THE General-Excise Considered.  
●IR,  
I Am glad to hear the Members of Parliament for your Country are in the Disposition you speak of, that they cease being Enemies, as sensible they must ●●y their Country, or become just Friends support its Interest. It is time those un●●y Names of Parties be laid aside; and 〈◊〉 one common Term of eternal Reproach ●●ew coined for them of either side, that ●●ect the Duty of true English men in this ●●●al Meeting.  
●hus far we agree; but it was unreasona●●● in you by one Question in so short a Let●●● to put me to the necessity of a Volume in 〈◊〉. It was fit only to be asked a Dealer 〈◊〉 Revelations, What shall we do to sup●●● the Honour and Interest of the Nation? 〈◊〉 our End of the Town, by good luck, 〈◊〉 Question is resolved in as few words as 〈◊〉 proposed it; Give a General Excise. This 〈◊〉 single Expedient, and the only Reason vouchsafed for it is, You can support the Government no other way.  
This is the Chemical State-Remedy inten●●● to all our Diseases, which I think myself ●●●●ged to give you notice of, not so much 〈◊〉 what I can say, as to put you and all sober 〈◊〉 thinking, that they may not wink like ●●●sh Women, and let their Blood be drawn 〈◊〉 them in such a manner, as will not one●●●eaken their own, but certainly destroy 〈◊〉 public Constitution.  
●●t but that I own our Supplies for next 〈◊〉 must be to the utmost of what the Na●●●● can bear: In this I shall agree with a commissioner of the Treasury, or a Chair●●● of a Money-Bill, though I may differ 〈◊〉 him in the Ways of raising it, and per●●●● in the Manner of laying it out. The End 〈◊〉 great Taxes must be the Support of the ●●●ernment against its Enemies; but if the 〈◊〉 proposed for raising them more certain●● 〈◊〉 destroy it than those Foes can do, I must 〈◊〉 leave to seek for other Methods. Now this, and nothing less, I take to be the Case, if Moneys be raised by a General Excise; and it is undeniable, that whatever Sum is so levied, shall cost the People near a fourth part more than shall come to the Service of the Government, and that whatsoever is pretended to the contrary, the Burden of this Tax does and must fall upon the Men of Estates in Lands.  
But before I go on, I must endeavour to show the necessity of an Union between those that differ perhaps in little things, yet agree in their Concern for the Wellbeing, Honour, and Safety of the Nation; our only hope is in the Good-understanding of this Parliament, and I am convinced it was mistaking one another begun those Feuds, which are carried on (I fear) by some that pretend to Moderation.  
It must be allowed of King Charles II. that the divided Interest of Protestant and Papist was what he encouraged, not so much out of Inclination to either, as always preferring those that were for his present Purposes, when that is out of doors, a divided Interest amongst Protestants may be managed to the same ends, it might ptrhaps be suspected, if it were possible to think the great Men in Affairs now, could have the like apprehension of Things with those that influenced in the last Reigns.  
But it may easily be discerned by any Body honestly inquisitive, whether a sincere Union be intended by those that govern, towards reconciling Mankind to a public Good, or whether the Business be to obtain their Ends upon a divided People.  
The last Government has left us fresh Ideas of such a Scaramuchi Administration, where the Managers, dressed like Harlequin, one Side Spaniard, th'other French, have always half a Face ready for every Faction, but a Heart steady to nothing but their own Designs: A thousand Instances might be given, to serve for the discovering the like, whenever they are afcot; but I shall only mention some few, which may easily be discovered.  
First, When Men are examined by the Project, and not the Project by the Men.  
Secondly, When the Liberty of Parliament is awed▪ And,  
Lastly, When the Integrity of its Members is attempted by Corruption.  
To make myself rightly understood: As to the first, I will suppose, That this Notion of a General Excise, so much talked of at present, had been a State Project in the thoughts of the late King only; and some Foreigner, a Dada s●nt from Rome, or a Barillon from France; they might justly have concluded, such a Fund would enable them to carry on their Designs without Parliaments: And who doubts then whether the Privy Council had had been troubled with such a Business, or whether without more consideration, it had not been immediately set up for a Touchstone of Men's Inclinations to the Government, and the subject Matter for Closetting, the Consequence of which had been, Every Man had lost his Employment, that had not approved and promised it, and any new Face received in to them, who had but hearty engaged.  
One may say this Project had been thus managed in the last Reign, since in Relation to the ●est-Act the same Methods were taken, these Practices gave the just Disgust of the last Court: And as they were the certain Signs of the Game I have mentioned, so what ever the Matter in question be, it is this Manner of Managing of it betrays the like Design. This is fundamentally subverting the Constitution, in my Opinion, to force Men to act against their Conscience, or be undone, to prostitute the Places of Profit and Honour designed as Encouragements and Reward, for those that labour to support the Government, to such only as can be found most ready to comply with whatsoever is expected from them.  
This is the trying Men by the Project (as I call it,) these are the infallible Symptoms of an over ruling Ambition, that must be satisfied by any Means, by any Men, that will rather deal with known Enemies, that profess Compliance, than trust to tried Friends, that have any Reserves or Scruples.  
But to the second Point I mentioned, that of Imposing upon Parliaments, or by any means Awing that Parliamentary Liberty and Authority, which I take to be the Life of our Government.  
For Examples I must always revert to t●● late Reigns, to which we all allow the Designs I have spoken of: For what concerns th● future I shall need repeat it no more, that take it for granted, in all Cases from the like Premises, we are to expect the like Conclusions, from the like Men the same Designs from the like Management the same Things intended.  
The Closeting then about the Test-Act ●● King James, must be allowed the most notorious Attempt upon Parliamentary Libe●ties that ever was made, but at the same time the weakest. It was below a King to askin● that manner, since it was beneath a Subject to own he would comply, though it were 〈◊〉 Opinion; the Folly of it was sufficiently ma●● evident at that time, for it struck off fro● his Interest a number of Men, who had accompanied his Designs till then with the utmost Vigour.  
Should he have made a Pill too big for them to swallow, that (Saviour's of the Nation) had baffled the Popish Plot, and supported the Protestant one, that by one Blow worthy of their Parts, had struck at all t●● Liberties of England by the single Project 〈◊〉 the Charters.  
Should the Doses have been made such a● those Stomaches could not bear, that could dige●t their Dinner in a place where Gibbe●● were erected, and Men executed for their Entertainment.  
Should they have been balked, who (tho' zealous Churchmen) could nevertheless, a●● Memb●rs of the high Commission Court, suspend Bishops, and disincorporate Colleges, and for no other Crime than their unwillingness to promote the Designs of the Papists.  
But the damned Project failing in the main, had this unexpected and fatal consequence; numbers of these Men made a full Stop, foreseeing that Popery would spoil all, and choosing rather to quit than to embark in so mad a Game, they became Martyrs to the late King, and by that Merit are now let ●●so a Reforming Government, that for it● foundation declares against all those Practice● their whole Lives have been engaged in; th● consequence of which I n●ed not explain.  
But, as I was saying, this Closeting w●● the most unlikely way could be thought o● to obtain what was aimed at▪ by King Jame● Nothing so fatal to Authority as Contempts and Princes of all things ought to avoid Denials. It was highly impolitic to refuse to ●is artful Knaves the pretence of Honesty; ●hich such public peremptory Summons to Obedience did do, to such as could comply with them.  
We saw how many he lost by it: Lions have their Jack calls to raise their Prey; the Lords of Men should have theirs, to spread their Notions: This telling to one at a time his Mind, was not a Majestic way, proper for Monarches to use, who need not make their Subjects hear from their own Mouths, but feel the Effects of not apprehending quickly, and complying faster.  
Though there are different ways used to the same Designs, yet something at last will betray them to be alike.  
We have seen Men lose their Employments, and they have been told for what:  
We have seen Men lose their Employments, and no reason given why.  
We have seen impudent Promisers, and noisy Undertakers, received with open Arms.  
We have seen those in fashion who could silently obey, and ask no Questions.  
And can it be supposed these different Practices had the same View? This doubtless makes it evident they had, that no former Merits or Services could keep Men in the public Stations they were in, that they had this common Fate under the different Management, the oldest Servants, the most deserving Friends, were forced to make way for a new Adoption; and with Reason; for in truth when a Project is once resolved on, those must be found out that will undertake it, or at least will insignificantly sit still, whilst others transact in it.  
But as to the last Point, the Corruption used in Parliaments, it is not to be doubted, that where Menaces are used, Rewards are likewise offered to induce Men to comply, but neither being necessary to persuade Men to their common Interests, Threats and Preferments can never be made use of to Parliament Men for a good Design.  
But, good God May we not say there has been a Trade amongst us, as well known as any other, that I mean of a Parliament Man; and when shall we be happy enough to have it otherwise? It was Masanissa's Expression of Rome, Venalis esses, si Emptorem inveniris: I am sure there is no Man can sell his Country, but there must be a Purchaser. We happened once to know remarkably; who bought, who sold, and what was paid: It may often be perceived, though seldom so luckily made out.  
But to conclude with something positive, and with agreeable Notions, after so many ugly ones, this being a time of great Expectation for Reformation, we will determine that Government to be free from any Suspicion of such Aims or Designs as have been spoken of,  
When there are no particular Projects so hatched and prepared for Parliaments, as that it is expected aforehand they should be complied with.  
When they are not given out in an Athanasian Way, whosoever does not do thus and thus, shall neither be thought Friend to King nor Kingdom.  
When honest Men are not dispossessed of their Places, till some notorious Miscarriage makes the World sensible they are justly removed, or some good Reason be given for it.  
When Men of Integrity are not Projecthanged, and their Places disposed of to any sort of Tools, who are ready to serve the Government, (as they call it,) and must need in some time the Shelter of the Crown to defend them from Parliaments, if they want it not already.  
When notorious Offenders against the fundamental Constitution are punished, or at least not countenanced.  
When those in Places of Trust may be depended upon, and that the Secrets and Fate of the Nation are not put into men's hands by way of Experiment, upon the ●efined Politics of Making Friends.  
When it is not thought more expedient to trust Complying Enemies, than Plaindealing Friend●, especially when the one have the common Consent of Merit, the other the Marks of public Censure upon them.  
When there is no Parliamentary Traffic a foot, and that no Places are held in the capacity of able Men in the House of Commons, to which they could not other ways be entitled.  
When Men of steady Principles are not exposed to reproachful Titles by silly Flatterers, and that Men always in communion with the Church of England, are not called with as little reason fanatics, as those that gave a Crown Commonwealthsmen.  
Lastly, When a Spade is called a Spade, and not an ambitious Statesman the Support of the Church, or a covetous old flattering Fanatic a Patriot; for such miraculously have we seen in season at the same time.  
But now that God has so miraculously blest our Arms in the Recovery of our own, I hope he will make the Blessing complete, by reconciling us amongst ourselves; I hope those that are to consult for our future Establishment, are now out of danger of being swayed by vain Fears, or influenced by any thing but Right Reason.  
These three Years have made us acquainted with one another, and are sufficient to let wise Men know what they have to expect. The King is acquainted with his People, the People with their King; they know the Hazards he is willing to expose his Person to, against the public Enemy; he (I hope) is so well satisfied of the Fidelity and Courage of his Subjects, as to be convinced this is the proper time to lay that Tie and promised Obligation upon them, of dismissing the foreign Troops according to his Declaration.  
I expect with great hopes a happy Union of Parties, on which I think our future Happiness depends, since the great Point that first divided us, was Regency, or Election; and I believe the Prejudices on both sides are abated upon just Ground.  
Those that in their Apprehension of what they might expect from the late King for the Nation and themselves, were zealous to have a Crowned Head to protect both, can hardly be wondered at; but some of the most eminent of them have so plainly showed by their Actions since, they were incapable of complementing in a public Concern, that I am confident all the World does and must agree, That what they did was according to their Judgements for the public Good.  
And I am of opinion, that the other Party who feared the Regency, was only proposed in favour of the late King, are convinced since there were public spirited Men of that Sentiment, who acted upon no such Design, but expecting more Agreement in such a Settlement, and as great a Reformation upon that Foundation.  
However, it were ridiculous now to quarrel with those as Enemies to the King's Interest upon that account, on whom he has conferred such Favours, placing so many of them in public Employments, that rather those have reason to think themselves unfortunate, that were not of that Judgement too.  
This makes me flatter myself; these Disputes will cease, and that all will agree hearty in their Endeavours to support K. William and the Government, the King, the Customs the Laws; this whole I call the Constitution, which stitution whoever is weary of, let him give a general Excise: For I doubt not but plainly to demonstrate all I have said concerning it, and to prove, that it entirely destroys the present Form of Government; Those that will show us the better one they intent to produce in the Room of it, I think should be heard, and to that point only, in Parliament, though it is dangerous to change in most things, and I hope we shall be most of all unwilling to try Experiments in this.  
I would desire to know whether a Parliament be only necessary in England, for giving of Moneys, though it has been too often used, as if it were so; yet that wili hardly be maintained.  
There are many Uses of Parliaments, of which I shall speak presently, which makes them essential to the whole, not to say that they really are a part of our Constitution: but if it be only in the King's Power, to call or dismiss them at his Pleasure; I ask then, They that give such a Fund as may support the Crown in all the Exigencies of War, as well as Peace, Have they not put that part of the Government, essential to us upon so many Accounts, in a possibility of being laid aside, during the pleasure of any Minister?  
What is this then but an Alteration of the Constitution, if Parliaments are a part of it, and the Supplies which I allow, may this way be provided for, be not what only makes them necessary.  
I shall now take the Liberty to show why, and in what, Parliaments are indispensably necessary to the Being of our Government, and that will more evidently show such a Tax to be the very destruction of it; and I shall not fail to answer, in the first place, the Excuse they make for themselves who would agree to such a Tax, That they would only give it for a Time.  
Are not Parliaments necessary to make seasonable and wholesome Laws, and as necessary to unmake some, as make others? The Act of Conformity had no Effects suitable to its Designs; and the Utility expected from the Test Act did not answer Expectation, for Papists were admitted into Employments afterwards; nay Men turned Papists too have ●●em. But I hope this good will be found 〈◊〉 ever, in the repeal of one of them, that 〈◊〉 Protestants amongst us may live unpersecuted.  
But now sure, more than ever, it must be ●●bw'd, That Parliaments are necessary to ●●●p Ministers in a we, to examine and re●●●m Abuses in Government, and Violations 〈◊〉 Law; since the present King, when Prince of Orange, did refer in his Declaration all ●●ose Grievances, and the Promoters of them ●o Parliament, as the proper place to have ●●ose Irregularities red, essed, which made his ●●y to the Crown.  
But we must speak plainly under a good ●●ng, who is but imperfectly so, if he do ●●t help us to provide against a bad one; 〈◊〉 we must say that the Essential use of Parliament, is to prevent the Nation being oppressed by unnecessary Taxes, and to provide 〈◊〉 the good Disposition of them when given.  
It is impossible to suppose a People unwilling to contribute to their own Security; ●●e Danger is not on that side; but we may ●●ppose (for we have seen already) an ill use ●●de of what has been given for their Preservation: The Supplies, Revenues, and Taxes given to the late King, were never designed (●●re) to pay Pensions to Father Petre, to support Embassies to Rome, to introduce Popery, and suppress the Protestant Religion.  
If then, in plain English, the whole Balance of the Government on the People's side, if that which only makes it a limited Monarchy, and not the Tyranny of France, be that Parliaments must meet to the terror of Ministers, and redress of Grievances; And why must they meet? Because sooner or later the necessity of Affairs will require it; if this be a known Truth, Must we not own, that whatsoever takes off this Necessity of Parliament destroys our Government?  
The Argument of a good Prince is nothing to the purpose, nor can any Necessity be ● good one under the most despotic Government: The Administration may be Gentle and Just in one Reign, and return to its Violence in another; nor can any Necessity make Men reasonably avoid one Danger by running into a greater.  
Shall this give us Satisfaction, being told to allay our Fears, that such a Tax under the strictest Penalties shall be confined to a time.  
I will suppose any thing under the present Government, though it was honestly and wisely said of a great Man, that I fear will be wanted, and was well known in Parliament, That he could suppose nothing where the Nation was concerned; but if this General Excise should be given for some Years only, those Princes are Mortal we have such Confidence in, and the continuation of the additional Customs expired with the Life of King Charles, yet notwithstanding were Collected by the late King's command, does plainly show what we might expect upon the like occasion; Did he not force the Payment of that Tax against Law? Did he not force it, when without an Army? And can any Man believe, even in the bearing Humour this Nation has long been in, That King James durst have levied a new Tax without consent of Parliament, but the continuance of what already has been in practice, of what the People have been used to comply with, we know has been successfully ventured upon, though against Law.  
I must confess the Ministers, who pretend, long since to have foreseen the Necessity of this General-Excise for a time, should (whoever had escaped) have made some Examples of those who acted in the illegal Collection of those Duties, ceasing to be due by Law, if they would have had us believe at any time, that such a sufficient Provision, once in a way of being Collected, should ever cease.  
But I have other Reasons to make me conclude this Tax, once established, would never die. I remember those Verses in Hudibrass.  

But when the date of was Nock out,  
Off dropped the sympathetick Snout.   
When the date of this Tax were out, so many sympathising Officers would be set a drift again. That I dare Answer for it, the diligence these Excise Men would use for their own Preservation, would not fail to procure an Excise Parliament; the influence they have is well known in their Management of one Branch, and how they make use of it; and the certain succession that would inevitably ensue, no doubt would prove a great Blessing to the Nation.  
This Excise would beget such a number of Officers, such Officers would procure such Parliament Men, such Parliament Men would give such Votes, such Votes would deserve such Pentions, such Pentions would be so well paid upon such a Fund, that who can doubt of its continuance. But whenever this Tax is vehemently insisted upon, it may justly raise great Suspicions, that it is not a public or immediate Necessity that makes it so pressed but some other Reason. In the utmost Necessity, Can that be a fit Tax to be given, which must cost near a fourth part in Collecting? And that for a present Occasion which is wholly uncertain, and neither to be modelled, or guessed at in some few Years?  
But what gives just Jealousies to thinking Men, is, That they are sure the Government cannot be so wrongfully informed as not to know, that a General-Excise is little other than a Tax upon Land accompanied with most dangerous Circumstances to the Constitution, and uneafie to the People.  
If an Excise be laid upon every Thing, which a Man of Necessity must buy, Is not that in Proportion to that Excise, so much out of his Money, which comes out of his Land? If a Man can conceive it as easy to pay, by so many two Pences and Groats in a Day in Excise, what otherwise he must pay by so many Crowns a Month out of his Estate, I have nothing to say.  
But were it as some conceive, that all People paying a kind of Proportion, the Landed Men are eased: If this were true it were most unadvisable in our present Circumstances, should we bring a Tax upon the common People, who never felt the weight of one before, especially when we depend upon their inclinations and steadiness to our Interest.  
But, alas! the common Man of England must have his Proportion of Meat, of Ale, and his time to loiter; God forbidden we should alter the Heart and Constitution of them, and starve them into French Men; if they must pay more for what they have, they will have ways in Proportion to that Expense, so that besides what is taxed in every Excise, and expressed in the Law, the Landed Man must pay three Pence or a Groat extraordinary to every Labourer they employ by the Day, and two or three Pounds a Year more to those they give Wages to by the Year.  
Would not any Man rather justly compute, and give knowingly and cheerfully what is necessary for the public Support, than have his Pockets thus picked by his own Consent, not being (as was said by one of our Kings) able to part with a Sum, when he either saw, or knew what it was?  
This alone has some colour of Reason in it, that Merchants and Moneyed Men, who are not touched in Land Taxes, would contribute something this way; but sure for this there might be found more effectual Means. I shall only Answer that the Contribution of such Men in Excise, would be very inconsiderable, and in no Proportion; they that get most Money spend least: And I would have it but enquired into, if a certain Knight, well known in Westminster, would pay in Excises for Meat, Drink, and Equipage, proportionably to 200000l. Estate.  
But as for the Necessity pretended (which, give me leave, by the buy to observe) sometimes is made so great, you would suppose we were almost doomed to certain Destruction, and then nothing but a General Excise can support us; when at another time to doubt of the success of any Thing humanely impossible, is a capital Offence.  
What then are the present Difficulties we labour under? A War with France, and a Title to which there are other Pretenders: The Disputes betweem the House of York and Lancaster are not yet forgotten, and Wars abroad we had during those Disputes; no doubt those Parliaments which met under those different Titles, had as much mind to secure themselves against the opposite Party, as we can have against King James, and as great a desire to support the Honour of the Nation, as we can have; yet never was there such Difficulties pretended, or such Dangers as could give them the Confidence to offer at, or propose a General Excise.  
The same Providence that has supported us thus long without this Expedient, I doubt not will continue to do so; but I think nothing less than a Miracle can preserve this Constitution, if that be once granted.  
For Heaven's sake, What were they less than Mad in King Charles' Time, who were always pressing that Prince to a War with France, and giving declared Supplies for that purpose? Were they not perfectly Distracted, that were so impatient to draw such an unreasonable Power upon themselves, since now at a time, when the Emperor, so many Germane Princes, Spain, Holland, and part of Italy, are in Wars with France, they are yet so formidable, that nothing but a General-Excise can save us, or support us in this War against that Enemy, which we have so lately con●●ded against at Sea with the Dutch on our 〈◊〉.  
What can so extremely alter the Case? It must be a mismanagement of our Strength ●●d Wealth. I shall not say how much France might have been annoyed with less Expense, ●●d Force rightly employed; nor how little ●eason we have to boast of a part of our own Dominion, reduced by the hand of God, and a series of Miracles, which we own to our ●●n Negligence, that we ever disputed for. I shall not speak of our Disgraces at Sea, our Interest in that Point has been so betrayed in ●●e last Reigns, that it ought doubly to be ●●ok'd after in this. But my great fear is, ●●e War is forced into a wrong Channel, by ●●me that are Strangers to the true Interest ●●d proper Glory of the Nation.  
However I shall wave these retrospects, and ●●ke the Matter of Fact, as it is, for our pre●●nt Consideration.  
Ireland reduced, Scotland sufficiently secured by the late Treaties, a Peace as good as ●●cluded between the Emperor and the ●urk, the French drove out of Italy and piedmont, and brought upon the Defensive in Dauphine and Flanders. Are we not in evident Dangers? And can any Thing less than 〈◊〉 General Excise save us?  
Yes, I apprehend we are; and the more 〈◊〉 all these Successes, if we look not to the main Chance. The Sea, 'tis there we ought to make great Efforts, extraordinary ones indeed for our own sakes, and for the general interest, if rightly understood.  
What shall England be the better for all the Successes shall attend the Confederate Armies? Shall we make War wholly for our Allies, spend all our Wealth in Land Forces, and forget that we have the Dominion of the Sea to maintain? Shall we send all the present Stock out of the Nation, and overlook our Trade, the only means of getting more?  
What becomes of England? What Advantages can benefit them, if the French be ●ot humbled at Sea? Nay, I will maintain it more dangerous for the whole, if the Wealth ●f France be employed after a Peace made ●or Four of Five Years in the Marine only, he ●ay then begin again, and be fairer than ever ●●r the Empire of the World, or be sure to 〈◊〉 Master of the Trade of it.  
If we must go this way to work, let us know it is an Article agreed with all our Allies, that a Peace be never concluded till the French are forced by Land to destroy their own Harbours, to burn their own Ships.  
For our Sixty five thousand Men when Ireland is reduced, and One hundred and fifty Ships kept at Sea, I hope we have some prospect we are to have some share in the Spoil; all I desire, is, we may have the same probality, that Breast and Dunkirk should be made useless, as the Emperor may have of Strasburgh and Luxemburgh, the Spainard of Mons, the Savoyard of Cassal and Pignerol.  
But nothing surpriseth me more than the Discourses of some amongst us, That give out as if the whole Confederacy was engaged in War upon our Account, and therefore we are obliged in Honour to support it at any rate. Was not the War begun between the Emperor and France, before the Prince of Orange came over into England? What made the States of Holland, but their own Interest, supply the necessary Charge of the Expedition? Did they not however expect it? And were they not well paid for it? In what we do for them, on the like Score, (though for our own Security.) Ought we not to demand and expect the like?  
But to be told of separate Peace's, and being left in the Lurch; What are we taken for? Must we suppose the Emperor, Germany, Spain, and Holland, will submit to France, unless we ruin ourselves for the Expense of the War? Ought they not in a fair Computation be satisfied, if a Royal Navy be set out by the English, and their Common Enemy be diverted by descents, and annoyed by those they used to have, if not assistant to France, yet neuter in their Wars.  
But when they press these Bugbear Dangers of being left alone; an English Man may reasonably give this Answer, That if we had the Moneys already expended, our Fleets in the Condition they might have been in, the Militia settled to the best Advantage, and a small number of our own Troops a foot, we might reasonably expect an Issue of the War, more to the Honour and Advantage of the Nation, depending upon our own Strength, than by this manner of consuming our Wealth in the payment of Foreign Troops, within the Kingdom, that spend nothing, and English Troops without, that spend all.  
But however, when our Condition is most Dangerous, and that a General-Excise is proposed; I hope most English Men will Answer like that Generous Spainard, who had a Statue erected for what he said and did: It was in a Town in Castille hard pressed by the Moors, and the whole Country menaced with utter Ruin, where a Proposal was made that the King might raise Money in an unreasonable manner; considering the great exigency of Affairs, to which he replied in the public Counsel; If the Town be lost, many brave Castilians will lose their Lives; if all Castille be overrun, more will perish: But I doubt not some will remain to revenge us, and to gain their Country; but if this be consented to, that is now proposed, there is no Castilian left. I have Moneys in my House, I will give it all; my Sword is by my Side, I will lose the last drop of my Blood in defence of my Country; 〈◊〉 every Man take the same Resolution, and th●● we need not fear but we shall preserve 〈◊〉 Town, our Country, our Laws, our Honour▪ and our Liberty.  
But, Sir, I have given you too great ● trouble; I shall end without any Form, an● shall only say, That if a General-Excise b● consented to, by the Members in Parliame●▪ I shall conclude it is upon this dependence that they leave the Administration in the hands of Ministers of so known Ability an● Integrity, that they think it safer than i● their own; that they are secure of a Succession of Jure Divino States men for ever more. And, lastly, That they are convinced this Government wants all their Money, but none of their Care.  
FINIS.