Imprimatur,  
Tho. Tomkyns, RRmo more in Christo Patriac Domino D no Gilberto Divinâ Providentiâ Archiepisc. 
Ex Aed. Lamb. Maii 2. 1668.  Cant. à Sacr. Dom.   

PLUS ULTRA: OR, THE Progress and Advancement OF KNOWLEDGE Since the Days of ARISTOTLE. In an ACCOUNT of some of the most Remarkable LATE IMPROVEMENTS OF Practical, Useful Learning: To Encourage PHILOSOPHICAL ENDEAVOURS. OCCASIONED By a Conference with one of the NOTIONAL Way.  
By jos. GLANVILL.  
LONDON, Printed for james Collins at the Kings-Head in Westminster-Hall. 1668.   

TO THE Right Reverned Father in GOD, WILLIAM Lord Bishop of bath and Wells.  
MY LORD,  
'tIs a common, and vain pretence in Dedications, That the Name of the Great Person is prefixed to keep off Censure: And if it would do so in earnest, the Author might secure himself upon easy terms; and those that write Books, need not complain so much of the Tongues of the Envious, and the Ignorant: But the worst on't is, they that use the Courtship, intent it for no other; and know, that they are no more secure under the Title of their Patron, than a Man in Battle is behind a Target made with a Paper-Picture of St. George.  
But, my Lord, though I contemn those silly, Romantic kinds of Flatteries, yet I have a real need of your Lordship's Name, which, without this Vanity, I may use in my defence: since the Angry Gentleman, that gave occasion to the following Discourse, hath usurped it to give colour to his Reproaches. What are the Particulars, I have told your Lordship, and have mentioned them in some of the nearest ensuing Leaves. And since the Man of Disputations hath accused me for an Infidel, and framed a Story concerning your Lordship to confirm it, I think it not sufficient to confute the Charge, but must also shame the Legend: which, no doubt, your Name here prefixed, and the Assurance you were pleased to give me that it was not true, will do effectually.  
It becomes not me, my Lord, to suggest any Reflections to kindle your displeasure for this Invention, to which certainly your Lordship owes no great Acknowledgements: But to decline all things that look like Envy or Revenge, I humbly implore on his behalf, your Pardon of the Forgery; and on my own, your Permission to deal with this Disputer. This perhaps some may judge a bold Offer, in one that pretends not great Matters, to undertake the Man of Gath; but I have no dread of the formidable bulk of his Name and Arms (and some think, Most of the famed Giants, were indeed but Men of ordinary stature.) For the Reputation of a great Disputant, which my Assailant hath in this Country, it signifies no more with me, than that of a good Cudgel-player, or Master of Fence: and what this Doughty Man 's Art and Force is, I have seen so much, as instructs me, that there is no great reason to apprehend mighty Dangers from his Puissance. My Lord, I have no contempt of any Man's Parts or Person, that keeps himself within the bounds of Modesty and Civility: but for those that are confident, imperious, abusive, and assuming, I confess 'tis hard for me to speak of them with much Compliment or respect.  
And having taken the boldness to say all this, some perhaps may expect that I should have the Duty and Justice to say a great deal more; and that I should celebrate your Lordship after the manner of Dedications: But I began with reproving one of those usual Vanities, and shall not end in the practice of another. Those Epistolary Praises are mostly intended for little, and go for nothing; For Flattery and Poetic Youth have strained them to such a ridiculous height, that Wise men judge of them by the same measures, as they do the Courtships of Common Amours. I dare not therefore offer your Gravity and Wisdom such vulgars' and obnoxious Trifles; but instead of those Fooleries, I give your Lordship the serious assurance of my affectionate Duty, with the most grateful acknowledgement of your Favours. And that your aged Head may be Crowned with all the Blessings of a long Time, and after that, with the full Glories of an happy Eternity, shall ever be the Prayer of,  
My Lord, Your Lordships obliged and dutiful Servant, Jos. GLANVILL.   

THE PREFACE TO THE REVEREND CLERGY OF THE Diocese of B. and W.  
FATHERS and BRETHREN,  
THE Respect I owe you, and the Relation the following Discourse hath to a Reverend Man of your Number, make me reckon myself obliged, in point of Civility and Decorum, to give you an Account of this Engagement; Not that I think so meanly of YOU, or of my Cause, as to endeavour to bribe or flatter You into any partiality of judgement in my favour, which no doubt You would disclaim, and, I hope, I shall not need: But I judge an Information in some Particulars, may be necessary to a free and unprejudiced Examination of the things contained in these Papers. And I begin with the desire, That you would consider me as a Person that contemns all Wranglings, and vehemencies of Dispute; and there is somewhat of Hell in all Wars: Especially I dislike and lament all Public Controversies among those of the Sacred Function, by which, great disrepute and reproach have been brought both upon Them and It; besides the other numerous Mischiefs they have done Religion, and the Peace of Men. And in those Differences, in which eager Theologues have been engaged, I have much pitied the meanness and disorders of their Spirits, in the disingenuity and violence of their Assaults ●●on one another's Reputations, in schich the Question was not concerns; but the Cause of each, much discovered by their respective abuses. By ●hich Premisals, You may perhaps ●●ink, that I am drawing up a Charge against my own Discourse, which relates a Controversy, and one with a Divine, that some possibly may judge too, not to savour in the menage of it, of so much Candour and modest Sweetness as I seem to recommend. The Answer of this, will be the first business of this PREFACE.  
Therefore, for the publishing the matter of a Dispute, and that which was privately begun, I have to say, That the Grave Man gave me occasion enough of Displeasure and Complaint, by the dreadful and most injurious Censure of Atheism, charged upon me, for saying no mo●● than that [The Scripture not writ after the way of 〈◊〉 Methods; and, that God 〈◊〉 those Holy Oracles did app●● himself much to the Imagination of the Prophets.] T●● former of which Sayings, is so evident to one that considers the Inspire● Writings, that it will no doubt re●● dily be granted by Wise men of a●● denominations in Religion; and should much wonder it is by an● one made a question, but that we ar● fallen into an Age in which n● Truth and Evidence can secure an●● thing from the Captiousness of Dis●puters. For the other, I have th● Suffrage of all that ever pretended to understand any thing of the Prophetic Spirit, as I could at large make appear, if I thought any needed information and conviction in this mat●●, besides my Reverend Antagonist: Or, if I had neither Evidence nor Authority to vouch me in ●ose Sayings; yet the Charge of atheism, is like the bolt of one ●●at throws hard words in haste, and without aim or judgement.  
So that I had cause enough to be angry at an Imputation so little agreeing with the Discretion of a Wise man, ●he Charity of a Christian, or the Ci●●ility of a Gentleman; And yet I did ●o more at first, but signify to my Assailant, in a very modest and mild Letter, That I supposed he did not judge of me in his cold and considerate thoughts, according to all that severity he vented in the heat of Pas●sion, upon the account of which, I was ready to pass by those undeserved vehemencies of Expression, and to entertain a civility and respect for him. This Letter the Grave Ma● received, but never returned me an Answer, but what I had from P●●lick Frame, which brought me dai● notice of his declaring me an Atheist in all places and Companies. The● foul indignities for a while I thought myself obliged to bear meekly, as b● came a Christian, and one that taught others Patience; and accordingly sat down quietly under the infam●● of that Tongue, expecting when 〈◊〉 would have spent its fury, and hav● done: But it was not content to 〈◊〉 lifie me abroad, but come into my Parish to wound me nearer, and affixed on me the same horrid imputation, before some of the People o● my Charge; as if my Persecuter had designed, not only to undo my Re●putation, but also to defeat the Success of my Labours.  
These Carriages I thought very strange, and very unbecoming one who Preacheth that Charity that thinketh no Evil; and yet still I bore, and did not repay in kind, hoping that Time and greater matters would at last have taken off the fierce Assailant from the persecution of my Name: But it seems the Gentleman could find nothing else so powerfully to engage his Thoughts; and therefore he multiplied Stories, and set his Invention on work, when Matter failed. He gave out, That my LORD BISHOP had writ him a Gratulatory Letter for his egregious Uindication of the Scriptures against me, and had also reproved my Atheism and Infidelity, in another. I was glad he spoke good things of our Reverend Diocesan, though at my Cost: but knew, as to what concerned myself, that it was the overflowing of his goodwill towards the Bishop, who never spoke or writ a● word to me of any such matter. And for the other part, I asked his Lordship, and he was pleased to assure me, that he never understood any thing of such a Business, before my inquiry. Besides which, he storied, as I am credibly informed, That I had sent him a Recantation (for that interpretation he made of the respect of my Letter) And if it had been so indeed, he hath much added to the credit of his own Ingenuity and Veracity, in publishing me for that, which he saith I have retracted and disowned.  
When therefore I saw, that a little Truth, which gave the colour and occasion, and a great deal of what was not so, for which there was no reason, were set on work to bespatter and traduce me; When I perceived that my Patience was abused, and my Civility made an Argument of Cowardice and unmanly Compliance; When I saw my Name exposed (for which I ought to have a concernment upon another account, besides that of Self-love) and the Effect of my Ministry like to be hindered by my silence and tameness under those Peproaches; I thought it a duty both to myself, and those of my Charge, to give Public Accounts of the whole Matter, that they who are capable of judging, may see how little cause some men have for their railing Insultations and Triumphs.  
I therefore resolved to prepare a Letter, I had writ to a private Friend about it, for the Public; and I have in such a way ordered my Castigations, that they make up a Discourse upon a very seasonable and general Subject: So that my Assailant hath only given the occasion of the Me●thod. And so tender I am of troubling others with my personal Matters● that I suffered my thoughts severa● times to cool, and should perhaps have reduced my mind to an idle indifferency under those former Slanders, had not my Reverend Adversary taken care to quicken the laziness of my Humour, and to war● my intentions of proceeding, by the continued abusive liberty of his Language; the report of which, daily coming to my ears in fresh gusts as I was writing, did I confess excite in me a great contempt of that kind of Spirit, and occasioned me to express less deference and respect, than otherwise I should have done to this Assailant This. I mention for your pardon, because of his Profession; the consideration of which indeed did urge me sometimes to more indignation, when I reflected, how unlike ●uch rough, injurious demeanour was, ●o what may be expected from those ●hat Minister in the Gospel of Peace and Love. So that though I am one that resent a certain ungentility (besides the other unhandsome things) in bitterness of Expression, yet I thought smartness of reproof to be here necessary and seasonable. And whoever shall consider the mild carriage of my Pen, when 'twas engaged in a Defence of one of my Books, against the assault of the Famous ALBIUS, will see there, that I use it not as an Offensive Weapon of War, and that my Humour is not fierce and abusive. I therefore crave your candour in those Periods, where I may seem less smooth to my angry Antagonist; for I think it not proper to Compliment, when he Strikes. And yet I am not at eye for eye, and tooth for tooth; nor do I study strict retribution: But having a great Aversion in my Nature and my Principles, to the rude, disputing censorious, and implacable Spirit, cannot forbear giving my Style a●tincture of the disesteem, not to say contempt, I have for that Genius.  
I had here added some other things, which I thought fit for your notice, concerning the Matter of the black Charge; and such as I conceive will help me to a better place in your thoughts, than the Dispute● would provide for me: But those Considerations would have swelled this Preface to a disproportionate bulk● and therefore I have cast them into the latter end, where I hope you will take the pains to find them, and do me, and others that may be concerned, that right, as to weigh deliberately those Apologetical remarks. And having signified this my desire, proceed to observe what more ●early relates to the main Subject of ●he Discourse itself, the chief design of which is, to encourage the freer and better disposed Spirits, to vigour and endeavour in the pursuits of Knowledge; and to raise the capable and ingenuous, from a dull and drowsy acquiescence in the Discoveries of former Times; by representing the great Encouragements we have to proceed, from modern Helps and Advancements. Of these I have given some Instances in the more remarkable Particulars: For I intent not a full and accurate History of all the late Improvements of Science; but so much as may serve my aim of confuting the fond Saying of my Antagonist, and exciting of Philosophical Endeavours. In which, I confess, I had a principal eye upon the ROYAL SOCIETY, and the Noble Purposes of that Illustrious Assembly, which I look upon as the great ferment of useful and generous Knowledge; and have said enough, I think, to justify that Apprehension, in the following Sheets●. And because some pious men are afraid of an Institution they have heard but imperfectly of, and are jealous of what they have not had opportunities to understand, I have therefore given a succinct Account of the Reason, Nature, and Designs of that Establishment, for the information of such as have not met with their Excellent HISTORY. Besides which, I think fit to add here, That WE of the CLERGY have no reason to apprehend danger from that Constitution, since so many Pious, Learned, and Excellent Persons of our Order, are Members of that Body. And for the prevention of those panic, causeless Terrors, I shall take the boldness here to name some of those Venerable and Worthy ecclesiastics. I find therefore in their Catalogue, The Most Reverend the Lords Archbishops of CANTERBURY and YORK, The Right Reverend the Lords Bishops of ELY, LONDON, ROCHESTER, SARUM, WINTON; and those other Reverend Doctors, Dr. john Wilkins Dean of RIPPON, Dr. Edward Cotton Archdeacon of CORNWALL, Dr. RALPH BATHURST Precedent of Trin. Coll. OXON. Dr. john Pearson Margaret Professor of CAMBRIDGE, Dr. john Wallis Professor of Geometry in OXFORD, Dr. William Holder, Dr. Henry More, Dr. john Pell; and I reserve for your nearer notice, an excellent Person of your Neighbourhood and Number, Dr. john Beale, who in an Age that usually cools and sinks, as to the more active Designs, doth yet retain the vigour and vivacity of sprightly youth, with the judgement of the ripest years, and is unwearied in the noblest Activities and most generous Prosecutions.  
And now I hope that there is none of you guilty of so great an immodesty and irreverence, as to judge those Designs to have an evil Aspect upon Religion, which are subscribed and promoted by so many great and grave Divines, of such known Piety and judgement. And the mention of those Celebrated Names, may serve to remove another groundless suspicion which some have entertained, viz. That the Universities are undermined by this new Philosophic Society: For whoever phancieth or suggests that, casts a black Character upon the sagacity and faithfulness of those Reverend Men, who all have been Eminent Members of one or other of those Schools of Learning: and most of them do still retain a Relation to those ancient and venerable Bodies.  
But to supersede further Discourse about this here, I owe some things else to myself, which is to answer the Objection, of my opposing the great Name of ARISTOTLE. Concerning it, I have said. Some things in this Book, and more in others; For the present therefore I shall content myself to suggest, That I am very ready to give cheerful Acknowledgements to his Rhetoric, History of Animals, and Mechanics, and could wish that these were more studied by his devoted Admirers: But for the notional and disputing parts of his Philosophy, it hath deeply troubled me, when I have considered how much they have taken up that Time, and those Endeavours, which should have been employed in surveying the Works of GOD; that magnify and discover their Author, from which only the true Philosophy is to be obtained: And the zeal I have for the Glory of the Almighty discovered in his Creatures, hath inspired me with some smartness and severity against those Heathen Notions which have so unhappily diverted Learned men from the study of God's GREAT BOOK, UNIVERSAL NATURE; and consequently, robbed Him of that Honour, and those Acclamations that are due to him, for those admirable Results of his Wisdom and Goodness.  
And now 'tis high time to draw up to the last Requests I have to You, which are, That you would please to do me that right, deliberately to weigh my following accounts, which though I have designed to express with all imaginable perspicuity and clearness, yet I cannot expect that they should presently enter into Minds, that most ordinarily converse with another sort of Matters, upon an hasty and careless perusal. I say therefore, I appeal to the reflecting and considerate thoughts of attentive and judicious men, But for the hare-brained half-witted Censurers, that only tell the Leaves of Books, and pass Definitive Sentences at a venture, I except against their Verdicts, and contemn them.  
You see upon the whole, that I have dealt openly with my Antagonist, and have said all to himself and the Public, and more than ever I did on any private occasion: Though I believe, that he that hath endeavoured skulkingly and by envious Arts to traduce me, would be ashamed to own that in the face of the light, and mine, which he hath reported in corners. Whether he intends to answer my Relations and Reflections, or sit down in a grave silence, I cannot tell. If he doth the former, I look that he should show, either that there are no such Instances of Improvement in Knowledge, since Aristotle, as I have reckoned; or, That they are no Advantage for the Increase of SCIENCE. If he proves either of these, his Return will be an Answer; and I shall admire his Wit in an eternal respect and silence: But if he offers any thing else for a Reply, I appeal to you, whether it be like to be to purpose? or, whether I shall have any need to trouble myself to rejoin to an impertinence? But on the other hand, if his Sageness resolve to sit down, and gravely to say nothing in Return (which 'tis like his Wisdom will counsel him to be best) I expect from such an Ingenuity as his, that he should fall again to his little arts of Calumny, and deal with my Book as he hath with my Person, assault it behind with dirt and hard-names, and confute it with a Pish, or a great word or two, among his private Admirers. This no doubt will be the easiest way of Answering; and those that have got great Reputation by Artifice, Chance, Uapouring, or the Ignorance of those they converse with, have commonly the prudence not to put it to the hazard of public Trials. I do not say, this is the Case of the Reverend Disputer; let those that know, judge.  
However 'tis, my Antagonist being of long standing in these Parts, is like to have the wind here; and whether his Reply be public or not, I reckon he will blow the DUST upon me: but if I have the SUN, as I hope, I shall have no reason to regret his Advantage. The Truth is, I desire to conflict in an open Champagne, where there may be less danger of guile, treachery, and ambush: But I perceive my Adversary is for fight in Dirty-lanes and among the Coalpits, like the Irish among their Bogs. Let him enjoy the Empire of Learning in those Places, and whatever Triumphs over me he pleaseth. If YOU, Sirs, and the intelligent World favour the justice of my Cause, which, without disparagement to yours I cannot doubt, I have enough, and shall be content to permit the Disputer to clap his Wings, and crow at home, till he be ashamed and weary of his fond and causeless Orations.  
These are the things I thought fit to premise to my Discourse, to which now I remit your Eyes, without adding more, but the Respect and Service of,  
Reverend Sirs, Your humble Honourer and Servant, J. G.   

Modern Improvements OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE.  
To a Friend.  
CHAP. I. The INTRODUCTION.  
SIR,  
THE Inquiry of your last was very obliging, as it signified an affectionate concernment for me: And in testimony of my resentment of the Kindness, I shall be large and particular in my Return; which I intent as full as my Affairs will permit, because I owe you some Account of the Modern way of Philosophy, and the ROYAL College of Philosophers: And I do not yet know, but that I may have an occasion of making these things public. Not tha● I am so fond to think my little contrasts fit subject for general Entertainment; nor am I so tender and overweening, as to make it a business to complain in Print of my private Injuries: But I foresee, the Relation I am about will afford me fit and ample opportunity to discourse things, which perhaps you may think worth your labour to consider. And what I have to say, tends either to the direct recommendation of the ways of Useful Knowledge, or to the detecting the immorality, weakness, and vanity of the Spirit that opposeth it.  
Briefly then, as to your Inquiry about the Conference I had with the Grabe Person you mention; You may please to know, That not long since I lighted into the Company of that Reverend Man, who, I suppose you have heard, hath a Reputation for Learning among his Neighbours, and is accounted a Philosopher in the Peripatetic way. I was glad of an opportunity of his Acquaintance, and approached him with that respect which I judged due to a person of that Gravity, and of whom I had heard advantageously.  
He had been speaking before I came, about Aristotle and his Philosophy; And after our first Civilities were over, he renewed the Discourse, and applied it all to me. I confess I was not willing to begin an Acquaintance in a Dispute, in which I foresaw there might be danger of heat and animosity. This I intimated, and would have declined the occasion; because, though I love modest and temperate Discoursing, yet I am a professed Enemy to all captious and resolved Oppositions, which for the most part run into wild Rambles, and end in Quarrels. But the Gentleman, it seems, had warmed himself by the concernment he took in the Discourse, and was forward to prosecute the Argument in vindication and praise of Beloved Aristotle: Which Carriage, though I thought somewhat too young for the Gravity of that Appearance, and more becoming the pertness of a Sophister, than the Sagess of a Reverend Divine; yet I abstained from any displeasing Reflection, and should quietly have permitted him to have satisfied himself in his Venerations of that Name, without interruption or disturbance: For I count it not civil to trouble any One in his Worship, or to profess to his face, a contempt of another Man's GOD'S.  
But the Grave Gentleman could not be content only to celebrate and admire his Aristotle; but was pleased to take an occasion to make Comparisons, and to diminish the ROYAL SOCIETY. This Passage, I confess, I thought not handsome. And methinks the Reverence we owe to the ROYAL FOUNDER and PATRON of that Establishment, and the Respect that is due to PRINCES, PRIVY COUNSELLORS, and PRELATES; to the most Learned Men of all Sorts and Professions, Mathematicians, Chemists, Physicians, Anatomists, Antiquaries, and Philosophers; to the PRIME NOBILITY, and so many of the Learned and Ingenious amongst the GENTRY: I say, I thought that the Regard, which is a debt to such Persons as make up that Honourable Assembly, had been enough to procure it Civil usage among all that had but an indifferent proportion of Modesty and Breeding. And if there were nothing else to oblige men to Respectful Discourse of this Generous Company, I should think the Consideration of their Noble Aims, which no doubt are some of the Greatest, most August, and most Hopeful that ever were, should be sufficient to obtain them at least good words from all that are capable of understanding their Catholic intendments and prosecutions. And these, Sir, are not the little Projects of serving a Sect, or propagating an Opinion; of spinning out a subtle Notion into a fine thread, or forming a plausible System of new Speculations: but they are Designs of making Knowledge Practical, and accommodating Mankind in things of Universal Benefit, by searching into the Creatures of God as they are in his World, and not criticising upon the Images of them as they lie in that which the Fancies of Men have contrived. This my Reverend Assailant either did not know, or did not consider. But supposing that this Society had a design against adored Aristotle, or not so great an apprehension of him as he had been wont to instil into his Pupils, thought fit to bring it under his Corrections; and at his disrespectful Discourse of that Assembly, I felt myself concerned.  
I therefore took occasion to speak from somewhat he had newly said, which was to this purpose, [That Aristotle had more Advantages for Knowledge than the ROYAL SOCIETY or all the present Age had, or could have; and for this strong Reason, because he did totam peragrare Asiam.] This, Sir, you perceive was said in haste, when Consideration was not at home. And I was much surprised to hear an Assertion from one that had not lived in a Cell, which were scarce excusable in a Recluse, who had seen or known nothing of the World, but the Antique Venerable Images of a Religious House. And you will be sensible of the injustice and incogitancy of this saying, and conceive better things of the later Ages, when you reflect and think how many. Arts, Instruments, Observations, Experiments, Inventions and Improvements, have been disclosed to the World since the days of Aristotle, which are vast Advantages for Knowledge, and all Noble and Useful Inquiries.  
But before I come to instance in these Particulars, I must premise, That the ROYAL SOCIETY, and those of that Genius, are very ready to do right to the Learned Ancients, by acknowledging their Wit, and all the useful Theories and helps we have from them: but they are not willing that those, however venerable Sages, should have an absolute Empire over the Reasons of Mankind. Nor do they think, That all the Riches of Nature were discovered to some few particular Men of former Times; and that there is nothing left for the benefit and gratification of after-Inquirers. But They believe, There is an inexhaustible variety of Treasure which Providence hath lodged in Things, that to the World's end will afford fresh Discoveries, and suffice to reward the ingenious Industry and Researches of those that look into the Works of God, and go down to see his wonders in the deep. This, no doubt, the modesty and justice of the Ancients themselves would have confessed. But besides this, the Modern Experimenters think, That the Philosophers of elder Times, though their Wits were excellent, yet the way they took was not like to bring much advantage to Knowledge, or any of the Uses of humane Life; being for the most part that of Notion and Dispute, which still runs round in a Labyrinth of Talk, but advanceth nothing. And the unfruitfulness of those Methods of Science, which in so many Centuries never brought the World so much practical, beneficial Knowledge, as would help towards the Cure of a Cut finger, is a palpable Argument, That they were fundamental Mistakes, and that the Way was not right.  
For, as my Lord Bacon observes well, Philosophy, as well as Faith, must be shown by its Works. And if the Morderns cannot show more of the Works of their Philosophy in six years, than the Aristoteleans can produce of theirs in more than thrice so many hundred, let them be loaded with all that Contempt which is usually the reward of vain and unprofitable Projectors. But now, That this Procedure hath effected more for the information and advantage of Mankind, than all the Ages of Notion; the Records of the Royal Society alone are a sufficient Evidence (as the World will see, when they shall think fit to unfold their Treasure.) I say then, the Mordern Philosophers arrogate nothing to their own Wit, above that of the Ancients: but by the reason of the thing, and material, sensible Events, they find they have an advantage by their Way. And a lame Child that slowly treads the right Path, will at last arrive to his Journeys end; while the swift Footman that runs about in a Wood, will lose himself in his wander.   

CHAP. II. The Ways of improving Useful Knowledge proposed. The Advantages this Age hath from the great advancements of Chemistry and Anatomy,  
AND having said this, I come to encourage your hopes in the present Philosophical Endeavours; and to discourse more largely, what I could but suggest to the Reverend Disputer. And here I am to represent in as many material Particulars as I can now call into my thoughts, the Advantages for Useful Knowledge, which the later Ages have beyond those of the days of Aristotle, and remoter Antiquity. And in order to this, I consider,  
That there are Two chief ways whereby Knowledge may be advanced, viz. (1.) By enlarging the HISTORY of Things: And (2.) By improving INTERCOURSE and COMMUNICATIONS. The HISTORY of Nature is to be augmented, either by an investigation of the Springs of Natural Motions, or fuller Accounts of the grosser and more palpable Phaenomena. For the searching out the beginnings and depths of Things, and discovering the intrigues of remoter Nature, there are THREE remarkable ARTS, and multitudes of excellent INSTRUMENTS, which are great Advantages to these later Ages; but were either not at all known, or but imperfectly, by Aristotle and the Ancients. The ARTS in which I instance, are CHEMISTRY, ANATOMY, and the MATHEMATICS: The INSTRUMENTS, such as the MICROSCOPE, TELESCOPE, THERMOMETER, BAROMETER; and the AIR-PUMP: Some of which were first Invented, all of them exceedingly Improved by the ROYAL SOCIETY.  
TO begin with the Consideration of the ARTS mentioned, I observe, That these were very little cultivated or used in Aristotle's Times, or in those following ones in which his Philosophy did most obtain.  
For the FIRST, CHEMISTRY, it hath indeed a pretence to the great Hermes for its Author (how truly, I will not dispute) From him 'tis said to 〈◊〉 come to the Egyptians, and from ●em to the Arabians; Among these it was ●●●nitely mingled with vanity and superstitious devices: but it was not at all in use ●ith Aristotle and his Sectators. Nor ●oth it appear that the Grecians, or the disputing Ages, were conversant in these ●seful and luciferous Processes, by which Nature is unwound, and resolved into the minute Rudiments of its Composition; and by the violence of those Artful Fires it is made confess those latent parts, which, upon less provocation, it would not disclose. And now, as we cannot understand the frame of a Watch, without taking it into pieces; so neither can Nature be well known, without a resolution of it into its beginnings, which certainly may be best of all done by Chemical Methods. And in those vexatious analysis of Things, wonderful discoveries are made of their Natures, and Experiments are found out, which are not only full of pleasant surprise and information, but of valuable use, especially in the Practice of Physic; For It directs Medicines less loathsome and far more vigorous, and freeth the Spirits, and purer parts, from the clogging and noxious appendices of grosser matter, which not only hinder and disable the Operation, but leave hurtful dregs 〈◊〉 the Body behind them. I confess, Sir, tha● among the Egyptians and Arabians, th●● Paracelsians, and some other Moderns Chemistry was very fantastic, unintelligible, and delusive; and the boasts, vanity, and canting of those Spagyrists, brought 〈◊〉 scandal upon the Art, and exposed it to suspicion and contempt: but its late Cultivatours, and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY, have refin'd it from its dross, and made it honest, sober, and intelligible, an excellent Interpreter to Philosophy, and help to common Life. For they have laid aside the Chrysopoietick, the delusory Designs and vain Transmutations, the Rosie-crucian Vapours, Magical Charms, and superstitious Suggestions, and formed it into an Instrument to know the depths and efficacies of Nature. This, Sir, is no small advantage that we have above the old Philosophers of the National way. And we have another,  
(2.) In the Study, Use, and vast Improvements of ANATOMY, which we find as needful to be known among us, as 'tis wonderful 'twas known so little among the Ancients, whom a fond Superstition deterred from Dissections. For the Anatomising the Bodies of Men, was counted barbarous and inhuman in elder Times: And 〈◊〉 observe from a Learned Man of our own, That the Romans held it unlawful to look on the Entrails. And Tertullian severely censures an inquisitive Physician of his time, for this practice, saying, That he hated Man, that he might know him. Yea, one of the Popes (I take it 'twas Boniface 8.) threatens to Excommunicate those that should do any thing of this then-abominable nature. And Democritus was fain to excuse his Dissection of Beasts, even to the great Hypocrates. Nor does it appear by any thing extant in the Writings of Galen, that that other Father of Physicians ever made any Anatomy of humane Bodies. Thus shy and unacquainted was Antiquity with this excellent Art, which is one of the most useful in humane Life, and tends mightily to the eviscerating of Nature, and disclosure of the Springs of its Motion. But now in these later Ages, Anatomy hath been a free and general Practice; and particularly in this it hath received wonderful Improvements from the Endeavours of several worthy Inquisitors, some of them Ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY, as Sir George Ent, Dr. Glisson, and Dr. Willis. I instance in the most remarkable of their Discoveries briefly; And those I take noti●● of are, The Valves of the Veins, discovered by Fabricius ab Aquapendente; Th● Valve at the entrance of the gut Colon● found, as is generally thought, by Bauhinus● The Milky Veins of the Mesentery, by ●●●sellius; The Receptacle of the Chyle, b● Pecquet; and the Lacteae Thoracicae, by th● same Discoverer; The Glandulae Lacte● Lumbares, by Bartholin; A new Ductusi● the Testicles, by Dr. Highmore; The Ductus Virsungianus, by Io. George Wirsung o● Milan; The Lymphatic Vessels, by Dr● joliffe, Bartholin, and Olaus Rudbeck; Th● internal Ductus Salivaris in the Maxillary Glandule, by Dr. Wharton, and Dr. Glisson● The external Ductus Salivaris in the conglomerated Parotis, The Ductus of the Cheek● The Glandules under the Tongue, Nose, and Palate, The Vessels in the nameless Glandule of the Eye, and the Tear-Glandule, by Nich● Steno; The Sinus of the Veins, and their Use, by Dr. Willis; The Ductus Renales, by Laurentius Bellini; A new Artery, called Arteria Bronchialis, by Fred. Ruysch. I add, the Origination of those Nerves which were of old supposed to arise out of th● substance of the Brain, but are found by late Anatomists to proceed from the Medull● Oblongata. And though the Succus nutritius be not yet fully agreed upon by Physicians, yet it hath so much to say for itself, that it may not unreasonably be mentioned among the New Inventions.  
But of all the modern Discoveries, Wit and Industry have made in the Oeconomy of humane Nature, the Noblest is that of the Circulation of the Blood, which was the Invention of our deservedly-famous Harvey. 'Tis true, the Envy of malicious Contemporaries, would have robbed him of the Glory of this Discovery, and pretend it was known to Hypocrates, Plato, Aristotle, and others among the Ancients: But whoever considers the Expressions of those Authors, which are said to respect the Circulation, will find, that those who form the Inference, do it by a faculty that makes all kind of Compositions and Deductions, and the same that assists the Enthusiasts of our days to see so clearly all our Alterations of State and Religion, to the minutest Particulars, in the Revelation of St. john. And I think it may be as well concluded from the first Chapter of Genesis, as from the Remains of those Ancients; who, if they had known this great and general Theory, how chance they spoke no more of a thing, which no doubt they had frequent occasions to mention? How came it to be lost without memory among their Followers, who were such superstitious porers upon their Writings? How chance it was not shown to be lodged in those Authors, before the days of Dr. Harvery, when Envy had impregnated and determined the Imaginations of those, who were not willing any thing should be found anew, of which themselves were not the Inventors? But 'tis not only the remotest Ancients, whom time hath consecrated, and distance made venerable, whose Ashes those fond men would honour with this Discovery: but even much later Authors have had the glory fastened upon them. For the Invention is by some ascribed to Paulus Venetus; by others, to Prosper Alpinus; and a third sort give it to Andrea's Caesalpinus. For these, though either of them should be acknowledged to be the Author, it will make as much for the design of my Discourse, as if Harvey had the credit; and therefore here I am no otherwise concerned, but to have justice for that Excellent Man: And the World hath now done right to his Memory, Death having overcome that Envy which dog's living Virtue to the Grave; and his Name rests quietly in the Arms of Glory, while the Pretensions of his Rivals are creeping into darkness and oblivion.  
Thus, Sir, I have done with the Instances of Anatomical Advancements, unless I should hitherto refer the late Noble Experiment of Transfusion of the Blood from one living Animal into another, which I think very fit to be mentioned; and I suppose 'tis not improper for this place: Or however, I shall rather venture the danger of impropriety and misplacing, than omit the taking notice of so excellent a Discovery, which no doubt future Ingenuity and Practice, will improve to purposes not yet thought of; and we have very great likelihood of Advantages from it in present prospect.  
For it is concluded, That the greatest part of our Diseases arise either from the scarcity, or malignant tempers and corruptions of our Blood; in which cases Transfusion is an obvious Remedy; and in the way of this Operation, the peccant Blood may be drawn out, without the danger of too much enfeebling Nature, which is the grand inconvenience of mere Phlebotomies. So that this Experiment may be of excellent use, when Custom and Acquaintance have hardened men to permit the Practice, in Pleurisies, Cancers, Leprosies, Madness, Ulcer, Smallpox, Dotage, and all such like Distempers. And I know not why that of injecting prepared Medicines immediately into the Blood, may not be better and more efficacious, than the ordinary course of Practice: Since this will prevent all the danger of frustration from the loathe of the Stomach, and the disabling, clogging mixtures and alterations they meet with there, and in the Intestines, in which no doubt much of the Spirit and Virtue is lost. But in the way of immediate injection, they are kept entire, all those inconveniences are avoided, and the Operations is like to be more speedy and successful, Both these noble Experiments are the late Inventions of the ROYAL SOCIETY, who have attested the reality of the former, that of Transfusion of Blood, by numerous Trials on several sorts of brute Animals. Indeed the French made the Experiment first upon humane Bodies, of which we have a good account from Monsieur Dennis: But it hath also since been practised with fair and encouraging success, by our Philosophical Society. The other of Injection, if it may be mentioned as a different Invention, was also the product of the same Generous Inventors; though indeed more forward Foreigners have endeavoured to usurp the credit of both. This latter likewise hath succeeded to considerable good effects, in some new Trials that have been made of it in Dantzick, as appears in a Letter written from Dr. Fabritius of that City, and printed in the Philosophical Transactions.   

CHAP. III. Another great Advantage of late Times, from the Improvements of Mathematics; particularly of Arithmetic, Algebra, and Geometry, discoursed by Instances.  
I Proceed now to my THIRD Instance of ARTS (if the Reverend Logician will give me leave to use the word in this large sense) which are Advantages for deep search into Nature, and have been considerably advanced by the Industry and culture of late Times, above their ancient Stature. And the Instance was,  
(III.) THE MATHEMATICS. That these are mighty helps to practical and useful Knowledge, will be easily confessed by all, that have not so much ignorance as to render them incapable of information in these matters. And the Learned Gerand Vossius hath proved it by induction in particulars. And yet it must be acknowledged that Aristotle, and the disputing Philosophers of his School, were not much addicted to those noble Inquisitions: For Proclus the Commentator upon Euclid, though he gives a very particular Catalogue of the Elder Mathematicians, yet hath not mentioned Aristotle in that number. And though Diogenes Laertius takes notice of a Book he inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, another, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and a Third, yet extant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Yet it appears not that these were things of very great value; and Aristotle's Metaphysical procedure, even in Physical Theories, the, genius and humour of his Principles, and the airy contentions of his Sect, are huge presumptions that this Philosopher was not very Mathematical. And his numerous succeeding Followers, were certainly very little conversant in those generous Studies. I have elsewhere taken notice, that there is more published by those Disputing men on some paltry trifling Question about ens Rationis, and their Materia prima, than hath been written by their whole number upon all the vast and useful parts of Mathematics and Mechanics. There was a time when these were counted Conjurations; and I do not very well know the reason of the Reverend Disputers displeasure at my Discourse about Dioptrick Tubes (of which you will hear in the process) except he was under the dread of some such fancy, and believed there was Magic in Optics. It would require much skill in those Sciences, to draw up the full History of their Advancements; I hear a very accurate Mathematician is upon it: And yet to fill up my Method, I'll adventure at some imperfect Suggestions about the Inventions and Improvements of this kind: And I begin,  
(I.) With ARITHMETIC, which is the handmaid to all the other parts of Mathematics. This indeed Pythagoras is said to have brought from the Phoenicians to the Grecians: but we hear no great matter of it till the days of Euclid: not the Euclid that was the Contemporary of Plato, and Hearer of Socrates; but the famed Mathematician of that Name, who was after Aristotle, and at 90 years' distance from the former. This is the first Person among the Ancients, that is recorded by the exact Vossius to have done any thing accurately in that Science. After him it was advanced by Diophantus, methodised by Psellus, illustrated among the Latins by L. Apuleius, and in later times much promoted by Cardan, Gemma Frisius, Ramus, Clavius, and divers more modern Artists, among whom I more especially take notice of that Ingenious Scot the Lord Napier,  
Who invented the Logarithmes, which is a way of computing by artificial Numbers, and avoiding the taedium of Multiplication and Division. For by this Method all those Operations are performed by Addition and Substraction, which in natural Numbers were to be done those longer ways. This Invention is of great use in Astronomical Calculations, and it may be applied also to other Accounts. Besides this, the same Learned Lord found an easy, certain, and compendious way of Accounting by Sticks, called Rabdology; as also Computation by Napier's Bones: Both these have been brought to greater perfection by others, since their first Discovery; particularly by Vrsinus and Kepler.  
To them I add the Decimal Arithmetic, which avoids the tedious way of computing by Vulgar Fractions in ordinary Accounts, and Sexagenaries in Astronomy; exceedingly and lately improved by our famous Oughtred, and Dr. Wallis a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY. (If I should here subjoin the Helps this Art hath had from the Works and Endeavours of Anatolius, Barlaam, Maximus Palanudes, Nemorarius, Florentinus Bredonus, Pisanus, Orentius; and in this Age, from those of Adrianus Romanus, Henischius, Cataldus, Malapartius, Keplerus, Briggius, Crugerus, and a vast number reckoned up by Vossius, I should be tedious on this Head; and therefore I pass lightly over it, and proceed,  
(II.) To ALGEBRA, of universal use in all the Mathematical Sciences, in Common Accounts, in Astronomy, in taking Distances and Altitudes, in measuring plain and solid Bodies, and other useful Operations. The first noted Author in this Method was Diophantus, who lived long since the Idol of Disputers. He, and those other Ancients that used it, performed their Algebraical Operations by Signs and Characters suited to the several Numbers, and powers of Numbers, which they had occasion to use in solving Problems: But the later Mathematicians have found a far more neat and easy way, viz. by the Letters of the Alphabet, by which we can solve many Problems that were too hard for the Ancients, as far as can be discovered by any of their remaining Works. For there were many affected Aequations (as they call them) that did not equally ascend in the Scale of Powers, that could not be solved by the elder Methods; whereas the acute Vieta, a Mathematician of this last Age, affirms, he could resolve any Problem by his own Improvements. Besides him, our excellent Oughtred another, lately mentioned, did much in this way. But the inimitable Des Cartes hath vastly outdone both former and later Times, and carried Algebra to that height, that some considering men think Humane Wit cannot advance it further. I will not say so much: but no doubt he hath performed in it things deserving vast acknowledgement, of which you shall hear more anon. And from hence I step,  
(III.) To the Consideration of GEOMETRY, which is so fundamentally useful a Science, that without it we cannot in any good degree understand the Artifice of the Omniscient Architect in the composure of the great World, and ourselves. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was the excellent saying of Plato; and the Universe must be known by the Art whereby it was made. So that what Galileo notes of Aristotle, is a great sign of his defects, viz. That he reprehended his Venerable Master for his Geometrical Sublimities, accusing him that he receded from the solid Methods of Philosophising, through his too much indulging that Study; Which is so far from being likely, that Geometry is little less than absolutely necessary to solid and real Philosophy; and as I intimated, 'tis next to impossible to be a judicious and accurate Philosopher, and want it. Upon which account, Plato admitted none to his School, but those that were acquainted with that Science: Which practice the mentioned excellent Modern, notes to be directly opposite to the Peripatetic genius; and some he knew great men of that way, dehorted their Disciples from it; which he introduceth one applauding as a wise Counsel, since Geometry would detect and shame the futilities of that National way. But not to take too large a compass, this is certain, That Geometry is a most useful and proper help in the affairs of Philosophy and Life. 'Tis almost as clear from those former intimations, that Aristotle was not much inclined that way; and we know that his late Sectators, have very seldom applied themselves to Geometrical Disquisitions.  
The Result of which is, We must expect the Advantages of this Science, from the declining of his and their Empire; and I need not say expect it, they are both in present view. And if after this you require accounts of the Improvements Geometry hath received, since the foundation of that Tyranny by the Man of STAGYRA, I shall offer you the best I have; and though I am conscious that they will be scant and defective, yet I hope sufficient for my present purpose.  
I note then from the celebrated Vossius, That Euclid was the first that brought Geometry into a Method, and more accurately demonstrated those Principles, which before were scattered among the Greeks and Egyptians, and not so cogently or carefully proved. And Proclus reckons this Famous man as the Compiler and Demonstrator, not as the Inventor of the Elements; and two of these Books (viz. 14. & 15.) are ascribed to Apollonius Pergaeus, who was his nearest Successor in Fame for Mathematical Abilities. This Geometrician improved the Science by four Books of conics, published of old; and three more have been lately (in the year 1661.) translated out of an Arabic Manuscript in the Duke of Tuscany's Library, and are now abroad. This Manuscript jacob Golius procured out of the East. Besides which, this Magnus Geometra, as he was called, illustrated Euclid by his Learned Commentary upon him. But Archimedes of Syracuse, was a Person of the greatest renown for Geometrical and Mechanical Performances; concerning which, Polybius, Valerius, Plutarch, Livy, and others, have recorded prodigious things. This great Wit carried Geometry from general and idle Speculation, to the use and benefit of Mankind; whereas before him it was an ancient and perverse Opinion, That this Knowledge ought not to be brought down to vulgar Service, but kept up in abstractive Contemplations: upon which score Archytas and Eudoxus, those great Geometricians before Euclid, were scared from the Mechanical and Organical Methods, to the great hindrance of beneficial Improvements in that way. But the excellent Syracusian understood, that this Science is not debased, but promoted and advanced by such Accommodations; and evinced the usefulness and excellency of Geometry, in his admirable Paradox proposed before King Hieron (Datis viribus datum pondus tollere) [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] This Mathematician flourished 160 years after the time of Aristotle, who hath the name of the most ancient that writ in Mechanics, though that Book of his be not mentioned either by Archimedes, Athenaeus, Hero, or Pappus, Mechanical Authors; and Cardan and Patricius affirm that Work to be none of Aristotle's: Whose ever it was, the Performance hath praise from the Learned, as explaining the general Causes of Mechanical Geometry. But Archimedes was more practical and particular: And though Plutarch in the Life of Marcellus affirms he writ nothing; yet the contrary is abundantly proved by Gerard Vossius, who hath shown that the Books extant under his Name, that contain so many great Maxims of Mechanics, are genuine; and both Strabo and Pappus mention them as his. The Design of Archimedes, of combining Mechanism and Geometric Theory, was after happily promoted by Hero the Elder of Alexandria, who invented those ingenuous Automata, that move by Air and Wires; concerning which he writ a Book that was Translated by Fredericus Commandinus, as also he did another De Machinis Bellicis, by which he well improved Geometric Mechanics: And Pappus particularly celebrates his exactness in solving the Deliaick Problem, De Cubo duplicando, acknowledging that he took most of his own Accounts about that matter, from that exquisite Man. Next him, I mention Theodosius of Tripoli, who very much improved Geometry by his three Books De figure a Sphaerica, which afforded great assistance to Ptolemy, Pappus, Proclus, and Theon, in their Mathematical Endeavours. Menelaus' also, who lived in Trajan's time, contributed very much to the perfecting the Doctrine of Sphaericks, as Vitellio well knew, who was famous for those things which he borrowed from that Author. The Performances also of Ctesibius, who lived in the time of Ptolomaeus Physcon, are much celebrated by Pliny. He invented many things in Hydraulicks, and according to Athenaeus, he was the first Contriver of Musical Organs. These were Mechanical: but Geminus Rhodius the Master of Proclus Lycius, applied Logic to Geometry, out of particular Elements abstracting Vniversals. He demonstrated, That there are only Three similar Species of all Lines, viz. Right, Circular, and Cylindrical: And Perseus following his steps, enriched Geometry with the Invention of three kinds of Crooked Lines, the Parabole, Hyperbole, and Elipsis; for which he expressed his extatick joy, as Thales, Pythagoras, and Archimedes did upon like occasions, in a Sacrifice to the Gods. But to be briefer, Pappus improved the Sphoericks; Theon more methodically digested the Elements of Euclid; Serenus Antinsensis discovered, that the Section of a right Cylindre, is the same with the Elipsis of a right Cone; Copernicus improved the Doctrine of Triangles; Ramus corrected and supplied Euclid, where his Principles were defective; Maurolicus writ first of Secant Lines; Clavius much illustrated and promoted the Doctrine of Tangents, Secants, Triangles, Right Lines, and Sphaericks, besides what he did in his Comment upon Euclid. I might mention with These, the worthy Performances of Cusanus, Pitiscus, Snellius, Ambrose Rhodius, Kepler, Franciscus à Schoten, and others, who contributed very eminently to the perfections and advancements of Geometry, and were late men.  
But none have done in it like the excellent Persons whom I reserve for my last mention; The chief are Vieta, Des Cartes, and Dr. Wallis.   

CHAP. IV. Improvements in Geometry by Des Cartes, Vieta, and Dr. Wallis.  
IN order to my giving an account of some of their Performances, I must premise, That no great things can be done in Geometry, without the Analytical Method; And though some Learned Men conceive the Ancients were acquainted with this way of resolving Problems, yet their skill in it went no higher than the Quadratick Order of Aequations, which They demonstrated by Circles and Right Lines, which They called Loca plana: but they were able to do nothing in the Cubical Aequations, or any of the Superior Orders; though they endeavoured to cover their defects in this Art, by recourse ad Locos Solidos, (viz. Conic Sections) and Lineares, as they called them, such as the Helix, Conchoeides, and those of like nature. But those tortous and curved Lines being described Mechanically by Compound Motions, the Problems resolved by them are performed Organically by the hand and eye, not Geometrically.  
This was the State of the Analytick Art, as long as Learning flourished in Greece; when That was subdued by the Barbarians, their Learning with their Country passed to the Arabians, and also to the Persians, as we have it from Hottinger and Bullialdus: But these Successors of the Greeks did not advance their Learning beyond the imperfect Stature in which it was delivered to them. In that condition it remained till Cardan and Tartaglia, who made some small addition towards the perfection of it; For they gave some Rules for solving Cubical Aequations, which were certain in some cases, but not in all. Their Invention some other Mathematical men endeavoured to advance, laying down Rules for solving some Cubick and Biquadratick Aequations; but could never find an universal way, that might reach all such: Yea indeed they utterly despaired, and held it impossible. At length appears Vieta, who by inventing the Method of Extracting Roots in the most numerous Aequations, and by converting the Signs used by the Ancients into Letters, brought Algebra to a very great perfection, as I have noted above; and by enriching the Analytical Art, by the Accessions of his Exegetice Numerosa, and Logistice Speciosa, he hath contributed infinite helps to Geometry. After him, divers other Learned men polished and adorned his Discourses; among whom I mention chiefly our Countrymen Harriot and Oughtred, who altered Vieta's Notes to advantage, and invented Canons to direct our Operations in the Extracting of Roots, both in pure and adsected Aequations.  
But after these had thus improved the Analytick Art, and well assisted Geometry by it, Des Cartes appears, one of the greatest wits that ever the Sun saw, a Person too great for praise, designed by Heaven for the Instruction of the Learned World, and who no doubt will be the Object of its admiration, as long as there is any Learning in it. This wonderful man in a few Pages, opens a way to mighty Performances: He shows us how all the Problems of Geometry may be brought to such terms, that we shall need nothing to the Construction and Demonstration of them, but the knowledge of the length of certain right Lines; and that, as all the Operations of Arithmetic are performed by Addition, Substraction, Multiplication, Division, and Extraction of Roots (which is a species of Division) So in Geometry, for the preparation of Lines that they may be known, nothing needs more to be done, than that others be added to them, or substracted from them; or if the Line be single (which that it may be the better referred to Numbers, may be called Unity) and beside that, two other Lines, that a Fourth be found which shall have the same proportion to one of these Lines, that the other hath to Unity, which is the same with Multiplication; or else, that by them a Fourth be found, which may have the same proportion to one of them, which Unity hath to the other, which is the same with Division; or lastly, That there be found between Unity, and some other Right Line, two or more mean Proportionals, which is the same thing with the Extraction of Quadratick and Cubick Roots. And that he may justify the introducing of Terms Arithmetical into Geometry, he observes, That the avoiding thereof was an occasion of much perplexity and obscurity in the Geometry of the Ancients; of which he could give no other conjecture, but because they did not sufficiently understand the affinity and cognation of those Sciences. But if I should intend an exact History of all his Performances, I must transcribe Him; for he hath said so much in little, that 'tis impossible to abridge those his close Composures. I shall therefore only hint some principal things, referring you to his Writings for the rest.  
And I take notice first, That he hath proposed an Universal Method for the Solution of all Problems; not only those propounded in Right Lines, Plains, and Solids: but also all that are made in Angles, a thing of most general Service in all parts of Mathematics. By It he resolves the famous Proposition in Pappus, which was too hard for Euclid, Apollonius, and all the Ancients. He discourses the nature of crooked Lines, and shows which are fit to be used in Geometrical Demonstrations; Gives Rules for the place where to apply ourselves in the Demonstration of any Problem; and tells us, that a Problem after it is brought to an Aequation, and reduced to its least terms, and the unknown Quantity is Quadratick, or of two dimensions, that then it may be demonstrated by a Right Lines and Circles: but if the Aequation, after it is reduced to its least Terms, leave the unknown Quantity, Cubick or Biquadratick, it must be demonstrated by some one of the Conic Sections. Whereas again, if after the Aequation reduced, the unknown Quantity remain of five or six Dimensions, or more, in infinitum, than the Demonstration must be performed by Lines more and more compound, according to the degree of Composition in the unknown Quantity of the Aequation. But because the way by Lines is perplexed and tedious, he gives Rules to reduce Aequations of many Dimensions, to fewer. He shows how to fill up defects, when any Terms are wanting in the Aequation; how to convert the false Roots into true, to avoid Fractions, and to lessen Aequations. He hath demonstrated by a Circle and Parabole the famous Problems so much agitated among the Ancients, viz. the Trisection of an Angle, and the finding two mean Proportionals between two Lines given, with more brevity and expedition than any that went before him. And this, Sir, shall suffice by way of intimation, concerning that Prince of Mathematicians and Philosophers.  
Since him, others have improved his Method. Schotenius hath demonstrated the Loca Plana of Apollonius: Hadderius hath added Inventions of use and pleasant speculation in his Tract of Reduction of Aequations. Florimundus de Beaune hath writ ingenious and profitable things de Natura & Limitibus Aequationum. But 'twould be endless to attempt full Accounts of the Modern Advancements of this Science, or indeed those accessions of growth it hath had since Vieta. And whoever should go about it, must reckon to begin anew as soon as he hath finished what he intended, since Geometry is improving daily.  
I shall therefore add no more here, but only do right to an excellent Person of our own Nation, Dr. john Wallis, a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY, to whom Geometry is exceedingly indebted for his rare Discoveries in that Science. Particularly, he hath propunded a Method for the measuring of all kind of crooked Lines, which is highly ingenious; and put an end to all future Attempts about Squaring the Circle, which hath puzzled and befooled so many Mathematicians, that have spent their thoughts and time about it. This he hath brought to effect as near as it can be done, and showed the exact performance by rational Numbers impossible; He hath proposed excellent ways for the measuring all kinds of Plains, and all multangular and solid Bodies. But 'tis time now to proceed to the consideration of the next Mathematical Science, viz.   

CHAP. V. The late Improvements of Astronomy.  
(4.) ASTRONOMY, one of the grandest and most magnific of all those that lie within the compass of Natural Inquiry. I shall not look back to its beginning among the Chaldaeans, Egyptians, and eldest Grecians, in which Times it was but rude and imperfect, in comparison to its modern Advancements. For the great Men among the Greeks are taken much notice of, but for very ordinary and trite things in this Science: As Anaximander Milesius, for teaching, That the Earth was Globous, and the Centre of the World not bigger than the Sun: Anaximines for affirming, That the Moon shone but with a borrowed Light; That the Sun and It were Eclipsed by the Earth's interposal; and, That the Stars move round our Globe: And Pythagor as was the first that noted the obliquity of the Ecliptic. This Philosopher indeed was a Person of a vast reach, and said things in Astronomy very agreeable to late Discoveries: But the Disputers Omniscient Aristotle made very odd Schemes, not at all corresponding with the Phaenomena of the Heavens, as appears from his Hypotheses of Solid Orbs, Epicycles, Excentrics, Intelligences, and such other ill-contrived Fancies. Besides which, if I should descend to consider his now palpable Mistakes about the nature of Comets, the Galaxy, the Sphere of Fire under the Moon, and numerous other such, I should oblige myself to a large ramble. Wherefore to be as close as may be in these Notes, I observe, That after Aristotle, Astronomy was cultivated and improved by Theophrastus, Aratus, Aristarchus Samius, Archimedes, Geminus, Menelaus, Theon, Hipparchus, Claudius Ptolomaeus, and infinite others among the Greeks,  
Among later Authors, considerable things have been done in this way by both Latins and Arabians: To omit the latter, I shall give you some particular Instances of the other.  
johannes de Sacro Bosco ingeniously and methodically explained the Doctrine of the Sphere. Thebit first found the Motion of Trepidation. Regiomontanus published the first Ephemerideses, and did excellent things in his Theoricks of the Planets. Wernerus stated the greatest Declination of the Sun. Albertus Pighius directed the way to find Aequinoxes and Solstices. Baersius' framed perpetual Tables of the Longitudes and Latitudes of the Planets. Copernicus' restored the Hypothesis of Pythagoras and Philolaus, and gave far more neat and consistent Accounts of the Phaenomena. joachimus' made Ephemerideses according to the Copernican Doctrine. Clavius invented a most useful demonstrative Astrolabe, and writ an exquisite Comment upon Sacro Bosco.  
But I conclude the last Century with the Noble Tycho Brahe, who performed the glorious Work of restoring the Fixed Stars to their true places, the assignation of which before him, was rather by guess, than any competent Rules; and the mistakes here, were the very root and foundation of most Errors in Astronomy. For which reason it was, that Copernicus left that earnest advice to his Scholar joachimus, that he should apply himself to the restitution of the Fixed Stars; for till this were done, there could be no hopes of attaining to the true places of the Planets, nor doing any thing to purpose in the whole Science. This engaged the Noble Tycho to this Enterprise, and he made it the Foundation of all the rest. The Method he used is described by Gassendus. By the help of this noble Performance he reform the elder Astronomical Tables, both the Ptolomaick and Copernican. And from his Observations of the new Star of 1572, and six others in his time, he asserted Comets into their place among Heavenly Bodies, shattering all the Solid Orbs to pieces; And he hath done it with such clear conviction, that even the jesuits, whose thraldom to the Church of Rome, deters them from closing with the Motion of Earth, confess a necessity of repairing to some other Hypothesis than that of Ptolemy and Aristotle. I might add to this, That this generous Nobleman invented and framed such excellent Astronomical Instruments, as were by vast odds for use and convenience far beyond any of former times: Himself hath a Treatise concerning them. He hath also made exquisite Tables of the difference that Refractions make in the appearance of the Stars, and done more great things for Astronomical Improvement, than many Ages that were before him; for which reason I could not pardon myself in a curt mention of so glorious an Advancer of this Science.  
The next Age after him, which is ours, hath made excellent use of his Discoveries, and those of his Elder, the famed Copernicus; and raised Astronomy to the noblest height and perfection that ever yet it had among men. It would take up a Volume to describe, as one ought, all the particular Discoveries: But my Design will permit but a short mention. Therefore briefly, I begin with Galileo, the reputed Author of the famous Telescope; but indeed the glory of the first Invention of that excellent Tube, belongs to jacobus Metius of Amsterdam: but 'twas improved by the noble Galileo, and he first applied it to the Stars; by which incomparable Advantage, he discovered the Nature of the Galaxy, the 21 New Stars that compose the Nebulosa in the head of Orion, the 36 that conspire to that other in Cancer, the Ansulae Saturni, the Asseclae of jupiters', of whose Motions he composed an Ephemeris. By these Lunulae 'tis thought that jupiters' distance from the Earth may be determined, as also the distance of Meridian's, which would be a thing of vast use, since this hath always been measured by Lunar Eclipses, that happen but once or twice a year; whereas opportunities of Calculating by the occultations of these new Planets will be frequent, they recurring about 480 times in the year. Besides, to hasten off, Galileo discovered the strange Phases of Saturn, on while oblong, and then round; the increment and decrement of Venus, like the Moon; the Spots in the Sun, and its Revolution upon its own Axis; the Moon's libration, collected from the various position of its Maculae; and divers other wonderful and useful Rarities, that were strangers to all Antiquity. Shortly after Galileo, appears Christopherus Scheiner, who by greater Telescopes viewed the Sun with a curled and unequal Superficies, and in or near the Horizon of an Elliptical figure. He found also, That that supposed uniform Globe of Light, was of a different complexion in its several parts; some brighter than the main Body, as the Faculae; others darker, as the Maculae. He made more than 2000 Observations of them, and described their Number, Magnitude, Situation, Figure, and Revolutions. But I must contract. Kepler is next, who first proposed the Elliptical Hypothesis, made very accurate and luciferous Observations about the Motions of Mars, and writ an Epitome of the Copernican Astronomy, in the clearest and most perspicuous Method, containing the Discoveries of others, and divers considerable ones of his own; not to mention his Ephemerideses, and Book about Comets. Ant. Maria Shirlaeus, with a new Telescope of a larger diameter than ordinary, discovered five other Stars more remote from jupiter than his Satellites, and a kind of vapid Atmosphere about that Planet. Franciscus Fontana observed the same Star, with nine others never leaving it more than ten of its diameters; and in 1636. and 1643. with 8. Anno 1645. with 5, 1646. with 7. on other days with 6. varying their distances one to another, and not to be seen about Mars nor Saturn, nor without extending the Telescope more than was fitting for Fixed Stars. These Satellites are observed to suffer a defection of their Light, when jupiter interposeth between them and the Sun; whence it is inferred, That they have their Light from It, and that jupiter hath none of his own to impart to them. But to pass on lightly, Longomontanus described the World according to all the Hypotheses of Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Tycho Brahe. jansonius' Blaeu made far more perfect and exact Celestial Globes than any were extant before. Gassendus writ judiciously of the Stars about jupiter, and of Mercury in the Sun, and gave the World most excellent Astronomical Institutions. Ishmael Bullialdus enriched the Science with a new Method to find and easily compute the Paralaxes of Solar Ellipses. Hevelius drew a Graphical Description of the Moon in all its Phases, as it appeared in the Telescope, accurately delineating its Spots, and showing the inequality and mountainous protuberances of its surface, which lends light to a vast Theory. Both these last named are Fellows of the ROYAL SOCIETY. Of the Selenography of Hevelius, Ricciolus made an Improvement, both as to the Number, Figure, Magnitude, Site, Colour of the Maculae, and the Eminencies, Profundities, and Asperities of the Lunar Superficies. Martinus Hortensius found Mercury to have variety of Phases, like the Moon; as, now Horned, then Gibbous, and at other times Round. But I conclude this Account with the most Worthy and Learned Prelate Dr. Seth Ward, now Lord Bishop of Sarum, who among his other excellent Performances in Astronomy, hath demonstratively proved the Elliptical Hypothesis, which is the most Plain and simple, and performed by fewer Operations than either of the other. This indeed was first discoursed of by Kepler, advanced by Bullialdus, but demonstrated by this accomplished and Venerable Bishop, an Honourable Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY.   

CHAP. VI Improvements of Optics and Geography.  
I Come next (5.) To consider the OPTICS, whose Improvements are of great importance in the matters of general Philosophy and humane Life; since the ●●formations of Sense are the ground of ●oth, and this Science rectifies and helps the ●oblest of them. Concerning it, there was once a Book of Aristotle's extant, according to Laertius: but it hath submitted to Time. Since him, this Science hath been cultivated by Euclid, and the celebrated Archimedes, who is said to have done strange things by it, upon the Ships of Marcellus: As Proclus, who improved the Archimedean Artifices, destroyed a Fleet by his Specula Vstoria, that besieged Constantinople. Ptolemy of Alexandria made considerable Improvements of Optics; and Alhazenus the Arabian, is famous for what he did in It. From these, Vitellio drew his, and advanced the Science by his own Wit, and their Helps. Stevinus corrected Euclid, Achazen, and Vitellio, in some fundamental Propositions that were mistakes; and in their room substituted considerable Inventions of his own. Roger Bacon our famed Countryman, whom Picus Mirandula calls the Phoenix of his Age, and Vossius, one Learned to a miracle, writ acutely of Optics. He was accused of Magic to Pope Clement iv. and thereupon imprisoned: But the Accusation was founded on nothing but his skill in Mathematics, and the ignorance of his Accusers. After these, the Dioptrics were improved by Kepler, Gassendus, Mersennus, and the noble and incomparable Des Cartes, who hath said the most clear, useful, and improvable things about it, that ever were extant on the Subject. But nothing hath so much advanced the Science, as the invention of the Telescope by Metius; and that other of the Microscope, concerning which I have to say in the following Instances. I pass therefore to the last I shall mention in the Mathematics, which is,  
(VI) GEOGRAPHY. In this the Ancients were exceedingly defective. And Aristotle knew the World, by the same figure his Scholar conquered it. 'Tis noted by the ingenious Varenius, that the most general and necessary things in this Science were then unknown; as, The Habitableness of the torrid Zone; The flux and reflux of the Sea; The diversity of Winds; The Polar property of the Magnet; The true dimension of the Earth. They wanted Descriptions of remote Countries, concerning which both the Greeks and Romans had very fabulous Relations. They knew not that the Earth was encompassed by the Sea, and might be Sailed round. They were totally ignorant of America, and both the North and South parts of this Hemisphere; yea, and understood very little of the remoter places of their own Asia. japan, the Iava's the Philippics, and Borneo, were either not at all known, or exceeding imperfectly of old: But all these are familiar to the latter Times. Mexico and Peru, and the vast Regions of those mighty Empires, with the many Isles of the Great Sea are disclosed. The frozen North, the torrid Line, and formerly unknown South, are visited, and by their numerous Inhabitants found not to be so inhospitable and unkind to men, as Antiquity believed. The Earth hath been rounded by Magellan, Drake, and Candish. The great Motion of the Sea is vulgar, and its varieties enquiring every day: The diversities of Winds stated, and better understood: The Treasure of hidden Virtues in the Loadstone, found and used. The Spicy Islands of the East, as also those of the remote South and North, frequented, and the knowledge of that People and those Countries transmitted to us, with their Riches; The most distant being Parts Travelled and Described. Our Navigation is far greater, our Commerce is more general, our Charts more exact, our Globes more accurate, our Travels more remote, our Reports more intelligent and Sincere; and consequently, our Geography far more perfect, than it was in the elder Times of Polybius and Possidonius, yea than in those of Ptolemy, Strabo, and Pomponius Mela, who lived among the Caesars. And if It was so short in the flourishing Times of the Roman Empire, how was it before, in the days of Aristotle and the Grecians? We have an Instance of it in the Great Macedonian, who thought the bounds of his Conquests to be the end of the World; when there were Nations enough beyond them, to have eaten up the Conqueror, with his proud and triumphant Armies. So that here also Modern Improvements have been great; and you will think so, if you compare the Geographical Performances of Gemma Frisius, Mercator, Ortelius, Stevinus, Bertius, and Guil. Blaeu, with the best Remains of the most celebrated Geographers of the more ancient Ages.   

CHAP. VII. That Useful Knowledge is to be aided by Instruments. Modern Instances of such. Of the Telescope, Microscope, and Thermometer.  
THus, Sir, I have touched upon some of the Improvements of the ARTS that search into the recesses and intrigues of Nature, with which latter Ages have assisted Philosophical Inquiries. And in these I see I have struck farther than I was aware, into the account of those things also which lead us to the grosser Phaenomena; and my remarks about Geography are all of that nature. However I shall not alter my Method; but after I have discoursed the INSTRUMENTS I mentioned for Useful Knowledge, I shall consider somewhat of NATURAL HISTORY, which reports the Appearances, and is fundamentally necessary to all the Designs of Science. As for the INSTRUMENTS then, that are next, before I come to give you the Notes I intent concerning them, I observe, That  
The Philosophy that must signify either for Light or Use, must not be the work of the Mind turned in upon itself, and only conversing with its own Ideas; but It must be raised from the Observations and Applications of Sense, and take its Accounts from Things as they are in the sensible World. The Illustrious Lord Bacon hath noted this as the chief cause of the unprofitableness of the former Methods of knowledge, viz. That they were but the Exercises of the Mind, making Conclusions, and spinning out Notions from its own native store; from which way of proceeding, nothing but Dispute and Air could be expected. 'Twas the fault that Great Man found in the Ancients, That they flew presently to general Propositions, without staying for a due information from Particulars, and so gradually advancing to Axioms: Whereas the Knowledge from which any thing is to be hoped, must be laid in Sense, and raised not only from some few of its ordinary Informations; but Instances must be aggregated, compared, and critically inspected, and examined singly and in consort. In order to which Performances, our Senses must be aided; for of themselves they are too narrow for the vastness of things, and too short for deep Researches: They make us very defective and unaccurate Reports, and many times very deceitful and fallacious ones. I say therefore, they must be assisted with Instruments that may strengthen and rectify their Operations. And in these we have mighty advantages over Aristotle and the Ancients; so that much greater things may well be expected from our Philosophy, than could ever have been performed by theirs, though we should grant them all the superiority of Wit and Understanding their fondest Admirers would ascribe to those Sages. For a weak hand can move more weight by the help of Springs, Wheels, Levers, and other Mechanic Powers, than the strongest could do without them. And that we really have these Advantages, must be shown by Instance: I mentioned Five that are considerable to that purpose, which I took notice of among many others; and they were the TELESCOPE, MICROSCOPE, THERMOMETER, BAROMETER, and AIR-PUMP.  
(I.) The TELESCOPE is the most excellent Invention that ever was, for assisting the Eye in remote Discoveries. The distance of the Heavens is so vast, that our unaided Senses can give us but extremely imperfect Informations of that Upper World; And the Speculations that Antiquity hath raised upon them, have for the most part been very mean, and very false: But these excellent Glasses bring the Stars nearer to us, and acquaint us better with the immense Territories of Light: They give us more Phaenomena, and truer Accounts; disperse the shadows and vain Images of the twilight of naked sense, and make us a clearer and larger prospect. By these Advantages they enlarge our Thoughts, and show us a more magnificent Representation of the Universe: So that by them the Heavens are made more amply to declare the Glory of God, and we are helped to nobler and better-grounded Theories. I have mentioned in my Account of the Advance of Astronomy, some of the most remarkable Discoveries that have been made by these Tubes, which exceedingly transcend all the Imaginations of Elder Times; and by the further improvement of them, other things may be disclosed as much beyond all ours. And the present Philosophers are so far from desiring that Posterity should sit down contented with their Discoveries and Hypotheses, that they are continually solicitous for the gaining more helps to themselves, and those that shall follow, for a further progress into the knowledge of the Phaenomena, and more certain judgements upon them. So that these Glasses are exceedingly bettered since their Invention by Metius, and application to the Heavens by Galileo; and several ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY are now busy about improving them to a greater height. What success and informations we may expect from the Advancements of this Instrument, it would perhaps appear Romantic and ridiculous to say; As, no doubt, to have talked of the spots in the Sun, and vast inequalities in the surface of the Moon, and those other Telescopical certainties, before the Invention of that Glass, would have been thought fantastic and absurd. I dare not therefore mention our greatest hopes: but this I adventure, That 'tis not unlikely but Posterity may by those Tubes, when they are brought to higher degrees of perfection, find a sure way to determine those mighty Questions, Whether the Earth move? or, the Planets are inhabited? And who knoweth which way the Conclusions may fall? And 'tis probable enough, that another thing will at last be found out, in which this lower World is more immediately concerned, by Telescopical Observations, which is, the most desired Invention of Longitudes; upon which must needs ensue yet greater Improvements of Navigation, and perhaps the Discovery of the Northwest Passage, and the yet unknown South. Whatever may be thought of these Expectations by Vulgar and narrow Minds, whose Theories and Hopes are confined by their Senses, those that consider, that one Experiment discovered to us the vast America, will not despair. But 'tis time to pass from this, to a second Modern Aid, whereby our Sight is assisted, which is,  
(II.) The MICROSCOPE. The Secrets of Nature are not in the greater Masses, but in those little Threads and Springs which are too subtle for the grossness of our unhelped Senses; and by this Instrument our eyes are assisted to look into the minutes and subtleties of things, to discern the otherwise invisible Schematisms and Structures of Bodies, and have an advantage for the finding out of Original Motions; To perceive the exactness and curiosity of Nature in all its Composures; And from thence take sensible Evidence of the Art and Wisdom that is in its Contrivance; To disclose the variety of living Creatures that are shut up from our bare Senses, and open a kind of other World unto us, which its littleness kept unknown. This Instrument hath been exceedingly improved of late, even to the magnifying of Objects a thousand times, and many useful Theories have been found and explicated by the notices it hath afforded; as appears by the Microscopical Writings of those ingenious Mechanics, Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY, Dr. Power and Mr. Hooke.  
But (III.) The THERMOMETER was another Instrument I mentioned, which discovers all the small unperceivable variations in the heat or coldness of the Air, and exhibits many rare and luciferous Phaenomena, which may help to better Informations about those Qualities, than yet we have any. And as to this, I observe with the great Verulam, and the other Bacon the Illustrious Mr. boil, That Heat and Cold are the right and left hand of Nature. The former is the great Instrument of most of her Operations; and the other hath its Interest. And yet the Philosophy of Aristotle hath neither done nor as much as attempted anything toward the Discovery of their Natures; but contented itself with the jejune, vulgar, and general description, That Heat is a Quality that gathereth together things of a like nature, and severs those that are unlike; and Cold congregates both. But now if we will know any thing deeply in the business of Rarefaction and Condensation, the Doctrine of Meteors, and other material Affairs of Nature, other Accounts about these things must be endeavoured; and the bare informations of our Senses, are not exact enough for this purpose; for their Reports in this kind are various and uncertain, according to the temper and disposition of our Bodies, and several unobserved accidental mutations that happen in them. This Instrument therefore hath been invented to supply their defects; and it gives far more constant and accurate, though perhaps not always infallible Relations: but the justest are afforded by the Sealed Thermometer. And besides the Uses of this Instrument I suggested, it will help very much in framing the History of Wether, which may be applied to many excellent purposes of philosophy, and services of Life.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Barometer and Air-Pump, and what Advantages we have and may further expect from these Instruments.  
But (IV.) The BAROMETER is another late Instrument very helpful to Useful Knowledge. That there is gravity even in the Air itself, and that that Element is only comparatively light, is now made evident and palpable by Experience, though Aristotle and his Schools held a different Theory: And by the help of Quicksilver in a Tube, the way is found to measure all the degrees of Compression in the Atmosphere, and to estimate exactly any accession of weight, which the Air receives from Winds, Clouds, or Vapours. To have said in Elder Times, That Mankind should light upon an Invention whereby those Bodies might be weighed, would certainly have appeared very wild and extravagant; and it will be so accounted for some time yet, till men have been longer and are better acquainted with this Instrument: For we have no reason to believe it should have better luck than the Doctrine of the Circulation, the Theory of Antipodes, and all great Discoveries in their first Proposals. 'Tis impossible to persuade some of the Indians that live near the heats of the Line, that there is any such thing as Ice in the World; but if you talk to them of Water made hard and consistent by Cold, they'll laugh at you as a notorious Romancer. And those will appear as ridiculous among the most of us, who shall affirm it possible to determine any thing of the weight of the Wind or Clouds. But Experience turns the laugh upon the confident incredulity of the Scoffer; and he that will not believe, needs no more for his conviction, than the labour of a Trial. Let him then fill a Tube of Glass of some Feet in length, with Quicksilver; and having sealed one end, let him stop the other with his Finger, and immerge that which is so stopped into a Vessel of Mercury, the Tube being perpendicularly erected; let him then subtract his Finger, and he will perceive the Quicksilver to descend from the Tube into the subjacent Vessel, till it comes to 29 Digits or thereabouts; there, after some Vibrations, it ordinarily rests. The reason that this remainder of the Mercury doth not descend also, is, because such a Mercurial Cylinder is just equiponderant to one of the incumbent Atmosphere that leans upon the Quicksilver in the Vessel, and so hinders a further descent. It is concluded therefore, That such a Cylinder of the Air as presses upon the Mercury in the Vessel, is of equal weight to about 29 Digits of that ponderous Body in the Tube. Thus it is when the Air is in its ordinary temper: but Vapours, Winds, and Clouds alter the Standard, so that the Quicksilver sometimes falls, sometimes rises in the Glass, proportionably to the greater or less accession of gravity and compression the Air hath received from any of those alterations; and the Degree of increase beyond the Standard, is the measure of the additional gravity. This Experiment was the Invention of Torricellius, and used to little more purpose at first, but to prove a Vacuum in Nature; and the deserted part of the Glass- Tube was by many thought an absolute void, which I believe is a mistake: But it hath been since improved to this Design of weighing the degrees of compression in the Air; a thing that may signify much, in giving us to understand its temper in several Places, on Hills and in Caves, in divers Regions and Climates, which may tend to the disclosing many excellent Theories and helps in humane Life. And the Air is so Catholic a Body, and hath so great an influence upon all others, and upon ours, that the advantage of such an Instrument, for the better acquainting us with its nature, must needs be very considerable, and a good Aid to general Philosophy. And who yet knows how far, and to what Discoveries this Invention may be improved? The World a long time only rudely stared upon the Wonders of the Loadstone, before its use was found for the advantage of Navigation; and 'tis not impossible, but that future Times may derive so much benefit one way or other from this Invention, as may equal its esteem to that of the Compass. The ROYAL SOCIETY, by their Care and Endeavours in the using this Instrument, give us hopes, that they will let none of its useful Applications to escape us. And I know not whether we may not mention it as the first great benefit we have from it, that it was an occasion of the Invention of Mr. boil's famous Pneumatick Engine: And this is the other Instrument I noted, and called  
(V.) The AIR-PUMP, concerning the usefulness of which, that excellent Person himself hath given the best Accounts, in his Discourse of Physico-Mechanical Experiments made in that Engine, by which he hath discovered and proved a rare and luciferous Theory, viz. the Elastic Power or Spring of the Air, and by this, hath put to flight that Odd Fancy of the Fuga Vacui, and shown, that the strange Effects which use to be ascribed to that general and obscure cause, do arise from the native self-expansion of the Air. The extent of which Elastical Expansion, he hath found divers ways to measure by his Engine, which also discovers the influence the Air hath on Flame, Smoke, and Fire; That it hath none in Operations Magnetical; That it is probably much interspersed in the Pores of water, and compressed by the incumbent Atmosphere, even in those close retreats; What operation the exsuction of the Air hath on other Liquors, as Oil, Wine, Spirit of Vinegar, Milk, Eggs, Spirit of Urine, Solution of Tartar, and Spirit of Wine; The gravity and expansion of the Air under Water; The interest the Air hath in the vibrations of Pendulums, and what it hath to do in the propagation of Sounds; That Fumes and Vapours ascend by reason of the gravity of the Ambient, and not from their own positive levity; The nature of Suction, the cause of Filtration, and the rising of Water in Siphons'; The nature of Respiration, and the Lungs illustrated by trials made on several kinds of Animals, and the interest the Air hath in the Operations of Corrosive Liquors. These, and many more such like beneficial Observations and Discoveries, hath that great man made by the help of his Pneumatick Engine; and there is no doubt but more, and perhaps greater things will be disclosed by it, when future ingenuity and diligence hath improved and perfected this Invention. (For what great thing was absolute and perfect in its first rise and beginning?) And 'tis like this Instrument hereafter will be used and applied to things yet unthought of, for the advancement of Knowledge and conveniences of Life.   

CHAP. IX. The Credit of Optick-Glasses vindicated, against a Disputing Man, who is afraid to believe his Eyes against Aristotle.  
THus, Sir, I have performed the first part of my promise, by showing what Advantages the latter Ages, and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY, have for deep search into things both by ARTS and INSTRUMENTS newly invented or improved, above those enjoyed by Aristotle and the Ancients.  
To my Discourse about the Dioptrick Tubes, the Telescope and Microscope, the Reverend Disputer replied, [That our Glasses were all deceitful and fallacious.] Which Answer minds me of the good Woman, who when her Husband urged in an occasion of difference, [I saw it, and shall I not believe my own Eyes?] Replied briskly, Will you believe your own Eyes, before your own dear Wife? And it seems this Gentleman thinks it unreasonable we should believe ours, before his own dear Aristotle.  
For an assurance of the credit of those Glasses, I told him he might try them upon objects near, and easily visible by the unassisted sight; and if he made the trial, he would find they altered the objects in nothing but their proportions, which are represented larger for the advantage of vision in things small and remote; and we have all the like reasons to distrust our Eyes, as these Glasses (for their informations are the same in all things, but the mentioned difference) and there is no man so much a fool, as not to make allowances for that. Never was any yet so grossly deceived by the Microscope, as to be persuaded that a Flea is as big as a Lobster; nor did the Telescope ever make any one believe that the Moon was at the end of his Tube: But if the former represents that little Creature as bristled and Ja●ar'd, and the other makes the Planet mountainous and uneven, we have no reason to believe but that their reports are sincere, though our unaided Senses are too gross to perceive either the one or other; since, if the mentioned bristles and ja●ars are in the Glass, and nor in the Animal, they would appear in like manner in all the small Creatures which in the same light and position are looked on through the Microscope: And if the ruggedness of surface were in it, and not in the Moon, the same would be seen upon all other distant objects, that are viewed through the other Optic Instrument. And if there be deceit in those Glasses, Seamen had need beware how they trust them, since the Flags which appear to be those of their Friends in the Perspective, may be really the Colours of their Enemies.  
Upon these accounts, Sir, which afford plain and sensible evidence, I wondered much at the Disputers strange suspicion, which had been scarce pardonable in a vulgar head; and I know not what to call it in one, that would be thought a Philosopher: But the wary man gave a reason, which made me as much wonder at his Argument, as his Doubt. And to this attend Ye Philosophers of the ROYAL COLLEGE, and prepare yourselves to answer a Demonstration from Experience, against your Glasses; Raise your Expectations for a wonderful, convictive Experiment; Let the Mountain's travel, and the Birth will follow. [Take two Spectacles (saith the Experimental Sage) use them at the same time, and you will not see so well as with one singly.] Therefore your Microscopes and Telescopes are impostors. This man, Sir, is a Logician, and no doubt you perceive so. O how I admire this rare faculty of arguing! How dull are our Wits, to those subtle, Eagle-eyed Schoolmen, who see Conclusions so far off, through the more unerring Telescopes of their own piercing Understandings? Did ever old man before make this use of his Spectacles? But to leave wondering, let's endeavour to understand this Philosophy of Chue. How a man may see by Spectacles, that Perspectives are deceitful. [We can see better through one pair, than two] saith the deep Philosopher. Most sagely observed! The Argument begins strongly: But in the Name of Aristotle, whence comes the Consequence? Therefore Perspectives are fallacious. 
One Proposition for Sense,  
And th' other for Convenience.   
This fits his purpose to discredit new Discoveries, 'tis no matter how it follows. This Gentleman, you must know Sir, useth to have his word taken among his admiring Neighbours, and so is not wont to be put to the trouble of proving: but I was so unmannerly as to expect it, choosing rather to see with mine own Eyes, than his infallible Spectacles. We can see better— saith the Disputer. How doth he know that? If Perspectives deceive us, though naked sense witness for them, Why may not his single Spectacles be as deceitful as they? These represent things bigger than they are to the unaided sight; and the Philosophical Glasses do but the same thing, in a higher degree of magnifying the Object. But we allow him the benefit of his single Spectacles, though he will not be so courteous to our Glasses, and confess his Reverend Experiment of the use of two, but are inquisitive about the Consequence. The Reason of which certainly must be (if any be intended in it) that our Telescopes and Microscopes have a Glass at each end, which the Man of Sapience thinks answers the two pair of Spectacles, and therefore must render the Representation deceitful. If this Philosopher had spared some of those thoughts to the profitable Doctrine of Optics, which he hath spent upon Genus and Species, we had never heard of this Objection, which is as much a reason against the credit of all perspective Glasses whatsoever, as the Philosophical ones he would discredit. And without more Optics than those of natural Understanding, he might, if it had pleased him, have known, that we see better through the two Glasses in Perspectives, than any single one; because they are so fashioned and ordered, that the visive rays are better gathered and united by them for the advantage of sight: But in the two Spectacles, the case is contrary. These things I suggested, and some others from the Dioptrics, in which this Sage Person was pleased then to conceal his knowledge; and how great that was in these matters, will appear by the Learned Problem he proposed at this period of our Discourse, viz. [Why we cannot see with two pair of Spectacles, better than with one singly? For, saith the Man of Axioms, Vis unita fortior?] A pleasant piece of Philosophy this; and I'll show the Disputer how strongly he infers from his Maxim, by another Question like it. Why cannot he write better with two Pens, than with a single one, since Vis unita fortior? When he hath answered this Quaere, he hath resolved his own. I said in the Discourse, That the reason he gave why one would expect it should be so, is the reason why 'tis not; and this is plain enough to sense, from the confusion of Vision, which shows, that the rays are not united after the way requisite for the aiding the sight (as I just now intimated) and how that should be, I had here shown, but that I am ashamed to add more in earnest about a grave foolery. And I confess, Sir, I account these personal matters a kind of Digression from the main thing I intended. To return therefore to my Subject.   

CHAP. X. Our Advantages for Knowledge; from Modern Improvements of Natural History.  
HAving discoursed the modern Help● useful knowledge hath for deep Research, I am next  
(2.) To recount what Aids it hath received from our better acquaintance with the Phaenomena. For this I must consider NATURAL HISTORY more particularly, which is the Repository wherein these are lodged. How this may be compiled in the best order, and to the best advantage, is most judiciously represented by the Immortal Lord Bacon; and to show how highly It hath been advanced in modern Times, I need say little more, than to amass in a brief Recollection, some of the Instances of newly-discovered Phaenomena, which are scattered under the Heads of the Arts and Instruments I have discoursed, with the Addition of some others: As,  
In the HEAVENS, those of the Spots and Dinettick motion of the Sun, the mountainous protuberances and shadows in the body of the Moon, about nineteen Magnitudes more of Fixed Stars, the Lunulae of jupiter, their mutual Eclipsing one another, and its turning round upon its own Axis; the Ring about Saturn, and its shadow upon the Body of that Star; the Phases of Venus, the increment and decrement of Light among the Planets, the appearing and disaprearing of Fixed Stars, the Altitude of Comets, and nature of the Via Lactea. By these Discoveries, and more such, the History of the Heavens hath been rectified and augmented by the Modern Advancers of Astronomy, whom in their place I have cited. In the AIR Its Spring, the more accurate History and Nature of Winds and Meteors, and the probable height of the Atmosphere, have been added by the Lord Bacon, Des Cartes, Mr. boil, and others. In the EARTH, New Lands by Columbus, Magellan, and the rest of the Discoverers; and in these, new Plants, new Fruits, new Animals, new Minerals, and a kind of other World of Nature, from which this is supplied with numerous conveniences of Life, and many thousand Families of our own little one are continually fed and maintained. In the WATERS, the great Motion of the Sea, unknown in elder Times, and the particular Laws of flux and reflux in many places, are discovered. The History of BATHS augmented by Savonarola, Baccius, and Blanthellus; of METALS by Agricola; and the whole SUBTERRANEOUS WORLD described by the universally Learned Kircher. The History of PLANTS much improved by Matthiolus, Ruellius, Bauhinus, and Gerard, besides the late Account of English Vegetables published by Dr. Merret, a worthy Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY. And another excellent Virtuoso of the same Assembly, Mr. john Evelyn, hath very considerably advanced the History of Fruit and Forest-Trees, by his Sylva and Pomona; and greater things are expected from his Preparations for Elysium Britannicum, a noble Design now under his hands: And certainly the inquisitive World is much indebted to this generous Gentleman for his very ingenious Performances in this kind, as also for those others of Sculpture, Picture, Architecture, and the like practical, useful things with which he hath enriched it. The History of ANIMALS hath been much enlarged by Gesner, Rondeletius, Aldrovandus, and more accurately enquired into by the Micrographers: And the late Travellers, who have given us Accounts of those remote parts of the Earth, that have been less known to these, have described great variety of Living Creatures, very different from the Animals of the nearer Regions; among whom the ingenious Author of the History of the Caribbies deserves to be mentioned as an Instance. In our own BODIES Natural History hath found a rich heap of Materials in the abovementioned Particulars of the Venae Lacteae, the Vasa Lymphatica, the Valves and Sinus of the Veins, the several new Passages and ●landules, the Ductus Chyliferus, the Origination of the Nerves, the Circulation of ●he Blood, and the rest. And all the main Heads of Natural History have received ●ids and increase from the famous Verulam, who led the way to substantial Wisdom, and hath given most excellent Directions for the Method of such an HISTORY of NATURE.   

CHAP. XI. The Advantages of late Ages for spreading and communicating Knowledge. Three great Instances of it, in Printing, the Compass, and the Royal Society.  
THus, Sir, I have dispatched the FIRST Part of my Method proposed in the beginning; but stand yet engaged for the other, which is to show,  
(II.) That the later Ages since Aristotle have had great advantages of him, in respect of Opportunities and Helps for the spreading and communicating Knowledge, and thereby of improving and enlarging it And methinks the very mention of Age● and Aristotle, by way of comparison in this case, hath so much of absurdity in it, tha● I am almost ashamed to proceed further in the proof of such a Proposition as this, viz. That the Advantages of Mankind in the Succession of two thousand years, are more than those of a single Person who lived but sixty three. Certainly those that have the fondness to think the contrary, have a Faith that exceeds all the Extravagancies of Fiction: For never any Romance was so absurdly vain, as to feign an Hero whose single strength and valour exceeded Armies of other Mortals. And 'tis not less absurd to suppose the Wit of one man, and he an Idolater and an Heathen, to transcend the joint Understandings of all the wiser World, though assisted by his Knowledge, the Light of Christianity, and the aggregated Informations and Endeavours of many Learned Ages: But my Reverend Opposite had this belief, and hath thereby outdone the largest excesses of Poetry. For his sake therefore, and those others that are of this more than hyperbolical Faith, I add the SECOND Part of my proposed Method, though what I have said already upon the First, is, I judge, more than sufficient for that purpose; And yet I think it not impertinent to subjoin those other Considerations, both because they will further discover the unreasonable vanity of the doting Spirits, that oppose all generous Endeavours for the advance and improvement of Knowledge; and (which may signify more) will excite and encourage Hopes of Modern Attempts: and Hope is the fuel of Activity and Endeavour.  
I descend to demonstrate then by palpable and undeniable Instances, That we have Advantages above Aristotle, and, which is much more, above all elder Times, for mutual Communications, and impartments of our Notices, Observations, Experiments, and Performances for the increase of Science. My Instances are THREE, PRINTING, the COMPASS, and the ROYAL SOCIETY.  
For the FIRST, PRINTING, It was, according to Polydore Vergil, the Invention of john Cuthenberg of Mentz in Germany, though others give the honour to one Fust of the same City, and some to Laurentius a Burger of Haerlem. But whoever was the Author, this is agreed, That this excellent Art was first practised about the year 1440. and was utterly unknown i● elder Times; at least in all the parts of th● World that are on this side the Kingdom o● China, which they say had it more early but it signifies not to our purpose. Now by reason of the Ancients want of this Invention, Copies of excellent things could not be so much dispersed, nor so well preserved either from the Corruptions of Tim●● or Design. The Charge of Books was very great, forgeries frequent, and mistakes o● Transcribers numerous. They were quickly swept away out of those few Libraries in which they were, by Fire and Violence, o● spoiled by Dust and Rottenness. And in th● absence of this Art, 'twas easy enough fo● one Aristotle to destroy the most considerable Remains of the Ancients, that the power of his great Scholar put into his hands which, 'tis credibly reported of him, tha● he did, to procure more Fame for his own Performances: as also to conceal his thefts and injurious dealings with those venerable Sages, whom he seems to take a great delight to contradict and expose, as I have elsewhere proved. But now, by this excellent Invention, the Knowledge that is lodged in Books, is put beyond the danger of such Corruptions, Forgeries, or any fatal inconvenience. We communicate upon easie ●terms at the remotest distance, converse with the Wisemen that went before us, and se●●rely convey down our Conceptions to the Ages that shall follow. So that by this means Knowledge is advantageously spread and improved; especially since the Assistance modern Ingenuity hath brought us, in that other admirable Invention,  
(2.) The COMPASS. How defective the Art of Navigation was in elder Times, when they Sailed by the observation of the Stars, is easy to be imagined: For in dark weather, when their Pleiades, Helice, and Cynosura were hidden from them by the intervening Clouds, the Mari●ner was at a loss for his Guide, and exposed to the casual conduct of the Winds and Tides. For which reason the Ancients seldom or never durst venture into the Ocean, but steered along within sight of the safer Shore. So that the Commerce and Communications of those Days were very narrow; Their famed Travels in comparison were but domestic; and a whole World was to them unknown. But it hath been the happy privilege of later Days to find the way to apply the wonderful Virtues of the Loadstone to Navigation; and by the direction of the Compass we securely commit ourselves t● the immense Ocean, and find our path i● the vastest Wilderness of Waters. So tha● Commerce and Traffic is infinitely improved, the other half of the Globe disclosed and that on this side the great Sea better understood. The Religions, Laws, Customs and all the Rarities and Varieties of Art and Nature, which any the most distant Clim● knows and enjoys, are laid open and made common; and thereby the History of Nature is wonderfully enlarged, and knowledge is both propagated and improved.  
Who it was that first discovered this excellent Mystery, is not certainly known ● But one Flavius Goia of Amalphis in the Kingdom of Naples, is said to be the Author; and to have found this incomparable Rarity about 300 years ago. 'Tis pity that one of the greatest Benefactors to mankind that ever was, should lie hid in so neglected an obscurity; when the great Troublers of the World, who have vexed it by the Wars of the Hand and of the Brain, have so dear and so precious a Memory. For my part I think there is more acknowledgement due to the name of this obscure Fellow, that hath scarce any left, than to a thousand Alexanders and Caesars, or to ten times the number of Aristotle's. And he really did more for the increase of Knowledge, and advantage of the World by this one Experiment, than the numerous subtle Disputers that have lived ever since the erection of the School of talking.  
And methinks it may not be improper for me here to take notice of that other great Germane Invention, that useth to be mentioned in the Company, viz. That of GUNPOWDER and ARTILLERY, which hath done its Service also for the help and propagation of Knowledge, as you will perceive, when you shall consider; that by the assistance of these terrible Engines of Death, the great Western Indies were presently subdued, which likely had not been so easily effected by the ancient and ordinary Methods of War. 'Twas this Thunder and Lightning, and the invisible Instruments of Ruin, that destroyed the Courage of those numerous and hardy People, took away the hearts of the strongest Resisters, and made them an easy prey to the Conquering Invaders.  
And now by the gaining that mighty Continent, and the numerous fruitful Isles beyond the Atlantic, we have obtained a larger Field of Nature, and have thereby an advantage for more Phaenomena, and more helps both for Knowledge and for Life, which 'tis very like that future Ages will make better use of to such purposes, than those hitherto have done; and that Science also may at last travel into those parts, and enrich Peru with a more precious Treasure than that of its golden Mines, is not improbable. And so these Engines of Destruction, in a sense too are Instruments of Knowledge. Of the first Author of this Experiment we know no more, but that he was a Germane Monk, who lighted on it chance, when he was making some Chemical Trials with Nitre, near about the time of the Invention of the Compass; but his Name and other Circumstances are lost.  
Now whoever considers, with the Noble Verulam, how much the state of things in the World hath been altered and advanced by these THREE EXPERIMENTS alone, will conceive great hopes of Modern Experimental Attempts, from which greater matters may be looked for, than those which were the Inventions of single Endeavourers, or the results of Chance.  
And of all the Combinations of Men that ever met for the Improvement of Science, therewere never any whose Designs were ●etter laid, whose Encouragements were greater, whose Abilities were more promising, or whose Constitution was more judiciously or advantageously form, than the ROYAL SOCIETY.   

CHAP. XII. Of the ROYAL SOCIETY. The Reasons of the Institution, and their Designs. An Answer to the Question, What have they done?  
THis Noble Institution, Sir, was the THIRD Advantage I mentioned, that the Modern World hath for the Communication and Increase of Knowledge. And just as I am come to this Particular of my Method, I find I am happily prevented, and see I need not say much about it; For their HISTORY, that is newly come abroad, gives so full and so accurate an Account of them and their Designs, that perhaps it may be superfluous to do more in This, than to recommend that excellent Discourse to your perusal, which I do with some more than ordinary zeal and concernment, both because the Subject is one of the most weighty and considerable that ever afforded matter to a Philosophical Pen, and because it is writ in a way of so judicious a gravity, and so prudent and modest an expression, with so much clearness of sense, and such a natural fluency of genuine eloquence: so that I know it will both profit and entertain you. And I say further, that you may remember to do yourself this right, That the Style of that Book hath all the properties that can recommend any thing to an ingenious relish: For 'tis manly, and yet plain; natural, and yet not careless: The Epithets are genuine, the Words proper and familiar, the Periods smooth and of middle proportion: It is not broken with ends of Latin, nor impertinent Quotations; nor made harsh by hard words, or needless terms of Art: Not rendered intricate by long Parentheses, nor gaudy by flaunting Metaphors; not tedious by wide fetches and circumferences of Speech, nor dark by too much curtness of Expression: 'Tis not loose and unjointed, rugged and uneven; but as polite and as fast as Marble; and briefly, avoids all the notorious defects, and wants none of the proper ornaments of Language. I say, proper; for Styles are clothes that must be fitted to the Subjects they are upon, and altered according to the different kinds of things they describe and express.  
Thus, Sir, you see I am not infected with that base Envy, that always speaks detractingly or sparingly of the most worthy Performances of Contemporaries. And because of this general ill nature in Mankind, few men can bear large commendations of others, though they are never so just; but will endeavour to find all the faults that malicious Wit can suggest, against any thing which hath a great character of worth upon it, especially if it be of modern date; a baseness which no doubt hath been a great discouragement to many noble Designs and Endeavours. For my part, I thank God, I am inclined by my particular complexion, as well as by my Reason, to take as much pleasure to do right to the deserts of excellent Things and Persons, as some are to malign and defame them; and in what I have said on this occasion, I have not only gratified that humour, but I hope done you a kindness, by disposing you to a careful reading of what I have so earnestly recommended: And in that you will see what were the Reasons of forming such a Combination as the ROYAL SOCIETY, what is the Nature of that Constitution, what are their Designs, and what they have done. You'll find there a Collection of some (among numerous others that are in their Repository) of the Experiments, Observations, and Instruments which they have invented and advanced for the Improvement of real, useful Knowledge, and a full vindication of the Design, from the dark suspicions and objections of jealousy and ignorance.  
BUT that I may not wholly refer you, which may look like a put-off, I'll here offer you something for a present stay to your Appetite, concerning this Establishment, as it is an Advantage for the communication and increase of Science. I say then, That it was observed by the excellent Lord Bacon, and some other ingenious Moderns, That Philosophy, which should be an Instrument to work with, to find out those Aids that Providence hath laid up in nature to help us against the inconveniences of this State, and to make such applications of things as may tend to universal benefit. I say, They took notice, that instead of such a Philosophy as this, That which had usurped the Name, and obtained in the Schools, was but a combination of general Theortes and Notions, that were concluded rashly, without due information from particulars, and spun out into unprofitable niceties, that tend to nothing but Dispute and Talk, and were never like to advance any Works for the benefit and use of men.  
This being considered, the deep and judicious Verulam made the complaint, represented the defects and unprofitableness of the Notional way, proposed another to reform and enlarge Knowledge by Observation and Experiment, to examine and record Particulars, and so to rise by degrees of Induction to general Propositions, and from them to take direction for new Inquiries, and more Discoveries, and other Axioms; that our Notions may have a Foundation upon which a solid Philosophy may be built, that may be firm, tight, and close knit, and suited to the Phaenomena of things: So that Nature being known, it may be mastered, managed, and used in the Services of humane Life.  
This was a mighty Design, groundedly laid, wisely expressed, and happily recommended by the Glorious Author, who began nobly, and directed with an incomparable conduct of Wit and judgement: But to the carrying it on, It was necessary there should be many Heads and many Hands, and Those form into an Assembly, that might intercommunicate their Trials and Observations, that might jointly work, and jointly consider; that so the improvable and luciferous Phaenomena, that lie scattered up and down in the vast Champaign of Nature, might be aggregated and brought into a common store. This the Great Man desired, and formed a SOCIETY of Experimenters in a Romantic Model, but could do no more; His time was not ripe for such Performances.  
These things therefore were considered also by the later Virtuosos, who several of them combined together, and set themselves on work upon this grand Design; in which they have been so happy, as to obtain the Royal Countenance and Establishment, to gather a great Body of generous Persons of all Qualities and sorts of Learning, to overcome the difficulties of the Institution, and to make a very encouraging and hopeful progress in their pursuits. For the account of which particulars, I refer you to the History, and only take notice, How ignorantly those rash and inconsiderate people talk, who speak of this Assembly as a company of men whose only aim is to set up some new Theories and Notions in Philosophy; whereas indeed, Their first and chief Employment is, carefully to seek and faithfully to report how things are de facto; and They continually declare against the establishment of Theories, and Speculative Doctrines, which they note as one of the most considerable miscarriages in the Philosophy of the Schools: And their business is not to Dispute, but Work. So that those others also that look on them as pursuing phancyful Designs, are as wide and unjust in their ill-contrived Censure: Since Their Aims are to free Philosophy from the vain Images and Compositions of Fancy, by making it palpable, and bringing it down to the plain objects of the Senses; For those are the Faculties which they employ and appeal to, and complain that Knowledge hath too long hovered in the clouds of Imagination. So that methinks this ignorant Reproach is, as if those that doted on the Tales of the Fabulous Age, should clamour against Herodotus and Thucydides as idle Romancers. For the main intendment of this Society is to erect a well-grounded Natural History, which takes off the heats of wanton Fancy, hinders its extravagant excursions, and ties it down to sober Realities.  
But this, Sir, I only touch en passant; and though I am not close upon the main thing I intent, yet I cannot forbear taking notice of an insulting Objection that we hear frequently in this Question, What have they Done?  
To this I could answer in short (as I have once already suggested) more than all the Philosophers of the Notional way, since Aristotle opened his Shop in Greece. Which Saying may perhaps look to some like a fond and bold Sentence: but whoever compares the Repository of this society, with all the Volumes of Disputers, will find it neither immodest nor unjust. And their History hath given us Instances sufficient of their Experiments, Observations, and Instruments, to justify a bolder Affirmation. But I insist not on this: The thing I would have you observe is, That those who make the captious Question, do not comprehend the vastness of the Work of this Assembly, or have some fantastical Imaginations of it. They consider not the Design is laid as low as the profoundest Depths of Nature, and reacheth as high as the uppermost Story of the Universe; That it extends to all the Varieties of the great World, and aims at the benefit of universal Mankind. For could they expect that such mighty Projects as these should ripen in a moment? Can a Cedar shoot up out of the Earth like a blade of Grass? or an Elephant grow to the vastness of his bulk, as soon as a little Insect can be formed of a drop of Dew?  
No; The true knowledge of general Nature, like Nature itself in its noblest composures, must proceed slowly, by degrees almost insensible: and what one Age can do in so immense and Undertaking as that, wherein all the generations of Men are concerned, can be little more than to remove the Rubbish, lay in Materials, and put things in order for the Building. Our work is to overcome prejudices, to throw aside what is useless, and yields no advantage for Knowledge or for Life; To persuade men that there is worthier Employment for them, than tying knots in bulrushes; and that they may be better accommodated in a well-built House, than in a Castle in the Air. We must seek and gather, observe and examine, and lay up in Bank for the Ages that come after. This is the business of the Experimental Philosophers; and in these Designs a progress hath been made sufficient to satisfy sober expectations: But for those that look they should give them the Great Elixir, the Perpetual Motion, the way to make Glass malleable, and Man immortal; or they will object that the Philosophers have done nothing: for such, I say, their impertinent Taunts are no more to be regarded, than the little chat of Idiots and Children.   

CHAP. XIII. An Account of what hath been done by the Illustrious Mr. Boil for the promotion of Useful Knowledge.  
BUt, Sir, I think I am fallen into things of which the Ingenious Historian hath somewhere given better accounts, and therefore I draw off; though before I quite take leave of this Head of my Discourse, I think fit yet further to show the injustice of the Reproach of having done nothing, as 'tis applied to the Royal Society, by a single Instance in one of their Members, who alone hath done enough to oblige all Mankind, and to erect an eternal Monument to his Memory. So that had this great Person lived in those days, when men Godded their Benefactors, he could not have missed one of the first places among their deified Mortals. And you will be convinced that this is not vainly said, when I have told you, I mean the Illustrious Mr. boil, a Person by whose proper Merits that noble Name is as much adorned, as by all the splendid Titles that it wears. And that this Honourable Gentleman hath done such things for the benefit of the World, and increase of Knowledge, you will see, if you converse with him in his excellent Writings, where you will find the greatest strength and the gentilest smoothness, the most generous Knowledge and the sweetest Modesty, the noblest Discoveries and the sincerest Relations, the greatest Self-denial and the greatest Love of Men, the profoundest insight into Philosophy and Nature, and the most devout, affectionate Sense of God and of Religion. And in saying all this, I do not fear the Envy that great praise excites; for that cannot be so impudent to deny the justice of this acknowledgement.  
But, Sir, I consider the commendation of this incomparable Person was not the thing I undertook; but a succinct and general representation of his Philosophical Performances: And to that I now address myself, without more Preface.  
(I.) In his Book of the AIR, we have a great improvement of the Magdeburg Experiment, of emptying Glass Vessels by exsuction of the Air, to far greater degrees of evacuation, ease, and conveniences for use; as also an advance of that other famous one of Torricellius, performed by the New Engine, of which I have said some things above, and called the AIR-PUMP. By this Instrument (as I have already intimated) the Nature, Spring, Expansion, Pressure, and Weight of the Air; the decrease of its force when dilated, the Doctrine of a Vacuum, the Height of the Atmosphere, the Theories of Respiration, Sounds, Fluidity, Gravity, Heat, Flame, the Magnet, and several other useful and luciferous Matters, are estimated, illustrated, and explained.  
And (2.) The great Doctrine of the Weight and Spring of the Air is solidly vindicated and further asserted by the Illustrious Author, in another BOOK against HOBBS and LINUS.  
(3.) In his PHYSIOLOGICAL and EXPERIMENTAL ESSAYS, he nobly encourageth and persuades the making of Experiments, and collecting Observations, and gives the necessary Cautions that are to be used in such Designs. He imparts a very considerable luciferous Experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of Salt-petre; whence he deduceth, That motion, figure, and disposition of parts, may suffice to produce all the secondary affections of Bodies; and consequently, That there is no need of the substantial Forms and Qualities of the Schools. To this he adds a close History of Fluidity and Firmness, which tends mightily to the elucidating those useful Doctrines.  
(4.) In his SCEPTICAL CHEMIST he cautions against the sitting down and acquiescing in Chemical and Peripatetical Theories, which many do, to the great hindrance of the growth and improvement of Knowledge. He therefore adviseth a more wary consideration and examen of those Doctrines, before they are subscribed; and for that purpose he assists them with many very considerable Observations and Experiments.  
(5.) In his VSEFULNESS of EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY he makes it appear how much that way tends to the advance of the Power and Empire of Man over the Creatures, and the universal Benefit of the World; confirming and illustrating his Discourse with innumerable new and useful Discoveries.  
(6.) In his HISTORY of COLD, he hath to wonder cultivated that barren Subject, and improved it (as is noted by the Philosophical Transactions) by near 200 choice Experiments and Observations. He hath there given an account of the defectiveness of common Weather-Glasses, the Advantages of the new Hermetical Thermometers, and an Inquiry concerning the cause of the Condensation of the Air, and Ascent of Water by Cold in the ordinary Weather-wisers; All which afford valuable Considerations of light and use. But these are only Preliminaries: The main Discourse presents us with an Account what Bodies are capable of freezing others, and what of being frozen; The ways to estimate the degrees of coldness; How to measure the intenseness of Cold produced by Art, beyond that employed in ordinary Freezing; In what proportion Water will be made to shrink by Snow and Salt; How to measure the change produced in Water between the greatest heat of Summer, the first degree of Winter-cold, and the highest of Art; How to discover the differing degrees of Coldness in different Regions. A way of freezing without danger to the Vessel. What may be the effects of Cold, as to the preserving or destroying the texture of Bodies. Whether specific Virtues of Plants are lost through congelation, and then thawing. Whether Electrical and Magnetic Virtues are altered by Cold. The expansion and contraction of Bodies by freezing; how they are caused, and how their quantity is to be measured. The strength of the expansion of Water freezing, and an Inquiry into the Cause of that prodigious force. The Sphere of Activity of Cold. How far the Frost descends in Earth and Water. An Experiment showing whether Cold can act through an hot medium. A way of accounting the solidity of Ice, and the strength of the adhesion of its parts: What Liquors are its quickest Dissolvents. An Experiment of heating a cold Liquor with Ice. These, and many more such instructive and useful things, are contained in that excellent Discourse: To which is annexed a very ingenious Examination and Disproof of the common obscure Doctrine of Antiperistasis, and Mr. Hobbs his Notion of Cold.  
(7.) In his EXPERIMENTAL HISTORY of COLOURS, he hath laid a foundation in 150 Experiments at least, for grounded Theory about these matters. He hath shown the grand mistake of the common belief, That Colours inhere in their Objects; and proved they depend upon disposition of the external parts, and the more inward texture of Bodies. He hath stated and explained wherein the Disparity consists between the Real and Exphatical; explicated the Nature of Whiteness and Blackness; rectified some Chemical Principles; compounded Colours by trajecting the Solar Beams through tinged Glasses; showed how by certain Tinctures it may be known, whether any Salt be acid or sulphureous. Hath proved, there is no necessity of the Peripatetic FORMS for the production of Colours, by making Green by nine kinds of mixtures; compounded Colours real and fantastical; turned the Blue of Violets by acid Salts into a Red, and by the alcalizate into a Green; and performed many other extraordinary things on this Subject, for the advantage of Knowledge and the uses of Life.  
(8.) In his HYDROSTATICAL PARADOXES he showed, That the lower parts of Fluids' are pressed by the upper; That a lighter may gravitate upon one that is more ponderous; That if a Body contiguous to it, be lower than the highest level of the Water, the lower end o● the Body will be pressed upwards by the Water beneath; That the weight of an external Fluid sufficeth to raise the Water in Pumps; That the pressure of an external Fluid is able to keep an Heterogeneous Liquor suspended at the same height in several Pipes, though they are of different Diameters; That a Body under Water that hath its upper surface parallel to the Horizon, the direct pressure it sustains is no more than that of a Column of Water, which hath the mentioned Horizontal Superficies for its Basis. And if the incumbent Water be contained in Pipes open at both ends, the pressure is to be estimated by the weight of a Pillar of water, whose Basis is equal to the lower Orifice of the Pipe paralles to the Horizon) and its height equal to a Perpendicular, reaching to the top of the Water, though the Pipe be much inclined, irregularly shaped, and in some parts broader than the Orifice; That a Body in a Fluid sustains a lateral pressure from it, which increaseth in proportion to the depth of the immersed Body in the Fluid; That Water may be made to depress a Body lighter than itself; That a parcel of Oil lighter than Water, may be kept from ascending in it; That the cause of the ascension of Water in Syphons, may be explained without the notion of abhorrence of a Vacuum; That the heaviest Body known will not sink of itself, without the assistance of the weight of the Water upon it, when 'tis at a depth greater than twenty times its own thickness, though it will nearer the Surface.  
This is the sum of the general Contents of that Discourse, which contains things very useful to be known for the advantage of Navigation, Saltworks, Chemistry, and other practical purposes.  
(9) In his Book of the ORIGINE of FORMS and QVALITIES, he delivers the minds of men from the imaginary and useless Notions of the Schools about them, which have no foundation in the nature of things, nor do any ways promote Knowledge, or help Mankind; but very much disserve those great interests, by setting the Understanding at rest in general obscurities, or employing it in airy niceties and Disputes, and so hindering its pursuit of particular Causes, and Experimental Realities. In this Treatise he lays the Foundations and delivers the Principles of the Mechanic Philosophy, which he strengtheneth and illustrates by several very pleasant and instructive Experiments. He shows, That the most admirable Things which have been taken for the Effects of substantial Forms, and are used as proofs of the Notional Hypotheses, may be the results of the mere texture and position of parts; since Art is able to make Vitriol, as well as Nature; and Bodies by humane skill may be produced, whose supposed Forms have been destroyed. He gives many very ingenious instances to prove, That the Mechanic motions and order of the Parts is sufficient to yield an account of the difference of Bodies, and their affections, without having recourse to the Forms and Qualities of the Schools; as in the restoration of Camphire to its former smell and nature, after its dissolution and seeming extinction; in the changes of the colour, consistence, fusibleness, and other Qualites of Silver and Copper; in the odd Phaenomena of a certain anomalous Salt, and those of the Sea-salt, dried, powdered, and mixed with Aquafortis; and in the Sal mirabilis, in the production of Silver out of Gold by his Menstruum Peracutum, in the transmutation of Water into Earth in a certain Distillation of Spirit of Wine and Oil of Vitriol. I say, This excellent Gentleman hath by Experiments rare and new about these Subjects, made it evidently appear, That the internal motions, configuration, and posture of the parts, are all that is necessary for alterations and diversities of Bodies; and consequently, That substantial Forms and real Qualities are needless and precarious Being's.   

CHAP. XIV. A further Account of what that Gentleman of Honour hath by him, not yet published, for the Advantage and Improvement of Real Knowledge. The Reasons we have to hope great Things from the Royal Society.  
THese, Sir, are some brief and general Hints of those great things this incomparable Person hath done for the information and benefit of Men; and besides them, there are several others that He hath by him, and the Inquisitive expect, in which real Philosophy and the World are no less concerned. I received a late Account of them from an ingenious Friend of his, Mr. Oldenburgh, Secretary to the ROYAL SOCIETY, who also renders himself a great Benefactor to Mankind, by his affectionate care, and indefatigable diligence and endeavours, in the maintaining Philosophical Intelligence, and promoting the Designs and Interests of profitable and general Philosophy. And these being some of the Noblest and most Public Employments, in which the Services of generous Men can be engaged, loudly call for their Aids and Assistances, for the carrying on a Work of so universal an importance.  
But I shall have a fitter place to speak of this, and therefore I return to the Illustrious Person of whom I was discoursing. And for Philosophical News, and further evidence of the Obligation the World hath to this Gentleman of Honour, I shall give you the List of what he hath more, yet unpublished for its advantage and instruction. And I take the boldness to do it, because himself hath been pleased to quote and refer to those Discourses in his published Writings; concerning which, the generous Secretary's Account is more particular, and he received it from the Noble Author's immediate information. It speaks thus.  
(I.) Another Section of the Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy, as to the Empire of Man over inferior Creatures; where he intends to premise some general Considerations about the Means whereby Experimental Philosophy may become useful to Humane Life; proceeding thence to show, That the Empire of Man may be promoted by the Naturalists skill in Chemistry, by his skill in Mechanics, or the Application of Mathematics to Instruments and Engines; by his skill in Mathematics, both pure and mixed: That the Goods of Mankind may be much increased by the Naturalist's insight into Trades; That the Naturalist may much advantage men, by exciting and assisting their curiosity to discover, take notice, and make use of the homebred Riches and Advantages of particular Countries, and to increase their number, by transferring thither those of others; That a ground of high expectation from Experimental Philosophy is given, by the happy Genius of this present Age, and the productions of it; That a ground of expecting considerable things from Experimental Philosophy is given by those things which have been found out by illiterate Tradesmen, or lighted on by chance; That some peculiar and concealed property of a natural thing, may enable the knowers of it to perform, with ease, things, that to others seem either not feisible, or not practicable without great difficulty; That by the knowledge and application of some unobvious and unheeded Properties and Laws of natural things, divers Effects may be produced by other means and Instruments than those one would judge likely; and even by such, as if proposed, would be thought unlikely; That the knowledge of peculiar Qualities, or uses of physical things, may enable a man to perform those things Physically, that seem to require Books, and dexterity of hand proper to Artificers; That the uses of scarce one thing in Nature, to Humane Life, are yet thoroughly understood; That a great Inducement to hope for considerable matters from Experimental Philosophy, may be taken from the mutual assistance that the Practical and Theorical part of physic may be brought to afford each other; That we are not to make our Estimates of what may be hoped for hereafter, when men shall be assisted with the History of Nature, a method of employing it, and true Principles of Natural Philosophy, and associated Endeavours, by what is already performed without any of those Assistances. (2.) He hath also in a manner promised Essays touching the concealments and disguises of the Seeds of living Creatures. (3.) An Appendix to the Physico-Mechanical Treatise concerning the Air. (4.) Something concerning Heat and Flame. (5.) The Sceptical Naturalist, showing the imperfections of Natural Philosophy as we yet have it. (6.) A Discourse of improbable Truths. (7.) The production of Qualities by Art. (8.) Several useful Series of Inquiries and Directions of his, whereof divers are extant in the Philosophical Transactions; as, (I.) General Heads for a Natural History of a Country small or great. (2.) Observations and Directions about the Barometer. (3.) Inquiries touching the Sea; and, (4.) About Mines. (5.) Queries and Trials proposed, for the improving of that Grand Experiment, for the transfusing Blood out of one live Animal into another. (6.) Others for the finding the Effects of the Rarifying Engine exhausted, in plants, Seeds, and Eggs of Silkworms. Besides These, he hath a great many other unpublished Inquiries, and Series of Experiments and Observations of the most considerable parts of ●●tural Philosophy. As, (I.) About Pre●●us stones. (2.) Fermentation. (3.) Heat 〈◊〉 Flame. (4.) An Account of a new kind 〈◊〉 Baroscope, which he calls Statical, and 〈◊〉 advantage it hath above the Mercurial. ● 5.) A New Experiment, showing how a considerable degree of cold may be sudden●y produced without the help of Snow, Ice, ail, Wind, or Nitre, and that at any time ●t the year, viz. by Sal Armoniac. (6.) A ●ay of preserving Birds taken out of the eggs, and other small Foetus'  
This, Sir, is the Account I received of ●hat Noble Persons further Designs, for the advantage of useful Knowledge; and ●●ough he hath not made an absolute Pro●ise of those Discourses to the Public, ●et he is known to have such, and they are with probability expected, since he is too generous to detain from the capable and in●●uisitive those his excellent Discoveries, which tend to the common Benefit. And thus I have said what may suffice for general Information about the ROYAL SOCIETY, and the hopes we may justly conceive of this Constitution. And in what I have discoursed, I have not so much declined from the proof of my undertaking which was to show the advantage that th● latter Age hath, for the promotion and i●● crease of Knowledge, above those of fo●● mer Times: For by describing the Reason's Nature, and some of the Effects of th● Establishment, I have not obscurely suggeste● the Helps that the World hath and ma● expect from Them, for those Grand and C● tholick Purposes; and 'tis easy to see in th● very frame of this Assembly, that they ar● fitted with Opportunities to amass together all the considerable Notices, Observations and Experiments, that are scattered up an● down in the wide World; and so, to mak● a Bank of all the useful Knowledge that is among men. For either by their whole Bo● die, or some or other of their particular Members, they hold a Learned Correspond dence with the greatest Virtuosos of all th● known universe, and have several of their own Fellows abroad in Foreign Parts, by reason of whose Communications, they know most of the valuable Rarities and Phaenomen● observed by the curious in Nature, and all considerable Attempts and Performances of Art, Ingenuity, and Experiment. To which consideration, if you add the inquisitiveness of their Genius, and the way of their Procedure, by particular and cautious Observation; the coldness and shiness of their As●ent, and the numbers of judicious men that surefully examine their Reports; I say, If ●hese Particulars be weighed, it will appear ●o the unprejudiced, That the World had ●ever such an advantage for the accumulating a Treasure of substantial knowledge, as 〈◊〉 hath by this Constitution; for single Inquisitors can receive but scant and narrow ●nformations, either from their own Expe●ience, or Converses; and those they have, ●e frequently very imperfect, or very mista●en: There is often either vanity or credulity, ●norance or design in their Relations, which ●herefore are many times false in the main ●atter, and oftener in the circumstance: So ●●at the Histories of Nature we have hitherto had, have been but an heap and amassmen ●f Truth and Falsehood, vulgar Tales and Romantic Accounts; and 'tis not in the pow●● of particular unassociated Endeavours to ●●fford us better. But now, the frame of ●his Society suggests excellent ground to ●ope from them sincere and universal Re●●●●tions, and the best grounded and most ●seful Collection of the affairs of Art and Nature, that ever yet was extant. And ●s they have peculiar Privileges for the gathering the Materials of knowledge, 〈◊〉 They have the same for the impartment a● diffusion of them. And by this time I ho●● you will acknowledge, That I have ma●● good also what I undertook in THIS 〈◊〉 last and Great Particular.   

CHAP. XV. The Absurdity of making Comparis● between the Advantages Aristot●● had for Knowledge, and those later Ages.  
THus I have showed in plain and material Instances, the vanity and weakness of the Disputer's Affirmation a●● belief, That Aristotle had more Advantage for Knowledge than all the later ages. An● so I have done with his Proposition: But h● Reason also is to be considered, and th● was,  
Aristotle had these Advantages above ● the World, because he did Totam pe●agrare Asiam. How wisely said an● concluded this was, will appear after ● have taken notice, that his Reason is defective both in what it affirms, and in what it would infer. For the first, 'tis evident, that Aristotle and the Ancients did not know all ASIA; for that part which lay beyond the River, was in a manner a Terra Incognita unto them: so that they knew scarce any thing of the Indies that lie on the other side of Ganges, little or nothing of the vast Kingdom of China, nothing of japan, or the numerous Oriental Islands, besides the defects in the ancient Geography, noted above; and these made a great if not the best part of Asia; of which though Aristotle might have heard, yet we have no shadow of Reason to believe he had any Information from thence. And then I consider,  
(2.) That the Account he had from the best surveyed Regions, were but from Hunters, Fowlers, Fishermen, and such kind of Inquisitors, who were like enough to make vain and mistaken Reports, and he was fain to depend upon the credit of their Relations; and therefore his History of Animals contains many things that are frivolous, and many that are palpably false. To which I add,  
(3.) The Observation of my Lord Bacon, That though Aristotle made some use of those Experiments and Observation she had from those Informers, yet it was after he had concluded and decreed. For he did not use and employ Experiments for the erecting of his Theories: but having arbitrarily pitched his Theories, his manner was to force Experience to suffragate, and yield countenance to his precarious Propositions. And on this account, the Great man saith, he was less excusable than the Schoolmen, who altogether quitted and neglected the way of particular Industry and Experiment. Thus than Aristotle neither knew all Asia, nor had certain Relations of that part thereof, of which he had the best Informations; nor did he use those he had as he ought; which were enough to bring the Disputers Reason to nothing. But I consider further, That though these things had been otherwise, and as much for the interest of his Affirmation as he could wish, yet,  
(2.) His Inference must fail, since the latter Ages have a much larger World than Aristotle's Asia; We have the America, and the many New Lands that are discovered by Modern Navigators; we have larger and more perfect Geography even of the old World, infinitely more acquaintance and better correspondence in all the parts of the Universe, by our general Traffic, than the Ancients, whose Commerce was narrow, and knowledge of remote Parts consisted but in hearsays and doubtful Rumours. We have besides, New Heavens as well as a New Earth, a larger and truer prospect of the World above us. We have travelled those upper Regions by the help of our Tubes, and made Discoveries more becoming the Wisdom and Magnificence of our Creator, and more agreeable to the appearances of things, than the arbitrary fancies and conjectures of Aristotle and his Schools. We have a greater world of Arts, Instruments, and Observations, as in all Particulars my Discourse hath made good. And what are Aristotle's peragrations of Asia, to all these? To the great Western Indies; to the full and clearer knowledge of the Ancient Lands; to those nobler Accounts we have of the Heavens, and universal Nature; to our vast Improvements of Chemistry, Anatomy, Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy, Geography, Optics, Natural History, Navigation, and all things else of benefit and instruction? I say, what are the glean of a few mercenary Hunters, Fowlers, and Fishermen, over one part of Asia, to these Advantages? And what are the Reports of a few ordinary Fellows, and the Trials of a single person, to the learned Inquiries and Endeavours of many sagacious inquisitive Ages, and the performances of a numerous Company of deep, wary, diligent, and eagle-eyed Philosophers, who have the help of those Observations, and the addition of an infinite number more?  
Upon these accounts, Sir, the Disputer, you see, will need a great deal of Logic to make any thing of his Proposition or his Reason, both of which are very lame, and I know not where he can find a prop for their feebleness. I shall not therefore employ more force to overthrow such sickly Reasonings, that have not strength enough to bear their own weight; but out of pity to those infirmities, shall let them go without further castigations. And I hope you have not so understood me, as if the aim of what I have said hitherto, was only to disprove this Disputer (which were a poor project, and would signify but very little.) But my Design is, by representing the advantages and hopefulness of the Modern way, to kindle an ardour in you towards the generous Experimental Researches, to vindicate Philosophy from the imputation of being notional and unprofitable, and to keep you from adhering to that which is so, and hath been the occasion of the scandal. And as for those that yet stick there, I have some things to observe concerning the Reasons of their Devotion to that airy disputative Philosophy, and their Enmity to the Practical.   

CHAP. XVI. The Reasons of some men's Superstitious Adherence to the Notional way; and of the Disputer that gave occasion to this Discourse  
I Consider then, That easy youth in its first addresses to Learning, is perfectly passive to the Discipline and Instructions of its Teachers, whose Documents are promiscuously received with ready submission of Understandings, that implicitly depend on their Authority. We suck in the first Rudiments as we do the common Air [facili haustu] as my Lord Bacon expresseth it, without discrimination or election, of which indeed our tender and unexercised minds are not capable. And, I confess, 'tis necessary we should do so; nor were there any hurt in this innocent easiness, did not most men all their lives worship the first thing they saw in the morning of their days, and ever after obstinately adhere to those unexamined Receptions. But this is the mischief, we infinitely believe every thing when we are Children, and most examine little when they are Men, but settle in their first impressions, without giving themselves the trouble to consider and review them. And these prejudices by custom and long acquaintance with our Souls, get a mighty interest, and shut them against every thing that is of a different colour from those Images of Education. This is a general fault and infirmity of humane Nature, and from hence it comes to pass, that the tutoured Youth sides easily into the belief of the first Principles of Philosophy, which they are taught, and are confirmed in them by their Exercises and Disputes, and Books and Converses: By these their Understandings, which before were White-Paper, are died and deeply tinctured by the colour they have imbibed; And these infusions insensibly grow as 'twere into the very substance of the Mind, and are upon all occasions appealed to as its unprejudiced, unsophisticate Dictates. So that having spent some time in learning and trimming those Notions, the most divert to Business or other Studies, without troubling themselves with any more Philosophical pursuits; but being satisfied with those Notices which their first Education lodged in their Minds, they seek no further, nor do care to be wiser in those matters, than they were in the disputing infancy of their Knowledge.  
All this while no other hurt is done, but that men thus are injurious to themselves, and hinder their own Improvements. But 'tis much worse when they fond fix these as the pillars of Science, and would have no body else go further than their laziness or their cares will permit them to travel; but rail spitefully at all Endeavours for the advancement of Philosophic Wisdom, and will be angry with every one that hath out-grown his Cherry-stones and Rattles, speak evil at a venture of things they know not, and like Mastiffs are fiercer for being kept dark. These are the great Enemies of the useful, experimental Methods of Philosophy: They take it ill that any thing should be accounted valuable, in which they are uninstructed. being loath to learn in an Age wherein they expect to Dictate; and the Satirist hath told them another reason.  
— Turpe putant parere minoribus, & quae  
Imberbes didicêre, senes perdenda fateri.  
I will not say how much of this I take to be the case of our Reverend Disputer; only this, He employed his younger Studies upon the Philosophy of Disputation, and, 'tis like, gained an ability to out-talk many of his Contemporaries in that way. He confirmed himself in these Notions by instructing others in them, and upon these Foundations hath built himself the Reputation of a great Scholar and a Disputant among his Country-Admirers. So that you are not to wonder that he is vehemently displeased with the ROYAL SOCIETY, and Experimental Philosophers, since their Designs take away the honour of his Craft, and in this way he is upon the same level with those that are but beginning; the thought of which must needs be distasteful to a self-assured and imperous mind. And yet because you shall not think that I say any of this out of envy to his Fame, I shall do him all the right I can, by acknowledging,  
That I take him for a Person that understands the Quiddities and Haecceities, the Praecisiones formales and the Objectivae, the Homogeneities and Heterogeneities, the Catagorematice's and the Syncatagorematice's, the Simpliciter's and the secundum Quid's. He knows, no doubt, that First Matter that is neither Quid, nor Quale, nor Quantum; and that wonderful Gremium materiae, out of which Forms were educed that were never there. He can tell you fine things of the fiery Element under the Moon, and the Epicycles of the Stars; Can resolve all Questions by the compendious way of Formalitèr, Materialitèr, Fundamentalitèr, and Eminentèr; Tell you the difference between Quodam modo and Modo quodam, and show the causes of all things in Sympathy, Antipathy, Combination of the Elements, and Insfluences of the Heavens. He sees clearly by his Spectacles, That the Milky-way is but a Meteor, and Comets only kindled Vapours, in spite of the contrary information of the deceitful Telescopes. He can, no doubt, dispute roundly about the composition of Entia rationis and Vniversals, the Praedications of Genus and Species, and the manner of their conservation in Individuals; of the number of the Predicaments, and what Being is in this, and what in another; of the inherence and propagation of Accidents, the real essence of Relations, the nature of Vbi and Quando, and a thousand other Logical tricks about Shuffling and ordering Propositions and forms of Syllogism. In Physiology he can discourse of the nakedness of First Matter, the eduction of Forms out of its bosom; show, that the want of a Being is a Principle of it, how forms of Elements are refracted in mixed Bodies; Dispute subtly about the Primum incipiens in Motion, the instantaneousness of Generation, the Maximum quod sic, and the Minimum quod non, and infinite more of such wonderful, useful, significant Speculations. And in the Metaphysics I acknowledge him in the words of the incomparable Droll; 
He knows what's what, and that's as high  
As Metaphysic Wit can fly.   
These, and other such profundities, are some of the main things of that Philosophy to which our Disputer is so zealous a Votary. But for the Mechanic, that attempts material and intelligible Accounts of things, and is in its grounds much ancienter than that of Aristotle which he admires, for the Experimental Methods and late Improvements of useful Knowledge; as for these, I say, I had no reason to judge by his Discourse that he had any acquaintance with them; nor doth he, as far as I can perceive, pretend it: But having it seems concluded, That nothing more was to be known, than he knew, when he disputed in the Schools, he hath sat down ever since, and hugged himself in his own Omniscience and Infallibility, without caring to be informed, what the inquisitive World hath been doing in this late Age of Inquiry. And if it be any thing more than what he hath understood in his Circle of Disputations, 'tis fantastical and unprofitable, and not worthy his care or notice, which is very prudently concluded; For if it should be otherwise, the Disputer would lose the credit of his Superlative Learning.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the Peripatetic Philosophy, and Aristotle, as he concerns the Universites.  
ANd on this occasion, Sir, I observe the incompetency of their judgements who are Enemies to the Real Experimental Philosophy, in that they do not (as I intimated) at all, or very little, understand what they condemn. This I have some reason to say, since in the whole compass of my Acquaintance, which is not very narrow, I profess I know not one who opposeth the Modern way, that is not almost totally unacquainted with it. And on the other side, upon the most careful turn of my thoughts among my Philosophic Friends, I cannot light on one of all those that are for the Free and Experimental Procedure, but who have been very well instructed in the Peripatetic Doctrines, which they have deserted, and most of them much better than those who are yet zealous contenders for them.  
And for my own part, I must confess, that in my younger and Talkative Age, I was much delighted with those subtleties that exercise the Brain in the niceties of Notion and Distinctions, and afford a great deal of idle Employment for the Tongue in the Combats of Disputation: In which I acknowledge I was none of the most backward, but being highly pleased with those engagements, I found as much diversion in them, as in my dearest Recreations: Yea, and in this Recital methinks I feel a kind of sweet relish upon my mind, of those past complacencies. But after I had spent some vears in those Notional Studies, perhaps with as good success as some others, I began to think CVIBONO, and to consider what these things would signify in the World of Action and Business, I say, I thought; but I could find no encouragement to proceed from the Answer my thoughts made me: I asked myself what accounts I could give of the Works of God by my philosophy, more than those that have none, and found, that I could amaze and astonish Ignorance with Distinctions and words of Art, but not satisfy ingenious Inquiry by any considerable and material Resolutions. I considered I had got nothing all this while, but a certain readiness in talking, and that about things which I could not use abroad, without being Pedantic and ridiculous. I perceived that that Philosophy aimed at no more, than the instructing men in Notion and Dispute; That its Design was mean, and its Principles at the best uncertain and precarious; That they did not agree among themselves, nor at all with Nature. I examined the best Records I could meet with about the Author of those current Hypotheses, but could not be assured that Aristotle was he. I saw many Reasons to believe, that most of the Books that bear his Name, are none of his; and those that are most strongly presumed to be so, are mightily altered and correupted by Time, Ignorance, Carelessness and Design. I perceived that the Commentators and late Disputers had exceedingly disguised and changed the Sense of those very Writings, and made up a Philosophy that was quite another thing from that which those Books contain. So that by these means I was by degrees taken off from the implicit Veneration I had for that Learning, upon the account of the great Name of Aristotle which it wore. And in the process of my Inquiries, I lighted upon several excellent Authors, who said and proved very evil things of that Philosopher himself; As, That he was impious in his Life and many of his Doctrines, a Persecutor of the most venerable Sages, and corrupter of the Wisdom of the Ancients; That he was of no such superlative account in the wisest Times, but much opposed and slighted by the First Fathers; That he grew into his Magisterial Authority by chance, in Times of blackest Ignorance, and held an unjust Empire over the freeborn Minds of Men, who since they are enlightened by the Rays of the glorious Gospel, have less reason to bow down to the Dictates of an Idolater and an Heathen. I say, I found these things, and many more, urged against the School-Philosopher, by men of great Learning and Name. Nor could I ever light on any thing in his most devoted Admirers, that tended to the answering or disproof of any of those grand Accusations, most of which seemed to me to have too much evidence, to be easily disabled; not to mention how many Reasons I saw myself for the worst of those Characters, in the Books that are ascribed to him, if really they are his.  
These things than I pondered, and in the heat of my Thoughts, and a youthful Indigntion, I drew up the charge, and gave in the full of those bold Accounts to the public, in a Letter about Aristotle, which perhaps you will not do amiss to consider. Thus the great impediment was removed, and the prejudcie of Education overcome, when I thought further, That useful Knowledge was to be looked for in God's great Book the Universe, and among those generous Men that had conversed with real Nature, undisguised with Art and Notion. And still I saw more of the justice of the excellent Poet's Censure of the sons of Aristotle, when he saith, 
They stand  
Locked up together hand in hand:  
Every one leads as he is led,  
The same bare path they tread,  
And dance like Fairies a fantastic Round;  
But neither change their Motion, nor their ground.  From this Philosophy therefore, and these Men, I diverted my eyes and hopes, and fixed them upon those Methods that I have recommended, which I am sure are liable to none of those Imputations.  
And here I think fit to add a Caution which I have given in another Discourse, and do it once more to prevent a dangerous misunderstanding, viz. [And it is, That I have said nothing of this to discourage young Academiasn from applying themselves to those first Studies which are in use in the Universities. Their Statutes require Exercises in that way of Learning; and so much knowledge of it, as enables for those Duties, is requisite and fit. Nor do I deny, but that those Speculations, raise, quicken, and whet the Understanding, and on that account may not be altogether unprofitable, with respect to the more useful Inquisitions; provided It keep itself from being nice, airy, and addicted too much to general Notions. But this is the danger, and the greatest part run upon the Rock. The hazard of which might in great measure be avoided, if the Mathematics and Natural History were mingled with these other Studies which would indeed be excellent Preparatives and Dispostions to future Improvements. And I add further, that the young Philosophers must take care of looking on their Systematick Notions as the bounds and Perfections of Knowledge; nor make account to fix eternally upon those Theroys, as established and infallible Certainties: But consider them in the modest sense of Hypotheses, and as things they are to take in their passage to others that are more valuable and important. I say, the Peripatetic Studies thus tempered, will not, I suppose, be desallowed by the men of the Practical Method; and so the Vniversity-Establishments can receive no prejudice from the Spirit that dislikes a perpetual acquiescence in the Philosophy of the present Schools.   

CHAP. XVIII. Some things else debated by the Author with the Disputer, about the Prophets and the Scriptures. The Imagination was ordinarily the immediate Subject of Prophetic Influx.  
I HAVE now done with the Philosophical Considerations I intended here, and am so fond as to believe, that I have said enough about the main business of our Conference; from which the Disputer at last showed an inclination to draw off, and endeavoured to engage me in other things that were aside and irrelative to our Discourse: Particularly, I perceived he made towards the Controversies between the Calvinists and Remonstrants, and offered me several Temptations to fall in there. I knew it was a Design to draw me into his Road of talking, and considered that our Spirits were too much moved, and our Time too short for those deep and endless Debates. And I have long since resolved never to treat with any one about them, that is not very free, thoughtful, modest, and benign, without which praedispositions in the Subject, I know the clearest and greatest evidence in the World can make no impressions. Upon these accounts I declined the bait; but in the process of our rambling Talk, was insensibly led into a Discourse as extrinsic, which was concerning the Method of the Scriptures. About this I said,  
That those Holy Oracles were not written methodically; Meaning, not according to the Rules of our Methods; especially I instanced in the Prophetic Writings, which are very little suited to the ways of our Order. And in consequence of this, I affirmed, That God was pleased in those Inspirations to apply himself much to the Imagination of the Prophets; which Faculty, I said, was desultory, and did seldom tie itself to strict coherence. This was the sum of all from whence the Disputer took occasion for loud out-cries. He told me, [That my Affirmations were Atheistical; That God was the God of Order, and not of Confusion; and dealt with the noblest Faculty, which is the Understanding] I was astonished at the haste of the wild and groundless Censure, and answered to the Argument, That he might as well conclude, That all the Blades of Grass, and Flowers of the Field, should be placed in Knots, and a Garden-order, and the Stars set in Rank and File, because God is the God of Order, as the other Proposition he would infer.  
I said there was no doubt but that the Divine Wisdom, which had made all things in Number, Weight, and Measure, had an Order and Idea to itself, according to which it framed them: But then I added, That as his ways were above ours, so were many of the Methods of his Working besides them; and consequently, I thought it somewhat too bold and presumptuous to bring down Infinite Wisdom to our Rules, upon that score reproving the Custom of some Formal Preachers, who spend much pains to little purpose, in finding long Series of connection, where many times none were intended.  
This is the whole substance of what I said in this Affair, and at this period of the Conference the Disputer lost all patience, and with sufficient spite and rage told me, That I was an Atheist; That he had indeed desired my Acquaintance, but would have no more on't; and so turned his back, and went away, giving me time only to Answer, That I had no great reason to lament the loss of an Acquaintance that could be so easily forfeited. Thus, Sir, you have the sincere Account of those Sayings, about which the Disputer hath raised such Tragical Stories. In them he hath accused me of Atheistical Assertions, and affirmed that I said, The Scripture was only written to men's fancies: Which Proposition he hath so ordered, as that many impious absurdities are deduced from it, and those must go for my Opinions. When as 'tis so far from being true, that that Proposition came from me, that I understand not what it means: Only I can collect from it the Disputers Wrath, or somewhat he would be less willing to acknowledge. For either he really believes the Proposition he reports, to be the sense of mine, or he doth not; If really he doth, I cannot excuse his Understanding; if not, I wonder at his Conscience. But that I may together explicate what I meant, and defend it, I add a brief account of my Saying, [That God did much apply himself to the Imagination of the Prophets;] As to which, I observe,  
That both the Schoolmen and others usually divide Prophecy into Intellectual and Imaginary. The former is from a Light immediately infused into the Understanding; the latter, when the Prophetic Spirit makes its first Impressions on the Imagination, by sensible and material Representments. As for the First, it was so rare, that not above one or two Instances are produced by the Learned in the kind, viz. MOSES and St. PAUL. Now commonly the degree of Mosaical Inspiration was distinguished from the Prophetical; and the difference is plainly enough expressed Deut. xxxiv. x. And there arose not a Prophet since in Israel like unto MOSES, whom the Lord knew face to face. For the other Prophets, God saith, I will make myself known unto him in a Vision, and will speak unto him in a Dream: My Servant Moses is not so, with him I will speak mouth to mouth, Num. xxii. v, vi.— intimating a transcendent Privilege to Moses above the Prophets, in the immediate way of application to his mind, without the mediation of sensible Impressions. And upon this account 'tis said in the New-Testament, They have Moses and the Prophets; implying the difference of the dignity and degree of their Inspiration.  
As for the second Instance of St. Paul, his case mentioned two Cor. xxii. was Ecstasy, and may be omitted in our Discourse that concerns Prophetic Revelation; But admitting it, this must be granted however, That the immediate Intellectual way was very rare, and therefore by way of eminency and distinction, 'tis among the Rabbins called the Gradus Mosaicus.  
But for the second kind, viz. the Imaginary and Sensible, this was the ordinary sort of Inspiration, and this the meaning of my Assertion. That it was the usual way of influx upon the Prophets, appears from the mentioned place of Deut. xxxiv. And I will make myself known unto him in a Vision, and speak unto him in a Dream; which was most evidently fulfilled in the latter days of Prophecy, when the Prophetic Illuminations went much this way. It might seem superfluous labour to give particular Instances in Ieremiah's Boiling Pot, his Rod, his Basket of Figs— In daniel's Tree and Four Beasts— In Ezechiel's Chariot, Wheels, Living Creatures— and such like, which in the Prophetic Writings scarce leave a page without example. Now it will not I conceive be denied by any one that understands what he saith, that these Representations were made upon the Stage of Imagination, and those Visa impressed on the Fancy. Upon this account it was that the Enthusiasms of later Prophets were much in Similitudes, Parables, and Allegories; and so Ezechiel complains, Ah Lord, they say of me, Doth he not speak in Parables? And a Lapide gives it for a general Rule, Prophetarum Visions & Revelationes communiter fuerunt Sensiles, sive Imaginary. Rabbi Albo calls Prophesy an Influence from God upon the Mind by the mediation of the Fancy; and Maimonides saith, That all the Degrees of Prophecy are contained in those two, a Dream and a Vision; and joel two. xxviii. mentions these as comprehensive of all the Degrees of Prophecy. But this thing is every where so clear in the Scripture, in the Rabbins, and the Writings of all Learned men that deal in those matters, that I think I need not say much more for proof.  
Only I take notice, That 'twas the general belief of the jewish Writers, and of the Christian Fathers and Schoolmen universally, confirmed by the Authority of Scripture, That Angels were ordinarily the immediate Efficients by whose Ministry the Scene of Prophetic Representations was dressed and ordered. This hath been evidently proved by the Learned Mr. Smith, in his Discourse of Prophecy; and from hence I could infer, if there were need of more, That their menage of this Affair doth reasonably infer, That the Imagination had such a concern in it as I affirm. For 'tis generally denied by the Schoolmen, whose Authority no doubt is great with our Disputer and others, That Angels can immediately imprint Conceptions and Apprehensions on the Understanding; which indeed, among other absurdities that I omit, would infer, That they have that grand Prerogative of the Omniscient, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Knowledge of Hearts, which the Scripture every where vindicates and appropriates to God only. What they do therefore, must be by Phantasms and Ideas impressed on the Fancy. They are the Internuncii and immediate Causes which present the Prophetic Visa; and consequently, the Imagination and Sense are the chief Stage of their Representations. Now this was done divers ways, and the noble Picus Mirandula hath collected out of Maimonides no less than eleven, all which he calls Gradus Imaginarii, in opposition to the Gradus Mosaicus, which is the Intellectual.  
But 'tis not proper for me to insist longer on a thing that is extrinsic to the main design of my Discourse. And it was too but the Conclusion and smallest part of our Conference; Though the Disputer (as far as I can hear) reports nothing else as the matter of our difference, but these two things, about the Method of Scripture, and Gods applying to the Imagination of the Prophets; either because he is ashamed to own the main Discourse, or else hath a Design to throw the odium upon me of Heterodoxy in Religion. When as indeed these came in but accidentally, and we had but a short Contrast about them, which I have faithfully related.   

The CONCLUSION. Containing Observations about the Censure of Atheism, applied to Philosophical Men; and the Author's Apology to the ROYAL SOCIETY, and other generous Philosophers.  
BY this I believe you see how little Reason there was in the Disputer's Discourse, and how little justice in his foul Imputation; upon the occasion of which, if you are not quite tired already, I shall by way of Conclusion offer you a Remark or two concerning the Charge of Atheism, of which some fierce People are very liberal.  
About it I take notice, That Philosophical Men are usually dealt with by the zealous, as the greatest Patrons of the Protestant Cause are by the Sects. For as the Bishops and other Learned Persons, who have most strongly oppugned the Romish Faith, have had the ill luck to be accused of Popery themselves; in like manner it happens to the humblest and deepest Inquisitors into the Works of God, who have the most and fullest Arguments of his existence, have raised impregnable Ramparts with much industry and pious pains against the Atheists, and are the only men that can with success serve Religion against the godless Rout; These, Superstitious Ignorance hath always made the loudest outcry against, as if themselves were guilty of that which they have most happily oppugned and defeated. And the certain way to be esteemed an Atheist by the fierce and ignorant Devoto's, is to study to lay the Foundations of Religion sure, and to be able to speak groundedly and to purpose against the desperate Cause of the black Conspirators against Heaven. This I confess hath been one of the chief Employments of my time and thoughts; and on this account I reckon, I must be content with my share in the abuse, when greater, and better, and deeper men have been pelted with this Dirt, while they have been labouring in the Trenches, and endeavouring to secure the Foundations of the Holy Fabric.  
But besides I observe, That narrow, angry People take occasion to charge the freer Spirits with Atheism, because they move in a larger Circle, and have no such fond adherence to some Opinions which they adore and count Sacred. And for my own part, I confess I have not Superstition enough in my Spirit or Nature, to incline me to dote upon all the Principles I judge true, or to speak so dogmatically about them as I perceive confident and disputing men are wont. But contenting myself with a firm Assent to the few practical Fundamentals of Faith, and having fixed that end of the Compass, I desire to preserve my Liberty as to the rest, holding the other in such a posture, as may be ready to draw those Lines, my Judgement meant informed by the Holy Oracles, the Articles of our Church, the Apprehensions of wise Antiquity, and my particular Reason, shall direct me to describe. And when I do that, 'tis for myself, and my own satisfaction; but am not concerned to impose my Sentiments upon others: nor do I care to endeavour the change of their minds, though I judge them mistaken, as long as Virtue, the Interests of Religion, the Peace of the World and their own are not prejudiced by their Errors. By this modest indifference I secure Charity for all the diversities of Belief, and equally offer my Friendship and Converses to the several Sects and Persuasions, that stick to the plain Principles of the Gospel and a Virtuous Life, overlooking their particular fondnesses and follies. This is the Temper of my Genius, and this some warm Folks, who have more heat than light, are apt to call Scepticism and cold Neutrality: But that it deserves better names, I have made appear in some other. Papers; and I have a little Interest to remark further,  
That 'tis the misfortune of men of Philosophical inclination, where they escape the reproach of the more desperate Atheism, at least to meet the imputation of a bordering impiety, the Contempt of the Holy Scriptures. I am not to answer for all the Pretenders to Philosophy: but this I can say, That those of the graver and better Genius, have such an apprehension of the Divine Oracles, as will effectually secure them from suffering diminution from any Disclosures in Nature: And that is, That those Holy Records speak for the most part in the Language of Sense, being suited to Plebeian Capacities, and intended for Instructions in Life and Manners; not for nicer Informations in things of deeper Speculation and Theory. Upon which accounts they reckon, that we are not to expect from them the Propositions of Philosophy, nor to wonder or be stumbled though the literal Text do not answer Philosophical exactness, which is not the thing the inspired Book intends. So that whatever Discoveries are made by the Inquirers into Nature, the Sacred Authority stands firm, while they judge by this Rule of Interpretation. But of this again in a fitter place, at present my own Concerns call upon me to say somewhat for myself; since my enraged Antagonist hath from our Discourse (how justly we have seen already) reported me an Enemy to the Scriptures.  
And now one would think it should be very needless and improper, that one who Ministers in the eternal Gospel, should say any more than what he doth twice every Week in those Public Instructions drawn from the Sacred Volume, to justify his being no despiser of it: But there are a sort of People with whom one perverse, illogical, uncharitable deduction of their own will signify more, to fasten an odious thing upon him that dissents from them, than a thousand professions of his to the contrary can do to clear him from the malicious Charge. For such, 'tis an happy turn that we are to be judged by a more equal Tribunal than theirs, and they would be loath to be tried themselves by such Measures. Were these the only Persons I have to deal with, I should spare myself these pains; for I know, what I write will not be more plain and credible than what I say. But others are to be considered, of more Christian and candid tempers, upon whom envious Traducers may fasten some odd thoughts and suspicions: To such I declare, That in my first Education I was continually instructed into a Religious and fast adherence to every thing I was taught, and a dread of dissenting in the least Article. This Discipline I underwent in my younger days, and thought very strangely of those that believed any thing different from the Opinions of my Instructors. But advancing in years, and coming to a freer exercise of mine own mind, I began to make Reflections upon the vast diversities and variety of Apprehensions and Religions in the World; I considered, That they were all as confident in their way, as I in that wherein I was instructed; and the greatest part had nothing but their Education for their inducement. I thought how easy we are in our first Age; and that though Children must believe, yet Men, especially those bred in the way of Study, must Try. I considered what I should first advise an Heathen or Mahometan to do, who had been bred up to Idolatry and Fables; and upon the consult with myself, concluded, That it should be to look about him, and to examine other Religions, regarding his own with the same eye of indifferency and suspension, as if he had never been born under that Faith, which was a thing extrinsic and accidental, and therefore not fit to make an Argument to engage a reasonable belief; and when I had so thought, I turned the Tables, and took the same Counsel myself.  
I therefore bend my chief Studies and Endeavours to know the Truth of the Christian Faith; and after the Foundations laid, in the settling the grand Article, The BEING OF A GOD, and the consequent Doctrines of Natural Theology, I sat me down to inquire about the Authority of the Holy Scriptures; not that I positively doubted or disinherited their veracity, but that I might have a firm bottom, and be able to give an account of my Faith and Hope. In my Inquiry, the first Discourses I met with on the Subject did not at all satisfy, but seemed weak and hugely obnoxious: But in the progress of my search, I lighted on those grounds which (I thank God). quieted my mind, and gave me the most Demonstrative assurance that the nature of the thing could bear, of the truth and certainty of those Sacred Writings, which undoubtedly contain the fullest Discoveries of the Divine wisdom and Perfections, which I infinitely admire; and shall eternally adore that Goodness that blest the Sons of men with such clear Discoveries of his Will. And though I perceive that the Follies and Superstitions of Sects, who have the Holy Oracles always in their mouths, and press them for the Service of their conceits, have prejudiced some of the pretenders to Reason against them; yet this I see, That the wiser, freer, better, and more reasonable any man is, the greater still is his Veneration of those Holy Records, and the relish of them increaseth with our Improvements in Virtue and Goodness. This Testimony I must give here, and more I have to say in another place.  
And now I had ended your trouble, but that upon the cast of my thoughts back I have considered, that my main business being the Recommendation and Advancement of the Modern Useful Knowledge, I need make an Apology to the generous Friends of that way, and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY, for my Discourse of Them, and those their great Designs, in a Treatise that contains matter of difference and contest, which are so fundamentally contrary to their Spirit and Endeavours; and it may perhaps be feared, that some will take occasion hence to look on the Neoterick Philosophers as but a new sort of Disputers. To which I say, That for my public appearance in a Controversy, I have already given such an Account, as may, I hope, satisfy the Candid and Ingenious of the necessity that enforced it; and for the apprehension of raising mean and injurious thoughts of the Practical Philosophers, by defending them in a Book of Difference, I hope it is causeless, since I have from first to last represented their Aims and Designs as things very different, yea perfectly opposite to that Spirit and Genius; and I shall now for a close assure you again, That there is nothing tends more to the undermining and supplanting the humour of Disputing, than (the Experimental and Free Philosophy. For this enlargeth the Mind, and gives it a prospect of the vastness of things, and the imperfections of our Knowledge, the Difficulties that are to be encountered in the search of Truth, and our liableness to deception, the stumbles of Confidence, the prejudices of Education, the shortness of our Senses, the precipitancy of our Understandings, and the malign influence of our Affections; I say, the Free and Real Philosophy makes men deeply sensible of the infirmities of humane Intellect, and our manifold hazards of mistaking, and so renders them wary and modest, diffident of the certainty of their Conceptions, and averse to the boldness of peremptory asserting. So that the Philosopher thinks much, and examines many things, separates the Certainties from the Plausibilities, that which is presumed from that which is proved, the Images of Sense, Fancy, and Education, from the Dictates of genuine and impartial Reason. Thus he doth before he Assents or Denies; and then he takes with him also a Sense of his own Fallibility and Defects, and never concludes but upon resolution to alter his mind upon contrary evidence. Thus he conceives warily, and he speaks with as much caution and reserve, in the humble Forms of [So I think, and In my opinion, and Perhaps 'tis so—] with great difference to opposite Persuasion, candour to dissenters, and calmness in contradictions, with readiness and desire to learn, and great delight in the Discoveries of Truth, and Detections of his own Mistakes. When he argues he gives his Reasons without passion, and shines without flaming, discourses without wrangling, and differs without dividing. He catcheth not at the Infirmities of his Opposite, but lays hold of his Strength, and weighs the substance without blowing the dust in his eyes. He entertains what he finds reasonable, and suspends his judgement when he doth not clearly understand. This is the Spirit with which men are inspired by the Philosophy I recommend. It makes them so just, as to allow that liberty of judgement to others, which themselves desire, and so prevents all imperious Dictates and Imposing, all captious Quarrels and Notional Wars. And that this is the Philosophic Genius, may be shown in a grand Instance, the ROYAL SOCIETY, which is the Great Body of Practical Philosophers. In this Assembly though it be made up of all kinds of Dispositions, Professions, and Opinions; yet hath Philosophy so rarely tempered the Constitution, that those that attend there, never see the least inclination to any unhandsome opposition or uncivil reflection, no bold obtrusions or confident sayings. The forbearing such Rudenesses is indeed a Law of that Society, and their Designs and Methods of Inquiry naturally form men into the modest temper, and secure them from the danger of the quarrelsome Genius. This is palpable evidence of the sweet humour and ingenious Tendencies of the Free Philosophy; and I believe 'twill be hard to show such another Example in any so great a Body of differing Inclinations and Apprehensions. Thus the Experimental Learning rectifies the grand abuse which the Notional Knowledge hath so long fostered and promoted, to the hindrance of Science, the disturbance of the World, and the prejudice of the Christian Faith. And there is no doubt but as it hath altered and reform the Genius in matters of natural Research and Inquiry; so it will in its progress dispose men's Spirits to more calmness and modesty, charity and prudence in the Differences of Religion, and even silence Disputes there. For the free sensible Knowledge tends to the altering the Crasis of men's minds, and so cures the Disease at the root; and true Philosophy is a Specific against Disputes and Divisions.  
Thus I might run out into a large Discourse on this Subject; but I have said enough for my present purpose, and I doubt too much for your patience; and therefore I shut up with the assurance of my being,  
SIR, Your faithful Friend and Servant, JOS. GLANV●ILL.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 26. line 6. for Philosophy read Philosophy. p. 30. l. 11. for Elipsis r. Ellipsis. Id. l. 19 p. 33. l. 18. for adserted r. affected. p. 39 l. 5. r. Anaximenes. p. 43. l. 16. r. one. Id. l. 24. r. Christophorus. p. 65. l. 26. r. Vegetables. p. 133. l. 24. r. 2 Cor. xii.   

THE CONTENTS.  
CHAP. I. 
The INTRODUCTION. page 1.  CHAP. II. 
The ways of Improving Useful Knowledge proposed. The Advantages this Age hath from the great Advancements of Chemistry and Anatomy. p. 9  CHAP. III. 
Another great Advantage of late Times, from the Improvements of Mathematics; particularly, of Arithmetic, Algebra, and Geometry, discoursed by Instances. p. 19  CHAP. IU. 
Improvements in Geometry by Des Cartes, Vieta, and Dr. Wallis. p. 31.  CHAP. V. 
The late Improvements of Astronomy. p. 38.  CHAP. VI 
Improvements of Optics and Geography. p. 46.  CHAP. VII. 
That Useful Knowledge is to be aided by Instruments. Modern Instances of such. Of the Telescope, Microscope, and Thermometer. p. 51.  CHAP. VIII. 
Of the Barometer and Air-Pump, and what Advantages we have and may further expect from these Instruments. p. 59  CHAP. IX. 
The Credit of Optick-Glasses vindicated, against a Disputing Man who is afraid to believe his Eyes against Aristotle. p. 65.  CHAP. X. 
Our Advantages for Knowledge from Modern Improvements of Natural History. p. 71.  CHAP. XI. 
The Advantages of late Ages for spreading and communicating Knowledge. Three great Instances of it, in Printing, the Compass, and the Royal Society. p. 75.  CHAP. XII. 
Of the ROYAL SOCIETY. The Reasons of the Institution, and their Designs. An Answer to the Question, What have they done? p. 83.  CHAP. XIII. 
An Account of what hath been done by the Illustrious Mr. boil, for the promotion of Useful Knowledge. p. 92.  CHAP. XIV. 
A further Account of what that Gentleman of Honour hath by him, not yet published, for the Advantage and Improvement of Real Knowledge. The Reasons we have to hope great Things from the Royal Society. p. 102.  CHAP. XV. 
The Absurdity of making Comparison between the Advantages Aristotle had for Knowledge, and those of later Ages. p. 110.  CHAP. XVI. 
The Reasons of some men's Superstitious Adherence to the Notional way; and of the Disputer that gave occasion to this Discourse. p. 115.  CHAP. XVII. 
Of the Peripatick Philosophy, and Aristotle, as he concerns the Universities. p. 122.  CHAP. XVIII. 
Some things else debated by the Author with the Disputer, about the Prophets and the Scriptures. The Imagination was ordinarily the immediate Subject of Prophetic Influx. p. 128.  The CONCLUSION, 
Containing Observations about the Censure of Atheism, applied to Philosophical Men; and the Author's Apology to the ROYAL SOCIETY, and other generous Philosophers. p. 137.    

Books newly Printed for James Collins at the Kings-Head in Westminster Hall.  
ABlow at Modern Sadducism, in some Philosophical Considerations about witchcraft. To which is added, The Relation of the Famed Disturbance by the Drummer, in the House of Mr. john Mompesson. With some Reflections on Drollery and Atheism. By a Member of the Royal Society. 8o.  
A Loyal Tear dropped on the Vault of our late Martyred Sovereign, in an Anniversary Sermon on the Day of his Murder. 4o.  
Two Discourses of Toleration, By Dr. Perrinchief: In Answer to two Discourses of Mr. Corbet's. 4o.  
A Discourse of Subterraneal Treasure. 12o.  
The Practice of Serious Godliness: Affectionately recommended and directed in some Religious Counsels of a Pious Mother to her dear Daughter. 12o.  
The Triumphs of Rome over Despised Protestancy. 8o.  
A Sermon preached before the Peers, in the Abby-Church at Westminster, Octob. 10. 1666. being the Fast-day for the late Fire. By Seth Lord Bishop of Exon. 4o.