones, and by two Bishops. An. MCCXXXVII. quarto Nonarum Octobris, dedicata est Ecclesia de Burgo, à duabus Episcopis, viz. à Sancto Roberto Lincolniensi & Exoniensi Episcopis. And so saith Swapham, not naming the Bishops, Ipse etiam dedicare fecit Ecclesiam Nostram à duobus Episcopis, magnis sumptibus, & propriis. This Robert Bishop of Linc ' was Rob. Groseteht, who was consecrated Bishop of that Dicocese, the year before. Whose Sanctity as the Chronicon before mentioned celebrates, so it gives this Character of his learning, Iste erat in omnibus VII. artibus liberalibus eruditissimus.  
What this dedication meant Mr. G. doubts: but it is explained by a passage in Matthew of Westminster, who follows M. Paris and uses his very words about this business of the dedication of these Churches; but then adds that it was done, juxta Statuta Concilii London celebrati, in obedience to certain Constitutions, which had been made in a Council at London. Which extended further than to the Churches before named, for he saith the Church of St. Paul London was dedicated 1240. die Sancti Remigii. What the ground of that constitution was I have not now opportunity to search: but it was so famous a thing, that the day of its Dedication was made an Anniversary, and this Abbot gave the sum of forty Shillings a year, ad festum dedicationis Ecclesiae nostrae annuum uberius procurandum, for the making more plentiful provision upon the Feast of the Dedication of this Church; as the words are in his Charter about it, which still remains. And this Feast is mentioned in another Charter of his, in which for God's sake, and with respect to peace, as his words are, he grants, that instead of the assize of Corn which the Celerarius was wont to pay him, out of Belasise, he should hereafter pay him ten Pound six Shillings and three Pence per annum, quarterly, viz. instead of 28. Seam and one Sceppe of Corn, 4 l. 13 s. 9 d. and instead of 33. Seam of Barley and 6. Sceppes 3 l. 7 s. 6 d. and instead of 45. Seam of Oats 2 l. 5 s. Which Seams are called Summae Regiae 
Fol. CVI . And there is this Note in the Margin, that before the time of this Abbot, till the making this Charter, the Abbots were wont to pay the Celerarius for the celebration of the principal Festivals eight Pound; to which this Abbot added forty Shillings, for celebrating the dedication of the Church, which was in his time: in all ten Pound. So that the ten pound before mentioned, the Celerarius received back again: and it is to be noted, that this Assize of Corn was first granted, because of the increment of eight Monks augmented by Abbot Robert.  
To which eight Monks this Abbot Walter added thirty more: which made the number in all an hundred and ten. But I suppose it was an act like that of Acharius (who maintained two and twenty besides the usual number) which lasted for his own time only. Swapham's words are that he received them out of Charity, by divine Inspiration, to serve Christ perpetually. Recepit itaque Domino inspirante, Caritatis intuitu XXX Monachos, Jesus Christo perpetue famulandos. The Bishop of Ossory, I must add, to make this Feast of the Dedication the more solemn, granted an indulgence; wherein ten days of Penance enjoined are relaxed to all those, who confessing their sins and being truly penitent, should come to visit the Church of St. Peter of Burgh, on the Feast of Dedication, for devotion sake. It is in the end of the Appendix.  
In the next year all the Abbots of this Order were summoned to appear at London in order to their Reformation, as the Chron. Joh. Abbatis tells us. An. MCCXXXVIII. Otho Cardinalis ad reformationem ordinis Sancti Benedicti, omnes Abbates Nigri Ordinis London. convocavit.  
In what year he took his first journey to Rome I do not find: nor shall I add any thing about it or the other two, but what Mr. G. hath omitted. In his first journey he procured certain privileges for the Church, which Swapham only mentions, but tells not what they were. When he returned from his second, in which he went no further than Anvers, he offered two pieces of rich Silk; Of which two Copes were made by John of Holderness, the Subsacrist. The third time he was called by a special Mandate, to answer the contempt with which he was charged, of granting the Church of Castre according to the King's commandment, contrary to the Provision of the Pope. For which he was not so shent as Mr. G. relates, if we may believe Swapham; but procured his favour by that gift of ten pound a year out of his Chamber to the Pope's Nephew: insomuch that he got a great privilege at that time for the liberties of the Church, which gins thus; Innocentius Servus, etc. and another, that none belonging to the Monastery, should be forced to go ultra duas dietas above two days journeys, in any cause before the Judge-delegates: and some others. At his return he offered a precious Pall of Baldekine, with the Image of the blessed Virgin, and her Son in her Arms. This was in the year 1244. for then that large Charter of Pope Innocent the IVth bears date, called Magnum Privilegium 
Fol. LXXXII. . The Council at Lions was held the year after 1245. as the Chron. of John Abbot informs us. Therefore all that Mr. G. hath out of Matthew Paris, belongs not to this time.  
In that very year which he mentions, the eighth year of his Abbotship (which was 1241.) the milites of the Abbey were summoned to Saropesbury, to go to Wales 
Fol. CCLXX. : whither the Abbot himself went; and some Knights with him. Who earnestly insisting to have their expenses, Horses and Arms from the Abbot, he would by no means grant it: but commanded them, by the Fealty they owned to the King and to him, to follow the King to Chester; which they did. The Abbot also came thither, where they again made the same demands; pretending that Stephen de Segrave had given judgement for them apud Lehayetayle. Of whom when the Abbot had diligently inquired, he declared before him, and his family, that it was false; and said the Knights ought to defend the Abbot at their own charge, with Horses and Arms. Then they complained to Hugh Earl of Hereford, Marshal of the Army, who determined the matter against them: and the Abbot commanded them, that at the summons of the Marshal, they should be enrolled; which they refused. But the Abbot ad cautelam caused Radulph. de Ayston and Hugo de Bernack to be enrolled, and two Servants of his family pro uno milite: And so the Abbot returned with good grace from the King; and his Knights, neither going nor coming could recover one farthing of him. The Steward of the Bishop of Lincoln, and other Prelates did the same. And by the diligence of the Abbot, he received from the King's Exchequer, plenary scutagium suum, sc. de quolibet scuto X L. Sol.  
In like manner, in the time of John de Calceto he had scutagium suum plenarie de dictis militibus: And when they complained to the King and the Magnates, that the Abbot ought to pay that scutagium out of his own Chamber, the Abbot made it appear that he ought not.  
In that grand Privilege of Innocent's, there is the same grant, which is mentioned in Greg. the IXths; that they might say divine Service with a low voice, in the time of a general Interdict; the gates being shut, no Bells rung, and all Excommunicated and interdicted persons excluded. Many other Bulls there were of his, as I noted out of Swapham, some of which remain. One of them imports, that by his Mandate they stood bound to pay to Opizomus Archdeacon of Parma, a Pension of fifteen Mark yearly, until they had provided him with some Ecclesiastical Benefice, worth forty Mark of Silver yearly o● more. But he now granted them this indulgence for the future, that they should not be bound to provide any person with a benefice for the future, against their wills; nor receive any Letters Apostolical to that purpose; unless they made express mention of this Indulgence, and said that notwithstanding any Apostolical Indulgence they must do it. Afterward Letters Apostolical were directed from another Pope, to several Priors therein named, to see his Absolution executed, which he had granted to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh, from the payment of such Pensions; when the person who received them would not accept of the Ecclesiastical Benefices, to which they offered to present them, when they fell. Which some refused; because they had benefices already, but no dispensation to hold another: and so would have kept their Pensions, when a Benefice was provided for them, to the great grievance of the Monastery.  
Another of Innocent's, is dated from Lions on the Kal. of Sept. the seventh year of his Pontificate, which was a little before his death. Wherein, they having represented their Monastery to be built in a cold place, so that they could not without danger, in Winter time especially, perform divine Offices with heads uncovered; he grants them a licence, utendi pileis ipsorum ordini congruentibus, to use Caps suitable to their Order; according as the Abbot in his discretion should think fit.  
Another is, that they having represented to him how great a disturbance it was to their devotion, to have causes frequently referred to them by the See Apostolical, he grants them this Indulgence, that they should not be bound, against their wills, to take Cognizance of any cause committed to them, by the same See for the future: unless in the Letters of Reference, express mention were made of this Indulgence.  
There is a Statute made by this Abbot, but I do not find in what year, with the consent of the Chapter, that on the Feast of the Dedication of their Church, (as upon the principal Feasts of St. Peter and St. Paul) seven Candles should burn before the Altar, super baccas, and four upon the Altar, à principio Matutinorum, usque ad finem totius servitii: and that the Arm of St. Oswald, as I noted before, should be carried in procession on this festival, unless it had been carried on his own day.  
Out of a Meadow in Peykirk, which he bought of Roger Son of Paganus de Helpstona, he gave forty Shillings, to the celebration of his own Anniversary, viz. twenty Shillings for the recreation of the Brethren, and the other for the refection of the Poor, upon the day of his death. This Meadow William his Successor, made over to the Convent entirely, and warrants it to them; that he and his Successors might be freed from the payment of that forty Shillings.  
At the last time of his crossing the Seas, he gave several precious things, feretris trium Virginum (viz. Kiniburge, Kiniswith, and Tibbe) and a great number of Vessels and Jewels, when he died; which were all brought into the Chapterhouse, and there disposed according to the pleasure of the Convent. He was not well before he went; and the infirmity of his body was increased by his journey: so that he died not long after his return, An. 1245. For whom Swapham makes this prayer; The Lord grant he may enjoy eternal life and joy in the Land of the living; by the merits of the Mother of God, and of St. Peter, and St. Benedict, and all the Saints.  
He was pious and merciful to all; did nothing without the advice of his Brethrens of the better sort; exacted nothing unduly of his Tenants, whether rich or poor: But if any poor Man or Woman made their necessities known to him, he would burst out into tears and take compassion upon them.  
In some things he acted tepid, which he bewailed all his days: but he left the Abbey abounding in all good things; stored with Horses, Oxen, Sheep, and all Cattle in great multitudes, and Corn in some places for three years. But after his decease, Magister R. de Gosebek, to whom the King committed the custody of the Abbey, wasted, and sold, and, in a manner, carried all away.  
There were found in his Chamber when he died, a great many Cups of Gold and Silver; whose weight and worth are set down in Swapham, with six silver Plates, twenty nine Spoons, thirty gold Rings; and a great deal of Riches besides. Which is the more wonderful since he was so very charitable, and frequently gave Presents, and Jewels of Gold and Silver, to King Henry, and Eleanor his Queen, and Prince Edward their Son, and to the Nobles and great Men of England (besides what Mr. G. mentions) and all for the peace and tranquillity, and defence of the Liberties of the Church.  
He died in the latter end of the year, as the MS. Chron. of Johan. Abbatis 
P. 690. N. 30.  saith. Matth. Paris saith, 1245. 29 Hen. 3. obiit Walterus Abbas de Burgo 2. Kaland. Januarii. Which doth not perfectly agree with the Calendar of the Church, where is placed on the 26. Decemb. Depositio Domini Walteri Abbatis. Here Swapham's History ends.   

WILLIAM de HOTOT.  
The controversy that had been between this Church and Croyland in the time of Akarius, was now revived between this Abbot, and Richard Bardenay Abbot of Croyland: contrary to the agreements, made before, between their Predecessors, as the words are in the Continuator of the History of Croyland 
Lately Printed at Oxon. p. 478 . Who lays the blame upon this Abbot; because he hindered the Abbot of Croyland in their Fair time, from taking Toll, or making Attachments upon Crowland Bridge, etc. This he saith was in the year 1240. Which cannot be, for then Walter was Abbot: it should be therefore 1246. in the very beginning of William's time. Who the next year made a composition about this matter 1247. as I find in our Records, at the end of Swapham 
Fol. CLXX.  where there is an agreement between Richard Abbot of Croyland, and Robert Abbot of Burgh about the Fen between Singleshould and Croyland, and this agreement, made in the King's Court at Northampton, before the King Justices between these two Abbots Richard and William, de villa de Croyland & ponte tempore Nundinarum: which is too long to be inserted. It is called finalis concordia, but the quarrel was renewed in the time of William of Ramsey.  
In the same year 1247. Robert de Taterhille Physician made his last Will and Testament, and thereby gave to the Church of St. Peter his Body, with his Palfrey; to the Fabric of St. John's Church V Shillings, and to the Church of St. Marry de Oxney two Shilling, etc. and four Acre of Arable Land apud Rumpele to find two Wax-Candles before the Altar of the blessed Virgin, in Ecclesia majori de Burgo, as long as the said Robert lived. And if his Wife Ailice outlived him, she was to enojoy that Land, and the house he also gave, etc. for her life, if she remained a Widow, and to find four Wax-Candles: After both their deaths, all to go to the Custos luminaris beatae Virgins, to find so many lights before her Altar as that Land, House and Meadow would furnish.  
In the same year likewise (An. 2. Will. 2di. Abbatis, as the words of the Record are) there was a Subsidy given to Pope Innocent, according to an Estimation that had been made of the Estate of the Abbey in the time of Stephen Nuncio to Pope Gregory: of which subsidy the Obedientiaries (as several officers in the Church were called) paid the fourth part; being taxed seven Pence for every pound of yearly Rent; as followeth, Estimatio Cellerariae 121 l.  Contributio 70 s. 7 d. Estimatio utriusque Sacristiae 106 l. 10 s. Contributio 72 s.  Estimatio Eleemosynariae 63 l. 6 s. Contributio 36 s. 2 d. Estimatio Pitanciariae  115 s. Contributio  40 d. Estimatio Infirmariae 7 l.  Contributio 3 s. 10 d. Estimatio Precentoriae  36 s. Contributio  12 d. Estimatio Refectoriae  20 s. Contributio  7 d. Estimatio Camerae praeter portionem Abbatis 4 l.  Contributio  28 d. Estimatio auxilii de Pylesgate 100 sol. Contributio  35 d.  
Notandum quod Dominus Willielmus Abbas solus fecit hanc taxationem One half of which was paid at the Feast of St. Martin's, the other half at the Purification.  
Here a fit occasion offers itself to mention the several donations bestowed upon the forenamed Offices of the Monastery (which they called Obedientias') and the Names of their benefactors, which were very many, especially to the Sacristy; and to the Altars, Sanctae Mariae, and Sanctae Crucis, in particular: but it would prolong this work too much, and swell it beyond the designed proportion.  

Fol. CVII.  This William in the year 1248. obliged himself and Successors, to several things very profitable for the Convent. For instance, that no composition should be made for the future about their possessions and liberties, no Wards granted, no Woods sold, without the consent of the Convent: no nor any thing of weight attempted, without their advice. And moreover that one or two Monks, should without intermission, be Custodes of the Manors of the Abbot; and two receivers of all the profits of them (one of them a Monk residing in the house, and one of the Chaplains of the Abbot. And lest in process of time, the condition of the Convent should be worsted, he granted and promised, that neither he nor his Successors, would diminish their allowances, nor procure them to be diminished. And that the Parents, and acquaintance of the Monks should be competently and sufficiently provided, with better bread and beer than ordinary, out of the Celerary of the Abbot, etc. To which he set his Seal, and the Chapter theirs.  
In the same year he granted out of his mere liberality to the Celerary of the Church, his Manor of Gosdkirk, with all the appurtenances; and all the Tenement called Belasise, with the appurtenances, for the eight pound Sterling, in which he and his Predecessors stood bound at the four quarters of the year, for the celebration of the principal Feasts: and for the forty Shillings which Walter his Predecessor gave, for celebrating the Feast of the Dedication of the Church. Yet so that he and his Successors, should pay the increment of Wheat and Malt for the augmentation of the VIII. Monks, throughout the whole year without substraction, every week, out of their own Granary.  
Then follows the assignation of the Capital Message in Northbruch, for the increase of the Chamber.  
In this year, as the Chron. of John Abbot tells us, the King demanded a Subsidy of all the Prelates, and this William gave him an hundred Pound of Silver: presently after which he resigned his place; but he doth not tell us any reason, why he left it. His words are ad An. MCCXLVIII. Henricus Rex petiit subsidium à Prelatis. Willielmus Abbas Burgi dedit ei C. marcas argenti. Cui cedenti successit Johannes de Kaleto. The cause which Matth. Paris (who places this the year after 1249) assigns of his receding is something strange; he having been so compliant, as I have related, with his Convent, and so studious of their good. And the damage they complained of was not so great, but he had an honourable commemoration in the Church after his death, which was on the sixth of January. Which was Depositio Willielmi de Hotot Abbatis, & Anniversarium Richardi de Watervill, & Johan. filii ejus. And such was the regard that his Successor John de Kaleto had to him, that he ordained there should be a distribution to the Poor sine impedimento, after Mass was said for them, on this day: and the like on all Anniverssaries.  
There was a family of his name, Hotoft or Hotot, which held half a fee at Flintham in Nottinghamshire (as Dr. Thoroton in his History of that County tells us) from which its likely this Abbot came.   

JOHANNES de Caleto.  
He is as oft called Joh. de Calceto, as the Caleto: and it appears by a Charter of his concerning his Anniversary wherein he relates what good deeds he had done for this Church) that the Abbey was kept vacant for some time, before he was promoted. It gins thus, Omnibus Christi fidelibus praesens scriptum visuris vel audituris, Johannes de Kaleto Divina permissione, etc. And the sense of it follows thus in English. Be it known to all, that we, though unworthy, being entrusted by the providence of the Divine goodness, with the Government of the said Church, found it in Debt: the movable Goods of it, in the hands of the King's Bailiffs, who had the custody of it, in the time of the vacancy, being in danger to be confiscated: In so much that it lay upon us entirely to provide both for ourselves, and for our Brethren, and for the Servants, and for all Strangers, all things necessary from the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin, till the time of the next Harvest. For which reason, and because we endeavoured with all our might to preserve the liberties of the Church (for the renewing and acquiring of which liberties contained in a Charter of King Henry, Son of King John, we paid to the King and his Courtiers five hundred and seventy Marks, besides Jewels given, by the by, to the King's Ministers) and because we discharged the Church of a Debt of 520 Mark, wherein the Bishop of Hereford engaged our Church to the Court of Rome; and in a manner freed the Church from all Debts whatsoever, as much as was possible in such a time; Therefore our beloved Children the Prior and the Convent of the said Church devoutly and humbly desiring to give some reward, according to their ability to our labour and diligence; and not willing that these nor other our benefits, though small, should be hereafter forgotten, but be called to mind perpetually by our Successors, serving God in the same Church, have unanimously granted that the day of our Deposition, shall be made an Anniversary; and be kept curialiter out of the goods of the Church. We therefore have given and assigned to the Celerarius of the Convent for ever, that Land which the Biffleto near Castre Wood, we have caused to be turned into Pasture and Ploughed: that he who is in that office for the time being, may, as far as that Revenue will extend, feed and refresh the Poor, who come hither on that day; giving every one of them Bread and Beer: and provide three good dishes of Meat, more large than ordinary, for the Convent, that they may do their devotion more cheerfully, and assist more vigorously in divine Service. The Pitanciarius also shall find Wine, as on other principal Feasts, for the Convent that day, out of those five Hogsheads of Wine, which we have given to the use of the Precedent in the Refectory, and of the Priest that attends Weekly, etc.  
In what year this Charter was made it doth not appear, but it was after the year 1256. when, on Palmsunday, he made that Grant of the five Hogsheads of Wine: as I find in a particular Charter, confirmed in Chapter, which he made, he saith, out of his Pastoral care of the Poor and Strangers, and for the honour of St. Peter and of the Saints whose Relics lay in this Church, etc. Wherein he provides that the Precedent of the Refectory, whosoever he was, should have of his gift one galon and a half of Wine every day in the year, to be distributed among the Brethren and Guests, who eat there that day: and this both when the Abbot was absent, and when he was present: And in like manner the Priest who said high Mass should have one galon of the same Wine. Which that it might be abundantly provided, he gives the ten Pound out of the Manor mentioned by Mr. G. which was purchased in his time. Which Land he therefore requires should be kept in the hand of the Abbot, that without any delay or difficulty the money might be paid on the Octaves of St. John Baptist to the Procurator, who should be especially deputed by the Prior of the Convent: So that out of the aforesaid ten Pound he should buy five Hogsheads of Wine; to make the aforesaid pittance in the Refectory and no where else. And he adds that out of this Wine provision should be made for the whole Congregation, and for all Religious Strangers, according to the custom, on his Anniversary as on the Anniversary of Benedict it was to be more plentifully. Unto which Deed his Seal, and that of the Chapters was set. How the Church of Polebroke out of which that ten Pound was paid, came to be his shall be shown in its due place.  
I have mentioned this about his Anniversary in the first place, because it recites many of his benefactions, from the beginning of his Abbotship: which I do not know how to place in the particular years wherein they were done.  
There is a Charter of his in the year 1251. in this Style, Joh. de Calceto Dei gratia Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri, etc. which I do not meet with before, for they are wont to say divina permissione. But afterward I find some other Abbots imitated him. He grants therein the annual Rent of sixteen Shillings a year, out of his houses in the Suburbs of London, in Parochia Sancti Sepulchri. Eight Shillings of which were for the Refectory; the other half for the Hospitalary. Other houses this Church then had in London; for William de Colonia granted him and the Convent (I find not in what year) all his Land in London, in the Parish of St. Gregory, over against the houses of the Dean of St. Paul; they paying yearly five Florins to that Church, etc.  
There is a bond of Peter de Howm to him, for the payment of five Shillings Rend yearly unto Burgh, for a house in Lincoln, in the Parish of St. Peter, in the Skin-market: lying between his own house on the North, and the house sometime belonging to Leo Judaeus, on the South part, etc.  
In the year 1253 Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury granted an Indulgence to this Church, relaxing to those who out of devotion to St. Oswald came to offer in this Church, and were truly penitent and confessed, forty days of Penance that had been enjoined them. And he also confirmed such Indulgences as had been granted by any of his Suffragans. It bears date from Croyland the Thursday before the Feast of St. Michael.  
There had been the like Indulgence granted a little before by Hugo Balsom Biship of Ely, to those who out of devotion went piously to visit the Arm of St. Oswald and other Relics in this Church, etc. To whom he grants 30. days relaxation of Penance. Dated 11. Kalend. Sept. 1253. Another there is of Will. Bishop of Ossory granting ten days Indulgence, as I noted before to those that visited this Church on the Feast of the Dedication before mentioned. All which show the true nature of Indulgences, which were only relaxations of Penance: and that other Bishops granted them as well as the Bishop of Rome: as they also sometimes canonised a person for a Saint. I have transcribed them all, and set them down in the Appendix together with an Indulgence of Oliver Sutton some years after, wherein he grants a merciful relaxation to all those that on certain times, should devoutly come to the Altar of the blessed Virgin, in her Chapel in the Monastery of Burgh, which he had newly consecrated.  
The same Boniface on the same day and year directed his Letters to the Bishop of Lincoln, mentioning a Constitution of the Council held at Oxford, which Excommunicated all those, who either violated or disturbed the Ecclesiastical rights and liberties: which he being desirous to maintain, by these presents, commands that all the disturbers or violaters of the rights and liberties of the Church of St. Peter de Burgo (which had been granted by the Kings of England, or any other persons) should publicly and solemnly, in general and by name be Excommunicated; when it appeared they were guilty of such disturbance or violence.  
About this time I suppose, it was that Polebroke before mentioned (out of which the ten pound for finding the five Hogsheads of Wine was paid) was purchased by this Abbot. The whole History of which is related in the Monasticon, out of a Register of this Church in Sir Joh. Cotton's Library. Which saith that Eustachius Vicecomes, Founder of the Church of St. Marry de Huntingdon, held two Fees de Honore Burgi, in Clopton, Polebroke, Catworth, etc. Which Estate came afterward to one Will. de Lovetot; and then to his Son Richard, who held these two Fees in King Richard the first's time: as appears by his Charter in the first year of his Reign, which confirms to the Abbot of Burgh, among other Lands, duo feoda in Clopton & pertinentiis, which were held by Richard de Lovetot. Who had two Sons William and Nigell; and three Daughters, Amicitia, Rosia and Margeria. William dying without Issue, the Estate came to Nigel; who being a Beneficed Clergyman, it came upon his death to the three Sisters. The two Elder of which, though married, had no share in these Fees; but they fell to the youngest, who was married to Richard Patrick: and by him had a Son and a Daughter; William, and Margery. She married to Will. de Vernon; and her Brother William gave all his share in the Estate (which was in the hand of Hugo Fleming and Tho. Smert and their Heirs who did homage to Will. Patrick for it) to his Sister Margery. Who after his death, in her free Widowhood gave and granted all the Homages and Services of the aforesaid Fleming and Smert and their Heirs to John de Caleto Abbot of Burgh, by her Deed. And afterward Rob. Fleming feofavit praedictum Johannem Abbatem, de omnibus terris & Tenementis quae habuit in Polebroke per Chartam.  
Which Charter I find in our Records here remaining; wherein Rob. de Flemenk gives to John de Caleto his Tenement in Polebroke, and the Advouson of the Church.  
In this year King Henry granted the very same Charter to this Church, which Richard the first had done; confirming all their Lands in the several Counties of the Realm by name. It bears date at Windsor 12 Junii, Anno Regni sui 37.  
The like for their Liberties (in which is the Fair for eight days and the eight Hundreds, etc.) and for their Woods.  
In the next year 1254. three neighbouring Abbots died as I find in the Chron. of John Abbot, viz. Thomas de Wells Abbot of Croyland, David Abbot of Thorney; and William Abbot of Ramsey. Pope Innocent the iv died also. And in this year there was an aid granted to the King ad primogenit. fill. suum Militem faciend. for the making Prince Edward a Knight An. Regis Hen. 38. sc. de quolibet scuto de Honore Burgi XL. Sol. every Knight's Fee of the Honour of Burgh paying forty Shillings: which was received by one of the Friars Rich. de London. So the Title of this account runs in our Book. fol. CCCLXXI. receipt. fratris R. de Lond. de denariis Auxilii Domini Regis H. etc. And then follow the names of all the Knights and their payments: the first being Galfridus de Sancto Medardo who paid twelve Pound, and therefore had six Knights Fees: the second Radulph. de Kameys, who paid as much, etc. I have not room for the rest; who are two and fifty in all: some of which had but half Fees, and others less.  
In this year it was also, that the King sent his Justices into many places in England, to do right to every man, and to free the Country from Thiefs and Highwaymen, Quorum unus fuit Abbas de Burgo, saith Matth Paris, one of which Justices was the Abbot of Burgh; as Mr. G. hath observed.  
In the year 1257. there was a power granted to this Abbot, to distrain both of his Knights and of all other Freeholders, who owed him service, but had not done it; that he might be able to perform the service wherein he stood bound to the King; for his assistance in his War then in Wales▪ For the Abbot stood bound to the King; for Sixty Knights Fees, which he had not performed: and therefore a distress was granted against him, upon all the Land he held of the King in that service, without any prejudice to what the Church held in perpetuam eleemosynam.  
In the next year I find a final agreement made between him and Ralph Crumbwell, Son of Rob. Crumbwell; about sixty Acres of Meadow in Collingham: A confederation also between him and the Prior of Worcester, whereby they engaged their Churches in such a mutual society and Friendship, as I mentioned before between Alexander and the Abbot of St. Edmund's: and several other things which I cannot find in what year they were done. Particularly a Charter made by Steven de Horbiling, wherein he gives to him and the Convent a Capital Message in Burgh, in the Street called Tugate: and another hard by it, and three Acres of Arable Land, etc.  
Mr. G. saith p. 34. that he found no mention of the Rule of St. Benedict in this Monastery, till this Abbot's time. Which is something strange, when in the life of Martin de Ramsey P. 30. he takes notice of the Grand Privilege granted by Gregory the IXth to this Church. For in that Bull there is an express command for the observation of it for ever: Nay, it is the very first thing in it after the Preface. Imprimis siquidem statuentes, ut Ordo Monasticus qui secundum Deum, & beati Benedicti regulam in eodem Monasterio esse dignoscitur institutus, perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliter observetur. Where he speaks of it as a Rule already instituted in this Monastery, before that time; which was in the year 1228.  
And the only thing I have yet met withal, to make one think this Rule was here introduced sooner than I have before said (viz. in King Edgar's time) is the mention of it in the Charter of Ethelbaldus (which I have since taken notice of) Founder of the Church of Croyland An. 716. Where he calling it the Monastery of Black Monks serving God sub norma Sancti Benedicti 
Ingulphus p. 3. Edit. Oxon. : it may thence be probably conjectured, that this Neighbouring Monastery, (then called medeshamsted) was under the same Rule at that time: which was when Egbaldus was Abbot here; who is one of those that signs that Charter of Croyland.  
There is no account given in the MS. Chron. Johannis Abbatis Burgi, of the time of this Abbot's death, nor when Rob. de Sutton was chosen: though the memorable things are set down, which happened in the following years: which makes me think John de Kaleto was the Author of that Chronicon. But W. of Wittlesea hath informed us, when he died, which Mr. G. hath noted. And the Calendar, I have often mentioned, tells us he departed this Life on the first of March: which was Depositio Joh. de Calceto Abbatis & Anniversarium Ivonis superioris. On which day they were to pray for the Souls of the Father and Mother of this John Abbot.  
There are two memorable Statutes of this Abbots which ought not to be omitted, because they explain the customs of this Church.  
One is that when a Monk had been four years complete in the Monastery (which in their Language is quatuor annos conversionis suae impleverit) he should from that time receive out of the Chamber, coopertorium & tunicam; & similiter caputium & stragulam: which it seems he provided before at his own charges.  
The other is, that every Monk should have coradium suum plenary for a whole year after his decease; as if he had been alive, except only the pitanciae. Insuper Pelliciam, Soculares, Caligas & Pedules, together with his Pilch (or Shirt) his Boots, Breeches, Socks (or Stockings) which the Prior, Camerarius and Eleemosynarius, were to see done, and faithfully distributed to the Poor. Both these were enacted in Chapter, with the full consent of the Convent.   

ROBERTUS de Sutton.  
The year before he died he made a Deed like that of John de Caletoes, beginning after the same manner; wherein he grants to the Convent one Mark a year, out of certain Lands of John de Sermoney, and forty Shillings of annual Rent, for the making the day of his death an Anniversary: But he doth not express how he would have it kept. He set only his own seal to it, datum apud Burgum An. 1273, upon the Monday before the Feast of the Chair of St. Peter the Apostle.  
In which year, on the 11. of the Kal. of March I find an agreement made between the Abbot of Burgh and the Abbot of Sawtry, concerning Secta Curiae de Castre, which the Abbot of Burgh challenged from him of Sawtry, from three Weeks to three Weeks, for certain Tenements which he held in Fee of the Abbot of Burgh in Catteworth and Wynewick. Which the Abbot of Sawtrey acknowledged to be due from him and his Convent, to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh: who remitted the same suit for the future, upon payment of five Shillings Rend yearly, to the Abbot of Burgh, etc. which if it was not paid he had power to distrain upon the Tenements by his Bailiffs, etc.  
Alicia de Scotere Widow gave a great deal of Land to the Church in his time, which she had in Burgh, Dodestorp, Paston, etc. Nicolaus de Cutyller renounced all his right and claim in a Message of twelve acres of Land, etc. And a great many more Grants I find, made to the same Rob. Sutton; but it is not said in what year: nor have I place for them in this Supplement.  
The Chron. of John Abbot, as its title bears, being carried on by some other hands: and having related how a Council was held at Lions by Gregory X. in the year 1274; wherein was determined what Order of Mendicants should continue, and what should cease; adds: obierunt ibi multi Praelati in redeundo de Concilio. Obiit Dominus Robertus Abbas de Burgo, cui successit Dominus Richardus de London. The Calendar saith that on the 22. of March. was, Depositio Roberti de Sutton Abbatis, & Anniversarium Henrici Aurifabri, & Johannis de Trikingham Prioris. Which last I conceive may be the same man, whom Mr. Gs. Authors call Elias Trickingham.   

RICHARDUS de London.  
There were two Agreements, I find, made by this Abbot at his very entrance: one between him and the Abbot of Thornholm; another with the Abbot of Swinshened (neither of which are named) dated at Burg 1275. on the Feast of the Purification.  
After which follows in our Records, 
Fol. CLXV.  a Deed of Galfridus de Suthorp Knight, which he made Richardo de London Abbati de Burg Sancti Petri, etc. Of which Galfridus he bought the Manor of Gunthorp, and settled it upon the Eleemosynary, an. 1277.  
In the same Year, upon the Feast of All-Saints, died Rob. de Wremerest: whereupon Will. de Wodeford, than Sacrist of Burg. St. Reter, came and claimed his Body to be buried in the Church of Burgh. But the Friends of the deceased being very instant with him, that with his leave it might be buried in the Church of Vengirst; and the forenamed Sacrist considering, the inundation of Waters which then was, and many other dangers in the ways, and moved by their Prayers, buried the Corpse himself in the aforesaid Church, de gratia sua speciali of his special grace and favour; as the words are in the Memorandum left of it in our Book 
Fol. CLXI. .  
Nor far from which I find another Memorandum, of a thing of like nature, which happened two year before. When there was a controversy arose between the Abbot and Convent of Burgh on the one part, and Rober a'e Nevile of Scottun on the other part: about the burial of the Body of Philip de Nevil, Father to the said Rob. and the Mortuary which the Monastery challenged, as due to the Church from one of their Knights. Which was thus at last composed, viz. the aforesaid Rob. humbly petitioned the Abbot and Convent that they would permit the burial of his Father, which had been already made at Scottun, hâc vice, for this time: and that in like manner they would be pleased hâc vice to remit the Mortuary due to them. And accordingly the Abbot and Convent, with respect to the love which the aforesaid Robert bore to them, did for that time allow the Burial and release the Mortuary, de gratia & liberalitate sua. Dat. apud Burgh in Crastino Sancti Barthol. An. Dom. MCCLXX. Quinto.  
In the Year MCCLXX Octavo there was the like case with the first, only with this difference, that Emma the Wife of Galfridus de Sancto Medardo died about Michaelmas at the Manor of Osgoteby, and the same W. de Wodeford Sacrist of Burg, presented himself: being ready to defend the right of the Church to have the Body of the said Woman, to be buried at Burgh; according to an agreement made long before between the Monks and the Knights of the said Church, before the Bishop of Lincoln: but she having desired to be buried at Stanford, at their devout request, the forenamed Sacrist out of special grace and favour condescended for that time (saving the rights of Burgh) to let her desire be fulfilled.  
This Abbot recovered many Rents belonging to the Church; and many grants were made to it in his time; but I do not find in what years, nor have I room to mention them particularly. But one must not be forgotten, which was the Gift of a whole Street in Burgh, by Will. de Wauton or Walton, Son of William, Son of John de Wauton: who says, dedi & concessi, & hac presenti carta mea confirmavi, Dominis meis Richardo Abhati de Burgo Sancti Petri, & ejusdem loci convent. totam illam plateam, cum domibus super aedificatis in villa Burgi sitam in Market stead, etc.  
There is a grant which John Gowke of Stowe also made of a Meadow to him, which runs in this Style, Dedi, concessi, & hac presenti Charta mea confirmavi Domino Ricard. Dei gratia Abbati de Burg. Sancti Petri, & ejusdem loci conventui totum pratum meum, etc. But Richard himself I find writes himself Abbot only, permissione Divina.  
There was an agreement made between him and Oliver Bishop of Lincoln about some things in difference; but they are not mentioned in the MS. Chron. Johan. Abbatis ad an. 1282. where there are these words, Dominus Rex Edwardus Walliam adiit, & David novum principem cepit. Facta est etiam concordia inter Dominum Oliverum Episcopum Lincoln. & Ricardum Abbatem Burgi. But four years after they were at difference again, perhaps about the same thing, for in the fourteenth of Edward the First 
Dr. Thoreton's Hist. of Nottingham, p. 190. , the Bishop of Lincoln complained of the Abbot of Peterburgh for setting up a Gallows at his Manor of Collingham, and there hanging a Thief, to the derogation of the liberty of the Wapentack of Newark, which the Bishop held of the grant of the King's predecessors. To which the Abbot answered, That the King's Father in the 37th year of his Reign granted him and his successors, Infangthef and Vtfangthef in all his Hundreds and Demesnes, and so he avowed his Gallows: and complained against the Bishop for taking two Horses and six Cows at Newark, and driving them to his Parc or Pound, and there detaining them. To which the Bishop replied, That he held his Wapentak of the gift of the King, within which were the two Towns of Collingham, which the said Abbot held, and for which he ought to make suit at the said Wapentac, by three Men of each Town: which he not doing, therefore he took the Horses and Kine. The Cause went against the Abbot: and he was constrained to submit, and pull down his Gallows.  
It was this Abbot, I suppose, who bond himself and whole Convent, and all their Goods to certain Merchants for a sum of Money for the King's use: who made over to them his Manor de Graham and all the Appurtenances, until the Debt was satisfied, with all damages and expenses. For I find Letters Patents of this King Edward the First, unto the Abbot and Convent of Burgh making mention of this, and of the Writings on each part under their Hands and Seals: and how the Debt being paid, the Abbot and Convent had restored to the King his part with his Seal; but he could not find their Counterpart. Which therefore he declared by these Letters to be cassa & vacua & penitus nullius valoris in perpetuum, and should be restored to the Abbot when it could be found.  
There is a Petition also to this King from the Abbot that they might enjoy the right they had, per cartas omnium Regum Angliae à tempore Williemi Bastardi usque ad nunc, to the Tithe of all the Venison (decimam totius venationis) taken in the County of Northampton, by whomsoever taken: in possession of which they had always peaceably remained. Which the King confirmed by two Charters: and the Queen also sent her Letters about it.  
In this Year (14 of Edw. 1.) William Paris died, who built, as Mr. G. observes, the Chapel of the Blessed Virgin, adjoining to the Church on the North-side of the Quire. So the MS. Chron. ascribed to John Abbot. MCCLXXXVI. obiit Dominus Willielmus Parys Prior Burgi. Successit Dominus Ricardus de Bernewell.  
This Chapel was finished six year before, being consecrated, as I observed before, by Oliver Sutton in the year 1290. There was a Chapel of the blessed Virgin belonging to this Church before, called Capella beatae Virginis de Parco, as I noted in the life of Akarius: because it stood I suppose in the Park, belonging to this Monastery. But I find no other memory of it.  
The same Chronicon of John Abbot notes ad An. MCCXCV. obiit Dominus Ricardus Abbas Burgi. Cui successit Willielmus de Wodeford. He departed this Life on the first of August, after he had been Abbot one and twenty year. For on that day the Calendar saith was Depositio Ricardi de London Abbatis.   

WILLIHELMUS de Wodeford.  
He was born I suppose at Wodeford in this County, where this Church had a great deal of Land, as appears from many Records: but more particularly from a Transcript of all the Manors and Tenements of the Abbey of Burgh in the several Counties of the Realm, as they are contained en le domes day in Tesauraria Domini Regis apud Westemon. tempore Regis Edwardi primi: which was made about this time, and remains in our Book Fol. CCXCII. etc.  
The most memorable thing that I can find done in his time, was the Taxation of all the Manors of the Abbey, for their Goods Temporal and Spiritual, by Apostolical (i. e. the Papal) authority: which was done I find by 24 Jurates. 12 Clergymen and 12 Laymen in the first year of this Abbot 1296. It remains still at the end of the Book called Swapham, Fol. CCCXLU. bearing this Title.  
Plena Taxatio Maneriorum Abbatis & Conventus de bonis eorum temporalibus & spiritualibus, facta per venerabiles Patres Wynton' & Lincoln' Episcopos, Autoritate sedis Apostolicae, per XXIV. Juratos. Quorum XII Clerici & XII laici Anno Domini M. CC. Nonagesimo sexto.  
Then follows the value of the several Manors, and the Tenths to be paid out of them, after this manner.  
Manerium de Burbury taxatur ad 20 l.  5 d. Reditus villae Burgi taxatur ad 22 l. 6 s. 8 d. Gunthorp taxatur ad 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Eye taxatur ad 9 l. 6 s. 5 d. ob. Baelasis cum Appendiciis taxat. ad 4 l. & 6 d. Manerium de Sutton taxatur ad 6 l. 2 s.  Cujus Decima est 40 s.  ob. Decimae 44 s.   Decima 8 s. 4 d.  Decima 18 s. 7 d. ob. q. Decima    Decima     
And so it proceeds with the rest; several of which, as Botolbrigg, Fletton, Alwalton, etc. have no Tenths rated.  
There had been one before this in the 53. of Henry 3. which is styled Taxatio Magistri Constantini & Domini Gydonis de Maneriis Burgi facta, etc. In which Burghberry, the Town of Burgh, the Market and Fair is taxed at one hundred and eight Pound, eight Shillings; cujus Decima est 10 l. 16 s. 9 d. ob. And so the rest are higher rated than in the foregoing, and the Tenths both of Fletton and Alwalton are put in. Then was granted, as I find in another place 
Fol. CCCLXIX. , a tenth of all Ecclesiastical Benefices, Rents and Profits, by the whole Clergy for two years, by the licence of the Pope, and the consent of the Archbishops to the use of Prince Edward, for his expenses apud Acon or Ptolomais, which he went to relieve. There was another four years after in the year 1273. When by the command of the Pope the Churches of England were taxed according to an equal value by the Bishop of Norwich. Here particularly is an account of what he did in Nasso-Burgh, under this title. Estimationes Ecclesiarum & Vicariarum in Nasso-Burgi facta per Domin. Norwicens. Episcopum An. M CC. LXXIII. This is quoted out of the Chronica Domini Will. Paris Prioris An. D. 1273 and from thence we may gather that he who built the Chapel before named, was a writer also; and composed the Annals of this Church; if not of England and perhaps other Countries, as Abbot John did.  
I can find little more of William de Wodeford, besides that which. Mr. G. hath collected: only it is said in an old Record that An. 27. Edw. 1. and An. quarto Domini Will. de Wodeford, Robert de Watervil, and John Spournel, did homage and fealty to him on the Feast of St. Stephen; for Land held by them in Overton, Wodeford and Kynesthorp.  
Nor do I meet with more than the mention of the Hospital of St. Leonard's: which it appears had Friars and Lands belonging to it, by a Deed of Agnes Pudding 
Fol. CCXLI , who for the health of her Soul, gave to God and St. Peter, together with her body, eight acres of arable Land; two of which she held de fratribus Hospital. Sancti Leonardi de Burgo: to whom she reserved one penny to be paid out of that Land in die Apostolorum Petri & Pauli annuatim, pro omni servitio. Which whether it was different or no from the Hospituarium Burgi, which had the Chapel of All Saints belonging to it, I do not know. But I find that Will. de Saresbury Son of Simon de Saresbury (or Salesbury) granted and confirmed sixpence. per an. which his Father had given to that Hospital, to maintain a Lamp in that 
Fol. 287.  Chapel, ad sustinendam ibi Lampadem in Capella omnium Sanctorum ad honorem Dei perpetuo duraturam. I take this to be the same with Hospital. Leprosorum extra Burgum; mentioned in the foregoing Taxation: which was taxed at six pound, and paid not Tenths. There is still a Well near the Spittle, which is called St. Leonara's Well, whose water hath been thought Medicinal.  
He died this year, as the MS. Chron. Joh. Abbatis tells us, in which there is a magnificent Character given of his Successor Godfrey of Crowland. An. MCCXCIX. obiit Dominus Willielmus Abbas Burgi, Cui successit Dominus Godfridus, vir magnificus, & ingentis industriae in temporalibus tractandis.  
His memory was celebrated on the second of September; which is noted in the Calendar to be the day of his death, and the Anniversary of John of Gresham.   

GODEFRIDUS de Croyland.  
The most memorable thing that I meet with in the beginning of this Abbot's Government; is a Grant made by the Abbot and Convent of Burgh to the Abbot and Convent of Sulebi; that the said Abbot and Convent of Sulebi, might without any impediment enter into the Manor of Adington parva and its appurtenances; to have and to hold the said Manor to themselves and Successors for ever. Which Manor Richard Son of Gervase de Bernack sometimes held of Humphrey de Bassingburn, who held it of the Abbot of Burgh per servitium feodi unius militis. For which Grant, the Abbot and Convent of Sulebi, granted on their part, that they would pay to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh the yearly Rent of six Shillings and eight Pence of Silver, at the Feast of Easter, in their Manor of Castre: and that they would facere soctam ad curiam from three Weeks to three Weeks at Castre, etc. They also granted that every Abbot of Sulebi after this present, however he succeeded, should pay upon every vacancy to the Church of Burgh ten Marks of Silver, in the name of a relief; within eight days after he was made Abbot of Sulebi. The Abbot of Burgh also notwithstanding this grant and agreement, was to receive homage, scutage, and all Royal services from the aforesaid Tenement for ever, etc. Dat. apud Burg. S. Pet. die Sabbati in vigilia Paschae An. Domini Millesimo Trecentesimo. Et anno Regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici vicesimo Octavo.  
I find also many homages done to him An. 28. Edwardi I. & An. ejus primo, on the next Sunday after the Epiphany, for Lands held of him in several places. And the like in the following years: one or two of which I think fit to set down. On the Feast of Thomas the Martyr (as he is called) An. Edw. 33. Rob. Domer did him homage for an Estate he held of him in Eston near Rockingham: and the Acquietance the Abbot gave him is Recorded at large, in these terms. Pateat per presents, quod nos Godfridus, Abbas de Burg Sancti Petri pardonavimus, ad instantiam Johannis de Hotot, de gratia nostra speciali, Roberto fill. & her. Domini Joh. Domer milit▪ quinquaginta solidos pro relevio suo de morte dicti Domini Johannis Vxoris suae, pro dimid. feodi mil. quod idem Dominus Joh. de nobis tenet in capite, in villa de Eston juxta Rockingam, & viginti sol. nostro auxilio ad primogenitam fill. Domini R. maritandam, & 20. sol. de scutagio nobis à Domino Rege concessa de an trigesimo primo. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras eid. Rob. fieri fecimus Patentes. Dat. apud Burg. S. Pet. die lunae in Septima Paschae, etc.  
In the 4th year of Edw. II. which was the 12th of Godfrey, on the Sunday before the Feast of the Ascension, Joh. fill. Domini Rogeri de Hegham, did homage and Fealty to the said Abbot in his Hall at Burgh, for Land he held of him in Helpston; in the presence of Robert de Thorp, than Steward of the Liberties of Burgh. In which year (4. Edw. 2.) it was that of his own Charity, he built the Bridge over the River Nen.  
In the same Register I find this Record, that in the very first year of his Abbotship he bond himself in the sum of five hundred Marks for the redemption of John St. John taken Prisoner, and kept so by the King of France: Dominus Johannes de Sancto Johanne Capitivus, in Carcere Philippi Regis▪ Franc. remanens, Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri obligatus pro 500 Marcis de redemptione sua. An. 1299. Which agrees with what Tho. Walsingham saith of this Gentleman, whom he calls Johannes de Sancto Johanne de Baiona: who was taken Prisoner in the year 1298, going to the relief of Bellagarda, together with the Earl of Lincoln, who commanded one half of the Army, but would not fight. By which means it came to pass, that this J. St. John, and Will. de Mortuomari and Will. de Bermanglen and eight other Knights were made Prisoners; and carried to Paris in Triumph.  
How this Abbot came to be engaged for him, or what relation he had to him I do not find; nor have I room for any further account of him: but only this. That in his sixth year there happened a difference between him and the Abbot of Thorney, about a certain Highway (de quodam chimino) from a place in the River Neen called Herlotefforth; unto the Town of Eye. And at last this agreement was made, at the instance of Walter Bishop of Coventry and Litchf. then Lord High Treasurer, and other friends to them both, viz. that the aforesaid Abbot and Convent of Burgh, of their own mere will, and special benevolence, for the cherishing of mutual love and charity between them, granted for them and their Successors, that the Abbot of Thorney and the Convent and their Servants, Friends, or Strangers coming thither, might hereafter use that Highway, ad latitudinem quindecim pedum, with their Carts, Wagons, Carriages, Horses, drift of Cattle, to Fairs or Markets, without any disturbance, etc. Dat▪ apud Stamfordiam die Martis proxima post festum Sanctorum Tiburtii & Valeriani. Anno Reg. Edw. Tricesimo quarto. He died after he had been Abbot one and twenty years. So MS. Chron. Johan. Abbatis ad An. MCCCXX. obiit Dominus Godefridus Abbas Burgi; cui successit Adam de Botheby, etc. And the day was on the 9th of August, as we learn from the Calendar; which tells us then was Depositio Godfridi de Croyland Abbatis.   

ADAM de Botheby.  
The Character which the forenamed Chronicon gives of him is this, that he was vir magnae innocentiae & simplicitatis, a man of great innocence and simplicity. In whose time the Controversy between this Church and the Bishop of Lincoln, in the 10th of Edw. the Third, was revived. When the Bishop impleaded divers men of North and South Collingham, for breaking his Pound, and taking away some Cattle which his Bailiff had seized: being the Goods of several condemned and Outlawed persons of the same Towns, some whereof were hanged. Which he said belonged to him, in the right of his Wapentac of Newark: but they said belonged to the Abbot of Peterburgh, as Lord of the Manor of Collingham. But the judgement before mentioned in the 14 Edw. I. ended the strife, and the Bishop prevailed.  
In his first year An. 1321. there were seen in many places of England, nocturnae acies armatae invicem militari more dimicantes in aere: & maxim super Castellum Comitis Lancastriae, as the MS. Chron. of Joh. Abbatis writes. Who makes no doubt they predicted what followed in this year: wherein he and many other Barons were put to Death. Sanguinem illustris Comitis, ac aliorum nobilium, qui postea nequiter effusus est, effundendum indubitanter praemonstrantes.  
The same Chron. add an. 1338. saith, Hoc anno 7. Kal. Decemb. in festo Sanctae Katherinae, obiit piae memoriae Dominus Adam de Botheby nuper Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri. Cui successit———— Here a line is scraped out; and this is the last Abbot mentioned in that Chronicon, though it doth not end till the year 1368. Which shows it was carried on by some other hand that was not much acquainted with this Church, or did not regard it. And it speaking here of Adam de Botheby as lately dead, was the thing that deceived Pitseus: who (as Mr. G. observes) took John Abbot to have lived now; because he found he that wrote this latter part of the History (which bore the name of John in the Title) was alive about the year 1340. who saith the same year that Adam Abbot died, per multa Angliae loca, salices Rosas germinaverunt.  
The day of his death the Calendar also places upon the 23. of November: which was Depositio Adae Abbatis de Botheby & Anniversarium Domini Joh. de Aysby, etc.   

HENRICUS de Morcot.  
In this Abbot's time, as I take it, Edward the Third granted his Licence for the turning the Parochial Church of St. Peter de Irtlingburgh, into a Collegiate Church of six Secular Canons (one of which to be the Dean) and of four beneficed Clarks; to be nominated by the Abbot and Convent of Peterburgh: who, and John Pyel had the Advowson of the Church, alternis vicibus. The said John Pyel on his part engaging to assign such a portion of his own Estate, as might be a sufficient maintenance for the said Dean, Canons and Clerks; together with the other profits belonging to the said Church: and having obtained a Bull also from Pope Gregory the XI. to the Bishop of Lincoln to permit this College to be erected, if it were so endowed by John Pyel as to pay all Episcopal duties and other burdens: And the said Abbot and Convent also having after sufficient deliberation, consented to this unanimously; provided their right of presenting alternately to those Canonries, or prebend's, and other benefices were preserved; and the aforesaid Dean, Canons and Clerks said divine Service, in that Church every day, for ever.  
John Pyel indeed died before this could be effected: for the Bishop of Lincoln had deferred to execute his intention. But his Wife Johanna, Executress of his last Will and Testament, petitioning King Richard the II. that it might be fulfilled, and representing how she had obtained a new Bull from Pope Vrban directed to the Archdeacon of London for that purpose; the King thereupon granted his Licence, quod ipse Archidiaconus ad erectionem hujusmodi Collegii faciendam procedere valeat, juxta vim, formam, & effectum dictarum literarum Apostolicarum. For which licence she gave the King 20 Marks, as is expressed in the Letters Patents. V Monast. Anglicanum, 3. Tom. De Ecclesiis Collegiatis p. 108.  
There are some Acts of this Abbot mentioned in a MS. Register formerly belonging to this Church, now in Sir John Cotton's Library, and others in our Records at the end of Swapham in the 18, 19, and 21. of Edward III. to which I cannot be allowed to give a place in this History, without wrong to the Undertaker. I can find no memory of him in the Calendar of the Church (though there is of his Successor) because, it is likely, he left nothing for the celebrating of his Anniversary, as several foregoing Abbots did.   

ROBERTUS RAMSEY.  
There is a memorial of him, as I said, in the Calendar which tells us he died upon the sixth of October: which was Depositio Roberti de Ramsey Abbatis, & fratris Thomae de Burgo. And a Memorandum of a gift bestowed upon the Church in the first year of his Government, by the Heir of William Everard de Dodestorp: but so defaced by time, that it cannot all be read. I suppose it was written in his time; for it follows after an account of the years that every Abbot from John de Caleto till his time, lived in the government of this place; but saith nothing how long he continued.  

Abbas Johan. de Caleto vixit annis 13.  
Abbas Robert de Sutton an. 12.  
Abbess Ric. de London an. 22.  
Abbas Willielmus de Wodeford an. 4.  
Abbas Godefrid de Croyland an. 22.  
Abbas Adam de Boyeby an. 17.  
Abbas Henricus de Morkote an. 14.    

HENRY de Overton  
Born I suppose at Overton, now called Orton; on the other side of the River Neen: and made Abbot here in the year 1360. As appears by an old record of a Fine paid by William Cole (Nativus Domini Abbatis de Burgo) for a licence in his Court at Thurleby, in the forty seventh year of Edward the Third; (that is 1373) which is said to be in the Thirteenth year of this Abbot.  
In his second year, the 37. of Edw. III. 1369. all the Monks of the black Order held a General Chapter at Northampton (where Thomas Abbot of St. Alban presided) in which it was decreed, among other things, that they should make a perpetual and continual memory, throughout their whole Order, for the Quick and the Dead, every hour of the day and night: as Walsingham 
P. 180.  informs us, in his History of these times. Who also tells us that in the year 1379 (which was the 2. of Rich. II.) there was a great Tax laid upon the whole Clergy: wherein every Mitred Abbot paid as much as an Earl, viz. six Marks; and a Noble moreover pro singlis capitibus Monachorum Pole money, for every Monk in his Monastery. Of which he complains heavily, as an unreasonable thing: that the poorest of them should pay as much as the richest, Earl or Bishop; and over and above for his Friars 
Ib. p. 221. .  
I have give an account already (in the life of Martin de vecti) of the Insurrection in the fourth year of King Rich. 1381. Which the said Walsingham ascribes to the sins of men of all sorts, not excepting the Mendicant Friars: who contrary to their profession, he faith, were grown such flatterers and deceivers, that it was thought as good an argument, both for matter and form, to say, This is a Friar, therefore he is a Liar, as to say, This is White, therefore it hath a Colour.  

P. 302.  Two years after 1383. The King and his Queen spent their time in visiting the Abbeys of the Kingdom: which, the same Historian saith, was no small burden to them; because they came with an excessive number of attendants, & non offer, sed auferre, not to offer, but to carry away. I do not find whether they were here or no, but he mentions the Abbey of St. Edmunds-Bury (with which this was in a confederacy) where they were entertained ten days: which cost the Monastery eight hundred Marks.  
There is no memory of this Abbot, nor of any that follow, in the Calendar, I have often mentioned: they living not long before it was written; and in those tumultuous times that ensued, having no power, its likely, to do more than preserve what their ancestors had acquired: and scarcely that neither, for in Rich. Ashton's time (when the Calendar was written) I find but 64. Monks.   

NICOLAUS.  
It is not known where this Abbot was born or bred; and there is very little to be found, either of what he did, or what was done, in his time. The only thing I meet with, besides that which Mr. G. mentions, is an ordinance of his about the observation of the Feast of St. Kyneburgh, in the last year of his Abbotship 1396. Which Feast, it appears by the Calendar, was on the 7. of March: whereon was Translatio Sanctorum Kyneburgh and Kyneswith. Whom Malmsbury 
L. IU. de gestis Pontif. Angl.  calls Kinedreda and Kines wida, the Daughters of King Penda; the Relics of whose Ashes, he saith, were here kept and worshipped: who both of them having dedicated themselves to God in their Infancy, preserved their noble purpose till old age. The younger of them also, not being content with her own resolution, prevailed with Offa King of the East Aagles, who courted her in marriage, to consecrate himself to Virginity. They were first buried in Ecclesia Kyneburgensis Castri (called now Castre, as I suppose) which being very ruinous in the time of Elfinus Abbot, the Monks of Ramsey (as Hugo tells us) endeavoured with all their might, night and day, to carry their bodies away to that Monastery. But it was neither the will of the Lord, nor their pleasure (as his words are) to rest any where but under the power of St. Peter (sub Clavigeri potestate) who brought them to Christianity. And therefore they heard the prayers (as he goes on) of Leof. winus Sacrist of Burch, who was a devout Servant of theirs, and earnestly beseeched them to have their bodies lie in this Church (promising to do them the greatest honour) as is more fully declared in translation earum, in the Narative of their Translation; which was too long, he saith, to set down in every particular. After the like manner also the same Abbot with Leofwinus his assistance, translated the most pious Virgin Tibba, de riale Burgi: She herself commanding it, and by great miracles showing that she desired to rest there among her holy Friends. Upon which occasion Hugo relates not only all the Relics in this Church (as hath been before shown) but tells also where the bodies of all the English Saints lie; that he who desired to address himself to any particular Saint, might know where to find him or her. And speaking of Tibba, he saith, she was cousin to the two forenamed Sisters, Kyneburgh and Kyneswith: whose Relics here were in such high esteem, that Ingalphus reckons the treading of their precious pledges under Feet, as one of the principal profanations, when this Monastery was demolished by the Danes in the year 870. when Altaria omnia suffossa, etc. Sanctarum Virginum Kyneburgae, Kyneswitae, & Tibbae, pretiosa pignora pedibus conculcata 
P. 23. Edit. Oxon. .  
Henry of Bolingbroke, then Earl of Derby (afterward Duke of Hereford, and at last King of England) lay for some time in this Monastery, with a great train, in the beginning of this Abbot's Government. Particularly in the year 1392, when his Courtiers (as my Author calls them 
Hist. Croyland. Continuatio p. 489. ) threatened to destroy Deping and its inhabitants, as enemies to him and his Father, as well as injurious to Croyland (which had suffered much by them) and the neighbouring people of Holland. Which put them into such a fright, that the Steward of the Courts of the Earl of Kent, Lord of Deping, and four and twenty of the best of the Town, came with all speed to Burgh St. Peter, and submitted themselves to the mercy of the Earl of Derby. Whose Treasurer interceded for them, and procured their Pardon; upon promised (confirmed by their Oath) that they would keep the Peace hereafter with all Hollanders, and most strictly punish all disturbers of it, that could be found among them.   

WILLIELMUS GENGE.  
If he were the first Mitred Abbot of this Church, as Mr. G. says, Sir H. Spelman's notion is not true; that they put on Mitres in token they had Episcopal Jurisdiction, and being advanced to the dignity of Barons sat in Parliaments; which no other Abbots did. For the Abbot of Burgh St. Peter sat in Parliament, in the 4th year of Edw. 3. as appears by the summons to the Parliament at Winton. And there is little truth also in what is commonly said, that Mitred Abbots were not subject to any Bishop: for after this Abbot's time, I shall show presently, the Bishop of Lincoln kept both the Abbot and Convent, for some time, under his Visitation.  
There are certain Constitutions I find made by him 1398. and others in the years 1401. and 1406. which I can but mention.   

JOHANNES DEEPING.  
The first of Henry 5th was the fifth year of his Abbotship, as a memorandum still remaining tells us: and thence we learn he was made Abbot 1407.  
All that I find of him, are some Statutes which he made 1409. about the right observations of certain Festivals: and others made by him in the year 1420. Which he calling the eleventh year of his Abbotship: from thence it appears he was not made Abbot till the year 1409: He defended also the right the Church had to the Manor of Walcote in Lincolnshire (as I have observed already) in the 13 year of Henry the 4th (an. 1314. against Thomas of Lancaster, the King's Son: making it appear that it had been part of the Demesnes of the Abbey from the first Foundation, and had never held of the aforesaid Thomas his Manor in Holderness.  
In the year 1421. which was the eighth of Hen. 5. a complaint being made to the King of grievous excesses and abuses among the black Monks of the Order of St. Benet, all the Abbots and Priors of that Order were 
Hist. Croyl. Contin. p. 513.  summoned to appear before the King at Westminster. Where in the Chapterhouse on the 7th of May, the King being personally present, the charge against them was read, by the Bishop of Exeter: and he, with several persons on both sides, were appointed to consider it and to make a reformation; which they all promised the King hereafter faithfully to observe.   

RICHARDUS ASHTON.  
In his time, about the year 1448. the controversy between this Abbey, and that of Croyland revived again; the Metes and Bounds of the several Fens belonging to each (which had been limited in divers places, which the History mentions, by crosses and other marks) being so worn 
Hist. Croyl. Continuatio P. 525. etc.  out by carelessness, in length of time, that a very obscure and confused knowledge was the most that was left of them. But by the consent of parties, and the supervising of the Bishop of Lincoln, the business was referred to four indifferent Arbitrators: the Abbots and their Convents binding themselves under their Seals, in an Obligation of a thousand Marks, to acquiesce in what they should Decree. Who met several times, and inspected the Evidences on both sides, but after much time and expenses, could not agree to determine any thing: but resolved to throw the matter upon the Abbots themselves, to make an end of it. Who met at Ibury a Manor of the Abbot of Burgh, with the Priors of each Monastery; and heard from one of the Arbitrators, what it was which they would not determine, without the express consent of both parties: but after much discourse between them, they could come to no agreement; nor was the controversy settled till many years after.  
But the most remarkable thing in this Abbot's time, is the pains he took in the regulation of Divine Service in this Monastery: about which he made many Ordinances, with the consent of all the Convent: and drew up a Gustomary, out of the ancient usages of the Church, for all the Sundays from the Octaves of Whitsunday, to the first Sunday in Advent. All which are yet extant, in his Grace's, the Lord Archbishop of canterbury's Library at Lambeth in two Volumes: One written by Simon of Yarwell, as he tells us in six verses at the beginning of the Book: the other by John Trentam; who concludes it with the like verses. By this Customary they were directed how to sing their Offices, longer or shorter, every day: as is expressed in the last Rubric of it. Before these Books is prefixed the Ecclesiastical Calendar (which I have had occasion frequently to name) at the side of which, are set down those Festivals, or Anniverssaries which were peculiar to this Church and their neighbour; as follows.  


January.  
3. Depositio Domini Martini Abbatis, viz. the first of that name.  
6. Will. de Hotot Abbatis, & Anniversarium Richardi de Waterville, & Johannis filii ejus.  
13. Depositio Elfini Abbatis, & Anniversarium Matthai Capellani.  
23. Depositio Domini Elfrici Archiepiscopi.   

February.  
21. Depositio Domini Andreae Abbatis. Abbas missam celebravit.  
26. Commemoratio fundatorum & omnium benefactorum▪   

March.  
1. Depositio Joh. de Caleto Abbatis pro anima Patris & Matris ejus; & Anniversarium Ivonis Supprioris.  
The Abbot was to say Mass himself, and the Prior read Divine Service usque ad dirige. Quia ista Depositio est in Albis.  
One Ivo de Gunthorp gave all his Lands in Witherington to this Church (as appears by the Charter of Rich. 1.) who perhaps is the person here named.  
7. Translatio Sanctorum Kynesburgh & Kyneswyth▪  
13. Depositio Domini Akarii Abbatis.  
The Abbot said Mass himself.  
22. Depositio Roberti de Sutton Abbatis & Anniversarium Henrici Aurifabri & Joh. de Trikingham Prioris.  
The Abbot said Mass.  
In this month there was Missa matutinalis cum cappa for the Souls of the Fathers and Mothers, etc. of all the Monks of this Monastery.  
[Of the celebration cum cappis I shall give an account, at the end of the Calendar.]   

April.  
11. Sancti Guthlaci  
Who was Confessor to King Ethelbald: who founded the Abbey of Croyland in memory of him.  
12. Depositio Thoroldi & Guidonis Abbatis. Et Anniversarium Rob. de Hale, & Agnetis Matris ejus.   

May.  
In the first Week of May, Legenda & facienda est Conventio inter Ecclesias Burgi & de Sancto Victore, & habebunt missam ferialem. In which they sung the Profundis, & cibus ea die ponatur ad mensam.  
[I shall explain this at the end].  
In Whitsun-Week was, Commemoratio specialium Defunctorum.  
[That is in some of the Ember-days. For so I find in our Records fol. CCLXXIV. Statutum est in capitulo per Dominum Robertum Abbatem communi conventus consensu, quod quater in anno fiat commemoratio omnium Defunctorum, quorum debitores sumus per specialem conventionem, sive societatem. sc. aliquo die quae vacaverit in Ebdomada quatuor temporum.]  
30. Depositio Domini Arewyni Abbatis.   

June.  
5. Depositio Adulphi Episcopi, & Anniversarium Richardi de Lincolnia, & Agnetis Vxoris suae.  
26. Depositio Martini Abbatis.   

July.  
13. Depositio Episcoporum Gamalielis & Huberti.   

August.  
1. Depositio Domini Richardi de London Abbatis.  
The Abbot said Mass. And they were in Albis, the Prior reading the Service (as before upon John de Caletoes day) and praying for the Souls of his Father and Mother, without naming them.  
9 Depositio Godfrid. de Croyland Abbatis  
In Albis, the Abbot saying Mass, and the Prior reading as before. After Mass the whole Convent made a Chorus with the Preceptor, Succensor, and the Signior Masters.  
28. Depositio Will. Landavensis Episcopi, & Anniversarium Domini Reginaldi Presbyters.   

September.  
2. Depos. Domini Will. de Wodeford Abbatis, & Annivers. Johannis de Gresham.  
The Abbot said Mass.  
In Ember Week Commemoratio specialium Defunctorum as before in Whitsun-Week.  
25. Depositio Domini Benedicti Abbatis.  
The Abbot said Mass; the Prior read as before. In Albis.   

October.  
6. Depositio Domini Roberti de Ramsey Abbatis, & fratris Thomae de Burgo.  
The Abbot said Mass.  
15. Depositio Domini Eylrici Episcopi, & Memoria Benefactorum  
22. Depositio Domini Matthiae Abbatis; & memoriae Wynegoti Monachi.  
This Wynegot, I observed before, bought St. Oswald's Arm hither from Bebeburch.  
29. Depos. Domini Roberti de Lyndsey Abbatis  
The Abbot said Mass; the Prior read ad tertiam: and they were in Albis.   

Novemb.  
1. Depositio Lefrici Abbatis.  
4. The Abbot said Mass for the souls of all the faithful departed this Life.  
10. Depositio Johannis de Sesse Abbatis, & Annivers. Henrici Talbot, & Richardi de Spalding.  
19 Depositio Alexandri Abbatis. Et Anniversarium Reginaldi de Castro, & Matildis Vxoris suae.  
23. Depositio Adae Abbatis Botheby, & Anniversarium Domini Joh. de Aysby, & Magistri Joh. de Hacwedone.  
30. Depositio Brandonis, & Will. de Waterville Abbatum, & Anniversarium Adae de Walkote.   

Decemb.  
1. A Commemoration of the Fathers, Mothers, and Parents of their Benefactors of Burgh.  
In Ember week, as before at Whitsuntide, a Commemoration Specialium Defunctorum.  
20. Depositio Kynsini Archiepiscopi & Anniversarium Radulphi Comitis.  
26. Depositio Walteri Abbatis.  
The Abbot said Mass.    
There is once mention made, the Reader may observe, in this Calendar, of celebrating cum Cappis, or Capis; that is in Copes: which added very much to the solemnity. As appears by what I find in a MS. History of the Church of Westminster, written by John Fleet a Monk thereof. Who tells us that Radulphus Papilyon who was made Abbot 1201. obtained the consent of the Chapter, for the celebrating the Feasts of four Saints, whom he much loved, in Capis, viz. St. Laurence, Vincent, Nicolaus, and Translatio Sancti Benedicti. And he sets down the Charter wherein this was granted, at his instance, for the keeping these Feasts, in Capis, processionibus, cum vinis & pitanciis honorabilibus. That is, formerly they were observed only with Ale, and a simple pitance; but after this with Wine, and more honourable allowances; as the Charter itself explains it. Richard of Berking afterward ordained that on three days following the translation of King Edward, Mass should be said still in Capis: for the greater honour of that Saint. And Richard de Crokesly ordained out of reverence to the blessed Virgin, that the Annunciation should be celebrated at her nativity, in quinque Capis. And thus, I observed before, it was in this Church of Burgh: where Rob. Lyndesay ordained, the Feasts of our Lord's Transfiguration; the Translation of St. Thomas, and the birth of St. Hugh to be celebrated in Copes. Much more, if it were proper in this place, I could add to this purpose. But I hasten to explain the meaning of the Convention or agreement between this Church, and that of St. Victor, which was to be read the first week in May.  
I have already observed that Friendship was wont to be contracted, between some Churches with others; as John de Kaleto I showed made confederationem inter Ecclesiam Burgi & Wigorn. the particulars of which are set down, in the Charter yet remaining Fol. CLXXV. Such was this with the Church of St. Victor; which I find expressly mentioned afterward, Fol. CCLXXIV. where an account is given of the Churches with whom this Church had made Confederations, and what they were. At the bottom of which Page, there are these words; Eadem Conventio facta est item inter nos & Canonicos de Sancto Victore, etc. that is, the same that was between this Church and the Canons of Gisburn: which was this: That in the first Week of Lent, there should be an Office performed in the Church of Burgh, for all the Brethren of Gisburn, who were dead. And on the morrow a Mass in the Convent; every Priest celebrating one Mass, and the rest, who were in inferior Order, singing 50. Psalms. The like to be done at Gisburn for those of Burgh: Et Cibus ea die ponatur ad mensam; though it was the beginning of Lent. The same was done for those of St. Victor on the first vacant day, in the first week of May.  
The Abbey of St. Victor de Caleto in Normandy, had several Manors in England, with great Liberties, confirmed by the Charter of King Henry II. as I find in the Monasticon. Vol. 2. P. 1002. A Relic of this St. Victor I find also given to the Church of St. Paul, by Radulphus de Diceto Dean of that Church: who enriched it with many others also; particularly of St. Oswald King and Martyr, vid. 3. Vol. p. 332.  
It would be too long here to name all the other Churches, with whom this of Burgh made the like Confederations: which shall be put in the Appendix: having this further to note; that it appears by the forenamed Customary, a piece of the Cross was presented to them all to kiss, in Passion-week; and that there being Sixty four Monks in this Richard Ashton's time, there happened so great a mortality among them, that thirty two or more, of the best Monks in the Monastery died. So that Divine Service could not be performed according to the Statutes then made: but they were forced to omit some things, which in those Books were appointed.   

WILLIELMUS RAMSET.  
It appears by a Record at the end of those Lambeth Books, that in the year 1483. John Russel Bishop of Lincoln summoned the Convent to come and attend him at Bugden, in his Visitation adhuc pendente: and there gave them Injunctions about their behaviour, one towards another, and towards the Abbot William. Who was still subject to the Episcopal Jurisdiction, notwithstanding his Mitre; as all his Predecessors had been. For there had been anciently a Decree in a Synod held near Cloveshom, in the year 747. (and that in obedience to the Letters of Pope Zachary which were publicly read in the Assembly, for the reformation of Manners) that the Bishops should visit their Dioceses every year, and admonish both Abbots and Monks to live regularly; as William of Malmsbury informs us. In pursuance of which this Monastery had been often visited, and Injunctions given to them: as I could easily show, had I room for such Discourses. I shall content myself only with the account I find in our Books, of the Visitation of that famous Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosthead: who visited tam domus Religiosas, quam Ecclesias Parochiales. And among others required the Abbot and Convent of Burgh, to show what Right they had to the Monastery of St. Michael in Stamford; and the Hospital of St. Thomas there upon the Bridge; and the House of the Lepers: to all which they pretended. And they making it appear, that they were Patrons of them, and that their Consent was requisite to the choice of a Prioress of St. Michael, and that they were in the quiet possession of appointing Custodes to hear the Confession of the Nuns in that place (a Presentation being made of them to the Bishop) and of placing Custodes also in the Hospital, and in the House of Lepers; and that the Nuns in the Monastery, and the Friars in the Hospital, and in the House of the Lepers, were not received but by consent of the Abbot, who had right to enter into the Monastery of St. Michael, and to make Moniales professas (which Possession he showed he had time out of mind, by Witnesses, and by Letters of Hugh Bishop of Lincoln, who had also here visited, and by Letters of the Nuns themselves) thereupon the forenamed Robert Grostehead, having sitting by him for his assistance, his Official R. de Cadencia, and many other persons, pronounced that the Abbot (who was there present) was in the quiet possession of all the aforesaid, salvo jure uniuscujusque.  
The contention about the Fenn de Alderlond was renewed in the same year 1483. between Richard Abbot of Croyland, and William Ramsey Abbot of Burgh; which had hung long, as the Continuation of Croyland's History observes, 
Page 569.  but was comprimised by Thomas Rotheram, formerly Bishop of Lincoln, and Ordinary of the Place, now Archbishop of York. Yet it was not finally determined and settled till two or three years after; when, both parties submitting themselves to the Archbishop, he Decreed, under the penalty of a thousand pound, that the Abbot and Convent of Croyland, should pay an annual Pension of ten pound a year to the Monastery of Burgh: until they had at their own charge purchased Land of that yearly value to be delivered in perpetual possession to the Monastery of Burgh; or had at their own like expense appropriated and united to the said Monastery of Burgh the Church of Brynkehurst, or Eston in the County of Leicester, which belonged to the Patronage of the said Monastery. Whereupon Edmond Thorp then Abbot of Croyland, chose to do the latter: and accordingly the Church of Brynkehurst was appropriated for the perpetual uses of the Monastery of Burgh; and Letters Patents from the King were obtained for Licence to do it 
Ib. 577. .  
And by another Continuation of the same History it appears that John Russel Bishop of Lincoln before mentioned, came to Croyland, and stayed there a whole Month, with twenty other persons (for whom as well as himself he gave them such satisfaction, as contented both Parties) in which time, after conference with the Abbot of Burgh at Singlesholt, the Union and Appropriation, was made judicially by the Episcopal Sentence, which is there at large set down 
Pag. 582. and 587. : with all other proceed in that Business. The broad Seal also was procured for the confirmation of it: which was to put an end to all Controversies, whereby both Abbeys had received much damage; as the Reader may find p. 588, 589, 593. to which I must refer him.  
It was in this Abbot's days also that John Wysbeck Abbot of Croyland, by his industry, and gentle management; procured an exchange of that 4. Stone of Wax which was yearly paid by them to the Church of Burgh on St. Peter's day, in the nature of a Service, not to say Homage (as the Continuator of that History speaks p. 560) into a yearly Pension of twenty shillings in money, that more sincere Love might be preserved between the Brethren of each Monastery for the future. This was in the year 1477.   

ROBERT KIRKTON.  
The Contention which Mr. G. mentions, between him and the Inhabitants of Peterburgh makes me think he was the Abbot who Petitioned the King against certain of the Townsmen, who seditiously opposed his Jurisdiction, and his appointment of Officers there. Which Petition was among our Records concerning the Manor of Peterburgh (as I find in a Note of the Titles of them, which is all that remains) till in the late great Rebellion, it with the rest was torn in pieces or burnt. There is another Note whereby it appears the 14th of Henry 8. was the 26th year of his Abbotship: and therefore he was made Abbot not in the year 1496. but 1497.   

JOHN CHAMBERS.  
There is this traditional story goes, concerning the preservation of this Church at the dissolution of Abbeys; that a little after Queen Katherine's Interment here (which Mr. G. mentions) some Courtiers suggesting to the King, how well it would become his Greatness, to erect a fair Monument for her; he answered, Yes, he would leave her one of the goodliest Monuments in Christendom; meaning this Church, for he had then in his thoughts the demolishing of Abbeys, which shortly after followed.  
John Chambers also preserved himself in favour, by making a Resignation of his Abbey, as many did, under the common Seal, into the King's hands. Which though I cannot find in the Augmentation Office, yet there is a Grant there made by King Henry to Abbot Chambers, which confirms me in this opinion. It bears date 1 March, An. 31 Hen. 8. which was 1540 (before the Bishopric was erected) by which it is expressed, that the Monastery of Peterburgh being dissolved, the King out of his Grace and Favour did grant to the said late Abbot Chambers Two hundred and sixty pound, thirteen shillings and four pence per annum, during his life: with an hundred Load of Wood, out of the Woods called, Eastwood, and Westwood.  
There were Letters (which are now lost) sent from the Duke of Somerset and others of the Council 1548. to examine the matter in Controversy between the Bishop of Peterburgh, and one Acton; concerning words pretended to be spoken against the Sacrament; and concerning Images in the Church undefaced, with Plate sold out of the Town-Church. How it ended I cannot find: nor have I any thing to add about David Pool, who was made Bishop in Queen Mary's time.  
Of Bishop SCAMBLER I might say much more than is in Mr. G. but have not room for it. For before those Articles mentioned by Mr. G. there were Injunctions or Ordinations given to the Dean and Chapter by Thomas Yale Dr. of Law, and Edward Leeds Licentiate, and John Porey, Dr. in Divinity, being Visitors and Commissaries authorized by the Archbishop of Canterbury to exercise his Metropolitical Visitation, etc. They were in number, Nine, publicatae & traditae octavo die Januarii 1560. in domo Capitulari Ecclesiae Cathedralis Petriburg. The Injunctions also, and Articles of Inquiry in several Triennial Visitations of Bishop Scambler are still remaining in the years 1561, 1564, 1567. (in which year I find 21 Injunctions of his to the Dean and Chapter and other Ministers) and 1570.  
In the next Visitation 1573. he delivered no Articles to be enquired of, nor more Injunctions, but only commanded them to keep their Statutes, which were not against the Queen's Majesty's Proceed, nor her Visitors, etc. In the last of these Visitations but one, it was that the Tabernacles were taken down in the Lady's Chapel, which was not done till the 12. of Elizabeth.  
How this Bishop passed away the Lands of the Bishopric, wherewith King Henry had endowed it, Mr. G. hath related in part. Others have told us more; and that he obtained his Translation to Norwich as a Reward of one of these Grants to a great man at Court.   

RICHARD HOWLAND, Bishop.  
They that would read more of the History of Mary Queen of Scots, may find a great many memorable things, in the Memoires of Sir James Melvil a faithful Servant of hers and of his Country; not long ago brought to light.  
Bishop Morton in his Protestant Appeal L. IU. Cap. I. hath given the best account, I meet with, of that passage (which the Apology of the Roman Church took out of Martin Prelate) in the Bishop of Lincoln's Sermon at her Funeral; which made a great noise among factious people: who reported, that he prayed his Soul, and the Souls of all there present, might be with the Soul of the Queen deceased. But the truth of the Story he saith was this; that the Reverend Bishop now mentioned, understanding how that great and honourable personage, in the last act of her life, renounced all presumption of her own inherent righteousness, and wholly affianced her Soul unto Christ, in belief to be justified only by his satisfactory Justice; did therefore conceive hope of her Salvation, by virtue of that Cordial prescribed by the holy Apostle, viz. that where sin aboundeth, the grace of God doth superabound. Which the Apostle hath ministered for the comfort of every Christian, who erring by Ignorance, shall (by sincere repentance, especially for all known sins) depart this mortal life; having the heel, or end of it shod with this preparation of the Gospel of peace: not of the new Romish, but of the old Catholic Faith; which is the faith of all Protestants. And this consideration of that our Preacher, cannot but worthily condemn the Apologists of partial prejudice, who chose rather to be informed concerning that Sermon, by (as they confess) a reproachful traducer and libeler, than (which they might easily have done) by testimony of a thousand temperate and indifferent hearers, then present.  
I refer the Reader to Sir John Harrington's brief view of the State of the Church, etc. for an account of Dr. Fletcher's advancement from the Deanery of Peterburgh, to the Bishopric of Bristol, and so to London: which he himself could not justify, but was forced to cry, Herein the Lord be merciful to me.   

THOMAS DOVE.  
The same Sir John Harrington saith, he had known this Bishop to have been greatly respected and favoured by Queen Elizabeth: and no less liked and approved in the more learned judgement of King James. When the Queen first heard him, she said she thought the holy Ghost was descended again in this Dove: for he was a very eloquent Preacher.  
In his time there was a Font erected in the Body of the Church, where none had been before: whereof there is this Memorial in the Register Book.  
Baptisterium in Nave Ecclesiae Cathedralis de Burgo Sancti Petri, Anno Salutis MDCXV. gravissimorum virorum Georgii 
Dean Meriton.  meritò istius Ecclesiae Decani, reliquorumque tunc temporis Paerbendariorum consilio extructum (nam antea nullum in Ecclesia extiterat) Reverendissimus in Christo Pater Dominus Thomas de Burgo Sancti Petri Episcopus, in magna hominum Corona solenni processione illuc adductus, consecravit: scilicet, Psalmo LXXXIV. prius a Choro & coetu decantato, tum demum piâ, eleganti, & fervidâ precatione Deo suppliciter invocato, ut servis suis & Baptizantibus, & Baptizandis, omnibusque aliis infantes ad hoc sacrum Christi lavacrum adducentibus, spiritu suo in perpetuum adesse velit. Hac finita solennitate mox ad Baptismum allatus est venerabilis viri Mri. Jo. annis Bridgeman sacrae Theologiae Doctoris, ac serenissimo Jacobo Regi à sacris (in ista Ecclesia primam tunc Prebendam occupantis) filiolus. Qui, imposito Henrici nomine (sponsoribus praedicto Domino Episcopo, & Humfrido Orme milite, & Elizabetha Vxore D. D. Walter Waley) in Christi familiam ascriptus est. Cui & omnibus in posterum baptizandis benedicat Deus. Amen.  
I must omit all the rest, and only take notice of two or three things of later date, which ought not to be forgotten.  
Bishop Laney his benevolence mentioned by Mr. G. was this. He gave an hundred Pound toward the repairing one of the great Arches of the Church Porch, which was fallen down in the late times.  
Dr. Cousins, Dean of this Church, and after the King's Restauration made Bishop of Durham, by his last Will and Testament gave forty Pound for a Monument to be erected in memory of his Wife, buried here in the beginning of the Wars: and one hundred Pound to the Dean and Chapter; the Rent thereof to be by them yearly distributed to the Poor.  
Dr. Duport, late Dean of this Church, besides many sums given elsewhere to pious and charitable uses, settled twenty Pound a year on Magdalen Coll. in Cambridge, to be paid to the Dean and Chapter of Peterburgh: ten Pound for the Augmentation of the Schoolmasters Salaries there: and ten Pound for two Scholarships in Magdalen College, belonging to that School.  
There being wanting in Mr. G. an account of the defacing of this Church, by the Soldiers in the late Rebellion, Mr. Francis Standish the present worthy Chanter of it, hath at my desire drawn it up in the following Narrative. Which may be the more credited, because he then lived in this place (where he was born and bred) and was a spectator of most things that he relates.    

A Short and True NARRATIVE of the Rifling and Defacing the Cathedral Church of PETERBURGH in the Year 1643.  
THE Cathedral Church of Peterburgh was very famous formerly for three remarkable things; a stately Front, a curious Altar-Piece, and a beautiful Cloister. The first of the three doth still remain, a very goodly Structure, supported with three such tall Arches, as England can scarce show the like. The two last are since destroyed by Sacrilegious hands, and have nothing now remaining, but only the bare memory of them. In this place, I think I may say, began that strange kind of deformed Reformation, which afterward passed over most places of the Land, by robbing, rifling and defacing Churches. This being one of the first which suffered in that kind. Of which you may take this following account, from an eye witness, and which, I suppose, is still fresh in the memory of many surviving Persons.  
In the year 1643, about the midst of April, there came several Forces to Peterburgh, raised by the Parliament in the Associated Counties, in order to besiege Croyland, a small Town some seven miles distant, which had a little before declared for the King, and then was held a Garrison for Him.  
The first that came was a Foot-Regiment under one Colonel Hubbart's command: upon whose arrival, some persons of the Town, fearing what happened afterward, desire the Chief Commander to take care the Soldiers did no injury to the Church: This he promises to do, and gave order to have the Church doors all locked up. Some two days after comes a Regiment of Horse under Colonel Cromwell, a name as fatal to Ministers, as it had been to Monasteries before. The next day after their arrival, early in the morning, these break open the Church doors, pull down the Organs, of which there were two Pair. The greater Pair that stood upon a high loft, over the entrance into the Choir, was thence thrown down upon the ground, and there stamped and trampled on, and broke in pieces, with such a strange furious and frantic zeal, as can't be well conceived, but by those that saw it.  
Then the Soldiers enter the Choir, and there their first business was, to tear in pieces all the Common-Prayer Books that could be found. The great Bible indeed, that lay upon a Brass Eagle for reading the Lessons, had the good hap to escape with the loss only of the Apocrypha.  
Next they break down all the Seats, Stalls and Wainscot that was behind them, being adorned with several Historical passages out of the Old and New Testament, a Latin Distich being in each Seat to declare the Story. Whilst they are thus employed, they chance to find a Great Parchment Book behind the Ceiling with some 20 pieces of Gold, laid there by a person a little before, as in a place of safety, in those unsafe and dangerous times. This encourages the Soldiers in their work, and makes them the more eager in breaking down all the rest of the Wainscot, in hopes of finding such another prize.  
The Book that was deposited there, was called Swapham, the Lieger Book of the Church, and was redeemed afterward of a Soldier that got it, by a person belonging to the Minster, for ten Shillings, under the notion of an old Latin Bible.  
There was also a great Brass Candlestick hanging in the middle of the Choir, containing about a Dozen and half of Lights, with another Bow Candlestick about the Brass Eagle: These both were broke in pieces, and most of the Brass carried away and sold.  
A well disposed person standing by, and seeing the Soldiers make such spoil and havoc, speaks to one that appeared like an Officer, desiring him to restrain the Soldiers from such enormities. But all the answer he obtained, was only a scoffing reply, to this purpose, See how these poor People are concerned to see their Idols pulled down.  
So the Inhabitants of Peterburgh at that time, were accounted by these Reformers, both a malignant and superstitious kind of People.  
When they had thus defaced and spoiled the Choir, They march up next to the East end of the Church, and there break and cut in pieces, and afterward burn the Rails that were about the Communion Table. The Table itself was thrown down, the Tablecloth taken away with two fair Books in Velvet Covers, the one a Bible, the other a Common-Prayer Book, with a Silver Bason gilt, and a Pair of Silver Candlesticks beside. But upon request made to Colonel Hubbert, the Books, Bason and all else, save the Candlesticks, were restored again.  
Not long after on the 13th day of July 1643 Captain Barton and Captain Hope two Martial Ministers of Nottingham or Darbyshire, coming to Peterburgh, break open the Vestery and take away a Fair Crimson Satin Table Cloth and several other things, that had escaped the former Soldier's hands.  
Now behind the Communion Table, there stood a curious Piece of Stonework, admired much by Strangers and Travellers; a stately Screen it was, well wrought, painted and gilt, which risen up as high almost as the Roof of the Church in a Row of three lofty Spires, with other lesser Spires, growing out of each of them, as it is represented in the annexed draught. This now had no Imagery-work upon it, or any thing else that might justly give offence, and yet because it bore the name of the High Altar, was pulled all down with Ropes, laid low and level with the ground.  
Over this place in the Roof of the Church, in a large Oval yet to be seen, was the Picture of our Saviour seated on a Throne, one hand erected, and holding a Globe in the other: attended with the four Evangelists and Saints on each side, with Crowns in their hands; intended, I suppose, for a Representation of our Saviour's coming to judgement. Some of the company espying this, cry out and say, Lo this is the God these People bow and cringe unto; This is the Idol they worship and adore. Hereupon several Soldiers charge their Muskets, (amongst whom one Daniel Wood of Captain Ropers Company was the chief) and discharge them at it: and by the many shots they made, at length do quite deface and spoil Picture.  
The odiousness of this Act gave occasion (I suppose) to a common Fame very rife at that time, and whence Mercurius Rusticus might have his relation, viz. That divine Vengeance had signally seized on some of the principal Actors, That one was struck blind upon the place by a Re-bound of his Bullet; That another died mad a little after; neither of which I can certainly attest. For, though I have made it my business to inquire of this, I could never find any other judgement befall them then, but that of a mad blind Zeal, wherewith these persons were certainly possessed.  
And now I am engaged in telling the story of their impiety and profaneness at Peterburgh, 'twill be no great excursion to step out to Yaxley a neighbouring Town, and mention one thing done there. Which was This: on the 10th of June 1643. some of Captain Beaumont's Soldiers coming thither, They break open the Church doors, piss in the Font, and then baptise a Horse and a Mare, using the solemn words of Baptism, and signing them with the sign of the Cross.  
But to return to our reforming Rabble at Peterburgh, when there was no more painted or carved work to demolish, Then they rob and rifle the Tombs, and violate the Monuments of the dead. And where should they first begin, but with those of the two Queens, who had been there interred: The one on the North side, the other on the South side of the Church, both near unto the Altar. First, than they demolish Queen Katherin's Tomb, Hen. the Eighth his repudiated Wife: They break down the Rails that enclosed the place, and take away the black Velvet Pall which covered the Hearse: overthrow the Hearse itself, displace the Grave-stone that lay over her Body, and have left nothing now remaining of that Tomb, but only a Monument of their own shame and villainy. The like they had certainly done to the Queen of Scots, but that her Hearse and Pall were removed with her Body to Westminster by King James the first, when He came to the Crown. But what did remain, they served in like manner, that is, her Royal Arms and Escutcheons which hung upon a Pillar near the place where she had been interred, were most rudely pulled down, defaced and torn.  
In the North Isle of the Church, there was a stately Tomb in memory of Bishop Dove, who had been 30 years' Bishop of the place. He lay there in Portraiture in his Episcopal Robes, on a large Bed under a fair Table of black Marble, with a Library of Books about him. These men that were such Enemies to the name and Office of a Bishop, and much more to his Person, hack and hue the poor Innocent Statue in pieces, and soon destroyed all the Tomb. So that in a short space, all that fair and curious Monument was buried in its own rubbish and Ruins.  
The like they do to two other Monuments standing in that Isle; the one the Tomb of Mr. Worm, the other of Dr. Angier, who had been Prebendary of that Church.  
In a Place then called the new Building, and since converted to a Library, there was a fair Monument, which Sir Humphrey Orm (to save his Heir that charge and trouble) thought fit to erect in his own life time, where he and his Lady, his Son and Wife and all their children were lively represented in Statues, under which were certain English verses written, mentioned before in this Book. 
Mistake not Reader I thee crave,  
This is an Altar not a Grave,  
Where fire raked up in Ashes lies,  
And hearts are made the Sacrifice, etc.   
Which two words Altar and Sacrifice, 'tis said, did so provoke and kindle the Zealots indignation, that they resolve to make the Tomb itself a Sacrifice: and with Axes, Pole-axes and Hammers destroy and break down all that curious Monument, save only two Pilasters still remaining, which show and testify the elegancy of the rest of the Work. Thus it happened, that the good old Knight who was a constant frequenter of Gods public Service, three times a day, outlived his own Monument, and lived to see himself carried in Effigy on a Soldier's back, to the public Marketplace, there to be sported withal, a Crew of Soldiers going before in Procession, some with Surplices, some with Organ Pipes, to make up the solemnity.  
When they had thus demolished the chief Monuments, at length the very Gravestones and Marbles on the Floor did not escape their Sacrilegious hands. For where there was any thing on them of Sculptures or Inscriptions in Brass, These they force and tear off. So that whereas there were many fair pieces of this kind before, as that of Abbot William of Ramsey, whose large Marble Grave-stone was plated over with Brass, and several others the like, there is not any such now, in all the Church, to be seen; though most of the Inscriptions that were upon them, are preserved in this Book.  
One thing indeed I must needs clear the Soldiers of, which Mercurius Rusticus upon misinformation charges them with, viz. That they took away the Bell-Clappers and sold them, with the Brass they plucked off from the Tombs. The mistake was this: The neighbourhood being continually disturbed with the Soldiers jangling and ringing the Bells auker, as though there had been a scare-fire, (though there was no other, but what they themselves had made) some of the Inhabitants by night took away the Clappers, and hide them in the Roof of the Church, on purpose only to free their ears from that confused noise; which gave occasion to such as did not know it, to think the Soldiers had stolen them away.  
Having thus done their work on the Floor below, they are now at leisure to look up to the Windows above, which would have entertained any persons else, with great delight and satisfaction, but only such Zealots as these, whose eyes were so dazzled, that they thought they saw Popery in every Picture and piece of painted Glass.  
Now the Windows of this Church were very fair, and had much curiosity of workmanship in them, being adorned and beautified with several Historical passages out of Scripture and Ecclesiastical story; such were those in the Body of the Church in the Isles, in the new Building and elsewhere.  
But the Cloister Windows were most famed of all, for their great Art and pleasing variety. One side of the Quadrangle containing the History of the Old Testament; another, that of the New; a Third the Founding and Founders of the Church; a Fourth, all the Kings of England downward from the first Saxon King. All which notwithstanding were most shamefully broken and destroyed.  
And amongst other things thus demolished in the Windows, there was one thing Fame had made very remarkable, and that was the story of the Paschal Pickeril. The thing was this; Our Saviour was represented in two places, in the Cloister and in the great Western Window, sitting at his last Supper with his twelve Apostles; In one place there was a single Fish, in the other three Fishes in a Dish, set before him. This occasioned that discourse and common Talk, I remember, I have often heard, of the Paschal Pickeril at Peterburgh.  
Now what should be the meaning of this conceit, is left to every one to conjecture. The Account that I have had from some was this, That it was the device of some devout and ignorant Artist, from a Notion he had of the time this last Supper must needs be in, that is of Lent, and that our Saviour himself was a strict observer of Lent, and eat no Flesh all that season: and therefore He took liberty, to substitute a Fish instead of the Paschal Lamb.  
Whatever it was, the matter of Fact was certain: and that particular piece of Glass wherein the Three Fishes are portrayed happened to be preserved in the great Devastation, and was committed to my trust by the Author of the foregoing History, from whom I had this Relation, and is yet to be seen.  
But to proceed; notwithstanding all the Art and curiosity of workmanship these Windows did afford, yet nothing of all this could oblige the Reforming Rabble, but they deface and break them all in pieces, in the Church and in the Cloister, and left nothing undemolisht, where either any Picture or Painted Glass did appear; excepting only part of the great West window in the Body of the Church, which still remains entire, being too high for them, and out of their reach. Yea to encourage them the more in this Trade of breaking and battering Windows down, Cromwell himself (as 'twas reported) espying a little Crucifix in a Window aloft, which none perhaps before had scarce observed, gets a Ladder, and breaks it down zealously with his own hand.  
But before I conclude the Narrative, I must not forget to tell, how they likewise broke open the Chapterhouse, ransacked the Records, broke the Seals, tore the Writings in pieces, specially such as had great Seals annexed unto them, which they took or mistake rather for the Pope's Bulls. So that a grave and sober Person coming into the Room at that time, finds the Floor all strewed and covered over, with torn Papers, Parchments and broken Seals; and being astonished at this sight, does thus expostulate with them; Gentlemen (says He) what are ye doing? They answer, We are pulling and tearing the Pope's Bulls in pieces. He replies, ye are much mistaken: for these Writings are neither the Pope's Bulls, nor any thing relating to him. But they are the Evidences of several men's Estates, and in destroying these, you will destroy and undo many▪ with this they were something persuaded, and prevailed upon by the same person, to permit him to carry away all that were left undefaced, by which means, the writings the Church hath now, came to be preserved.  
Such was the Soldier's carriage and behaviour all the time during their stay at Peterburgh, which was about a Fortnight's space: They went to Church duly, but it was only to do mischief, To break and batter the Windows and any Carved work that was yet remaining, or to pull down Crosses wheresoever they could find them: which the first Founders did not set up with so much zeal, as these last Confounders pulled them down.  
Thus in a short time, a fair and goodly Structure was quite stripped of all its ornamental Beauty and made a ruthful Spectacle, a very Chaos of Desolation and Confusion, nothing scarce remaining but only bare walls, broken Seats, and shattered Windows on every side.  
And in the time of this public Confusion, two other things happened not unworthy of relating. The one for the strangeness, the other for the sadness of the Accident.  
The first was this; when now the Church doors lay open to all comers, without locks and bars, and none to look after them, those specially that lead up to the Leads above.  
Two young Children not above five years old, had got up the Steeple by themselves, and having lost their way down, come to the place where the great Bells hang. Here there was a large round space left purposely in the Arch, when first built, for the drawing up Bells or any other things, as there should be occasion. This place used to be safely closed before, but now it lay wide open, and was between thirty and forty yards off from the ground. The two children coming hither and finding this passage, One, out of his childish simplicity was for jumping down: No, (says the other) let us rather swarm down, there being a Bell rope then hanging down through that place to the Clockhouse below. Now this last they did; And a Gentlemen walking there beneath at that time, sees two children come with that swiftness down the Rope, like Arrows from a Bow, who were both taken up for dead, on the place. This happened on a Sunday i'th' afternoon, in Sermon time. The news coming into the Parish-Church, that two children falling off from the Minster were slain, The Congregration was exceedingly disordered, so that the Preacher could not go on for a time, every Parent fearing it might be their own children's case; till at length they understood the truth and certainty of all. For it pleased God by a strange and wonderful providence to preserve both these children, having no hurt but only their Hands galled by the Rope, and their Feet a little stunted by the fall from the Clockhouse, where they were thrown off, the Rope being fastened there, and this some four or five yards high. The Persons, I suppose, are both living still; and one of them, (whose Father was then one of the chief Tradesmen of the Town) since a grave Minister, and Rector of a Parish in Northamptonshire.  
The other thing that happened of more fatal consequence was this. It being that time of the year, when young Lads are busy in rifling Jackdaws Nests to get their young, a Scholar of the Free-School, son to a Parliament Officer, was got upon the Top of the Minster about this employment; who going along the Ceiling in the Body of the Church, and treading unwarily on some rotten Board's, fallen down from thence, upon the Loft where the Organ now stands, having his Pockets filled with those inauspicious Birds, and with the Fall from so great a height, was slain outright and never stirred more.  
These two things happened much about the same time, & in the time of that public Confusion and Disorder. But to proceed in our intended Narrative.  
These things I have related before, were indeed the Acts of private persons only, men of wild intemperate zeal, and who had no Commission for what they did, but what was owing to the Swords by their sides. Yet notwithstanding all these things seemed afterward to be owned and approved by the Powers then in being, when they sold all the Church's Lands, and many fair Buildings adjoining to the Minster, were likewise pulled down and sold by public Order and Authority, such were the Cloisters, the old Chapterhouse, the Library, the Bishop's Hall and Chapel at the end of it: The Hall was as fair a Room as most in England, and another called the Green-Chamber, not much inferior to it. These all were then pulled down and destroyed; and the materials, Led, Timber and Stone exposed to Sale, for any that would buy them. But some of the Bargains proved not very prosperous; The Led especially that came off the Palace was as fatal as the Gold of Tholouse: for to my knowledge, The Merchant that bought it, lost it all, and the Ship which carried it, in her Voyage to Holland.  
And thus the Church continued ruined and desolate and without all divine Offices for a time: till at length by the favour of a great Person in the Neighbourhood, it was repaired and restored to some degrees of decency again; and out of the ashes of a late Cathedral, grew up into a new Parochial Church, in which way it was employed and used ever after, until the King's happy Restauration.  
For Mr. Oliver St. John Chief Justice then of the Common Pleas, being sent on an Embassy into Holland by the Powers that governed then, requested this Boon of them at his Return, that they would give him the ruin'd Church or Minster at Peterburgh; this they did accordingly, and he gave it to the Town of Peterburgh for their use, to be employed as a Parochial Church, their own Parish-Church being then very ruinous and gone to decay.  
Now the the Town considering the largeness of the Building, and the greatness to the charge to repair it, which of themselves they were not able to defray, they all agree, to pull down the Lady's Chapel, as it was then called, an additional Building to the North side of the Minster, (being then ruinous and ready to fall) and to expose the materials thereof, Led, Timber and Stone to Sale, and to convert the money that was made of them, towards the Repairs of the great Fabric.  
All this they did, and appointed certain persons to oversee the Work, and expended several sums thus in Repairs, mending the Leads, securing the Roof, Glazing several Windows, and then fitting up the Choir, and making it pretty decent, for the Congregation to meet in. And this they did, by taking the Painted Board's that came off from the Roof of the Lady's Chapel, and placing them all along at the back of the Choir in such manner, as they continue to this day.  
When the Place was thus fitted up, and the Devastations which the Soldiers had made, in some measure repaired, one Mr. Samuel Wilson School Master of the Charter-house in London, was sent down by the Committee of Plundered Ministers, as they were then called, to be Preacher, with a Salary of 160 l. per an. in which employment he continued until the Kings Return.  
Then Dr. Cousin the ancient Dean of the Church, after almost 20 years' Exile in France, returned and re-assumed his Right again, in the year 1660 about the end of July. He then after so long an Interval renewed the ancient usage, and read divine Service first himself, and caused it to be read every day afterward, according to the old Laudable use and Custom, and settled the Church and Choir in that order wherein it now continues.  
But though the Church was thus delivered from public Robbers and Spoilers, yet it was not safe from the injuries of private hands. For some ten or twelve years after, certain Thiefs in the dead of the Night, broke into the Church and stole away all the Plate they could find, viz. a fair Silver Bason gilt, and the Virgers two Silver Rods, and a Linen Tablecloth to wrap them in, which were never heard of to this day.  
This was the same Basin that had been plundered by the Soldiers, and recovered again, but irrecoverably lost now. Yet both these losses were soon repaired, one by Dr. Henshaw Bishop then of the Place, who gave a fair new Silver Bason gilt: the other made up by Dr. Duport then Dean; who furnished the Virgers again with the Ensigns of their Office, by buying two new Silver Maces, for the Church's use.  
And thus is this History brought down at length within our own knowledge and remembrance; where we have seen what various fortunes this Ancient Church has had, which now reckons at least 1000 years from its first Foundation. It has been often ruinated and as often re-edified. Once it was destroyed by Danes, twice consumed by Fire; It escaped the general downfall of Abbeys in Hen. the Eighth's time, though not without the loss of some of her fairest Manors; And yet what that King took away in revenues, he added to it in Dignity, by converting it, from an Abbey into a Cathedral Church. But the worst mischief that ever befell it, was that in the late Rebellious times, when the Church itself was miserably defaced and spoiled, and all the Lands for the maintenance thereof quite alienated and sold. And yet through God's especial goodness and favour we have lived to see, the one repaired, the others restored, and the Church itself recovering her ancient beauty and lustre again.  
And that it may long thus continue, flourish and prosper, and be a Nursery for virtue, a Seminary for true Religion and Piety, a constant Preserver of God's public worship and service, and free from all Sacrilegious hands, is the earnest and hearty Prayer, wherewith I shall conclude this Discourse.   


Ex Libro Memorandor. Oliv. Sutton Episc. Lincoln. Anno Pontificatus sui XI. A. D. 1290.  
OLiv. etc. Archidiacono Oxon. etc. Ad Audientiam nostram nuper certa relatione pervenit, Quod nonnulli juxta suarum mentium inconstantiam quasi vento agitati a cultu fidei temere deviantes, locum quendam in campo juxta Ecclesiam Sancti Clementis extra Municipium Oxon. fontem beati Edmundi vulgariter nuncupatum, veluti locum sacrum venerari, illumque sub simulatione sacrorum Miraculorum quae perpetrata confingunt ibidem causa devotionis erroneae frequentare, ac populum non modicum illuc attrahendo hujusmodi figmentis dampnatis decipere imo pervertere noviter presumpserint, errorem Gentilium inter Christicolas introducere superstitiose conando. Nos vero hujusmodi incredulitatis perfidiam, veluti contra fidem Ecclesiae & Doctrinam Apostolicam ne corda renatorum caligine haereticae pravitatis obducat temporis per processum, si forte radicari & germinare zizania permittatur, tortuose serpente virus sui cautius ministrante, fomentum eliminare & prorsus amputare deo propitio volentes, Vobis firmiter injungendo mandamus quatenus in singulis Ecclesiis intra Missarum folempnia, & locis aliis Archidiaconatus vestri in quibus videritis expedire per vos & alios firmiter inhibeatis ne quis ad dictum locum causa venerationis ejusdem de cetero convenire & illum superstitiose frequentare presumat sub pena Excommuncationis Maj. omnes & singulos contra hujus inhibitionem scienter temere venientes dicta sententia comminata solempniter in genere innodantes, donec de culpa contriti beneficium absolutionis meruerint obtinere. Val. Dat. apud Ludam 8. Kal Sept. Pontif. nostri Anno XI.  
OLiv. etc. Archidiacono Bucks vel ejus Offic. salutem, etc. Ad nostrum certa relatione pervenit auditum, quod nonnulli fidei inconstantis ad fontem quendam in campo de Lincelad existentem sub colore devotionis confictae causa peregrinationis ex diversis partibus confluentes, ibidemque miracula sanitatum fieri pretendentes, oblationibus & modis aliis locum venerantur eundem, & ad haec facienda per eos qui regimen Parochialis Eccl. de Lincelad optinere noscuntur non sine capiditatis vitio temere admittuntur in animarum suarum periculum & aliorum perniciosum exemplum. Cum igitur propter assertionem temerariam miraculorum quae non sunt ab Ecclesia approbata, locus aliquis prophanus non debeat causa venerationis à populo frequentari; nos errorem praedictum prout ad nostrum spectat officium tollere cupientes, Vobis firmiter injungendo Mandamus, quatenus in singulis Ecclesiis Archidiaconatus Bucks singulis diebus dominicis ac festivis usque ad festum Assumptionis virginis gloriose prox. futurum intra Missarum solempnia frequentationem hujus dicti loci & confluentium ad illum admissionem sub pena Excommunicationis faciatis solempniter & publicè interdici, omnesque quos contra interdictum hujusmodi comperietis facientes taliter castigare curetis, quod eorum pena consimilibus sit praesumptoribus in exemplum. Et quod Vicarius Ecclesiae de Lincelad pretextu emolumenti quod ex oblationibus consequitur antedictis errantem in hac parte populum in suo dicitur errore fovere, plus lucris inhians quam animarum saluti procurandae ut videtur intendens; vobis Mandamus quatenus eun dem Vicarium citetis peremptorie quod proximo die juridico post festum S. Margaretae Virginis prox. futur. ubicunque in nostra diocesi tunc fuerimus personaliter propter Excessus sui vehementiam compareat coram nobis, auditur' factur' & receptur' pro demeritis quod justitia suadebit. Et quid super hiis duxeritis faciendum, nos dicto die certificetis per Literas vestras Patentes harum seriem & nomen dicti vicarii proprium continentes. Dat. apud Bucks VI Kal. Julii An. Dom. 1299.  
UNiversis Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae Filiis ad quos praesentes Literae pervenerint, Oliverius permissione divina Lincolniensis Episc. salutem in omnium salvatore. Decorem domus Dei emulatione condigna Zelantes devotionem fidelium ad ejus venerationem sinceram juxta conditiones Locorum & motus peculiares ex animi sinceritate surgentes nonnunquam decrevimus excitare. De Dei igitur Omnipotentis misericordia, gloriosissimae Virginis Mariae, Beati Hugonis, confratrum ac omnium Sanctorum meritis confidentes, Omnibus Parochianis nostris & aliis quorum Diocesani hanc Indulgentiam nostram ratificarint, de peccatis suis vere contritis & confessis qui causa Devotionis & venerationis Capellae Beatae Mariae in Monasterio de Burgo Sancti Petri nostrae dioces. cujus Altare X. Kal. Julii An. Domini Milles. ducentes. nonages. consecravimus Ministerio Pontificali, diebus Sabbati & praecipue ad Missam memoratae Virginis gloriosae accesserint in futurum, pro sua & omnium tam vivorum quam morte functorum pie oraturi salute, decem dies de injuncta sibi penitentia misericorditer relaxamus. In cujus rei Testimon' &c. Dat. die, Anno Domini & loco praedictis.   

Berthwulfi Regis, de Libertate Breodunensis Monasterii.  
IN Nomine Almi agye Sophie. Qui Monarchiam mundi totius accelsitudinem celorum, abditamque profunditatem turgentis Oceani in altis & minimis omnia cum suo Majestatis imperio. Qui in primordio mundi creavit & nunc in aevum gubernat & regit summus pater Omnipotens Deus. Status hujus mundi in velocitate deficiet, & rotunda seculorum volubilitas fatiscet, sic alternando creaturarum qualitas decrescet; sic mutando mortalis vitae fragilitas fatiscit. De qua miserrima humani Status vicissitudine Ecclesiastes coelesti afflatus spiritu competentem protulit summam. Generatio, inquit, venit, & generatio vadit. Alii nascuntur & alii moriuntur. Ita universa divitiarum facultas & temporalis gaze possessio quod precessorum anxia sollicitudo per indefessa laborum emolumenta lucratur, proh dolor, incertis heredibus, interdum optatis interdum exosis relinquitur. Quemadmodum Psalmista in profundam humani generis socordiam conquerens increpitet. Thesaurizat & ignorat cui congregat ea. Ideo sunt omnes nostras serie & sermocinationes litterarum apicibus confirmandas, ne unquam ullo oblivione tradantur, sed pro perpetua memoria servantur, Quicquid reges, ac precedentes patres firmiter constituerunt. Qua de re Ego Berthwulfus divino fultus suffragio Rex Merciorum cum consensu & consilio Principum ac Magistratuum Merciarum gentis donans donabo venerabili Abbati Eanmundo & ejus familiae Sanctae congregationis Breodunensis Monasterii istam libertatis gratiam illius Monasterii apud Breodune mihi & omnibus Mercis tam pro Deo, quam pro seculo in Elemosinam sempiternam. Id est ut sit liberatum & absolutum illud Monasterium ab illis causis quas cum feorme & eafor vocitemus. Tam à pastu ancipitrorum meorum omnium quam etiam venatorum omnium vel à pastu equorum meorum omnium sive Ministrorum eorum. Quid plura, ab omni illa incommoditate afres & cum feorme, nisi istis causis quas hic nominamus. Precones si trans mare venirent ad regem venturi vel nuncii de gente occidentalium Saxonum vel de gente Northanhymbrorum si venirent ad horam tertiam diei vel ad medium diem dabatur illis prandium, si venerint super nonam horam tunc dabatur eis noctis pastum & iterum de mane pergent in viam suam. Ob hujus ergo rei gratiam. Ipse vero supradictus Eanmund Abbas ac illius supra nominata familia aput Breodune ad commercium hujus Libertatis cum testimonio obtimatum gentis Merciorum dederunt Berthwulfo Regi Merciorum CLXXX. Mancupas in auro puro, & terram quindecim Manentium in duabus locis aput Stanlege & aput Bellanforde. Ut ista libertatis gratia cum Dei testimonio & omnium Sanctorum in celo & eorum hominum in terra qui Dei precepta custodiunt & tremendum diem Judicii metuunt & honorem Sancte crucis Christi colunt, ac illorum baptismatis donam firmiter perenniterque firmata nullo homine interdicente sed Deo favente, etc. angelis ejus stabilis permaneat tamdiu fides Christiana ac Baptismum Christi apud Anglorum gentem in Britannia maneat. Insuper etiam ego Humberht princeps optinebam a domino meo Berhtwulfo rege Merciorum cum consensu optimatum illo Abbati Eanmundo & familie illius supradicto on Breodune hanc Libertatis gratiam pro eorum venerali pecunia quod mihi impendebant in uno vase pretioso potatorio quod fuit de nobili genere pulchraliter factum & experte cum auro ornatum. Hoc est ut sit illud Monasterium on Breodune liberatum & absolutum ab omnibus Causis magnis vel modicis notis ac ignotis quae mihi aut principibus Tonsetorum unquam antea pertinebant ex illo Monasterio, tamdiu voluerit Deus ut Baptismi gratia & recta fides cum regibus ac principibus Christianis in populo fideli firmiter fideliterque permaneat in evum. Et ut memeria Regis Beorhtwlfi ac Humberhti principis & omnium optimatum gentis Merciorum Sacris orationibus diebus ac noctibus memoretur. Et nullus homo alicujus personis rex aut princeps magnis sive modicis in aliquo tempere diabolica potestate fretus per satanicam phylargiriam vel gastrimargiam hanc nostram Statutionem fringere presumat, sed semper stabilis & indiscussa haec donatio conservetur in perpetuum. Et ut merita ac elemosynas nostra ante Deum florescant ac nomina nostra coram throno Domini scribentur in libro viventium, Amen.  
Haec sedula scripta est anno dominicae incarnationis DCCCXLIIII. Indictione vero XI. in venerabili Monasterio primum aput Hrypadune & iterum karaxata atque confirmata fuit cum ista testimonia quorum subter nomina notata sunt. Ego Berhtwlf domino disponente rex Merciorum hanc nostram divi & meam donationem michi & omnibus Mercis in Elemosinam sempiternam firmiter donabo atque cum signo Sancte crucis consignabo. Ego Sethryth regina consensi & subscripsi. Ego Humberht Episc. consensi & subscripsi. Ego Crolred Episc. consensi & subscripsi. Ego Berhtred Episc. consensi & subscripsi. Ego Althun Episc. consensi & subscripsi. Ego Cuthulfus Episc. consensi & subscripsi. Ego Edmund Abbas consensi & subscripsi. Ego Withered Abbas consensi & subscripsi. Signum Muceli principis. Signum Humberhti principis. Signum Ethelhardi principis. Signum Aldberti principis. Signum Dudan principis. Signum Sigredi principis. Signum Wiglafi principis. Signum Muceli principis. Signum Alfstani principis. Signum Hunstanis principis.   

Edmundi Atheling Reg. de Peykirke & Waltun.  
IN nomine Alme Trinitatis & individue unitatis, patris & filii & spiritus S. quibus est una Essentia, par Deitas & indivisa Majestas, communis apex, Trinitas in nomine, unitas in Deitate, eternus ante omnia secula. In fine seculi homo factus ex Virgine, ut nos redimeret quos creavit. Ideoque necesse est ut in istis transitoriis ac fugitivis opibus adquiramus nobis in celis manentem substantiam quam nec oculus vidit nec auris audivit nec mens percipere potuit humana. Cujus predestinatione idcirco Ego Edmundus Atheling Rex pro amore redemptoris nostri & propter nomen sanctum ejus qui dixit Date & dabitur vobis, Ideoque nunc donabo deo omnipotenti exiguum munus ruricule in loco qui ab incolis vocitatur aput Pegecyrcan in perpetua hereditate ad locum qui dicitur novum Monasterium Sanctae Trinitatis ac genetricis domini nostri atque omnium Sanctorum pro redemptione anime mee & conjugis mee & pro anima Siuerthi. Id est unam mansam & dimidiam in supradicta villa & tres perticas in villa quae dicitur Wealtun. Ita habeant sicut Siuerthus habebat in vita in longitudine & in latitudine in magnis & in modicis rebus, campis, pascuis, pratis, silvis, theloneum aquarum, piscationem in paludibus. Sit autem predictum rus liberum ab omni servili tributo seculariumque serviciumque exinanitum tribus exceptis, rata videlicet expeditione & pontis arcisve restauratione. Precipioque in nomine Sancti salvatoris tam vobis viventibus quam etiam qui Christianitatis nomine & individue agnitionis fide censentur, ut hujus libertatis Statuta ad irrita deducere quispiam minime presumat. Quisquis autem benevola ment hanc nostram donationem & Eleemosinam amplificare satagerit, in hoc presenti seculo vite illius prospera felicitas augeatur, & eterne vite gaudia Eterna succedant. Siquis igitur diabolica illectus pravitate & hoc donum in aliud quam quod constituimus pervertere molitus fuerit, maneat eternaliter retrusus inter flammivomas estuantis gehenne incorruptiones lugubre sibi solium vendicans inter tres nefandissimos proditores Christi, Judam, Annam & Caiphan. Et in Satane faucibus maneat degluciendus omnium infernalium morsibus Carnificum sine fine laceretur. Nisi hic digna satisfactione emendare curaverit quod contra nostrum decretum inique commisit.  

Quid agendum sit cum aliqua negligentia de corpore aut sanguine domini accidit.  
Cum de corpore vel sanguine domini tanta negligentia aliquo casu accidit ut cadat deorsum, sive in alium locum ubi plene percipi non possit quo ceciderit & utrum ad terram inde aliquid venerit; quam citius fieri possit indicetur res Abbati vel Priori, qui adjunctis sibi aliquibus Fratribus prope veniat ad locum ubi hoc contigerit. Et si corpus ceciderit vel sanguis effusus fuerit super lapidem aut terram aut lignum aut mattam aut tapetum aut aliquid hujusmodi, pulvis terre colligatur, pars illa lapidis radatur, pars ligni matte tapeti & si quid aliud est hujusmodi abscidatur & in sacrarium projiciatur. Quod si locus ubi ceciderit manifeste deprehendi nequierit & tamen deorsum cecidisse constiterit, in loco & circa locum in quem maxime cecidisse crediderint, similiter colligatur, radatur, abscidatur & in sacrario recondatur. Hi vero quorum negligentia hoc evenerit, in proximo capitulo humiliter culpam suam dicant, judicium nudi suscipiant & injungatur eis penitentia vel de jejunio vel judiciis vel Psalmis vel aliquid hujusmodi. Quibus de judicio ad loca sua reversis, omnes Sacerdotes qui tunc presentes erunt surgant & ad judicia suscipienda cum omni devotione se offerant. Tunc ille qui capitulum tenet septem tamen quos voluerit de ipsis ad suscipienda judicia retineat, & ceteris ire cessum precipiat. Finito capitulo, omnes simul prostrati dicant septem Psalmos in Monasterio, incipientes eos psallere cum exeunt de capitulo. Quos sequatur Pater-Noster, cum his capitulis & collecta. Et veniat super nos misericordia tua domine: Ne memineris iniquitatum nostrarum. Dominus vobiscum. Oremus. Exaudi domine preces nostras & confitentium tibi parce peccatis, ut quos conscientie reatus accusat, indulgentia tue miserationis absolvat. P. aut alia collecta. Deus cui proprium est misereri semper. Aut aliam pro peccatis. Si vero super corporale vel super aliquem honestum pannum sanguis ceciderit, certumque fuerit quo ceciderit, pars illa panni in aliquo calice abluatur, & prima ablutio a fratribus absumatur, Relique due in sacrarium projiciantur. In primo autem capitulo dicta culpa hi soli tamen quorum negligentia hoc evenit supradictam disciplinam, fratres vero omnes septem Psalmos cum capitulis & collecta sicut superius dictum est in Monasterio dicant. Si ipsa die brevis pro defuncto in capitulo lectus fuerit, prius canant verba mea pergentes in Ecclesiam. Postea feptem Psalmos sicut superius dictum est. Si vero alio aliquo modo de hoc Sacramento levior negligentia evenerit ex judicio Abbatis vel Prioris leviori vindicta frater cujus culpa hoc contigerit puniatur.   

Item alia constitutio de eodem.  
SI aperta quod absit negligentia de corpore aut sanguine domini acciderit, frater per quem hoc contigerit quam citius poterit indicabit Abbati vel Priori; & venientes propere ad locum ubi hoc contigerit, sieffusus fuerit sanguis super pannum, abscidetur quantum aspersio sanguinis comprehendit, qualiscunque vel quodcunque sint panni: Dehinc abluentur vino in aliquo calice usque tertio; Ablutionibus vero utatur unus frater aut plures. Panni reponentur cum Reliquiis ut serventur perhenniter cum eis. Si vero super lapidem aut terram aut lignum ceciderit, abscidetur pars aliqua lapidis aut ligni, vel colligetur pars terrae quam melius poterit fieri; & eodem modo sicut sanctissima res servabitur cum aliis Reliquiis. Si vero non poterit locus manifeste deprehendi ubi ceciderit, vel ubi effusus fuit, abluent tamen vel radent aut colligent de terra pulverem ab illo in quo vel circa quem maxime crediderint effusum sanguinem fuisse aut corpus cecidisse, condentque in sacrario. Subinde tabula percussa vocabit omnes in capitulum, & omnibus ingressis & sedentibus, prosternet se frater in medio indicaturus culpam. Et si propere & visibiliter acciderit vel in casu de corpore aut in Effusione de sanguine aut alio quolibet modo aperte, (sicut de vino quod primum post assutum sanguinem ponitur in calice, aut de illo quod super digitos aut in patena pro minutis particulis) dictis paucis ab Abbate que tunc dici debuerunt, surgentes ibunt omnes cantantes 7 Psalmos usque in oratorium. Et ibi prostratis omnibus sedebit frater super gradum ante alios & habens faciem versus Altare suscipiet nudus judicium coram aliis dum dicentur Psalmi. Et si super aliut altare quam super ipsum majus fuit facta negligentia, non ibi suscipiet judicium, sed ante illud super quod evenerit ductus ab aliis duobus fratribus. Et finitis Psalmis dicetur Kyrieleson & dominica oratio, & capitula ab Abbate. Ne reminiscaris domine delicta nostra. Fiat misericordia tua. Dominus vobiscum. Oremus. Deus cui proprium. Ineffabilem. Deus qui juste irasceris. Postea Abbas in proximo sequenti capitulo indicet Orationes & jejunia communiter omnibus & maxime ipsi fratri secundum quod sibi & discretis fratribus visum fuerit & quantitas culpe monuerit. Et haec sententia teneatur hoc ordine pro illa negligentia de qua frater cui acciderit dubitare non poterit. Si vero levior fuerit culpa neque sic aperta, ex judicio Abbatis addetur levior sententia fratri: imprimis avertetur asperitas judicii quod ante altare debere suscipi diximus. Suscipietur tamen si pervisum fuerit in capitulo. Si autem perviderit aliquis bonus circa tantam rem merito solicitus ut quolibet alio quam supra descripto modo possit corrigi sanctius qualis vel quantacunque videatur offensio tam sanctissime rei, illum melius corrigentem imitari non dedignamur. Sed interim qui melius nesciet, teneat istud quod diximus.    

Bonifacii Cant. Archiep. de relaxatione XL. dierum ad Ecclesiam Burgi.  
UNiversis Christi fidelibus presentes literas inspecturis, Bonifacius permissione divina Cantuariensis Archiep. totius Anglie primas, salutem in domino sempiternam. Quum ut ait Apostolus, omnes stabimus ante tribunal Jesus Christi recepturi prout in corpore gessimus sive bonum fuerit sive malum, Oportet nos diem messionis extreme misericordie operibus prevenire, ac eternorum intuitu illud seminare in terris quod reddente Domino recolligere debeamus in celis firmam spem fiduciamque tenentes. Quoniam qui parce seminat parce & metet, & qui seminat in benedictionibus de benedictionibus & metet vitam eternam. De Dei ergo omnipotentis misericordia & Beate Marie semper Virginis, beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus, beati Thomae Martyris, omniumque Sanctorum meritis confidentes, omnibus de nostra provincia vere penitentibus & confessis qui ad Ecclesiam beati Petri de Burgo causa devocionis & ob venerationem beati Oswaldi Regis & Martyris, cujus sanctissime Reliquie continentur ibidem accesserint, & de bonis à Deo sibi collatis grata caritatis subsidia loco tam pio gratiose duxerint conferenda, Quadraginta dies de injuncta sibi penitentia misericorditer relaxamus. Indulgencias insuper suffraganeorum nostrorum Monasterio ipsi concessas ratas habentes & acceptas ipsas auctoritate Metropolitica confirmamus. Datum apud Croylandiam die Jovis proxima ante festum Beati Michaelis, Anno Domini Millesimo ducentesimo quinquagesimo tertio.   

Hugonis Eliensis Episcopi de relaxatione XXX. dierum.  
UNiversis Christi fidelibus presentes jiteras inspecturis, Hugo miseratione divina Eliensis Episcopus salutem in Domino sempiternam. De Dei omnipotentis misericordia & gloriose genetricis Marie, Sancti Oswaldi Regis & Martiris omniumque sanctorum meritis confidentes, omnibus parochianis nostris & aliis quorum Diocesani id ratum habuerint, qui brachium Sancti Oswaldi & alias Reliquias apud Burgum Sancti Petri devotionis causa pie visitaverint vel aliquid de suo ibidem optulerint, de peccatis suis vere contritis & confessis triginta dies de injuncta sibi penitentia misericorditer relaxamus: Concedentes hanc nostre relaxationis gratiam perpetuo duraturam. In cujus rei testimonium presentibus literis sigillum nostrum apposuimus. Datum ad .... apud Ely undecimo Kal. Septembris anno gratiae Millesimo ducentesimo quinquagesimo tertio.   

W. Ossoriensis Episcopi de Indulgentia X. dierum.  
OMnibus Christi fidelibus presens scriptum inspecturis vel audituris, W. permissione divina Ossoriensis Ecclesie Minister humilis eternam in Domino salutem. Quoniam omnes, ut ait Apostolus, stabimus ante tribunal domini recepturi prout in corpore gessimus sive bonum fuerit sive malum, oportet nos diem messionis extreme operibus misericordiae prevenire ac eternorum intuitu seminare in terris quod cum fructu multiplicato recolligere debeamus in celis. Recolentes quod qui parce seminat parce & metet, & qui seminat in benedictionibus de benedictionibus & metet vitam eternam. Nos igitur de Dei misericordia & Beatae Mariae Virginis & beatorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli omniumque sanctorum meritis & precibus consisi, omnibus Ecclesiam Beati Petri de Burgo in festo dedicationis causa devocionis visitantibus confessis & vere penitentibus X. dies de injuncta sibi penitentia in nomine domini relaxamus.   

Confederationes inter Ecclesiam Burgi & alias diversas Ecclesias.  
HAec est conventio inter Monasterium Sancti Petri de Burch & inter fratres Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariae, ut pro quolibet fratre defuncto, fiant septem Officia plenaria in conventu; & unusquisque sacerdos dicat privatim tres missas, & q' missam non cantant, Psalterium integrum. Eandem conventionem habemus cum fratribus nostris de Gloucestre, & cum fratribus nostris de Abendone; & cum fr. nostris de Sancto Edmundo; & cum fr. nostris de Sancto Albano; & cum fr. nostris de Hely; & cum fr. nostris de Thornei; & cum fr. nostris de Crulande; & cum fr. n. de Dunhelm; & cum fr. n. de Eboraca; & cum fr. n. Cantariae de Sancto Oswaldo; & cum fr. n. de Waltham; & cum fr. n. de Fescam Et cum fr. n. de Monte Sanctae Trinitatis; & cum fr. n. de Grestem; & cum fr. n. Beccensibus; & cum fr. n. Sanctae Mariae Divae; & cum fr. n. Carnotensibus; & cum fr. n. Sancti Benedicti super Legerim. Pro sororibus nostris de Multonia VII. officia faciemus. Illaeque pro fratribus tria Psalteria persolvent.   

Inter Ecclesiam Burgi & Ecclesiam de Lewes.  
HAec Conventio inter fratres Sancti Petri de Burch, & fratres Sancti Pancracii de Lewes; ut pro monachis defunctis utriusque loci, fiat unum officium plenarium in conventu; Et unusquisque sacerdos cantet privatim 1. Missam, & q'missam non cantat, Quinquaginta Psalmos: & conversi quinquagies Miserere Mei Dominus. Pro Abbate de Burch, & pro Priore de Lewes cantabuntur XXX. Missae; non à singulis, sed in conventu.   

Item inter Ecclesiam Burgi & alias diversas Ecclesias.  
HAec est Conventio inter fratres Sancti Petri de Burch, & inter fratres Sancti Petri novi Monasterii: ut pro Monachis defunctis utriusque loci fiant tria officia plenaria in conventu, & unusquisque sacerdos cantet privatim III. Missas, & q' missam non cantant Psalterium totum. Eandem Conventionem habemus cum fratribus nostris Sancti Nicolai Andegav. Et cum fratribus nostris Norwicensibus; & cum fratribus nostris de Bardneia; & cum fratribus nostris de Bertunia; & cum fratribus nostris de Wincelcumbe; & cum fratribus nostris de Sancto Pancratio; & cum fratribus nostris Sanctae Mariae Longiledi; & cum fratribus nostris Cadomensibus; & cum fratribus nostris Troatensibus; & cum fratribus nostris de Sais; & cum fratribus nostris Sancti Ebrulfi; & cum fratribus nostris de Bernai; & cum fratribus nostris de p'jecto de Virmandensi; & cum fratribus nostris de Bermundei; & cum fratribus nostris Pratensibus, & cum fratribus nostris de Witely; & cum fratribus Nostris Cantariae de Gecldeurt.   
FINIS.