blazon of the Newdigate family 
Sr. Richard Newdigate of Arbury in the County of Warwick Baronet 1709    

THE Negroes & Indians ADVOCATE, Suing for their Admission into the CHURCH: OR A PERSUASIVE to the Instructing and Baptising of the Negroes and Indians in our Plantations.  
SHOWING, That as the Compliance therewith can prejudice no Man's just Interest; So the wilful Neglecting and Opposing of it, is no less than a manifest Apostasy from the Christian Faith.  
To which is added, A brief Account of Religion in Virginia.  
By MORGAN GODWYN, Sometime St. of Ch. Ch. Oxon.  Judges 19 30. 
And it was so, that all that saw it said, There was no such deed done nor seen from the day that the Children of Israel came up out of the Land of Egypt, unto this Day.  Acts 4. 20. 
We cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard.  
If we must answer for our idle Words, how much more for our idle silence?  St. Augustin. 
LONDON, Printed for the Author, by ●. D. and are to be Sold by most Booksellers. 16●0.   

To the most Reverend Father in God, WILLIAM by Divine Providence, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, his Grace; Of all England Primate and Metropolitan, and one of his Sacred Majesties most Honourable Privy Council.  
May it please your Grace,  
IT is at once both the Duty and Interest of these Papers to beseech your Favour and Patronage, and to beg leave to carry in their Front a Name so sacred; as being not only a Sanctuary from danger, and a Preservative against the infection and poison of Malicious Censures; but also so rich an Ornament, as in itself sufficient to give them that Reputation and Lustre which of themselves they wanted, and to supply all the Defects and Errors of the unskilful Author.  
An Ambition I should confess unpardonable, were the Temptation less, or the Subject meaner; which in truth doth so much pertain to your Grace's Inspection, that to have addressed themselves to any other, had been an alienation of your Grace's Property, and no less than Sacrilege. Which being considered, I trust the apprehended Gild will vanish; And by that Acceptance, which your Grace's wont Humanity promises, the Crime will borrow another Name, and be transmuted into a Virtue.  
I do not crave your Grace's acceptance of these Papers upon any score of their Merit, unto which they dare not pretend; But do only beseech that charitable Kindness to be extended to them, which is due to Strangers: Especially coming so far, and upon such an Errand, as to implore Relief for those Myriads of hungry and distressed Souls abroad; most of them within the English Dominion, though without their Care; and even vast Numbers being no other than our People's Slaves and Vassals; but from whom also the Bread of Life is most sacrilegiously detained. And by this your Condescension and Kindness to these stranger-Suppliants, it is not impossible, but that Blessing may be repeated to you, Of entertaining Angels. The dignity of their Message being sufficient to qualify them for those Titles and Names, which otherwise they durst not assume, and could no way challenge.  
It would be but gross Impertinence for me to undertake to acquaint your Grace how zealous our Ancestors were in promoting Works of this nature, the advancement of Religion in foreign Regions, even beyond their own Power, and Jurisdiction. Nor need I to mention how some others do make this very thing an Essential Mark of the Catholic Church, and from thence would prove their Religion true, and ours, at the same time, false: And do therefore conclude that they have sufficient grounds to unchurch us, and to determine us no Christian Nation. Nor shall I go about to parallel our Crime with that of the Ancient Britain's, it being indeed much blacker; of whom yet Gildas complains (as a most grievous Impiety), that they never took care to preach the Gospel to the English and Saxons, their (not Domestics and Vassals, which these, we speak of, are, but) most cruel Invaders and Oppressors; and even to this he ascribes his People's and Country's overthrow. But instead thereof shall offer up my Prayers at the Throne of Mercy, that the like fatal, (but infinitely less excusable,) Neglect of our People abroad, not to say at Home also, may not prove alike Ominous, nor hasten the accomplishment of those Evils, which have so lately threatened, and do still hang over us; and of which, 'tis possible, that very mischievous and scandalous Neglect has been the prime occasion. And at the same time bemoan our hard Lot to be born and live in an Age so utterly barren of those Rich Fruits, with which the former did so abound: And that when the most opposite Parties do compass Sea and Land to make Proselytes, We only are charged with the Neglect, I shall not add the opposing of it; that being the Crime of such degenerated English, who with that air, have imbibed the Barbarity and Heathenism of the Countries they live in: And with whom, through the want of Discipline, Christianity doth seem to be wholly lost, and nothing but Infidelity to have come in its place.  
And thus, I have given your Grace the Motives inviting me to this bold attempt, together with tbose other for this Publication; which assuredly will not prove ineffectual whilst your Grace shall continue what you have always been: It being impossible that that flame of Religious Zeal, which hath hitherto so vigorously acted in your Grace, should be Extinguished whilst you are alive; But must needs excite you to further endeavours for the good of Souls, though at a remoter distance than both the India's; or that you should suffer a thing of that Consequence for to sleep. Which doubtless will give you a Name in the blessed Records of Eternity, equal to those Primitive Pious Bishops and holy Patriarches, who have been most Industrious and Vigilant in publishing the Doctrine, and promoting the Service of their Lord and Saviour.  
But I begin to be tedious, nor will your Grace's occasions of greatest Moment, admit of unnecessary Avocations: Wherefore (to avoid being further troublesome) I shall humbly submit this whole Affair to your Grace's Wisdom and Conduct, and no less myself to your disposal: As being  
My Lord, Your Graces most Dutiful and Obedient Servant, and most Devoted Orator, M. Godwyn.   

THE PREFACE.  
THe state of Religion in the Plantations is such, as that to stir up all men's Zeal and Commiseration, there needs no other Argument than its being rightly understood and known.  
This is industriously avoided and prevented by such, who as public Agents for those parts, should in the first place represent the Wants and Grievances thereof; being of greatest consequence both to the Souls of Men, and to the Government under which they live, and by which they are Protected and Employed; and therefore ought in Conscience to preserve it.  
But the Gospel being become stolen News, and those glad Tidings sounding but as some Anile Fable or Dream, the necessity of this needless and troublesome Charge about Religion, cannot enter into such, who for the most part do know no other God but Money, nor Religion but Profit. Which, with some other prouder Considerations, provokes them to obstruct all designs for the good of those Churches, and to report all things already so well settled, as not needing the least amendment or alteration. Presuming (belike) that no half-starved Caitiff coming from those parts, will be so hardy as to gainsay Men in Authority, befriended with the Purses and Power of whole Provinces to defend them; and thereby enabled to support their own, and to blast any other the most innocent Man's Reputation.  
But being myself fully persuaded, that God will assuredly make good his Promise to the World, of causing his Gospel to be published, his Name called upon, and his Church established among the remotest Nations, I have here attempted to break through this Opposition; and as not knowing how to justify my silence, which perchance might be more safe; without any regard to those gentlemen's displeasure, which I must expect even to the utmost degree; I do here tender to the Public this Plea both for the Christianizing of our Negroes and other Heathen in those Plantations, and for settling (or rather reviving) of Religion amongst our own People there.  
And as the Epidamnians (a Colony also, but oppressed by a Faction) coming to Corcyra their Mother-Country, 
Thucyd. l. 1.  are said to have pointed to their Ancestors Sepulchers, and challenging Kindred with them, did thence infer their natural Right to relief and assistance from those Corcyreans; So I doubt not but, besides these, (which are no less true, and may as well be alleged by us,) many nobler Considerations will prevail for the Relief of those parts. For our Church being, as is too evident, indebted to the Wise and Unwise, to the Barbarians and others, both Bond and Free; how can she, the former Veil being removed, forbear to impart her Bread, the Word of Eternal Life, to the many wretched Souls there, who do daily perish through the want thereof?  
Rather as St. Paul's Macedonian, Acts 16. suing for help, was to him an infallible token, that God had called him to preach the Gospel unto them; so I question not but the miserable state of those People thus represented to our most Reverend Fathers and Countrymen, and alike needing and imploring their help, may stir up the same Zeal and pious Sentiments; and in the end prove no less effectual for the propagating and preserving of Christianity in those Colonies. And since the detecting of Conspiracies against Religion, is a work so grateful, as at this time doth especially appear; I hope I shall deserve no blame (from good People) for thus offering my Mite of Discovery also; not against some one Party or Division in Religion, but of a more dangerous Conspiracy, even against Christianity itself, with the very Life and Being thereof. To defend and preserve which, against the Hellish contrivances of our Anti-Religionists (such as we find, Acts 13. 8. and who are grown very numerous,) ought to be the united and joint endeavours of all Persons (of what Sect or Party soever) who do retain any Sense or Affection for it: Each Soul vowing with himself, (in the Comedians Language) Nunquam eam se deserturum, non si capiundos sciat esse inimicos omnes Homines: And resolving not to desist from prosecuting those Enemies to God and Man (its implacable Adversaries,) until they are exterminated from off the face of the Earth. We having certainly as much reason to be zealous for Christ's Laws, 
Dic Hospes Spartanos re hic vid●sse iacan●es, D●m Sanctis Patriae legibus obsequimur.  as those Heathens, who thought a bare Inscription on their Graves, a sufficient reward and recompense for bravely attempting (though perishing in) the defence of their Countries.  
But here 'tis possible that they may be apt (as 'tis certain they have Confidence enough) to deny this whole Charge, even to their refusal of the Christianizing of their Slaves, were it a thing less known. But this last being so manifestly true, can any Man once so much as doubt of the rest? There being (questionless) nothing so black, which he for his profit (if with impunity) will not perpetrate, who, without scruple, can so glibly swallow that Impiety. Nor is it against Charity to think the worst of one, who, by that single Omission, lives in a perpetual contempt of Christianity, and hourly affronts that Faith he professeth to believe. And I do here once for all declare, That whatever Passages I have in this Discourse delivered of them, are either what have proceeded from my own Knowledge, as being an Eye or Ear Witness, and (perhaps) a Patient under them; or else which have been attested to me by Persons of as great Veracity and Credit, as any those parts do afford, (of whom divers are now residing in England); who could have no design in the Imposture, and therefore are not by me in the least suspected. Nay further, even themselves, (unless resolved to be Perjured upon Record), if examined upon Oath, must confess as much. Nor do I desire any thing more, than to be brought upon a Justification; which they cannot but know can never (here) succeed to their Advantage. And for their Threats (I have heard) of throwing Dirt, and smiting with their Tongues, (besides that this is but a shifting off of the Question); as they shall not take me unprepared, so let them know, that whilst I have this shelter to fly unto, Nil conscire mihi, nullâ & pallescere culpâ; the very worst they can vomit forth will never in the least prejudice me in the opinion and esteem of Good Men.  
Lastly, Whereas some may perchance object against my spending Time in this Discourse to prove the Negro's Humanity, and to show that neither their Complexion nor Bondage, Descent nor Country, can be any impediment thereto. Tho I have spoken to it, Pag. 13. and elsewhere, yet here I shall further give this Answer, That this is as needful (the contrary being believed, or at least made a pretence) as any of the rest. And here let the Objecters also remember, that a thousand Years since, it had been as ridiculous for any Man to go about to prove that Bread was Bread, and not Flesh: Whereas now the greatest Divines of both the Protestant and Romish Persuasion, have though it no disparagement to their Learning, to write large Volumes, the one for, but the other against that Faith. And for other (whether Imaginary or Real) defects in this Discourse, if Charity and the goodness of the Design will not veil them, I hope that at least it may find some mitigation of the Censure, from the consideration of its being written in Terra barbara.   

The CONTENTS.  



The INTRODUCTION.  
WHerein the Temper and Inclination of our People in Barbados, etc. as to the promoting of Christianity among their Slaves, etc. is described; and the Motives for writing this Discourse are showed, with the Necessity thereof. Page 1.    
Chap. I. That the Negoro's, &c. have naturally an equal Right with other Men, to the Exercise and Privileges of Religion; of which 'tis most unjust in any part to deprive them. P. 9  
Chap. II. That the Profession of Christianity absolutely obliging to the promoting of it, no Difficulties nor Inconveniencies, how great soever, can excuse the Neglect, much less the Hindering or Opposing of it; which is in effect no better than a Renunciation of that Profession. P. 86.  
Chap. III. That the Inconveniencies here pretended for this Neglect, being examined, will be found nothing such, but rather the contrary. P. 106. alias 122.  
Chap. IU. Wherein certain little Shifts and Pretences from England are examined, and found weightless. Also some few Proposals preparatory to this Work are laid down; with Exhortations to both Ministers and People, to a cheerful and speedy betaking themselves thereto. P. 151.  
To which is added, A brief Account of Religion in Virginia, in a Letter to Sir W. B. P. 167.    

Errata.  
PAge 24. read Herm-aphrodite. P. 31. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. P. 38. r. jure, for modo. P. 44. l. 12. r. could. P. 48. l. 26. r. 2. 5, 6, r. 7. 8. P. 52. l. 26. f. [The, r. the] & deal doth, and l. 31. before And, make). P. 63, 64. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. P. 113. (otherwise 97) l. 23. f. here, r. so. P. 114. (or 98) l. 16. r. persuade. P. 116 (or 100) l. 28. r. empty. P. 119 (or 103) l. 13. r. in, f. of. P. 128. l. 17. r. who, f. and, P. 171, l. 4, and 11. r. him, f. them. l. 10. r. his, f. their.   

THE NEGROES and INDIANS ADVOCATE, SUING For their Admission into the Church. OR, A PERSUASIVE to the Instructing and Baptising the Negroes and Indians in our PLANTATIONS.  
Showing that as the complying therewith can be no Prejudice to any Man's just Interest; so the wilful Neglecting and Opposing of it, is no less than a manifest Apostasy from the Christian Faith.  

The INTRODUCTION.  
Wherein the Temper and Inclination of our People here (viz. in Barbados) as to the Promoting of Christianity among their Slaves, or other Heathen, is Described; and the Motives for writing this Discourse are showed, with the Necessity thereof.  
§. 1. IT having been my Lot since my Arrival upon this Island, to fall sometimes into Discourses touching the necessity of Instructing our Negroes and other Heathen in the Christian Faith, and of Baptising them (both which I observed were generally neglected;) I seldom or never miss of opposition from some one of these three sorts of People: The first, Such, as by reason of the Difficulty and Trouble, affirmed it not only Impracticable, but also Impossible. The second, Such who looked upon all Designs of that Nature, as too much savouring of Popish Supererrogation, and not in the least Expedient or Necessary. The third, Such (and these I found the most numerous) who absolutely condemned both the Permission and Practice thereof, as destructive to their Interest, tending to no less Mischief than the overthrow of their Estates, and the ruin of their Lives, threatening even the utter Subversion of the Island. Who therefore have always been very watchful to secure that Door, and wisely to prevent all such mischievous Erterprises. Themselves in the mean time employing their utmost Skill and Activity to render the Design Ridiculous, thereby to affright the better disposed (if any) from ever consenting to an Act, which, beyond all peradventure, would so much call their Discretion and Wisdom into Question.  
2. This spirit of Gentilism (for that is the mildest Name it will deserve) was principally occasioned through the want of care in the seating of these Colonies, where Religion ought to have been planted together with the first Inhabitants; as amongst all Christians, besides ourselves, hath elsewhere been generally practised: But the English, for being of the best Religion, are to be excused. 'Tis true, the Negro's ignorance of our Language was for some time a real Impediment thereto, and so long a tolerable plea for the Omission; but none afterward, when they had arrived to an ability of Understanding, and discoursing in English equal with most of our own People; which many thousands of them long since have: Whilst now after such a long Risk of Licentiousness, an ungodly Custom grown strong, is kept as a Law: To gainsay which is looked upon as no less impious, than elsewhere it is (and formerly it universally was) reputed Meritorious.  
3. Now to represent this more plausible to the World, another no less disingenuous and unmanly Position hath been form; and privately (and as it were in the dark) handed to and again, which is this, That the Negroes, though in their Figure they carry some resemblances of Manhood, yet are indeed no Men. A Conceit like unto which I have read, was some time since invented by the Spaniards, to justify their murdering the Americans. But for this here, I may say, that if Atheism and Irreligion were the true Parents who gave it Life, surely Sloth and Avarice have been no unhandy Instruments and Assistants to midwife it into the World, and to Foster and Nurse it up. Under whose Protection getting abroad, it hath acquired sufficient strength and reputation to support itself; being now able not only to maintain its ground, but to bid defiance to all its Opposers; who in truth are found to be but very few, and those scarcely considerable. The issue whereof is, That as in the Negroes all pretence to Religion is cut off, so their Owners are hereby set at Liberty, and freed from those importunate Scruples, which Conscience and better Advice might at any time happen to inject into their unsteady Minds. A Fiction hardly to be paralleled throughout the Fables of the Poets; and which I presume never before found entertainment amongst any, beside those above mentioned; or perhaps our Neighbours of Holland, whose Religion is also governed by their Trade, and (as hath, I fear, been too justly charged upon them) for the sake thereof shall be denied.  
4. Now whilst in my thoughts I reflected upon these wild Fancies and absurd Positions, which I had often heard (though not in express words, yet in terms equivalent) no less impudently urged and asserted, than I saw universally practised. A petty Reformado Pamphlet was put into my hand by an officious FRIEND, or Quaker of this Island, (I suppose, in order to my Conversion); upon the perusal whereof, which was strictly enjoined me, I met with this malicious (but crafty) Invective, leveled against the Ministers, to whom it was by the way of Interrogatory, directed and applied in no other than these words: Who made you Ministers of the Gospel to the White People only, and not to the Tawneys and Blacks also? (with many other the like insolent Queries, following in a tedious Harangue, I think, to this effect, for I shall not undertake to rehearse his words exactly): Why do you not teach your People in this part of their Duty, or at least show them the way by your Example, beginning at HOME with those of your OWN FAMILIES, whom you cannot deny but you neglect as much as you do the rest? What should be the Reason that you spend so much time in Railing against us, whom you call Quakers, and other peaceable People; but where there is Occasion, have not a word to say? As if this Ignorance of Christ in them were not as well worth your Pains and false Zeal, as the beating down of Phanaticism, as you are pleased to term Innocent People's belief and persuasions? Doth not this silence proceed from a fear of Men, whom you are loath to displease by this Doctrine, for what covetous ends yourselves best know? And do you not thereby testify that you are Men-pleasers and Hirelings; but not the Servants of God, nor as you falsely pretend Ministers of Jesus Christ, who, as as your Catechism (if you ever read it) doth confess, came to Redeem all Mankind, without excepting NEGROES and INDIANS? And therefore his Ministers and Apostles were by him commanded to preach the Gospel to all the World, and to be Witnesses of him to the uttermost parts of the Earth. Is this the way to set forward the Salvation of all Men; and to make the Ways of God and of the Gospel known unto all Nations, and to all Conditions of Men therein, not omitting Slaves, nor any other? Is this to prepare the Way of Jesus Christ against his second coming to judge the World, by turning the Hearts of the Disobedient to the wisdom of the Just, and to approve yourselves faithful and true Pastors, earnestly feeding the Flock of Christ, and preaching his Word unto them, as in your Collects (as you call them) you pretend to pray? Is this to follow the Saints in all Godly and Virtuous Living, who as you read, Mark the 16th and the last Verse, went forth preaching every where, and ventured their Lives into all the World to preach the Gospel to the Heathen, when you neglect it in your Parishes and Families? Is this to take upon you the Office of a Minister, to serve God for the promoting of his Glory, and the edifying of his People committed to your care and charge? Is this to be ready with all faithful diligence to use both public and private Monitions and Exhortations, as well to the Sick, as to the whole within your Cures? Is this to be diligent to frame and fashion your own Lives and your Families according to the Doctrine of Christ, and to make both yourselves and them, as much as in you lieth, wholesome Examples and Patterns to the Flock of Christ, laying aside all study of the World and the Flesh? For shame cease to call yourselves Christ's Ministers, unless you will be contented to work in Christ's Vineyard, to preach his Doctrine truly, and to exhort and edify the poor of his Flock, as he commanded you; and to testify both to small and great, bond and free, (as his Apostles and Ministers did) the whole Counsel of God, lest hereafter you be found partial in yourselves, against which both Paul and James do warn you, etc. This was the scope and substance of our Quakers Harangue (if my Memory fails me not) with a great deal more to the same purpose, which I have neither will nor leisure here to repeat; what I have already delivered, being sufficient to silence us as to any Reply, besides that of the Poet, 
— Pudet haec opprobria nobis  
Et dici potuisse, & non potuisse refelli.  The Duties there by him urged, (though doubtless with cursed intent, and as Judas became Spokesman and Orator for the Poor) being evident from the avowed Principles of all Christians; no less than from the express words of our own Liturgy, by him collected from the several parts thereof: As will be seen upon the perusal of the Collect for the Ember Weeks, the general Prayer for all conditions of Men, the Collect for Good Friday, that for the second Sunday in Advent, and for St. Peter's, and All-Saints Days; and lastly, from the Responses in the Book of Ordination of Priests and Deacons. And the Neglect reprehended, being too apparent to be either shifted off, or extenuated by any palliation, or excuse.  
5. Now upon this I began to question with myself, If the Gospel be good Tidings, why should it be concealed, or hid? And since designed so to all People, why should not these partake of it as well as others? If we are bound to pray for their Conversion, why are we not also to endeavour it? And since that our Blessed Lord commanded his Apostles, St. Mat. 28. to go and make Disciples of ALL the Heathen, why may it not be alike lawful for me, with the great Apostle, Heb. 2. 8. to both argue and conclude, In that he said All, he had excepted none? I then also fell to reflect upon the Doom of the unprofitable Servant; and that since Christ had been thus merciful to me, putting me into the Ministry, so unworthy of it; I could have no pretence to be silent; and that I ought not to lay my (tho slender) Talon up in a Napkin, lest thereby I should justly incur the like sad Doom. And withal, observing that no abler Advocate for them had appeared, I concluded myself under some Obligation, to endeavour to wipe off these Blemishes, and to repair the Honour of our Religion and Profession. But withal, chief to admonish our People of this Neglect; and if possible, to convince them of the wickedness of those horrid Positions and Principles before mentioned; as also of the necessity of their speedy applying themselves to that great Duty hitherto so unchristianly omitted. Whereupon my thoughts after some time, resolved themselves into these three general Assertions.  

1. That the Negroes (both Slaves and others) have naturally an equal Right with other Men to the Exercise and Privileges of Religion; of which 'tis most unjust in any part to deprive them.  
2. That the profession of Christianity absolutely obliging to the promoting of it, no Difficulties nor Inconveniences, how great soever, can excuse the Neglect, much less the hindering or opposing of it, which is in effect no better than a renunciation of that Profession.  
3. That the Inconveniencies here pretended for this Neglect, being examined, will be found nothing such, but rather the contrary.   
And this I do the more confidently here undertake from the encouragement and counsel of the Wise Man, Eccles. 11. 6. thus advising: In the morning sow thy seed, and in the evening withhold not thine Hand, for thou knowest not whether shall prosper, either this or that, or whether they both shall prove alike good. And as not in the least despairing of a due success, though even Briars and Thorns should be with me, and my dwelling should be among Scorpions; since the Almighty hath by the Mouth of his Evangelical Prophet given us this assurance, Isa. 55. That as the Rain cometh down, and the Snow from Heaven, and returneth not thither, but watereth the Earth, and maketh it bring forth and bud, that it may give Seed to the sour, and Bread to the eater: So shall my Word be, that goeth forth out of my Mouth; it shall not return unto me void, but it shall accomplish that which I please, and it shall prosper in the thing whereunto I sent it.  Ezek. 8. 9 And he said unto me, Go in, and behold the wicked Abominations that they do here.  

CHAP. I.  
That the Negroes (both Slaves and others) have naturally an equal Right with other Men, to the Exercise and Privileges of Religion; of which 'tis most unjust in any part to deprive them.  
§. 1. ANd thus our Negroes and Indian's case as to Religion being summed up and truly stated, and our People's temper and inclination towards the Conversion of them being represented; I betake myself to my first general Assertion; which I shall divide into these three Propositions.  

1. First, That naturally there is in every Man an equal Right to Religion.  
2. Secondly, That Negroes are Men, and therefore are invested with the same Right.  
3. Thirdly, That being thus qualified and invested, to deprive them of this Right is the highest injustice.   
1. For the first of these, viz. That naturally there is in every Man such a Right: There are none can easily doubt, who do understand either what Religion is, or the true end for which Man was made; namely, to glorify and serve God; which is no other than to be Religious. Now this being the certain End for which Man was made, a Right to perform that End cannot be denied him.  
2. Which Right was not superinduced as an additional supply of any imaginary defects of his Creation, but was at first planted and form in him. Nor doth he enjoy it in common with other Animals, but claims it as his special Privilege peculiar to him [as Man], and in a distinct manner from the rest of the Creation: Nothing here besides being endued with a Capacity suitable, and therefore not pretending thereunto.  
3. And as Man alone lays claim to this high Privilege, so it is most certainly every Man's, there being none so despicable or base, but hath as unquestionable a Right thereto, as the most illustrious and wise Virtuoso; holding the same equally and in common with all others of the like species with himself. The reason whereof is, because he claims it upon the account of his being Man, and only [as such] hath that Right. Now, Quatenus & de omni reciprocantur: As also, A quatenus ad omne valet consequentia, say the Logicians: That is, whatsoever is avouchable of any Creature [as such], must be equally true of every individual Branch and Member of the whole kind or species; all being equal sharers in those common gifts of Nature.  
4. As for Instance: The sensitive Faculties, as Seeing, Hearing, Smelling, etc. As also the natural appetite to Food, desire of Sleep and Rest, with other the like affections, are common to all Animals; but not to Plants or Vegetables, because peculiar only to the other. These they do claim [as such], and therefore may not be denied to any the most inconsiderable Animal of the whole Creation. For being thereof once deprived, they instantly cease to be, or to be reputed [such.]  
5. Even so, Ex tot generibus nullum est Animal, etc. said the Roman Orator; Of all Creatures here below, Man only hath the notion of a Deity, and a propriety in Religion. Which Right and Propriety doth belong unto him only upon the account of his being Man; that is, because he is endued with a reasonable and immortal Soul, which alone constitutes him a Man, and capacitates him for Religion. For without this he were not a Man; could neither be subject to Laws or Discipline, nor capable of Rewards or Punishments after this Life: Nor in a word, could be any longer separated, à grege brutorum, as the Poet speaks: Above whom he is only advanced by that Prerogative of Reason implanted in his Soul, the only proper and apt seat for Religion.  
6. For that the Soul of Man is that alone, which qualifies and enables him to be Religious, and that Man's grosser and heavier parts do contribute nothing thereunto, is manifest: For that Religion being an exercise wherein the Mind and Understanding only are concerned, the Body abstracted from these, (by whom it is to be led and directed) can supply no other part in this Work, than of a secondary Agent therein, and as subservient to the other. For otherwise Atheists, and resolved wicked Men, might serve God and be Religious; whilst like Engines compelled thereto, their Bodies shown some little compliance with the present Action, so far as outward Gestures would go; though they believed nothing of the work they were about: and even a Beast might be taught to do the like; but could never be governed by Laws, be reduced under Discicipline and Government (of which Man by his understanding is alone capable) or be subject to the impressions of Conscience; have a prospect of Happiness, or be apprehensive of future Dangers and Contingencies; much less be able to provide against them. All these Faculties being peculiar to the Rational Being, or Soul, seated in Man only: Of whose Species, if our Negroes can be truly said to partake, then will it of necessity follow, that they are Originally stated in the like Natural Right to the Privileges of Religion. The thing that I am next to prove.  
§. II. 1. I must confess the Antecedent is by our Anti-Religionists, (as was at first remembered) and even by some others who would be thought less Enemies to Piety, with no small resolution opposed, though not always expressly, yet in words equivalent, and withal most fully explained by their subsequent daily Practice. Which Practice, because their words may be capable of a milder construction, (though in this case not in the least deserving it); I intent for the sole, at least chief Rule or Measure to judge of and to understand the other. And here let no one account it incredible, that Interest should seduce Men into such a monstrous opinion, (which divers even in England have been heard to defend) and (as prejudging the cause and matter) conclude it time misspent, in labouring to refute it: But remember how much stranger opinions, a much greater part of the World upon the like Motive have elsewhere, though in another kind, embraced. And as to this, there wanting not Irrational Creatures, such as the Ape and Drill, that do carry with them some resemblances of Men. The too frequent unnatural conjunctions (as Taverneir discourseth in his Voyages) of some Africans with those Creatures, (though not so as to Unpeople that great Continent) giving occasion for such surmises as to some few there, though never of any that were brought hither; our Factors being too worldly wise to commit such gross oversights in their Civil Affairs, whatever greater may escape them in their Spiritual. And the Spaniards question (which the same Taverneir also mentions) touching the Brutality of the Americans, (and, which I have heard was held in the Affirmative in one of the Universities of Spain) serving not a little to make my report more credible; and to acquit me of all fictitious Romancing herein. Wherefore it being granted for possible that such wild Opinions, by the inducement and instigation of our Planters chief Deity, 
Since my return to England, the Reverend D. of H. told me, that an Inhabitant of B being by himself urged to get his Attendant Negro's Baptised, made the like Objections, with those which he found recited in the Papers I shown him, which were no other than a part of this Book. And though such Practices may seem strange to People in England, yet the same Persons going thither are suddenly changed, so that they make nothing of it.  Profit, may have lodged themselves in the Brains of some of us; I shall not fear to betake myself to the refuting of this one which I have spoken of. For the effecting of which, methinks, the consideration of the shape and figure of our Negro's Bodies, their Limbs and Members; their Voice and Countenance, in all things according with other men's; together with their Risibility and Discourse (Man's peculiar Faculties) should be a sufficient Conviction. How should they otherwise be capable of Trades, and other no less Manly employments; as also of Reading and Writing; or show so much Discretion in management of Business; eminent in divers of them; but wherein (we know) that many of our own People are deficient, were they not truly Men? These being the most clear emanations and results of Reason, and therefore the most genuine and perfect characters of Homoniety, if I may so speak. Or why should they be tormented and whipped almost (and sometimes quite) to death, upon any, whether small or great Miscarriages, it is not material, were they (like Brutes) naturally destitute of Capacities equal to such undertake? Or why should their Owners, Men of Reason no doubt, conceive them fit to exercise the place of Governors and Overseers to their fellow Slaves, which is frequently done, if they were but mere Brutes? Since nothing beneath the Capacity of a Man might rationally be presumed proper for those Duties and Functions, wherein so much of understanding, and a more than ordinary Apprehension is required. It would certainly be a pretty kind of Comical Frenzy, to employ  about Business, and to constitute them Lieutenants, Overseers, and Governors, like as Domitian is said to have made his Horse a Consul.  
2. Their Objections against this, are poor and trivial; yet because with a great many here, seeming to carry no little weight, (for otherwise they could never both argue and act so absurdly, as they do); And because found serviceable to their great End, which I have before spoken of, not rejected by the Wiser; they must not, silly and idle as they be, for these Reasons be slighted. They are of divers sorts. The first whereof are certain impertinent and blasphemous distortions of Scripture; out of which they would fain bribe four places, to wit, in Genesis 1. 27, 28. and 2. 7. and 4. 15. and lastly, 9 25, 26. to give in evidence for them. Now in the two first of these they strain hard to derive our Negroes from a stock different from Adam's: but by the third, they bespeak them as descendants from Cain, and to carry his Mark: And yet by the last, as if condemned to contradictions, they make them the Posterity of that unhappy Son of Noah, who, they say, was, together with his whole Family and Race, cursed by his Father. Of which Curse 'tis worth the observing what blessed use they to themselves do make, and what variety of advantages they thereby reap. For from thence, as occasion shall offer, they'll infer their Negro's Brutality; justify their reduction of them under Bondage; disable them from all Right and Claims, even to Religion itself; pronounce them Reprobates, and upon a sudden (with greater speed and cunning than either the nimblest Juggler, or Witch) transmute them into whatsoever substance the exigence of their wild reasonings shall drive them to.  
3. I confess, as for the third of these, which is Cain's Mark, they insist not much upon it, because thwarting their Pre-Adamitism, of which they are extremely fond, though many times 'tis by their less skilful Disputants pressed to the Service. But the Pre-Adamites whimsy, which is preferred above the Curse (because so exceeding useful to undermine the Bible and Religion, unto both which they have vowed never to be reconciled) they believe invincible; though upon but a very superficial trial, found (as will instantly appear) to be in some things false, in other, empty and silly; but in nothing, of any considerable weight or moment. For the fuller proof whereof, I shall crave leave to refer the Reader to that no less Learned than Judicious Person, Judge Hales, in his Book lately published concerning the Origination of Man, wherein the whole Mystery of that foul Heresy is unravelled, and most strongly refuted.  
4. But that I may not seem wholly to shift my Reader off to that Reverend Author, and as it were shelter my sloth and ignorance (which last doth, I confess, stand in need of such an able Supporter) under his learned Pen, I shall beg his patience a little, whilst I take upon me to entertain him with some two or three of that learned Doctor's Arguments, who was the first Author of that Opinion; all by him borrowed from Gen. 4. 2. etc. from whence he undertakes to confirm his unheard of Hypothesis.  
5. Of which, the first I shall attempt to unbowel is that, wherein he takes it for granted, (I cannot point out the Chapter and Page, it being long since I read it) that before the commencement of that History, there must be a numerous race of Men, not derivable from Adam. For first he there observes, that Abel was a Keeper (the Hebrew, as our Margin also directs us, saith a Feeder) of Sheep. This without more ado he concludes was to secure them, not from straying or being devoured by Wolves, but from being stolen: And by whom? Not by his Parents, or Brother, that being unlikely; but by other Sheep-stealing Rovers of the pretended former Creation.  
6. Secondly, he observes from the same Chapter, that Cain was a tiler of Ground, that is, an Husbandman. This, saith he, doth suppose divers Trades to be at the same time in being; to wit, Smiths, Plow-Wrights, Carpenters, etc. to furnish him with Instruments of Husbandry. (The like he might have inferred, and 'twas a gross oversight if he did not, from Adam's being put to dress Eden; Gardening-Tools (tho 'tis said, that there was not a Man to make them) being as requisite for that work, as Plows for the other). But had this learned Man traveled the more Southern parts of Africa; or most, if not all the parts of America; he might perhaps there have learned a more Orthodox Comment upon these Texts, and more decently have solved his Doubts. For there he might have beheld the Natives (probably still retaining the fashion of those Elder times) planting each Man his own provision of Maiz; room being first made for the Seed to pass into the Ground with no subtler Engine than a simple Stick thrust into it, or it may be with his Finger: And after this weeding his Corn with Fish shells, instead of Hoa's, used by the English, and other wiser People. And this they still practise, without craving the least assistance (unless, possibly, some few of them since our Arrival) from those Trades; of which, as indeed of almost all other, they are wholly ignorant.  
7. Thirdly, turning to the Septuagint Bible, he there reads that Cain, talking with his Brother, invites him in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to go into the Field. From which Clause, not found in the Hebrew, he is sure they must needs at that time dwell in some Town or City, not so soon to be built by Adam's thin Race. And therefore other Architects and Workmen must be fetched from that imaginary Elder Creation. But this Logic, even admitting that Clause, would never hold in Virginia, where there is neither Town nor City (their Metropolis excepted, lately consisting of some twelve or fourteen Families, but since the late Rebellion and Burning of it, I suppose of fewer) throughout that, nor even the Neighbouring Provinces. And even in this Island, we know that Men do not always take their way thorough the Bridg-Town into their Plantations. And no more necessity was there for Cain and Abel's not doing the same. And here also the Natives (and I shall suppose no less of the South of Africa) could have taught him to erect places for Shelter and Lodging, such as 'tis possible both Adam and his Children for a long time might be contented with, without the aid of Masons or other Builders, than what were needful for platting of Arbours, covered only with Leaves, or the Bark of Trees, which generally are the Royal Mansions and Basilicks of their greatest Kings and Emperors. But this Eutopian or Atlantean City, having no Foundation nor being, any where extant, but in our Quixots rambling Fancy, there is no need to produce either Builders, or Inhabitants for it.  
8. However, to put an end to this Dispute: There is no doubt but that these places in Genesis, viz. Chap. 2. 5. & 3. 20. & 7. 21, 22, 23. and 10. 32. All leveled as it were expressly against this Doctrine of Pre-Adamitism, (as the learned Judge hath observed) do certainly carry in them no less truth, than those other, which its first Author, (contrary to the sense and judgement of the whole World, both Jews and Christians, who have gone before him) hath wrested to that his wicked purpose; and aught with as great certainty to be believed. So also doth Saint Paul's affirmation at Athens, in the hearing of the Wits and Virtuosos there, (who refused not to acquiesce with him in the same judgement▪) That God had made [of one Blood] all Nations of Men, for to dwell on all the face of the Earth, Acts 17. 26. I say, these with many other weighty Arguments and Testimonies from sacred Scripture, aught to challenge from us at least an equal measure of credit with those Dreams of that Fantastic Author: And may no less at the same time inform us, how misbecoming Wise Men and Christians it is (without consideration of what may be said on either side) in a moment to run down and explode such ancient received Principles, for an irrational Novelty, never before thought on; and thus to shake the foundation of the Christian Faith, only to gratify a silly Humour, and to show how bold they dare be with the Almighty. Who yet, if they are resolved not to be satisfied with the Account which Moses gives of the Creation, as hitherto it hath been generally understood and received; It much stands them upon since, they reject the Old, to find out a New and better; which, to give them their due, they do not in the least pretend to, beyond bare and empty Conjectures, void of all Ground and Reason: Which though themselves may admire, they must allow others a due liberty, at the same time, to esteem ridiculous.  
9 But here, (after this Deviation to return to the matter in hand) we are to take notice that their objected Pre-Adamitism, doth not at all prejudice, nor even relate to this Question, which is touching the Homoniety of our Negroes, not their Origination or Descent. That Creation which they pretend to be Antecedent to Adam's, being, according to the Principle of its first Author, no less of Real Men than this latter; their Posterity therefore must needs be such. And our cause hath this further Advantage, that as Cham's African Race, and the Curse said to be annexed thereto, do make nothing against our American (nor yet Asian) Slaves, nor Tributaries; so this Pre-Adamitism doth utterly evacuate and overthrow whatever they from thence might otherwise infer, though in itself never so conclusive and good.  
10. Nor are they like to speed better from the Ninth, than from the three former Chapters; unless they can make it appear that that Curse did deprive all Cham's Posterity of their Reason, and so metamorphose them into Brutes. Nor yet even so will it do their Work, unless they also prove that all Negroes, wheresoever found, are his Posterity, and particularly Descendants from Canaan, against whom alone that Curse was denounced, (as in the progress of this Discourse I shall show) which will be no very easy task. But this I shall refer to the next Section to be further considered; what at present I shall think requisite to be spoken being only this, that since Man alone is capable of Discipline, of which our Negroes, equally with other People, are: Nothing but Malice can be supposed to bespeak them less, which even at the same time must be thought to belly itself. And so for the present letting this and such other Arguments rest, which they pretend to borrow from the Holy Scripture, where in truth not the least syllable can be wrested so as to favour this their brutish supposition; I shall proceed to examine whether the voice of Reason, the thing they so mightily pretend to, will determine more on their behalf, than either Religion, or the sacred Writ.  
11. For to do them Right even in this so bad a Cause, they are not of those who eat to answer at this Bar, so long as they have any thing which they imagine will make for them, there to be insisted on. But here at last failing, which, 'tis to be presumed, in such a Case they cannot but soon do, we may the less blame them, if, for their ultimate refuge and defence, they betake themselves to Railing, or even to worse Arguments. Their specious Reasons on which this pious belief is grounded, do seem to have been drawn from these four Pretences; the Complexion, Bondage, Pretended Stupidity, and Barbarousness of our Negro's Manners, because different from ours. Of the second of which, they make this twofold Use, first to brutify them; and then, that proving defective, to deprive them of all both Temporal and Spiritual Rights, which their Manhood, notwithstanding their being Slaves, would otherwise infer: Of which last, I shall speak in its proper place, and in the mean time consider only what relates to the present Matter.  
12. I shall begin with the first, and that is their Complexion, which being most obvious to the sight, by which the Notion of things doth seem to be most certainly conveyed to the Understanding, is apt to make no slight impressions upon rude Minds, already prepared to admit of any thing for Truth which shall make for Interest, especially if supported with but the least shadow of Argument: And therefore it may not be so improbable (as I have (elsewhere) heard affirmed) that from so poor a Medium, our Negro's Brutality should be inferred, by such whose affection to so gainful a Doctrine, cannot but make the Way smooth and easy to their Conviction. Such People in these Cases being not apt to reflect, (and, probably not caring) how derogatory to the Goodness and Justice of God it is, to represent him thus idly Propitious to empty Shadows, and even to White and Red, that so out of his infinite regard thereto, he should throw off all respect to the Work of his Hand, and to unman and unsoul so great a part of the Creation. Nor yet, (which is more strange, because their own immediate concern) that the Argument may come one Day to be turned against themselves, and improved to chastise their Brutishness, who from thence did at first so maliciously infer that absurd Conclusion to the prejudice of so numerous and vast a People.  
13. For it is well known, that the Negroes in their Native Country, and perhaps here also, if they durst speak their inward Sentiments, do entertain as high thoughts of themselves and of their Complexion, as our Europeans do; and at the same time holding the contrary in an equal disdain, (the like whereof is affirmed of the Natives of Japan, as to their own, and the Fashions and Manners of all Strangers, as Mr. Bloom in his Geography witnesseth): Whereby the Missionaries of the Roman Church, (who to facilitate their Conversion, do condescend to humour them in divers things) are said to represent our Blessed Saviour in the Negro's Complexion; themselves also describing the evil Spirit in ours. Now if Fancy and Opinion against Reason must carry it, there is no doubt but they will not spare for that, even to vie with the best of us; and then for number, 'tis certain they can out-muster us. So that without a recourse to Force, the Contest on our part will be managed upon very unequal terms, and in no case is like to succeed but to our disadvantage. And for Force, I shall in due place show, how little it can avail in things of this Nature.  
14. But the determination of this Point will much depend upon the right understanding and knowledge of Real Beauty, a true standard whereof the Nations have not yet pitched upon. That being Deformity with others, which amongst us is the only perfect and complete Figure. As a certain Author in a Treatise upon this Subject, by infinite Collections and Instances in the practice and behaviour of more distant Nations, hath abundantly shown. So that if the other part of the World should once come to agree upon this particular, without consulting us here (which 'tis possible, when ever they go about it, they may omit), and like unto us, maliciously determine the Matter in favour of themselves, they only may be the Men, and ourselves but Beasts.  
15. And that no better is like to be the Issue of such a Consult, may be from hence concluded, for that the largest proportion of People, perchance five out of six parts of the World, will upon a due survey, be found of a more dull and sable Complexion than the Europeans. Of whom, as may be probably conjectured, many by mingling with other Nations, as Spain with Moors, Jews and Saracens, are, for the general, short of the English clearness. The like may be suspected of other bordering Regions; and of Britain itself, if we call to mind the Epithets [Picti & Caerulei] which the Poet Martial, Epist. 45. l. 11. & 99 l. 14. bestowed on its Inhabitants. And even of those Countries that are more Northerly, the Natives Countenances do differ much from ours. As the swarthy Americans about Hudson's Bay, and of Canada, with the adjacent parts, do testify. And those of our own Nation, or our Neighbours, who have betaken themselves to these hotter Climes, do in a short time after their setting foot here, discover a very discernible alteration, not only from those at Home, but from themselves also as to what they were at their first arrival. Whose Offspring, after the Succession of some few Ages, may, (judging by what is already visible of many of them) become quite Black, at least very Duskie and Brown, like our brindle Mulattoes and Indians. The Persians also, and Madagascars, with other Eastern Nations, do carry more swarthy Complexions, inclining to the Colour of the former, and even blacker than the Moors: That observation of the Poet, Et mauro obscurior Indus; being still no less true, than when 'twas first made: Now if the like should happen here to our English Offspring, we should one Day have too much cause to repent of our large Discoveries in these Parts, which of Men, (by their being Transplanted hither) must so inevitably make them to degenerate into Brutes.  
16. This Fiction of the Brutality of the Negroes, doth contradict that Maxim in common observation concerning the Non-generation of Monsters; for these being no part of the first Creation, did not obtain from God that Blessing of being fruitful and multiplying, and of replenishing the Earth, Gen. 1. 28. & 8. 17. which other created Animals than did. According to which our Mulattoes and Mestizo's (the production of Negro or Indian mixtures, with other less swarthy People) would want this prolifie faculty, and never be able to procreate their like; the contrary whereof is daily seen in this and in the other Colonies. The like also would be the condition of the African Moors, opposite to Spain and Italy, of whom 'tis scarce to be doubted but that they are a mixed Generation; descendants of Negroes, the first Inhabitants, and Europeans, from the opposite Shores, by whose People they have formerly been Conquered; Their Hair, Figure, and Complexion (the same with our Mulattoes) bespeaking no less. Whereas our remoter Africans, into whose Territories those Nations never till of late had pierced, and so had no opportunity of the like Mixtures, are perfectly Black, their Hair frizzled like Wool, as the many thousands here do witness. Now all these Moors, must, like the Mules (from whom the term Mulatto is borrowed) be for ever Barren, admitting the said Supposition and Maxim to be alike true.  
17. Herein doth also concur every Man's Sense and Judgement touching other Creatures, nothing doubted (though Black) to be of the same species, with the Whiter: As is seen of Birds, which do often differ much in the Feather, yet nevertheless are one and the same in kind. But, alas! for this the poor African must be Unmanned and Unsouled; accounted, and even ranked with Brutes. A partiality highly becoming Christians, pretending to so much Justice and Knowledge, which some do arrogate to themselves, and would even be thought to profess, whilst they practice and assert Principles so opposite thereunto!  
18. Here also it might be demanded, Why Colours should do more than Deformities, by all granted not to prejudice the concerned party as to his Species? A Crooked Person, Dwarf, or Hermaphrodite, being as truly of the Species of Man, as any the more Complete, Simple, and well Proportioned. The Canons of the Church formerly (and for aught appears still) allowing even those last, as capable of Benefices without Dispensation, saith one, and to be promoted to Holy Orders. And both the Civil and Common Law not prohibiting them to be instituted Heirs, to succeed to an Inheritance. And even Monstrous Births partaking of Mankind, having the benefit and help of Reason, may very well, saith the same Person, be admitted to succeed to their Parents dying Intestate, according to the custom of most Countries, which willeth that the Dead should give Seizing to the Living.  
19 To this, I shall not think it time misspent to rehearse a Story, borrowed out of a French Author made English; which happened, as he saith, not many years since, near Argenton, a Town in Normandy. It is this: A certain Gentleman complotted with some Neighbours there to play certain Plays, wherein should be acted certain Devils, to the intent that the Pleasure and Pastime of their Pageant might be greater. And this Gentleman would needs himself be attired in the habit of a Devil, and did personate such a part; Insomuch, as after the Plays were ended, he chafed in his Furniture, went home to his Wife, and had company with her clad in the same attire wherein he played the Devil. By means whereof, she at the end of nine Months, was delivered of a Son so Monstrous, as in his Countenance, Head, Face, and all the parts of his Body, especially in his Feet, he resembled and was more like unto a satire, such as the Poets have described, than unto an ordinary and natural Man. After this he had other Children; all which, together with their brother the Monster, did survive both their Parents. Upon whose decease there grew a Contention and Variance between them, touching the succession of his Inheritance; all of them endeavouring to exclude this Monster, not only from the birthright of being Heir and Eldest Son, but even from the total Succession of any thing that he should claim, that might in Right appertain unto him. Hereupon was the Process sued, and the Matter proceeded in suit between them, before a Judge of an Inferior Court: By whom it was ordered that they should make their Entry upon the Estate, and that the Eldest Brother should Inherit, as next Heir to his Parents, according to the Custom of Normandy. From this Sentence, the younger Brethren brought their Appeal, and removed the Suit into the Court of Parliament of Rouen, where it was by them pleaded, that he was a very Monster born, and that there was no Reason that he should be accounted a Man. But hereunto it was replied, That those were not in any sort to be allowed Monsters, who are born of Mankind, and are capable of Reason, and of the future Resurrection. But those only are to be held for such, who are born of some Beast, and not of a Man; which last, as they are forthwith to be slain, so the former may not in any sort be so dealt with, whether they have the use of Reason or not; but be so Monstrous as not having so much as the Face of a Man, but rather of some Beast. Nor are they ever denied due succession in Inheritance; but the Monster doth either Bellow like an Ox, or eat Grass as a Sheep, performing only the actions of a Beast. And therefore the Defendants concluded, that the Judgement had been well and rightly yielded: And the Court by a solemn Arrest, did confirm the same, and pronounce that the Sentence, from which the Brethren had Appealed, should be fully and wholly Executed, etc. Thus far our Author. Wherein may be observed, that as Interest induced the younger Brethren to conspire together to deprive the Elder of his Inheritance upon the advantage of his Deformity, so the Reasons and Arguments used in his behalf, together with the Sentence thereupon awarded, do prove as much for our Negroes, as for that supposed Monster. To this I shall add, that in the Book before mentioned (Numb. 14. of this Section) consisting of strange Representations and unusual Features, both of Face and Body, agreeable to the Fashions and Customs of the several places they relate unto, but much exceeding the deformity of Complexion; the Author doth not therefore in the least seem to suspect any of them, as if thereby the further removed from perfect and real Men.  
20. This opinion also, if driven to the head, would infer another no less strange and before unheard of conceit in Divinity, viz. That Colours are a means of Grace, and have a power in them to recommend us to God. Whence it would follow, that Virtue should be an unseparable attendant upon Beauty; and the fairest Bodies must then inevitably enshrine the purest and brightest Souls; the contrary whereto was the Satyrist's observation. The holy Scripture no less informing us the same, when it teacheth us, that God looks not upon the Countenance, or the height of the Stature, nor seethe as Man seethe, but God looks upon the Heart. And in truth, this whole Argument is fraught with too many evil Consequences and Absurdities to be relied on: and therefore deserves to be thrown aside, and be forgotten into a disuse, as too dangerous a Weapon for Slaves to learn the use of from us. And which being turned to the other end, may be so improved as to humble us to the same Brutality, which we so ridiculously have imputed to our Negroes.  
21. NOR will Bondage, which is the next thing to be treated of, do any more towards this Metamorphosing and Brutifying of our Negroes, than Deformities could: It being not to be imagined by sober Men (whatever the distracted Tribe may do) that Misfortunes and evil Accidents should carry that force in them as to alter Substances; there being no so great Fascinations attending the mightiest changes of Fortune, as thereby to take away the nature of things. For he that before was a Rich Man, or Potentate, is still a Man, though like Belizarius, become a Beggar. Marius was as much a Man when concealed in the Marsh and Dungeon, as when he arrived to be Consul the Seventh time. And Caesar when in the Pirate's hands, was the same Man, as when he got to be Perpetual Dictator. David was but a Man when he was King of Israel; and so he was too, when pursued by Saul. Nor did Job become a Beast upon his great Losses, any more than he could be supposed more than a Man, upon his Restauration. Now Slavery is but a lower degree of Poverty and Misery; but not the lowest; for there are conditions more Calamitous; As to be deprived of all the Comforts of Life by a perpetual Confinement and Necessity, with a continual dread and expectation of a miserable Death. So also to be vexed with loathsome Ulcers, and sharp tormenting Diseases, all hopes of Relief and Respite being cut off; are conditions to which Slavery, simply and alone, is to be preferred. Yet none of these do unman the Party, though they may much humble and debase him. Such evils altering only the outward state of things, but making no impression upon the inner Man, further than as ourselves shall give way thereto; which froward and impatient Minds can as well do without it. An adverse Fortune may deprive us of our Goods and Liberty, but not of our Souls and Reason. Of which whilst we are possessed, and do quietly enjoy, 'tis neither the Ambition nor Covetousness, much less the Frowns and Menaces of any Imperious or Tyrannic Lord, can bereave us of that Right which we naturally have to be ranked within the Degree and Species of Men.  
22. And to manifest this, I will suppose, what I would be loath should happen, that some one of this Island going for England, should chance to be snapped by an Algerine, or Consaire of Barbary, and there to be set on Shore and Sold; Doth he thereupon become a Brute? If not, why should an African, (suppose of that, or any other remote part) suffer a greater alteration than one of us? This certainly must either not be, or must proceed from some secret power peculiar to that Soil and Air, where Slaves are gendered and made; and than what Spell have we against such powerful and strange Brute-Anthropies?  
23. If Slavery had that force or power so as to unsoul Men, it must needs follow, that every great Conqueror might at his pleasure, make and unmake Souls; and a Servant running away, or buying his Freedom, would make himself one: As on the contrary, he that suffered his Ears to be boared at his Master's Door-post, Exod. 21. 6. must in that act annihilate and destroy his Soul, his Body nevertheless surviving. And the having, or not having of a Soul, would signify but the bare enjoyment or want of Liberty; of which a Horse is no less capable than a Man.  
24. But that Conquest and Subjection can make no impression upon the Soul, is plain even from this, that it cannot effect a less thing; not subdue the Will, which yet is under the command of the Soul, but not within the Adversaries power: A Victory being rarely heard of which makes the Affections to yield, and reduceth the Will of the conquered Party: as the Poet long since sang; 
— Victoria nulla est,  
Quam quae confessos animo quoque subjugat hosts.  Now Religion being, according to Lactantius, of all things most Voluntary, cannot be expelled its hold at another's pleasure; nay, it is not under the power of the Owner; for a Man cannot believe, or not believe whatever he pleaseth. Now all that can be said to abate the power of Conquest over the Will or Mind, doth conclude more strongly against our Plagiaries, who are invested with a less full and complete Authority over their Captives and Slaves, than Conquerors are.  
25. And here withal it might be considered, how monstrous and inhumanly cruel they are, who do both buy and retain in this Soul-murthering and Brutifying-state of Bondage, those whom they might so easily restore to their pristine Homoneity, and of mere Beasts, with one little blast of their Mouths, even but a word or two, convert into Men; and be at the same time the happy Authors of life to Souls, as well as freedom to Bodies. A Privilege too great and glorious for the rest of the World to enjoy, and yet not regarded here.  
26. Again, If Slavery hath such a faculty or power as to transmute Men into Beasts, or if all Negroes be naturally such, may we not be bold to demand what will become of those Debauches, that so frequently do make use of them for their unnatural Pleasures and Lusts? Or of such of our People, who have Intermarried with them? Sure they would be loath to be indicted of Sodomy, as for lying with a Beast. It would be therefore convenient for them to renounce that Beastly opinion; or else that the Law may have its free Course, and be let lose upon them: Of which they would have no cause to complain, but of that first wicked Principle.  
27. Lastly, If a Slave setting foot upon the Soil of some Countries, (as of France) be thereby at the very instant made a Freeman; or else, (as in the same Kingdom is also customary) by receiving Baptism: It must needs follow that these several Actions have the faculty to transubstantiate Things and Persons: because by setting Slaves at Liberty, they furnish them with Souls; and of certain Creatures, of a different Species, (for that will necessarily follow, if they were not such before) do create them Men. But if this be false, then being become free, they either must still be without Souls, or else were endued therewith in their very Slavery; the latter of which must needs be true, the first being not in the least suspected.  
28. And here also it may be demanded and considered, why Liberty and Freedom should effect more upon Men, than upon other Creatures; who according to this Supposition, the wilder they are, because thereby the more at Liberty, would so much the nearer approach to Humanity, and be endued with Souls too; But (which of all the rest, is most Monstrous) with such Souls, as must in all things agree with an Animal, or Brutish (not a Rational) being, the transformed into Men. And so all Subjects and subordinate Governors would be Men but in part; but yet by so much the more, by how much they approached nearer to Absoluteness. And in all the Grand Seignior's spacious Dominions, where there are none but Slaves, there would not be so much as one Man besides himself; not excepting the very Christians. The evil consequences of which Belief, the Authors thereof may sooner feel, than they are willing to understand or see.  
29. There were no Men in the World so likely as the ancient Greeks and Romans, to have entertained this base esteem of Slaves; because void of all impediments to their Sensuality, and free from those ties of Conscience unto which Christianity is subject, had they had any colour of Reason for it; and, being such from whom are transmitted to us the greatest precedents of Severity towards their Slaves, as having no Restraints besides the goodness of their Disposition and Genius, which were not always very operative in divers of them; yet Reason prevailed so far with them, as to confess them to be Men, nothing appearing upon Record in contradiction thereto, but very much from their Poets and Writers in the confirmation of it. Hence that trite Distich, ascribed to Cato, adviseth, Si fueris servos mercatus, etc. Homines tamen esse memento: Agreeable to that of the Greek Poet Philemon, thus expressing the same Article of the Gentiles Belief; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That is, That no one is the less a Man for Servitude. And no less doth the good natured Master in Juvenal acknowledge, when on his Slave's behalf he delivers this Oracle, Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa; That no consideration could be too great where a Man's Life (then, as is said, pleading for his Slave) was concerned. Which the Virago Mistress in her Reply, durst not Contradict, O Demens! Ita Servus Homo est? Tho she derided her Husband's tenderness. And Augustus Caesar, as I think Dion relates of him, being invited to a Dinner, where he overheard the outcries of a certain Slave, condemned to be Impaled for a miscarriage about some Crystal Glasses, forbade the Execution, affirming, That the Life of a Man (that is, of that Slave) was of too great value to be destroyed for Trifles. And Tully, speaking of Justice, declares it due, Etiam adversus Infimos, even to the basest sort of Men, which he there affirms Slaves to be. And though these Heathens did not much trouble their Slaves with Religion, yet their allowing it to them (which these words of Aristophanes, in his Acharnens. pag. 572. where he introduceth one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, una cum servulis sacrificantem, as the Paraphrast reads it, (The same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being used Eccles. 10. 25. in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) do not obscurely intimate) doth plainly discover in what rank of Creatures they accounted them. And for the Jews and Turks, their being admitted to the Passeover, Exod. 12. 44. by the first, and the others zeal to proselyte Slaves, both Negroes, and others; do testify their esteem of them. And even the last, the under the like temptation of Profit, yet do not think it worth their giving the Lie so palpably to both their own and every Man's Reason.  
30. THE two last things objected, are the Negro's Stupidity, and the pretended barbarousness of their Manners; both which, for brevity, I shall dispatch together. Their Barbarousness (which I shall treat of first) must be discernible either from their Demeanour and Conversation in the World, or else from their behaviour and practice in their Worship and Ceremonies of Religion; or from both. Now for Religion, It cannot be denied but that nothing is more barbarous, and contrary to Christianity, than their Polygamy, their Idolatrous Dances, and Revels; in which they usually spend the Sunday after that the necessity of labour for their Provisions (for the Planting of which, that Day alone is allotted them) has been complied with. But as to these, the blame doth lie wholly upon such, who pretending themselves Christians, do suffer and even compel them to those Actions; part whereof are against their Wills, and where even a Check or Frown, would restrain them from the rest.  
31. And here, that I may not be thought too rashly to impute Idolatry to their Dances, my Conjecture is raised upon this ground (besides their being Gentiles), for that they use their Dances as a means to procure Rain: Some of them having been known to beg this Liberty upon the Week Days, in order thereunto. Now it is certain, that the Gentiles anciently did esteem and practise Dancing, as a part of Divine Worship: And no less also did the Jews; as may be proved from Exod. 32. 19 and from David's Dancing before the Ark, 2 Sam. 6. Add to this their placing confidence in certain Figures, and ugly Representations, of none knows what besides themselves (which very decently for want of more Magnificent Temples, they usually enshrine in some stately Earthen Potsherds;) The Fugitives and Runaways believing these Deities able to protect them in their Flight, and from Discovery, (like as the Egyptians worshipping of Baal Zephon, was to detect them): Their companions and fellow Slaves also, that remained at Home, having been overheard upon the seizure of these Puppets, in a search after the other, instantly to give assurance that there was no possibility of their further concealment. And this doubtless is a manifest token of their Impiety in this kind, and no less of their Barbarity. But as Christianity would soon (if duly applied) cure this evil; so I see not how it should prove them to be Brutes, more than the rest of the World, formerly, and even to this Day, more or less, addicted to the same vanity and deception of false Worship.  
32. And then as to their Civil Conversation and outward Demeanour in the World, it cannot be expected it should be so Gentile and Modish as our Europeans, who perchance must be acknowledged as not to be paralleled by any other of the three Quarters thereof; upon whom yet as great Barbarity was formerly no less chargeable; as most Authors do agree. Plutarch, in the Life of Theseus, tells us that the Athenians lived scattering like the wild Nomader of Scythia, before they were by him reduced to a better order of Life, form into civil Societies, and acquainted with the blessings of Government. And the Aborigines are by Sallust, described to have been, Genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, sine imperio, liberum atque solutum, Certain wild People, without Laws, or Government, lose and destitute of all positive Obligations. And Cesar's account of the Ancient Britain's, is not such as should make us proud; For he informs us that they were clad with Skins, and did paint their Bodies; (from which custom the name of Britain is by our Cambden derived). He also adds, that Brothers with Brothers, and Parents with their Children, had Wives in common: A greater Barbarity than I have at any time heard of amongst the Negroes. And this we find, of them, very late, and but a few Years before our Saviour's Birth, though situated much nearer to the civilised World, and withalin a colder Clime, than any part of Africa, and most of America. And so little were they advanced in Civility by their converse with a gentiler People, that even two hundred Years after this entrance of Caesar, we find the forementioned Epithets of [Picti and Cerulei] continued to them. Nor doth Tacitus give any more honourable account of the Germans, from whom the Saxons, our immediate Ancestors are sprung. Of whose Barbarousness also Gildas a Britain, with other of our Writers, have delivered no very creditable Account. The Danes, who supplanted them, were full as bad, if not worse. And the Picts who inhabited the North of Britain, had that Name continued long after the other had lost it; for no better Reason than that, for which the first had it given them. Neither is it improbable but that the Gaities and Adornments of Elder Ages, did much consist in Discolouring and Painting themselves, which is still practised in America. Our greater Personages no less affecting the like diversity of Colours in their Attire; and yet must be reputed (not Barbarous, but) Gentile for it. The like Custom 'tis possible was in use amongst other Nations, were their Antiquities raked into. And though Ireland in times past, as is intimated by V Bede, Eccl. Angl. Hist. l. 3. c. 24. & 47. be reported to have been a place of Learning, so that other Countries are said to have sent their Youth thither, as to another Greece, or Athens, to be trained up in Learning; yet so much are they Degenerated, or at least so little Fruit thereof hath of late accrued to their Posterity, that the Natives of that Kingdom, who have been Imported hither, are observed to be, in divers respects, more Barbarous than the Negroes: And this in its kind is so notorious in some of them, as to fall under even the Negro's observation; by whom this petulant Taunt hath contemptuously, and in reproach of their doltish Stupidity, been returned upon them, viz. That if the Irishman's Country had first lighted in the Englishman's way, be might have gone no further to look for Negroes: That is, Slaves, such as the Negroes here generally are. (These two words, Negro and Slave, being by custom grown Homogeneous and Convertible; even as Negro and Christian, Englishman and Heathen, are by the like corrupt Custom and Partiality made Opposites; thereby as it were implying, that the one could not be Christians, nor the other Infidels.)  
33. Which Indication of our Negro's contempt of that dull and phlegmatic People, doth show the cause of their Ignorance to be the want of Converse and Education, which may also befall other Nations, and even the Inhabitants of our Mother Country. It being certain, that Africa was once famous for both Arts and Arms; that Carthage did rival with Rome for the World's Empire, and had well nigh gotten it, though now become an Aceldama of Barbarism; even to the degree of rendering its Inhabitants suspected for Brutes, as we here find and see. And it is also evident, that all our own People do not exceed these either for Knowledge, or Piety; nor yet always for Civility, whatsoever Brutishness is by some proudly objected to them. And without a provision for Schools (of which the scattering way of living in these Colonies is scarce capable) together with a stricter Care taken to suppress Debauchery (hardly to be outdone (therein) by Sodom, were it standing) may at last end in the like Barbarity; and like that lasting monument of God's Wrath against Impiety, may, without a timely Repentance and Reformation, be made a like Spectacle and Example to such as desire to live 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without Religion, suffering for it the vengeance of Eternal Fire.  
34. But in our own People, neither their Ignorance, nor Vicious Lives, nor any never so barbarous Practices, doth render their being Men the more suspected; nor cause any question touching their Right to Religion, though not at all prized by them. Which yet is plainly upon pretence thereof (how justly I shall elsewhere discover) denied even to the Infants of the other, though their Parents, or at least one of them, were Baptised, and (according to that measure of Knowledge they had attained to) Professors of Christianity; it may be imported out of England. For even of those they take no more care; Nor yet of such other, whom themselves, though but seldom (yet sometimes) have for fashion sake, upon their being there, caused to be Baptised: I say, even to these, they permit the exercise of Religion, no otherwise, then as they do to the most Ignorant of them. But rather upon their return, untwisting as it were that Web, they seemed to wove in England. Remitting them to their former Stations, and compelling them to herd it with their wilder Countrymen, and as it were forcing them to revive their Paganism. Not allowing their Children Baptism; nor suffering them upon better terms than direct Fornication, to live with their Women (for Wives I may not call them, being never Married). And accounting it Foppish, when Dead, to think of giving them Christian, or even decent Burial; that so their pretence for Brutifying them, might find no Contradiction.  
35. Nor would I be thought to speak this at Random. For I cannot easily forget the supercilious Checks and Frowns (to say no worse), which I have upon this occasion alone met with; and for such innocent Arguments and Persuasions, I have, in the opinion of some i'll Professors (otherwise called Atheists), perhaps less prudently, (I am sure to the Ruin of my small Interest) been sometimes bold to urge to our People, in order to their Conviction, as to the necessity of this Duty. Particularly once, soon after my arrival into this new World, for minding a Negro of his Baptismal Vow formerly made in England, not doubting it to be grateful to his Master, whom I took for a discreet Person: Which indeed he was, so far as getting of Money, quo modo, quaeque injuria, would amount to; in which his Wisdom, I afterward found, did wholly consist. By others it hath been demanded of me, What I had to do with their Servants, when once affirming them to be a part of a Minister's Care and Charge. Another time it was told me with no small Passion and Vehemency, and that by a Religious Person (for so in all things else she appeared), that I might as well Baptise a Puppy, as a certain young Negro, the Mother whereof was a Christian, and for aught I know (notwithstanding her Complexion) as dear to God as herself. Nor was this Gentlewoman in the least infected with Anabaptism, but a frequenter of the Church, and very carefully procuring always for her own, what she thus denied to her Negro's Children. And another of the same Sex, upon my baptising a Male Negro of hers, of about thirty Years old, speaking English plainly, and earnestly beseeching it; caused this Message to be delivered to me, That Baptism, I was to understand, was to one of those no more beneficial, than to her black Bitch. Others also of both Sexes, I have heard Scofsing and inveighing at it, with no little spite and inveteracy; though not appearing such, whom I might take for absolute enemies to Religion; which I fear too many, in these parts, are. And in truth, the hard Words, and evil Language I have upon this account received (and do expect will now again be repeated) would take up too much room here to be rehearsed; nor is it very pleasant for me to remember, further than to blame that first horrid Principle, the natural result whereof these Discourses and Practices have most certainly been. There being no doubt but that (to use the words of one of our Homilies, in an almost parallel case) they take the multitude [of Negroes, I shall add] for vile Souls, of whose loss and safeguard no Reputation is to be had; for whom yet Christ paid as dearly, as for the mightiest Prince, or the wisest and best learned in the Earth. And they that will have it generally taken for indifferent, that a very few take no hurt (herein alone the Case differs, all being involved in the same Neglect and Danger) though infinite multitudes besides perish thereby, do show that they put little difference between the Multitude and brute Beasts, whose danger they so little esteem. And in this belief, I am the stronger confirmed, for that some of them are more indifferent, as to the baptising of their Mulattoes, as conceiving these a less degree removed from Men, whose Parents on the one side are English, or of the Whiter sort; whilst to such as are wholly the Offspring of Negroes, they utterly deny it.  
36. 
Since the committing of these Papers to the Press, even while the last sheet was Printing, a certain Berbadian openly maintained these Positions, That Negroes were Beasts, and had no more Souls than Beasts, and that Religion did not concern them. Adding that they went not to those parts to save Souls, or propagate Religion, but to get Money. Which, with much more to the same purpose, he uttered with so much passion and vehemency, that all who heard him, believed he spoke not more his own, than the seas●● and opinion of the place.  I am not ignorant but that upon the dispersing and publishing of these Discourses (if ever such a thing should happen) the Correspondents and Factors for our People residing in England, (no less than those here) disliking to see their mystery of Iniquity laid open to the view of the World, may be apt (as most certainly they will) to decry the whole charge as a piece of Calumny and Slander; notwithstanding that their Practice is so notorious, and there is no one, not perfectly blind, that can avoid the seeing of it; Nay, even such cannot but know it. Which must be granted by all to arise either from Infidel Paganism, with a Contempt, and even renouncing of the Gospel of our LORD (which is much the worst); or from that other of their conceiving their Negroes to be but Brutes. Unto which last, their Discourse doth rather incline, though there be no small cause for suspicion also of the first. Others again may hope to shelter themselves under that common subterfuge for Blasphemies, That what of this kind hath at any time escaped them, was only to sharpen their Understandings and Wits, by thus whetting them with Dispute; or else that they uttered nothing further than by way of Raillery. For my part, I shall not presume to dive into their Intentions, nor judge of their Thoughts; but only beg this kindness of them, That if I must take their Arguments for feigned, they would favour me so far as to suppose the same of my Answers; and withal accept of this further Advice, viz. Not to practise Opinions, which they are ashamed to own amongst better People. It being most certain, that what elsewhere they would perchance have thought to be Dispute only, and in jest, is here acted in the strictest earnest; even beyond the equity of their Hypothesis, treating their Slaves with far less Humanity than they do their . For they do not use to starve their Horse, which they expect shall both carry and credit them upon the Road; nor to pinch the Cow of her Fodder, by whose Milk their Families are sustained: Which yet (to their eternal shame) is too frequently the lot and condition of these poor People, from whose labour their Wealth and Livelihoods do wholly arise: But yet, whose possessors [whilst they] slay [and starve] them, (not only their Souls but their Bodies also, which are worn out in perpetual Toil for them) do nevertheless hold themselves not guilty; and they that Sell them say, Blessed be the Lord, for I am rich; and their own Shepherds pity them not; as the Prophet Zechariah speaks. A Cruelty capable of no Palliation, and for which Vengeance cannot be long expected ere it fall upon the inhuman Authors. Nor to speak truth, without that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their Negro's brutality, do I see how those other Inhumanities', as their Emasculating and Beheading them, their croping off their Ears (which they usually cause the Wretches to broyl, and then compel to eat them themselves); their Amputations of Legs, and even Dissecting them alive; (this last I cannot say was ever practised, but has been certainly affirmed by some of them, as no less allowable than to a Beast, of which they did not in the least doubt but it was justifiable). Add to this their scant allowance for Clothes, as well as Diet, and (which is often the calamity of the most Innocent and Laborious) their no less working than starving them to Death; all which could never otherwise be so glibly swallowed by them, but upon a persuasion of this, or of the former worse Principle. Both without doubt contrived in Hell, receiving their first impressions in no other than the Devil's Mint, purposely designed for the murdering of Souls; Invented only to defeat the Mercies of God in their blessed Redeemer, and to render void and ineffectual his precious Blood shed upon the Cross, for the saving of the World. And thus much shall suffice for proof of the Antecedent of my second Proposition, deduced from my first general Assertion.  
§. III. 1. My Antecedent being thus made evident, I shall betake myself to consider the Consequent, viz. Of the Right which our Negroes have, and may justly claim to the exercise of Religion, upon the truth of what hath been said touching their being Men. A thing that of itself, one would think should naturally follow, and be granted even of course; did not the Adversaries thereto hope, though our Antecedent were acknowledged, yet notwithstanding this by some other ways, to invalidate this Right, and to continue them Heathens. In order whereto, they are not wanting of a twofold Argument; First, The Imprecation of Noah; Secondly, Their forfeiture of this Right by Servitude. Now as before, they employed the first to unman their Negroes; so, that failing, here they no less generously wrest it to rob them of Religion (no less than of all other Rights): An injury (as in the end I shall show) far exceeding the former, of making them Brutes simply, and abstracted from the latter.  
2. Before I shall go about to answer which, I shall desire the Reader to remark that what they have hitherto urged, is only against the Christianizing of Negroes, with such only of other Nations and Complexions who are under Bondage: Bearing it in hand (be like) that the condition of the Tributary Indians upon the Continent, of Hostages of Peace delivered up to the English upon the Public Faith, or of the Manumissed and freed Slaves, whether from Persia, Madagascar, or the East and West Indies, brought hither, (none of them likely, especially the last, to have been descendants from Cham, any more than ourselves;) enjoyed amongst them a more happy and blessed state, as to Religion. Which in truth they cannot affirm even of such of them, who do live in their Families in the nature of Hirelings; nor of their Neighbours, whose Habitations are environed by the English. Who yet have been accountable upon all occasions for Taxes; even as the Hostages before mentioned have been (like Bondmen and Captives) strictly kept to Labour, by those to whose care they were committed for Education and Security of the Peace; which certainly had been the most effectual way to disturb it, had their Relations and Friends been strong enough. To whose Temper and Disposition, nothing is more contrary than hard Labour, nor esteemed so miserable a condition; which the Parent's tears (one whereof was a Werrowanza, that is, a Toparch, or Royetlet of the place; and the rest his principal great Men) shed at the view thereof, did sufficiently evidence.  
3. And so betaking myself to the first Objection, which certainly is their chief strength; I shall consider these People as Negroes, abstracted from their condition of Bondage, and only as Natives of Africa, at least Originally; believed to be Descendants from Cham, and under the Curse, as is pretended; which is all we shall speak of in this place; reserving their Condition to be discoursed of alone, and by itself, in the ensuing Section.  
4. And here, in the first place, I cannot but take notice, that this Objection is founded on a Supposition, including in it these five Falsehoods, or (at best) Uncertainties. 1. That the Negroes are of Cham's Race. 2. That both Cham and his whole Posterity were under the Curse. 3. That this Curse was in its effects to be perpetual, even to the last Generation. 4. That it extended to their very Souls, and was a kind of Reprobation. 5. That this is a sufficient Ground not only for enslaving them, but for keeping them from the exercise of Religion. Nothing of which last can possibly from thence be deduced; nor even the former of enslaving them; unless, after the rest is proved, they make this appear also, that we are the Brethren, whom they were to serve; and that the Curse did confer on us a full and perfect Right of Dominion them.  
5. However, to make out the first, they tell us (or at least do insinuate) that Noah and his Sons descending from the Ark, did, as it were all upon the sudden (as if afraid of each other), instantly retire into the most distant parts of the World (for so Guinea is to Mount Arrarat); of whom I'm directed his course to Africa, his Posterity the Negroes (they are sure) there keeping possession till this very Day, notwithstanding the great alterations elsewhere.  
6. But to answer this: First, It is wholly improbable that Noah's Sons should make any such separation, before being bescanted of Room, they found it necessary to remove; not, 'tis to be presumed, so far as they would go, but some convenient distance only, for their better Accommodation; which doubtless they might find, before they had crossed all Africa.  
7. But secondly, Supposing both to have happened, yet 'tis not likely, at least not certain, that his Posterity have kept possession there ever since, and that upon the Reasons before mentioned, viz. The Possibility of being removed and driven thence back again by Invasion and Conquest; by none less to be suspected or questioned, than by us here in America, to whom it is evident how little security against such alterations, the Remoteness of places have been. So that the present Inhabitants of Africa, (even that supposure of Cham's Race seating there being granted) might have as little Relation to its first Seaters and Planters, as the Spaniards, or ourselves, had to the Natives here; the Saxons to the Britain's, or the old Romans to the Aborigines.  
8. Thirdly, This, as to a great part of it, is not only uncertain and unlikely, but plainly false. For in an Account we meet with in the holy Scripture (other Accounts being hardly to be met with, or relied on) of three Sons of Cham (the fourth being believed to have been Childless) we find two of them were seated in Asia; only Mizraim, for the Name, shall be allowed Egypt; part whereof, viz. on the other side Nilus, must be in Asia too; that River being the bounds to these two spacious Quarters of the World. It being also not to be forgotten, that the Philistines (living also in Asia), were his Offspring: Nor will this concerning Mizraim (for we have nothing but the concurrence of the Name to prove it) bring any great comfort to the Cause, if we consider its Remoteness from the parts we speak of, and the many great changes (probably (if known) no less objectable against the rest) these Egyptians, or Mizraimites, since first carried Captives by Nabuchadnezzar, that is, for above two thousand Years, have felt. In so much that the true Egyptians do seem since to have been swallowed up, and even lost in these Conquests. And now supposing the like of the other parts of Africa, from which no Region in the World can boast of an Exemption, what certainty or ground can there be for Conjectures of this nature?  
9 But to come nearer to the Matter: Either the Sons of Noah, with their Families, kept themselves distinct, each of them united in a body by itself, or else did intermingle and live together, without regard of such distinction of Tribe, or Family. If the first, then 'tis evident that the Family, or Tribe of Cham, following Nimrod, its Head, did seat themselves in Shinar, and the parts adjacent, unto which the holy Scripture gives witness. But if the second, than what certainty can there be from whom any Nation or People is derived, the Jews only excepted? Now it is plainly recorded by Moses, Gen. 10. that Nimrod the Son of Cush, Cham's Nephew, began his Kingdom at Babel, in the Land of Shinar, (for that cause, Micah 5. 6. called the Land of Nimrod) and from thence went and built Nineveh in Assyria, far enough from Africa; which, if Josephus speaks truth, was left for Epher, Abraham's Nephew by Keturah, and his Children, to be by them possessed, a long while after; and these no Descendants from Cham, but from Shem, his Elder Brother.  
10. But lest these Transactions of Nimrod might be pretended to have been after he had traveled into Africa, and left a Colony there; (to omit the tediousness and difficulty of the way) it is said expressly, that they journyed thither from the East, not to be understood of Africa, which is South from thence. 'Tis true indeed, the Scripture speaks of the Earth's being divided in the days of Peleg, but determines not what that Division was, whether of its Inhabitants Minds and Affections, or that which happened upon the Confusion of Tongues; or whether it were about this or that way of Worship, and of Religion. Or even supposing it to have been no less than a parting, or dividing the several Territories and Quarters of the World, yet, unto which of their Lots each Parcel or Province fell, who had Africa, or which went to America, we there meet with no Account, or at best but a very dark one. And for that of Josephus, as it labours with the like uncertainty, so it is not for their purpose to mention, for the Reasons there given.  
11. And whereas the learned Dr. Heylen supposeth this Quarter of the World to be Peopled from Arabia, by Cham's Posterity, crossing the Red Sea: He should in the first place have showed how so great a part of that Family diverted another way, not to be imagined if the Tribes each of them kept together. And then, secondly, Why this might not be as well done by any other of Noah's Children, considering the improbability thereof, upon the account of the other Journeys and Abodes made by Cham's Posterity. And so much for the first Supposure.  
12. THEIR second carries a more apparent Falsity, viz. That, that severe Imprecation of Noah, was denounced against the whole Family of Cham; whereas 'tis evident that none besides Canaan his youngest Son, was mentioned, and therefore not concerned therein; it being no less than thrice, Gen. 9 expressly said, that Canaan should be their Servant. And so before, Cursed be Canaan, a Servant of Servants shall he be. Now whatsoever may be presumed of the nearer Inhabitants of Africa, (which also is disputable) there is not the least probability from holy Scripture (but certainly very much to the contrary) that the Remoter are Canaan's Offspring, whatever might be suggested for his three Brothers. Now it ought here to be taken notice of, that in all severe sentences found in holy Scripture, we are not to strain the words beyond their natural sense. And seeing Canaan alone was mentioned, (for which reason his Children are, Wisd. 12. 11. styled the accursed Seed) there remains not any likelihood for our Negro's being concerned therein. For 'twas in Asia that the Canaanites dwelled. There Abraham sojourned amongst them; and there Joshua afterwards found them. Whom having well near exterminated, he condemned the Survivers to be hewers of Wood, and drawers of Water to the House of God, Josh. 9 21. & 23. 27. Which sentence was afterwards by Solomon confirmed, and more fully executed, 1 Chron. 2. 17. So that in the whole, this supposed Imprecation of the Patriarch, doth seem to be little more than a Prophecy of the Canaanites overthrow and reduction, under the Power of the Israelites, Shem's Posterity, some eight hundred Years after to be accomplished; but not plainly an absolute Curse, or determination thereto. Even as the recording thereof by Moses, doth seem to have been especially done only for Israel's justification in dispossessing of them.  
13. But our Negroes who are quartered in the Remotest parts of Africa, may justly be concluded as too far distant from Palestine, to be any way concerned with these Canaanites; whose guilt was no doubt then expiated by their expulsion and loss of their Country, and of their Liberty, together with the destruction of such who did abide the brunt of the War, or were detained afterwards.  
14. However, supposing Servitude to be the thing intended in that Imprecation, (or Prediction, as I rather believe it) and that our Negroes, improbable as it is, were the very Parties concerned therein; yet, as it toucheth not their Right to Religion, (which I shall immediately show, so) neither doth it therefore confer any Right or Authority over them upon any, nor commission us to be the Executioners of the Sentence: Any more than Jeremiah's threatening of Jerusalem, did justify Nebuchadnezzar's burning it, and murdering the Inhabitants; for which he was to expect a fearful judgement, Isa. 10. & Jer. 25. etc. And so Isaac's foresight and prophetic Declaration of Esau's fate, Gen. 27. and the fall of his Posterity under his Brother's power, did confer on the Israelites no Right of thus Tyrannising and Domineering over their Elder Brother's Offspring; as will appear from Deut. 7. 8. compared with the forementioned place in Genesis. Besides this Sentence upon Canaan, being once so thoroughly executed, there is no reason it should now again be repeated, even supposing that (for which there is no ground), the Negroes are his Issue; it seeming too unmerciful to punish Men to that extremity twice, for one and the same Crime.  
15. THEIR third Supposition is the continuation of this Punishment, which our People are desirous to extend to the last Man of that Generation, against whom 'twas first denounced; notwithstanding no mention is made of any beyond Canaan's Person. Now this, as it is contrary to that so equitable a Rule in expounding of Scripture, which I before mentioned; so it thwarts the Method which God Almighty useth in punishing Offenders; who seldom or never stretcheth the iniquity of the Parents, beyond the third and fourth Generation, where the Children do not add new Gild of their own. And thence it is that we read, that these very Canaanites we are speaking of, notwithstanding the Curse, whom, of all other, it was most likely to reach, had their punishment deferred till their own Sins had more fully deserved it, as may be seen, Gen. 15. 16. And therefore the unjust effusion of the Gibeonites Blood was, 2 Sam. 21. revenged upon Saul and his bloody House; though in truth they were no other than the Offspring of these cursed Canaanites. Besides, God hath been pleased since to declare, that for the future, there should be no more occasion to use that so harsh and ill relishing Proverb in Israel, of the Father's eating of sour Grapes, and the children's Teeth being set on edge: For that from thenceforth the Son should not bear the iniquity of the Father, but that every Man should suffer for his own Sins, Ezek. 4. 20. & 18. 2. And even in the Curse of Eli's House, 1 Sam. 2. That they should die in the flower of their Age, and that there should not be an Old Man of his House for ever: Yet upon their Repentance, and a betaking themselves to a sedulous study of the Law, 'tis said by one, that the Curse was turned into a Blessing, and the line Masculine, before always dying young, lived to an honourable Age. For God, saith the same Person, changeth his purpose concerning the punishment of Men upon their Repentance. And as [for ever] doth in the Hebrew Idiom, appear many times to intent no more than some considerable space of time, which yet by God's Mercy may be shortened; so had that Particle been here affixed to Canaan's Curse, which it is not; yet there is no question but (as the Apostle testifies of the obstinate Jews) that they also may be grafted in, if they abide not in unbelief and impenitence; for God is able to graft them in.  
16. THEIR fourth Supposure is borrowed from the fancied nature and design of this Curse; which some will affirm to be a kind of Transubstantiating of them into Beasts; others, to strike not only their Souls (in this Life), but to be an irrecoverable devoting them to Perdition and Misery in the Life to come. Whereas the Text mentions no more but Servitude in the Curse; not to be exceeded in the Gloss, or Interpretation, where the words are void of Ambiguity, especially in severe Cases. And this Service was also restrained to his Brethren, which cannot be supposed to be spoken of the Devils; it was to touch only their Bodies; it being not in the least probable, that Righteous Noah would curse the Soul of his Son, which was none of his, had he been so uncharitable; but was derived from a better Author, and therefore beyond his power: God having declared, that each Soul is his; the Soul of the Son, as well as of the Father, Ezek. 18. And out of whose Hands none shall be able to pluck them, St. John 10. And then as to the other part of these pretended effects; Should we suppose our Negroes to be the very Seed of Cham, and that they were no less under the Curse: Nay further, that the Curse had been denounced against the whole Posterity of that graceless and unhappy Son; yet as we have no assurance of the first, so neither doth it follow that Servitude should be attended with such dismal effects, as of Men to transform them into Brutes.  
17. Which objected Brutality, had it carried any appearance, or likelihood of truth, could never possibly have escaped the notice of (at least) the wiser Jews and Heathen: who for the general, are found to treat them with a contrary respect. For the Jews, I shall instance only in the Septuagint Interpreters, who, as it is to be observed from Psal. 74. 15. & 87. 4. did none of them scruple to allow their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the general currant Appellative both in Greek and Latin, (like as Cush, the name given to Cham's Nephew, Nimrods' Progenitor, is in the Hebrew) for those sooty People, the Negroes of those times) the stile of Men. To these I might also add St. Luke, Acts 8. 27. but that possibly it may be replied, that he was none; wherefore I shall let that pass. But for the Heathen, Lucan in his Pharsalia, lib. 9 brings them in as Partners with the Arabians and Indians, in the worship of their God Amon, who it seems had monopolised him to themselves; for so much the Poets words do seem to imply; 
Aethiopum quamvis populis, Arabumque beatis  
Gentibus, atque Indis unus sit Jupiter Amon, etc.  And long before him Homer, in his 1 Il. bespeaks Jupiter and his fellow Deities, as vouchsafing them their presence at a Banquet, and to become their Guests, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  He in the same place conferring on them the character of [unblamable,] as is to be there seen; nothing of which had been compatible, nor any way suited with the quality of Beasts. And to show that those differed nothing from ours, their Complexion is proved to be black, both from the sacred Writ, as Jer. 14. 25. and from the same Poets and Writers of the Heathen, particularly from Ovid, l. 2. Met. where speaking of Phaeton's burning of the World, he thus discants upon it, as to the effects 'twas believed it had upon these People; 
Sanguine tum credunt in Corpora summa vocato,  
Aethiopum populos nigrum traxisse colorem.  And from Juvenal in his second satire: Loripedem rectus derideat, Aethiopem albus. And likewise from his sixth, 
— Esses  
Aethiopis fortasse Pater: Mox decolor haeres  
Impleret tabulas, nunquam tibi manè videndus.  And that they were a distinct People from the Arabians (contrary to what some have, I fear, without ground conjectured); Also, that they were seated from them Westward, at least nearer Italy, where Lucan wrote, than the other were; his method and order in mustering them, doth partly imply. And lastly, That the Scripture Aethiopia, (no less than this of the Poets, and of the other Heathen) was in Africa, lying between Egypt and the Red [or Arabian] Sea, and consequently the same with ours. The Scripture doth in two places of Ezekiel, viz. Chap. 29. & 30. (in both which Ethiopia and Egypt, are represented as Neighbours, but the first (agreeable to what was above mentioned) bearing the more distant Situation; And also in the 68 Psalms (where the same things are observable, as in the former) doth not obscurely intimate. And this I have added by way of prevention, and to defeat a little Argument of our Adversaries, most impertinently borrowed from the above mentioned groundless Conjecture of some one or two of our Writers, viz. That the Scripture Aethiopia (and even the Heathen too), was situated not in Africa, but in Arabia; That so nothing there recorded, might be said to concern our present Negroes, nor be alleged in their favour.  
18. Which yet, if certainly true, will not upon Examination, be found so advantageous to them: The distance of Guinea, our Negro's Country, being considered. For if the Scripture Ethiopia be in Arabia, then, for aught appears, Guinea (and even the rest of Africa) is clear of the Curse; so that more is lost by that Argument, than it ever got. Again, if according to the signification of [Cush and aethiop's,] they'll allow its Inhabitants to have been Black, (not denied by any hitherto, and it being no less consonant to what is before said thereof;) 'twill make as much for our purpose, or even more. For thus it is usually discoursed; Because they are Black, therefore they are Cham's Seed; and for this under the Curse, and therefore no longer Men, but a kind of Brutes. But contrary hereto, I shall thus argue: Either all Negroes, or black People, are of Cham's Race; or some are not: If the last, then 'tis evident there will be no necessity for our Negro's being under the Curse; But if the former, 'twill follow, that notwithstanding the Curse, they might, in the general opinion of the World, still continue to be Men. To conclude; I do not in the whole, see that this Curse did touch any more than the Persons, Goods, and Possessions of Canaan and his Posterity; who some eight hundred Years after, were to fall into the power of Abraham's Children: When, the Canaanites being subdued by the Israelites, and the remainder of them condemned to Servitude, that prediction was accomplished to the full.  
19 Their fift and last Supposition is borrowed from the horrible Decree, (as one calls it) of Reprobation. For though our People are for the general no great friends to that severe Doctrine, as being too frightful for them to hear of, yet in this case it must serve the turn. But granting it true, that a certain number of Men, and amongst the rest this whole People of Blacks, and even all the rest of Cham's Race, were thus devoted to Misery, and become the objects of God's Wrath; yet will not this justify our barring them of the Knowledge and Exercise of Religion. For they that hold this Doctrine, do nevertheless affirm it our duty, To tender the Gospel unto all; And that, first, because they are uncertain who they are that are thus Reprobated, (and doubtless ours have had no new Revelation concerning it): And, secondly, because their refusal (of which our Negroes are not guilty, it having never been tendered to them) is to be a principal Motive for their Condemnation. So that nothing in this Doctrine, taking it altogether (though we should suppose it most Orthodox) doth prejudice the Negro's Right; at least excuse our not tendering the Gospel (to omit food and bodily Necessaries) to them, whether in order to their Salvation, or further Damnation.  
20. And thus these ridiculous Supposures of themselves vanishing, as not able to endure a narrow Scrutiny or Examination; it will not be amiss if, after all, we bestow some little time to inquire into matter of Fact, and consider the Event of things; ever held for the safest way of interpreting Prophecies. In searching into which we shall find the whole current of History, (so far as we have any certain Records, wherein mention is made concerning Cham, or his Posterity) to be no other than as it were a plain refutation of these groundless Fictions. For in the Bible, Cham's Grandchild, Nimrod, is represented the first Monarch. And Egypt (or Mizraim) is described as a place of Learning, and its Inhabitants a free People, holding some of Shem's Posterity in Bondage, for above two hundred years. And after their subjection to the Chaldean Yoke, not more Slaves than most other Nations in their several turns have been, and some even to this day are.  
21. And then for the Abissins', supposing them Cham's Race no less than our Negroes; we have them represented in History for a very flourishing People: As in a Treatise written originally in Portuguez, by one who had spent many Years there, is to be seen; which Treatise being since translated into English, was by the Royal Society ordered to be made public. It gins thus. The Abissins' Emperor (vulgarly Presbyter John of India) is Lord of the most ancient and largest Dominions of those many Kingdoms and Provinces; into which Africa is divided. The Empire, the most Easterly part of all Africa, called Aethiopia above Egypt, etc. And then, Pag. 5. & 6. this Empire anciently commanded many Kingdoms and Provinces; their own Annals, and some Historians, count above twenty, with almost as many Provinces. What at present passeth for current is, That its greatness was once Notorious, though now limited to five Kingdoms, each of them about the bigness of Portugal▪ and to six Provinces, every one little different from Beyra, or Alenteyo, two Provinces in the same Kingdom. Thus much that Author. To this I may, 'tis possible not impertinently, add that of Memnon, in Virgil's. 1. Aen. who is there styled Niger, but yet a free Prince; who, with others from the East, (Eoasque acies & Nigri Memnonis Arma.) Brought his Forces to assist the Trojans; and being, agreeable to his Name, by Authors reputed for a Black or Negro. The Queen of Sheba also in Solomon's time, and Candace of Aethiopia, Acts 8. (if their Dominions were not the same) were in all probability in their several times great Princes, (as by the rich and splendid Presents of the former, with the great Officers and Attendants of the others Court, (one of which, being her Treasurer, was withal a Dynast) is most evident): And yet by all Writers, are confessed to have ruled over Subjects naturally Black, being in all likelihood such themselves. And their Kingdoms supposed by divers, to have been no other than that very Aethiopia, above described by our Author; to which, he saith, Their own Annals, and most Historians do agree.  
22. So also as to their incapacity for Religion, (A thing that never yet fell under the Cognizance of the 
* Nor yet of either Jews or Christians before we very luckily contrived & thought upon it.  Gentiles (as the  Quotations out of Lucan and Homer do witness), though possibly that may be pretended as occasioned through their want of our knowledge in the Scriptures:) by virtue of this Curse; the like Events, together with the many Prophetic Discourses of the Bible, do no less evidently bespeak the contrary. For David in the Psalms, we find doth mention them twice. In the first of which, viz. Psal. 68 31. Junius in his Notes, assures us that the Prophet there speaks, De amplitudine Regni Christi, of the large extent of Christ's Kingdom, through their access thereto. And in Psal. 87. 4. amongst divers Names there recited, he supposeth that David magnifies the Goodness of God for his purpose, of bringing all these several sorts of People into the Church. And then he immediately acknowledgeth them for, Cives ejusdem Ecclesiae; Fellow Citizens with the Saints, of the Household of God, and Members of the same Church with them. And in Psal. 72. 9▪ the Eremicolae, there mentioned, who should come to worship Christ, are said by the Septuagint Interpreters (who 'tis possible might best be able to guests at the Nation pointed at in that Pariphrasis) to be no other than the Aethiopians, as in the said Translation may be seen. And Acosta, l. 1. c. 4. De nat. nov. Orbis, assures us, that the learned do hold, That the Wise Men who came to worship Christ, were as well of Aethiopia, as of Arabia and Persia: And for this end, saith the Almighty by Zephania, Chap. 3. 10. will I turn to the Nations a pure Language; that they may all call upon the Name of the Lord, to serve him with one consent: Even from beyond the Rivers of Aethiopia (not improbably pointing at the very South of Africa) shall my suppliants bring mine Offering: There being no Curse nor Reprobation of that force as to prevent their Conversion, when hearty endeavoured; or to make their Services at God's Altar less acceptable unto him.  
23. Agreeable whereunto in a great measure (though in a much greater it might be, did not the God of th●s World rule so mightily in some men's Hearts) hath the issue of these Prophecies been, since the Publication of the Gospel: They being admitted into the Church almost as early as the first Notice of it. Both the Egyptians (amongst whom St. Mark was Bishop), and the Ethiopians, unto whom St. Matthew and other of the Apostles preached, being in Christ (St. Paul's Kindred's high Honour, as himself, Rom. 16. 7. glorieth) long before ourselves. And the Holy Ghost especially commanding St. Philip to preach to the Eunuch, a Nobleman (as is supposed) of the same Country. By whose Zeal and Authority, the work was doubtless much promoted. For otherwise it would scarce have been there perfected so soon, as we find it was; and withal so settled, as not to be unfixed ever since. They even to this Day retaining their Christianity; if at least the Scripture Aethiopia be the same with that in Africa on the Red Sea, which themselves do affirm, and some places in the Bible before recited (numb. 17 of this Section) do not obscurely declare. But be they the same or not, 'tis certain those are Christians, whom we speak of; and have so been for a long time; as (besides the former Author) Alvarez (a Portugal also) doth in his Historia Aethiopica, l. 1. P. 171. testify. So also the Author of the Atlas Major, P. 3. 52. in Aethiopia; and Le-Blanch, a Frenchman; and Sands, one of our own Nation, in his Journals: Not to omit the Testimony Viva voce, of one of their own Bishops Zabo-Zago, an Ambassador thence into Europe. To which may be added the Kingdom of Moni-Congo, in Africa, some two Centuries since Converted by the Portugals, which our own Histories do mention. And then for those pieces of Africa, that were either part of, or conterminous upon the Roman Seignory, and whose Shores were washed by the Mediterranean Sea; we find in the second and third Centuries, several hundreds of Bishops governing the Church there: Of whose number, though at different seasons, were St. Cyprian Archbishop of Carthage, and St. Augustine of Hippo, two the most Pious, Learned, and Eminent Fathers of their Times, or since. And even the Kingdom of Nubia, situated in the more inland Parts, were once Christians; though now, through the want of Preachers, degenerated into their former Heathenism, or else poisoned with Mahometan Impostures: Which is a consideration of so sad a nature, that we ought to make no further use of it, than to curb our own Presumption, and to bless God that it is not altogether our case, (though I must confess the distance from it is not great): Our unthankfulness having long since deserved such another total Excision. And that as Heresies have ruined Africa and Greece, so Faction and Atheism, being with us no less prevalent, must needs in a short time, overgrow grow the true Branches in the natural Tree, so as to consume the spring of true Christianity, and suck out the juice of right Religion, leaving to us the Bark and Rind only, to be called Christians. He that spared not them, will find as little reason to pity us.  
24. But to return from this Deviation. If in the last place we look unto the Gibeonites, the true Posterity of Canaan, and the most certain Issue of Cham: These (as they are supposed to have been those Nethenims, so often mentioned in Ezra, and Nehemiah) so it is evident that they pertained to the service of the Temple: Which, had this Curse, or their persisting in their former Gentilism, stood in the way, could not have been allowed. And in our Blessed Saviour's time, one of the same Stock, a Woman of Canaan, as St. Matthew terms her; a Syro-Phoenician, a Greek or Gentile, as St. Mark bespeaks her; both of them, A dweller upon the Coast of Tyre and Sidon, (now Canaan begat Zidon, saith Moses, Gen. 10. 25. and so in the 1 of Chron. 1. 15. and Deut. 1. 7. the Territory thereabout is said to have been the Patrimony of his Children) hath this Eulogium given her from his Divine Mouth, that her Faith was great; whereby, though thrice rejected for a Dog, yet she still persevering, did by her Faith and Importunity, so prevail, as to accomplish her desires. To these I might also add, that this was the Country of the Widow of Serepta, or Zerepha, a Town belonging to Zidon, 1 Kings 17. 9 (and by Obadiah, ver. 20. expressly declared to be the Canaanites Possession;) unto which Widow, Elijah was sent; though there wanted not Widows in Israel at the same time, as our Saviour witnesseth, to sustain the Prophet, or that needed to have been sustained by him. And thus from the whole, these two things do appear most evident; First, How not only uncertain, but rather, unlikely it is, that our Negroes should be Canaan's Offspring. And, secondly, How derogatory it is both to Reason and Religion, that this Curse should touch either their Souls or Bodies, so as to deprive them of that natural Right to necessary relief for both, which is born with them, and can never be separated from them. Religion, especially the Christian, making no such distinctions, which our Sloth and Avarice have suggested to most of us. And if the Blessed Jesus did with so little patience, hear his Disciples urge to him a respect for his earthly Relations, surely much more must he have been incensed, had they proposed to him either Stature or Countenance, or any other the like perishing Vanities, to have become the objects of his Favour. Nor is our Negro's blackness, which gives the pretence for these Impieties, (in all probability) occasioned by any other means, than the Climate they live under. The remoter Inhabitants, within either of the more temperate Zones, (as upon the Cape of good Hope, and about Fez, and Morocco) being of a brown Complexion, answering to other swarthy People, in our cooler Regions. And whereas 'tis objected that here in America under the same Degrees, the like Blackness is not found in the Natives; It is to be answered, that neither is there the same heat, by them to be endured; our cooler Breezes (which Africa wants) being here the constant attendants upon the Sun's motion, and with him for the most part gradually Rising and Falling throughout the Year, in all the Regions of America, lying under the Torrid Zone. But to determine the whole matter in a few words: Since this Argument against the Negro's is drawn from holy Scripture, (no other Ancient Author mentioning either the Crime or Punishment, nor for aught we know, so much as the Name of Cham;) there is no reason why those Persons, who in all other of their Discourses, do scoff and flout at it, should be allowed even those just and lawful Advantages derivable from that Scripture, which they in other cases seem no more to believe, than they do the Alcoran: And which they mention but with the same respect with the scribble of our giddy Enthusiasts; but with far less, than they allow most other, even the profanest Authors.  
§. III. 1. And thus having finished the First, I come to the Second Objection, by which they hope to evacuate the Negro's Right to Religion: which is pretended to be forfeited, If not by the Curse, yet without doubt by Slavery. Religion being (forsooth) a kind of Spiritual Gentility, which with them must be lost or forfeited, by putting on the Iron Chain of Bondage. For certainly no less can be collected from those customary Replies and Demands, usually returned upon any Advices for the Christianizing of their Negroes, viz. What, such as they? What, those black Dogs be made Christians? What, shall they be like us? With abundance more such like Questions. And here I cannot but observe, that as this latter is extendible to all Slaves, of what Complexion or Nation soever, and no less to Englishmen and Christians, than to others; so the former doth entrench upon as considerable a number of Mankind, even a third part of the World; and that without all respect to their Condition, as in the other; Both Freemen and Slaves being there equally involved in the same Calamity, as in this, Christians and Heathens are; thereby as it were damning at one blow, two thirds of the World; all which, or more, do fall under one of these Capacities.  
2. And so (after taking notice of their Zeal in being thus ready to take the advantage of such Forfeitures) having examined the first, I come to the second Objection: Wherein I cannot but see enough at the very first view, to move pity and commiseration towards these People, the Negroes, and that even more than when they were represented as Brutes. Their Humanity here standing them in no further stead, than to make them more Miserable, than as Brutes they could possibly have been. For whereas a Brute may according to the Scripture (which is a Book of Reason and of Justice too) in some sense have a Right to divers things, the Slave must be devested of all. For by Moses' Law, The Ass sinking under his burden, had a Right to be relieved by the next Traveller, Exod. 23. 5. Nor was the Ox to be muzzled which did tread out the Corn, Deut. 25. 4. his labour meriting better Usage. And one of the Reasons for the Sabbath rest was, Exod. 23. 14. That the Ox and Ass might have respite from Toil, as well as their Owners. (We see here, no working them to death was allowed.) And Solomon in effect pronounceth that Person unjust, who regards not the life of his Beast, Prov. 12. 10. So that here is a plain Right belonging unto Brutes, whilst by us it is denied unto Men, whose Flesh is as our own: A thing greatly deserving to be laid to Heart.  
3. For in truth the very Heathen were never so void of Bowels and tenderness to their Slaves, as to deny them a due Right to necessaries for their Preservation. To which purpose it is, that we hear Cicero thus pleading in their behalf, Off. l. 1. Meminerimus autem etiam adversus infimos justitiam esse servandam. Est autem infima conditio & fortuna servorum; quibus non male praecipiunt, qui ita uti jubent ut mercenariis, ad operam exigendam & ad justa praebenda. That is, We must take notice that there is a Right belonging unto Slaves, 
* That by Servus is meant a Slave, this in Terence, (Ego postquam te emi a parvulo, feci è servo, ut esses libertus mihi) doth plainly show; besides, that I find this place so rendered in a Translation made many Years since.  
† In which words we are to observe three things: 1. The difference between Servus and Mercenarius. 2. That there was in Cicero's opinion, a Right belonging to the first. 3. That, though unrestrained, he thought it our duty to treat even those, whom he there esteems of the lowest Rank and Condition of Men (and that sure must be Slaves) with Mercy.  whom they that advise us to treat as hired Servants, in exacting their Labour, but allowing them their DUE, do not advise amiss. Nor is Phocilides less kind and just unto them, if at least we will admit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to signify that condition; which this Injunction doth demonstrate. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That is, Defraud not thy Slave of his DUE, but allow him his full proportion of Diet, and other Necessaries. Which the ensuing Prohibition doth more fully explicate. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Therein giving us to understand, who, and what they were he designed this Kindness to; such ignominious Stigmatizing, being not to be imposed on any besides Slaves.  
4. And that no other than such (properly so taken) are there by our Poet to be understood, is I think no hard task to prove. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being by Hesychius explained by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Both importing the same with Verna and Mancipium, in Latin; The first being, as I have showed (Pag. 32.) by Siracides, put in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Freeman. And the second [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉], both in the Septuagint, and New Testament, plainly implying the same condition. For Psal. 81. 6. the Israelites condition in Egypt, is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And in Psal. 105. it is said of Joseph, That he was sold, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for a Bond-servant, as we have it rendered from the Hebrew. And Heb. 2. 15. we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, translated Bondage. And, Apoe. 19 18. we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Free and Bond. Add to this the Jews tart and quick reply, St. John 8. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to our Blessed Saviour, discoursing of making them free; thereby setting the verbal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which Saint Paul also twice doth, viz. 1 Cor. 9 19 & Gal. 2. 4. The last of which is interpreted, A bringing into Bondage. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Cor. 11. 20. As also that of the Jews before unto our Blessed Saviour, as in the place will further appear.  
5. But because it may seem proper, and to some perchance prove more satisfactory, to confront one Heathen with another, and so to explain the meaning of each, (although the Greek, both of the Septuagint and New Testament, be certainly no less Authentic): I shall therefore be bold to summon in one for an evidence in this behalf, unto whose Testimony they cannot refuse to yield; And that is the most eloquent Comedian Aristophanes, in his Plutus; At the very entrance into which, one (styling himself by those two forementioned Appellatives) is heard to complain of his Master's sottish and unreasonable Impositions; which yet, he confesseth, he could by no means avoid, because, as he adds, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Fortune had deprived him of the happiness of being at his own disposal, by placing him under the Purchasers power. And certainly, he can be neither Freeman nor Hireling, that is become the Purchase of another Man.  
6. Nor let any one object, that the  Writers, like envious People, destitute of Slaves themselves, were more partial in their Rules to others; few or none in those times being without some, whilst divers possessed many. Plutarch writes of Lucullus, that he had forty thousand; and that by their labour he leveled fifteen Mountains. And the trouble to which the Romans were often put to suppress their servile Insurrections, (whereby it may be seen, that Slaves may rebel without Religion, and that Christianity is not wholly in the fault, if any such thing should happen) doth show that that free People were no strangers to such Domestic Utensils, nor to the Profit accrueing by them to their Owners. Nor could Cicero easily have amassed together so great Wealth, to the which, he was never born, without the labour of Slaves: 'Tis certain, he retained some in his Family, which, his setting one at liberty, for the News he brought of the Senate's Adjournment, (whereby he had a Day more given to complete his Oration) doth manifest: Nor is it to be imagined, that he then parted with all he had. But the words [Libertus & libertinus,] signifying a freed Man, and the Son of such a Person, and made to distinguish [liber & ingenuus] from one that was manumissed; that is, Persons originally Free, from such as were but lately made so; do enough declare the no want of Slaves, even amongst those who thus assert their Right, and condemn all their unmerciful usage of them.  
7. But to proceed: Had Slaves no Right at all, all Laws and Injunctions against oppressing them had been unjust, 'tis certain very needless; for it had been no other than to infringe their Owners Right of exercising his, it matters not whether Gentle or Cruel, Pleasure and Authority over them: which might be justly practised even to the utmost extremity, were the Parties divested of all Right to better usage. Oppression being neither more nor less than an over rigorous treating of those under our power, beyond what justly the one could pretend, or the other aught to submit to; which in this case could never happen. For what can he lay claim to, who hath nothing either within or without him, which he can call his own? Or what wrong is it to bar or deprive him of that which is not his? Those Laws therefore do confess a Right in the Party, on whose behalf they were made. Else that in Exod. 21. 27. He shall let his Servant go free for his Teeth sake, had been impertinent and injurious. And Job's purgation of himself, Job 31. 13. If I despised the cause of my Manservant, or of my Maidservant, when they contended with me, etc. had been idle and ridiculous, and an argument that he understood not his own Privilege and Right, whilst he stood so nicely upon theirs. And no better had been the advice of Siracides, Ecclus. 7. 20, 21. & 33. 30, 31. ver. Whereas thy Servant worketh truly, entreat him not evilly; nor the Hireling (where note what the former were) that bestoweth himself wholly for thee. Let thy Soul love a good Servant, and defraud him not of Liberty. Again, If thou hast a Servant, let him be unto thee as thyself, because thou hast bought him with a Price: So that the Servant here also is a purchased Bondman; whom yet we are to treat as ourselves; and, in the next Verse, as a Brother. The like also must St. Paul's Exhortation (or rather Precept) to his Colossians be, Chap. 6. 1. Master's [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] allow (not give) your Servants (for that agrees not so well with what follows) that which is just and equal; such things being not to be reckoned Gifts, which are our due, and to which we have a just Right. So likewise to his Ephesians, Chap. 6. 9 Where he exhorts both Masters and Servants to Reciprocal Duties; giving the former to understand, That the Master of them both (so the Margin tells us some Copies have it) was in Heaven; who (in punishing Injustice in either Party) would be Impartial. Which, with many the like places, are to be understood of Slaves purely so taken, as may be proved from 1 Cor. 7. 21, 22. and from 1 Tim. 6. 1. Also from 1 St. Pet. 2. 18. in the first of which, (omitting that out of Siracides,) they are advised to accept of Freedom when offered, being therefore at that time, no doubt, under Bondage; as in the next v. they are plainly declared to be under the Yoke. Not to be understood of those whom we style Apprentices (that is Learners) such being certain of Freedom, so soon as it is convenient, or safe for them. And therefore we have reason to imagine that St. Paul's advice was given to Servants of an inferior degree, and to whom Liberty might be more safe and advantageous, even as it was more difficult to be obtained. Besides, he there chargeth every Man in general, to abide in the same Calling, wherein they were called, that is, wherein Christianity found them; unless (which is presently excepted) they might lawfully obtain their Liberty. And the cruel usage unto which, St. Peter intimates the Servants he wrote to were subject, doth sufficiently manifest, that their Condition was no better than direct Servitude, and that even to Heathen Masters. For otherwise the Exhortation in his 1 Ep. Ch. 2. 18, 19, 20. and afterwards, had been improper; such Rigour and Cruelty of Christian Masters in those early and devout times, being unlikely to have escaped his Apostolic Censures and severest Menaces, if not to have cost the Authors a total rejection from the Communion of Christians. From hence also we may note, (no less than from Saint Paul's words, 1 Tim. 6. 2. As many as have believing Masters) (which shows that some of them had not); that the very Gentiles then, were not so ill-natured and malicious against Christianity, as to hinder their Slaves from embracing it. And throughout the Old Testament, both Abraham's Servants, and the rest downwards, were no better than Slaves; unless where we find [Mercenarii, Hirelings,] for distinction, added. The word [Slave] being no where found in the holy Scripture, except once by a misinterpretation in the Apocalypse. And the Latin word [Servus] taking its derivation from [Servatus], and importing one saved in Battle, by his mercy that took him: In lieu whereof, by Custom, Gratitude and Necessity, he was obliged to do him Service the remainder of his Life. So also in the Apocrypha, (besides that of Ecclus.) Raguel's giving half his S●rvants to his Son in Law Tobias, Tob. 10. 10. And Judith's setting her Maid free, Judith 16. 23. And in the New Testament, St. Paul's Antithesis, 1 Cor. 9 19 and Gal. 2. 4. with the Jew's reply to our Saviour, St. John 8. 23. (all before mentioned) do plainly discover the meaning of the word Servant in holy Scripture, not to import a Mercenary, or Hireling, but a mere Bondman, or Slave. And so from the whole may be collected, That Servitude is no such forfeiture of Right, but that a Slave hath as good a plea and just claim to Necessaries, both for his Soul and Body, as his Master hath to his strength and industry in those Works, about which he is employed.  
8. No more doth that Maxim in the Civil Law, That whatsoever the Servant acquires, is properly derivable to his Lord and Master, as the true and sole Proprietor of his Servants Acquisitions, interfere, or jar with this Right, than any thing that hath been pretended besides: This Right extending only to necessaries for Life, not to superfluities or abundance, which are the things aimed at in that Maxim. These only, and not the other being to be reckoned for Acquisitions, and therefore seizable to the Master. Not but that there are some that can swallow this Maxim in its fullest Latitude, and even extended to the Lives and Fortues of Freemen, whom (no less than Slaves) they can without scruple divest of all Right. These shall assure us, That Men have no stronger obligations to Justice, than either Fish, or wild Beasts, who prey upon, and devour each other. And, That God is no more honoured by A. N. G. E. L. (wittily pronouncing the Letters thus severally, with a short pause between each) than by B. E. A. S. T. And therefore that such tenderness and regard of Equity, is to be avoided as a great impediment to Profit; The only art or science to be studied, and applied by Mankind. And no wonder that they who hold and practise such Principles concerning Freemen, should prove no less fierce sticklers against the Right of Slaves.  
9 But supposing that according to this Maxim, the Slave might without spot of Injustice, be by his Owner deprived of all Right to Temporal Privileges and Provisions, yet can it never be admitted as to Spiritual, nor be extended to those Provisions which do concern the health and happiness of their Souls, that is, Religion. But must be understood, and only confined to the Goods of this World: the Possession and Enjoyment whereof may be some prejudice, or abatement to others, that want them: which I am to show, can never happen in Religion; and this I shall prove three ways.  
10. First, From the consideration of the Nature of Religion, which being the Result only of a virtuous Mind, and an Act of the Intellect, a thing purely Immaterial and Spiritual, cannot be subject to the like inconveniencies with Bodies, composed and made up of Matter. Nor is it to be engrossed, or made over; but, as Free-common, is the true Right and Property of every Man. So that whilst other Goods may, and for the most part are, possessed by a few; and some do want, whilst others do enjoy abundance; The goods of the Mind are sufficient for all; because not limited, nor circumscribed; nor, as the other, falling within the Measures and Rules of quantity, whereby they become Infinite. And no Man's Acquisitions of this kind, are any Diminution to his Neighbour. Whence it comes that there can be no clamour nor outcry of Wrong or Injustice; and no Man can pretend this Enjoyment to be any lessening to himself by another's sharing with him. And a Man may as well complain of his being rob of the Light, or Air, because his Neighbour refuseth to close his Eyes, or to retain his Breath; as any Master can be supposed to feel an abatement of his either Substance, or Religion, by his Slaves joining with him in the same Divine Exercise. Religion being the true proprium in Commune, where every Soul is at full Liberty (without any fear or danger of endamaging the residue of Mankind), to assume as much, and as great a proportion thereof, as is needful for him, and as he can desire.  
11. Secondly, This may be proved from the object of Religion, GOD; unto whom it wholly belongs, and whose entire Property it is, as being the Creatures Tribute due unto him the Creator. Now certainly, God is not the less receptive of the Master's Devotion, for his being accompanied therein by his Slave, any more (yea, rather much less) than the North Pole can become less instrumental to the Mariner's safety, and preservation through the multitude of Points, at one and the same instant, directed to it. And there is space enough in his Immenseness and Infinity, for our safe reposing, and his no less sure acceptance of the most unlimited affections and praises of innumerable Souls, conspiring therein at one and the same time.  
12. Thirdly, This may be proved from the subject of Religion, the Soul of Man, which is only in God's disposal, Ezek. 18. 4. And therefore cannot become the purchase of any Mortal, though the Case, or Body may; but is entirely possessed by the Party, or Owner, notwithstanding his being reduced under Bondage. There is no Man (saith Solomon, Eccles. 8. 8.) that hath power over the spirit, to restrain the spirit: But the Soul can still exercise all her powers and faculties, though in Chains, and in a Dungeon, or even like Ionas in the Belly of the Whale. Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is Liberty, saith the Apostle, 1 Cor. 3. 17. Even in the midst of Bondage our Thoughts are free, and a Man may think, and wish, and pray, in despite of his worst Enemies: And as our Blessed Lord adviseth, we may possess our Souls under the hardest Pressures and Sufferings. From which Considerations, it will appear that the Soul of the Slave is no part of the Master's purchase, nor can he by any means make it subject. And therefore he hath no wrong done him (though we should grant the aforesaid Maxim, to strike at the whole Temporal Rights and Enjoyments (which are but few) that a Bondman can pretend to) by his Slave's practice and exercise of Religion.  
§ V 1. These Objections being washed off, I come now positively to declare in the Affirmative, that a Slave both may be, and naturally is invested with a Right to the Exercise and Benefits accrueing to the soul by Religion; and that upon a threefold account, viz. Of Creation, Divine Precept, and of the good and evil of Eternity; to which last, the Slave is no less subject, and accordingly hath equal hopes with his Master to the other. Nor can any Master pretend to it upon other Reasons than these that are here laid down.  
2. Now for the first of these, viz. Creation; this the Bondman hath in common with his Lord. That is, he is alike the Offspring of Humane Seed; was alike sustained in his Mother's Womb; was born, and drew in the common Air, even as others do: Nor is there any King that had other beginning or birth, saith the Wise Man. The like also is acknowledged by Job, Did not he that made him in the Womb make me, and did not one fashion us both in the Womb? Job 31. 15. And as all Men have but one entrance into Life, so they have the like going forth of it, saith the same Wise Man, Wisd. 7. And as the Slave was created free, so Death sets him at Liberty, and restores him to the like freedom again. In the Grave both the small and great rest quietly together; For there the Wicked cease from troubling, the Prisoners hear not the voice of the Oppressor; and even the Servant is free from his Master, Job 3. Now Creation, from which Job infers a Right due unto Slaves, is a tie of the strictest Nature, and strongest Obligation of all other; because unto it we are indebted for whatsoever we either have, or can pretend to. Conquest and Purchase (which do confer on the Lord his whole pretence of Right or Power over his Slave▪) being not possible to have been, had not this preceded. And even our Parents Right of Dominion over us, is infinitely short of this; who in all that they contributed towards our being, were but Agents subservient unto him, without whose Blessing no perfection could have followed. So that whatsoever we enjoy, primarily is from God, our true Father, and Creator. They being but Procreators, or Deputies unto this great Author of Life, and all things. Now this being equally true, both of Slave and Lord; and God Almighty having this original Right and property in every Man, which sovereign Right of his cannot by any after act of his Creatures be forfeited, so as to cause an Alienation thereof from him (for be the Possession where it will, his first Right can suffer no prejudice): The Slave's Obligation and Right (I so call it, it being a real Privilege) to serve God, continues firm and inviolable, and no less unalterable than his Lords. Nor can it be swallowed up, or lost in any new pretended claim, whilst that first Obligation continues the same, which originally it was. No prescription of time being of force against so sovereign a Power as that of Gods.  
3. But secondly, Slaves have a Right to serve God, by virtue of his determinate Precept and Command for their so doing: None of his Laws being limited to any certain Order, or Degree of Men; but were given to every Man alike, whether Bond, or Free. For he that said, Thou shalt not Swear, Kill, Steal, Lie, Covet, nor commit Adultery, made no difference nor distinction in the direction of these Laws, either of Lords or Peasants, Free or Bondmen. But the Imposition being equally laid on all, must exact an equal tribute of Duty, from all. No Dispensation any where appearing for the omission of the Duties, either of Morality, or Religion to Potentates, any more than the tenuity or meanness of an inferior Person, was ever in holy Scripture admitted as a tolerable excuse upon the like occasion. And this Impartiality, is more especially the Credit and Ornament of Christianity: which for that Reason is styled the Common Faith, and the Common Salvation; St. Judas 3. and St. Tit. 3. Which as the Baptist preached, St. Luke 3. All flesh should see; that is, enjoy and partake of, if they had any liking thereto. And in pursuance hereof S. Paul at Athens, declareth, That God had now commanded all Men every where to repent: (words comprehensive and large; and, methinks very appositely pointing to these so late discovered Regions: But to go on). For that as he writes to Titus, The Grace of God which bringeth Salvation, hath appeared to all Men: Such an Universality making it an Act of Grace indeed. And the same Apostle in his Preaching, warns all alike of the Wrath of God, revealed against all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Irreligion and Injustice of Men. Both he and the rest in their practice, proving their Sense to be as unlimited and unrestrained, as their words were general; showing themselves in their Epistles, no less exact and punctual in setting forth the Duty of Servants, and as careful for the saving of their souls, as for their Masters. And being never so beset with Business, (though doubtless they had enough, as having the good of, not one single Diocese or Parish, but of the Universal, or Catholic Church, 2 Cor. 11. 28. in their thoughts and care:) so as to neglect the Soul of the meanest Bondslave. Whom for their encouragement, he assures, that God himself did take especial cognizance of their faithful services done unto Men; who would not fail to recompense whatsoever good thing any Man doth, whether he be, Bond or Free, Ephes. 6. 8. And 'tis remarkable, that the preceding words to St. Titus, do in place immediately succeed an Exhortation to Servants, thereby as it were pointing out the very Persons to whom that Grace had been manifested, no less than to the residue of Mankind.  
4. And to this agreeth the necessity thereof: For Virtue, which is made most effectual and operative by Religion, is alike requisite and commendable in all Men: At least if there be any difference, the Credit of it will redound most to them, from it was least expected; that is, from Servants. But it is manifest, how necessary Virtue is, in that all Men do abhor to be unjustly dealt with. And they that regard not Virtue themselves, do yet expect it in their Vassals. Whence some are so apt to applaud Integrity, and other good Qualities in their Negroes, and to blame and punish the contrary. Nor can it be doubted but that good Qualities are as requisite in a Servant, as Conjugal loyalty is in a Married Person, or obedience in a Child. Now Religion is the strongest exciter and spur to these Virtues, fixing and engraving them upon the Heart of Man, and making such deep impressions thereof upon the Soul, that the Party shall even prefer Death to the foregoing of his Duty; which heretofore hath been evidenced by innumerable Instances; some examples thereof have in this Age been produced. And then can any Man believe other, than that Religion is necessary for People of this, or of any other condition whatsoever? Or that it is not the Master's great Interest to have his Servants minds possessed, with principles of true Piety? The benefit whereof is least to the Slave, though he gain Heaven thereby; whilst his Master (besides that, of which he is no less assured, by being instrumental thereto) doth in this World also reap the desired fruit of his Servant's FIDELITY: Which whosoever hinders, must therein be an enemy to that his own great Interest. In a word, God having sworn, Isa. 45. 23. (again repeated, Rom. 14. 11.) That every Knee should how to him, and every Tongue give him thanks, and glorify him; (unto which Service he hath furnished Slaves with Abilities and Parts suitable;) and having withal by his express Commands, imposed on them alike necessity thereof, (unto which doubtless they are obliged to conform, every Man being bound to be as Good and Virtuous, as God doth require of him: I say, these Reasons considered,) the prohibiting and disabling them for this Service, is certainly a most palpable deprivation of their Right, which is the worst I shall say of it here, and at this time.  
5. But then in the third place, this Right I am speaking of, is no less evident from the good and evil of Eternity; which the Master and Slave are, according to their Merits, each of them to enjoy, or suffer alike. For as the Precepts are general, so also are the Threats and Promises. As for instance: He, saith our Blessed Lord, that believeth, and is baptised, shall be saved; but he that believeth not, shall be damned, St. Mat. 16. And the great Apostle St. Paul indefinitely pronounceth Sin to be the Wages of Death to all alike, Rom. 6. And in Rom. 2. he denounceth tribulation and anguish to every soul of Man that doth evil. So also the Prophet, Ezek. 10. 20. resolveth the matter, that the soul that sinneth, it shall die. But on the contrary, He that believeth on the Son of Man, hath eternal Life, and shall not come into Condemnation, saith St. John 15. 24. And saith St. Paul, Whatsoever good thing any Man doth, (speaking of Servants) the same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be Bond or Free, Ephes. 6. 8. Further adding, For with God there is no respect of Persons. Now the Slave's Soul being as precious, and his danger and hopes equal with his Master's, a Right to the due and necessary means, either to prevent the one, or to obtain the other, cannot be denied him: Unless we will suppose, That God should Damn so great a number of Men, for the abominable Lucre of a few greedy Epicures and Mammonists. It being not to be denied, but that it is a thing highly unreasonable to tie any Man to an end, and at the same instance to bar him of the means requisite thereto; and withal, to condemn him to a perpetual Death, for omitting those Duties (if at least we may so term them), when he had no Right nor Liberty to perform them. Wherefore since that the Ways of God are all equal, 'tis to be concluded, that whatsoever Penalties he hath decreed for the breach of his Laws, must be because there first was a Liberty, at least, if not an Ability, given for the observance of them; with sufficient means allowed both to obtain the good, and to avoid the evil, consequent to the keeping or neglect thereof.  
6. I shall conclude my whole Proposition with a few Lines, to this purpose, borrowed from a Sermon delivered on a Christmas-Day in this Island; For which I am sure the Preacher (who, though his Discourse was to White People, did yet design it for the benefit of the Blacks and Tawneys, of which our fierce Quakers Spirit (see P. 4.) was quite Ignorant;) will not be displeased. The Text being taken out of St. Luke 2. the latter part of the 10th ver. his Discourse thereupon was to this effect. And that we may not too proudly insult upon these People [the Negroes,] and with the Poet, resolve against them,— Quod nulla sub illa cura Jovis Terra est:— That they are wholly without the care of Heaven, and of God's Protection and Providence: That like the Mountains of Gilboa, no Dews nor Showers of Grace were to fall upon those parched Fields; or like the barren Figtree, they were smitten with a perpetual Curse; we find them admitted into the Church upon the first dawning of the Gospel. And Acts 8. We read the holy Spirit of God, to be no less than thrice, particularly concerned, and acting for the Salvation of the Aethiopian Treasurer; a condescension so extraordinary and rare, that few, either Men or Nations, can boast of the like. Wherefore if St. Peter could from one single Example, infer the Salvation of all the Heathen, Acts 15. what should hinder, but from this Eunuches ready submission and hearty acceptance of the Heavenly Doctrine, we also may infer the Calling and Conversion of all the Negroes. And since that God, who knoweth the Hearts, bore him witness, and did put no difference between him and other Gentiles; but purified his Heart by Faith: Why tempt we God, in detaining them in Bondage to Hell (no less than to ourselves) for whom Christ died, and redeemed them from thence?— And then proceeding to that Example of Ebedmelech, Jer. 38. 39 he thus concludes;— Both which being considered, it is most evident (to use St. Peter's words in his Discourse to Cornelius;) That to them also, hath God granted repentance unto Life; that they have Souls to be saved no less than other People; and an equal Right even with us, to the Merits of Christ. Of which, if through our Neglect or Avarice, they be deprived, that Judgement which was denounced against wicked Ahab, must befall us, Our life shall go for theirs: The loss of their Souls will be required at our Hands, to whom God hath given so blessed an opportunity of being instrumental to their Salvation.  
§. VI 1. My two former Propositions being finished, I proceed now to the third; wherein, as a most natural Inference, the Injustice of withholding this Right from our Negroes, was no less positively declared. A thing so clear, that had I not heard and seen the contrary, more than a thousand times over, I should have thought it impossible once to be questioned, or denied. For what can be more unjust, than to deny any Man an apparent Right? Especially a Right of that consequence even absolutely necessary, and whereon Eternity depends. If it be injurious to deprive a Man of his House, or Goods, the enjoyment whereof is confined to the duration of but a few Years, (and yet such an Injury it is, as but few can bear); It must certainly be no less, (rather a great deal more) oppressive to thrust him out of those Eternal Mansions, and from his Heavenly Father's House; to supplant him of his Patrimony in the Celestial Canaan; and, as much as in the Oppressor lieth, to rob him of the Grace of God? An Injury of an endless permanency, and for which, no place for amends nor reparation can be found! Again, if the restraining of ordinary Necessaries, as Food, etc. be an unmerciful Cruelty and Injustice to the Parties, to whose Preservation they are necessary and due; How much more Barbarous and Inhuman must it be to withhold from them the exercise of Religion, and the knowledge of God, equally needful for the preservation of their Souls? And if Slaves have a Right to so much of their Labour as may furnish them with the first, (which, it is proved, they have) certainly it will follow, that their Right is as great to the latter. If the Negro's Master be in his Sickness obliged to afford him such Succour and Relief as may, if possible, prevent the Anticipation of his Dissolution (for otherwise he is a Murderer, and amongst more virtuous Christians, would certainly be Arraigned for one) doubtless he is equally bound to prevent his Damnation. It being, as the Orator testifies, against common Equity and Morality, to post-pone a lesser evil to a greater; to destroy a Man to save a Horse; or in a Man to throw away the Noblest and most Precious, to save the more Dunghill and basest part of him; especially when obliged with equal care to preserve the whole; or if to bestow any more on either, to prefer the best, and that Eternity be allowed the pre-eminence. And this care, which carries its reward always with it, is but a moderate Retribution of the Servant's Labour, though to him of infinite value.  
2. And here may it not be demanded, Why the Master who thinks this care as to Religion, needless for his Slave, doth (as some would have it believed of them) hold it needful for himself? Since the meanest Slave hath a Soul of no less value, and to be preserved by the same means, with his. Or how comes his Soul, being of but one and the same substance, to have a better title to Happiness, and the means of attaining it, than the others, since that the holy Scripture, the Charter of happiness to Mankind, informs us of no such difference? Where the Servant that believes, is by St. Paul dignified with this Privilege of being the Lords 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See the Margin, 1 Cor. 7. 22.  Freedman, and thereby qualified with a full Liberty and Freedom, to partake of the Immunities of Religion, and to the exercise of whatsoever Actions shall be conducive to promote his interest in Eternity, and to attain to the Blessings and Joys of Heaven. And this, being so plainly there asserted; and the most certain and Catholic Faith of all Christians; no Man that professeth an Assent to these, can, without contradicting himself, gainsay it: Yea, a very Infidel, may, from this owned and avowed Principle of Christianity, pass sentence against him, acting so contrary thereto.  
3. And questionless from our Negro's being Slaves to argue their no Right to Religion, is more Oppressive and Injurious, than that Force which first made them so: Because striking at their Souls, and subjecting them to Hell, as much (only for a longer time) as to their Torments here on Earth: And to have avoided which, it might have been wished, either that their Creation had failed, or not exceeded this fancied state and degree of Brutes. And this Injustice must upon all respects, be heightened by the consideration of those great Ends unto which all Momentany advantages ought to give way. Nor is it to be understood as terminating only in the Sufferings of the wronged Party, but directed and glancing at Him also, whose the Soul of each Man is; whether in a Bond, or Freeman: And who cannot be thought to resent a Fact, so at once Sacrilegious and Oppressive, less than an Earthly Prince doth the Murdering of a Subject, the Author whereof is deservedly made with his own, to wash out and silence the loud cry of his Neighbours, or Fellow-subject's Blood. And as a Crime of this nature marks the Oppressor with the blackest Gild, so it cannot but render him Obnoxious to the severest Vengeance, that a provoked and just God can inflict upon him, both Body and Soul; and probably, no less in this Life, than certainly in the other.  
4. I confess, as to the Provision for their Bodies, they deny it not to be expedient, or fit to be allowed them: But this, not as their Right, or Due, but as conducive to the Master's Convenience and Profit, The most operative and universally owned Principle of this Place, and indeed of the whole Plantations. They consider it only in order to the enabling their People to undergo their Labour, without which themselves cannot get Riches, and great Estates; but nothing (so far as I could ever learn) for the Wretch's Health and Preservation. And their both Discourse and most current Practice, do declare no less; in neither of which doth appear much Tenderness. Pity to Humanity being here reputed a pusillanimous weakness, and a very back friend to Interest. Whence their Houses are so plentifully stored with tormenting Engines, and Devices to execute their Cruelty. So that the Satyrist's Poetic Description of those famous Tyrannies then practised in Rome, the true resemblances of what were of old practised in Sicily, comes short of the reality of this. For in the very letter of his words,  
Praefectura Domus Siculâ non mitior Aulâ,  Juv. S. 6. 
They here outdoing those precedents of Cruelty, though the most Notorious, that History hath delivered to Posterity; as being persuaded; That a Slave can claim nothing as his Right, besides Stripes and Labour.  
5. And as they exceed those ancient Severities, so the immodesty of the Executioners, 'tis to be presumed, did come short of what has here been the wonder of the new and less-seasoned Adventurers, to hear related. It being sufficient in those times to chastise a Bondwoman,— Nudam humeros, nudisque mamillis: Bare to her shoulders and breasts only: Whereas here, those who before were quite Naked, all but a little of their middle part, have this also uncovered: The Mistress, to the shame of her Sex, (as from an Eye-witness and present Spectator, hath been attested to me) not blushing to be present (an effect, 'tis possible, of their believing Negroes to be but Brutes) amongst a crowd of Boys and Men, to witness the Execution, no less than to prevent Compassion. The Tormenter (always of the sex Masculine) to keep even pace with our Satirists words, no less then with her Immanity, (Et caedit, donec lassis caedentibus—:) Seldom giving over before quite tired; which if too soon, doth argue Sloth, and is apt to be interpreted a Connivance; a Crime big enough to endanger his Place, and to deprive him of the honour and happiness of being Archi-Mastix of the Negroes for ever after. Which certainly are Inhumanities' of the wrankest kind, and no less needing to be restrained by some wholesome and good Law, than were the like formerly exercised by the Spaniards upon the poor Americans. But from which by a Bull of Charles the Fifth, than King of Spain, and Emperor, they were most graciously released. For which these also do seem to cry with their utmost earnestness unto the Government at Home; not doubting but that in time they shall be heard.  
6. Nor are they very constant to that first and so very agreeable Principle, of preserving these poor Wretches for Labour (their only end in purchasing of them,) by a due provision of Food (not likely to put them to any extraordinary expenses, whilst little better than what the Hogs do feed on, and is, to save time, generally planted by themselves upon Sundays): And of Clothing, for which a Canvas Shirt and Drawers, during the two or three rainy Months (which is all the Winter we have here) will suffice: And lastly, by allowing them time of Rest, and of respite from Labour for their tired Bodies. I say, they are very far from a constant acting according to that Principle; unless where the benefit of preserving, shall exceed the damage they are like to sustain, by suffering some few of them to be Starved, or otherwise to Perish. That is, If three or four Hundred may be more advantageously maintained (for it being uncertain which of them will outlive the other, they must be at like Charges with each, if they would save them all) then fifteen, or twenty new ones be purchased, to fill up the dead rooms, (for so many, or more, are like to be wanting at the Years end, without such Provision:) I say, then 'tis possible that they may fall to consult their God, INTEREST, and endeavour their Preservation. Which kind of Considerations are not so frequent among the Mightier, as with the Middle and Meaner sort; who do usually find it less convenient to buy new, than (having but a few) to preserve their old Negroes. Whereby both their and the White Servants (the general name for Europeans) condition, is less miserable under these, than under the richer sort; with whom the death of a good Horse, and of a Negro, is of equal moment, and doth usually extort from them the same expressions of Grief and Sorrow; unless where the Horse doth happen to be of the greater Value.  
7. To this also I might add, as an effect of their scant allowance of Food to their Slaves, the many Robberies and Thefts committed by these starved People upon the poorer English. Of which, if I should affirm their owners to be the occasion, by thus starving of them, I think I should not hit much either beside, or beyond the Mark. That they are not displeased at it, if dexterously performed, is the general belief and sense of the Sufferers: And this is said to be the true meaning of that customary reply, Tush, they can shift, to the Stewards and Overseers requests for a supply of the Negro's want of Provision. Which suspicion of their Connivance, is further augmented by the small Redress that is given, or made to the injured parties, upon their just Complaints; unless taking them in the Act, they there shoot them dead; which is all the remedy they can get: Whereby the Island is daily deserted by its Inhabitants. And this also is one of the chief Reasons, why Provisions are so dear; no live Creature being to be raised, or kept secure, but under Lock and Key.  
8. I might here also add, that the Pickaninnies, or young Negro-childrens, except only the hardiest, wanting a due attendance and care of them, do most of them perish in their Infancy. Their Mother's continual labour in the Field, not admiting a necessary care or regard of them.  
9 Nor are these Miseries the Fate only of the Blacks, but, in a proportionable measure, of the English and White People also, who generally are better wrought than either fed or taught. And for their charity to the Sick, though brought even to Death's door, yet can they hardly obtain the least amendment in their Diet, though never so earnestly importuned; their Condition and Countenances no less pleading for them. I confess, I would not here be supposed to charge all alike, where (possibly) divers are to be excepted, though to me unknown. And these things have, beyond all dispute, wasted more English-Men, (not to mention Negroes, and other Nations) than are at this Day to be found in all America. Who with better usage, might have been of great use to the Peopling of those vast desolate Regions: And at the same time, contributed no small Reputation and Strength to their Mother-Country.  
10. And to give one Instance for all, of this Unmercifulness; it was concerning one of these, and even a Natural Subject of one of his Majesty's Kingdoms, though not of England; and for an Accident wherein another deserved the whole blame, (were any at all due, which is questionable) that that execrable Speech mentioned before, Page 69. was uttered. But for which, right or wrong, the poor Man sustained an hundred Lashes, or more. Seven Rods, each bearing five Sprigs (which occasions their name) nothing inferior to our Willow, being spent upon him: Whereby he was, to the astonishment of the Beholders, (some whereof (no less than the party himself) are to me very well known) many days after, seen, as it were but one general Scab, all over. The barbarous Author of it, in contempt of their Exstacy and Affrightment, then venting that blasphemous Expression: And withal adding, That it was no less lawful for Men, than for the Fish, or wild Beasts, the greater and more powerful to worry and destroy the rest. A Speech better becoming an Outlaw, than a Judg. But from hence may be argued, that if their Servants Bodies, in the sustaining whereof their Interest so much consists, do meet with no more mercy, their Souls must expect much less; from such who believe Religion an impediment to their Profit; and with our King John, do think, That a Stag may grow very fat, without ever hearing of Mass. And that if these be so much neglected, it cannot be imagined that the other should once fall under their consideration. Nor is this the effect of Sloth only, or a thing accidental; but by design, and from a principle (next to their supposed Brutality) springing from the imaginary inexpedience thereof: The ground and foundation of those foul Positions, which have ministered but too just▪ occasion for this Discourse. Which fancied Inexpedience is the thing that falls in my way, next to be considered and treated of.  Ezek. 8. 13. And he said also unto me, Turn thee yet again, and thou shalt see greater Abominations, that they do.  

CHAP. II.  
That the Profession of Christianity absolutely obliging to the promoting of it, no Difficulties nor Inconveniences, how great soever, can excuse the Neglect, much less the Hindering, or Opposing of it; which is in effect no better than a Renunciation of that Profession.  
§. I. n. 1. NOthing then having hitherto appeared of sufficient force, to invalidate our Negro's natural Right to the Privileges of Religion, nor to acquit their Injustice, who hitherto have withheld them from, at least not acquaint them with it; I come now to inquire whether certain great personal Inconveniencies thereupon, as is pretended, necessarily ensuing to their Owners; the many insuperable Difficulties, or lastly, the numerous Mischiefs thereby threatened to the Public, (if found true,) may not prove a sufficient Bar, and even justify their Master's refusal, at least forbearance, notwithstanding this Right, to admit them thereunto.  
2. Before I reply unto which, I shall crave leave to demand of them, What Nation, or Sect of Men, did ever till now hold it Inexpedient, or not fit to perform what was Just and Right? Certainly, none besides Thiefs and Cutthroats, (or the late pretended Saints), such whose whole subsistence was by Violence and Rapine, and therefore have been proclaimed Outlaws, and reputed as common Enemies to Mankind: Fit Tutors for those that profess themselves Disciples and Scholars of Christ! And yet even these, as Cicero observeth, l. 2. Off. are forced to constitute Laws, unto which they conform themselves. And by an Instance of two notorious Banditi, who by an even sharing of their Purchase, arrived to great Wealth, he further confirms his Argument, for the necessity of Justice: Which, he saith, doth consist in Equity, by supporting the Weak against Oppressors, and observing an even indifferency, in the administration thereof, both to high and low. And therefore he tells us, that for this end, Leges sunt inventae, quae cum omnibus unâ atque eâdem voce loquerentur: Laws were enacted, which should indifferently speak the same sense and language to all conditions and degrees alike.  
3. And doubtless 'tis a thing agreeable to Nature, to maintain Right. A principle plainly legible in the Practice, because first planted and riveted in the Hearts, of the most barbarous Nations. None of these owning other, but that what was Just and Right, was alike due to, and from all Men; and then certainly to Slaves from their Superiors, so far as that Right should extend. And this without any byassing Considerations by particular Interests, but guided by Equity, the most exact Rule of Right and Justice. These being not empty Names, but importing real Duties; of which we are not to take our Measures by the vastness of our Ambition, or our unbounded Avarice, but by the truest Reason, void of all disturbance by Passion and Corruption from by-Ends.  
4. To prove which, I might amass together whole Pages of Quotations, out of the forementioned little Volumn of Moral Duties, but shall at present content myself with Gleaning only a few out of that full Stack, or Sheaff. As, That the foundations of Justice are to hurt no Body, but to consult the Good of all. That we are born to Honesty, and that Justice only can confer on Men the Title of [Good.] That whatsoever is True, Simple, and Sincere, is most agreeable to Man's Nature. That nothing Cruel is profitable. That the endeavouring after Wealth and Estates by just ways, is commendable; but the contrary base and detestable. That they do pervert the foundations of Nature, who do separate Profit and Honesty; It being horrid to imagine, that any profit can be made by Injustice; yea, even at that very time when we obtain the thing reputed thus profitable, it being impossible that these should conduce to any Man's benefit. That Socrates was wont to curse those Men, who first separated Profit and Honesty: Nothing being profitable or expedient, but so far as it is void of Baseness. And most fully to manifest and evice this Position, is the whole work and design of that excellent Treatise.  
5. And now let those Christians who pretend a Necessity, for that which Heathens have in their several Ages and Times, so fiercely declaimed against, As misbecoming Men, and Unnatural; and do pretend a necessity for that which no temptation of Profit could induce them to accept, or assent to; and further do hold it convenient, and even commendable, (as being the first step to Honour and Authority;) to compass Estates by the most Sordid ways, which either the Examples of a Corrupt Age, or their own fruitful Inventions can suggest. And for this false end do deny their Slaves the exercise and benefit of Religion, upon the pretended Inconveniencies and imaginary Inexpedience of it; I say, let them coolly weigh this virtuous Heathens resolutions concerning the necessity of Justice, and the turpitude of the contrary Vice; and having so done, let them bethink themselves how little Right they have to that noblest Appellative of Christians (if they at all care for it), who do thus professedly turn their Backs to common Equity and Justice. And then to consider whether of the two, Themselves, or their Slaves, by them kept in ignorance of their Duty, be the blackest and wrankest Heathens.  
§. II. 1. And thus having from the consent of Nature and Reason made it evident, that Right and Equity are in despite of all Inconveniencies to be complied with, I shall without further delay, betake myself to my Assertion, before laid down, viz. That the Profession of Christianity, etc. Which will best be proved by looking into, and displaying to each view, the true Nature and Notion of Christianity, which I understand to be, A devoting of ourselves to the Service of Christ, and a strict Obligation in defiance of the whole World, to promote his Interest and Honour, even with the loss of whatsoever is precious or dear unto us. Which Vow is to be sincerely and truly made and kept; the whole Action being otherwise but mere Pageantry, and Hypocrisy.  
2. And that this is the true Notion and sense of Christianity, not only the express words of that solemn Covenant, made betwixt God and our Souls, at our initiation into it by Baptism, doth show; but also our Blessed Lord's so often reiterated, and no less plain Declaration, in Answer to this very Question, do most fully prove. As, when he forewarns his Apostles, that Self-denial, and a renouncing of Worldly Affections, with a firm resolution to undergo the Cross, that is, All Losses and Sufferings, are Qualifications highly necessary for all his Followers. He further also acquaints us, that Houses and Lands, Kindred and nearest Relations, and even Life itself, are all to be slighted as base and vile, in respect of our Duty to himself; The very substance of our Vow in Baptism.  
3. And to place my Assertion beyond all Dispute, I shall here further note, That this in all Ages of Christianity hath been so understood, even till this very Day. Hence St. Peter's Profession, to lay down his Life for his Master, was accepted by him; which he afterwards performed, as also did the rest of the Apostles. And the holy Scripture instances in St. Stephen, and St. James, both early Martyrs and Witnesses of this Truth. And had this been otherwise the Churches Kalander, had not so long since been furnished with so complete and numerous an Army of those Noble Martyrs, as to Muster up five thousand for each day throughout the Year. Who all of them, doubtless, might have saved their Lives, had it not been more for their Lord's Honour, and the Interest of his Religion (which they were thereby to promore), thus to suffer the effusion of their Blood for him, who by his own Example of pouring out his Soul unto Death, did first lead them the way thereto. And in the Hebrews we have the examples of the Jewish Martyrs, who were sawn asunder, etc. set before us for our imitation, by St. Paul: whose Afflictions also, mustered up in his latter Epistle to the Corinthians, c. 11. with his frequent Exhortations to the like, and a resistance even unto Blood, that is, in contempt of Death; and of following Christ's Example, of suffering for the Truth; assuring us that there is no other Way, or Gate, by which we should obtain an entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven, but through much Tribulation, Acts 14. do sufficiently evidence, that this Doctrine was not to expire with its great Author, but always to remain a necessary condition of Admittance into his Service and Fellowship, so long as he was to have a Church upon Earth; that is, till the Consummation of the World. Now, doubtless none of these were so much in love with Death, but that willingly they would have redeemed their Lives, at the loss only of their Estates, or at least, the whole with some part; could it have been done without offending their Duty. So that here were inconveniencies with a witness; yet there was no avoiding them, so long as they knew themselves under this Obligation to their Saviour and Master Christ.  
4. Now here some (I do not say all), will grant that they are indeed tied, not to deny Christ: But, say they again, are they therefore bound to proclaim him, or to persuade others, who think themselves much better (or as well) already, to become his Servants and Followers?  
5. To which, I answer, That, I suppose, they are: And that, First, as being absolntely bound thereto, by their very Profession; that is, by their owning themselves for Christians. The contrary being no less than a renouncing of it: Because it proceeds from a neglect and even contempt thereof, than which nothing can be more contrary thereto. And which when not occasioned through Fear, or by Accident, but arising from Choice and Election; and withal attended with a persistance in and defence of it, is such a clear indication of our disaffection and no esteem thereof, as to amount to a plain denial; which every single Sin, though of the grossest kind, abstracted from those, doth not. And therefore no Christian can ever justify his omitting any possible-lawful means for the advancement of his Religion; much less that which is indeed the Principal. Besides, Christianity is of its self a profession of doing Good, and of asserting (not concealing) the Truth; which was the very end of our Blessed Lords coming into the World; as himself, St. John 18. 37. witnesseth, namely, to bear witness to the Truth; and to seek and to save that which was perishing, or quite lost. And therefore he was perpetually either employing himself in preaching and working of Miracles, or going from Place to Place, and fetching many tedious and weary Circuits, to find out Patients to exercise his Power and Virtue upon, and to Heal their Distempers: Removing men's Diseases from their Bodies, thereby to work greater Cures upon their Souls: And, without partiality or distinction, curing Servants and Beggars of their Infirmities, restoring the Blind, Lame, Deaf, and Dumb, without any respect to the quality, but to the need of the Parties; and no less out of pure humanity and pity to the Distressed, than for the satisfaction of doing Good. And from this Example and Doctrine of the Blessed Jesus, the first Christians did not grudge to sell their Houses and Lands for the Relief of others. Nor were they to confine and determine their Charity to the bounds of their own Profession (though the Household of Faith was in the first place to be supplied) but were obliged to do good unto all Men, not forgetting their very Enemies; much less their Domestics and Slaves, by whose Labour they had their whole Subsistance. Now if they thought themselves obliged to relieve men's Bodies, the worse part, much more were their Souls to have a share in this Charity: By their extraordinary Care for which last, and their contempt of the Miseries and Sufferings of the other, when called to it, it was evident what value they did put upon each. As knowing that if they gained the whole World, with the loss of their Souls, they should have had but little left to be boasted of. And if they held it their Duty to leave themselves destitute even of an House for shelter, and to part with their Treasures (the getting whereof did cost them so much Sweat and Care) for the good of the Church, and the increase of Religion; themselves in the mean while depending only upon Providence; there is no doubt but they presumed it much more their Duty to bestow their Breath and Words, which could cost them no Labour, besides that of uttering them; nor any Expenses more than of the time therein laid out and employed.  
6. And conformable hereto, hath been the Practice and Consent of Christianity in all Ages since. For first of all St. Peter, being, Acts 4. forbidden to speak any more in the Name of Christ, remembering his Commission and Calling, and knowing what a prejudice to the Souls of Men his silence would prove, He, encouraged from Heaven, with the hazard of his Life, persists and goes on; boldly in the most public place (even in the Temple) like a true Minister and Apostle, speaking all the words pertaining to this Life, that is, to Christianity. And those Christians that were scattered abroad upon the Persecution which arose about Stephen, traveled into remoter Regions; but there preached the Word; some to the Jews only, whilst others preached to the Gentiles also: Both concurring in this Sentence, That they understood it to be their Duty to promote the Doctrine of their Lord, in whatsoever Territory they should happen to be cast. This was the cause of St. Paul's toilsome Journeys into Syria, Greece, Spain, Rome, etc. Others of the Apostles piercing into India, and in a few Years subduing more Kingdoms to Christ, than the Roman Eagles had conquered in many Ages. Nor did Religious Christians think it any Disparagement to employ their utmost Skill to advance this Service. Besides, the Charity and Love of Souls, did beighten their Zeal to the effectual destroying the works of the Devil, and to rescue out of his Snares, those that were taken Captive at his will. Nor could they be at rest till they had established him, their most Natural Lord, in his Hereditary Dominions over the Heathen, and extended his Authority even to the utmost parts of the Earth: Such was the deep sense they had of this Duty. And therefore Tradition hath delivered▪ that the Apostles by Lot, like so many great Generals going to take in Cities, and conquer Provinces; sorted themselves to travel into the most distant Regions, for the effectual carrying on of this great Work: Notwithstanding that they knew there were no Dignities nor Preferments to be any where expected, besides Affliction and Martyrdom. Whereof St. Bartholomew is said to have betook himself to India; St. Thomas to Parthia; St. Andrew to Scythia; St. Matthew to Aethiopia; and St. Mathias is said to have adventured amongst the Cannibals. So that no People, how Barbarous, or Remote soever; nor any Clime, though portending nothing but Destruction and Calamity to them, nor even the most apparent and affrighting Dangers, could by any means divert them (as by an Instance we have, Acts 21. 13. of St. Paul's resolution, is manifest) from prosecuting this so glorious a Design, so much by us slighted: Who instead of taking such difficult Voyages, do (even the best of us) scarcely wish well to them; and do think it enough to propagate the Gospel in Fable only, and as at the Isle of Pines. Never taking care to teach the Natives, where we come, any Good; but to learn them in all the Evil, which we practise ourselves.  
7. Nor did this Zeal die with the Apostles, and their immediate Successors, but did shine most brightly in the Christians of the following Ages: Neither Sex (according to its Capacity) believing itself exempted from this Service. For as Women are said to have been Apostles to the Apostles, so the Iberians, as Socrates delivers, l. 1. c. 15, 16. do own their first knowledge of the Gospel to a poor She-Captive. Which no doubt was by her at first undertaken and acted, out of a sense of her Duty, (such an opportunity being providentially administered to her); and the common Principles of all Christians directing her thereto.  
8. After the like manner we read, that the middle India was converted by two Strangers, their Names Frumentius, and Aedesius. And Eusebius, in his l. 5. c. 20. of Eccl. History, writes of St. Panten us, (whom he styles a most famous Man, for) that he shown so much, and such Divine Zeal for the Word of God, that he went to preach it to the Indians: Either to subdue some new Province, or to perfect what another had begun.  
9 And it was very early that St. Peter, or St. Paul, or St. Simon Zelotes, or St. Joseph of Arimathea, or St. Aristobulus, or some other of the Apostolic Age (whosoever they were) came into Britain, to give it the Honour of having the first Christian King. And the Britain's when invaded by the Saxons, did not, some of them (as St. Kentigern, and others) cease to follow those Examples; they thinking it their Duty to do this Service to their very Enemies, and to preach to them, for their Salvation, who sought their Lives, and their Country's Destruction. Tho this, being not so hearty carried on and pursued by them as was necessary, did afterwards give Gildas their Countryman, great occasion of complaint against them.  
10. For a supply whereof, St. Gregory, Bishop of Rome, moved (as V Bede piously discourseth) by Inspiration from God, sent Augustine with other Religious Men to preach to the English. Who, being converted to the Faith, did themselves become no less zealous Propagators thereof, both at home and abroad: Having been the happy Converters of the Hassians, Franconians, Turingians, the Saxons of Westphalia, the Frisians, the Hollanders, Norwegians, and Lithuanians. For not to reckon up Felix, Berinus, and Agilbertus, St. Aidanus and Columbanus; all Foreigners, yet instrumental to the Saxons Conversion: Nor yet that Religious King St. Oswald, who himself out of his great Zeal to promote the Faith of Christ in his own Kingdom, did not think scorn to become Interpreter to Aidanus as he preached, and to give the sense of the Sermon to his Attendants, as Aidanus, who understood not English, delivered it. I say, not much to insist upon thess, we read of St. Willibrood, Boniface, and Pope Adrian the Fourth, with divers other Englishmen, the Converters of these Nations; And our V Bede tells us of the two Henwalds, suffering Martyrdom by adventuring into Saxony, upon the like Errand.  
11. And so far were our Ancestors persuaded of the necessity of this Duty, that if any thing happened amiss to them, they concluded it to arise from this Neglect. Hence Kenwalchus, King of the West Saxons, observing his Affairs not to succeed very prosperously; he resolves to amend that Fault: Of which Reformation he soon found the effects, in the Prosperity which thereupon ensued. But all such Considerations are ridiculous amongst Atheists. And therefore when one Mr. A. B. in Virginia, offered his Service in order thereto, he was laughed to Scorn by the etc. They, at least some of them, with a Scoff replying, That those who go upon that Work, are to provide neither Purse nor Scrip; because he had made some Proposal also concerning Maintenance.  
12. 'Tis true indeed, our Church upon the last review of the Liturgy, doth seem to have had an Eye thereto, when in Her Preface she declared, That the Office for Baptising those of riper Years, may be also useful for the baptising of Natives in the Plantations, and others Converted to the Faith. Such was her tender care for the Souls of the Heathen, in that most wholesome Provision. But, alas! the Enemies of Goodness have frustrated and defeated our hopes, so far, that for any use the said Office hath been put to here, it might almost as well have been left out. However, from these few Instances which I have taken out of Church History, as Water out of a common River, (whereof every Man may take enough, without Offence or Injury to any other), may be seen how zealous former Ages were for the Conversion of Heathens▪ which they looked upon as a Duty consequent to their Baptism, and without which they could not challenge the Name of Christians. And so much for my first Reason.  
13. But secondly, If this be not the Duty of Christians, then must Christianity fall short of the Piety of Gentilism, whose Philosophers and Learned Men, as they aimed at nothing so much as the knowledge and disquisition of the Truth; so next of all was their desire of converting and winning others, with them to embrace the same. Who yet knew nothing of any Reward thereof, beyond the satisfaction of doing Good, and of being instrumental to advance Society. Which Considerations ought to be more prevalent with Christians, as having promises of Rewards for whatsoever good thing is done by them, not only in this Life, but in that which is to come. And the Heathens Notion of a Good Man, was from hence derived, viz. From doing all the good he could: Whilst they held a self-ended Person in the greatest detestation. Now Christianity is but Morality, strained to the highest pin: And therefore our Lord prescribes to his Disciples, the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees, (that is, of the strictest Jews) not only for our bare Imitation, but to be outdone by us. One of whose principal Virtues, we read, it was that they compassed Sea and Land to make Proselytes. And certainly then a Christian is much more obliged thereto.  
14. Thirdly, We are hereunto tied by our Covenant in Baptism; wherein we promise to fight manfully against Sin, which no man can fully answer, that doth not first fight against Infidelity. Hereby also we engage to be faithful Servants to Christ, during the Term of our whole Lives: Which work of Converting Sinners, is the most grateful service that we can perform. For certainly it had otherwise never been so often pressed and recommended with such promises in holy Scripture; As, He that winneth Souls is wise, Prov. 11. 30. And they that be Wise, shall shine as the Firmament, and they that turn many unto Righteousness, as the Stars for ever and ever, Dan. 12. And the reducing one fallen from (and surely 'tis the same if he never knew) the Truth, is in some sense made Meritorious, St. James 5. 20. Nay further, it is so much our Duty, that 'tis Heathenish to neglect it, as (besides what I have before in this Sect. said) may be inferred from those general words of the 4th Chap. and the last Ver. of the same Epistle. And if by the Husband's causeless Repudiating of his Wife, he in that Act causeth her to commit (and so is guilty of her) Adultery; by the like parity of Reason, He that hinders his Servant from believing, must be guilty of his Infidelity. And in a word, so natural it is for Men to promote the Faith which themselves do believe, that with the Barbarians of Japan, we may safely conclude them for no Christians, that do neglect it. And not only as in our subjection to Earthly Masters, to whom our Strength and Labour is due; but in this Covenant of Baptism, we bind and make over our Souls and Affections to Christ, no less than our Bodies. Now let these be but Cordially employed by us, and 'tis not possible but they must reflect some improvement to this Service. Especially where the Agent is fully armed with absolute Authority, and those on whom he is to lay out his endeavours being his Slaves; and so, though disaffected thereto (which they are not) yet might soon be brought over, by one having Power to make them submit and bend their Inclinations to his own. Tho at first perchance less cordially (that is, where there is any dislike, which I must avow that here there is not;) yet in an outward Compliance at least; And even this disaffection, custom and long use would in time wear out, and make the contrary become Natural.  
15. And this doth seem to come down to our Case, wherein we have a perfect concurrence in all the parts, except only in the Principal. The Masters professing themselves Christians, their Slaves being indeed Infidels, but giving no proof of any Malice, or disaffection to Religion. The Masters armed with full power over them; and having themselves vowed to employ that whole Power, and all that is theirs besides, in the Service of Christ. Yet for a petty inconsiderable Interest, to be certainly recompensed with much greater Advantages (as will soon be showed), refusing to promote that Faith (which they themselves do own) among those of their own Families. Now if this be to comply with such Obligations, then may it be concluded, that a Christian hath a mighty Advantage above other Men; and that he may, without the least guilt or stain to his Soul, both swear and forswear whatsoever his Interest shall persuade him to.  
16. I confess, I do not hold it to be alike every Man's Duty to labour herein; but do yet dare to affirm it every Christians Duty to concern himself about it, so far as his condition of Subsistence and living, and his knowledge shall enable him. For as Mr. Glanvil in his Dialogue concerning Preaching, P. 57 tells us, Every private Christian may, and aught to preach in this Sense. Every such is a Priest to his own Family; that is, it is his Duty to teach them the great things of Religion, according to the best of his Skill and Knowledge. This is one way to provide for our Families, and 'tis the most necessary. Men had better neglect the getting their Children and Servants Bread and Clothes, then to omit their care about this greater and more needful Provision. It's true, 'tis not perchance every Man's Duty to traverse the World from one Quarter to the other, to preach the Gospel, and to Convert Heathens. But if they happen to be brought Home to us, and made members of our Families, we are, beyond dispute, each Soul of us obliged, as we tender our own Salvation, to endeavour theirs. That Interrogatory, 1 Cor. 7. 16. How knowest thou, & c? carrying in it an Argument greatly enforcing the like charitable care and endeavours for the saving of others, though lodged at a remoter distance from us, than our Bosoms: For he whose whole business it is to do good, must never be idle, whilst there are any objects of his Charity, especially under his Roof: For he fails of his Duty so much, as he falls short in any particular Office within his power, though of an inferior nature to this. And if unmercifulness be the only Crime observable from our Saviour's Charge at the Day of Judgement, represented, St. Mat. 25. Doubtless, they that have thus cruelly treated their Slaves; and, what in them lieth, destroyed their Souls, shall then find an Hell hotter than ordinary, and like Nebuchadnezzar's Furnace, heated seven times more; and a Devil, proportionably merciless, provided for them: Where they shall come (too late) to know, that God doth above all things detest Hypocrites, and that he will by no means endure to be yoked with Mammon.  
§. FOUR 1. But here forgetting the absolute necessity of this Duty, our People to acquit themselves, do offer some things by way of Excuse: As, 1. The Difficulty, and, as they pretend, even Impossibility of effecting any thing upon them. 2. Their want of English. 3. Their Stupidity, and utter incapacity for Instruction. Lastly, Their irreconcilable averseness and hatred to all Religion. All which are certainly false of the major part of them, at least of divers, as myself, upon my particular knowledge and experience can truly affirm. But as to the second, there are, 1. Many who have lived a considerable time in the Island. 2. Others that were born in it. A 3d sort that have been brought up and baptised in England; who can all of them speak English, no worse than the natural born Subjects of that Kingdom. These I presume will make more than one moiety of the whole. And for the rest, even the very Novices of them, I do not see why they should not be as capable of Religion as of Business. But it is notoriously known, that even those of the third sort (when Trapand hither) are as little regarded as the rawest Barbarian in the whole herd: And so of those whom themselves have caused to be Baptised in England, whereof I have spoken, P. 37. in the former Chapter. And it is no less certain, that their very Domestics, that attend them in their Chambers, and at their Tables (the rest living in sheds, and separated places without Doors, purposely allotted for them) are taught to avoid the room (which also hath been observed of them in England) as often as Prayers do happen to be said or read: As if there were some secret Charm, or power of doing mischief in Prayers. Nor are they forced thence out of any scruple, or (superstitious) fear of having their Services polluted, by the intermixture of unbelievers (a Nicety never here heard of); but only upon this Supposition, of the no necessity thereof, nor benefit to Negroes, or other Slaves.  
2. And as for their Averseness, a charge most proper to be returned upon the Objecters own Heads; I have always found them rather fond and desirous of being made Christians, than any way averse thereto; which a certain passage in Mr. Ligon's Description of this Island, will further evince: Tho, as in that case (and here I will suggest the worst), this desire might possibly first arise only from an Ambition of being like the English: Which should be no wonder, especially in People, who have never so much as heard whether there were any Salvation, or Heaven for them, but rather the contrary. But our People being extraordinary Wise, have to prevent further Trouble, always taken it for granted that their Negroes have an Antipathy against Christianity. Nor are they upon a due trial and experiment desirous to understand other.  
3. And here, if it might not occasion too great an expense of Time, (for which reason I shall be brief) I should crave leave to rehearse a Portion more, of the above mentioned Christmas Discourse, wherein I have an Apology for them upon this Account, ready form to my hand, in these words:— But are their Inclinations so much altered from what they were? Surely, the sacred Text doth furnish us with too notable Examples of Piety and Goodness, in these People. The first is that of Ebedmeleck, Jer. 28. whose compassion to that Prophet in interceding for him, and thereby delivering him out of the Dungeon, was so highly pleasing unto God, that in the next Chapter we find this high commendation and Eulogium given him, That he had put his trust in the Lord; and therefore had a promise of preservation from those fatal Calamities, which suddenly befell that stubborn People, amongst who he then lived.  
4. The second is that of Queen Candace's Treasurer, Acts 8. who though a Dynast, of great Authority with his Prince, traveled so long a Journey, only to worship God at Jerusalem. Judge all the World, whether this African, notwithstanding the blackness of his Face, had not a whiter Soul, than most of our European refined Christians! But this is not all; behold him sparing no time from his Devotions, but, As he sat in his Chariot, he read the Prophet Isaiah. And then see him attentively listening to the Heavenly Doctrine of St. Philip, earnestly thirsting after the Baptismal Waters; Which having obtained, he goes on rejoicing, and hasting to make known the glad tidings of his Saviour to his Countrymen. It was this Noble-man's commendation, that he did not think himself too great to be God's Servant, and that amidst his Pomp, he could attend Religion: And to give him his due praise, I do not see but that this black Prince may be a Copy for the best of us to write after; a Pattern worthy the brightest Professor's Imitation; and of whom, to use our Saviour's words, I may say, Verily, I have not found so great Faith, no not in Israel, etc. By which words of this Sermon, the Preacher doth evidently confute this malicious suggestion, touching the Negroes pretended natural aversion to Religion. And in truth, some of our People do in part confess no less, when in England, to prevent Obloquy (not regarded by others of them) for the Credit of their Island, (and no less to make a fair show) they procure, at least give way to, the Baptising of their Attendants, as I have before mentioned. (Like those in England, who to save their Places and Credits at once, do dare to be guilty of that superstition at twenty mile's distance, which they will not adventure upon nearer Home). It were to be wished upon their return, that, laying aside that suspicion of Averseness, (which they thereby grant to be but a Fiction), they would remember to complete here, what they there began. It being to be presumed that the many thousands remaining, have the like precious Souls, though not blessed with setting foot upon English Soil. But this would go near too much to affront the Principle here, (of which, Mr. Ligon, whom I but now mentioned, gives an Account in the Reply that one made to him, upon a Motion of the like nature) and scandalise their weak Brethren: Who might be apt to suspect them for Christians indeed, and Apostates to the Cause; should they openly persist to commit a thing so contradictory to their long continued Irreligion.  
5. Howbeit notwithstanding these so pregnant Instances, and their own knowledge and experience to the contrary, to make out this Averseness, they relate a story of a thing called a Chapel belonging to a private Family, wherein a Preachment (for Sermon I shall not call it, the Speaker wanting his Orders, together with divers other very requisite Qualifications) was made each Sunday in the Afternoon; the Holderforth (notwithstanding his said Infirmity as to Orders, etc.) being usually taken up in a Parochial charge in the Morning. 
With this Person it was customary for him to Baptise in the Neighbouring Parishes; and that at under-rates (which was enough to spoil the Trade.) He would also join Couples in Marriage, and do any Offices where Money was to be got; the Ministers being not able to prevent nor hinder him; The Vesteries (who are our Supreme Church-governors) not favouring their Complaints, as being themselves not willing to be confined: Nor have the Ministers, even those in Orders, much cause to be displeased, themselves (especially the more popular) usually taking the liberty of their Neighbours Parishes and Pulpits upon all occasions, both without and against the Proprietors' consent.  Now unto this our stupid Africans, being admitted, (for which Supererrogation, the good Man the Master was hearty laughed at, though without cause, as I shall show;) were not in the least edified. Nor did they at all seek after Baptism, the necessity and benefit whereof they were never taught. Nor could they so much as repeat the Lord's Prayer, Creed, or Decalogue, because the Speaker, attending higher Doctrines and Speculations (though I take him for no Fanatic) did never acquaint them therewith: This and Catechising, being with the generality (whom he was to please, or all was gone) quite out of Fashion. Nor did these silly Negroes, so much as understand wherefore they were brought thither, it being never told them. The profound Doctor, believing his Reputation might be diminished, if in his Zeal (of which he was not at all suspected) he had condescended to apply any part of his Discourse to them, so much as in private, but much more in public; which indeed is the mighty dread of some others besides him. Whereby under these great means, the Negroes, who were quartered in the most distant part of their Meeting-place, remained still as brutish as even the more learned English, unto whose wiser Capacities the lofty Harang was solely fitted and directed, without the least application to the other. Who poor Wretches, apprehended (and, I believe, truly enough) their being brought thither to be no other than a specious pretence, only to cheat them of their Dance and Music, and to abridge their Liberty, their other work being over; (like those who by their zeal for the Sabbath, do reap this great spiritual advantage of having their Servants thereby always in their eye:) They in the mean time esteeming the Church for their Prison. Which is no wonder, our whiter People (as we distinguish) being much of the same Faith, touching going to Church, and Religion: For otherwise our few and narrow Churches could not upon Sundays even in the Mornings (for in the Afternoons we seldom Assemble, as contrary to the more laudable custom of our Colonies) amongst such multitudes of People, be so thin and empty. But notwithstanding from this single Instance (not to be paralleled in all the Plantations, except in New-England) decrepit and simple as it is, they very roundly infer this general conclusion, viz. of the strange Antipathy of Negroes to Christianity. Which, (admitting it in any part for true) cannot certainly be greater, than to Work and Labour; and yet their Taskmasters have (notwithstanding) a Faculty to make them willing: And might no question bring about the other with equal facility, would they apply themselves to it, with but half the industry and affection they show towards these. Nor is it likely that their prejudices to Religion (not, as I have often said, in the least discernible in any of them) should make them unwilling to part with an hour from the heat of the Field, to be spent in no harder Service, than learning their Prayers, with other necessary parts of Religion, at rest and under the cool shade. A privilege never like to be obtained for them, whilst the World is so riveted in our People's Hearts; who, would they but be less good natured to themselves, might find as great Instances (it may be much greater) of untractableness and stupidity even at Home, and amongst Englishmen; who yet must not therefore (and here I pray mark our great Christian partiality) be straightways reputed unmeet to be called Christians; much less denied to be Men. But, even admitting the whole Charge, yet they might have fetched this alleged Averseness, from a more probable and nearer Cause, viz. the derision with which themselves do usually entertain all Discourses about Religion, and their disrespect and barbarous treating of the Ministers of it; whereof these Negroes cannot be ignorant. Tho possibly no less also from the same reason, for which the Americans are said to have disaffected Heaven, namely, the Cruelties exercised by the Spaniards over them.  
§. iv 1. But yet further to acquit themselves of all Injustice in this Point (though at no less rate than Blasphemy), they are not ashamed some of them to affirm, that the Negro's belief in the Deity is more simple, pure, and sincere than the Christians: Others of them do flatter themselves with a like wicked Principle of the no necessity of Christianity, in order to attain Salvation; whilst by a false Key of Imagination, they open Heaven Gates, and do very frankly bestow Salvation upon Turks and Heathens; Accounting the contrary Opinion to proceed from the ill nature and peevishness of Melancholy Religionists and Churchmen: So also that the Jews believe sufficiently of Christ, by their expectation of the Messiah to come. And this I have heard maintained, not by our Dunghill Wits, but by the Virtuosos of the place. All which impious Conceits, do but bespeak their Malice against Religion, and at the best do seem to affirm no less than that Christ's coming into the World, 
My indignation against these Blasphemies, forbids me to conceal them; the Authors whereof are Persons considerable for Place and withal the grand enemies of Religion, no less than of the Ministry.  was either a Fiction, (which he that openly proclaimed his— to be as honest a Woman as the most glorious and blessed VIRGIN, no doubt believed) or to no purpose. Thereby rendering the Preaching of the Apostles, and the Faith of all Christians (their own also, if they have any), to be but vain, if Salvation may be had as well, or better without it.  
2. For certainly, were this true, it had not been needless for St. Peter to have advised the Zealous Jews, Acts 2. 23. to Repent, and be Baptised every one of them in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ, thereby to obtain Remission of Sins, and the Gift of the Holy Ghost. And our Lord's appearing to St. Paul before his Conversion, and then ordering him to address himself to Ananias (supposed to be the then Bishop of Damascus) to be told by him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what he must do, Acts 9 6. had been no less idle, than the same Apostles preaching afterwards to others must also have been. And so His words uttered, St. John 15. 5. He that abideth in me, etc. For without me ye can do nothing. And St. Peter to the Jewish Sanhedrim, had declared a very gross and palpable untruth, when to their Faces he positively declared, that there was no Salvation [to be obtained] but by Christ, if the same were no less attainable, not only by Moses, but by Mahomet also, or any other prosperous Impostor in Religion. And so likewise the Angel directing Cornelius to send for St. Peter, who when he was come, should tell him, what he MU DO, (the very same that was by our Blessed Lord said to St. Paul; I say, that this) had been an evident Delusion, seeing there was no such Necessity of Christianity, as that impersonal [Must] doth import. And this of Cornelius, is a most pregnant Argument (and in truth unanswerable) both for the necessity of Christianity, and, I think also, of the Ministry. Who, if ever any Person could, might certainly no less have been saved without either. He being one that feared God with all his House, holding it in vain to be Pious himself, if he suffered his Family to be wicked. He was, as his Character declareth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Religious and devout Worshipper: One that gave much Alms, and prayed to God always; and at the 30th verse, we find him addicted to Fasting, a duty practised only by devout Persons: And for the certainty thereof, this we find all of it attested from the Mouth of the Holy Ghost, and by the Message and Confession of an holy Angel. But notwithstanding that his Prayers were heard, and his Alms had in remembrance in the sight of God; yet the main thing, the Knowledge of Christ being wanting, St. Peter (our Lord resolving to have his Work performed by its proper Ministers) must be sent for (the Angel having no further Commission) to instruct him in that most important Knowledge of Christ. And for the Negro's belief of the Deity, St. Philip's Preaching to the Eunuch by the like especial Mandate, shows that his former belief was of itself, and without this, insufficient, though otherwise never so Pure, Simple, and Sincere. Nor had there been any need thereof, if Reprobated and Uncapable, or naturally destitute of any Right thereto. But that neither the Negro's simple Faith, nor other men's abundant Charity, nor yet the Jews Dreams of their Messiah to come, can save any Man though living never so uprightly therein; our Blessed Lord's Answer to the Samaritan Woman, St. John 4. Ye worship ye know not what, we know what we worship; for Salvation is of the [true Church and Believers only, which are the] Jew's, doth to me fully prove. Wherefore I shall be bold to conclude this Point, in the words of the 18th Article of our Church, in which we find it declared; That they are to be had Accursed, that presume to say, that every Man shall be saved by the Law, or Sect, which he professeth: For that holy Scripture doth set forth unto us only the Name of Jesus Christ, whereby Men must be saved.  
§. V 1. Well, but if this will not do, they are sure that the next shall; wherein 'tis pretended, first, That their Slaves are not hindered, for that they may be Christians if they will: Secondly, That granting they were hindered, yet that it would be no Wrong nor Injustice to them, for that at the worst, they could thereby be but in the same condition here, in which they should have otherwise remained in their Native Country: And lastly, That they neither seek nor desire it.  
2. To which I answer, First, That if it be true, that they indeed do not hinder them from embracing Christianity, they have then the less guilt upon them, and they are not to answer for so vile a Crime. Yet will not this excuse them, it being without doubt their strictest Duty, not only, not to hinder them, but to persuade and win them to become Christians; as I shall more fully show, when I come to answer their third Allegation.  
3. But secondly, As this Answer can no way excuse them, so neither indeed is it true: For to be plain, I must positively affirm, that they are hindered, and that more or less, these four ways.  
4. First, By depriving them of Time, and denying them Persons to instruct them, and even imposing upon them a necessity of planting Provision for their Sustenance, even upon Sundays.  
5. Secondly, By discouragements and scoffs, instilling into them a slight esteem, with an opinion of the no necessity of Religion, as to Slaves and Negroes. Which, next a desire of being Idle, (a Vice incident to our own People) is the cause of their avoiding the Room at Prayers (of which see P. 9). Now Scoffing is termed a Persecution, Gal. 4. 29. compared with Gen. 21. 9 Things in their proper Nature honourable, being apt hereby to be rendered base and ridiculous. And such a Persecution it is, as the most crafty Enemies of Religion, did hold it for the most effectual way to destroy Christianity; and as such was formerly no less dreaded by Christians. Nor can we blame the Negroes, if they contemn the Religion of the English, which they hourly both hear and see trampled upon, and undervalved by themselves.  
6. Thirdly, By direct force and punishment of the Innocent Offenders therein, thereby to deter all others. Which in truth hath struck such a dread into them, that few have since had the Courage to make the least offer at it. And some, whilst privately learning their Prayers, dictated to them, have given such manifest Indications of their Fears, that, as if attempting some Villainy, upon the least noise or stir, their Spirits have failed them, and they have wanted Power to proceed, but were forced to give off, till the Coast were clear, and they found that they might attend with more Security. And hereof 'tis easy to produce divers Instances, if required.  
7. But there hath been a Force known to have been used, beyond ill Looks, Frowns, or bare Words; which 'tis certain was once (and for aught I know oftener) without any great discredit to the Author, eminently, and in the face of the Sun, executed upon a poor Wretch, offending in this kind. His Crime being neither more nor less, than receiving Baptism upon a Sunday-Morning at his Parish-Church, from the Hands of the Minister thereof; Who was said afterwards to excuse himself thus, That he could not deny it, being demanded of him. But the Negro at his return, did not escape so easily: The brutish Overseer instantly taking him to task, and giving him to understand, that that was no Sunday-work for those of his Complexion; that he had other business for him, the neglect whereof should cost him an Afternoons baptism in Blood (those I heard were his very words) as in the Morning he had received a baptism with Water; which he accordingly made good. Of which the Negro afterward complaining to the same Minister, and he to the then Governor, the miserable Wretch was for ever after so unmercifully treated by that inhuman Devil, that to avoid his Cruelty, betaking himself to the Woods, he there perished. An act exceeding all the Examples of Turkish Barbarity, and scarce to be paralleled amongst the Immanities' of the most savage Creatures; who rarely (if ever) are known (unprovoked) to fall foul of, and to worry and destroy those of their own kind; but contrarily, to defend them against the violence of otherlike, but different, Beasts of Prey. The villainous Author whereof deserved, beyond the Vengeance inflicted on the perfidious Pedant of Falerii, mentioned by Livy, lib. 5. to have been whipped to Death by the residue of his Slaves. Which notwithstanding he has escaped, yet let him know, that Divine Vengeance, though it be slow, is sure; and that without a sincere Repentance, attended with strong endeavours to repair this Injury by him done to God and to Religion, there is a fearful Punishment reserved for him; A Baptism also, not of Water, (or Blood only), but in the Lake that burns with Fire and Brimstone. Nor here let any one by reason of the horridness of this Fact, straightway therefore discredit the Relation, as impossible to be acted amongst Christians; the Story being rise in all men's Knowledge and Discourse, that care to remember, or take notice of it; and those that do not, being [here] unable to deny it.  
8. Fourthly, They are hindered by muzzling Their Mouths, who should acquaint them therewith, and by rendering the Work very unsafe, even to the Guides of Souls, and Ministers of Religion, which that Quaker's Harangue, recited in the Introduction to this Discourse, as also the Minister's crude Apology and Excuse, (who Baptised that persecuted and even Martyred Negro, I but now spoke of,) do enough imply. Who had he not been an Estated Person (a happiness now not attainable) and not less strongly fortified with great Friends and Relations, and withal an Ancient Slander (though since fallen), he had for this been undoubtedly Ruined. And I am verily persuaded, that none here besides durst to have done the same: Nor, I am confident, would he himself have had the Courage to have committed the like Act again upon any other; as by an Instance, wherein he was since concerned, I shall immediately show. So that if our Negroes, who never understood either the Benefit or Necessity thereof (these being things carefully kept from their knowledge), in contempt of Scoffs and Discouragements, their want of Leisure and Instruction, and in despite of the Overseers Rods, shall notwithstanding all these have a stomach to be Christians, (without thanks to us) they may be so when soever they will; all these being reputed no Impediments thereto.  
9 To this I shall add the Barbarous Usage of the Preacher before mentioned, together with the Calumnies and spiteful Reproaches, wherewith they pursued him even to those places whither he retired to avoid their Insolences; of which 'tis certain, his Sermon (a part whereof, partly for his Vindication, and partly to let the World see what kind of Doctrine it is they here much Nauseate, I have here Transcribed) was the chief, if not the sole occasion. Nor shall I omit that when another had in discourse proposed something tending hereto; his Proposal was so maliciously represented amongst the Rabble, that he told me, he was endangered thereby.  
10. The sense whereof did so much work upon one, whom also for his character I Pity, that he durst not give Christian Burial to a Mulatto Child born in his House, and by himself privately (though not without importunity) Baptised: The Father being of the Scotish Nation, and the Mother his Domestic Slave. For which reason she must be unmarried (though Baptised); lest the Husband should thereby be invested with a propriety in her, and she should become no longer his; who was therefore compelled to live in Fornication.  
11. For which cause also, when a certain good natured wealthy Person (and this is the Instance I promised) did upon his deathbed, make a Testamentary Alotment of some Weekly exceed for Diet to six Negroes, during their Lives, in requital of their Fidelity and good Services to him; two Ministers (who successively came to visit him, and for whom he professed a particular kindness) being (in my hearing) pressed severally as they came, to make use of the opportunity, and to try whether in that good Humour he might not be further wrought upon, so as to perfect and complete his Charity, by a more necessary provision for their Souls, and persuading him to give order likewise for the instructing and baptising of those six Negroes; It was strange to observe how they were startled at this so unexpected motion; each of them giving manifest Indications of his inward Grief, but replying, That as such Proposals were altegether new and without precedent (O turpem notam temporum!) so they thought it neither seasonable nor safe at that time quieta movere, nor to cause disturbance by such an Innovation. Neither did they judge it prudence thereby to disoblige their Friends, whereof they had not many in the Island, and to exasperate their Enemies. And being withal sensible what it was to perish unpitied and unregarded; and no less certain (even at the best, and supposing they should have the luck to escape a grave and insignificant Rebuke for their indiscreet Zeal) to be upon their greatest Sufferings, referred for their reward to another World, but never to hope for either pity or compassion from any in this. And here we may read the evil consequence of making Ministers Annual Stipendiaries, and of subjecting them to the Arbitrary Talons of Vesteries, made up for the most part of sordid Plebeians, the very Dregs of the English Nation, with whom to be truly Conscientious, is the height of madness and folly; and whose displeasure, even of any one of them, though in the most Righteous Cause, doth portend the parties most certain Ruin.  
12. AND so much for their first Allegation: Now to the second I answer: First, That they are not sure but that by other ways, their Negro's Christianity might have been brought about, even in their own Native Country; where on the one hand there is a freedom and liberty of persuading, and of attending thereto on the other; Advantages hardly to be met with, or to be expected here.  
13. For, first, It is not impossible but that some of those, whom we here do usually reproach for Madmen, ('tis happy for St Paul that he is dead; for his very Christians would now not stick to affirm him besides himself:) might in imitation of the first Disciples, be (like them) possessed with ardent desires to enlarge the Territories of Christianity, and charitably to undertake Voyages thither for the good of Souls. Or that some of those more sober and wiser Men, who travel for Preferment, and Wealth, might by some chance or other be invited thither as divers are: Where 'tis possible, remembering the WOE to the unprofitable Servant, and observing so much occasion and need in those parts for the employment of their Talents, (with which God had entrusted them); they might in time bethink themselves, and laying aside (in some measure) the study of the World, might more carefully addict themselves to that true Labour for which they were appointed and called▪ Or, which one would think less unlikely; our zealous Nonconformists, struck with those Terrors which they give out, for the reason of their thwarting the Law at Home (where there is no want of their Labours) considering the much greater Harvest in those parts, might have resorted thither, thereby to have convinced the World, that their pretences were real: and that the gaining of Souls to Christ, not the draining of their Proselytes Purses, and living in ease and delicate in the Wealthier Places only, was indeed their great and mighty Aim, both in their Preaching, and other Actions of their Life: And there being in those Countries both Liberty, (void of Persecuting Laws and Magistrates, and free from the Impositions of Bishops and Ceremonies) and Occasion enough for even thousands of them. Besides, they should, like the Sons of the Prophets, consider that their place where they dwell, is too strait for them; and replenished with others more suitable to the Genius of the Government, whereas elsewhere there is no Confinement to such Inconveniencies. And this also would be a noble imitation of those first Christians, who when Persecuted in Judea, fled into other parts, and there preached the Gospel. Or fourthly, Some Roman Votaries, (they being of those that sow besides all Waters) might out of their Annual Missions, be allotted for those Quarters, and for aught we know are now preaching to their Relations; whose condition as to Religion cannot be worse; something bettered it certainly may be, though perchance not comparable to what it ought. And in all these cases, 'twere hard if after so much Toil, their Nets should still be returned emptied. Especially where those  impediments to the growth of Religion, the scoffs and flirt's of our Witty Brutes and Atheists, do not interpose to affright the more timorous and wary Fry, and to hinder their Draught. Lastly, Some poor Captive, like the Woman carried into Iberia, or as Frumentius and Aedesius, strangers accidentally arriving there, might happily, by Divine Providence, have been the Authors of their conversion to Christ; Nothing in all this being impossible. And therefore they seem to Discourse at random, and without aim, who affirm that our Negroes, though here continued in their first state of Gentilism, are yet in no worse condition, than they should have been in Africa; and that therefore no wrong is done them. Indeed, had they been Transported hither, and here made Christians, though they had paid no less than their Liberty and Quiet, for the kindness, (to which they are forced without it,) I am persuaded they had spoken nearer to the purpose.  
14. NOR will their third Allegation, that they neither desire nor seek after it, (to which, should they go about it, they should be sure to receive that reply, which Pharaoh made to the Israelites, upon the like suit, Exod. 5. 17. Ye are idle, etc.) any more excuse them, than the two former. It being a Christians strictest duty, by his being such, to persuade and invite unbelievers and wicked Men, though of a more distant and remote Relation to us, than our Slaves are, to serve God, and to embrace that Faith and Religion, by which himself doth hope to be saved, and without which he knows the other cannot. But if the parties be such, as over whom he hath a just Authority, I there conceive it his Duty, if possible to compel them to it; I mean by all fair and laudable means: As both the Parable of the Supper, St. Luke 14. and Josias' compelling Judah and Israel to serve the Lord, do manifestly prove. And therefore the Patriarches in the Bible, though their Servants sought it not (possibly) any more than these, yet by their own Authority they initiated them into Religion. Hence Abraham whose honour it was, That he would command (and that certainly is Compulsion) his Children and his Household, after him to keep the Way of the Lord, (and in the steps of whose Faith each Christian ought to walk, Rom. 4. 12.) is intimated to have Instructed and Catechised those three hundred and eighteen, whom he led forth to rescue his Cousin Lot: As may be seen by comparing Gen. 14. 14. with Prov. 22. 6. and their several Margins. And what he began, his Posterity continued, whose Slaves were not only Circumcised, but also admitted to the Passover▪ which last were both by special Command, whilst the other were purely voluntary; yet commended, as being also their Duty even by the Law of Nature, and that Principle of doing good, so far as we are able, implanted in our Hearts. So also Joshua resolved, That his Household should serve the Lord, as well as himself. And David, Psal. 101. purposed to retain none but faithful Persons to dwell in his House. And Cornelius, even before his conversion, or knowledge of Christ, is said to fear God with all his House. Without which, I fear, he had miss the character of being a devout Man. And it is no less evident, that in the Gospel, the Faithful held it their Duty, even by virtue of their Calling and Profession▪ to Christianize their Servants. Every such (even as Children and Subjects, are to Parents and Magistrates) being as it were so many Limbs and Members of their Masters and Owners, and in some sort the same to them as their Children, and no less accountable both to God and Man for them. From whence it may seem▪ That the same word in the three learned Languages, is frequently used to express both a Servant and a Son▪ to Intimate that strict care which each Father and Master had, and aught still to use for the preservation, and due provision for them, both as to Soul and Body, and for their Spiritual as well as Temporal Food. And for all others it is Charity, if not Duty, to keep Men out of Misery and Ruin, even against their Wills. And though they be insensible of it, should they therefore be allowed to perish, ourselves beholding it, and not advising them of the danger? Should a Physician permit his Patient to starve himself, because he hath lost his Appetite through the viciousness of his Stomach, or overlong Fasting and Abstinence, and not be accounted (though he escape being indicted) for a Murderer? 'Tis true, if after due provision made and tendered, he rejects it, and perisheth in that obstinate refusal, after all due Means and Arguments used to convince him, than we may say to him, Perditio ex te ipso, and the whole guilt of his destruction will lie at his own door. And therefore admitting it to be no wrong to the Negroes in not making them Christians, and that, what is before affirmed, they were of no probability of attaining to the knowledge of Christ in Guinea, which also is conjectural, and but a mean commendation of the Traders thither, (who, I have heard, are by Bond always obliged to the contrary); yet certainly we herein wrong ourselves, by neglecting our Duty in so high a measure, whilst instead of performing faithful service to Christ, to whom we have vowed our whole Man, we in the mean time are found to serve the Devil and Mammon only. For, as the Orator testifies, that Person may justly be reputed an accessary to a Mischief, which he might, but did not prevent: Agreeable to that of St. James 4. and the last ver. To him that knoweth to do good, and doth it not, to him it is Sin. And if Sins of Omission be by some accounted greater than those that are acted or done, there is no doubt but that he who wounds his Soul by omitting his Duty, injures and hurts himself equally with him that commits a Villainy. Nor shall I be afraid to affirm, that if this I am speaking of, touching our Negro's Christianity being hindered (or at least neglected) be no Sin, than neither is Perjury, Murder, nor Adultery. And they, who, being concerned herein, do hold themselves innocent, may as safely presume that that our Saviour Christ, to promote their Gain, will dispense with the most palpable violation of all his Laws. For Christianity is a Religion of Charity, which teacheth us to be Eyes to the Blind, Ears to the Deaf, Feet to the Lame, and calls upon us to open our Mouths for the Dumb, and which cannot Speak in their own cause. And it was Christ's advice to sell all and give to the Poor, for the furtherance of Christianity. And if the Primitive Christians did from thence conceive themselves obliged to dispose of their whole Estates for the support of poor Believers, and the increase of the Church, doubtless they were far from any deduction either from that, or from any other Text, for the obstructing it for their private Gain. Now 'tis all one to forego our Profit for the same good End, as thus to dispose of it when acquired. And that Piety is no less acceptable, which is the means of introducing new Believers, than of preserving the old. Nor is its worth at all lessened by the quality of the Parties won and brought over to the Faith; one Soul being as precious and dear to God as another, and a Slaves, being in his sight not inferior to his Masters. And where the consideration of the End, namely, the good of Souls, is the same, the excellency of the Duty cannot be abated, by any less worthy intervening Circumstances. And this is to be understood as relating to the care we ought to use for the Salvation of Strangers, living at the remotest distance, and without relation to us. But here is no such plea or pretence; though it would be but of small force. The parties we speak of being their Servants, and even branches of each Family, by whom they in a manner wholly subsist; (some, and those not a few, having by their Negro's labour arrived to vast Riches) and for whose Souls they are as certainly accountable to God, as for their own. Who therefore cannot but claim a share equal with themselves, in all things absolutely necessary for their life and being, and the enabling them to perform whatsoever is by God or Man required of them. The detaining whereof, as St. Paul, 1 Tim. 5. 8. determins it, is no less than a rejecting of the Faith, and makes the Oppressor become WORSE than an INFIDEL. Whose calling himself a Christian, whilst (indeed) he is none, doth call to mind St. John's Censure, Apoc. 2. 9 of the like sort of People in his time, and gives us no less occasion to apply it here; I know the blasphemy of them which say they are Jews, and are not, but are the Synagogue of Satan.  Ezek. 8. 15. Then said he unto me, Hast thou seen this, O Son of Man? Turn thee yet again, and thou shalt see greater Abominations than these.  

CHAP. III.  
That the Inconveniencies here pretended for this Neglect being examined, will be found nothing such, but rather the contrary.  
§. I. n. 1. THe absolute necessity of a Christian's promoting Christianity, even in despite of the greatest Difficulties and Inconveniencies being showed, I come now in the last place to examine those very Inconveniencies, and to try whether they are indeed such, as they are pretended; or whether the continuance of those practices for whose Justification this Plea was invented, will not upon a due trial be found more inconvenient and prejudicial to our Interest: At least whether Christianity, notwithstanding these pretences (whether true or false) may not, upon the score of its innocent deportment, and unquestionable blamelessness in all Ages, without the least hazard to any Man's just Right and Interest, be afforded a free course, and find entertainment amongst all Conditions and Degrees without prejudice, or offence to any.  
2. And here I shall not conceal, what I have often within my own Breast considered and wondered at; how, and with what Front these Persons who proclaim to the World, the inconveniencies and dangers threatened by Christianity to their Estates and Lives, (for no less are the things in controversy) can utter things which I am certain themselves neither do, nor can, believe: It being impossible but that Men endued with common sense must know (and that with the highest certainty that they can have), that nothing of prejudice can really accrue to any Man by the Christian Religion. But much less can they be imagined ever to have entertained any thoughts touching a future Account to be given for such blasphemous suggestions, which to the dishonour of their blessed Redeemer, and his Eternal Truth, they continually belch forth without the least shame or blush. For otherwise Christianity might doubtless have found more candid and civil usage from them, than to have thus put upon her such an hideous and frightful Dress, as these have taken the boldness to represent her in, unto the more ignorant and besotted Herd of Mankind, in these remote Quarters of the World.  
3. For it cannot but appear evident, even to the dimmest and most bleared sight, that no such extraordinary danger can possibly attend the Work▪ I am here suing for, on our Slave's Behalf; there being no persecuting Magistrates carrying in their Breasts an hostile Enmity against either the Professors, or Promoters of it; nor yet breathing out slaughter and destruction to them. There are no Confiscations of Estates or Goods; no loss of Liberty threatened; nor is it a Crime now to be a Christian; the Civil Powers being such themselves, and Kings and Queens being long since become Patrons and Nurses of the Church.  
4 Yet notwithstanding this, they are not ashamed to infer ('tis true, not always in express words, as I have said) even as great Mischiefs from their Negro-Slaves becoming Christians (but not otherwise) as the Faithful in the Primitive Times sustained from the most persecuting Heathens. It being their common Affirmation, That the Baptising of their Negroes, is the ready way to have all their Throats cut, etc. which myself, and I believe thousands of others have heard declared and insisted upon by them, with much vehemenoy and indignation; though without any great show of Reason to make it out. For being at any time demanded, from whence those fears could arise, they should never fail most pertinaciously to persist in the Affirmative, 
So Turtullian saith of the Gentiles, Nolentes audire, quod auditum damnare non possint. Apol. c. 1.  That it was so. Which, with the addition of a few angry words, and uncivil rude speeches, in reply to those demands, thereby to testify their displeasure thereat, as well as the danger of enquiring further into their secrets, was what was usual to be gotten from them.  
5. But that which I have casually learned from certain False-Brothers of the Society, hath in their more retired Cabals, been alleged by them (and which indeed was no other than what I before suspected) was principally these three things.  
6. First, They object the Knowledge wherewith their Slaves would be thereby furnished; which they are sure will make them less governable, and like the Galileans of old, or our seditious Reformers in 1642. to mutiny and rebel, to free themselves from Tyranny and Oppression: Possess them with the Quakers, (of whom here are great numbers) and other Phanatic's spirit of Obstinacy, against all Laws and Government, and dispose them rather to suffer Death than to be▪ subject, and at last out of pure Conscience, to murder their Masters.  
7. Secondly, They object the charge and loss of Time, viz. from their Sunday-work, etc. with divers other the like sore Inconveniencies, which in the end will (forsooth) strike deep at their Profit, and quite ruin their Estates. And therefore they often repeat this saying, If the Negroes get to be Baptised, they must then e'en take the Island to themselves.  
8. Thirdly, They complain that the Terms of Christianity are in some things too large, but in some other too narrow for them; both ways inconsistent with the condition of Bondage: And therefore that their Negroes are not to be admitted to, nor entrusted therewith. In which three we have a brief Account of both the Principles and Men, that are such fierce Enemies to this way of propagating Christianity: Their Religion and Interest are of one and the same piece, nor are they ashamed to own it to the World. Doubtless, these do conclude the Merchant in the Gospel, who judged it worth his while to sell all that he had besides, to purchase that Pearl, to have had but a very shallow Pate, for setting such a high value upon nothing, or at most, but Toys and Fooleries, whose worth they believe lies only in the fancy and opinion of the Wearer, not in any intrinsic excellency of their own.  
9 But to undeceive the more well disposed, and to defeat their Malice by unfolding this Mystery of Anti-Religionism: I shall in answer to their first Objection, here demand of them, of what kind that Knowledge is they stand so much in fear of? Is it the knowledge of Virtue and Goodness? Certainly it cannot be other which Christianity instructs Men in. And how can there arise any danger from such knowledge should they receive in never so great a proportiou? Can the Decalogue, Creed, and Lords Prayer, with some few Catechistical and general Points of the more necessary parts of Christianity from thence deduced, prove so poisonous to the minds of Men, as to make them deserve a Character due only to the vilest Bloodsuckers, and cruel Assassins'? Or can these be a means to render them suspected, or dangerous to the World, when 'tis known that nothing but the nonobservance of them, is the sole occasion of all, as well the greatest as the least evils? And therefore the Slaves Right understanding and instruction in these Doctrines, can no more be a motive to him to slacken his Duty▪ or prejudice his Master, than an Artizan's known skill in his Trade can unqualify him for being employed therein, or his tried Honesty, from being either trusted or dealt with. This knowledge therefore must in common Reason, he concluded to be the Master's chiefest Interest, being indeed a worthy inducement to the highest trust and confidence in his Servant, thus endued therewith, and no less ought to be his first care; That is, to make him Just, True, and Honest to himself. At least, none can reasonably be the more suspected for addicting themselves to such a Study, which only directs to Integrity and Virtue. Where though they may be thought to begin but in Jest, yet 'tis probable, they may end in Earnest: Their Reason may be overcome by the force of its Arguments, or else their sight may be captivated: For, Vidit hanc, visámque cupit, doth here very often follow; the thorough understanding of Virtue (as Plato observed) being apt to create most ardent affections to it. Not can any genuine, or true principle of Christianity, give the least occasion for either Fears or Jealousies, because in their own proper nature the most innocent and opposite to all Frauds, guileful Practices, and worldly Policies; of any Religion ever yet professed or taught. Those Crafts and Circumventions, which the generality of Men do not once scruple, being most loathsome to the Mind of a true Christian. And therefore it is most evident, that no Master can be endangered by his Slave's instruction therein, which these Blasphemers, who affirm the contrary, cannot but know; unless we will suppose them like Owls and Bats, to be stark blind in the clearest Meridion light; and that amidst all the Books and Sermons, with which this latter Age hath been so abundantly stored, any Man can possibly still remain so ignorant, (though subtle enough as to other less commendable and excellent things) as to be utterly unacquainted, with the first and greatest points of his Religion.  
9 But here withal, I must confess, that I am not of their mind, who hold none fit to be admitted for Christians and Members of the Church, but Gifted, Wise People only. Such as are able to Extemporize an hour or two, and speak to a Text, as they call it. This possibly, as being of that kind of Knowledge or Science which may be apt to puff them up, might in its consequence prove fatal: It being not to be wondered at, if their swelling Tympany of fancied Abilities do make them presume, since we read that when Hagar, (a Bondwoman too) had conceived, she soon began to behave herself impudently towards her Mistress. The knowledge therefore which I here plead for, is such as tends to their Edification only, being of things absolutely necessary, as of God, our Blessed Saviour, and of the Holy Spirit; of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and of Repentance, of living uprightly, and of a conscientious discharge of their Duty both to God and Man. And if these can be hurtful, than I shall not be ashamed even with the Adversaries to confess, that the knowledge of Christ's Religion, is a thing Repugnant, and Inconsistent with the most honest and just Interest, and wholly tending to disturb the good Order and Peace of the World. And yet here I would not be misconstrued, as if intending to abridge any Master's kindness to his Slave, who hath a desire to furnish him with greater knowledge: Only my request is, That he would not damn him for the want of this; which as I am sure it is sufficient to save him, so neither is it considerable enough, for his Master's fears. And so much touching this first Point, viz. The danger arising from the Negro's knowledge.  
10. The second is an Implication of the foulest charge against Christianity, which the worst Enemies of it did ever suggest, but could never prove, viz. That it instigates Men to Mutiny and Rebellion: Which cannot possibly be true of it, but by Principles directing thereunto, therein contained and taught. Which if so, then 'twere impossible for a Christian not to be a Rebel; and the better Christian the more Rebellious. But unto such Practices nothing is more diametrically opposite, than the genuine Doctrines of Christianity.  
11. For first, It presseth absolute and entire Obedience to Rulers and Superiors, as may be collected from almost innumerable places of Scripture; but more especially from the 13th to the Romans, and from St. Peter's and St. Judes' Epistles. And our Lord's answer to the Herodians, is sufficient to silence all Cavillation touching this Duty. It gives the Title of Gods to Kings and Magistrates, forbidding so much as to surmise evil of them. And this is so plainly and evidently true, that amongst Atheists and Commonwealthsmen, (two Names for one and the same thing) it is the only Crime known to be by them charged with, viz. That it invests Governors and Monarches with so independent and absolute a Power. And thereupon have for divers Years past, wisely endeavoured the suppression of it, to prevent (what they are pleased to term) Tyranny and Slavery, and in order to the advancing the liberty of the Subject.  
12. Secondly, It establisheth the Authority of Masters, over their Servants and Slaves, in as high a measure, as even themselves could have prescribed; in a a due proportion placing them in a no less absolute degree of Power, than the former. Exacting the strictest Fidelity; and that without any respect to their Quality and Condition, but of their natural and true Right of Authority over them. Requiring service with singleness of heart, as unto the Lord, and not unto Men, Ephes. 6. 5, 7. And so far it is from encouraging Resistance, that it allows them not the liberty of Gainsaying, or making undutiful replies to their Masters. And referring them to future recompense in Heaven, for their faithful services done to them upon Earth, Eph. 6. 8. Of which Ties and Promises, Gentile Slaves being destitute, no such Fidelity can be from them hoped for, or expected. And so far is this Religion from a tendency to Anarchy, or any Levelling Tenets (as being founded not in a Parity, but a Superiority, not in a Domocracy, but in an Aristocracy) that a conformity to that Axiom, Aequalitate nihil iniquius; Nothing is more dangerous than Equality; has been her most professed and constant Practice from her first appearance until this very day.  
13. Thirdly, It enjoins to all in general an abhorrency of evil, though such only in appearance. But much more prohibiting those things which are plainly such, and even of the grossest and wrankest kind. It further puts a restraint upon the Thoughts and Desires, which no other Religion doth; forbids us to be revengeful, or to return evil. And therefore far out-doeth the Heathen Divinity, which permitted Revenge in case of Injury, allowed in no case amongst Christians. So that whosoever can pick Rebellion, or cutting of Throats out of these Principles, may as easily prove Adultery lawful from the Seventh Commandment, or Slandering from the Ninth, reconcile Contradictions, and bring Contraries to concur and agree in all Points at one and the same time.  
14. And therefore the Delusions of those Atheists, and Impostors in 1642, and afterwards, (since declared, viz. by the Parl. in 1660, to be no Protestants, and as certainly no Christians) to whom Christ will one day return but small thanks for occasioning his Doctrine thus to be blasphemed; can be no such convincing Argument, that their Murders and Depredations, though falsely pretending Scripture and Inspiration for them, were the genuine result of Christian Principles; until better Proof and Reasons for it be produced, than their own bare Affirmations. And for the Galileans action, it was (like other of the seditious attempts of that Nation, both before and after to assert Liberty) but a Jewish Dream, which Christ himself did to their no small indignation plainly disown, and in that his answer to the Herodians, St. Mat. 16. utterly condemn. And for the Quakers obstinacy (whom yet they here support and encourage against the Ministers) I know no further nor better use can be made of it, than from thence to infer the necessity of Church-Government, and of suppressing false Opinions in Religion, from whence this Obstinacy is occasioned and derived, But not therefore to stifle and hinder Men from the knowledge of that Profession and Truth, which teacheth the contrary. But our People, who in truth have as little stomach to submit to others, as they believe their Slaves have to submit to them, will scarcely be brought to approve of this Use, or Inference. Tho these Quakers refusal to bear Arms, and to defend their Island, (no not in case of an Invasion) together with their Commission dormant of New Light and Revelation, reserved against some fit time and opportunity of Action (whereby no Man is secure) do often put them upon thoughts of using Violence to that their own dear principle of Libertinism, no less than to the others tender Consciences.  
15. Lastly, For Insurrections and Revolts, nothing can be imagined a greater Security against them, than a sincere inward persuasion of the truth of Christianity, with a thorough knowledge of its Principles. Of which the effects have been lately seen in New-England, where their Christian-Indians Fidelity was tried to the uttermost; encountered on the one hand by the jealous surmises of their Friends, and on the other by the both invitations and threaten of their Enemies, if at least we may so term their unconverted Countrymen: Yet in despite of all, they remained firm to the English. Who, after that they durst trust them, became very serviceable to our People there, as hath been attested by more than one of their Writers. So powerful are the Bonds of Religion to unite the minds of Men, though of most different and even contrary Interests: And when sincere and hearty proving indissolvable, though under the darkest Eclipse and trial of Adversity. Making Men to forget their own People, and their Father's House, and joining them in affection to the most distant Strangers. For these having so fair an opportunity of Revolting, and all the invitements and arguments for it, which Men upon such occasions could wish for; as, the ridding their Country of Foreigners, and the enriching themselves with the Spoils of their well-built and better furnished Houses; their Lands manured and stored with , and abounding with many other conveniencies, which themselves never were blessed with: And lastly, the Royetlets and several Tribes of that spacious Continent, all in a manner up in Arms, and ünanimous for the rooting them out of it. Yet none of all these considerations could prevail with those Indians, whose minds were thus seasoned with Religion, to falsify their Faith once plighted to the English. With whom doubtless things might have gone much harder, had they been deserted by them. And they might perchance (all things considered) have been glad to leave their more Inland Stations, and forced to retire and betake themselves to their greater Strengths on the Sea-Coast; there to have remained penned up, and despairing ever to recover their lost Territory, but by the aid of extrinsic force, which would (probably) have cost them more, than they are willing to part with. And to come a little nearer, even to our own Island, where 'tis possible that the late Plot had not been so near taking effect, had the greater, or indeed any considerable, number of the Negroes here been Christians. One thing more I shall add, that the Spanish Indians in America, are not recorded once to have rebelled since their first Reduction under the Spanish Power; nor have the Conquerors themselves been disturbed with any Intestine Broils, that have been considerable; which is more than we can boast of in our Colonies; though seated (I speak even of the Eldest of them) not above one third part of the time, that the other have enjoyed theirs. Which effect I can ascribe to nothing more, then to the force and power of Religion.  
16. But there is one Instance worth all that can be produced, or said upon this Subject, and that is the Example of the Theban Legion; which I shall present in the words of a Modern Author 
* Mr. Dudley Diggs, of the unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms against their Prince, etc. . It is, saith he, one of the noblest passages in all the Ecclesiastical History, wherein Christianity did shine forth in its full Lustre, and it affords plentiful Light for our instruction. This band consisted of almost 7000 Men, all Christians. The Emperor Maximian commands the whole Army to offer Sacrifice to false Gods; they remove their Quarters, that they might avoid, if it were possible, this occasion of discontenting him. He summons them to perform their part in this devilish Worship. They are forced to return an humble denial, and their resolution not to disobey God, for whose sake they had ever been, and would continue faithful Servants unto him. The Emperor unsatisfied with this Answer, puts them to a Decimation. They submit with much Cheerfulness, and die, praying for their Murderers. After this sad Spectacle, his Commands are renewed; but prevail nothing upon the Remainder; wherefore they are all Butchered without the least resistance. There was no delay in their Death, except from the weariness of the Executioners. This was truly to confess him, who was led as a Sheep to the slaughter, and like a Lamb opened not his Mouth; and they a Flock of his Fold, are quietly devoured by ravening Wolves. The Commander of this Regiment Mauritius could not contain his joy, when he had seen the first Decimation gallantly suffered. How fearful was I, said he, to his Fellow Soldiers (for armed Men may be tempted to defend themselves), lest any of them upon colour of just resistance for self-preservation in an innocent Cause, should have struggled against this blessed Slaughter, I was watchful, and had Christ's Example in readiness, who commanded his Disciple to put his Sword into the Scabbard. Salus vestra non periclitatur, nisi armis vestris; If you use not your Weapons, I have God's own Warrant for your safety.  
17. Despair itself could not conquer one single Patience, which yet creates valour in Cowards, and makes them more courageous in Extremities, because they are Fearful; since they are likely to endeavour most to preserve Life, who are most terrified with Death.  
18. But it may be objected, Vires deerant, they were not able to go thorough with the Rebellion. This very Objection, saith he, was made by the Ancients, and answered by themselves to our Hands. Their Speeches witness sufficient strength, if Religion had not tied their Hands. Which had they been other than truth, must have armed their so potent Adversaries with sufficient Arguments against them.  
19 The same learned Author goes on, and tells us that, St. Cyprian saith expressly, Quamvis nimius & copiosus noster sit populus; Tho we have competent Forces enough, yet we wrestle not with our Oppressors. The Theban Legion was in a posture of resistance, but they durst not lift up those hands, into which the Emperor had put Weapons, against his Personal Commands, though unjust and bloody. Six thousand six hundred sixty six Men, of such extraordinary Valour, as did not entertain the least fear of Death, might probably have conquered, (and this Cruelty might have increased their Party, by the defection of Malcontents) at least they must certainly have made some sport for their Lives: They could not have wanted that Comfort, which to some tastes is beyond the pleasure of Life, to die revenged. Besides, had not the Emperor and his Council known them true Christians, and been acquainted with the tameness of that Profession towards the Higher Powers, he would never have hazarded a Rebellion, by making so considerable an Army desperate.  
20. And Tertullian, Cui bello idonei non prompti fuissemus, etiam impares copiis, qui tam libentur trucidamur; How could they possibly receive a Foil, though short in number, who so quietly do suffer our Throats to be cut? Numeri damnum virtus pensaret, though we wanted the advantage of number, which you perceive we do not, Courage would supply that defect; And though fewer, since we contemn our own Lives, we might be Masters of yours. We could undo you, not if we should Rebel, but if we would be Idle; we were lost, if we did not Fight for you. Vestra omnia implevimus, castra ipsa, etc. We fill all places in the Empire, and even your Camp would be empty without us Christians. The same Father makes a bold Challenge, and desires them to produce, if they can, but one example of any Christian taking part with Rebels. Their unanimous Confession was, We kiss the Hands that wound us, and the Example of Christ is made our Law. Ind est quod nemo nostrum, quando apprehenditur, reluctatur, nec se adversus injustam violentiam vestram, quamvis nimius & copiosus noster sit populus, ulciscitur. For this cause none of us makes resistance, when apprehended, nor revengeth your unjust Violence; for God is able to reward our Patience, and to requite all our Sufferings. Si injuriam, etc. If you depend upon God, he will undertake your Quarrel, and revenge your Wrongs; your Wounds shall save you: and if you fall a Martyr, you shall rise a Saint. What cannot our Sufferings do? They make even God our Debtor; He owes us Heaven for ourselves, and Hell for our Enemies, but we breathe out our Souls in Prayer, that he may be entreated not to pay this. Here is the Patience and Faith of the Saints; they believed, therefore they suffered such things, etc. Thus far that loyal and ingenious Person, in whom is legible the genuine temper and spirit of a Christian; Unless it can be supposed that the whole multitude of them, as well their more learned Guides, as the ignorant and simple, were wholly unacquainted with their Profession. And from hence, with what elsewhere hath been said, I may safely presume to conclude, that Christianity which obligeth Men to the strictest Virtue, and that upon such weighty Motives, as no Profession did ever pretend to, is so far from working Mischief to Superiors and Governors, that it rather appears of absolute necessity for the security both of Themselves and their Affairs, that their Subjects be thoroughly acquainted with it; As, ere I come to close up my Discourse, I hope, I shall yet further show.  
§. II. 1. The first and great danger which concerns their Lives being escaped, I come to examine the two last Objections, which for their near affinity and resemblance, I shall twist together, and dispatch under one. These do concern their Estates and worldly Interests, things no less dear unto them; but both dearer than Religion; for otherwise such Objections had not been to be answered. Now in the first they affirm, Their Estates will be threatened no less than four several ways; of each of which I shall give this short, but true Account; viz. That, the first is Idle and Ridiculous; the second Sordid and : The third a mixture of Gentile and Mahometan Superstition and Irreligion: The fourth Inhuman and Monstrous, a reproach to Mankind, and a dishonour to the English Government and Nation.  
2. For the first, They affirm their Estates will suffer by the Charges from hence ensuing: As by Baptising, Marrying, Churching, and Burying their Slaves. All now either totally omitted, or else performed by the Overseers, (in a kind of profane Merriment, and derision as it were of the Ordinances), or (as in Marririage) by mutual agreement amongst themselves; and (as is used jestingly here to be said, when speaking of the Quakers (like) Marriages) after the Negro fashion. As for Visitation of the Sick, I shall not insert it in the List, because here laid aside in a manner by all, besides the richer English. The other (like those poor desperate Souls in Limbo, that for wont of Money, have no Body to pray them out) being by the remoteness of their Habitations, the frequent badness of the Wether and the Ways, the scarcity of Ministers, an evil, but little felt, though much fewer, (notwithstanding there are not above five;) and the numerousness of the Inhabitants (supposed not fewer than one hundred and odd thousands) not possibly to be thought on, unless we should suppose the Ministers always on Horseback for that very work: And then who should preach (without Book) upon Sundays?  
3. 
A County in England of the same extent with this Island, has commonly 100 or more Parishes and Ministers▪ all, one with an other, not worse provided for Maintenance, though not a quarter so Populous nor Rich as these here.  Secondly, They apprehend that this would produce a necessity of enlarging their Churches, and increasing the number of Parishes and Ministers, of both which there are but too many already, half of the Churches being destitute of Ministers, though but Eleven in all. And in those Churches that are better supplied, 'tis known that the Prayers and Sermons are usually delivered to little more than the bare Walls only, notwithstanding the multitude of People belonging to each; of whom not a fifth part (I speak only of the English) could be admitted into most of them, should they all appear.  
4. Thirdly, They add the time to be spent in this (needless) work of Religion, which amongst so many labouring Hands must be considerable. Besides their Sunday-work, would be quite lost, as also their increase by the Negro's Polygamy.  
5. Fourthly, They have a strange apprehension and foresight, that their Slaves when admitted Christians, would be apt to expect better usage (which even Heathens will tell them they ought to have without it) for Food, Clothes, and Rest, and more merciful Correction, moderated according to some Law, (and not left to each Tyrant's pleasure) which perchance, may be but reasonable. These, as indeed the former, they sparingly mention, being ashamed to own, and it were to be wished they would also to practise, them. Of all which I shall leave others to judge, whether they do not fully answer my short Character and Description of them.  
6. But as bad as these are, the following are worse; wherein like downright Atheists, 
Luc. l. 9 Olim vera fides— obit, nunc & ficta perit. They declare their Sin as Sodom, Isa. 39  they stand up for Libertinism, and object directly against Christianity, blaming the equability and justice of its Terms, the thing that chief renders it commendable. These they complain of, as on the one hand too large, but on the other too strait and narrow, in neither able to content them, being both, they say, inconsistent with Bondage. These Terms are, 1. Privileges. 2. Prohibitions.  
6. The Privileges are chief these three: First, Their Slave's admittance to an Oath, which, being at present Heathens, are scarce currant in a Christian Court; as some of them have been made to understand in England from a certain Judg's reprehending and menacing of them for their brutish neglect herein; though they were not ignorant of it before. Secondly, Their equality as to the Communion and Church-Administrations; which, to all are, or aught to be, the same. Thirdly, The inconvenience that may ensue upon their acquaintance with this Precept of our Blessed Saviour; Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thyself. It may perchance be expected that I should add a fourth, viz. A supposed Right to Freedom, and of being set at Liberty immediately upon their Baptism; which is by some apprehended to be in itself a release from Servitude. To which last, (though it be needless, they having secured that Interest, as I have understood, by a Law of their own, whose Validity they do not question,) I shall speak something also, after having first replied to the three former.  
7. The first whereof is their admission to an Oath, wherein they seem again to have forgotten, the thing I am interceding and suing for on their behalf, viz. That they may be made Christians; which, as is before showed, is certainly of itself a sufficient remedy and security against all temptations to Perjury. A Crime, which according to the true Principles thereof, is next to irremissible: And for which the Ancient Canons did enjoin Penance to the Offender during his Life.  
8. And yet should we suppose the worst, I cannot imagine the danger to be greater than it was in former Ages, when both Slaves and Villains were freely admitted, without this scruple, to give Evidence; even as in Poland, and elsewhere, 'tis not to be doubted, but they still are. Nor do I conceive that St. Paul thought his Christian Slaves Oath more to be suspected than other men's, whilst they no less stuck to the Principles of Christianity. And in truth, at the same rate, all the World may be no less suspected: it being possible that all Men may prove deceitful and wicked, though not in the least probable.  
9 That their Oath may be useful, we even now find, where their bare word or testimony given without it, is often found very serviceable, though not admitted for a sufficient proof. The want whereof is many times no small impediment to the course of Justice. And for Subornations, the thing chief objected; for my part, as I see not but they might (especially being made Christians) be as well trusted as most others; so should any such thing happen, it will be presumed that the wise Judges will be no less Eagle-sighted, and able to descry such practices in these, than in the English.  
10. As for the second, it is hard to find out what they intent by it, unless it should be that the Negroes would thereby be apt to think more proudly of themselves, and less worthily of their Masters; which yet cannot be gathered from Christianity, nor indeed can ever happen, if St. Paul's rule be well applied; And they that have believing Masters, let them not despise them, because they are Brethren, but rather do them [the better] service, because they are Believers, 1 Tim. 6. So that this Authority of the Master is so far from being hereby diminished, that it is rather confirmed, and a stricter observance for that cause charged upon the Servants Conscience. Nor do we find that Abraham, Job, etc. were the less esteemed by their Bondmen, for their being initiated into Religion, by the same Ceremonies with themselves; neither do we find or suspect this in our English Servants, or Dependants. That Woman also whose Negro (P. 38.) I baptised, had not more cause to complain that he thereafter failed in his Duty and Fidelity, though she quarrelled at it. Nor yet two others in Virginia (the former being in Carolina) whom I likewise Baptised, were ever taxed by their Masters, as less diligent after Baptism, than they were before. Nor last, did the Hebrew or Christian Masters, nor I believe hardly any other Sect, ever ascribe to Religion the disorders of their Servants as the cause thereof, if at any time they found themselves disrespected by them. Except only the Romans Saturnalia, wherein the Slaves were permitted to retaliate their Master's cruelties; which extravagancy Christianity doth not in the least allow of. And for the third, they may remember, that if Christ hath taught, That we should love our Neighbours as ourselves, his Apostle hath from his Mouth also, no less enjoined Servants obedience to their Masters; which two Precepts do no more thwart either the other, than that of the fame Apostle, commanding, To render to every Man his due, and Masters to allow their Servants that which is just and equal, doth destroy their just Right and Authority over them. And this, if we were to deal with Men that had any sense of Christianity, or Religion, (which the Objection doth most evidently show that they have not) might prove satisfactory to them; but as the case stands, 'tis not to be hoped will much avail to their Conviction.  
12. And as to that which some would in the fourth place object, touching their release from servitude upon Baptism, though I do not see that they here do retain any apprehensions thereof, their Law (of which I have only heard mention here, but do know that there is such both in Virginia and Mary-land) having carefully barred all such Pleas; yet were there no such Law enacted, I cannot understand that a necessity for such a release doth arise from any Principles of Christinity, nor of Religion in general. For if we look into the Old Testament, we find that Circumcision (to the Faithful than the same with Baptism now) did not release Abraham's three hundred and eighteen Slaves, nor those afterwards belonging to his Posterity, any more than their partaking of the Passover, Exod. 12. did; of which yet not hired Servant was to eat. And the Gibeonites were perpetual Bondmen and Vassals, notwithstanding their admittance to the Temple, and to Religion. And then to come to Christianity and the New Testament, Onesimus, who is styled [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Slave] (to Philemon) as (that word importing no less) is generally agreed, was not made a Freeman by his being Baptised; which S. Paul's returning him to his Master, a Christian also, and his interceding for him, doth manifest. Whom though he bespeaks as a Convert, yet lets him know that his Obligation to his Master was still the same. And though he professeth that he might be much bold in Christ to enjoin Philemon that which was convenient, yet that he chose rather to entreat him by Love: And what was that? Not that he might be set at liberty, as being now a Christian, and even a Brother; but that, forgetting wherein he had offended, being now a Penitent and a Convert, he would receive him again. Nor against this do we find Onesimus urging his Privilege, nor refusing to carry the Letter with his own hand. A manifest sign that there was then no such understood, or heard of. And in 1 Cor. 7. 21, 22. where the same St. Paul asserts the privilege of Christian Servants, he withal tells them their Duty, giving them to know, that they were to abide in the same Calling, wherein they were when first converted, or called; not but that if they could procure their liberty, they should rather use it. And if any shall demand what then is that liberty of a Christian, which St. Paul elsewhere asserts and urgeth? I answer, That I know no more by it, than a liberty from the yoke of Judaisme, from Sabbaths, Circumcision, and such like Ordinances and Levitical Ceremonies. As also a release from our former slavery to our Lusts, which is the greatest liberty and happiness, if considered and understood. And lastly, An admission to serve Christ, our most perfect Freedom, and to partake of the Privileges and Promises of the Gospel, and thereby to obtain an Adoption to the glorious liberty of the Sons of God in Heaven. Which certainly are far greater Immunities, than a bare release from temporal Servitude can possibly amount to. For Christ's Kingdom being not of this World, his Religion was never designed to deprive any Man of his civil Rights, but rather did confirm them all to us. And to show that Bondage is not inconsistent with Christianity, we see it practised by other Christian Nations in these parts without the least prejudice to them: Even as not one hundred Years since in England, Villanage, a kind of Slavery, was in force, and still is in other Countries, and some do say, in our own too.  
13. And whereas 'tis further Objected, That certain Canons and Imperial Edicts (neither of them admitted here), and the Municipal Laws of some Countries ('tis possible of England itself) heretofore enacted or decreed for the honour of Christianity, or to strengthen its Party against the Heathen, do oppose this continuation of our Slaves in Bondage. I answer, First, That these Laws being designed for the good of Servants, and the promoting of Christianity, there is now no reason they should be continued, when experimentally found, through the hardness of men's Heats, so great impediments thereto; and even to be turned against them, for the benefit of whose Bodies and Souls they were intended. But, Secondly, I add, that this (though true) doth not trouble my Assertion, because we do not find that these Laws do flow from any necessity thereof, concluded in the Principles of Christianity; as being merely voluntary, and the effects only of the good Nature and Piety of their first Christian Contrivers; and to which a Christian (as such) is no more bound, than to sell all his Goods, and give them to the Poor: Which yet may be a good work, and very commendable, in those that shall aspire after such perfection.  
14. But yet further, if any shall make it a matter of Conscience to continue Christians in Servitude; it would concern those that entertain that scruple (which I fear few do) to remember how much more against a good Conscience it is, either through Sloth, or for a petty Profit, to keep Men, that have Souls to be saved, destitute of the means thereto, and consequently to occasion their Damnation; than simply to retain them under Servitude, abstracted from that other Irreligion. Which though perhaps less commendable in Christians, is far short of the Impiety of keeping them Slaves to Hell, and to ourselves too. And here also, supposing the worst, it ought by Christians to be considered how much the loss of a Servant is less than of a Soul, (yea of many) for whom Christ died, no less than for their Masters; and who cannot expect to be saved, if the other, through their occasion, perishes. But letting this scruple pass, (to salve which there never will be here any occasion), I think it clear enough that Christianity doth not lessen any obligations of Servants to their lawful Masters: And therefore that if any positive Laws to the contrary do as yet stand in their way, I should be apt to recommend the Bermudian caution of Indentures for 99 years' Service, to our People's imitation, in the interim till those Laws (I say, if any such there be) might by Authority be fairly removed.  
§. III. 1. And thus our dangers from the Privileges being cleared, I proceed to do the like by the Prohibitions, viz. Of their Polygamy, their Sunday-Labour, frequent repudiating and changing their Wives, usual amongst most Heathens. As also their Idolatrous Dances and Revels, permitted and practised by them (so often as they can steal any time from their Work) even upon that Day, whose Morality (to the danger of straining it to the height of a Jewish Sabbath) hath been so much, for these many Years, insisted on amongst the English; with other such Recreations and Customs, by them brought out of Africa, and here connived at, because either gainful to their Owners, (such as the first) or grateful to the poor Slave (such as the latter) without prejudice to their Master's Business. None of which yet are heard of amongst the Virginia Negroes, though alike Gentiles with these: And there not laid aside or forbidden, but forgotten by disuse.  
2. Now might not this cause one to stand still and to admire, how such things should come to be, I do not say, justified, but even permitted, or endured by Christians: Who, as before they were not ashamed to begrudge the poor Wretches thus spending their strength and days in their Service, even a miserable Subsistence, for they expect no more: So here they allege things palpably wicked, as a pretence for a worse and more dangerous Frugality, if I may so call it, viz. The starving of their Souls. Contenting themselves to give a free course to Turkish and Heathenish Licentiousness, and even to all Irreligion and Atheism, for a wretched false Gain; but in the mean time blindly overlooking the many greater Advantages, which are the undoubted fruit of true Christianity.  
3. For can it be believed that the small trouble of Christen, to be had without Fees; as also of Catechising, Marrying, Churching and Burying of them (the consenting to which will one Day, like Nehemiah's good deeds for Jerusalem, or Tobit's charity for the Dead, be our greatest comfort;) can equal, 
Think upon me, O my God, for good according to all that I have done for this People, Neh. 5.  or any way be compared with the solid benefit and satisfaction arising from the unquestionable Fidelity and Integrity of a virtuous Servant? Can a few hours Sunday-Work (for I plead not for the other holidays) be alike beneficial to us, as the same spent in learning them their Duty, or as the blessing of God upon us for it in the ensuing Week? Can starving, or working them to Death, (for it cannot be denied but that these are too frequent) be equally profitable with keeping them alive for our future Service? Or can we believe it alike expedient, or conducive to our Interest, to be put each Year to purchase and train up Raw, Ignorant, and unhandy Barbarians, with preserving for our occasions, the tried and more experienced, by good usage of them? 'Tis true, you may allege the temptation and certainty of the present Profit, with the uncertainty of future Contingencies, the possibility of their out-living those hardships, and of their dying also under better usage; yet surely this is but a brutish Plea, and at best not a little savouring of their Providence, who devour all at one Meal, as uncertain whether ever they should live to enjoy another.  
18. As for the charge of Instructing them, if they think it too much to undertake themselves, (which the holy Patriarches did not) they cannot but know the same Person who attends this work upon Sundays, or Saturdays Afternoon, (which last was formerly allowed to both Slaves and Servants, when this Island was less Wealthy and Populous, than now it is) may be further useful in the rest of the Week; particularly in teaching their own, and the neighbouring Youth, (or possibly in keeping their Accounts, etc.) which would prevent a greater Charge, together with the hazard of transporting them to Europe for Education: Not omitting that so much (beyond the dangers of the Sea, and of different Climes) worse mischief of their being betimes Debauched; scarce to be avoided at so great a distance from their Parent's care and inspection, as in many Instances is too apparent. And this also might be a means in some measure to put a stop to that Barbarism, which through the want of Schools, do threaten the irrecoverable Ruin of all our Hopes in them.  
19 As for the danger of our Slaves release from Servitude thereby, to what I have said before, I shall only add, That if they suspect the Validity of their own Laws, the contrary to which I have always found; no doubt but his Majesty, and the Honourable Houses of Parliament, will have their Ears open to their just Fears and Complaints, thus arising from a pious sense of their Duty, and the safety of their People's Souls, no less than of their own; so as to fortify their Interest with as good Laws and Fences, as themselves shall in Reason propose, or their Omnipotency (pardon the expression, Rulers can do much within their proper Spheres) can create, or give life to. Nor let that over-proud fear of thereby acknowledging (what they cannot possibly avoid,) their dependence upon England, nor that of rendering the rest of their Laws, with their Legislative Power (which, I confess, some would fain extend beyond its due bounds) questionable, be any impediment thereto; since neither the one nor the other are more secured without it: And these two being known to be different things in Law, viz. To corroborate an old, and create a new Title.  
6. And for the charge of dividing and lessening the Parishes, (very necessary if but the for English alone) and the increasing the number both of Churches and Ministers (though this doth not absolutely follow; the foregoing Expedient being admitted, nor perhaps without it;) All the danger which from thence is like to arise, is, that thereby we are like to be made better Christians, and by such a convenience enabled more duly to serve God; a benefit well worth the purchasing at so small an Expense. Tho Christians in such a case should first reflect upon the Prophet's reply to King Amaziah, 2 Chron. 25. 9 The Lord is able to give thee mucb more than this. And the old Jewish Aphorism, Decima ut dives fias, answering to our English Adage, that Meat and Mass, (others have rendered it, Prayer and Provender) do never hinder Work, do confirm that in the Sum total, Nothing is lost by our attending upon God's Service and Religion.  
7. Hereby also, besides the Integrity and Long-livedness of their Slaves (which would abundantly recompense the loss of other less commendable Profits and Advantages), their get would not be so clogged with those troublesome gripes, and stings of Conscience, which first or last are the certain Appendices of unlawful and bloody Gain; nor with that Curse denounced by the Prophet, Hab. 2. 6, 7, 8. for such Unmercifulness and Impiety. Nor would their Estates be so subject to that Moth and Canker, which some observing Persons (nor over addicted to Priests, nor to Religion, 'tis well known, but) even from amongst themselves, have (so forcible are Right words, Job 6. 25.) been brought to confess, as being most Notorious: Who at the same time could not find out any cause whereto to ascribe those apparent effects, besides that of oppressing these People. For as an Achan, or a Saul may trouble Israel, so even very Gibeonites may bless the Inheritance of the Lord. And so all would be enjoyed with greater Security: And that which now is as unstable as Water, and a Curse rather than a Blessing, would be a durable and firm Passession; not as now for the most part to the immediate Heirs only, but even to the succession of many Generations: For as one very well observes, Interest is best preserved by Justice and Equity, which will entitle it to that blessing from God, which he hath promised in his Word, and which are naturally apt to be instrumental to Providence in producing that good, which he hath promised.  
8. And as each private Man, so also the public will be made more happy. Religion, saith one, causeth good Orders, and good Orders do create Peace and Concord, which is a People's greatest strength. A Fool, if he tread in the ways of Holiness and Religion cannot err, according to the Prophet Isaiah 35. 8. There shall be an Highway and a Way, and it shall be called the Way of HOLINESS; the wayfering Men, though Fools, shall not err therein. And on the other side, Baalam hired to procure the ruin of Israel, could not devise a more pernicious Counsel, than to make Israel sin. Livy in his fifth Book, rehearseth a speech of Camillus, to the Romans, wherein he appeals to their own Experience, whether ever they had better Luck, than when they carefully served God, or worse than when they neglected it. So Horace also in his l. 3. Ode 6. And Cicero ascribes all the good fortune of the same People (and no less doth St. Augustine in his Book, De Civitate Dei:) to their Piety and Devotion. Nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos', nec calliditate Poenos, nec artibus. Graecos; nec denique hoc ipso hujus gentis & terrae domestico natiuóque sensu Italos ipsos & Latino's; sed Pietate ac Religione, atque hac unâ sapientiâ quod deorum immortalium Numine omnia regi gubernarique prospeximus, omnes gentes Nationésque superavimus; That is, We [Romans] neither outnumbered the Spaniards, nor were stronger than the Gauls, nor out-witted the Carthaginians, nor were more learned than the Greeks, nor surpassed the Italians and Latins, our predecessors in their natural Capacities: But by our Religion, Piety, and by this one only point of WISDOM, that we believed all things to be directed by the appointment of Heaven, we have been able to worst all other Nations. Xenophon tells us, That the great Cyrus laid not the foundation of his Persian Monarchy so much by his Valour and Wisdom, as a Religious Worship of Heaven, and a liberality even to profuseness in the service thereof. This also was that which did aggrandise Alexander the founder of the Macedonian Empire. And hence it was, saith one, That the Romans made not an unworthy choice of a Commander, or Officer, for many Years; the way there to be preferred, being by Religion. Therefore this became the grand Emulation of the People, Soldiers, Captains, and Senators. And Comines was persuaded, that hereof did spring the greatness of the Venetian Seignory. From thence Matchiavel admonisheth those Princes and Republic's, that would keep themselves from Ruin, above all things to preserve the Rights of their Religion uncorrupt, and to maintain it always venerable. And he further adds, That there is no surer sign of a Country's destruction, than to see in it a contempt of Divine Worship.  
9 Before I can conclude this part, I must crave leave to recite another memorable passage out of Livie's first Book of his Roman History, as conceiving it pertinent to the Point I am upon: It being touching the effects of Religion upon Rome's first Planters, for that also was a Colony. Whom in the first place, he bespeaks to have been a People rude and savage: But to abate whose fierceness, and to render them more tame and mansuete; Numa their second King, endeavours by good Laws and Orders, to reduce them to Civility, thereby as it were to re-edify that City, whose Foundation had before been laid by Force and Arms. Howbeit this being too little to accomplish his purpose, (a thing worthy to be taken Notice of;) He in the next place, deviseth to bring them to some sense of Religion, and the fear of God; Rem omnium primam ad multitudinem efficacissimam ratus; judging this above all most operative upon the generality of Men. Whereby, as it follows, their Minds possessed with an awe of Religion; A solemn promise and the respect of an Oath, did, without further Laws or Penalties, govern the City. Nor was the blessing from abroad attending their Devotion, less remarkable. For, saith our Author, This Piety observed in them, did so affect their Neighbours:  civitatem totam in cultum versam Deorum violari ducerent nefas: That they judged it Sacrilegious to vex or molest a People, so addicted to the Service of God. I shall leave our People to make the Application, without adding any thing more thereto, than what our Lord Christ replied to the Inquisitive Lawyer, St. Luke 10. 37. Vade & tu fac similiter, Go and do thou likewise.  Ezek. 8. 17. Then said he unto me,— Is it a light thing— that they commit the Abominations, which they commit here? For they have filled the Land with Violence, and have returned to provoke me to anger: And lo they are [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] like them that make Sport or Mock.  

CHAP. IU.  
Wherein certain little Shifts and Pretences from England are examined, and found weightless. Also some few Proposals preparatory to this Work are laid down; with Exhortations to both Ministers and People, to a cheerful and speedy betaking themselves thereto.  
§. I. n. 1. MY three General Assertions being finished, I should with them here draw to a full Conclusion, did not an Objection or two from the further Shore oblige me to the contrary. Where (as I have heard, it was not long since threatened from another place, and is since fallen out, though not upon the occasion which they desired, as a pretence for it;) it is feared that the enforcing hereof (as if nothing less could be used) would go near to endanger a Rebellion, and is therefore believed less safe to be attempted, especially in case it should not succeed. Secondly, They suppose The time to be unseasonable; the Jews pretence, Hag. 1. Thirdly, That since they cannot yet compass to settle Religion at Home, how should they hope to accomplish any settlement in those remote parts? So that here are no less than three terrible Lions in our way to this work: Of all which yet, if well looked into, David's words, Psal. 53. will be undoubtedly verified, There were they in great fear, where no fear was.  
2. For, First, It is to be considered that the disproportion between these two, is as wide as between the setting up of a Cottage and a Palace, or the building of St. Paul's and of a Country Church: Where he that wants sufficient Strength and Materials for the one, may yet be amply furnished for the other. And here also is the same difference as between a Being and a Wellbeing; which those that shall be apt to envy the last, will blush to deny the first; this being by all granted necessary, which is the utmost of our wishes here. Besides, there the Dissenting Parties are at enmity with, and do oppose that settlement, who yet, I doubt not, would all of them put their helping hand to this: None besides direct Atheists (and I hope our good People here will pardon me for this) daring to object against it. And, for the Time, the Prophet Haggai has answered it to my hand, in the Chapter before mentioned. And so much shall suffice for the two last Objections.  
3. Now to the former, I shall answer, That as I hold our Planters and Merchants Interests too great in England, ever to betray them into such a folly as a Rebellion; so I presume the ill success of it elsewhere, and the less probability of better here, where most of their subsistence is imported from Foreign parts, would be enough to prevent all such Attempts.  
4. But were our security against such fears greater and the danger less; yet, I must confess I am not for forcing, but persuading our People thereto, by good Sermons and Pious Books, preached and wrote upon that Subject: And no less by encouragements from the Government (where it ought to begin) to both Ministers and People, who should be most forward and industrious therein. 'Tis I know out of Fashion with the English, to prefer Men for Religion, but only for Craft and Wealth, which is the cause that things do so happily succeed with us. Whereas the holy Scripture (as also the practice of the wiser Heathen) will teach us, that the Magistrates properest qualifications are Piety and Temperance; such only as feared God, Men of Truth, and that hated Covetousness, being to be advanced to that Dignity. Now if this course were taken, besides that it would cut off all pretences for Stirs and Commotions, this design could not fail of making a considerable progress in a very short time. Especial, knowing how grateful a thing Power and Honour is to our thriving Planters, and how Ambitious they are to catch at every shadow of Title or Preferment.  
5. But next thereto will be the procuring that this Impiety be taken notice of and decried at Home, especially in London; where they have an extraordinary Ambition to be thought well of. This, alone, if well understood, and for some time carefully kept up and managed, would operate and strike deeper into them, than even St. Paul's 14 Epistles, together with the Sermons and Comments thereupon, of a thousand Years past and to come.  
6. Yet since that this last must in all likelihood be difficult to be brought about to any great purpose, our old English Zeal being so much abated; I shall go a nearer way to work, and propose some few things, which shall concern, 1. The Ministers. 2. The People.  
7. Concerning the Ministers, (and here my Brethren will, I hope, take no offence, their Infirmity and Failure herein being so long since proclaimed by the Pen of that Quaker;) I shall propose first, That each Minister invested with the cure of Souls, be in his particular Station strictly obliged, once at least each Month, to press this Duty from a suitable Text unto his charge; not omitting the same at other times. But, Secondly, That above all things they be especially Exemplary therein in their own Families, by Instructing and Catechising their Slaves, and in due time admitting them to the Sacrament of Baptism.  
8. Concerning the People, I shall propose only, That each Owner possessed of a baptised Slave, be obliged to allow him the free and full Exercise of Religion, without compelling or suffering him to practise his former Gentilism. And that to hinder a Slave from being Baptised, or to molest any Minister for doing that charitable Office; or, after this, to deny him the Exercise of Religion, should be a present and absolute release to the said Slave for ever.  
9 But then in order hereto, it would be convenient, and even highly necessary, that the Ministers (I speak not this for myself, as having no such Charge, and being resolved so to continue, till they) be freed from their Vestry dependences, by a sufficient Maintenance (for which the alone restitution of their Glebes would in some places suffice,) and settled in their Benefices for Life: For otherwise they shall pass their time in perpetual fear of offending, and to be afterwards Checked and Starved for conscientiously discharging their Duty. 
For what Encouragement is it for Men to put themselves into the Public Service, and venture their Lives and endure Misery, when they shall but thereby deprive themselves of those Opportunities (which others at Home shall seize) of which perchance they were certain, had they been present: And after this to be looked upon but as Vagabonds at their return?  And that there be some Regard had and provision made for them of (at least) a Subsistence upon their return, after some convenient time, into England. (The Missionaries into Mary-land being, as I have heard, always sent for after 4 Years continuance there; their Superiors thinking it too unreasonable to oblige them to a longer abode.) There being not the simplest Curate there, whose hopes (without any hazard) are not greater, than they can possibly be supposed here. And it being against reason that any innocent Man should, as if for some great Villainy, be condemned to perpetual Exile amongst a People utter Enemies to his Profession, and even worse than Strangers. And lastly, That some one Person or more, be constituted as Agents for each Colony, to represent the grievances of the Church and Ministers to the Government in England, it having been hitherto found to very little purpose to make Complaints here. 
I speak not this as reflecting so much on the Place, as the usage: For, as the Poet wished, 
— Neque enim miser esse recuso:  
Sed precor ut possim tutius esse miser.   Witness that Scoff of some Members of the, etc. in reply to the Ministers Petition, bidding them for shame to put it up in their Pockets, lest the Quakers (whose abuses they complained of) should see it and laugh at them; which was all the Redress they then did, or are since like to get. Besides all this it would be but just, that all Scoffs at Religion, should be prohibited upon severest Penalties. That our Slave's Polygamy, with their Sunday-work, be restrained, no less to those that remain Heathens, than to such as shall become Christians. That so that filthy Lucre, (which is indeed the same with Theft, or Sacrilege,) may be no longer a temptation for continuing them Heathens; nor their being Heathens be made a pretence for that Irreligion. Which preparations being once made (and without them all will be nothing), the work afterwards will go on smooth and easy, and even in a short time prosper into a Perfection: As ere this it might have done, had not the opposition of such who believe that Labour may well enough be performed without Religion, stood in the way.  
10. Nor will the generality of the People be dissatisfied therewith, when they shall understand it to be not more their Duty than their Interest: Some few of them having been discoursed already into this acknowledgement, That in regard Religion would be apt to create a Conscience in their Slaves, it might be convenient, in order to make them the truer Servants. If this were frequently inculcated unto the many, with the hopes of other advantages together inspired into them, no doubt the Majority would soon be wrought into a Compliance, and even the rest observing the blessed Fruits thereof, would become less sturdy in their Opposition. Nor can the Government be other than pleased thereat; considering the great security, it will above all other Interest assuredly reap thereby.  
§ II. n. 1. Wherefore, Be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith the Lord, and be strong, O Joshua, the Son of Jozedeck, the High Priest, and be strong all the People of the Land, and Work; for I am with you, saith the Lord of Hosts; as the Prophet Haggai, Chap. 2. 4. speaks. And let both Ministers and People encourage and provoke each other to Love and to good Works. Let the Ministers set before them the Religious Profession of holy Job, declaring his esteem for the word of God's Mouth, viz. the work of Religion, to be more than for his necessary Food. But especially the Example of their B. Master, whose Meat it was to do the Will of him that sent him, and to finish his Work. And with the great St. Paul, let us be evermore pressed in Spirit, and straightened in our Bowels, at the thoughts of these People's deplorable Estate; Not only the poor Barbarians, from whom the Key of Knowledge is kept, and who are hindered from entering in, but the English, who are the Authors thereof. And as Miltiades Victories did so inflame the emulous mind of Themistocles, that he could not rest for them; so let the Memory of others more glorious Achievements in this kind, provoke in us the like pious Emulation, not suffering us to give sleep to our Eyes, nor slumber to our Eyelids, until we have arrived within a prospect of its accomplishment. Let us consider, that we have no more Dispensation for our silence than the Apostles, with other succeeding holy Bishops and Priests, had, who first planted and watered the Church with their Blood; and went about, and preached every where, when it was death to be a Christian. That Faith is an active and prolific Grace; and cannot remain in Idleness, but must operate and employ that Heavenly Heat which it receives from above, for the use of others. That there is no Neutrality in this War, and that whoever is not actually in Arms prepared to fight against Sin and Infidelity, is to be reputed a Conspirator with them. That there is the same Heaven and Salvation proposed for the conversion of Slaves, as of more illustrious Grandees; the whole being but the saving of Souls; the effecting of which upon but a very few, is worth the Labour of many, all their lives. Even we, no less than St. Paul, are debtors to the Greeks and Barbarians, to the Wise and to the Unwise. And God hath by an extraordinary Providence, brought these People to our very Doors, to try our Justice, and to see whether we will pay his Debt, unto which, if ever any did, each Soul of us do stand most firmly obliged. Look upon them, and you cannot but see in their Countenances the lively Effigies of St. Paul's Macedonian, imploring your help: And, O! let not the blood of Souls cry from the Earth for Vengeance against us. Reflect but upon the sad Doom denounced against the fearful and unbelieving, Rev. 21. and remember that the first great Founders of our Faith were no Cowards. Think what a shame it is, that we have given such just occasion to the enemies of Religion, to reproach and triumph over our Timidity, or, which is worse, our temporising for filthy Lucre. And since, — Fas est & ab hoste doceri, and that the bitterest Reproaches may have a salubrious Energy, when prudently applied; let us view the Charge (drawn out of our own Liturgy against us) and from thence learn to prevent a second; and by wise endeavours for the redeeming of our past Errors, give undeniable proofs of the deep sense we have of this Duty. Nor are we to slight those puny Adversaries, but to reform ourselves; remembering that of Solomon, Prov. 
And that of Cicero, Negligere be se quid quisque dicat non solùm arrogantis est, sed prorsus dissoluti. l. 2. Off.  29. 1. and also 12. 1. which I shall not repeat. And if it can be possible for an Heathenish indifferency to harbour in so much as but one single Breast of any devoted to a nearer and more peculiar Service of Christ in the Ministry; yet let his Prudence teach him to throw his Garment over that part of his Nakedness, and to try at least to conceal it from the World. And, Si non re ipsa dolet, If he cannot be passionately concerned, dissimulare certe est Hominis, it would be his Wisdom not to betray himself, nor disgrace his company. Especially in this day of Rebuke, when the Mouth of the Slanderer is opened, thus bidding us defiance. Nor let the opposition and peevishness of unreasonable Men dishearten us; as knowing that our true portion is to be sent forth as Sheep amongst Wolves; and that success is for the most part the companion of a restless Industry. Nothing, as the Wise Man saith, Prov. 27. 4. (see the 
* As also 2 Kings 18. 31. & Isa. 37. 32.  Original and Greek) being of force to withstand ZEAL. The Stars, they say, cannot exercise their Influence upon the sphere of Fire: And certainly the Heavens do rarely look with a malign Aspect upon Industry; nor is it often seen that God doth interpose his Power to thwart an honest Diligence, even in common and Worldly Designs; or if He doth, He seldom confounds it: How much more than may we be confident of his favour in those Heavenly Erterprises, which himself hath commanded and promised his Assistance to the undertakers. And since that the most glorious Designs do often prove abortive for want of Resolution, a repulse or two ought not to blunt, but whet our Desires. Remembering that Difficulties are the common pretences and Mormo's of inglorious Sloth, but spurs and encouragements to a resolved Diligence. Nor ought any to be discouraged from letting down their Nets, because some perchance have already toiled to no purpose: since by the Divine Benediction, attending our patience and perseverance, 'tis possible we may yet obtain such a lucky Draught, as that our Nets being ready to break through the multitude of Fishes, we may be forced to because to our Friends and Partners on the British Shore, to come in to our assistance. St. Bede l. Hist. Eccl. Angl. relates, that in the Infancy of our Church, such a disappointment happened in an unconverted part of our Nation; at which yet, he tells us that others, nothing discouraged, in a second attempt perfected what the former had left for desperate. Even so we overlooking all Difficulties, and pressing still forward to the Mark, if we faint not, may obtain that that Prize for which we set forth, and accomplish a Work greatly tending to the Glory of God, and to the happiness of these poor People's Souls, no less than of our own. But, O were our Duty, (as St. Chrys. sweetly exhorteth, l. 6. de Sacerd. c. 40.) of Piety and a virtuous Life faithfully complied with, we might soon, and even without Miracles, convert the World! Wherefore, Lift up the Hands that hang down, and the feeble Knees, as saith the Apostle. Let us be instant in season and out of season, and keep back nothing of the whole Council of God, that is necessary for the Souls of Men. That so when our Lord shall come to require his Sheep, calling unto us, as Augustus is said to have done to Varus, to restore the Souls committed to our Charge; We may give our Account with Joy and not with Grief. And that we now feeding the Flock of God, and taking the oversight thereof (not by constraint but willingly; not for filthy Lucre, but of a ready Mind) may, when the chief Shepherd shall appear, receive a Crown of Glory, which fadeth not away.  
2. And for the People, I shall propose unto them three general Rules in this Affair to be guided by. Whereof the first is, To make the Negro's case our own, as being the best way, to judge what is fit for others. And then to remember how unjust it would seem to one of us, that our different White should deprive us of the least Advantage; much more of the greatest, which Religion is. That Injunction of our Blessed Lord, of dealing so with all Men, as we should upon the like change of our Fortunes expect from them, being a Principle highly Moral, and Natural; and sufficient to make us wave those proud distinctions, which only avarice, and a too worthy conceit of ourselves, have taught us.  
3. And to this I shall, under the same Head, add some few other Considerations of the same kind, which may greatly add to our Security. As, 1. To reflect how dangerous Extremities are, and that as nothing violent is lasting, so nothing is more permanent than Moderation. 2. To think how inconvenient this Distance and Difference between Man and Man, Indians and Negroes, English and both, may in time prove. The Poet's advice, 
Tros Tyriúsque mihi nullo discrimine agetur:  being much more conducive to our Happiness and Security. 3. To meditate what fit Instruments for any State Revolution, such miserable People are; who being very numerous, should not be too much Exasperated, nor driven into Desperation. 4. To reflect what a reproach and dishonour to the English Nation, and Government, our unchristian treating of these People is. 5. Wisely to look rather to the most lasting, then to the present Gain; And in consequence thereof, Not to labour (so much) for the Meat that perisheth, etc. St. John 6. Lastly, To remember at whose Hands their Blood will be required, if they perish; and not think with Cain to shift the Gild off, by demanding, Am I my Slave's keeper, which certainly each of you are. And therefore to be merciful to your own Souls, if not to your Slaves. He that taketh warning shall deliver his Soul, Ezek. 33. But otherwise his Blood shall be upon his own Head.  
4. Secondly, I shall beseech you to look unto the Generation of God's Children; and to see what is done by others, whether at Home or Abroad, by our own Countrymen, or by Strangers, both in Europe, and in their remoter Colonies, and from thence to collect and imitate the best Examples. As for our own Nation, if we look into New-England, they scruple not to admit either Negroes or Indians, when capacitated and fit for it, to their very Sacraments, which very many of the English cannot obtain. The Infants also of such are allowed Baptism: And of the Bermudians I have (Page 143) before spoken.  
5. Again, if we appeal to our Mother-Country, the respect there to them is notorious, and even become the Scoff of this place. 'Tis true, their Zeal is said of late to be much abated. But this, as 'tis the Crime of some few, whose great Wisdom consisteth only in getting of Money (the grand Antichrist of our English Nation, which, in the very letter of the Text, they exalt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, above God and Religion:) So I doubt not but their Impiety will in time be better looked into, and a stop be put to its further growth, at least there: And those Mammonists be obliged to a more Christian deportment and compliance with the universal practice of all Believers, especially of our English Nation, till now.  
6. And as to Foreign Nations 'tis certain, that they treat their Negroes and others, both here and in Europe, as Men capacitated for the like hopes with themselves. And in consequence of that belief, do not only permit, but compel them to partake with themselves in Religion. Of whom some are daily promoted to the Priesthood, and other Offices in the Church. And I have here seen and discoursed with divers, who were brought from those parts; which, besides some Reports of that nature which I had otherwise met with, hath ascertained me of the truth thereof. Now all these, were they not better principled, might urge the like Objections against their being made Christians, which ourselves do here. But they are not yet arrived to that wisdom and foresight as to apprehend the Dangers and Inconveniencies of Religion.  
7. Thirdly, I shall recommend unto them, 1. A frequent view of the Terms, by which only they can pretend a Right to God's Temporal Blessings. He gave them the Lands of the Heathen, saith David, that they might observe his Statutes, and keep his Laws. So that obedience to God's Laws can only entitle Men to the good things that they here enjoy: Which if referred to Christianity, doth, no question, amongst other, infer this Duty also. 2. And then after a serious view of the Terms, to see how others have fared upon the forfeiture. St. Paul speaking of the Jews, Rom. 9 hath these words, Because of unbelief they were broken off, and thou standest by Faith. And in the Acts, he bespeaks the same Jews to have thrust from them the Word of Eternal Life. And in another place not only so, but they are also charged with forbidding the Preaching of it to the Gentiles, that they might be saved: The crying Sin of these Colonies! From which impudent despite done to Religion, he ominates their speedy destruction, and that Wrath which should (and not long after did) come upon them even to their utter Extermination, 1 Thess. 2. 16. And, 3ly. After all, to apply this unto ourselves, If God spared not the Natural Branches, how much less will he spare thee? Be not therefore highminded, but fear; for otherwise thou also shalt be broken off. Nor is this the utmost of the danger; but there is mentioned something further, 2 Thess. 1. The Lord Jesus shall be revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels, in flaming Fire, taking vengeance of them that know not God, and that obey not the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ; who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord, and from the glory of his Power; when he shall come to be admired in his Saints, and to be glorified in all them that believe.  
8. But if none of all these Considerations will prevail, the last thing I shall propose, is, That you will now at length remove that Vizard, and undeceive the World, who have been apt hitherto, because going by that Name, to believe you Christians: Which Name with what face Men can thus usurp, whose practices do prove them not so much as tolerable Heathens, is in truth my great wonder and astonishment; and whilst they retain, Istam in figurâ hominis feritatem & immanitatem belluae; Such a brutish freity under humane appearance. Since the Orator (as before P. 87, 88) informs us, That it is more against Nature, for one Man to wrong another, for his private Gain, than Death, Poverty, Pain, or any other Calamity. That they who do hold the contrary, do separate Man from himself. That he is mistaken that thinks any discommodity either of Body or Estate, to be sorer than the Vices of the Mind. That no Man's Life can be more profitable, than such a disposition of mind, not to violate any, even the most despicable Wretch, for his Profits sake. Which being true, where will your pretended Christianity be found, who against all Conscience and Reason, are so unjust and cruel to your Slaves? Wherefore till you can afford to comport yourselves more agreeable thereto, be but so just to yourselves and us, as to decline the Name: That so your Inhumanity, Avarice, and Irreligion, may no longer be a Stain and Reproach to that Profession; unto which otherwise the Generality will be apt to ascribe them. Nor let any one think strange of this Proposal, which is but Just and Reasonable: It being a most undoubted Truth, and for which, I think, I should not be afraid to become a Martyr, That they who do industriously oppose the propagation of Christianity, especially in their own Families, can be themselves (at most) but Heathens.  
9 Nor let any here go about to take Sanctuary under that Turkish Tenet, That God accepts not the Services of Slaves. This, like the rest, being but a poor shift, and will hardly stand them in stead, when the rust of their ill-gotten Treasure, for which they have sinned against their own Souls, shall be a witness against them; it being certain, that whatever is perfect in its kind, is equally grateful to an impartial Goodness. And should any Act of theirs prove less perfect, yet where out of their power to remedy, it cannot be less accepted by Him, who requires no more than he gives, and judges by the intent, and respects not how great, but how good our Offerings are; and hath moreover by his Apostle, 2 Cor. 8. declared, That if there be first a willing Mind, it is accepted according to what a Man hath, not according to what he hath not. No act of the Soul being to be reputed faulty, for the infirmities of the Body, any more than a Prisoner can be accountable for his Keeper's cruelty, or a Slave for his Masters.  
10. Let not then the Negro too much despond, or sink under these Discouragements; but rather assure himself, That since God cannot but have a desire to the work of his Hands; nothing but his own neglect can prevent his Happiness: And that since He sent his Son to Redeem all, there is Mercy in store for him also. For (to apply the words of the Evangelical Prophet to this case) the Son of the Stranger, that hath joined himself to the Lord, is not to speak, saying, The Lord hath utterly separated me from his People; neither let the Eunuch say, I am a dead Tree. For thus saith the Lord, even unto them that choose the things that please me, and that take hold of my Covenant, will I give in mine House, and within my Walls, a Place and a Name, better than of Sons and Daughters, and I will give them an everlasting Name, that shall not be cut off. Also the Sons of the Stranger that join themselves to the Lord to serve him, and to love the Name of the Lord, and to be his Servants; even them will I bring to my holy Mountain, and make them joyful in my House of Prayer: Their Burnt-offerings and their Sacrifices shall be accepted upon mine Altar; for mine House shall be called an House of Prayer for all People, Isa. 56. Now these Evangelical Promises of Admittance and Acceptance being so general, and without any respect of Persons, it cannot be doubted but these are comprehended in them. Wherefore, to determine all in the words of the Apostle, Gal. 3. 26, 28, 29. & 4. 7. If thou, O black Aethiopian, art become Christ's Disciple and Servant, and dost by Faith truly embrace and lay hold of him, than art thou, as to thy Soul, and all the ends and purposes of the Gospel, no longer a Slave but a Son, and even Abraham's Seed: And if a Son, than an Heir of God through Christ according to the Promise: For we are all the Children of God by Faith in Christ Jesus. Unto which, neither Condition, Country, Complexion nor Descent, can be any Impediment. There being in him neither Jew nor Greek, Bond nor Free, Male nor Female: For we are all one in Christ Jesus.  
11. I shall close up my Discourse with that advice of Jeremiah, Chap. 13. 16. Give Glory to the Lord your God before he cause Darkness, and before your Feet stumble upon the dark Mountains, and while ye look for Light, he turn it into the shadow of Death and make it gross Darkness: Adding only that Religious Expostulation of the Philistine Priests and Sages, (1 Sam. 6.) to their Princes and Optimates, touching the dimission of the Captivated Ark: Wherefore do ye harden your Hearts, as the Egyptians and Pharaoh hardened their Hearts? When he had wrought wonderfully among them, did they not let the People go and they departed? That is, they found it requisite and necessary to do them that Right and Justice: And it will be our Wisdom to do so too.  
12. And thus have I finished this Discourse, wherein as I have not forborn to take notice of the least Objections, so neither, I think, have I inserted any thing that may, especially to those who understand the temper of this place, seem in the least superfluous. So that nothing being hereby left unanswered, nor any colour or shadow of Argument remaining, The Question must, I presume, be placed beyond dispute; nor can there be any pretence or cloak left for the Impieties here condemned. And unless the Opposers will defy the clearest Truth, they cannot but confess the Obligation upon their Souls for complying with this Duty, herein urged and asserted. Of which yet what may be the Issue, I shall not inquire, but rest satisfied that I have done what I could, and delivered my Soul; which I must declare that otherwise I could not. And no less shall comfort myself, that whatever shall be the success, either through any neglect at Home, or opposition here; and that, though it should happen, which I trust it cannot; (Truth being most powerful and must prevail,) that I should labour in vain, and spend my strength for nought and in vain, yet surely my judgement is with the Lord, and my work with my God. Amen.   
— Nunquam successu crescat honestum,  Luc. l. 9  

The State of Religion in Virginia, as it was some time before the late Rebellion, represented in a Letter to Sir W. B. then Governor thereof.  
THat I have made bold to present unto your Excellency this 
* Then intended to be made public, but for other reasons here omitted.  mean Discourse (exposed to public view more of Necessity, and to vindicate myself, than of choice) is because it may no less need your Patronage, than the Author himself did, during his abode in that your Province of Virginia. A Colony that may be said wholly to owe itself to your Excellency, made happy by your Prudent Government, as being the Prime, if not the only Raiser of her to her present Greatness; having first rescued her from most imminent and apparent Destruction; whilst by your noble and wise Conduct, you not only broke the force of the Common Enemy, but so utterly subdued, as to extinguish in them all hopes, and to destroy the very Seeds of any future Disturbance, which might arise through their Occasion.  
And having like a tender Father nourished and preserved that Colony in her Infancy and Nonage, you carefully guarded her ever since, having scarce set Foot off that Soil for well near these forty Years. Under whose Tutelage she is now almost grown Adult, needing no assistance from, but rather able to afford some to her Mother Country. So that we may without Assentation affirm, that your Excellency hath been no less a Sanctuary to Virginia in her distress, than Virginia hath been unto others. Which though she hath happily since outgrown, yet your Excellency doth not cease still to make evident proof of your Innate Affection to her, yearly expending your proper Income and Revenue for the good of her; paying her much more Credit and Support than you receive; thereby demonstrating that the only reward you desire and wish, is that she may thrive and prosper.  
But as our Blessed Saviour once said to the young Man in the Gospel, Yet lackest thou one thing to be perfect; so may we, and I fear too truly, say of Virginia, that there is one thing, the Propagation and Establishing of Religion in her, wanting; which if by your Excellency's Piety added, would make your Name great, and your Memory glorious; no less than that place, which hath so long been the Seat of your Government, Happy. For there is no pious Eye nor Heart can consider the great (Neglect shall I say? or rather) contempt of Religion there, without resolving itself into Sighs and Tears. It is most certain that there are many Families, who have never been present at any public Exercise of Religion since their Importation into that Colony. The Ministers also are most miserably handled by their Plebeian Juntoes, the Vesteries; To whom the Hiring (that is the usual word there) and Admission of Ministers is solely left. And there being no Law obliging them to any more than to procure a Lay-Reader (to be obtained at a very moderate rate): They either resolve to have none at all, or reduce them to their own Terms; that is, to use them how they please, pay them what they list, and to discard them whensoever they have a mind to it. And this is the recompense of their leaving their hopes in England (far more considerable to the meanest Curate, than whatever can possibly be apprehended there) together with their Friends and Relations, and their Native Soil, to venture their Lives into those parts amongst Strangers and Enemies to their Profession, who look upon them as a Burden; as being with their Families (where they have any) to be supported out of their Labour. So that I dare boldly aver, that our Discouragements there are much greater, than ever they were here in England, under the Usurpers. I shall, to avoid tediousness and multiplicity of Examples, Instance only in their being hired from Year to Year, and made to accept of Parishes at under Rates, which I think was never practised in those Times, especially upon such as were approved by their own Laws and conformable to their Government, which those Ministers now in Virginia in all things are to the Government there.  
Sir, I would not be thought to speak this out of any design to disparage the Place; It being a Country so Fruitful, and withal so Pleasant, especially towards the Southern parts, as Carolina, etc. that I do prefer it before England in many things; but may justly equal it thereto in all; Those only excepted, which Time and multitudes of People must produce. Only I cannot but think it great pity, that a Region so richly furnished with Blessings of the Left, should so much want those more necessary ones of the Right-Hand.  
Much less would I herein be thought to reflect upon your Excellency, who have always professed a great tenderness for Churchmen. For alas, these things are kept from your Ears; nor dare the Ministers, had they opportunity, acquaint you with them, for fear of being used worse. And there being no Superior Clergyman, neither in Council nor in any place of Authority, for them to address their Complaints to, and by his means have their Grievances brought to your excellency's knowledge, they are left without Remedy. Besides, their Adversaries have that usual craft of underhand blasting their Fame, and charging them with Litigiousness, (which is nothing else but a suing for their own,) or prepossessing your Excellency with forged Stories, either by themselves invented, or known to be as False, as the best Evidence can make them. But yet when thereby a secret Prejudice is conceived against them, and the cause unknown, they find it impossible to redeem their Reputations with your Excellency. But, Dat veniam Corvis, vexat censura Columbas: For where any thing is truly Chargeable, as is frequent amongst their leaden Lay-Priests of the Vesteries ordination (
* How true this is, may be gathered from the Story of a certain Writing-Master who came into Virginia, first as Bishop thereof; but that not taking, he professed himself Doctor of Divinity, and wore a Scarlet Hood in the Pulpit, going by the name of Dr. Dacres, and showing Orders under that Name. But, being discovered, hath since changed that Name to Acworth; yet to this hour continues his Preaching and Doctorship, if alive, which lately he was.  which make up near two thirds of the Preachers), and is both the shame and grief of the rightly Ordained Clergy there; Nothing of this ever reaches your excellency's Ear: Those hungry Patrons knowing better how to make benefit by their Vices, than by the Virtues of the other.  
The Laws also which are transmitted hither to invite the Subjects into those Parts, are many of them so intricate and obscure, (not to say contradictory and fallacious) that they seem rather to be Traps and Pitfalls, than Laws: I shall instance in two. The first is, That wherein Servitude for four Years is made the penalty of accepting of another's Kindness (if I may so term it); that is, for permitting one's self to be Transported gratis, when with much seeming Courtesy and Importunity offered unto them: For thereby the Party (whether Minister or other, without exception) doth, by virtue of that Law, put himself into the Transporters power, and is made to become his Servant, or to Ransom himself from that Thraldom and Misery at a very great rate, perhaps four or five times so much as their Passage should have cost them. A deceit which no Englishman, not versed in those American Arts and Frauds, can provide against; and is indeed the great stay and support of the Kidnappers' Trade and Mystery. A Trade that, 'tis thought, carries off and consumes not so little as ten thousand People out of this Kingdom yearly; which might have been a defence to their Mother-Country, but now are many of them miserably destroyed, without any advantage to it.  
The second is that Act, wherein, (contradictory to itself, no less than to our Act of Uniformity, and to another of their own), it is declared, That to the intent that Servants Marriages may not be made in secret, they are forbidden to be published (before hand by Banns, the usual and only way of preventing that Secrecy, and that under no less penalty than 10000 pounds of Tobacco; a Sum almost (if not quite) double to divers Ministers Incom and Allowance. And this for a thing unto which they are bound under as great Penalties by the said Act of Uniformity, and other Laws enjoining the said Publications. Which being once by most of the Ministers of that Colony, in an humble Address and Petition to your Excellency represented, as both unreasonable and impossible to be complied with, (at the same time giving in their reasons for that Allegation); they were so far from finding Redress from the Assembly then sitting, unto whom it was referred, that the Ministers found their condition much more uneasy afterward, than it was before. Besides the present Punishing of the Promoters thereof, though not under that, but another Guise. I might here also insert the danger which doth usually ensue to the Minister upon his demanding the benefit of those Laws which concern their Maintenance: This being a Crime, which no Grandee of any Vestry, throughout the Country, shall ever forgive.  
To this may be added the profound Silence as to things given to Pious Uses; the not only permitting but commissioning Lay-Men to preach, and to enjoy four or five Parishes (but at under Rates): Deacons to undermine and thrust out Presbyters, to Administer the Sacraments, read the Absolution, and enjoy Pluralities. Their suffering Parishes to extend to sixty or seventy Miles in length, or letting them lie void for many Years together to save Charges, (as the Metropolis, your Honour's Parish, did (as 'tis said) for near twenty Years, some little Intervals only excepted): And in a word, the permitting of all things that concern the Church and Religion, to the Mercy of the People.  
One thing I had almost forgotten, and that is, besides the establishing of Religion amongst the English, the propagating of it amongst the Heathen, both Natives and Slaves also brought from other parts. Which tho, as must be piously supposed, it were the only end of God's discovering those Countries to us, yet is there looked upon, by our new Race of Christians, as so idle and Ridiculous, so utterly needless and unnecessary, that no Man can forfeit his Judgement more, than by any proposal looking or tending that way.  
I presume I need not acquaint your Excellency how useful Religion, where it hath not lost its Force, (and there it ought by all means to be revived) is to the ease and support of Government, and may prove, to the securing of the King's Interest in those Plantations. Nor what an excellent Heathen Writer tells us, That Religion is the Cement of all Communities, and the chief Basis of Legislative Power: That it is much more easy to build a Castle (we may also add, To plant a Colony) in the open Air, without any ground to found it upon, than to establish a Government without Religion. Much less that the despising of the Ephod, was the Rot of saul's Kingdom and Government: And that the cause why Jeroboam is made to carry that infamous Train and Brand, Jeroboam the Son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin, nineteen times after him in sacred Scripture, was only for the contempt of Religion, and his committing the sacred Oracles to unclean and unholy Hands. Your Excellency knows all these things already, and needs no information; who doubtless are possessed with a deep inward veneration and sense of Religion upon a much higher Account, and that is the salvation of Souls.  
However, let me be bold to be your Remembrancer, and to mind your Excellency how needful it is, that those good Laws which are made for the suppression of Vice, and for reducing the People from this affected Gentilism, to a more diligent and conscientious discharge of their Duty to God, (the only sure means to retain them in their due Allegiance to their Sovereign) be by the Inferior Magistrates more duly executed; The Ministers encouraged, and all Invaders of that sacred Calling, cashired and punished for their bold and profane Usurpations.  
But I begin ●o exceed my Limits, in thus presuming to prescribe unto your Excellency, who are wise enough to effect whatsoever is necessary as to this most Important Affair, so soon as you shall find it expedient so to do. Wherefore beseeching your Excellency to excuse this Presumption, and to accept these my weak Performances, which I humbly submit unto your Censure, I am  
Your Excellency's Servant, and Orator, M. G.  Psal. 119. 12. 
It is time for the Lord to Work, for they have made void thy Law.  Ezek. 8. 12. 
For they say, The Lord seethe us not, the Lord hath forsaken the Earth.  
FINIS.