A New Discovery of a Large Country in AMERICA by Father Lewis Hennepin A New Discovery OF A Vast Country in AMERICA, Extending above Four Thousand Miles, BETWEEN New France and New Mexico. WITH A Description of the Great Lakes, Cataracts, Rivers, Plants, and Animals: Also, The Manners, Customs, and Languages, of the several Native Indians; And the Advantage of Commerce with those different Nations. WITH A CONTINUATION: Giving an ACCOUNT of the Attempts of the Sieur De la SALLE upon the Mines of St. Barbe, etc. The Taking of Quebec by the English; With the Advantages of a Shorter Cut to China and japan. Both Parts Illustrated with Maps and Figures, and Dedicated to His Majesty K. William. By L. Hennepin, now Resident in Holland. To which is added Several New Discoveries in North-America, not published in the French Edition. LONDON: Printed for M. Bentley, I. Tonson, H. Bonwick, T. Goodwin, and S. Manship. 1698. TO His Most Excellent Majesty WILLIAM III. King of Great Britain, etc. SIR, THis Account of the greatest DISCOVERY that has been made in this Age, of several Large Countries, situate between the Frozen Sea and New Mexico, I make bold humbly to Dedicate to your Majesty. Having lived Eleven Years in the Northern America, I have had an Opportunity to penetrate farther into that Unknown Continent than any before me; wherein I have discovered New Countries, which may be justly called the Delights of that New World. They are larger than Europe, watered with an infinite number of fine Rivers, the Course of one of which is above 800 Leagues long, stocked with all sorts of harmless Beasts, and other Things necessary for the Conveniency of Life; and blessed with so mild a Temperature of the Air, that nothing is there wanting to lay the Foundation of one of the Greatest Empires in the World. I should think myself very happy, and sufficiently Rewarded for my Laborious Travels, if they could any ways contribute to make those Countries better known, under the Glorious Name of your Majesty; and if through your Royal Protection I might serve as Guide to your Subjects, to carry into those Parts the Light of the Gospel, and the Fame of your Heroical Virtues: My name would be blessed amongst those numerous Nations, who live without Laws and Religion, only because no body endeavours to instruct them; and they would have the Happiness of being Converted to the Christian Faith, and the Advantage of seeing at the same time their Fierceness and Rude Manners softened and civilised, by the Commerce of a Polite and Generous Nation, Ruled by the most Magnanimous King in the World. This Enterprise is worthy of your Majesty, who never Frames but Noble Designs, and pursues them with such a Prudence and Vigour, that they are always crowned with a Glorious Success. I dare not presume to give here a particular Account of what your Majesty's unparalleled Valour and Prudence have done for the Felicity of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the United Provinces; the Happiness of your Kingdoms, and the Mildness of your Majesty's Government, proclaim that Truth to all the World, as also the Tranquillity of the United Netherlands, amidst a dreadful War, which ravages most Parts of Europe. Your Majesty drove back a formidable Enemy, who had penetrated into their very Heart, and keeps him since at such a distance, that they have nothing to fear from his Ambitious Designs. The rest of Europe is no less indebted to your Majesty than your own Kingdoms and the United Netherlands; for your Majesty exposes every Year your Life, at the Head of your Armies and Theirs, to protect their Country and preserve their Liberties from a fatal Invasion. The Allies know, and own with Gratitude, That your Majesty's Prudence, and the great Respect which so many Princes have for your Personal Merit, are the only Cement that was able to maintain the Great Alliance, wherein Europe is entered for its Preservation. Your Majesty's Glorious Achievements being a Theme above my Pen, I must not presume to speak of them; but my Religion obliges me to mention what I have seen with my own Eyes, and publish to all the World, That I have seen your Majesty Preserving, with the utmost Care, Our Churches in the Netherlands, while Others, who, by a Principle of Conscience, were obliged to Protect them, left them exposed to the Insolence of their Soldiers, violating in the face of the Sun the Respect all Christians owe them. It is this great Generosity and Equity of your Majesty, as much as your other incomparable Exploits, which have gained you the Esteem and the Hearts of all Christian Princes, one alone; excepted; and have engaged the King of Spain my lawful Sovereign, the most Catholic Prince in the World, to make so strict an Alliance with your Majesty. That Great Monarch being too remote from the Netherlands to defend his Dominions, has found in your Majesty a Valiant and Trusty Defender; who being Seconded by the Invincible Elector of Bavaria, protects the Spanish Dominions against a Prince who makes all possible Efforts to deprive his Catholic Majesty thereof, notwithstanding their Proximity of Blood, and his Professing the Same Religion. His Catholic Majesty having therefore so often experienced that your Majesty's Royal Word is more firm than other Prince's Treaties and Solemn Oaths, could not also but leave his Dominions to your Disposal; showing by that unparalleled Piece of Trust, how much he relies upon your Majesty's Honour, and what Esteem he has for your Royal Virtues, which are mixed with no manner of Imperfections. I don't question but many, out of Envy or Malice, will blame me for entering into your Majesty's Service; but I care very little for what they say, since it is by the Permission of his Catholic Majesty, the Elector of Bavaria, and the Superiors of my Order. I design to keep the Integrity of my Faith, and serve Faithfully the Great Monarch who has Honoured me with his Royal Protection. I owe my Services to the Generous Protector of my Country and of our Altars, who besides has so kindly received me at his Court, while other Princes neglected me, or forbade me their Presence. It is then out of Gratitude that I devote myself to your Majesty's Service, and in order to contribute to the Conversion of the several Nations I have discovered, and to the Advantage of your Subjects, if they will improve this Opportunity, and make Plantations in a Country, which is so fertile as to afford Two Crops every Year. The Gentleman with whom I began this Discovery, had formed Great Designs, and especially upon the Mines of St. Barbe in New Mexico; but his Tragical Death prevented their execution. I humbly beseech your Majesty to accept this Public Mark of my Respect and Gratitude; having prayed the Almighty for the Preservation of your Sacred Majesty's Person, and the Prosperity of your Reign, I beg leave to subscribe myself, with all the Submission and Respect imaginable, SIR, Your MAJESTY 's Most Humble, most Faithful, and Most Obedient Servant, F. Lovis Hennepin, Missionary Recollect. THE PREFACE. I Present here the Reader with the First Part of the Account of the Voyage I made from the Year 1679, to the Year 1682, in the Northern America; in which I discovered a Country, unknown before me, as large or larger than Europe. I had resolved long ago to oblige the Public with it; but my Resolution was prevented by some Reason, which it would be too long to relate. 'Tis true, I published part of it in the Year 1684, in my Account of Lovisiana; Printed at Paris by Order of the French King; but I was then obliged to say nothing of the Course of the River Meschasipi, from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois down to the Sea, for fear of disobliging M. lafoy Salle, with whom I began my Discovery. This Gentleman would alone have the Glory of having discovered the Course of that River: But when he heard that I had done it two Years before him, he could never forgive me, tho', as I have said, I was so modest as to publish nothing of it. This is the true cause of his Malice against me, and of all the barbarous Usage I have met with in France; which they carried so far, as to oblige the Marquis de Louvois to command me to depart the French King's Dominions; which I did willingly, tho' I saw sufficient Grounds to believe this Order was forged after Monsieur de Louvois was dead. The pretended Reasons of that violent Order, were, because I refused to return into America, where I had been already Eleven Years; tho' the particular Laws of our Order oblige none of us to go beyond-Sea against their Will. I would have however returned very willingly, had I not sufficiently known the Malice of M. lafoy Salle, who would have exposed me, to make me perish, as he did one of the Men who accompanied me in my Discovery. God knows, that I am sorry for his unfortunate Death; but the judgements of the Almighty are always just, for that Gentleman was killed by one of his own Men, who were at last sensible that he exposed them to visible Dangers, without any Necessity, and for his private Designs. I presented some time after a Petition to the French King, while he was encamped at Harlemont in Brabant, setting forth my Services, and the Injustice of my Enemies; but that Prince had so many Affairs, that, I suppose, they hindered him from considering my Petition; and so I could obtain no Satisfaction. I continued since at Gosseliers and Aeth; and just as they were raising another Persecution against me, the Divine Providence brought me acquainted with Mr. Blathwait, Secretary of War to his Majesty William the Third, King of Great Britain; who, by Order of His Majesty, wrote a Letter to Father Payez, General Commissary of our Order at Louvain, to desire him to give me leave to go Missionary into America, and to continue in one of the United Provinces, till I had digested into Order the Memoires of my Discovery. This General Commissary being informed that the King of Spain, and the Elector of Bavaria consented that I should enter into the Service of His Majesty of Great Britain, granted me what I desired, and sent me to Antwerp, to take there in our Convent a Lay-Habit; and from thence I went into Holland, having received some Money from Mr. Hill, by Order of Mr. Blathwait. I designed to live at Amsterdam for some time; but some Reasons obliged me to go to Utrecht, where I finished this First Volume of the Account of my Discovery; which I hope will prove advantageous to Europe, and especially to the English Nation, to whose Service I entirely devote myself. I cannot sufficiently acknowledge the Favours of Mr. Blathwait, who has so generously provided for my Subsistence, and did me the Honour to present me to His Majesty before his Departure for England. I am also very much obliged to the Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Athlone, for the Civilities I have received from them: They have often admitted me to their Table, and granted several Protections in Flanders upon my Recommendation. I hope the Reader will be pleased with the Account of my Discovery; not for the Fineness of the Language, and the Nobleness of the Expression, but only upon Account of its Importance, and of the Sincerity wherewith 'tis written. The Bookseller has added a Map, and some other Cuts, which are an Ornament to the Book, and very useful for the better understanding of it. Contents of the Chapters. THE Occasion of undertaking this Voyage, p. 1. Chap. 1. The Motives which engaged the Author of this Discovery to undertake the Voyage here related, 6 Chap. 2. The Means by which the Author accustomed himself to endure the Travail and Fatigue of his laborious Mission, 11 Chap. 3. A Description of those canoe's that they make use of in the Summertime in America, to waft them along the Country, 13 Chap. 4. Other Motives that induced the Author more forcibly to undertake this Discovery, 15 Chap. 5. A Description of the Fort Catarockovy, called since Frontenac, 20 Chap. 6. A Description of some Freshwater Lakes, the greatest and the pleasantest in the Universe, 26 Chap. 7. A Description of the Fall of the River Niagara, which is to be seen betwixt the Lake Ontario and that of Eriè 29 Chap. 8. A Description of the Lake Erie, 32 Chap. 9 A Description of the Lake Huron, 33 Chap. 10. A Description of the Lake called by the Savages Illinovack, and by the French Illinois, 35 Chap. 11. Ashort Description of the Upper Lake, 36 Chap. 12. What is the Predominant Genius of the Inhabitants of Canada, 37 Chap. 13. A Description of my first Imbarkment in a Canow at Quebec, the Capital City of Canada, being bound for the South-West of New-France, or Canada, 40 Chap. 14. A Description of my second Imbarkment at Fort Frontenac, in a Brigantine upon the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, 48 Chap. 15. An Account of the Embassy to the Iroquois Tsonnontovans, 52 Chap. 16. A Description of a Ship of Sixty Tuns, which we built near the straits of the Lake Erie, during the Winter and Spring of the Year 1679, 68 Chap. 17. The Author's Return to Fort Frontenac, 68 Chap. 18. An Account of our Second Embarkment from Fort Frontenac, 72 Chap. 19 An Account of our Third Embarkment from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, 77 Chap. 20. An Account of what happened in our Passage from the Lake Erie, unto the Lake Huron, 81 Chap. 21. An Account of our Navigation on the Lake Huron to Missilimakinak, 83 Chap. 22. An Account of our Sailing from Missilimakinak, into the Lake of the Illinois, 88 Chap. 23. An Account of our Embarkment in Canoes to continue our Discovery, from the Bay of Puans, to the Miamis on the Lake of the Illinois, 91 Chap. 24. A Description of the Calumet, or Great Pipe, 93 Chap. 25. A Continuation of our Discovery; with an Account of our Navigation to the farther End of the Lake of the Illinois in our Canoes, 96 Chap. 26. An Account of the Peace made between us and the Outtovagamis, 100 Chap. 27. An Account of the Building of a Fort and a House near the River of Miamis, 106 Chap. 28. Continuation of our Voyage from Fort Miamis to the River of the Illinois, 108 Chap. 29. An Account of our Embarkment at the Head of the River of the Illinois, 112 Chap. 30. A Description of the Hunting of the wild Bulls and Oxen, by the Savages; Of the bigness of those Beasts; and of the Advantages and Improvements that may be made of the Plain where they Pasture; and of the Woods thereabouts, 114 Chap. 31. An Account of our Arrival to the Illinois, one of the most Numerous Nations of the Savages of America, 119 Chap. 32. An Account of what happened to us while we remained among the Illinois, till the Building of a New Fort, 126 Chap. 33. Reflections upon the Temper and Manners of the Illinois, and the little Disposition they have to embrace Christianity, 131 Chap. 34. An Account of the Building of a New Fort on the River of the Illinois, named by the Savages Checagou, and by us Fort Crevecoeur; as also a Bark to go down the River Meschasipi, 135 Chap. 35. Containing an Account of what was transacted at Fort Crevecoeur before M. la Salle's return to Fort Frontenac; and the Instructions we received from a Savage concerning the River Mefchasipi, 138 Chap. 36. The Author sets out from Fort Crevecoeur, to continue his Voyage, 145 Chap. 37. The Course of the River Meschasipi from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, to the Sea; which the Author did not think fit to publish in his Lovisiana; with an Account of the Reasons he had to undertake that Discovery, 149 Chap. 38. A Continuation of our Voyage on the River Meschasipi, 155 Chap. 39 Reasons which obliged us to return towards the Source of the River Meschasipi, without going any farther toward the Sea, 160 Chap. 40. An Account of our Departure from Koroa, to continue our Voyage, 165 Chap. 41. A particular Account of the River Meschasipi; Of the Country through which it flows; and of the Mines of Copper, Lead, and Coals we discovered in our Voyage, 171 Chap. 42. An Account of the various Languages of the Nations inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi; of their Submission to their Chief; of the Difference of their Manners from the Savages of Canada; and of the Difficulties, or rather Impossibilities attending their Conversion, 175 Chap. 43. An Account of the Fishery of the Sturgeons; and of the Course we took, for fear of meeting some of our Men from Fort Crevecoeur, 179 Chap. 44. A short Account of the Rivers that fall into the Meschasipi; of the Lake of Tears; of the Fall of St. Anthony; of the wild Oats of that Country; and several other Circumstances of our Voyage, 180 Chap. 45. The Author and his Canow-Men are taken by the Savages, who, after several Attempts upon their Lives, carry them away with them into their Country above the River Meschasipi, Chap. 46. Resolution which the Barbarians take to carry the Author and his two Men along with them up into their Country, above the River Meschasipi, 189 Chap. 47. The many Outrages done us by the Savages, before we arrived in their Country. They frequently design against our Lives, 191 Chap. 48. The Advantages which the Savages of the North have over those of the South, in relation to the War: As also the Ceremony which was performed by one of our Captains, having caused us to halt at Noon, 195 Chap. 49. What Tricks and Artifices were used by Aquipaguetin to cheat us handsomely of our Goods; with many other Accidents that happened in our Voyage, 197 Chap. 50. The Elders weep for us during the Night. New Outrages done us by Aquipaguetin. The manner how the Savages make Fire by Friction, 200 Chap. 51. Ceremonies used by the Savages when they share their Prisoners. Continuation of our journey by Land, 202 Chap. 52. A great Contest arises amongst the Savages, about dividing our Merchandise and Equipage; as also my Sacerdotal Ornaments and little Chest, 204 Chap. 53. The Troop approaches the Village. Grand Consult amongst the Savages, whether they should kill us, or save and adopt us for their Sons. Reception which we had from them; and the use they made of my Chasuble. 209 Chap. 54. The Author's Reception by the Relations of Aquipaguetin. They make him sweat to recover him of his Fatigues. The use they make of his Chasuble and other Ornaments, 209 Chap. 55. The Author is like to be famished. The admire his Compass, and an Iron-Pot which he has. He makes a Dictionary, and instructs them in Points of Religion, in relation to Polygamy and Celibacy, 212 Chap. 56. The most considerable Captain of the Issati and Nadovessians upbraid those that took us. The Author baptises the Daughter of Mamenisi, 217 Chap. 57 An Embassy sent to the Issati by the Savages that inhabit to the West of them. Whence it appears that there is no such thing as the straits of Anian; and that Japan is on the same Continent as Lovisiana, 220 Chap. 58. The Issati assemble to hunt the Wild-Bull. Refusal of the two Canow-Men to take the Author into their Canow, in order to go down the River of St. Francis, 223 Chap. 59 The Savages halt above the Fall of St. Anthony of Milan. They are streighten'd for Provisions. The Author, with the Picard, returns to the River Ouisconsin. The Adventures of the Voyage, 228 Chap. 60. The Hunting of the Tortoise. The Author's Canow is carried off by a sudden blast of Wind, which was like to have reduced him and his Companions to great straits, 233 Chap. 61. We continue our Course in search of the River Ouisconsin. Aquipaguetin finds us, and gets thither before us. We subsist merely by Providence, 237 Chap. 62. Great straits which the Author and his Companion are reduced to in their Voyage. They at last meet again with the Savages at their return from Hunting, 239 Chap. 63. The Savage Women hide their Provisions up and down in private Holes. They go down the River again a second time. Address of the Savages. Bravery of one of the Savages, 243 Chap. 64. Arrival of the Sieur du Luth in our Camp. He desires us to return with him and his Followers to the Country of the Issati and Nadovessians. I cast my Coverlet over a dead Man, The Savages are pleased at it, 245 Chap. 65. The Author takes his leave of the Savages to return to Canada. A Savage is slain by his Chief, for advising to kill us. Dispute between the Sieur du Luth and me, about the Sacrifice of Barbarians, 248 Chap. 66. The Sieur du Luth is in a great Consternation at the Appearance of a Fleet of the Savages, who surprised us before we were got into the River Ouisconsin, 253 Chap. 67. The Author's Voyage from the Mouth of the River Ouisconsin, to the great Bay of the Puans, 255 Chap. 68 The Author and his Company stay some time amongst the Puans. Original of the Name. They celebrated the Mass here, and winter at Missilimakinak, 258 Chap. 69. The Author's Departure from Missilimakinak. He passes two great Lakes. Taking of a Great Bear. Some Particulars relating to the Flesh of that Beast, 263 Chap. 70. The Meeting of the Author and a certain Captain of the Outtaovacts, named Talon by the Intendant of that Name, upon the Lake of Erie; who recounts to him many Adventures of his Family and Nation. further Observations upon the great Fall or Cataract of Niagara, 265 Chap. 71. The Author sets out from the Fort which is at the Mouth of the River Niagara, and obliges the Iroquois assembled in Council, to deliver up the Slaves they had made upon the Outtaovacts, 274 Chap. 72. The Author sets out from the Tsonnontovans Iroquois, and comes to Fort Frontenac, 277 Chap. 73. The Author sets out from Fort Frontenac, and passes over the rapid Stream, which is called The Long Fall. He is kindly received at Montreal by Count Frontenac, 279 Chap. 74. A great Defeat of the Illinois, that were attacked and surprised by the Iroquois, 284 Chap. 75. The Savages Kikapoux murder Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, a Recollect Messionary, 290 Chap. 76. The Author's Return from his Discovery to Quebec; and what happened at his Arrival at the Convent of Our Lady of Angels near that Town, 295 A MAP of A NEW WORLD between NEW MEXICO And the Frozen Sea Newly DIScovered by Father LEWIS HENNEPIN Missionary Recollect and Native of Aht in Hainault Dedicated to his Majesety of GREAT BRITAIN WILLIAM III A New Discovery OF A Country greater than Europe; Situated in America, betwixt New-Mexico and the Frozen Sea. The Occasion of undertaking this Voyage. MEN are never weary of pursuing the Objects they have in View; such as present them with Millions of ravishing Qualities, capable to afford 'em both Satisfaction and Instruction. The Wonders they there meet with, are so surprising, and (as it it were) enchanting, that they are necessarily engaged to survey the same with all possible Exactness, in order to satisfy their natural curiosity, and inform their Minds. The Condition of Travellers is very near the same. They're never weary of making new Discoveries. They're indefatigable in rambling through unknown Countries and Kingdoms not mentioned in History; feasting their Minds with the Satisfaction of gratifying and enriching the World with something unheard of, that no Thought could ever reach before. 'Tis true, such Erterprises expose 'em to infinite Fatigue and Danger: But the Hopes they've conceived of contributing thus to the public Good, and advancing the Glory of God, and at the same time gratifying their natural Inclinations, are their chief Solace and Comfort, encouraging them to suffer all with Constancy and Pleasure. Those whose only Aim in undertaking Voyages, is to enlarge the Bounds of Christ's Kingdom, and advance the Glory of God, do upon that Prospect alone valiantly venture their Lives, making 'em of no Account. They endure the greatest Fatigues in traversing the most unpassable Ways and horrid Precipices, for the Execution of their Designs; being pushed on by the Hopes they entertain of Promoting by these means the Glory of him who created 'em, and under whose Conduct they undertake such toilsome Voyages. It's usual to see some undaunted Men boldly encounter the most fearful Death, both in Battles and in dangerous Voyages: such as are not discouraged by all the Hazards that surround 'em both by Sea and Land; nothing being able to withstand the Valour and Courage that prompts 'em to attempt any thing. Therefore is it, that we ofttimes see 'em succeed in obtaining their Designs, and compassing their most difficult Erterprises. Yet it's to be acknowledged, that if they took a serious View of the Perils they're about to encounter, and considered 'em in cold Blood, they might perhaps find Difficulty to persuade themselves into such resolute Thoughts; at least, they would not form their Designs after such a daring and fearless manner. But generally they do not survey their Dangers beforehand, but in the Bulk, and with a passing View; and having once set their Hands to the Work, Occasion engages 'em insensibly, and entices 'em further on than they could have believed at first. Insomuch that many of the great Discoveries owing to Voyages are rather the Result of Chance, than any well formed Design. Something of the same Nature has happened to myself in the Discovery I now bring to Light. I was from my Infancy very fond of Travelling; and my natural Curiosity induced me to visit many Parts of Europe successively. But not being satisfied with that, I bended my Inclinations yet further, and was eager upon seeing remoter Countries and Nations not yet heard of; and in gratifying this natural Itch, was I led upon this Discovery of a vast and large Country, where no European ever was before myself. 'Tis true indeed, I could not foresee the Embarassing Difficulties and Dangers I was obliged to encounter in this my painful Voyage. Nay, perhaps the very Thoughts of 'em might have discouraged and scared me from attempting a Design so laborious and toilsome, and environed with such fearful Difficulties. But maugre all these Discouragements I've at length perfected my Design, the Undertaking of which was enough to frighten any other but myself. In which I've satisfied my Desires, both in regard of the Curiosity I was possessed of for seeing new Countries and strange Faces; and also upon the Account of my Resolution to employ and dedicate myself to the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls. Thus it was that I discovered a wonderful Country never known till now; of which I here give an ample Description; and (●s I think) circumstantiate enough: It being divided into several small Chapters, for the Conveniency of the Reader. I am hopeful the World shall return me thanks for my Pains, because of the Advantage shall accrue to 'em by the same. In fine, their Approbation shall sufficiently recompense all the Trouble and Dangers I've gone through. I am not insensible that such as never dared to travel themselves, or never read the Histories of the Curious and Brave, who have given Relations of the strange Courtries they had occasion to see; I say, Idoubt not but that sort of Cattle shall account of this my Discovery as being false and incredible. But I shall not be amused at what Men of that Gang have to say. They themselves were never Masters of the Courage and Valour which inspires Men to undertake the glorious Erterprises that gain 'em Reputation in the World. They are confined in narrow Bounds, and can never have the Soul to achieve any thing that can procure 'em a distinguishing and advantageous Character among Men. It were better for 'em to admire what they cannot comprehend, and rest satisfied in a wise and profound Silence, than thus foolishly to blame what they know nothing of. They generally accuse Travellers of venting an Infinity of Lies and Impostures: But Men of a magnanimous and firm Courage are placed far above such silly Raveries: For when they've done all to blacken our Reputation, we shall still receive for our Reward, the Esteem and Approbation of Men of Honour, who being endowed with knowing and penetrating Souls, are capable to give equal and impartial Judgement of Travels, and of the just Merit of such as have hazarded their Lives for the Glory of God, and the Good of the Public. This is the happy and agreeable Recompense which redounds to the daring Travellers that so valiantly expose themselves to all manner of Fatigue and Danger, that by so doing, they may become useful to Mankind. CHAP. I. The Motives which engaged the Author of this Discovery to undertake the Voyage here related. I Always found in myself a strong Inclination to retire from the World, and regulate my Life according to the Rules of pure and severe Virtue: and in compliance with this Humour, I entered into the Franciscan Order, designing to confine myself to an austere Way of Living. I was overjoyed then, when I read in History the Travels and Voyages of the Priests of my own Order, who indeed were the first that undertook Missions into any Place. And ofttimes represented to myself that there could be nothing more great or glorious than to instruct the Ignorant and Barbarous, and lead 'em to the Light of the Gospel; and having remarked that the Franciscans had behaved themselves in this Work with a great deal of Zeal and Success, I found this begat in my Mind a Desire of tracing their Footsteps, and dedicating myself after their Example, to the Glory of God and the Salvation of Souls. In reading the History of our Order I observed that in a general Assembly held in the Year 1621., it was reckoned, that since the first Passing of the Reverend Father Martin de Valence (one of our first Reformers) into America, there had been more than five hundred Convents of Recollects established in that New World, and distributed into Two and twenty Provinces. As I advanced in Years, this Inclination to pass the Seas, fortified itself more in my Mind. It is true, one of my Sisters married at Ghent, whom I loved very tenderly, did dissuade me from my Design as much as she could, and never ceased to redouble her Solicitations to that purpose, while I had occasion to be with her in that great City, whither I had gone to learn the Dutch Language: But being solicited on the other hand by many of my Friends at Amsterdam, to go to the East-Indies, my natural Inclination, joined to the Influence of their Requests, did move me much, and had almost determined me to undertake a Sea-Voyage. Being then that all the Remonstrances of my Sister could not dissuade me from travelling, I first commenced a Journey into Italy; and, in obedience to the Orders of my Superior, visited all the great Churches and most considerable Convents of our Order, both in that Country, and in Germany; which did in some measure gratify my curious Temper. But having returned to the Netherlands, the Reverend Father William Herinx, late Bishop of Ipres, did oppose himself to the Resolution I had of continuing to travel, detaining me in the Convent of Halles in Hainault, where I was obliged to perform the Office of Preacher for a Year. After which, with the Consent of my Superior, I came into the Country of Artoìs, from whence I was sent to Calais, to mendicate there in time of Herring-salting. Being there, I was passionately in love with hearing the Relations that Masters of Ships gave of their Voyages. Afterwards I returned to our Convent at Biez, by the way of Dunkirk; where I used ofttimes to sculk behind the Doors of Victualling-houses, while the Seamen were giving Account of their Adventures. The Smoke of Tobacco was disagreeable to me, and created Pains in my Stomach, while I was thus intent upon giving ear to their Relations: Yet nevertheless I was very attentive to the Accounts they gave of their Encounters by Sea, the Perils they had gone through, and all the Accidents which befell them in their long Voyages. This Occupation was so agreeable and engaging, that I have spent whole Days and Nights in it without eating; for I always came to understand some new thing concerning the Customs and Ways of Living in remote Places; and concerning the Pleasantness, Fertility, and Riches of the Countries where these Men had been. Thus I fortified myself more and more in my ancient Resolution; and that I might advance it yet further, I went Missionary into most part of the Towns of Holland; and stopped at length at Mastreicht, for eight Months together, administering the Sacraments to more than Three thousand wounded Men: In which Occupation I ventured many Dangers among the Sick People, being taken ill both of a Spotted Fever and a dysentery, which brought me very low, and near unto Death: But God at length restored me to my former Health, by the Care and Succour of a very skilful Dutch Physician. The next Year, by a singular effect of my Zeal, I was engaged in promoting the Salvation of Souls, happening then to be present at the bloody Battle of Seneffe, where I was busied in administering Comfort to the poor wounded Men: Till at length, after having endured all manner of Fatigue and Toil, and having run the risk of extreme Dangers at Sieges of Towns in the Trenches, and in Fields of Battle, (where I never ceased to expose myself for the good of men's Souls) while these bloody Men were breathing nothing but Slaughter and Blood, I happily found myself in a condition to satisfy my first Inclination: For I then received Orders of my Superiors to go for Rochel, in order to embark in quality of Missionary for Canada. Within two Leagues of that City I performed the Function of Curate near two Months; being invited so to do by the Pastor of the Place, who had occasion to be absent from his Charge. But afterwards I totally resigned myself to the Providence of God, having commenced my Passage through a long Tract of Sea, the greatest, perhaps, and the longest of any that is in the Ocean. I embarked then in Company of Mr. Francis de Laval, created then Bishop of Petrée in partibus Infidelium, and since Bishop of Quebec, the Capital City of Canada. Then my Design of Voyaging received fresh Augmentations: Yet I stayed in that Country Four Years, and was sent thence in Mission while the Abbot of Fenelon, present Archbishop of Cambray, resided there. I shall not here recount the several Adventures of our Voyage, nor the Fights we were engaged in with the Ships of Turkey, Tunis, and Algiers, who attempted several times to have taken us; but without success. Nor shall I stay to relate our approach to Cape Breton, where we beheld with incredible Delight the Battle ordinarily fought betwixt the Fishes called Espadons and the Whales, their mortal Enemies; neither am I to detain my Reader with an account of what vast Quantities of Fish we took at Forty Fathom Water, upon the Great Bank of Newfoundland; or what great Numbers of Ships we rencountered, that were bound thither from different Nations to Fish in these Places, which afford such infinite Numbers of all manner of Fishes. These diverting Sights were very agreeable to all our Crew, which was then about an Hundred Men strong, to three Fourths of whom I administered the Sacraments, they being Catholics. I performed likewise Divine Service every Day while the Wether was calm; and we sung the Itinerary of the Clergy, translated into French Verse, after the Evening Prayers. Thus we sweetly passed our Time a-board, till at length we arrived at Quebec, the Capital City of Canada. CHAP. II. The Means by which the Author accustomed himself to endure the Travail and Fatigue of his laborious Mission. MR. Francis de Laval, Bishop of Petrée, having taken possession of the Bishopric of Quebec, which was conferred upon him by Pope Clement X. and that contrary to the Sentiments of many Persons of Quality, who, by means of his Preferment, were frustrated of their own Pretensions: This Reverend Prelate (I say) having taken into consideration the Fervency of my Zeal in Preaching the Gospel in my Voyage, my assiduous Diligence in performing Divine Service, and the Care I had taken to hinder the Young Fellows of our Crew from keeping Loose Company with the Women and Maids that came along with us (for which I had ofttimes been rewarded with Anger and Hatred;) these Reasons, and suchlike, procured me the Favour and Applause of this Illustrious Prelate, he obliging me to Preach in Advent and Lent to the Cloister of St. Augustin in the Hospital of Quebec. But in the mean while, all this did not satisfy my natural Inclination: I used ofttimes to go some Twenty or Thirty Leagues off the Town to see the Country, wearing a little Hood, and making use of large Rackets, without which I had been in danger of falling headlong over fearful Precipices. Sometimes to ease myself a little, I made a great Dog I had brought with me, drag my little Baggage along, that I might arrive the sooner at Trois Rivieres, St. Ann, and Cape Tourment, Bourgroyal, the Point de Levi, and at the Island of St. Laurence, whither I designed. There I assembled together, in one of the largest Cottages of that Country, as many People as I could gather; after which, I admitted them to Confession, and to the Holy Communion. In the Nighttime I had nothing to cover me but a Cloak; and sometimes the Frost pierced to my very Bones, which obliged me to make a Fire five or six times in a Night, to prevent my freezing to death. My Commons also were very short, scarce more than to keep me from starving. In the Summer-season I was obliged, in the continuance of my Mission, to travel by Canou's, that is, a sort of little Boats (which I shall describe hereafter) that they make use of in Lakes and Rivers: Which sort of Contrivance succeeded well enough where the Water was shallow, or about two or three Foot deep; But when we came to any deeper Place, than the Boat, which was round underneath, was in danger of overturning, insomuch that I had certainly perished in the Water, had not I taken a circumspect Care of myself. However, I found myself obliged to travel after this manner, for there were no passable Roads in this Country; it being imposbleto travel over-land in these new Colonies, because of that infinite number of Trees and Woods that replenish them on all sides, which must needs be cut down or burned, before any practicable Way be made. CHAP. III. A Description of those Canou's that they make use of in the Summertime in America, to waft them along the Country. THese Canou's are round underneath, as I said but now, and pointed at the two ends, not unlike the Venetian Gondals: without them it were impossible to travel in America, for the Country is full of vast and wide-extended Forests: Besides, the impetuous Winds sometimes pluck up the Trees by the Roots, and Time itself renverses great numbers of 'em, which tumbling down through Age, are huddled so one above another, that the Ways are totally embarassed and rendered impracticable. The Savage Natives are very ingenious in making these Canou's: They make them of the Rinds of Birch-Trees, which they pull very neatly off that sort of Trees, they being considerably bigger than those of Europe. They betake themselves to this Work generally about the end of Winter, in the vast Forests that lie towards the Northern Parts of these Countries. For supporting this Bark they line it within with Ribs or pieces of common Wood, or Cedar, about four Fingers broad; this they furbish up with small Poles made smooth that make the circumference of the Canou; then by other Poles going across about an Inch, or an Inch and a half thick, which are very smoothly polished; these they join on both sides to the Bark by small Roots of Trees cloven in two, not much unlike the Willows that we make our Baskets of in Europe. These Canou's have no Rudder as the bigger Shallops have, for they conduct them merely by the force of their Arms with some small Oars; and can turn them with an incredible swiftness, and direct them whither they list. Those that are accustomed to manage them, can make 'em go at a wonderful rate, even in calm Wether; but when the Wind is favourable, they are expedite to a Miracle; for they then make use of little Sails made of the same Bark, but thinner than that of the Canou's. As for the Europeans, that by long usage come to be well versed in this sort of Tackling, they make use of about four els of Linnen-cloth, hoist up on a little Mast, the foot of which is received by a Hole made in a square piece of light Wood, that is fastened betwixt the Ribs and the Bark of the Canou's towards the bottom. Those that are well skilled in managing these Canou's, may run Thirty, or Thirty five Leagues in a Day upon Rivers, and sometimes more in Lakes, if the Wind be favourable: But some of 'em are much bigger than others. They carry generally about a Thousand pound weight, some Twelve hundred, and the biggest not more than Fifteen hundred pound. The least of 'em may carry Three or four hundred pound weight, together with two Men or Women to steer them along. But the Greater must have Three or Four Men to manage them, and sometimes, when Business requires expedition, Seven or Eight to quicken their pace. CHAP. IU. Other Motives that induced the Author more forcibly to undertake this Discovery. I Was passionately zealous, in imitation of many Priests of my Order, for enlarging the Limits of Christianity, and converting the barbarous Americans to the Belief of the Gospel: and in pursuance of that Design, I looked upon the Employment of a Missionary as a most Honourable Post for me; so that whenever I found the opportunity of a Mission, I willingly embraced it; tho' it obliged me to travel more than Twelve hundred Leagues off Canada: Yet I persuaded several to accompany me in my Voyage; and neglected not any thing that might tend to the furtherance of my Design. At first, for a Trial I was sent in Mission about a Hundred and twenty Leagues beyond Quebec. I went up the River St. Laurence, and arrived at length at the brink of a Lake called by the Natives Ontario, which I shall describe afterwards. Being there, I persuaded several of the savage Barbarians to cultivate the Ground, and dress some Wood for building a Lodge to us. I caused 'em make a Cross of an extraordinary height and bigness; I caused 'em likewise build a Chapel near to the Lake, and established myself there, with another of my own Order, by Name, Father Luke Buisset, whom I had induced to come along with me, and who died since in our Franciscan Convent upon the Sambre: I shall have occasion afterwards to speak of him, for that we cohabited in Canada for a long time, and were Fellow-Labourers in our Establishment at Catarockovy; which was the Place where we ofttimes concerted the Measures of making this Discovery I am about to relate. I there gave myself much to the reading of Voyages, and increased the Ambition I had to pursue my Design, from what Light the Savages imparted to us in that matter: In fine, I plainly perceived by what Relations I had of several Particulars in different Nations, that it were not a matter of great difficulty to make considerable Establishments to the Southeast of the great Lakes; and that by the conveniency of a great River called Hoio, which passes through the Country of the Iroquois, a Passage might be made into the Sea at Cape Floride. While I resided in that place, I made several little Tours, sometimes with the Inhabitants of Canada, that we had brought along to settle at our Fort of Catarockovy; sometimes in company of the Savages alone, with whom I conversed frequently. And as I foresaw that the Iroquois might become jealous and suspicious of our Discoveries, I resolved to make a Tour round their Five Cantons; and in pursuance of this Design, threw myself among 'em, being accompanied only with a Soldier of our Fort, who traveled with me Seventy Leagues, or near the Matter, on this Occasion; we having our Feet armed with large Rackets, to prevent the Injury of the Snow, which abounds in that Country in time of Winter. I had already acquired some small Knowledge of the Iroquois Language; and while I traveled in this manner among them, they were surprised to see me walk in midst of Snow, and lodge myself in the wild Forests that their Country is full of. We were obliged to dig Four foot deep into the Snow to make Fire at night, after having journeyed Ten or Twelve Leagues over-day. Our Shoes were made after the Fashion of those of the Natives, but were not able to keep out the Snow, which melted as soon as our Feet touched it, it having received heat from the motion of us walking along. We made use of the Barks of Trees to cover us when we went to sleep; and were carefully solicitous to keep on great Fires to defend us from the nipping Colds. in this lonesome Condition spent we the Nights, waiting the welcome return of the Sun, that we might go on in our Journey. As for Food, we had none, save the Indian Corn grinded small, which we diluted with Water to make it go down the better. Thus we passed through the Countries of the Honnehiouts and Honnontages, who gave us a very kind reception, and are the most Warlike People of all the Iroquois. When they saw us, they put their Fore-fingers on their Mouths, signifying the surprisal they were in at the troublesome and difficult Journey we had made in the middle of Winter. Then looking upon the mean and mortifying Habit of St. Francis, they cried aloud, Hetchitagon! that is, Barefoot; and did with all manner of passion and astonishment pronounce the Word Gannoron: intimating, that it must needs have been a Business of great Importance that moved us to attempt such a difficult Journey at so unseasonable a time. These Savages regaled us with Elk and Venison, dressed after their own fashion, which we eat of, and afterwards took leave of 'em, going further on in our Journey. When we departed, we carried our Bed-cloaths on our Backs, and took with us a little Pot to boil their Corn in. We passed through ways quite inundated, that would have been absolutely impracticable to any European: For when we came at vast Marshes and overflowing Brooks, we were obliged to climb along by the Trees. At length with much difficulty we arrived at Ganniekez, or Agniez, which is one of the Five Cantons of the Iroquois, situated about a large Day's Journey from New-Holland, called at present New-York: Being there, we were forced to season our Indian Corn (which we had used to bruise betwixt two Stones) with little Frogs that the Natives gathered in the Meads towards Easter, when the Snow was all gone. We stayed some time in this Kingdom, lodging with a jesuit that had been born at Lions, to transcribe an Iroquiese Dictionary. When the Wether began to be more favourable, we chanced one day to meet with three Dutchmen on Horseback, who had come thither to treat about the Beavers: They were sent and ordered thither by Major Andrews, the Man who subdued Boston and New-York to the King of England, and is at present Governor of Virginia. These Gentlemen alighted from their Horses, that we might mount 'em, taking us along with them to New-Orange to be regaled. So soon as they heard me speak Dutch, they testified a great deal of Friendship to me, and told me they had read several Histories of the Discoveries made by those of our Franciscan Order in the Northern Parts of America, but had never before seen any wear the Habit in these Countries as we did. They likewise expressed great Gladness to see me abiding among them, for the Spiritual Comfort and Advantage of many Catholics who had come from our Netherlands and settled there: And I should very willingly have yielded to their Entreaties in residing there, but that I was afraid of giving any umbrage to the Jesuits, who had received me very kindly; and besides, was aware of offending the Colony of Canada, because of the Commerce they had with the Savages of my Acquaintance in beaver's and Skins. We therefore returned all Thanks to the Gentlemen for their Kindness, and returned again to Catarockovy with much less difficulty than we went. But all this had no other effect than to augment the Itching I had to discover remoter Countries. CHAP. V. A Description of the Fort Catarockovy, called since Frontenac. THis Fort is situated a Hundred Leagues from Quebec (the Capital City of Canada) up the River St. Laurence Southwards. It is built near to the Place where the Lake Ontario (which is as much as to say, the pretty Lake) discharges itself. It was surrounded with a Rampart, great Stakes and Palisado's, and four Bastions, by the Order of Count Frontenac, Governor-general of Canada. They found it necessary to build this Fort for a Bulwark against the Excursions of the Iroquois, and to interrupt the Trade of Skins that these Savages maintain with the Inhabitants of New-York, and the Hollanders, who have formed a New Colony there; for they furnish the Savages with Commodities at cheaper Rates than the French of Canada. The Iroquois are an insolent and barbarous Nation, that has shed the Blood of more than Two millions of Souls in that vast-extended Country. They never cease from disturbing the Repose of the Europeans, unless it be for fear of their Arms: For they entertain no Commerce with them, save in the Merchandise-Goods they stand in need of, and in Fire-Arms, which they buy on purpose to use against their Neighbours▪ and by the means of which, they have compassed the Destruction of an infinite Number of People, extending their bloody Conquests above 5 or 600 Leagues beyond their own Precincts, and exterminating whatever Nations they hate. This Fort, which at first was only surrounded with Stakes, Palisado's, and earthen Ramparts; has been enlarged since the commencement of my Mission into these Countries, to the circumference of Three hundred and sixty Toises (each of these being six Foot in length) and is now adorned with Freestone, which they find naturally polished by the shock of the Water upon the brink of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. They wrought at this Fort with so much diligence and expedition, that in two Years time it was advanced to this perfection, by the Care and Conduct of Sieur-Cavelier de la Salle, who was a Norman born; a Man of great Conduct and profound Policy. He ofttimes pretended to me, that he was a Parisian by Birth, thinking thereby to engage the Father Luke Buisset beforementioned, and me, to put more confidence in him: For he had easily remarked from our ordinary Conversation, that the Flemish, and several other Nations, are prone to be jealous of the Normans. I am sensible that there are Men of Honour and Probity in Normandy, as well as elsewhere; but nevertheless it is certain, that other Nations are generally more free, and less sly and intriguing, than the Inhabitants of that Province of France. This Fort Frontenac lies to the Northward of this Lake, near to its Mouth, where it exoners itself; and is situated in a Peninsula, of which the Isthmus is digged into a Ditch. On the other side, it has partly the Brink of the Lake surrounding it, partly a pretty sort of a natural Mould, where all manner of Ships may ride safely. The Situation of this Fort is so advantageous, that they can easily prevent the Sallies and Returns of the Iroquois; and in the space of Twenty four Hours, can wage War with them in the heart of their own Country. This is easily compassed by the help of their Barks, of which I saw Three all decked and mounted, at my last departure thence. With these Barks in a very little time they can convey themselves to the Southside of the Lake, and pillage (if it be needful) the Country of the Tsonnontovans, who are the most numerous of all the Provinces of the Iroquois. They manure a great deal of Ground for sowing their Indian Corn upon, of which they reap ordinarily in one Harvest as much as serves 'em for two Years: Then they put it into Caves digged in the Earth, and covered after such a manner, that no Rain can come at them. The Ground which lies along the Brink of this Lake is very fertile: In the space of two Years and a half that I resided there in Mission, they cultivated more than a hundred Acres of it. Both the Indian and European Corns, Pulse, Potherbs, Gourds, and Water-Melons, succeeded very well. It is true indeed, that at first the Corns were much spoiled by Grasshoppers; but this is a thing that happens in all the Parts of Canada at the first Cultivating the Ground, by reason of the extreme Humidity of all the Country. The first Planters we sent thither, bred up Poultry there, and transported with them Horned Beasts, which multiplied there very successfully. They have comely proper Trees, fit for building of Houses or Ships. Their Winter is by Three Months shorter than at Canada. In fine, we have all reason to hope, that e'er long a considerable Colony shall be erected in that Place. When I undertook my great Voyage, I left there about Fifteen or Sixteen Families together, with Father Luke Buisset a Recollet, with whom I had used to administer the Sacraments in the Chapel of that Fort. While the Brink of the Lake was frozen, I walked upon the Ice to an Iroquois Village, called Ganneouse near to Keutè, about nine Leagues off the Fort, in company of the Sieur de la Salle abovementioned. These Savages presented us with the Flesh of Elks and Porcupines, which we fed upon. After having discoursed them some time, wè returned, bringing with us a considerable number of the Natives, in order to make a little Village of about Forty Cottages to be inhabited by them, lying betwixt the Fort and our House of Mission▪ These Barbarians turned up the Ground for sowing of Indian Corn and Pulse, of which we gave them some for their Gardens. We likewise taught them, contrary to their usual custom of eating, to feed upon Soupe, made with Pulse and Herbs, as we did. Father Luke and I made one Remark upon their Language, that they pronounced no Labial Letters, such as B, P, M, F. We had the Apostolic Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and our ordinary Litany, translated into the Iroquois Language, which we caused them to get by heart, and repeat to their Children; and forced their Children to pronounce as we did, by inculcating to them the Labial Letters, and obliging 'em to frequent converse with Children of the Europeans that inhabited the Fort; so that they mutually taught one another their Mother-Languages; which served likewise to entertain a good Correspondence with the Iroquois. These Barbarians stayed always with us, except when they went a Hunting; which was the thing that touched us most sensibly: for when they went for five or six Months ravaging through their vast huge Forests, and sometimes Two hundred Leagues from their ordinary abode, they took their whole Family along with them. And thus they lived together, feeding upon the Flesh of the wild Beasts they killed with the Fire-Arms they used to receive of the Europeans, in exchange of their Skins: And it was impossible for any Missionary to follow them into these wild Deserts; so that their Children being absent all the Season of Hunting, forgot what we had instilled into them at Frontenac. The Inhabitants of Canada towards Quebec, Trois Rivieres, and the Isle of Monreal, being sick of their long Winters; and seeing those of the Franciscan Order settle themselves at Frontenac, where the Winter was three Months shorter, many of 'em resolved to transport their Families thither, and reside there. They represented to themselves the advantage should accrue to them, by having the Sacraments administered, and their Children educated by us, and that for nothing; for we ordinarily took no Salary for the Instruction we gave. There have always been some sort of People who endeavoured to render themselves Masters of Canada, and become Arbiters and Judges to all the Establishments there; for the compassing of which Design, they left no means untried. They attributed to themselves the Glory of all the Good Success had happened: They dispersed their Missionaries over all the Country, and endeavoured to obstruct all our Designs at Frontenac. In fine, they obliged our Recollets to remove thence by the help of the marquess de Benonville, the then Governor of Canada, whom they had wheedled into their Interests, and who had suffered himself to be imposed upon by the Artifices of these Men. I hope that some time or other God shall re-establish our poor Monks in that Place; for their Designs were always innocent and good; and they could never have been made to retire thence, without doing them Injustice. God leaves nothing unpunished: The Day shall come when he shall take Vengeance of those who did this Injury. I heard some time ago, that the Iroquois, who wage eternal War with the French of Canada, have seized the Fort of Catarockovy; as also that the cruel Savages did smoke in their Pipes some of the Fingers of those who had procured the departure of our poor Recollets from that Fort; and that the present Inhabitants of Canada charged them with being the Authors of great Injustice. CHAP. VI A Description of some Freshwater Lakes, the greatest and the pleasantest in the Universe. I Here commence the Description of the most remarkable Things in this great Discovery, that the Reader may more easily attain to a full Knowledge of our Voyage, by following the Map we have provided for that purpose. The Lake Ontario received the Name of the Lake Frontenac from the Illustrious Count Frontenac, Governor-general of Canada. All the World is acquainted with the Merit and Virtue of that Noble Person: It is likewise well known, how ancient that Family is from which he is descended, and what a glorious Train of Illustrious Ancestors went before him, who were always thought worthy of the most weighty Employments both Civil and Military! His Family was always inviolably attached to the Interests of their Sovereign, even in the most perplexed Times: Nay, I may say upon this occasion, without giving Offence to the other Governors of Canada, that have either preceded, or are to succeed him, That this Country was never Governed with so much Wisdom, Moderation, and Equity, as by the Count de Frontenac. I know very well, that those Men who aspire to be Masters over all, have endeavoured to blacken his Reputation, to eclipse his Glory, and render him suspected. But I am bound to say, to the Praise of that Illustrious Nobleman, That for all the Ten Years he lived in that Country, he was a Father to the Poor; a Protector to those that were in danger of being oppressed; nay, in fine, his Conversation was a perfect Model of Virtue and Piety. Those of his Countrymen who were stirred up against him, by an effect of their natural Levity and Fickleness, were so confronted as to see him re-established in that same very Government, of which their Calumnies and malignant Intrigues had endeavoured to dispossess him. They had engaged the Intendant of Chesneau in the same Combination, having overreached him by their cunning Artifices. Yet notwithstanding all these unjust Censures, I came to understand of late, that they regret much the want of that Illustrious Count Thus it was for the Honour of this worthy Count, that they gave to the Lake the Name of Frontenac, in order to perpetuate his Memory in that Country. This Lake is Eighty Leagues long, and Twenty five Leagues broad: It abounds with Fishes, is deep, and navigable all over. The Five Cantons, or Districts, of the Iroquois, do inhabit for the most part the Southside of this Lake, viz. the Ganniegez, or Agniez (the nighest Neighbours to New-Holland, or New-York) the Onnontagues, or those who live in the Mountains, who are the most Warlike People of all that Nation; the Onneiouts and Tsonnontovans the most populous of them all. There are likewise, on the Southside of the Lake, these Iroquois Villages, viz. Tejajagon, Keutè, and Ganneousse, which is not distant from Frontenac above Nine Leagues. The great River of St. Laurence derives its Source from the Lake Ontario, which is likewise called in the Iroquois Language, Skanadario; that is to say, a very pretty Lake. It springs likewise partly from the Superior Lakes, as we shall have occasion to observe afterwards. CHAP. VII. A Description of the Fall of the River Niagara, which is to be seen betwixt the Lake Ontario and that of Eri●. BEtwixt the Lake Ontario and Eriè, there is a vast and prodigious Cadence of Water which falls down after a surprising and astonishing manner, insomuch that the Universe does not afford its Parallel. 'Tis true, Italy and Suedeland boast of some such Things; but we may well say they are but sorry Patterns, when compared to this of which we now speak. At the foot of this horrible Precipice, we meet with the River Niagara, which is not above a quarter of a League broad, but is wonderfully deep in some places. It is so rapid above this Descent, that it violently hurries down the wild Beasts while ●ndeavouring to pass it to feed on the other side, they not being able to withstand the force of its Current, which inevitably casts them headlong above Six hundred foot high This wonderful Downfall, is compounded of two great Cross-streams of Water, and two Falls, with an Isle sloping along the middle of it. The Waters which fall from this horrible Precipice, do foam and boil after the most hideous manner imaginable, making an outrageous Noise, more terrible than that of Thunder; for when the Wind blows out of the South, their dismal roaring may be heard more than Fifteen Leagues off. The River Niagara having thrown itself down this incredible Precipice, continues its impetuous course for two Leagues together, to the great Rock abovementioned, with an inexpressible rapidity: But having past that, its impetuosity relents, gliding along more gently for other two Leagues, till it arrive at the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. Any Bark or greater Vessel may pass from the Fort to the foot of this huge Rock abovementioned. This Rock likes to the Westward, and is cut off from the Land by the River Niagara, about two Leagues farther down than the great Fall; for which two Leagues the People are obliged to transport their Goods over-land; but the way is very good; and the Trees are but few, chiefly Sirs and Oaks. From the great Fall unto this Rock which is to the West of the River, the two Brinks of it are so prodigious high, that it would make one tremble to look steadily upon the Water, rolling along with a rapidity not to be imagined. Were it not for this vast Cataract, which interrupts Navigation, they might sail with Barks or greater Vessels, more than Four hundred and fifty Leagues, crossing the Lake of Hurons, and reaching even to the farther end of the Lake Illinois; which two Lakes we may easily say are little Seas of fresh Water. Sieur de la Salle had a design to have built a Fort at the mouth of the River Niagara; and might easily have compassed it, had he known how to keep himself within bounds, and to have confined himself there for one Year. His design was to curb and keep under the Iroquois, and especially the Tsonnontovans, who are the most numerous People, and the most given to War of all that Nation. In fine, such a Fort as this might easily have interrupted the Commerce betwixt these People and the English and Dutch in New-York. Their custom is to carry to NewYork the Skins of Elks, beaver's, and several sorts of Beasts, which they hunt and seek after some 2 or 300 Leagues from their own home. Now they being obliged to pass and repass near to this mouth of the River Niagara, we might easily stop them by fair means in time of Peace, or by open force in time of War; and thus oblige them to turn their Commerce upon Canada. But having remarked that the Iroquois were pushed on to stop the execution of this Design, not so much by the English and Dutch, as by the Inhabitants of Canada, who for a great part endeavoured by all means to traverse this our Discovery; they contented themselves to build a House at the mouth of the River to the Eastward, where the Place was naturally fortified. To one side of this House there is a very good Haven, where Ships may safely ride; nay, by help of a Capstane, they may easily be hall'd upon Land. Besides, at this Place they take an infinite quantity of white Fish, Sturgeons, and all other sorts of Fishes, which are incomparably good and sweet; insomuch that in the proper Season of Fishing, they might furnish the greatest City in Europe with plenty of Fish. CHAP. VIII. A Description of the Lake Erie. THe Iroquois give to this Lake the Name of Erie Tejocharontiong, which extends itself from East to West perhaps a hundred and forty Leagues in length. But no European has ever been over it all; only I and those who accompanied me in this Discovery, have viewed the greater part of it, with a Vessel of Sixty Tun burden, which we caused to be made on purpose, about two Leagues above the forementioned Fall of Niagara, as I shall have occasion to observe more largely hereafter. This Lake Erie, or Tejocharontiong, encloses on its Southern Bank a Tract of Land as large as the Kingdom of France. It divides itself at a certain place into two Channels, because of a great Island enclosed betwixt them: Thus continuing its course for fourteen Leagues, it falls into the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, acquiring the name of the River Niagara. Betwixt the Lake Erie and Huron, there is almost such another Straight thirty Leagues long, which is of an equal breadth almost all over, except in the middle, that it enlarges itself by help of another Lake far less than any of the rest, which is a of a circular Figure about six League's diameter, according to the Observation of our Pilot. We gave it the Name of Lake St. Claire, tho' the Iroquois, who pass over it frequently when they are upon Warlike Designs, call it Otsi Keta. The Country which borders upon this most agreeable and charming Straight, is a pleasant Champain Country, as I shall relate afterwards. All these different Rivers, which are clothed with so many different Denominations, are nothing else but the continuation of the great River St. Laurence; and this Lake St. Claire is formed by the same. CHAP. IX. A Description of the Lake Huron. THe Lake Huron was so called by the People of Canada, because the Savage Hurons, who inhabited the adjacent Country, used to have their Hair so burned, that their Head resembled the Head of a Wild Boar. The Savages themselves called it the Lake Karegnondy. Heretofore the Hurons lived near this Lake, but they have been in a great measure destroyed by the Iroquois. The circumference of this Lake may be reckoned to be about seven hundred Leagues, and its length two hundred; but the breadth is very unequal. To the West of it near its mouth it surrounds several great Islands, and is navigable all over▪ Betwixt this Lake and that of the Illinois, we meet with another Straight which discharges itself into this Lake, being about Three Leagues long, and one broad, its course running West-North-West. There is yet another Straight or narrow Canal towards the upper Lake (that runs into this of Huron) about Five Leagues broad, and Fifteen Leagues long, which is interrupted by several Islands, and becomes narrower by degrees, till it comes at the Fall of St. Mary. This Fall is a Precipice full of Rocks, over which the Water of the upper Lake, which flows thither in great abundance, casts itself with a most violent impetuosity: Notwithstanding which, a Canow may go up it on one side, provided the People in it row strongly. But the safer way is to carry the Canow over-land for so little space, together with the Commodities that those of Canada carry thither to exchange with the Savages that live to the Northward of the upper Lake. This Fall is called the Fall of St. Marry Missilimakinak. It lies by the mouth of the upper Lake, and discharges itself partly into the mouth of the Lake Illinois towards the great Bay of Puants; all which shall afterwaads be more fully discoursed, when I come to relate our return from Issati. CHAP. X. A Description of the Lake called by the Savages Illinovack, and by the French Illinois. THe Lake Illinois, in the Natives Language, signifies the Lake of Men; for the word Illinois signifies a Man of full Age in the vigour of his Strength. It lies to the West of the Lake Huron toward the North, and is about a Hundred and twenty, or a hundred and thirty Leagues in length, and Forty in breadth, being in circuit about Four hundred Leagues. It is called by the Miamis, Mischigonong, that is, The Great Lake. It extends itself from North to South, and falls into the Southern-side of the Lake Huron; and is distant from the upper Lake about Fifteen or Sixteen Leagues, its Source lies near a River which the Iroquois call Hohio, where the River Miamis discharges itself into the same Lake. It is navigable all over, and has-to the Westward a great Bay called the Bay of Puans, by reason that the Savages who now inhabit the Land surrounding this Bay, had deserted their former Habitation, because of some stinking (in French Puans) Waters towards the Sea that annoyed them. CHAP XI. A short Description of the Upper Lake. THis Superior Lake runs from East to West, and may have more than a Hundred and fifty Leagues in length, Sixty in breadth, and Five hundred in circuit. We never went quite over it, as we did over all the others I've hitherto mentioned; but we sounded some of its greatest Depths, and it resembles the Ocean, having neither Bottom nor Banks. I shall not here stay to mention the infinite numbers of Rivers that discharge themselves into this prodigious Lake, which together with that of Illinois, and the Rivers that are swallowed in them, make up the source of that great River St. Laurence, which runs into the Ocean at the Island of Assumption towards Newfoundland. We traveled upon this River about Six hundred Leagues from its mouth to its Source. I've already observed, That all these Lakes may well be called Freshwater Seas. They abound extremely in White Fish greater than Carps, which are extraordinary good; nay, at Twenty or Thirty Fathom Water, there are Salmon-Trouts taken of Fifty or Sixty pound weight. It were easy to build on the sides of these great Lakes, an infinite number of considerable Towns, which might have Communication one with another by Navigation for Five hundred Leagues together, and by an inconceivable Commerce which would establish itself among 'em. And to be sure the Soil, if cultivated by Europeans, would prove very fertile. Those that can conceive the Largeness and Beauty of these Lakes, may easily understand, by the help of our Map, what course we steered in making he great Discovery hereafter mentioned. CHAP. XII. What, is the Predominant Genius of the Inhabitants of Canada. THe Spaniards were the first who discovered Canada; but at their first arrival, having found nothing considerable in it, they abandoned the Country, and called it Il Capo di Nada; that is, A Cape of Nothing; hence by corruption sprung the Word Canada, which we use in all our Maps. Since I left that Country, I understand that all things continue very near as they were whilst I resided there. Those who have the Government of Canada committed to their Care, are moved with such a malignant Spirit, as obliges all who do not approve their Design, to moan secretly before God. Men of Probity that are zealous for Religion, find nothing there of what they expected; but, on the contrary, such Repulses and and ill Usage, that no body could have foreseen. Several resort thither, with a design to Sacrifice their Repose and Life, to the Temporal and Spiritual Succour of an Infant-Church; but the loss of Reputation and Honour, are the Sacrifices they're obliged to make. Others go thither in the hopes of spending their Lives in Peace and perfect Concord; whereas they meet with nothing but Jars, Divisions, and a Sea of Troubles. In lieu of their fair Hopes, they reap nothing but Crosses and Persecution; and all for not pleasing the Humours of Two or Three Men, who are the overruling Wits of that Country. What an immense distance there is betwixt the Humour of these Men, and our Flemish Sincerity! I mean that Candour and Evenness of Mind which make up the true Character of a Christian, and is observed every where else. But without entering farther into any Particulars, I leave the Judgement of all unto God; and shall only say, that we who are Flemings by Birth, went to Canada without any other private Design, having renounced our Native Country merely for the Service of our Religion, after having quitted all other Enjoyments for embracing a Religious Profession. And therefore it was not a small Surprise to us, upon our arrival in that Country, to see our Sincerity and Uprightness of Heart so sorrily entertained. There is a certain sort of People, to whom every thing is suspicious, and whom it is impossible to retrieve from under the first Impressions they've received. Though a Man were never so complaisant, yet if he be not altogether of their Stamp, or if he endeavours to represent Things fairly and rationally unto them, tho' with wise and soft Remonstrances, yet shall he pass among 'em for a Fellow of a turbulent Spirit. Such Conduct as this, does not savour of Christianity, nor bespeaks any other Prospect than that of temporal Interest. This Consideration moved me ofttimes to say to the Three Flemish Monks I had brought to Canada with me, That it had been much better for us who had quitted all our Enjoyments, and exchanged them for the Poverty of a Monastic Life, to have gone in Mission among Strangers, to preach Repentance to Infidels, and propagate the Kingdom of our Saviour among the barbarous Nations. And indeed kind Providence seconded my Good Intentions; for the Reverend Father german Allart Recollect, late Bishop of Vence in Provence, sent me Orders to undertake the Discovery which I am about to relate. CHAP. XIII. A Description of my first Imbarkment in a Canow at Quebec, the Capital City of Canada, being bound for the South-West of New-France, or Canada. I Remained Two Years and a half at Fort Frontenac, till I saw perfected the House of Mission that Father Luke Buisset and I had caused to be built there. This engaged us in Travels, which inseparably attend New Establishments. Accordingly we went in a Canow down the River St. Laurence; and after a Hundred and twenty Leagues sailing, arrived at Quebec, where I retired into the Recollects Convent of St. Mary, in order to prepare and sanctify myself for commencing this Discovery. And indeed I must frankly own, that when at the foot of the Cross I pensively considered this important Mission, weighing it in the Scales of Human Reason, and measuring the weight of its Difficulties by Human Force, it seemed altogether terrible rash and inconsiderable: But when I looked up to GOD, and viewed it as an effect of his Goodness, in choosing me for so great a Work, and as his Commandment directed to me by the mouth of my Superiors, who are the Instruments and Interpreters of his Will unto me: These Thoughts, I say, presently inspired me with Courage and Resolution to undertake this Discovery, with all the Fidelity and Constancy imaginable. I persuaded myself, that since it was the peculiar Work of God, to open the hard Hearts of that barbarous People, to whom I was sent to publish the Glad Tidings of his Gospel, it were as easy for Him to compass it by a feeble, Instrument, such as I was, as by the most worthy Person in the World. Having thus prepared myself for the Voyage of my Mission, and seeing that those who were expected from Europe to bear part in this Discovery were now arrived; that the Pilot, Seamen, and Ship-Carpenters were in readiness, and that the Arms, Goods, and Rigging for the Ships were all at hand; I took with me from our Convent a portable Chapel all complete for myself, and afterwards went and received the Benediction of the Bishop of Quebec, together with his Approbation in Writing; which I likewise received of Count Frontenac, who was a Man that testified a great deal of Affection for our Flemish Recollects, because of our Candour and Ingenuity; and who was pleased to give public Testimony to the Generosity of my Undertaking, while we were set at Table. In fine, I embarked in a little Canow made of the Barks of Birch-Trees, carrying nothing along with me save my portable Chapel, one Covering, and a Matt of Rushes, which was to serve me for Bed and Quilt; and this was the whole of my Equipage. It was concerted so, that I should go off first, that my Departure might oblige the rest to expedite their Affairs with speed. The Inhabitants of Canada, upon both sides the River of St. Laurence, betwixt Quebec and Monreal, entreated me to officiate among them, and administer the Sacraments: For they could not assist at Divine Service oftener than five or six times a Year, because there were only Four Missionaries for the extent of Fifty Leagues. I Baptised a Child at a certain Place called St. Hour, and acquainted the absent Missionary of the Place with the same; which done, I continued my Voyage; and as I passed by Harpentinie, the Lord of the Place, of one of the ancientest Families in Canada, would have sent one of his Sons to voyage along with me; but the Canow was too narrow for Four Persons. At length I arrived at Trois Rivieres, which is a Town only surrounded with Palisado's, lying about Thirty Leagues higher than Quebec. Not meeting there Father sixth a Recollet-Missionary, who was gone from thence in Mission, the Inhabitants beseeched me to preach and perform Divine Service on the First of October. The next day, the Sieur Bonivet, Lieutenant-General Justiciary of that Place, conveyed me a League up the River St. Laurence. The most laudable Erterprises are ofttimes retarded by surprising and unexpected Obstacles; for when I arrived at Monreal, they debauched and enticed away my Two Boat-men; so that I was forced to take advantage of an offer which Two other Men made to conduct me along in their little shattered Boat. Thus was it that those who envied the success of my Undertaking, began to oppose themselves to it, and endeavoured to hinder the most considerable and famous Discovery that has been made in that New World in this Age. In going up the River, as I passed the Lake of St. Lovis, a little above the Isle of Monreal, which is about Twenty five Leagues round, I observed that this River St. Laurence divides itself into Two Branches; of which one leads to the ancient Country of the Hurons, the Outaovacts, and several other Nations situate to the Northward; and the other to the Country of the Iroquois. We went up this last for about Sixty Leagues, in most rapid and horrible Currents, full of great Rocks, where the noise of the Water roars night and day like Thunder; for Three or Four Leagues together. All which does not hinder the Boatmen and their canoe's to run down among these huge Rocks with a swifness so great, that those who are in the Canow are quite blinded. They generally carry Elks-Claws and Skins which they exchange for other Goods, with the Savages of that Country. I shall not offer to give any circumstantial account of the Accidents that befell me, which are inseparable Companions of all great Voyages: What is needful to be said is, That I arrived at Fort Catarockovy, or Frontenac, about Eleven a Clock at Night, the next Day after All-Saints; where our Recollet-fathers', Gabriel de la Ribourde, and Luke Buisset, Missionaries, received me with all Expressions of Joy into our House of Mission, which we had caused to be built the Year before, upon the brink of the Lake Ontario, near to Fort Frontenac. This Fort lies about Forty four Degrees and some Minutes of Northern Latitude. I had forgot to acquaint you, that this Lake Ontario is formed by the River St. Laurence, and that it is deep enough for big Vessels; for at Seventy Fathom we could discern no Ground. The Waves there are tossed by mighty Winds which are very frequent; and their Surges are full as high as those of the Sea, but much more dangerous; for they are shorter and steeper; so that a Vessel riding along cannot yield and keep touch with 'em. There are likewise some very plain appearances of a Flux and Reflux; for they observe the Water to flow and ebb by little Tides, and that it flows ofttimes against the Wind when very high. The Fishing of this Lake, as of all the other Lakes beforementioned, is very considerable for all manner of excellent Fishes, especially for Salmon-Trouts, which are there much bigger than our biggest Salmons. The adjacent Country is very fertile, as is confirmed by the Experience of those who cultivated it in several places. The Game of that Country is well served for all sorts of Wild Beasts and Fowls: Their Forests are replenished with the prettiest Trees in the World, Pines, Cedars, and Epinetes, (a sort of Firr-tree very common in that Country.) They have likewise very good Iron-Mines; and no doubt but other Metals might be found, it sought after. While I abode at Catarockovy, waiting the coming up of the rest of our Company, I had time to confer with the Reverend Fathers of our Order, concerning what Measures we were to take for converting unto Christ Jesus, such a numerous Train of Nations that had never heard of the Gospel; for it is certain, that such poor helpless Priests as we of the Franciscan Order, destitute of all temporal Enjoyments, and cut off from all human Means and Assistance, cannot be too cautious in managing the Concerns of so important a Mission, because of the infinite variety of the Tempers of those that were to accompany us in this Voyage; for we had in company some Flemish, some Italians, and some Normans, who were all of different Interests; and it was a very difficult Task for us to comply with, and please so many different Humours; especially when engageed in such a Voyage as this, in which Laws could not be observed with the same Exactness, or retain the same Rigour as in Europe, where Men may be enticed to Good, and scared from Evil, by the love of Rewards or fear of Punishment. But I resigned myself wholly to the Exercise of my Duty, leaving the Conduct of all unto God's Providence, and being ready to encounter whatever Accidents might fall in my way. The Iroquois whom we had brought to settle near this Fort (as was above related) came ofttimes to visit us, and made us Presents of the Flesh of Elks, and Roe-bucks; in lieu of which we gave 'em little Knives and some Tobacco, which we had for that-purpose. These Savages, when they reflected upon our designed Voyage, used to clap their Four fingers on their Mouths (as they generally do when touched with the Admiration of any thing they cannot comprehend) cried aloud, Otchitagon, Gannoron! that is, Bare-feets, what ye are about to undertake, is of great Importance. They added, That their most valiant Adventures had much ado to extricate themselves out of the hands of those barbarous Nations we were going to visit. It is certain, that the Iroquois had a most tender Respect for the Franciscan Monks, having observed them to live all in common, with out reserving any particular Possessions. The Food of the Iroquois is in common among 'em. The ancientest Women in the House distributes about to the other Persons in the Family according to their Age. When they sit at their Meals, they give freely to eat unto all that come into their Houses; for they would rather choose to fast for a whole Day, than suffer any one to go from their Houses, without offering them a share of all they had. The Sieur de la Salle arrived at the Fort some time after me: God preserved him (as he did me) from the infinite Dangers he was exposed to in this great Voyage betwixt Quebec and the Fort, having passed the long Precipice mentioned last, and several other most rapid Currents in his way thither. The same Year he sent off Fifteen of our Boat-men, who were to go before us. They made as if they had been going in their Canow towards the Illinois, and the other Neighbouring Nations that border upon the River called by the Illinois, Meschasipi; that is, a great River; which Name it has in the Map. All this was only to secure to us a good Correspondence with the Savages, and to prepare for us in that Country some Provisions, and other Necessaries, for going about this Discovery. But there being among them some villainous Fellows, they stopped in the upper Lake at Missilimakinak, and diverted themselves with the Savages that live to the Northward of that Lake, lavishing and squandering away the best of the Commodities they had taken with 'em, instead of providing such Things as were needful for building a Ship, which we necessarily wanted for passing from Lake to Lake to the River Meschasipi. CHAP. XIV. A Description of my second Imbarkment at Fort Frontenac, in a Brigantine upon the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac. THat same very Year, on the Eighteenth of November, I took leave of our Monks at Fort Frontenac, and after our mutual Embraces and Expressions of Brotherly and Christian Charity, I embarked in a Brigantine of about Ten Tuns. The Winds and the Cold of the Autumn were then very violent, insomuch that our Crew was afraid to go into so little a Vessel. This obliged us and the Sieur de la Motte our Commander, to direct our course Northwards, to shelter ourselves under the Coast, against the North-West Wind, which otherwise would have forced us upon the Southern Coast of ●he Lake. This Voyage proved very difficult and dangerous, because of the unseasonable time the Winter being near at hand. On the 26th, we were in great danger about Two large Leagues off the Land, where we were obliged to lie at an Anchor all that Night at Sixty Fathom Water and above; but at length the Wind turning North-East, we set out, and arrived safely at the further end of the Lake Ontario, called by the Iroquois Skannadario. We came pretty near to one of their Villages called Taiaiagon, lying about Seventy Leagues from Fort Frontenac, or Katarockovy. We bartered some Indian Corn with the Iroquois, who could not admire us enough, and came frequently to see us on board our Brigantine, which for our greater security, we had brought to an Anchor into a River, tho' before we could get in, we run aground three times, which obliged us to put Fourteen Men into Canoes, and cast the Ballast of our Ship overboard to get her off again. That River falls into the Lake; but for fear of being frozen up therein, we were forced to cut the Ice with Axes and other Instruments. The Wind turning then contrary, we were obliged to tarry there till the 15th of December, 1678. that we sailed from the Northern Coast to the Southern, where the River Niagara runs into the Lake; but could not reach it that Day, tho' it is but Fifteen or Sixteen Leagues distant, and therefore cast Anchor within Five Leagues of the Shore, where we had very bad Wether all the Night long. On the 6th, being St. Nicholas's Day, we got into the fine River Niagara, into which never any such Ship as ours entered before. We sung there Te Deum, and other Prayers, to return our Thanks to God Almighty for our prosperous Voyage. The Iroquois Tsonnontovans inhabiting the little Village, situated at the mouth of the River, took above Three hundred White Fishes bigger than Carps, which are the best relishing as well as the wholesomest Fish in the World. They presented us with all those Fishes, imputing their Good Luck to our Arrival. They were much surprised at our Ship, which they called the great wooden Canow. On the 7th, we went in a Canow two Leagues up the River, to look for a convenient Place for Building; but not being able to get the Canow farther up, because the Current was too rapid for us to master, we went over-land about three Leagues higher, tho' we found no Land fit for culture. We lay that Night near a River, which comes from the Westward, within a League above the great Fall of Niagara, which, as we have already said, is the greatest in the World. The Snow was then a Foot deep, and we were obliged to dig it up to make room for our Fire. The next Day we returned the same way we came, and saw great Numbers of Wild-Goats, and Wild Turkeycocks, and on the 11th, we said the first Mass that ever was said in that Country. The Carpenters and the rest of the Crew were set to work; but Monsieur de la Motte, who had the Direction of them, being not able to endure the Fatigues of so laborious a Life, gave over his Design, and returned to Canada, having about two hundred Leagues to travel. The 12th, 13th, and 14th, the Wind was not favourable enough to sail up the River as far at the rapid Current above mentioned, where we had resolved to build some Houses. Whosoever considers our Map, will easily see, that this New Enterprise of building a Fort and some Houses on the River Niagara, besides the Fort of Frontenac, was like to give Jealousy to the Iroquois, and even to the English, who live in this Neighbourhood, and have a great Commerce with them. Therefore to prevent the ill Consequences of it, it was thought fit to send an Embassy to the Iroquois, as it will be mentioned in the next Chapter. The 15th I was desired to sit at the Helm of our Brigantine, while three of our Men hall'd the same from the Shore with a Rope; and at last we brought her up, and moored her to the Shore with a Halser, near a Rock of a prodigious height, lying by the rapid Currents we have already mentioned. The 17th, 18th, and 19th, we were busy in making a Cabin with Palisado's, to serve for a Magazine; but the Ground was so frozen, that we were forced to throw several times boiling Water over it to drive in and beat deep the Stakes. The 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d, our Ship was in great danger to be dashed in pieces, by the vast Pieces of Ice that were hurled down the River; to prevent which, our Carpenters made a Capstance to hall her-a-shore; but our great Cable broke in three pieces; whereupon one of our Carpenters surrounded the Vessel with a Cable, and tied thereunto several Ropes, whereby we got her ashore, tho' with much difficulty, and saved her from the Danger of being broke to pieces, or carried away by the Ice, which came down with an extreme violence from the great Fall of Niagara. CHAP. XV. An Account of the Embassy to the Iroquis Tsonnontovans. THese Savages being the most numerous Nation of that Country, it was requisite to avoid giving them any manner of suspicion; and in order thereto, we thought fit to prepossess those of the little Village of Niagara with a favourable Opinion of our Design: We told them, that we did not intend to build a Fort on the Bank of their River Niagara, but only a great Hanger, or Storehouse, to keep the Commodities we had brought to supply their Occasions. We accompanied our Discourse with some small Presents, and told them that we should remain with them, whilst Six or Seven of us would go to the great Village of the Tsonnontovans, to treat with their Chief Captains. And truly it was absolutely necessary to go thither, to remove the Suspicion the Enemies of our Discovery had suggested to that People concerning our Designs. As I was building a little Cabin of Bark, to perform Divine Service therein, M. de la Motte, who was still with us, desired me to accompany him in his Embassy, which I was very unwilling to comply with; and therefore entreated him to suffer me to stay there with the greater number of our Men. But notwithstanding the Arguments I used, he told me that he was resolved to take along with him 7 Men out of 16 that we were in all; that I understood in a manner the Language of their Nation, having been often in conference with them at the Fort of Frontenac; that the Glory of God was concerned in this Undertaking; that he would not trust those that were to accompany him; and in short, that if our Enterprise should miscarry upon that account, the blame would lie at my door. These, with some other secret Reasons, obliged me to comply with his Desire, and to follow him. We traveled with Shoes made after the Indian way, of a single Skin, but without Soles, because the Earth was still covered with Snow, and past through Forests for thirty two Leagues together, carrying upon our Backs our Coverings and other Baggage, lying often in open Field, and having with us no other Food but some roasted Indian Corn: 'Tis true, we met upon our Road some Iroquois a Hunting, who gave us some Wild-Goats, and fifteen or sixteen Black Squirrels, which are excellent Meat. However, after five Days march, we came to Tegarondies, a great Village of the Iroquois Tsonnontovans, and were immediately carried to the Cabin of their Principal Chief, where Women and Children flock'd● to see us, our Men being very well dressed and armed. An old Man having according to custom made public Cries, to give notice of our arrival to their Village, the younger Savages washed our Feet, which afterwards they rubbed, over with the Grease of Deers, Wild-Goats, and other Beasts, and the Oil of Bears. The next Day, which was the First of the Year 1679. after the ordinary Service, I preached in a little Chapel made of Barks of Trees, in presence of Two Jesuits, viz. Father Garnier and Rafeix; and afterwards we had a Conference with 42 Old Men, who make up their Council. These Savages are for the most part tall, and very well shaped, covered with a sort of Robe made of beaver's and Wolves-Skins, or of Black Squirrels, holding a Pipe or Calumet in their Hands. The Senators of Venice do not appear with a graver Countenance, and perhaps don't speak with more Majesty and Solidity, than those ancient Iroquois. This Nation is the most cruel and barbarous of all America, especially to their Slaves, whom they take above two or three hundred Leagues from their Country, as I shall show in my Second Volume; however, I must do them the Justice to observe, that they have many good Qualities; and that they love the Europeans, to whom they sell their Commodities at very reasonable Rates. They have a mortal Hatred for those, who being too self-interested and covetous, are always endeavouring to enrich themselves to the Prejudice of others. Their chief Commodities are Beavers Skins, which they bring from above a hundred and fifty Leagues off their Habitations, to exchange them with the English and Dutch, whom they affectionate more than the Inhabitants of Canada, because they are more affable, and sell them their Commodities cheaper. One of our own Men, named Anthony Brossard, who understood very well the Language of the Iroquois, and therefore was Interpreter to M. de la Motte, told their Assembly, First, That we were come to pay them a Visit, and smoke with them in their Pipes, a Ceremony which I shall describe anon: And then we delivered our Presents, consisting of Axes, Knives, a great Collar of White and Blue Porcelain, with some Cloaks. We made Presents upon every Point we proposed to them, of the same nature as the former. Secondly, We desired them, in the next place, to give notice to the Five Cantons of their Nation, that we were about to build a Ship, or great wooden Canow, above the great Fall of the River Niagara, to go and fetch European Commodities by a more convenient way than the ordinary, by the River St. Laurence, whose rapid Currents make it dangerous and long; and that by these means we should afford them our Commodities cheaper than the English and Dutch of Baston and New-York. This Pretence was specious enough, and very well contrived to engage that barbarous Nation to extirpate the English and Dutch out of America: For they suffer the Europeans a-among them only for the Fear they have of them, or else for the Profit they make in Bartering their Commodities with them. Thirdly, We told them farther, that we should provide them at the River Niagara with a Blacksmith and a Gunsmith to mend their Guns, Axes, etc. having no body among them that understood that Trade, and that for the conveniency of their whole Nation, we would settle those Workmen on the Lake of Ontario, at the Mouth of the River Niagara. We threw again amongst them seven or eight Cloaks, and some Pieces of fine Cloth, which they cover themselves with from the Waste to the Knees. This was in order to engage them on our side, and prevent their giving ear to any who might suggest ill things of us, entreating them first to acquaint us with the Reports that should be made unto them to our Prejudice, before they yielded their Belief to the same. We added many other Reasons which we thought proper to persuade them to favour our Design. The Presents we made unto them, either in Cloth or Iron, were worth above 400 Livres, besides some other European Commodities very scarce in that Country: For the best Reasons in the World are not listened to amongst them, unless they are enforced with Presents. I forgot to observe, that before our Interpreter began to talk of these matters with the Council, M. de la Motte ordered him to tell the Iroquois, That he would enter into no Particulars in presence of Father Garnìer a Jesuit, whom he much suspected: Whereupon the Old Senators ordered the said Father to withdraw. As I had a great Respect for him, I went out likewise to bear part of the Affront put upon him, and to let M. lafoy Motte see that he had no reason to desire me to go to the Council with him, since he had resolved to affront in my presence a Jesuite-Missionary, who was amongst that barbarous Nation, without any other Design but to instruct them in the Truth of the Gospel. This was the reason why I was not present in the Council the first Day that we acquainted the Iroquois with the subject of our Embassy. I easily observed that M. lafoy Motte had been bred up amongst People professed Enemies of all Monks and Priests; from whence I concluded, that he would lay upon me all the Oversights he might commit in his Negotiation: But I thought it was better he should be deceived by those he employed, than to be so myself; and therefore would never meddle with any Temporal Concerns, tho' earnestly desired by him and others. The Iroquois, and other wild Nations, had a great Love for me upon that account: They have supplied me with Food for my subsistence, and relieved me upon other occasions, only because they observed I was not guided by a private self-Interest; and truly whenever they made me any Presents in return of those I had made unto them, I immediately gave them to their Children. The next Day the Iroquois answered our Discourse and Presents Article by Article, having laid upon the Ground several little pieces of Wood, to put them in mind of what had been said the Day before in the Council; their Speaker, or Precedent, held in his Hand one of these Pieces of Wood, and when he had answered one Article of our Proposal, he laid it down, with some Presents of Black and White Porcelain, which they use to string upon the smallest Sinews of Beasts; and then took up another Piece of Wood; and so of all the rest, till he had fully answered our Speech, of which those Pieces of Wood, and our Presents, put them in mind. When his Discourse was ended, the oldest Man of their Assembly cried aloud for three times, Niaova; that it is to say, It is well; I thank thee; which was repeated with a full Voice, and a kind of a Tune by all the other Senators. 'Tis to be observed here, that the Savages, tho' some are more cunning than others, are generally all addicted to their own Interests; and therefore tho' the Iroquois seemed to be pleased with our Proposals, they were not really so; for the English and Dutch affording them the European Commodities at cheaper Rates than the French of Canada, they had a greater Inclination for them than for us. That People, so barbarous and rude in their Manners, have however a piece of Civility peculiar to themselves; for a Man would be accounted very impertinent, if he contradicted any thing that is said in their Council, and if he does not approve even the greatest Absurdities therein proposed; and therefore they always answer, Niaova; that is to say, Thou art in the right, Brother; that is well. Notwithstanding that seeming Approbation, they believe what they please and no more; and therefore 'tis impossible to know when they are really persuaded of those things you have mentioned unto them, which I take to be one of the greatest Obstructions to their Conversion: For their Civility hindering them from making any Objection, or contradicting what is said unto them, they seem to approve of it, tho' perhaps they laugh at it in private, or else never bestow a moment to reflect upon it, such being their Indifference for a future Life. From these Observations, I conclude that the Conversion of that People is to be despaired of, till they are subdued by the Europeans, and that their Children have another sort of Education, unless God be pleased to work a Miracle in their Favour. While we were still with the Iroquois, their Parties made an Excursion toward Virginia, and brought two Prisoners with them, one whereof was Houtovagaha, which in the Language of the Iroquois, signifies a talkative or babbling Fellow, and the other of the Nation of Ganniessinga, where some English Franciscans were sent Missionaries. The Iroquois spared the Life of this last, but put to death the former, with such exquisite Torments, the that Nero's, Domitian's, and Maximin's, never invented the like to exercise the Patience of the Martyrs of the Primitive Church. They use commonly that Inhumanity towards all the Prisoners they take in their Warlike Expeditions; but the worst of it is, that their Torments last sometimes a Month. When they have brought them into their Canton, they lay'them upon some pieces of Wood, made like a St. Andrew's Cross, to which they tie the Legs and Arms of those miserable Wretches, and expose them to Gnats and other Flies, who sting them to death. The Children of those barbarous Parents use to eat a piece of their Flesh, and having broiled the same, force those unfortunate Creatures to cut part of their own Body. The Iroquois eat some pieces of it themselves, as well as their Children; and the better to inspire those little Cannibals with Hatred for their Enemies, and the desire to extirpate them, they give them their Blood to drink in some little Porringers made of Barks of Trees. Thus do these poor Creatures end their Life, after a long and unspeakable Torment. That horrid Cruelty obliged us to leave the Cabin, or Cottage, of the Chief Captain of that barbarous People, to show them the horror we had of their Inhumanity, and never eat with them since, but returned the same way we went through the Woods to the River Niagara. And this was all the success of our Embassy. CHAP. XVI. A Description of a Ship of Sixty Tuns, which we built near the straits of the Lake Erie, during the Winter and Spring of the Year 1679. ON the 14th of january we arrived at our Habitation of Niagara, very weary of the Fatigues of our Voyage. We had no other Food but Indian Corn; but by good luck for us, the Fishery of the White Fish, I have already spoken of, was then in season, and made our Indian Corn more relishing. We made use of the Water in which the Fish was boiled instead of Broth of Meat; for when it grows cold in the Pot, it congeals itself like some Broth of Veal. On the 20th, arrived M. de la Salle from Fort Frontenac, from whence he was sent with a great Bark to supply us with Provisions, Rigging, and Tackling for the Ship we designed to build at the Mouth of the Lake Erie; but that Bark was unfortunately cast away on the Southern Coast of the Lake Ontario, by the fault of two Pilots, who could not agree about the Course they were to steer, tho' they were then only within two Leagues of Niagara. The Sea-men have called this Place the Mad-Cape. The Anchors and Cables were saved, but several Canoes of Barks of Trees with Goods and Commodities were lost. These Disappointments were such as would have dissuaded from any farther Enterprise all other Persons but such who had formed the generous Design of making a New Discovery in the Country. M. de la Salle told us, That before he lost his Bark, he had been with the Iroquois Tsonnontovans, and had so dexterously gained their Affection, that they had talked to him of our Embassy with Applause, and had given him their Consent for the execution of our Undertaking. This good Intelligence lasted but a little while; for certain Persons, who made it their Business to cross our Design, inspired the Iroquois with many Suspicions about the Fort we were building at Niagara, which was in a great forwardness; and their Suspicions grew so high, that we were obliged to give over our Building for some time, contenting ourselves with an Habitation encompassed with Palisado's. On the 22d of the said Month, we went two Leagues above the great Fall of Niagara, where we made a Dock for building the Ship we wanted for our Voyage. This was the most convenient place we could pitch upon, being upon a River which falls into the Straight between the Lake Erie and the great Fall of Niagara. The 26th, the Keel of the Ship and some other Pieces being ready, Mr. lafoy Salle sent the Master-Carpenter to desire me to drive in the first Pin; but my Profession obliging me to decline that Honour, he did it himself, and promised Ten Lovis d'Or, to encourage the Carpenter and further the Work. The Winter being not half so hard in that Country as in Canada, we employed one of the two Savages of the Nation called the Wolf, whom we kept for Hunting, in building some Cabins made of Rinds of Trees; and I had one made on purpose to perform Divine Service therein on Sundays and other occasions. M. lafoy Salle having some urgent Business of his own, returned to Fort Frontenac, leaving for our Commander one Tonti, an Italian by Birth, who had been forced to retire into France after the Revolution of Naples, in which his Father was concerned. I conducted M. lafoy Salle as far as the Lake Ontario, at the Mouth of the River Niagara, where he ordered a House to be built for the Smith we had promised to the Iroquois; but this was only to amuse them, and therefore I cannot but own that the Savages are not to be blamed for having not believed every thing they were told by M. la Motte in his Embassy already related. He undertook his Journey a foot over the Snow, having no other Provisions but a little Sack of Indian Corn roasted, which failed him two Days before he came to the Fort, which is above fourscore Leagues distant from the Place where he left us. However, he got home safely▪ with two Men, and a Dog, who dragged his Baggage over the Ice or frozen Snow. When I returned to our Dock, I understood that most of the Iroquois were gone to wage War with a Nation on the other side of the Lake Erie. In the mean time, our Men continued with great application to build our Ship; for the Iroquois who were left behind, being but a small number, were not so insolent as before, tho' they came now and then to our Dock, and expressed some Discontent at what we were doing. One of them in particular, feigning himself drunk, attempted to kill our Smith, but was vigorously repulsed by him with a red-hot Iron-barr, which, together with the Reprimand he received from me, obliged him to be gone. Some few Days after, a Savage Woman gave us notice that the Tsonnontovans had resolved to burn our Ship in the Dock, and had certainly done it, had we not been always upon our guard. These frequent Alarms from the Natives, together with the Fears we were in of wanting Provisions, having lost the great Bark from Fort Frontenac, which should have relieved us, and the Tsonnontovans at the same time refusing to give us of their Corn for Money, were a great Discouragement to our Carpenters, whom, on the other hand, a Villain amongst us endeavoured to seduce: That pitiful Fellow had several times attempted to run away from us into New-York, and would have likely perverted our Carpenters, had I not confirmed them in their Good Resolution, by the Exhortations I used to make every Holiday after Divine Service; in which I represented to them, that the Glory of God was concerned in our Undertaking, besides the Good and Advantage of our Christian Colonies; and therefore exhorted them to redouble their Diligence, in order to free our selves from all those Inconveniences and Apprehensions we then lay under. The two Savages we had taken into our Service, went all this while a Hunting, and supplied us with Wild-Goats and other Beasts for our subsistence; which encouraged our Workmen to go on with their Work more briskly than before, insomuch that in a short time our Ship was in a readiness to be launched; which we did, after having Blessed the same according to the use of the Romish Church. We made all the haste we could to get it afloat, tho' not altogether finished, to prevent the Designs of the Natives, who had resolved to burn it. The Ship was called the Griffin, alluding to the Arms of Count Frontenac, which have two Griffins for Supporters; and besides, M. lafoy Salle used to say of this Ship, while yet upon the Stocks, That he would make the Griffin fly above the Ravens. We fired three Guns, and sung Te Deum, which was attended with loud Acclamations of Joy; of which those of the Iroquois who were accidently present at this Ceremony, were also Partakers; for we gave them some Brandy to drink, as well as to our Men, who immediately quitted their Cabins of Rinds of Trees, and hanged their Hammocks under the Deck of the Ship, there to lie with more security than ashore. We did the like, insomuch that the very same Day we were all on board, and thereby out of the reach of the Insults of the Savages. The Iroquois being returned from Hunting Beavers, were mightily surprised to see our Ship afloat, and called us Otkon, that is in their Language, Most penetrating Wits: For they could not apprehend how in so short a time we had been able to build so great a Ship, tho' it was but 60 Tuns. It might have been indeed called a moving Fortress; for all the Savages inhabiting the Banks of those Lakes and Rivers I have mentioned, for five hundred Leagues together, were filled with Fear as well as Admiration when they saw it. The best Designs are often crossed by some unexpected Accidents, which God permits to happen to try mens' Constancy, as I experienced at that time. One of our Crew gave me notice, that the Sieur de Tonti our Commander entertained some Jealousy of me, because I kept a Journal of all the considerable Things that were transacted; and that he designed to take the same from me. This Advice obliged me to stand upon my guard, and take all other Precautions to secure my Observations, and remove the Jealousy that Gentleman had of me: For I had no other Design but to keep our Men to their Duty, and to Exercises of Piety and Devotion, for preventing Disorders, and for the furtherance of our Common Undertaking. In the mean time, our Enemies spread very disadvantageous Reports of us in Canada, where we were represented as rash and inconsiderate for venturing upon a dangerous Voyage, age, from which, in their Opinion, none of us would ever return. This, together with the Difficulties we laboured under for transporting the Rigging of our Ship, and the other Inconveniencies necessarily attending a Voyage through an unknown Country, Lakes, and Rivers, where no European had traveled before, and the Oppositions from the Iroquois, caused me an unparallelled Vexation. But these Reports were still more prejudicial to M. lafoy Salle, whose Creditors, without enquiring into the Truth of the matter, or expecting his Return from Fort Frontenac, seized all his Effects in Canada; tho' that very Fort alone, the Property whereof belonged to him, was worth twice more than all the Debts he owed. However, it being impossible to stop the Mouth of our Enemies, who had no other Design but to oblige us to give over our Enterprise, notwithstanding the Trouble and great Charge we had been at for our Preparations, we resolved to wait with patience the Opportunities Divine Providence would present us with, and to pursue with Vigour and Constancy our Design. Being thus prepared against all Discouragements, I went up in a Canow with one of our Savages to the Mouth of the Lake Erie, notwithstanding the strong Current, which I mastered with great difficulty. I sounded the Mouth of the Lake, and found, contrary to the Relations that had been made unto me, that a Ship with a brisk Gale might sail up to the Lake, and surmount the Rapidity of the Current; and that therefore with a strong North, or North-East Wind, we might bring our Ship into the Lake Erie. I took also a view of the Banks of the Straight, and found that in case of need we might put some of our Men ashore to hall the Ship, if the Wind was not strong enough. CHAP. XVII. The Author's Return to Fort Frontenac. BEfore we could go on with our intended Discovery, I was obliged to return to Fort Frontenac, to bring along with me two Monks of my own Order, to help me in the Functions of my Ministry. I left our Ship riding upon two Anchors, within a League and a half of the Lake Erie, in the Straight, between the said Lake and the great Fall Niagara. Mr. Charon, an Inhabitant of Canada, desired to return with me, to avoid the ill Usage he received from M. Tonti, who was an irreconcilable Enemy of all the Subjects of the King of Spain, having been, as he thought, hardly used by the Spaniards in the Revolution of Naples, in which he was concerned as well as his Father. We embarked in a Canow with one of our Savages, and fell down the Straight till we came to the great Fall, where we went ashore, and carried our Canow over-land to the Foot of the great Rock already mentioned, and from thence we continued our Course to the Mouth of the Lake Ontario, where we found the Bark or Brigantine we have spoken of, which the Sieur la Forest had brought from Fort Frontenac. M. lafoy Forest having spent some Days in that place for Bartering his Commodities with the Natives, we embarked on board his Brigantine, together with fifteen or sixteen Savage Women, who took that opportunity to make forty Leagues by Water, which otherwise they had been obliged to travel afoot over-land through the Woods; but they not being used to this way of Travelling, fell so sick, that their Vomiting created an insufferable Stink in our Ship. Being arrived into the River of Aoveguen, M. lafoy Forest exchanged some Brandy for Beavers-Skins; but I must confess this Commerce of Strong-Waters was never accepable to me; for if the Savages drink but a little too much of that liquour, they are worse and more dangerous than mad Men. Having done our Business in that Place, we sailed from the Southern to the Northern Coast of the Lake; and the Wind being favourable, we quickly passed by the Village which lies on the other side of Keute and Ganeousse, but were becalmed not far from Fort Frontenac, which obliged me to get into a Canow with two Savages to manage it. We landed in the Island of Goilans, so named from Sea-Fowls of that Name, who abound in that Place, and lay their Eggs upon the Sand, where they are hatched by the Heat of the Sun. I carried away along with us four Baskets full of them, which we found very relishing in Omelets and Pancakes. I was kindly received by Four Missionaries of my own Order that I found there, viz. Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, Luke Buisset, Zenobe Mambre, and Milithon Watteau, all Natives of the Spanish Netherlands. They told me that they knew how much I had suffered in my Mission during the Winter, and chiefly from that Italian who deserted the Service of his Natural Prince, that is Tonti I have already spoken of. I concealed part of the Discouragements I had met with, because I designed to engage Father's Gabriel and Zenobe in our Voyage, and also because I knew that M. de la Salle, whose Temper I was acquainted with by my own Experience, made a constant use of this famous Maxim, Divide & impera, to dispose with a greater facility of the Men under him to compass his own Designs: And having as great a Passion as he to discover some New Countries, I thought it best to make no Complaints, which he took very kindly, and received me in a very obliging manner. That Gentleman was Judicious, and of extraordinary Parts, and very desirous to make himself famous by some New Discoveries, about which we had frequent Conferences. He told me several times, That he knew no Religious Order so fit as ours for improving New Colonies; and he was a very good Judge in those Matters, having spent nine or ten Years in another Order, of which he had disengaged himself by Consent of the General, who in the Act of his Dismission under his own Hand, gives this Noble Character of him, That he had lived amongst the Monks of his Order, without giving the least suspicion of Venial Sin. These are the very Words of the Act, having perused it myself. He likewise told me, That being persuaded that we might be very useful to him in his Designs, he was resolved to do something in favour of our Order; and having called us together on the 27th of May, 1679. he acquainted us, That being Proprietary and Governor of Fort Frontenac, he would order in his Will, That no other Religious Order but ours, should he suffered to settle themselves near the Fort; he afterwards marked out a Churchyard; and having created a Public Notary, he ordered him to draw up an Instrument, whereby the said M. la Salle gave to our Order the Property of Eighteen Acres of Ground along the side of the Lake Ontario near the Fort, and above a Hundred Acres more in the next Forest to be cleared and grubbed up. We accepted this Gift in the Name of our Order, and signed the Deed, which was the first that ever was transacted in that Country. The Notary's Name was lafoy Meterie. This being done, he desired those Franciscans that were to come with me, to prepare themselves for their Voyage; but the Wind being against us, we had a sufficient time for it, and to take our Measures concerning our dangerous Mission. We made frequent Visits to the Savages, whom we had persuaded to settle themselves near the Fort, who, together with their Children, whom we had taught to Read and Write, lamented much our Departure; and assured us, That if we did return in a short time, they would persuade the rest of the Inhabitants of the Village of Ganeousse, to come and settle themselves in the Neighbourhood of the Fort. CHAP. XVIII. An Account of our Second Embarkment from Fort Frontenac. AFter some few Days, the Wind presenting fair, Father's Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, went on board the Brigantine, and in a short time arrived in the River of the Tsonnontovans, which runs into the Lake Ontario, where we continued several Days, our Men being very busy in bartering their Commodities with the Natives, who flocked in great numbers about us to see our Brigantine, which they admired, and to exchange their Skins for Knives, Guns, Powder and Shot, but especially for Brandy, which they love above all things. In the mean time, we had built a small Cabin of Barks of Trees about half a League in the Woods, to perform Divine Service without interruption; and waited till all our Men had done their Business. M. lafoy Salle arrived in a Canow about eight Days after; he had taken his course by the Southern Coast of the Lake, to go to the Village of the Tsonnontovans, to whom he made several Presents, to engage them in our Interest, and remove the Jealousy they had conceived of our Untertaking, through the Suggestions of our Enemies. All these Impediments retarded us so long, that we could not reach the River Niagara before the 30th of july. On the 4th of the said Month, I went over-land to the Fall of Niagara, with a Sergeant called la Fleur, and thence to our Dock within six Leagues of the Lake Ontario; but we did not find there the Ship we had built: And met with a new Misfortune; for two young Savages robbed us of the Biscuit we had for our subsistence, which reduced us to a great Extremity. We found at last a half-rotten Canow without Oars, which we mended as well as we could; and having made an Oar, we ventured ourselves in that weak and shattered Canow, and went up the Straight to look for our Ship, which we found riding within a League of the pleasant Lake Erie. We were very kindly received, and likewise very glad to find our Ship well Rigged, and ready fitted out with all the Necessaries for Sailing. She carried Five small Guns, two whereof were Brass, and three Harquebus a-crock. The Beak-head was adorned with a Flying Griffin, and an Eagle above it; and the rest of the Ship had the same Ornaments as Men of War use to have. The Iroquois were then returning from a Warlike Expedition with several Slaves, and were much surprised to see so big a Ship, which they compared to a Fortt, beyond their limits. Several came on board, and seemed to admire above all things the bigness of our Anchors; for they could not apprehend how we had been able to bring them through the rapid Currents of the River St. Laurence. This obliged them to use often the Word Gannorom, which in their Language signifies, That is wonderful. They wondered also to find there a Ship, having seen none when they went; and did not know from whence it came, it being about 250 Leagues from Canada. Having forbid the Pilot to attempt to fail up the Currents of the Straight till farther order, we returned the 16th and 17th to the Lake Ontario, and brought up our Bark to the great Rock of Niagara, and anchored at the foot of the Three Mountains, where we were obliged to make our Portage; that is, to carry over-land our Canow's and Provisions, and other Things, above the great Fall of the River, which interrupts the Navigation: And because most of the Rivers of that Country are interrupted with great Rocks, and that therefore those who sail upon the same, are obliged to go over-land above those Falls, and carry upon their Backs their Canow's and other Things, they express it with this Word, To make our Portage; of which the Reader is desired to take notice, for otherwise the following Account, as well as the Map, would be unintelligible to many. Father Gabriel, tho' of Sixty five Years of Age, bore with great Vigour the Fatigue of that Voyage, and went thrice up and down those three Mountains, which are pretty high and steep. Our Men had a great deal of trouble; for they were obliged to make several Turnings to carry the Provisions and Ammunition, and the Portage was two Leagues long. Our Anchors were so big, that four Men had much ado to carry one; but the Brandy we gave them was such an Encouragement, that they surmounted cheerfully all the Difficulties of that Journey; and so we got on board our Ship all our Provisions, Ammunition, and Commodities. While we continued there, M. lafoy Salle told me, That he understood by some of our Men, that I very much blamed the Intrigues of some Monks of Canada with the Iroquois and their Neighbours of New-York and New-Orange; which obliged me to tell in his presence my Brethren the Franciscans, That I perceived that M. lafoy Salle would surprise me, and oblige me to revile some Persons, whom he represented as Traders and Merchants; and then abating somewhat of my Tone, I concluded, That notwithstanding the false Reports that had been made to him, I would entertain a good Opinion of those very Persons whom he designed to make my Enemies; and that I would rather give over our Enterprise than be imposed upon at that rate. This vigorous Answer surprised M. lafoy Salle, who told me, That he was persuaded that those who had made him those Reports, were not honest Men; and that therefore he would take all imaginable care of my Person during the Voyage, and espouse my Interests on all occasions. He was indeed afraid that I should leave him▪ which had been a great disappointment to his Affairs; for Father Gabriel would have left him also. That Good Man was come with us without any leave of his Superior, only upon a Letter from the Provincial Commissioner of Canada, whose Name was Valentin le Roux, wherein he told M. lafoy Salle, that the said Father Gabriel might go along with him. However, he did not believe that he would do so without an Order in Writing; and for that reason came, some Days after our departure, to Fort Frontenac, where M. lafoy Salle obtained that Order from him, for fear of being accused to have exposed a Man of that Age to so dangerous a a Voyage, in which he was like to perish, as really he did, as we shall see by and by. M. lafoy Salle understanding that I and the said Father Gabriel were gone to view the great Fall of Niagara, he came to us with some Refreshments to reconcile himself with me, and prevent my return to Canada. He met with no great difficulty; for the great desire I had to discover a New Country, made me very easy; so that we returned on board our Ship in the beginning of August, 1679. CHAP. XIX. An Account of our Third Embarkment from the Mouth of the Lake Erie. WE have already observed, that the Spaniards were the first Discoverers of Canada, and that the Recollects are the first Religious Order who attended the French Colonies in that Country. Those Good Men lived in great Friendship with the Savages called Hurons, by whom they understood that the Iroquois made frequent Excursions beyond Virginia and New-Sweden, near a great Lake, from whence they brought a great many Slaves; which gave occasion to the Hurons to call that Lake Erige, or Erike; that is to say, the Lake of the Cat. The Inhabitants of Canada have softened that Word, and call it Erie, as we have already observed. We endeavoured several times to sail up that Lake; but the Wind being not strong enough, we were forced to wait for it. In the mean time, M. lafoy Salle caused our Men to grub up some Land, and sow several sorts of Potherbs and Pulse, for the conveniency of those who should selttle themselves there, to maintain our Correspondence with Fort Frontenac. we found there a great quantity of Wild Cherries and Rocambol, a sort of Garlic, which grow naturally in that Ground. We left Father Melithon, with some Workmen, at our Habitation above the Fall of Niagara; and most of our Men went ashore to lighten our Ships, the better to sail up the Lake. The Wind veering to the North- East, and the ship being well provided, we made all the sail we could, and with the help of twelve Men who hall'd from the shore, overcame the Rapidity of the Current, and got up into the Lake. The Stream is so violent, that our Pilot himself despaired of success. We sung Te Deum, and discharged our Cannon and other Fire-Arms, in presence of a great many Iroquois, who came from a Warlike Expedition against the Savages of Tintonha; that is to say, the Nation of the Meadows, who live above four hundred Leagues from that Place. The Iroquois and their Prisoners were much surprised to see us in the Lake, and did not think before that we should be able to overcome the Rapidity of the Current: They cried several times Gannorom, to show their Admiration. Some of the Iroquois had taken the measure of our Ship, and immediately went for New-York, to give notice to the English and Dutch of our sailing into the Lake: For those Nations affording their Commodities cheaper than the French, are also more beloved by the Natives. On the 7th of August, 1679. we went on board, being in all four and thirty Men, including two Recollects who came to us, and sailed from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, steering our Course West-South-West, with a favourable Wind; and tho' the Enemies of our Discovery had given out, on purpose to deter us from our Enterprise, That the Lake Erie was full of Rocks and Sands, which rendered the Navigation impracticable, we run above twenty Leagues during the Night, tho' we sounded all that while. The next Day the Wind being more favourable, we made above five and forty Leagues, keeping at an equal distance from the Banks of the Lake, and double a Cape to the Westward, which we called the Cape of St. Francis. The next Day we doubled two other Capes, and met with no manner of Rocks or Sands. We discovered a pretty large Island towards the South-West, about seven or eight Leagues from the Northern Coast; that Island faces the Straight that comes from the Lake Huron. The 10th, very early in the Morning, we passed between that Island and 7 or 8 lesser ones; and having sailed near another, which is nothing but Sand, to the West of the Lake, we came to an Anchor at the Mouth of the Straight, which runs from the Lake Huron into that of Erie. The 11th, we went farther into the Straight, and passed between two small Islands, which make one of the finest Prospects in theworld. This Straight is finer than that of Niagara, being thirty Leagues long, and everywhere one League broad, except in the middle that it stretches itself, forming the Lake we have called St. Claire. The Navigation is easy on both sides, the Coast being low and even. It runs directly from North to South. The Country between those two Lakes is very well situated, and the Soil very fertile. The Banks of the Straight are vast Meadows, and the Prospect is terminated with some Hills covered with Vineyards, Trees bearing good Fruit, Groves, and Forests, so well disposed, that one would think Nature alone could not have made, without the Help of Art, so charming a Prospect. That Country is stocked with Stags, Wild-Goats, and Bears, who are good for Food, and not fierce as in other Countries; some think they are better than our Pork. The Turkeycocks and Swans are there also very common; and our Men brought several other Beasts and Birds, whose Names are unknown to us, but they are extraordinary relishing. The Forests are chiefly made up of Walnut-trees, Chestnut-trees, Plum-trees, and Pear-trees, loaded with their own Fruit and Vines. There is also abundance of Timber fit for Building, so that those who shall be so happy as to inhabit that Noble Country, cannot but remember with Gratitude those who have discovered the way, by venturing to sail upon an unknown Lake for above one hundred Leagues. That charming Straight lies between the 40 and 41 Degrees of Northern Latitude. CHAP. XX. An Account of what happened in our Passage from the Lake Erie, unto the Lake Huron. I Had often advised M. lafoy Salle to make a Settlement upon the Straight, between the Lake Erie and Ontario, where the Fishery is more plentiful; for that Settlement would have been very advantageous to us to maintain our Communication with Fort Frontenac. I told him also, that it were fit to leave in that Settlement the Smith he and M. lafoy Motte had promised to the Iroquois; and that it would be a means to engage that wild Nation into our Inteeest, and to trade only with us, whereby he would grow rich in a little time: But M. lafoy Salle, and the Adventurers who were with him, would not harken to my Advice; and told me, that they would make no Settlement within 100 Leagues of their Fort, lest other Europeans should get before them into the Country they were going to discover. This was their Pretence; but I soon observed that their Intention was to buy all the Furs and Skins of the remotest Savages, who, as they thought, did not know their Value; and so enrich themselves in one single Voyage. I endeavoured also to persuade him to make a settlement upon this charming Straight; for being in the midst of so many Nations of Savages, we could not but have a good Trade amongst them. This was the Argument I made use of; but the main Reason, which I kept to myself, was to have an Opportunity to preach the Gospel to those ignorant Nations. M. lafoy Salle would by no means harken to my Advice, and told me he wondered at my Proposal, considering the great Passion I had a few Months before for the Discovery of a New Country. The Current of that Straight is very violent, but not half so much as that of Niagara; and therefore we sailed up with a brisk Gale, and got into the Straight between the Lake Huron, and the Lake St. Claire; this last is very shallow, especially at its Mouth. The Lake Huron falls into this of St. Claire by several Canals, which are commonly interrupted by Sands and Rocks. We sounded all of them, and found one at last about one League broad without any Sands, its depth being every where from three to eight Fathoms Water. We sailed up that Canal, but were forced to drop our Anchors near the Mouth of the Lake; for the extraordinary quantity of Waters which came down from the Superior Lake and that of Illionois, because of a strong North-West Wind, had so much augmented the Rapidity of the Current of this Straight, that it was as violent as that of Niagara. The Wind turning Southerly, we sailed again; and with the help of twelve Men, who hall'd our Ship from the Shoar, got safely the 23d of August into the Lake Huron. We sung Te Deum a second time, to return our Thanks to the Almighty for our happy Navigation. We found in that Lake a large Bay, the Banks of which the ancient Hurons inhabited. They were converted to the Christian Religion by the first Franciscans that came into Canada; but the Iroquois have in a great measure destroyed that Nation. CHAP. XXI. An Account of our Navigation on the Lake Huron to Missilimakinak. HAving thus traveled above 300 Leagues from Quebec to the Lake Huron, notwithstanding the rapid Currents and Lakes we went through, we continued our Voyage from the Mouth of this Lake, steering our Course North-North-East; but the next Day finding ourselves near the Land, we steered North-North-West, and crossed a Bay called Sakinam, which may be thirty Leagues broad. The 24th we run the same Course, but were becalmed between some Islands, where we found but two Fathoms Water, which obliged us to make an easy sail part of the Night, to look for a good Anchorage, but in vain; and the Wind turning then Westerly, we bore to the North to avoid the Coast till the Day appeared. We sounded all the Night long, because our Pilot, though a very Understanding Man, was somewhat negligent. The 25th we lay becalmed till Noon, but then run North-West with a brisk Southerly Gale. The Wind turning South West, we bore to the North to double a Cape; but then the Wind grew so violent, that we were forced to lie by all the Night. The 26th the Storm continuing, we brought down our Main Yards and Topmast, and let the Ship drive to the Mercy of the Wind, knowing no place to run into to shelter ourselves. M. lafoy Salle, notwithstanding he was a Courageous Man, began to fear, and told us we were undone; and therefore every body fell upon his Knees to say his Prayers, and prepare himself for Death, except our Pilot, whom we could never oblige to Pray; and he did nothing all that while but Curse and Swear against M. la Salle, who, as he said, had brought him thither to make him perish in a nasty Lake, and lose the Glory he had acquired by his long and happy Navigations on the Ocean. However, the Wind being somewhat abated, we hoist up our Sail, and so we drove not above two Leagues. The 27th in the Morning we continued our Course North-West with a Southeast Wind, which carried us the same Day to Missilimakinak, where we anchored in a Bay at six Fathoms Water, upon a slimy white Bottom. That Bay is sheltered by the Coast, and a Bank from the South-West to the North; but it lies exposed to the South, which is very violent in that Country. Missilimakinak is a Neck of Land to the North of the Mouth of the Straight, through which the Lake of the Illinois discharges it self into the Lake Huron. That Canal is about three Leagues long, and one broad. About fifteen Leagues to the Eastward of Missilimakinak, there is another Point at the Mouth of the Straight, whereby the Superior Lake runs into that of Huron; which Straight is about five Leagues broad at its Mouth, and about fifteen Leagues long; but it grows narrow towards the Fall of St. Mary, which is a rapid Stream interrupted by several Rocks. However, a Canow may go up by one side; but it requires a great Fatigue; and therefore the safest and easiest way is to make a Portage above the Fall, to go and Trade with the Savages inhabiting the Banks of the Superior Lake. We lay between two different Nations of Savages; those who inhabit the Point of Missilimakinak are called Hurons, and the others, who are about three or four Leagues more Northward, are Outtaovatz. Those Savages were equally surprised to see a Ship in their Country; and the Noise of our Cannon, of which we made a general Discharge, filled them with a great Apprehension. We went to see the Outtaovatz, and celebrated the Mass in their Habitation. M. lafoy Salle was finely dressed, having a Scarlet Cloak with a broad Gold Lace, and most of his Men with their Arms attended him. The Chief Captains of that People received us with great Civilities after their own way, and some of them came on board with us to see our Ship, which rode all that while in the Bay or Creek I have spoken of. It was a diverting Prospect to see every Day above sixscore canoe's about it, and the Savages staring and admiring that fine Wooden Canow, as they called it. They brought us abundance of White Fishes, and some Trouts of 50 and 60 pound Weight. We went the next Day to pay a Visit to the Hurons, who inhabit a rising Ground on a Neck of Land over-against Missilimakinak. Their Villages are fortified with Palisado's of 25 foot high, and always situated upon Eminences or Hills. They received us with more Respect than the Outtaovatz, for they made a triple Discharge of all the small Guns they had, having learned from some Europeans, that it is the greatest Civility amongst us. However, they took such a Jealousy of our Ship, that, as we understood since, they endeavoured to make our Expedition odious to all the Nations about them. The Hurons and Outtaovatz are in Confederacy together against the Iroquois their Common Enemy. They sow Indian Corn, which is their ordinary Food; for they have nothing else to live upon, except some Fish they take in the Lakes. They boil it with their Sagamittee, which is a kind of Broth made with Water and the Flour of the Corn, which they beat in a Mortar made of the Trunk of a Tree which they make hollow with Fire. There is another Habitation of Savages near the Fall of St. Mary. The French call them Lepers, because they live near that great Fall, which they call a Leap. These subsist together by Hunting Staggs, Elks, beaver's, and other Beasts, as also upon the White Fishes we have spoken of; whose Fishery is so difficult in this Place, that none but themselves are able to catch any. They sow no Indian Corn, because of the thick Fogs that are commonly on the Banks of the Superior Lake, which stifle Corn before it grows. Missilimakinak and the Fall of St. Mary, are the two most considerable Passages of all the Savages of the West and North; for there are above two hundred canoe's that come through these Passes every Year, to carry their Commodities to the French at Montreal below Fort Frontenac. Our Enterprise had been very successful hitherto; and we had reason to expect, that every body would have contributed to carry on vigorously our great Design to promote the Glory of God as well as the Good of our Colonies: However, some of our own Men opposed it as much as they could; they represented us to the Outtovatz and their Neighbours as dangerous and ambitious Adventurers, who designed to engross all the Trade of Furs and Skins, and invade their Liberty, the only thing which is dear to that People. The fifteen Men that M. lafoy Salle had sent before him, had been seduced and almost drawn from his Service. The Goods which he had given them to exchange with the Natives, were dissipated and wasted; and instead of advancing as far as the Illinois, as they were ordered, they remained amongst the Hurons, notwithstanding the Exhortations and the Prayers of M. Tonti who Commanded them. Our Men went into the Country to Trade with the Natives, and engaged themselves too far; so that they did not return to Missilimakinak till November: M. lafoy Salle being told that the Winds made the Navigation of the Lake very dangerous in the beginning of the Winter, resolved to continue his Voyage without tarrying any longer for the return of his Men. CHAP. XXII. An Account of our Sailling from Missilimakinak, into the Lake of the Illinois. ON the 2d of September we weighed Anchor, and sailed into the Lake of the Illinois; and came to an Island just at the Mouth of the Bay of the Puans, lying about forty Leagues from Missilimakinak: It is inhabited by some Savages of the Nation called Poutovatamis, with whom some of the Men M. lafoy Salle had sent the Year before, had bartered a great quantity of Furs and Skins. We found our Men in the Island, who began to be very impatient, having so long waited our arrival. The Chief of that Nation had been formerly in Canada, and had an extraordinary Respect for Count Frontenac, who was Governor thereof; and upon that account received us with all the Civility imaginable, and caused his Men to dance the Calumet, or Pipe, before us. This is a piece of Civility we shall describe anon. Our Ship was riding in the Bay, about thirty Paces from the furthermost Point of the Land, upon a pretty good Anchorage, where we rode safely, notwithstanding a violent Storm which lasted four Days. And upon this occasion, I cannot omit, without Injustice, the Generosity of that Brave Captain, who seeing our Ship tossed up by the Waves, and not knowing it was able to resist, ventured himself in his little Canow, and came to our assistance. He had the good Luck to get safe on board, and told us he would at all times venture his Life, for saving the Children of Onnontio, Governor of Canada, who was his particular Friend. It must be observed, that that Governor is called Onnontio by all the Savages. M. lafoy Salle, without asking any body's Advice, resolved to send back his Ship to Niagara, laden with Furs and Skins to discharge his Debts; our Pilot and five Men with him were therefore sent back, and ordered to return with all imaginable speed, to join us toward the Sourthern Parts of the Lake, where we should stay for them among the Illinois. They sailed the 18th of September with a Westerly Wind, and fired a Gun to take their leave. Tho' the Wind was favourable, it was never known what Course they steered, nor how they perished; for after all the Inquiries we have been able to make, we could never learn any thing else but the following Particulars. The Ship came to an Anchor to the North of the Lake of the Illinois, where he was seen by some Savages, who told us that they advised our Men to sail along the Coast, and not towards the middle of the Lake, because of the Sands that make the Navigation dangerous when there is any high Wind. Our Pilot, as I said before, was dissatisfied, and would steer as he pleased, without harkening to the Advice of the Savages, who, generally speaking, have more Sense than the Europeans think at first; but the Ship was hardly a League from the Coast, when it was tossed up by a violent Storm in such a manner, that our Men were never heard of since; and it is supposed that the Ship struck upon a Sand, and was there buried. This was a great loss for M. lafoy Salle and other Adventures; for that Ship, with its Cargo, cost about sixty thousand Livres. This will seem incredible to many, but not to those who will consider that the Rigging, Anchors, and Goods were brought by canoe's from Quebec to Fort Frontenac; which is such a vast Charge, that the Carriage of every hundred Weight, either of Anchors, Cables, and the like, cost eleven Livres. CHAP. XXIII. An Account of our Embarkment in canoe's to continue our Discovery, from the Bay of Puans, to the Miamis on the Lake of the Illinois. WE left the Poutovatamis on the 19th of September to continue our Voyage, being Fourteen Men in all, in four canoe's. I had the Conduct of the smallest, tho' it carried 500 Weight and two Men; but my Fellow being newly come from Europe, and consequently unskilled to manage these sort of Boats, I had the whole Trouble upon me in any stormy Wether. The other four canoe's were laden with a Smith's Forge, and Instruments and Tools for Carpenters, Joiner's, and Sawers, besides our Goods and Arms. We steered to the South toward the Continent, from which the Island of the Poutovatamis is near forty Leagues distant; but about the middle of the way, in the Nighttime, we were surprised with a sudden Storm, whereby we were in great danger. The Waves came into our Canow's; and the Night was so dark, that we had much ado to keep Company together: However, we got ashore the next Day, where we continued till the Lake grew calm again, which was four Days after. In the mean time our Savage went a Hunting, but could kill nothing but a Porcupine, which made our Cittruls and Indian Corn more relishing. The Wether being fair, we continued our Voyage the 25th, and rowed all the Day, and best part of the Night, all along the Western Coast of the Lake of the Illinois; but the Wind growing too high for us, we thought fit to land upon a Rock, where we had nothing to shelter ourselves against the Snow and the Rain but our Coverings. We continued there two Days, having made a little Fire with the Wood the Waves did supply us with. The 28th we proceeded on our Voyage; but the Wind forced us towards Night on a Rock covered with thick Bushes, where we remained three Days, and there made an end of all our Provisions, which consisted in Cittruls and Indian Corn we had bought from the Poutovatamis. Our Canoes were so loaded, that we could not provide ourselves for a longer time, and we expected to find Provisions enough in our way. We left that dismal Place the 1st of October, and after twelve Leagues rowing, though fasting, came to another Village of the Poutovatamis, who came upon the Shoar to receive us: But M. lafoy Salle would not suffer any one to land, lest his Men should run away; and notwithstanding the bad Wether, we followed him three Leagues farther. We were in so great danger, that he flung himself into the Water with his three Men, and carried ashore their Canow upon their Shoulders, for else it had been broken to pieces. We were all obliged to do the same; and by these means saved our Canow's and Goods. I carried upon my Back that good Man Father Gabriel, whose great Age did not permit him to venture himself into the Water. As we had no manner of Acquaintance with the Savages of the Village near which we landed, our Men prepared themselves to make a vigorous Defence in case they were attacked; and in order to it, possessed ourselves of a rising Ground, where we could not be surprised, and where we might make head against a great number of Savages. We sent afterwards three Men to buy Provisions in the Village with the Calumet or Pipe of Peace, which the Poutovatamis of the Island stad given us. I had forgot to mention, that when they made us that Present, they observed a great many Ceremonies; and because that Calumet of Peace is the most sacred Thing amongst the Savages, I think fit to describe the same in the next Chapter. CHAP. XXIV. A Description of the Calumet, or Great Pipe. THis Calumet is the most mysterious Thing in the World among the Savages of the Continent of the Northern America; for it is used in all their important Transactions: However, it is nothing else but a large Tobacco-Pipe made of Red, Black, or White Marble: The Head is finely polished, and the Quill, which is commonly two foot and a half long; is made of a pretty strong Reed, or Cane, adorned with Feathers of all Colours, interlaced with Locks of Women's Hair. They tie to it two Wings of the most curious Birds they find, which makes their Calumet not much unlike Mercury's Wand, or that Staff Ambassadors did formerly carry when they went to treat of Peace. They sheath that Reed into the neck of Birds they call Huars, which are as big as our Geese, and spotted with Black and White; or else of a fort of Ducks who make their Nests upon Trees, tho' Water be their ordinary Element, and whose Feathers are of many different Colours. However, every Nation adorns the Calumet as they think according to their own Genius and the Birds they have in their Country. A Pipe, such as I have described it, is a Pass and safe Conduct amongst all the Allies of the Nation who has given it; and in all Embassies, the Ambassadors carry that Calumet as the Symbol of Peace, which is always respected; for the Savages are generally persuaded, that a great Misfortune would befall 'em, if they violated the Public Faith of the Calumet. All their Erterprises, Declarations of War, or Conclusion of Peace, as well as all the rest of their Ceremonies, are Sealed, if I may be permitted to say so, with this Calumet. They fill that Pipe with the best Tobacco they have, and then present it to those with whom they have concluded any great Affair, and smoke out of the same after them. I had certainly perished in my Voyage, had it not been for this Calumet or Pipe, as the Reader will observe in perusing the following Account. Our three Men, provided with this Pipe as a Pass, and very well Armed, went to the little Village of the Savages, which was about three Leagues from the place where we landed; but they found no body therein; for the Savages having heard that we had refused to land at the other Village, thought we were Enemies, and therefore had left their Habitation. Our Men finding no body in their Cabins, took some Indian Corn, and left instead of it some Goods, to let them see that we were no Robbers, nor their Enemies. However, the Savages, to the number of twenty Men, armed with Axes, small Guns, Bows, and a sort of Club, which in their Language they call Break-heads, advanced near the Place where we stood; whereupon M. la Salle, with four Men very well Armed, went toward them to speak with them, and desired them to come near us, for fear, as he said, a Party of our Men, who were gone a Hunting, should meet with them and kill them. They were persuaded to sit down at the foot of the Eminence where we were posted, and M. lafoy Salle spoke to them all the while of the subject matter of his Voyage which he had undertaken for their Good and Advantage, as he told them. This was only to amuse them till our there Men returned; who appearing with the Calumet of Peace, the Savages made a great Shout, and rose, and began to dance. We made them some Excuse because of our Men having taken some of their Corn, and told them they had left the true Value of it in Goods; which they took so well, that they sentimmediately for more, and gave us the next Day as much as we could conveniently carry in our Canow's. They retired towards the Evening; and M. lafoy Salle ordered some Trees to be cut down, and laid 'cross the way, to prevent any Surprise from the Savages. The next Morning about ten a Clock, the Oldest of them came to us with their Calumet of Peace, and entertained us with some Wild-Goats they had taken. We returned them our Thanks, and presented them with some Axes, Knives, and several little Toys for their Wives, with which they were very much pleased. CHAP. XXV. A Continuation of our Discovery, with an Account of our Navigation to the farther End of the Lake of the Illinois in our Canow's. WE left that Place the 2d of October, and continued our Voyage all along the Coast of the Lake, which is so steep that we could hardly find any Place to land; and the Violence of the Wind obliged us to carry our Canow's sometimes on the top of the Rocks, to prevent their being dashed in pieces by the Waves. The stormy Wether lasted four Days, during which we suffered very much; for every time we went ashore, we were forced to step into the Water, and carry our Canow's upon our Shoulders, and to do the like when we embarked again. The Water being very cold, most of us were sick, and our Provisions failed us again; which, together with the Fatigues of Rowing, caused old Father Gabriel to faint away in such a manner, that I verily thought he could not live; however, I brought him again to his Senses by means of some Confection of Hyacinth, which I found very useful in our Voyage. We had no other Subsistence but a handful of Indian Corn once every four and twenty Hours, which we roasted, or else boiled in Water; and yet we rowed almost every Day from the Morning till Night. Our Men found some Hawthorn-Berries and other wild Fruit, which they ate so greedily, that most of them fell sick, and were thought to be poisoned; yet the more we suffered, the more by the Grace of God I was strong and vigorous; so that I could out-row all our other canoe's. Being in that distress▪ He that takes care of the meanest Creatures, afforded us an unexpected Relief▪ We saw upon the Coast a great many Ravens and Eagles; from whence we conjectured that there was a Prey; and having landed on that Place, we found above the half of a fat Wild-Goat, which the Wolves had strangled. This Provision was very acceptable to us, and the rudest of our Men could not but praise the Divine Providence, who took so particular a care of us. Having thus refreshed ourselves, we continued our Voyage directly to the Southern Parts of the Lake, finding every day the Country finer, and the Wether more temperate. On the 16th of October, we met with abundance of Game: Our Savage killed several Staggs and Wild-Goats, and our Men a great many Turkeycocks very fat and big, wherewith we provided ourselves for several Days, and so embarked again. On the 18th we came to the farther end of the Lake, where we landed: Our Men were immediately sent to view the Country round about that Place, and found a great quantity of ripe Grapes, the Corns whereof were as big as Damask-Plums: We felled several Trees to gather them, and made pretty good Wine, which we kept in Gourds, and buried in Sand to prevent its growing sour. All the Trees in that Country are loaded with Vines, which, if cultivated, would make as good Wine as any in Europe. That Fruit was more relishing to us than Flesh, because we wanted Bread. Our Men discovered some fresh Prints of mens' Feet, which obliged us to stand upon our Guard, without making any noise till we had rested some time. That Order was not long observed; for one of our Men having espied a Bear upon a Tree, shot him down dead, and dragged him to our Cabins. M. lafoy Salle was very angry with him; and to avoid any Surprise, put a Sentinel near our Canow's, under which we had put our Goods to shelter 'em from the Rain. There were sixscore Savages of the Nation of the Outtovagamis inhabiting the Bay of Puans, encamped not far from us; who having heard the Noise our Man had made, took the Alarm, and sent some of our Men to discover who we were. These creeping upon their Bellies, and observing a great Silence, came in the Night to our canoe's, and stole away the Coat of M. lafoy Salle's Footman, and part of the Goods that were under it: But the Sentinel having heard some noise, called us, and every body run to his Arms. The Savages being discovered, and thinking we were more numerous, cried, That they were Friends; but we answered them, That Friends did not come in so unseasonable Hours; and that they looked rather like Robbers, who designed to murder us. Their Captain replied, That having heard the noise of a Gun, and knowing that none of their Neighbours use Fire-Arms, they thought we were a Party of Iroquois, and were come with a Design to murder them; but that understanding we were some Europeans of Canada, whom they loved as their Brethren, they could hardly wait till Day to visit us, and smoke in our Calumet, or large Pipe. This is the usual Compliment of the Savages, and the greatest Mark they can give of their Affection. We seemed to be satisfied with their Reasons, and gave leave to four of them only to come to us, telling them that we would not suffer a greater number, because their Youth was addicted to Steal, and that our Men could not suffer it. Four Old Men came to us, whom we entertained till Day, and then they retired. After they were gone, we found we had been robbed; and knowing the Genius of the Savages, and that if we did suffer this Affront, we should be exposed every Night to their Insults; it was resolved to exact Satisfaction from them: Accordingly M. la Salle went abroad with some of our Men, to endeavour to make some Prisoners; and having discovered one of their Hunters, he seized him, and examined him concerning the Robbery they had committed: He confessed the Fact, with all the Circumstances; whereupon he left him to the custody of two Men; and advancing farther into the Country, took another, whom he brought along with him, and having showed him his Companion, sent him back to tell their Captain, That he would kill him, unless they returned what they had robbed. CHAP. XXVI. An Account of the Peace made between us and the Outtovagamis. THe Savages were mightily puzzled at the Message sent by M. lafoy Salle; for having cut in pieces the Coat, and other Goods they had stolen, and divided the Buttons, they could not make a full Restitution; and therefore they resolved to deliver their Man by force; and accordingly the next Morning, October 30. they advanced to attack us. The Peninsula where we were encamped, was separated from the Forest, where the Savages lay, by a little sandy Plain; and there being near the Wood two or three Eminences, M. lafoy Salle resolved to possess himself of the higher, and detached five Men for that Service, following himself at a little distance with the rest, every one having rolled his Covering about the left Arm, to defend themselves against the Arrows of the Savages; for there was not above eight of them who had Fire-Arms. The Savages seeing our Men advancing up to them, were frighted; and the Youngest retired behind a great Tree, but their Captains stood their Ground, while we possessed ourselves of the Eminence I have already mentioned. I left the two Franciscans reading the usual Prayers, and went with our Men to exhort them to their Duty; for having seen some Battles and Sieges in Europe, I was very little afraid of the Savages. I saw two of our Men turning pale; but when I had spoken to them, they seemed hearty enough; and M. lafoy Salle was mightily pleased with my Exhortations. However, I considered the Consequence this Quarrel might have, and how advantageous and Christianlike it would be to prevent the effusion of Blood, and end it in a friendly manner; therefore I advanced towards the oldest Savages, who seeing me without any Arms, thought I came with a Design to be Mediator, and received me with Civility; but in the mean time one of our Men having observed, that one of the Savages had a piece of the Cloth they had stolen about his Head, came up to him, and snatched it away. That vigorous Action so much terrified the Savages, that though they were near sixscore Men against eleven, they presented me the Pipe or Calumet of Peace, which I received. M. lafoy Salle having passed his Word that they might come safe to him, two old Men told him in a Speech, That they did not approve what their young Men had done: That they would have restored the Goods taken, if it had been possible; but that having been cut in pieces, they could do no more but offer to restore what was not spoiled, and pay for the rest. They presented us at the same time some Gowns of Beavers-Skins to appease M. la Salle, who having frowned a little, told them, That as he designed to wrong or affront no body, he would neither suffer any Wrong or Affront put upon him; but that seeing they did not approve what their Youth had done, and were willing to make Satisfaction for the same, he accepted their Offers, and would be their Friend. The Conditions were fully performed, and the Peace happily concluded without farther Hostility. The next Day was spent in Dancing, Feasting, and Speeches; and the Chief Captain having taken a particular notice of the Behaviour of the Franciscans, said, These Grey Coats we value very much; they go barefoot as well as we: They scorn our Beaver-Gowns, and refuse all other Presents: They carry no Arms to kill us: They flatter and make much of our Children, and give them Knives and other Toys, without expecting any Reward. Those amongst us who have been in Canda, tell us, That Onnontio (so they call the Governor) loves them very much; and that they have quitted all to come to see us. Therefore be pleased, Thou who art Captain of these Men, to leave amongst us one of these Grey Coats, whom we shall bring to our Village, when we have killed Wild Bulls. Thou art likewise Master of these Warriors, and therefore remain amongst us, instead of going among the Illinois, who have resolved to murder thee and all thy Soldiers: And how canst thou resist so Great a Nation? The Captain of the Savages told us, that the Illinois had burnt alive an Iroquois, who confessed that the War the Iroquois made against them, had been fomented by the Inhabitants of Canada, who hated them. He told us also many other things, which frighted our Men, and made M. lafoy Salle very melancholy; for all the Savages we had already met, had told us almost the same things. However, knowing how great was the Malice of our Enemies, and therefore suspecting that these things might have been suggested to the Savages, in order to oblige us to give over our Enterprise; or else that it was a Contrivance of the Neighbours of the Illinois, who were afraid that they should grow too powerful, if we taught them the use of Fire-Arms, we resolved to go on with our Voyage, taking in the mean time all necessary Precautions for our security. We told the Outtovagamis, That we were much obliged to them for their kind Offers and Advice; but that we were not afraid of the Illinois; for the Spirits know how to gain the Friendship of any Nation, by Reason or by Force. 'Tis to be observed, that the Savages being not able to conceive how the Europeans can have more Wit than they, and admiring some Toys and other Things we bring from Europe, own that they are but Men, but that we are Spirits, and therefore call us so. The next Day, November 1. we embarked on the Lake of the Illinois, and came to the Mouth of the River of the Miamis, which comes from the South, and falls into the Lake. We had appointed that Place for our Rendezvous, and expected to meet there the twenty Men we had left at Missilimakinak; who being ordered to come along the other Coast of the Lake, had a much shorter cut than we, and besides their Canow's were not so much loaded as ours. However, we found no body there, nor any Mark whereby it could appear that they had been in that Place. We resolved to tell M. la Salle, that it was not fit to tarry any longer for them, nor expose ourselves to the Hardship of the Winter; and that it would be then very difficult to meet with the Illinois, because they divide themselves into Tribes, or Families, to subsist more conveniently; that if we were forced to remain there during the Winter, and that the Game should come to fail us, all his Men would certainly perish with Hunger; whereas we might expect to find some Indian Corn amongst the Illinois, who would rather supply with Provisions fourteen Men than two and thirty. We told him likewise, that it would be in a manner impossible to continue our Voyage till the Winter was over, if he tarried any longer, because the Rivers would be frozen all over, and therefore we could not make use of our Canoes. Notwithstanding these Reasons, M. lafoy Salle told us, that it was necessary to expect the rest of his Men, because we should be then in a Condition to discover ourselves to the Illinois, and make an Alliance with them; whereas we should be exposed to their Mercy and Scorn, if we offered to enter their Country with so few Men; but that in the mean time he would endeavour to meet with some of that Nation, and gain them by Presents to learn their Language; concluding, That although all his Men should run away, he would remain alone with our Savage, and find means to maintain the Three Missionaries, meaning I and my Two Brethren. Having therefore called his Men together, he told them, That he was resolved to expect the rest of their Companions; and proposed to build a Fort in that Place for securing our Ship; for we did not know then that it had perished; as also to secure our Goods and ourselves too, in case of any Disgrace. Our Men seemed very much dissatisfied; but he used so many Reasons, that they told him at last, They would entirely follow his Direction. CHAP. XXVII. An Account of the Building of a Fort and a House near the River of Miamis. JUst at the Mouth of the River, there was an Eminence, with a kind of a Platform naturally fortified: It was pretty high and and steep, of a Triangular Figure, defended on two sides by the River, and on the other by a deep Ditch, which the Fall of Waters had made. We felled the Trees that were on the top of that Hill, and having cleared the same from Bushes for about two Musket-shot, we began to build a Redoubt of forty Foot long, and eighty broad, with great square pieces of Timber laid one upon the other; and prepared a great Number of Stakes of about twenty five Foot long, to drive into the Ground, to make our Fort the more unaccessible on the River side. We employed the whole Month of November about that Work, which was very hard, tho' we had no other Food but the Bears our Savage killed. Those Beasts are very common in that place, because of the great quantity of Grapes they find there; but their Flesh being too fat and luscious, our Men began to be weary of it, and desired leave to go a hunting, to kill some wild Goats. M. lafoy Salle denied them that Liberty, which caused some Murmurs amongst them; and it was but unwillingly that they continued their Work. This, together with the approach of the Winter, and the apprehension M. lafoy Salle had that his Ship was lost, made him very melancholy, tho' he concealed it as much as he could. We had made a Cabin, wherein we performed Divine Service every Sunday, and Father Gabriel and I, who preached alternatively, took care to take such Texts as were suitable to our present Circumstances, and fit to inspire us with Courage, Concord, and brotherly Love. Our Exhortations produced a very good Effect, and hindered our Men from deserting, as they designed. We sounded, in the mean time, the Mouth of the River, and having found a Sand on which our Ship might strike, we planted several great Poles with Buoys, to mark the Canal through which they were to come; and for a greater Precaution, two Men were sent back to Missilimakinak, to wait there till the return of our Ship, and serve as Pilots. The 20th of November M. Tonti arrived with two canoe's laden with Stags and Deers, which was a welcome Refreshment to our Men, but he did not bring above the half of our Men with him, the rest being left on the other side of the Lake, within three Days Journey from our Fort. M. lafoy Salle was very angry with him upon that Account, being afraid that they would run away. They told us that our Ship had not put into the Bay of Missilimakinak, as they were ordered, and that they had heard nothing of her since we sailed, notwithstanding they had enquired as much as they could, from the Savages inhabiting the Coast of the Lake. This confirmed the Suspicion, or rather the Belief we had that she was cast away: However, M. lafoy Salle continued the Building of his Fort, which was at last perfected, and called Fort Miamis. The Winter drawing so nigh, and M. lafoy Salle being afraid that the Ice would stop his Voyage, sent back M. Tonti to fetch the Men he had left, and command them to come to him immediately; but meeting with a violent Storm, their Canow was driven against the Coast, and broke in pieces, whereby they lost their Guns and Equipage, and were obliged to return over-land. Few Days after, all our Men arrived except two, who deserted; so that we prepared ourselves to continue our Voyage, the Rains that fell about that time having melted the Ice, and made the Rivers navigable. CHAP. XXVIII. Continuation of our Voyage from Fort Miamis to the River of the Illinois. WE embarked on the Third of December, being Three and thirty Men in Eight canoe's, and having left the Lake of the Illinois, went up the River Miamis, which we had sounded before. We made about Five and twenty Leagues to the South West, but could not discover the place where we were to land, and carry our Canow's and Equipage into the River of the Illinois, which falls into that of Meschasipi; that is, in the Language of the Illinois, the Great River. We had already passed the place of the Portage, but not knowing whereabouts we were, we thought fit to stay there, to expect M. la Salle, who was landed to view the Country: We stayed a great while, and seeing he did not come, I went very far into the Woods with two of our Men, who fired their Guns, to give him notice of the place where we were; and in the mean time two others went up the River in their Canow, in order to find him out; but all our Endeavours were in vain, so that we returned towards Evening. The next Day I went up the River myself, but hearing nothing of him, I came back, and found our Men very much perplexed, fearing he was lost; but about Four a-clock in the Afternoon he returned to us, having his Face and Hands as black as Pitch. He brought along with him two Beasts as big as Musked Rats, whose Skin was very fine, and like Ermines. He had killed them with a Stick, as they hung by their Tails to the Boughs of Trees. He told us, that the Marshes he had met in his way, had obliged him to fetch a great Compass; and that being much annoyed by the Snow which fell very thick, it was past Midnight before he could arrive upon the Banks of the River; where he fired his Gun twice, and that hearing no answer, he concluded we were gone up higher, and had therefore marched that way. He added, that after three Hours March, he saw a Fire upon a little Hill, whither he went directly, and hailed us several Times, but hearing no Answer, he approached, and found no Body near the Fire, but only some dry Herbs, upon which a Man was a little while afore laid, which he conjectured, because they were still warm. He supposed that it was a Savage, who lay thereabouts in an Ambuscade, and therefore called to him in two or three Languages; but no Body answering, he cried as loud as he could, that to show he was not afraid of him, he was going to lie in his Room. However, for fear of any Surprise, he cut several Boughs and Bushes, to embarass the way, and sat down by the Fire, which had made his Hands and Face black, as I have observed. Having thus warmed and rest himself, he lay down upon the dry Herbs the Savage had gathered, under a Tree, and slept very well, notwithstanding the Frost and Snow. Father Gabriel and I desired him to remain with his Men, and not expose himself for the future, because the Success of our Enterprise depended only upon him; and he promised us to follow our Advice. Our Savage, who remained behind for Hunting, finding none of us at the Place of the Portage, came up higher the River, and told us, we had missed it; therefore he was sent back with all our canoe's, exeept one which I kept; for M. lafoy Salle was so weary, that he was obliged to lie there that Night. I made a little Cabin with Mats of Marish Rushes, wherein we lay together, but were in great danger of being burnt, for it▪ took Fire by an unhappy Accident, while we were fast asleep. The next Morning we joined our Men at the place of Portage, where Father Gabriel had made the Day before several Crosses upon the Trees, that we might not miss it another time. We found there a great quantity of Horns and Bones of wild Oxen, as also some Canoes the Savages had made with the Skins of Beasts, to cross the River with their Provisions. This Portage lies at the farther End of a Champagne; and at the other End, to the West, lies a Village of the Savages Miamis, Mascouteins, and Oiatinon, who live together. The River of the Illinois has its Source near that Village, and springs out of some Marshy Lands, that are so quaking, that one can scarcely walk over them. The Head of the River is only a League and a half from that of Miamis, and so our Portage was not long. We marked the way from Place to Place with some Trees, for the convenience of those we expected after us; and left at the Portage, as well as Fort Miamis, Letters hanging down from the Trees, containing M. lafoy Salle's Instructions to our Pilot, and the other five and twenty Men, who were to come with him. CHAP. XXIX. An Account of our Embarkment at the Head of the River of the Illinois. THis River is navigable within a hundred Paces from its Source; I mean for canoe's of Bark of Trees, and not for others; but it increases so much a little way from thence, that it is as deep and broad as the Meuse and the Sambre joined together. It runs through vast Marshes, and tho' it be rapid enough, it makes so many Turnings and Windings, that after a whole Days Journey, we found we were hardly two Leagues from the Place we left in the Morning. That Country is nothing but Marshes full of Alder-Trees and Rushes; and we could have hardly found for forty Leagues together, any Place to plant our Cabins, had it not been for the Frost, which made the Earth more firm and consistent. Having passed through great Marshes, we found a vast Plain, in which nothing grows but only some Herbs, which were dry at that time, and burnt, because the Miamis set them on fire every Year, for hunting wild Oxen, as I shall mention anon. We found no manner of Game, which was a great Disappointment to us, our Provisions beginning to fail. Our Men traveled about sixty Miles without killing any thing else but a lean Stag, a small Wild-Goat, some few Swans, and two Bustards, which was no sufficient Maintenance for two and thirty Men. Most of them were so weary of this laborious Life, that they would have run away, if possible, and gone to the Savages, who were not very far from us, as we judged by the great Fires we saw in the Plain. There must be an innumerable quantity of wild Oxen in that Country, since the Earth is covered with their Horns. The Miamis hunt them towards the latter end of Autumn. We continued our Course upon this River very near the whole Month of December; but toward the latter end of the said Month, 1679. we arrived at the Village of the Illinois, which lies near one hundred and thirty Leagues from Fort Miamis, on the Lake of the Illinois. We suffered very much in this Passage; for the Savages having set the Herbs of the Plain on Fire, the wild Oxen were fled away, and so we could kill but one, and some Turkeycocks. God's Providence supported us all the while; and when we thought that the Extremities we were reduced to, were past all hopes of Remedy, we found a prodigious big wild Ox lying fast in the Mud of the River. We killed him, and had much ado to get him out of the Mud. This was a great Refreshment to our Men, and revived their Courage; for being so timely and unexpectedly relieved, they concluded that God approved our Design. CHAP. XXX. A Description of the Hunting of the wild Bulls and Oxen, by the Savages; of the bigness of those Beasts; and of the Advantages and Improvements that may be made of the Plain where they Pasture; and of the Woods thereabouts. WHen the Savages discover a great Number of those Beasts together, they likewise assemble their whole Tribe to encompass the Oxen, and then set on Fire the dry Herbs about them, except in some places, which they leave free; and therein lay themselves in Ambuscade. The Oxen seeing the Flame round about them, run away through those Passages where they see no Fire; and there fall into the Hands of the Savages, who by these means will kill sometimes above sixscore in a Day. they divide these Beasts according to the number of each Family; and send their Wives to slay them, and bring the Flesh to their Cabins. These Women are so lusty and strong, that they carry on their Back two or three hundred weight, besides their Children: and notwithstanding that Burden, they run as swiftly as any of our Soldiers with their Arms. The Flesh of these Beasts is very relishing, and full of Juice, especially in Autumn; for having grazed all the Summer long in those vast Meadows, where the Herbs are as high as they, they are then very fat. There is also amongst them abundance of Stags, Dears, and wild Goats; and that nothing might be wanting in that Country for the Convenience of those Creatures, there are Forests at certain distances, where they retire to ruminate and shelter themselves against the violence of the Sun. They change their Country according to the Seasons of the Year; for upon the approach of the Winter, they leave the North to go to the Southern Parts. They follow one another, so that you may see a Drove of them for above a League, and stop all at the same Place; and the Ground wher● they use to lie is covered with wild Purslain; which makes me believe that the Dung of Oxen is very fit to produce that Herb. Their Ways are as beaten as our great Roads, and no Herb grows therein. They swim over the Rivers they meet on their Way, to go and graze in other Meadows. But the Care of the Cows for their Young one's, cannot be too much admired; for there being in those Meadows a great quantity of Wolves, who might surprise them, they go to Calf in the Islands of the Rivers, from whence they don't stir till the young Calves are able to follow them; for than they may protect them against any Beast whatsoever. These Oxen being very convenient for the Subsistence of the Savages, they take care not to scare them from their Country; and they pursue only those whom they have wounded with their Arrows: But these Creatures multiply in such a manner, that notwithstanding the great Numbers they kill every Year, they are as numerous as ever. The Women Spin the Wool of those Oxen, and make Sacks thereof to carry the Flesh which they dry at the Sun, or broil upon Grid-irons. They have no Salt, and yet they prepare their Flesh so well, that it keeps above four Months without breeding any Corruption; and it looks then so fresh, that one would think it was newly killed. They commonly boil it, and drink the Broth of it instead of Water. This is the ordinary Drink of all the Savages of America, who have no Commerce with the Europeans. We followed their Example in this particular; and it must be confessed that that Broth is very wholesome. The Skin of those Oxen weighs about sixscore Pound; but the Savages make use only of the thinnest part, as that of the Belly, which they dress with the Brains of all sorts of Beasts, and thereby make it as soft as our Shamoi's Skins. They paint them with several Colours, and adorn with pieces of Porcupine-Skins, red and white, the Gowns they make thereof, to appear in Feasts and other solemn Occasions. They make other Gowns against Cold Wether, wherewith they cover themselves during the Winter; but these plain Gowns, covered with curled Wool, are in my Opinion the finest as well as the best. When they kill any Cows, their young Calves follow them, and lick their Hands. They bring them to their Children, who eat them, after having played with them. They keep the hooves of those little Creatures, and when they are very dry, they tie them to some Wand, and move them according to the various Postures of those who Sing and Dance. This is the most ridiculous Musical Instrument that I ever met with. These young Calves might be easily tamed, and made use of to plough the Land, which would be very advantageous to the Savages. These Oxen find in all Seasons Forage to subsist; for if they are surprised in the Northern Countries by the Snow, before they can reach the Southern Parts, they have the dexterity to remove the Snow, and eat the Grass underit. They bellow like our European Oxen, but not so frequently. Tho' these Oxen are taller and bigger than those of Europe, they are however so swift, that no Savage can overtake them: They are so timorous, that they run away from any Man, except when they are wounded; for than they are dangerous, and often kill the Savage who pursues them. 'Tis a diverting prospect to see near the Banks of the Rivers, several Droves of those Oxen, of about four or five hundred together, grazing in those green Meadows. There are several other Beasts in that Country, as I observed in my Account of Lovisiana, as Stags, wild Goats, Beavers, Otters, Bustards, which have an excellent Taste; Swans, Tortoises, Turkeycocks, Parrots, and Partridges. These are also an incredible quantity of Pelicans, whose Bills are of a prodigious Size; and a great many other sorts of Birds, and other Beasts. The Rivers are plentifully stocked with Fish, and the Soil is very fertile. The Forests afford all manner of Timber fit for Building, and especially Oak; which is there much better than in Canada, and would be excellent for building Ships. That Timber might be squared, sawed, and ready prepared upon the Spot, and brought over into Europe; which would be very convenient, and give time to the Trees of our Forests to grow, whereas they are in a manner exhausted. There are in those Forests abundance of Trees beating good Fruit, and of wild Vines, which produce Grapes a Foot and a half long, which growing to a perfect maturity, may make very good Wine. One may see there also large Countries covered with good Hemp, growing naturally, six or seven Foot in height. In short, by the Experiments I made among the Islati, and the Illinois, I am persuaded that the Soil of that Country Would produce all manner of Corn, Fruits, etc. even more plentifully than in any part of Europe, seeing there are two Crops every Year. The Air is very temperate, clear, and open, and the Country watered with several Lakes, Brooks, and Rivers, which are for the most part navigable. The Gnats and other little Flies that are so troublesome in Canada, and some other dangerous Beasts, are unknown in this Country; which in two Years time, might supply its Inhabitants, if cultivated, with all things necessary for Life, without wanting any thing from Europe; and the Islands of America, with Wine, Bread, and Flesh. The Bucaneers might kill in that Country a greater number of Oxen than in all the Islands they resort to. There are Mines of Coal, Slate, and Iron; and several pieces of fine red Copper, which I have found now and then upon the Surface of the Earth, makes me believe that there are Mines of it; and doubtless of other Metals and Minerals, which may be discovered one time or another. They have already found Alum in the Country of the Iroquois. CHAP. XXXI. An Account of our Arrival to the Illinois, one of the most Numerous Nations of the Savages of America. THis Word Illinois comes, as it has been already observed from Illini, which in the Language of that Nation signifies A perfect and accomplished Man. The Villages of the Illinois are situated in a Marshy Plain, about the fortieth Degree of Latitude, on the Right side of the River, which is as broad as the Meuse. Their greatest Village may have in it four or five hundred Cabins, every Cabin five or six Fires, and each Fire one or two Families, who live together in great Concord. Their Cabins are covered with Mats of flat Rushes so closely sewed together, that no Wind, Rain, or Snow may go through it. The Union that reigns amongst that barbarous People, aught to cover with Shame the Christians; amongst whom we can see no trace of that brotherly Love, which united the Primitive Proffessors of Christianity. When the Savages have gathered in their Indian Corn, they dig some Holes in the Ground, where they keep it for Summertime, because Meat does not keep in hot Wether; whereas they have very little occasion for it in Winter; and 'tis then their Custom to leave their Villages, and with their whole Families, to go a hunting Oxen, Beavers, etc. carrying with them but a small quantity of their Corn, which however they value so much, that the most sensible Wrong one may do them in their Opinion, is to take some of their Corn in their absence. We found no Body in the Village, as we had foreseen; for the Illinois had divided themselves according to their Custom, and were gone a hunting. Their Absence caused a great Perplexity amongst us; for we wanted Provisions, and yet durst not meddle with the Indian Corn the Savages had laid under Ground for their Subsistence, and to sow their Lands. However, our Necessity being very great, and it being impossible to continue our Voyage, without any Provisions, especially seeing the Oxen and other Beasts had been driven from the Banks of the River, by means of Fire, as I have related in my former Chapter, M. lafoy Salle resolved to take about forty Bushels of Corn, in hopes to appease the Savages with some Presents. We embarked again with these fresh Provisions, and continued to fall down the River, which runs directly to the South. Four Days after, being the First of january, 1680. we said Mass; and having wished a happy New-Year to M. lafoy Salle, and to all others, I thought fit to make a pathetical Exhortation to our Grumblers, to encourage them to go on cheerfully, and inspire them with Union and Concord. Father Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, embraced them afterwards; and they promised us to continue firm in their Duty. The same Day we went through a Lake formed by the River, about seven Leagues long, and one broad. The Savages call that Place Pimiteovi; that is, in their Tongue, A place where there is abundance of fat Beasts. When the River of the Illinois freezes, which is but seldom, it freezes only to this Lake, and never from thence to the Meschasipi, into which this River falls. M. lafoy Salle observed here the Elevation of the Pole, and found that this Lake lies in the Latitude of thirty three Degrees, and forty five Minutes. We had been informed, that the Illinois were our Enemies; and therefore M. lafoy Salle had resolved to use all manner of Precaution when we should meet with them; but we found ourselves on a sudden in the middle of their Camp, which took up the two sides of the River. M. lafoy Salle ordered immediately his Men to make their Arms ready, and brought his Canow's on a Line, placing himself to the Right, and M. Tonti to the Left; so that we took almost the whole breadth of the River. The Illinois, who had not yet discovered our Fleet, were very much surprised to see us coming so swiftly upon them; for the Stream was extraordinary rapid in that Place: Some run to their Arms, but most took the Flight, with horrid Cries and Howlings. The Current brought us in the mean time to their Camp; and M. lafoy Salle went the very first ashore, followed by his Men; which increased the Consternation of the Savages, whom we might have easily defeated; but as it was not our Design, we made a halt to give them time to recover themselves, and see that we were no Enemies. M. lafoy Salle might have prevented their Confusion by showing his Calumet, or Pipe of Peace, but he was afraid the Savages would impute it to our Weakness. The Illinois being exceedingly terrified, tho' they were several thousand Men, tendered us the Calumet of Peace; and then we offered them ours; which being accepted on both sides, an extraordinary Joy succeeded the terrible Fears they had been under upon our landing. They sent immediately to fetch back those who fled away; and Father Zenobe and I went to their Cabins. We took their Children by the Hand, and expressed our Love for them with all the signs we could: We did the like to the Old Men, having compassion of those poor Creatures, who are so miserable as to be ignorant of their Creator and Redeemer. Most of the Savages, who had run away upon our landing, understanding that we were Friends, returned; but some others had been so terrified, that they did not come back till three or four Days after, that they were told that we had smoked in their Calumet of Peace. In the mean time we had discoursed the Chief of the Illinois by our Interpreter; and told them, That we were Inhabitants of Canada, and their Friends; that we were come to teach them the Knowledge of the Captain of Heaven and Earth, and to use Fire-Arms, which were unknown to them; with several other things relating to their Advantage. We were forced to make use of these metaphorical Expressions, to give them some Idea of the Supreme DEITY. They heard our Discourses with great attention, and afterwards gave a great Shout for Joy, repeating these Words: Tepatovi-nika; That is, Well, my Brother, my Friend; thou hast done very well. These Savages have more Humanity than all the others of the Northern America; and understanding the subject of our Errand, expressed a great Gratitude. They rubbed our Legs and Feet, near the Fire, with Oil of Bears and Grease of Wild Oxen, which after much travel is an incomparable Refreshment; and presented us some Flesh to eat, putting the three first Morsels into our Mouth with great Ceremonies. This is a great piece of Civility amongst them. M. lafoy Salle presented them with some Tobacco from Martinico, and some Axes; and told them, That he had desired them to meet to treat about some weighty matters; but that there was one in particular, which he would discourse them upon before any other. He added, that he knew how necessary their Corn was to them; but that being reduced to an unspeakable Necessity when he came to their Village, and seeing no probability to subsist, he had been forced to take some Corn from their Habitations without their leave: That he would give 'em Axes, and other things, in lieu of it, if they could spare it; that if they could not, they were free to take it again; concluding, That if they were not able to supply us with Provisions, he designed to continue his Voyage, and go to their Neighbours, who would heartily give him what was necessary for his subsistence; but however, to show them his Kindness, he would leave a Smith among them, to mend their Axes and other Tools we should supply them with. The Savages having considered our Proposals, granted all our Demands, and made Alliance with us. We were obliged to use many Precautions to make our Alliance lasting and solid, because our Enemies did their utmost to prevent it. The very same Day we came to the Camp of the Illinois, one of the Chief Captains of the Mascoutens, whose Name was Monso, arrived also with some Miamis, and other young Men, who brought with them some Axes, Knives, Kettles, and other Goods. Our Enemies had chosen him for that Embassy, knowing that the Illinois would rather believe him than the Miamis, because they had never been in War with the Mascoutens. This Savage arrived pretty late, and caballed all the Night long against us: He told them, That M. lafoy Salle was a great Friend of the Iroquois, who were to follow him speedily, with some of the Europeans from Canada, to invade them, and destroy their Nation; and that he was sent by some of the Europeans themselves, who could not approve that Treachery of their Countrymen, to give them notice thereof, that they might not be surprised. He enforced his Arguments by presenting them with all the Goods he had brought along with him; and thinking he had gained his Point, went back the same Night, fearing, with much Reason, that M. lafoy Salle would resent that Masterpiece of Villainy, and punish him for it. The Illinois were assembled in Council all the Night; for they never treat of any secret Affairs during the Day, and did not know what Measures to take; for tho' they did not believe all the Stories the Mascouten had made unto them, yet the next Day they appeared much indifferent and mistrusting. As they seemed to contrive something against us, we began to be uneasy; but M. la Salle, who suspected that their sudden Alteration towards us, was the effect of a false Report, made such Presents to one of their Chiefs, that he told him all the Particulars of the Embassy and Negotiation of Monso; and thereby enabled him to remove the Jealousy of the Illinois, and confound the wicked Designs our Enemies. He managed that Point with such Dexterity, that he did not only regain the Friendship of that Nation, but likewise undeceived the Mascouten and Miamis; and was Mediator between the latter and the Illinois, who by his means made an Alliance which lasted all the while we remained in those Countries. CHAP. XXXII. An Account of what happened to us while we remained among the Illinois, till the Building of a New Fort. SOme Days after, Nikanape, Brother to Chessagovasse, the most considerable Chief of the Illinois, who was then absent, invited us to a great Feast; and before we sat down to eat, made a long Speech, very different from what the other Captains had told us upon our arrival. He said that he had invited us not so much to give us a Treat, as to endeavour to dissuade us from the Resolution we had taken, to go down to the Sea by the great River Meschasipi. He added, That several had perished, having ventured upon the same Enterprise, the Banks of that River being inhabited by barbarous and bloody Nations, whom we should be unable to resist, notwithstanding our Valour and the Goodness of our Arms; that the River was full of dangerous Monsters, as Crocodiles, Tritons, (meaning a Sea-Monster) and Serpents; that supposing the Bark we designed to build was big enough to protect us against the Dangers he had mentioned, yet it would avail us nothing against another which was inevitable; For, said he, the River Meschasipi is so full of Rocks and Falls towards its Mouth, that the Rapidity of the Current cannot be mastered, which will carry your Bark into a horrid Whirlpool, that swallows up every thing that comes near it; and even the River itself, which appears no more, losing itself in that hideous and bottomless Gulf. He added so many other Circumstances, and appeared so serious, and so much concerned for us, that two of our Men, who understood their Language, but not their Politics, were moved at it, and their Fear appeared in their Faces. We observed it, but could not help it; for it would be an unpardonable Affront to interrupt a Savage. And besides, we had perhaps increased the Alarms of our Men. When Nikanape had made an end of his Discourse, we answered him in so calm a manner, that he could not fancy we were surprised at his Objections against our Voyage. Our Interpreter told him, by order of M. lafoy Salle, that we were much obliged to him for the Advices he gave us; but that the Difficulties and Dangers he had mentioned, would make our Enterprise still more glorious; that we feared the Master of the Life of all Men, who ruled the Sea, and all the World; and therefore would think it a happiness to lay down our Life to make his Name known to all his Creatures. We added, that we believed that most of the Dangers he had mentioned were not in being, but that the Friendship he had for us, had put him upon that Invention, to oblige us to remain with them. We thought fit however, to let him know, that we perceived our Enemies had fomented some Jealousies in their Mind, and that they seemed to mistrust our Designs; but as we were sincere in our Dealings, we desired them to let us know freely, and without any Disguise, the Grounds of their Suspicions, that we might satisfy them, and clear ourselves; concluding, That seeing our Demand was so just and equitable, we expected they would grant it, or else that we should have reason to think that the Joy they had expressed upon our Arrival, and the Friendship they had since showed to us, was nothing but a Deceit and Dissimulation. Nikanape was not able to answer us, and therefore changed his Discourse, desiring us to eat. The Dinner being over, our Interpreter reassumed his Discourse, and told the Company, That we were not surprised at the Envy their Neighbours expressed about our Arrival into their Country, because they knew too well the Advantages of Commerce, and therefore would engross it to themselves, and obstruct by all means our good Correspondence; but that we wondered that they would give Ear to the Suggestions of our common Enemies, and conceal any thing from us, since we had so sincerely acquainted them with our Designs. We did not sleep, Brother, said he, directing his Discourse to Nikanape, when Monso was caballing amongst you in the Night to our Prejudice, endeavouring to make you believe that we were Spies of the Iroquois. The Presents he made to persuade his Lies, are still hidden in this Cabin: But why has he run away immediately after, instead of appearing publicly to justify his Accusation? Thou art a Witness thyself, that upon our landing we might have killed all thy Nephews, and done what our Enemies tell you we design to do, after we have made Alliance with thee, and settled themselves amongst you. But if it were our Design, why should we defer to put it into execution? And who hinders our Warriors, who are here with me, to kill all of you, whilst your young Men are a Hunting? Thou hast been told, that our Valour is terrible to the Iroquois themselves; and therefore we need not their Assistance to wage War with thee, if it were our Design. But to remove even the least Pretence of Suspicion and jealousy, send somebody to bring back that malicious Accuser, and we will stay here to confute him in thy Presence: For how can he know us, seeing he never saw us in his Life? And how can he be acquainted with the secret League we have made with the Iroquois, whom he knows only by Name? Consider our Equipage; we have nothing but Tools and Goods, which can never be made use of, but for the Good of thy Nation, and not for its Destruction, as our Enemies would make thee believe. This Discourse moved them very much; and they sent after Monso to bring him back; but the Snow which fell that Night spoiled the Track, and so he could not be over-taken. He had remained for some Days not far from us, to know what would be the success of his Embassy. However, some of our Men lay under such terrible Apprehensions, that we could never recover their Courage, nor remove their Fears; so that six of them who had the Guard that Night (amongst which were two Sawers, the most necessary of our Workmen for Building our Ship) run away, taking with them what they thought necessary; but considering the country through which they were to travel, and the Season of the Year, we may say, that for avoiding an uncertain Peril, they exposed themselves to a most certain Danger. M. lafoy Salle seeing that those six Men were gone, and fearing that this Disertion would make a disadvantageous Impression upon the Savages, he ordered his Men to tell the Illinois, That he had resolved to send after them to punish them as they deserved; but that the Season being so hard, he was loath to expose his Men; and that those Deserters would be severely punished in Canada. In the mean time, we exhorted the rest to continue firm in their Duty, assuring them, That if any were afraid of venturing themselves upon the River Meschasipi, because of the Dangers Nikanape had mentioned, M. lafoy Salle would give them leave to return next Spring to Canada, and allow them a Canow to to make their Voyage; whereas they could not venture to return home at this time of the Year, without exposing themselves to perish with Hunger, Cold, or the Hands of the Savages. They promised Wonders; but M. la Salle knowing their Inconstancy, and dissembling the Vexation their want of Courage and Resolution caused him, resolved to prevent any farther Subornation, and to leave the Camp of the Illinois; but lest his Men should not consent to it, he called them together, and told them we were not safe among the Illinois, and that perhaps the Iroquois would come in a little time to attack them; and that these being not able to resist, they were like to run away, and betake themselves to the Woods, and leave us exposed to the Mercy of the Iroquois, whose Cruelty was sufficiently known to us; therefore he knew no other Remedy but to fortify a Post, where we might defend ourselves both against the Illinois and Iroquois, as occasion should require. These Reasons, with some other Arguments which I added to the same purpose, proved powerful enough to engage them to approve M. la Salle's Design; and so it was resolved to build a Fort in a very advantageous Place on the River, four Days Journey below the great Village of the Illinois. CHAP. XXXIII. Reflections upon the Temper and Manners of the Illinois, and the little Disposition they have to embrace Christianity. BEfore I speak in particular of the Illinois, I think fit to observe here, that there is a nation of the Miamis to the South-West of the Lake of the Illinois, who inhabit the Banks of a fine River, within fifteen Leagues from the Lake, in the Latitude of 41 Degrees. The Maskoutens and Outtovagamis live more Northward on the River Melleoki, which runs into the Lake in the Latitude of 43 Degrees. To the West of it live the Kikapous and Ainoves. who have two Villages; and to the West of these there is the Village of the Illinois Cascaschia, situated towards the Source of the River Checagoumenans. The Authoutantas and Maskoutens-nadovessians live within one hundred and thirty Leagues of the Illinois, in three great Villages, on the Banks of a fine River which discharges itself into the great River Meschasipi. We shall have occasion to talk of these and several other Nations. Most of these Savages, and especially the Illinois, make their Cabins of flat Rushes, which they sew together, and line them with the same; so that no Rain can go through it. They are tall, strong, and manage their Bows and Arrows with great dexterity; for they did not know the use of Fire-Arms before we came into their Country. They are Lazy, Vagabonds, Timorous, Pettish, Thiefs, and so fond of their Liberty, that they have no great Respect for their Chiefs. Their Villages are open, and not enclosed with Palisado's, as in some other Places, because they have not Courage enough to defend them, for they fly away as soon as they hear their Enemy's approach. Besides the Arrows, they use two other Weapons, a kind of a Pike and a Club of Wood Their Country is so fertile, that it supplies them with all the Necessaries for Life, and especially since we taught them the use of Iron Tools to cultivate it. The Hermaphrodites are very common amongst them, which is so much the more surprising, because I have not observed any such thing amongst the other Nations of the Northern America. Polygamy is allowed amongst them; and they generally marry several Sisters, thinking they agree better than Strangers. They are exceedingly Jealous, and cut the Nose of their Wives upon the least suspicion. Notwithstanding they have several Wives, they are so lascivious as to be guilty of Sodomy, and keep Boys, whom they cloth with Women's Apparel, because they make of them that abominable use. These Boys live in their Families amongst Women, without going either to their Wars or Hunting. As to their Religion, I observed that they are very superstitious; but I could never discover that they had any Worship, nor any Reason for their Superstition. They are great Gamesters, as well as all the other Savages that I have known in America. As there are some stony Places in this Country, where there is a great quantity of Serpents, very troublesome to the Illinois, they know several Herbs which are a quicker and surer Remedy against their Venom, than our Treacle and Orvietan. They rub themselves with these Herbs, after which they play with those dangerous Serpents, without receiving any hurt. They take the young ones and put them sometimes into their Mouth. They go stark naked in Summertime, wearing only a kind of Shoes made of the Skins of Oxen; but the Winter being pretty severe in their Country, tho' very short, they wear Gowns made of the Skins of Wild Beasts, or of Oxen, which they dress and paint most curiously, as I have already observed. The Illinois, as most of the Savages of America, being brutish, wild, and stupid, and their Manners being so opposite to the Morals of the Gospel, their Conversion is to be despaired of, till Time and the Commerce with the Europeans has removed their natural Fierceness and Ignorance, and thereby made 'em more apt to be sensible of the Charms of Christianity. I have met with some who were more teachable; and Father Zenobe told me, that he Baptised two or three of them at the point of Death, because they desired it; and showed some good Disposition to induce him to grant that Demand. They will tamely suffer to Baptise their Children, and would not refuse it themselves; but they are incapable of any previous Instruction concerning the Truth of the Gospel, and the Efficacy of the Sacraments. Would I follow the Example of some other Missionaries, I could have boasted of many Conversions; for I might have easily Baptised all those Nations, and then say, as I am afraid they do without any ground, That I had converted them. Father Zenobe had met with two Savages, who had promised to follow him every where, whom he instructed and Baptised; but tho' they were more tractable than the rest, they would not leave their Country; and he understood afterwards, that one of them, whose Name was Chassagovache, was dead in the hands of the junglers, and consequently in the Superstitions of his Countrymen; so that his Baptism served only to make him duplo Filius Gehennae. CHAP. XXXIV. An Account of the Building of a New Fort on the River of the Illinois, named by the Savages Checagou, and by us Fort Crevecoeur; as also a Bark to go down the River Meschasipi. I Must observe here, that the hardest Winter lasts not above two Months in this charming Country; so that on the 15th of january there came a sudden Thaw, which made the Rivers navigable, and the Wether so mild as it is with us in the middle of the Spring. M. lafoy Salle improving this fair Season, desired me to go down the River with him to choose a Place fit to build our Fort. After having viewed the Country, we pitched upon an Eminence on the Bank of the River, defended on that side by the River, and on two others by two Ditches the Rains had made very deep by succession of Time; so that it was accessible only by one way; therefore we cast a Line to join those two natural Ditches, and made the Eminence steep on every side, supporting the Earth with great pieces of Timber. We made a hasty Lodgement thereupon, to be ready to defend us in case the Savages would obstruct the Building of our Fort; but no body offering to disturbus, we went on diligently with our Work. Father's Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, made in the mean time a Cabin of Planks, wherein our Workmen came to Prayers every Morning and Evening; but having no Wine, we could not say Mass. The Fort being half finished, M. lafoy Salle lodged himself in the middle with M. Tonti; and every body took his Post. We placed our Forge along the Courtin on the side of the Wood, and laid in a great quantity of Coals for that use. In the mean time our Thoughts were always bent towards our Discovery, and M. lafoy Salle and I had frequent Conferences about it: But our greatest Difficulty was to build a Bark; for our Sawers being gone, we did not know what to do. However, as the Timber was cheap enough, we told our Men, that if any of them would undertake to saw Board's for Building the said Bark, we might surmount all other Difficulties. Two Men undertook it; and tho' they had never tried it before, they succeeded very well; so that we began to build a Bark, the Keel whereof was forty two Foot long. Our Men went on so briskly with the Work, that on the 1st of March our Bark was half built, and all the Timber ready prepared for the finishing of it. Our Fort was also very near finished, and we named it the Fort of Crevecoeur, because the desertion of our Men, and the other Difficulties we laboured under, had almost broke our Hearts. Tho' the Winter is not harder nor longer in the Country of the Illinois, than in Provence, the Snow remained upon the Earth, in the Year 1680, for twenty Days together, which had not been seen in the Memory of Man. This caused a great Surprise to the Savages, and brought upon us a world of Inconveniencies, besides the many others we suffered. In the mean time we perfected our Fort; and our Bark was in such a forwardness, that we might have expected to be in a condition to sail in a very short time, had we been provided with all other Necessaries; but hearing nothing of our Ship, and therefore wanting the Rigging and other Tackle for our Bark, we found ourselves in great perplexity, and did not know what to do in this sad Juncture, being above five hundred Leagues from Fort Frontenac, whither it was almost impossible to return at that time, because the Snow made the travelling very dangerous by Land, and the Ice made it impracticable to our Canow's. M. lafoy Salle did not doubt then but his Beloved Griffin was lost; but neither this nor the other Difficulties dejected him; his great Courage buoyed him up, and he resolved to return to Fort Frontenac by Land, notwithstanding the Snow, and the unspeakable Dangers attending so great a Voyage. We had a long Conference about it in private, wherein having examined all things, it was resolved that he should return to Fort Frontenac with three Men, to bring along with him the necessary things to proceed on our Discovery, while I with two Men should go in a Canow to the River Meschasipi, and endeavour to get the Friendship of those Nations inhabiting the Banks of that River. Our Resolution was certainly very great and bold; but there was this essential difference, that the Inhabitants of the Countries through which M. lafoy Salle was to travel, knew the Europeans; whereas those Savages whom I designed to visit, had never heard of us in their Life; and had been represented by the Illinois, as the most barbarous Nations in the World. However, M. lafoy Salle and I had Courage enough to undertake our Difficult Task; but we had much ado to persuade five of our Men to follow us, or to engage to expect our Return at Fort Crevecoeur. CHAP. XXXV. Containing an Account of what was transacted at Fort Crevecoeur before M. la Salle's return to Fort Frontenac; and the Instructions we received from a Savage concerning the River Meschasipi BEfore M. la Salle and I parted, we found means to undeceive our Men, and remove the groundless Fears they had conceived from what the Illinois, through the Suggestions of Monso, had told us concerning the Dangers, or rather the Impossibility of Sailing upon the River Meschasipi. Some Savages inhabiting beyond that River, came to the Camp of the Illinois, and gave us an Account of it, very different from what Nikanape had told us; some other Savages owned that it was navigable, and not interrupted by Rocks and Falls, as the Illinois would make us believe; and one of the Illinois themselves, being gained by some small Presents, told us in great Secrecy, that the Account their Chief had given us, was a downright Forgery, contrived on purpose to oblige us to give over our Enterprise. This revived somewhat our Men; but yet they were still wavering and irresolute; and therefore M. lafoy Salle said, that he would fully convince them, that the Illinois had resolved in their Council to forge that Account, in order to stop our Voyage; and few Days after we met with a favourable opportunity for it. The Illinois had made an Excursion Southward; as they were returning with some Prisoners, one of their Warriors came before their Comrades, and visited us at our Fort; we entertained him as well as we could, and asked him several Questions touching the River Meschasipi, from whence he came, and where he had been oftentimes, giving him to understand that some other Savage had given us an account of it. He took a piece of Charcoal, and drew a Map of the Course of that River, which I found afterwards pretty exact; and told us that he had been in a Pyrogue; that is, a Canow made of the Trunk of a Tree, from the Mouth of this River, very near the Place where the Meschasipi falls into the great Lake; for so they call the Sea: That there was neither Falls nor rapid Currents, as we had been told; that it was very broad towards the great Lake, and interrupted with Banks of Sand; but that there were large Canals betwixt them, deep enough for any Pyrogue. He told us also the Name of several Nations inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi, and of several Rivers that fall into it. I set down in my Journal all that he told us, of which I shall perhaps give a larger Account in another place. We made him a small Present, to thank him for his Kindness in discovering a Truth, which the Chief of his Nation had so carefully concealed. He desired us to hold our Tongue, and never to mention him, which we promised; and gave him an Axe, wherewith we shut his Mouth, according to the Custom of the Savages, when they recommend a Secret. The next Day, after Prayers, we went to the Village of the Illinois; whom we found in the Cabin of one of their Chiefs; who entertained them with a Bear, whose Flesh is much valued among them. They desired us to sit down upon a fine Mat of Rushes: And some time after our Interpreter told them, that we were come to acquaint them, that the Maker of all Things, and the Master of the Lives of Men, took a particular Care of us, and had been pleased to let us have a true account of the River Meschasipi; the Navigation whereof they had represented to us as impracticable. We added all the Particulars we had learned, but in such Terms that it was impossible they should suspect any of their Men. The Savages were much surprised, and did not doubt but we had that Account by some extraordinary Way; therefore they shut their Mouth with their Hand; which is their usual Custom to express their Admiration. They told us frankly afterwards, that the great desire they had to stop amongst them our Captain, and the Grey-Coats or Barefoot, as they call the Franciscans, had obliged them to forge the Stories they had told us, and to conceal the Truth; but since we had come to the Knowledge of it by another way, they would tell us all that they knew; and confirmed every particular their Warrior had told us. This Confession removed the Fears of our Men, who were few Days after still more fully persuaded that the Illinois designed to frighten us from our Discovery: For several Savages of the Nations of Osages, Cikaga, and Akansa, came to see us, and brought fine Furs to barter for our Axes. They told us that the Meschasipi was navigable almost from its Source to the Sea; and gave us great encouragement to go on with our Design, assuring us, that all the Nations inhabiting along the River, from the Mouth of that of the Illinois, to the Sea, would come to meet us, and dance the Calumet of Peace, as they express it, and make Alliance with us. The Miamis arrived much about that time, and danced the Calumet with the Illinois, making Alliance with them against the Iroquois, their implacable Enemies. We were Witnesses to their Treaty; and M. lafoy Salle made them some Presents, the better to oblige both Parties to the Observation of their League. We were three Missionaries for that Handful of Europeans at Fort Crevecoeur; and therefore we thought fit to divide ourselves: Father Gabriel being very old, was to continue with our Men; and Father Zenobe among the Illinois, having desired it himself, in hopes to convert that numerous Nation: And I, as I have already related, was to go on with our Discovery. Father Zenobe lived already among the Illinois, but the rude Manners of that People made him soon weary of it. His Landlord, whose Name was Omahouha, that is to say Wolf, was the Head of a Tribe, and took a special Care of Father Zenobe, especially after M. la Salle had made him some Presents: He loved him as his Child; but however, I perceived in the Visits he made us, (for he lived but within half a League of our Fort) that he was not satisfied to live amongst that brutish Nation, tho' he had already learned their Tongue. This obliged me to offer him to take his Place, provided he would supply mine, and go on with our Discovery amongst several Nations, whose Language we did not understand, and who had never heard of us; but Father Zenobe foreseeing the Danger and Fatigue I was like to be exposed to, chose to remain with the Illinois, whose Temper he knew, and with whom he was able to converse. M. lafoy Salle left M. Tonti to command in Fort Crevecoeur, and ordered our Carpenter to prepare some thick Planks of Oak, to Fence the Deck of our Bark in the nature of a Parapet, to cover it against the Arrows of the Savages, in case they designed to shoot at us from the Shoar. Then calling his Men together, he desired them to obey M. Tonti's Orders in his Absence, to live in a Christian Union and Charity; to be courageous and firm in their Design; and above all, to give no credit to the false Reports that the Savages might make unto them, either of him, or of their Comrades that were going with me. He assured them that he would return with all the speed imaginable, and bring along with him a fresh Supply of Men, Ammunition, and Rigging for our Bark; and that in the mean time he left them Arms, and other things necessary for a vigorous Defence, in case their Enemies should attack them before his return. He told me afterwards, that he expected I should depart without any farther Delay; but I told him that tho' I had promised him to do it, yet a Defluxion I had on my Gums a Year since, as he knew very well, obliged me to return to Canada, to be cured; and that I would then come back with him. He was very much surprised, and told me, he would write to my Superiors, that I had obstructed the good Success of our Mission, and desired Father Gabriel to persuade me to the contrary. That good Man had been my Master during my Novitiate in our Convent of Bethune, in the Province of Artois; and therefore I had so great a Respect for him, that I yielded to his Advice; and considered that since a Man of his Age had ventured to come along with me in so dangerous a Mission, it would look as Pusilanimity in me to return and leave him. That Father had left a very good Estate, being Heir of a Noble Family of the Province of Burgundy; and I must own that his Example revived my Courage upon several Occasions. M. lafoy Salle was mightily pleased when I told him I was resolved to go, notwithstanding my Indisposition: He embraced me, and gave me a Calumet of Peace; and two Men to manage our Canow, whose Names were Anthony Auguel, surnamed the Picard du Gay; and Mitchel Ako, of the Province of Poictou, to whom he gave some Commodities to the value of about 1000 Livres, to trade with the Savages, or make Presents. He gave to me in particular, and for my own use, ten Knives, twelve Shoemaker's Auls or Bodkins, a small Roll of Tobacco from Martinico, about two Pounds of Rassade; that is to say, Little Pearls or Rings of coloured Glass, wherewith the Savages make Bracelets, and other Works, and a small Parcel of Needles to give to the Savages; telling me, that he would have given me a greater quantity, if it had been in his Power. The Reader may judge by these Particulars of the rest of my Equipage for so great an Undertaking; however, relying myself on the Providence of God, I took my leave of M. lafoy Salle, and embraced all our Men, receiving the Blessing of Father Gabriel, who told me several Things, to inspire me with Courage; concluding his Exhortation by these Words of the Scripture, Viriliter age●, & confortetur Cor tuum. M. lafoy Salle set out few Days after for Canada, with three Men, without any Provisions, but what they killed in their Voyage; during which they suffered very much, by reason of the Snow, Hunger, and Cold Wether. CHAP. XXXVI. The Author sets out from Fort Crevecoeur, to continue his Voyage. WHosoever will consider the Dangers to which I was going to expose myself, in an unknown Country, where no European had traveled before, and amongst some Savages, whose Language I did not understand, will not blame the Reluctancy I expressed against that Voyage: I had such an Idea of it, that neither the fair Words, or Threats of M. lafoy Salle, would have been able to engage me to venture my Life so rashly, had I not felt within myself a secret but strong Assurance, if I may use that Word, that God would help and prosper my Undertaking. We set out from Fort Crevecoeur on the 29th of February, 1680, and as we fell down the River, we met with several Companies of Savages, who returned to their Habitations, with their Pirogues or Wooden-Canow's, loaded with the Oxen they had killed: they would fain persuade us to return with them, and the two Men who were with me, were very willing to follow their Advice; telling me, That M. lafoy Salle had as good to have murdered us: But I opposed their Design, and told them that the rest of our Men would stop them as they should come by the Fort, if they offered to return, and so we continued our Voyage. They confessed to me the next Day, that they had resolved to leave me with the Savages, and make their Escape with the Canow and Commodities, thinking that there was no Sin in that, since M. lafoy Salle was owing to them a great deal more than their value; and that I had been very safe. This was the first Discouragement I met with, and the Forerunner of a great many others. The River of the Illinois is very near as deep and broad as the Meuse and Sambre before Namur; but we found some Places where 'tis about a quarter of a League broad. The Banks of the River are not even, but interrupted with Hills, disposed almost at an equal distance, and covered with fine Trees. The Valley between them is a Marshy Ground, which is overflowed after great Rains, especially in the Autumn and the Spring. We had the Curiosity to go up one of those Hills, from whence we discovered vast Meadows, with Forests, just as we had seen before we arrived at the Village of the Illinois. The River flows so softly, that the Current is hardly perceptible, except when it swells: But it will carry at all times great Barks for above 100 Leagues; that is, from the said Village to its Mouth. It runs directly to the South-West. On the 7th of March we met, within two Leagues from the River Meschasipi, a Nation of the Savages called Tamaroa or Maroa, consisting of about 200 Families. They designed to bring us along with them to their Village, which lies to the West of Meschasipi, about seven Leagues from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; but my Men followed my Advice, and would not stop, in hopes to exchange their Commodities with more Advantage in a more remote place. Our Resolution was very good; for I don't question but they would have robbed us; for seeing we had some Arms, they thought we were going to carry them to their Enemies. They pursued us in their Pyrogues or Wooden-Canow's; but ours being only of Bark of Birch-Trees, and consequently ten times lighter than theirs, and better framed, we laughed at their Endeavours, and got clear of them. They had sent a Party of their Warriors to lie in Ambuscade on a Neck of Land advancing into the River, where they thought we should pass that Evening or the next Morning; but having discovered some Smoke on that Point, we spoiled their Design, and therefore crossed the River, and landed in a small Island near the other side, where we lay all the Night, leaving our Canow in the Water, under the Guard of a little Dog; who doubtless would have awaked us, if any body had offered to come near him; as we expected the Savages might attempt it, swimming over in the Night; but no body came to disturb us. Having thus avoided those Savages, we came to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, distant from their great Village about 100 Leagues, and 50 from Fort Crevecoeur. It falls into the Meschasipi between the 35th and 36th Degrees of Latitude, and within 120 or 130 Leagues from the Gulf of Mexico, according to our Conjecture, without including the Turnings and Windings of the Meschasipi, from thence to the Sea. The Angle between the two Rivers on the Southside, is a steep Rock of forty Foot high, and flat on the Top, and consequently a fit Place tobuild a Fort; and on the other side of the River, the Ground appears blackish, from whence I judge that it would prove fertile, and afford two Crops every Year, for the subsistence of a Colony. The Soil looks as if it had been already manured. The Ice which came down from the Source of the Meschasipi, stopped us in that Place till the 12th of March; for we were afraid of our Canow: But when we saw the Danger over, we continued our Course, sounding the River, to know whether it was navigable. There are three small Islands over-against the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, which stop the Trees and Pieces of Timber that come down the River; which by Succession of time, has formed some Banks: But the Canals are deep enough for the greatest Barks; and I judge that in the driest Summer, there is Water enough for flat-bottom-Boats. The Meschasipi runs to the South-South-West, between two Rows of Mountains, which follow the great Windings of the River. They are near the Banks, at the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, and are not very high; but in other Places, they are some Leagues distant; and the Meadows between the River and the Foot of those Hills, are covered with an infinite number of wild Oxen. The Country beyond those Hills is so fine and pleasant, that according to the Account I have had, one might justly call it the Delight of America. The Meschasipi is in some places a League broad, and half a League where it is narrowest. The Rapidity in its Current is somewhat abated, by a great number of Islands, covered with fine Trees interlaced with Vines. It receives but two Rivers from the West side, one whereof is called Otontenta; and the other discharges itself into it near the Fall of St. Anthony of Padova, as we shall observe hereafter: But so many others run into the Meschasipi from the North, that it swells very much toward its Mouth. I am resolved to give here an Account of the Course of that River; which I have hitherto concealed, for the sake of M. lafoy Salle, who would ascribe to himself alone the Glory, and the most secret Part of this Discovery. He was so fond of it, that he has exposed to visible Danger several Persons, that they might not publish what they had seen, and thereby prejudice his secret Designs. CHAP. XXXVII. The Course of the River Meschasipi from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, to the Sea; which the Author did not think fit to publish in his Lovisiana; with an Account of the Reasons he had to undertake that Discovery. THere is no Man but remembers with Pleasure the great Dangers he has escaped; and I must confess, that when I call to Mind the great Difficulties I was under at the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, and the Perils I was exposed to in the Discovery of the Course of the Meschasipi, my Joy and Satisfaction cannot be expressed. I was as good as sure that M. lafoy Salle would slander me, and represent me to my Superiors as a wilful and obstinate Man, if I presumed to go down the Meschasipi instead of going up to the North, as I was desired, and as we had concerted together; and therefore I was very loath to undertake it: But on the other Hand, I was exposed to starve, and threatened by my two Men, that if I opposed their Resolution of going down the River, they would leave me a Shore during the Night, and carry away the Canow wherever they pleased; so that I thought it was reasonable to prefer my own Preservation to the Ambition of M. lafoy Salle; and so I agreed to follow my Men; who seeing me in that good Disposition, promised that they would be faithful to me. We shook Hands, to seal these Promises; and after Prayers, embarked in our Canow the 8th of March, 1680. The Ice which came down from the North, gave us a great deal of trouble; but we were so careful, that our Canow received no hurt; and after six Hours rowing, we came to the River of a Nation called Osages, who live toward the Messorites. That River comes from the Westward, and seems as big as the Meschasipi; but the Water is so muddy, that 'tis almost impossible to drink of it. The Issati, who inhabit toward the Source of the Meschasipi, come sometimes in their Excursions to the Place where I was then; and I understood afterwards from them, having learned their Language, that this River of the Osages and Messorites is formed from several other Rivers, which spring from a Mountain about twelves Day's Journey from its Mouth. They told me farther, that from that Mountain one might see the Sea, and now and then some great Ships; that the Banks of that River are inhabited by several Nations; and that they have abundance of wild Oxen and Beavers. Tho' this River is very big, the Meschasipi does not visibly swell; but its Waters continue muddy to its Mouth, albeit seven other Rivers fall into it, which are near as big as the Meschasipi, and whose Waters are extraordinary clear. We lay every Night in Islands, at least if it were possible, for our greater Security; and as soon as we had roasted or boiled our Indian Corn, we were very careful to put out our Fire; for in these Countries they smell Fire at two or three Leagues distance, according to the Wind. The Savages take a particular Notice of it, to discover where their Enemies are, and endeavour to surprize them. The 9th we continued our Voyage, and six Leagues from the River of the Osages, discovered on the Southside of the Meschasipi, a Village, which we thought to be inhabited by the Tamaroa, who had pursued us, as I have related. Seeing no body appear, we landed, and went into their Cabins, wherein we found Indian Corn, of which we took some Bushels, leaving in lieu of it six Knives, and a small quantity of little Glass-Beads. This was good luck for us; for we durst not leave the River, and go a hunting, for fear of falling into the Hands of the Savages. The next Day, being the 10th of March, we came to a River within 40 Leagues of Tamaroa; near which, as the Illinois informed us, there is a Nation of Savages called Ouadebache. We remained there till the 14th, because one of our Men killed a wild Cow, as she was swimming over the River, whose Flesh we were obliged to besmoak, to preserve it. Being thus provided with Indian Corn and Flesh, we left that place the 14th, and saw nothing worth Observation. The Banks of the River are so muddy, and so full of Rushes and Reeds, that we had much ado to find a place to go ashore. The 15th we discovered three Savages, who came from Hunting, or from some Expedition. As we were able to make head against them, we landed, and marched up to them; whereupon they run away; but after some Signs, one returned, and presented us the Calumet of Peace, which we received; and the others came back. We did not understand a Word of what they said; nor they, I suppose, what we told them: Tho' having named them two or three different Nations, one answered three times Chikacha or Sikacha, which was likely the Name of his Nation. They gave us some Pelicans they had killed with their Arrows; and we presented them with part of our Meat. Our Canow being too little to take them in, they continued their way, making several Signs with their Hand, to follow them along the Shore; but we quickly lost the Sight of them. Two Days after, we saw a great Number of Savages near the Riverside; and heard immediately after a certain Noise, as of a Drum; and as we came near the Shore, the Savages cried aloud Sasacovest; that is to say, Who goes there? as I have been informed. We were unwilling to Land; but they sent us a Pirogue or heavy Wooden-Canow, made of the Trunk of a Tree, which they make hollow with Fire, and we discovered amongst them the three Savages we had met two Days before. We presented our Calumet of Peace, which they received; but gave us to understand by Signs, that we must go to the Akansa; for they repeated so often that Word, pointing at the Savages ashore, that I believe this is the right Name of their Nation. We could not avoid it; and as soon as we were landed, the three Chikacha took our Canow upon their Shoulders, and carried it to the Village. The Savages received us very kindly, and gave us a Cabin for ourselves alone; and presented us with Beans, Indian Corn, and Flesh to eat. We made them also some Presents of our European Commodities, which they admired: They put their Fingers upon their mouth, especially when they saw our Guns; and I think this way of expressing their Surprise, is common to all the Savages of the Northern America. These Savages are very different from those of the North; who are commonly sad, pensive and severe; whereas these appeared jovial, civil, and free. Their Youth is so modest, that they dare not speak before Old Men, unless they are asked any Question. I observed they have tame Poultry, as Hens, Turkeycocks, and Bustards, which are as tame as our Geese. Their Trees began to show their Fruit, as Peaches, and the like; which must be a great deal bigger than ours. Our Men liked very well the Manner of these People; and if they had found any Furs and Skins to barter for their Commodities, they would have left me amongst them; but I told them that our Discovery was more important to them than their Trade; and advised them to hide their Commodities underground, which they might take again upon our return, and exchange them with the Savages of the North. They approved my Advice, and were sensible that they should prevent many Dangers; for Men are covetous in all Countries. The 18th we embarked again, after having been entertained with Dancing and Feasting; the carried away our Commodities, tho' the Savages were very loath to part with them; but having accepted our Calumet of Peace, they did not presume to stop us by Force. CHAP. XXXVIII. A Continuation of our Voyage on the River Meschasipi. AS we fell down the River, we looked for a fit Place to hide our Commodities, and at last pitched upon one between two Eminences near a Wood We took up the green Sodds, and laid it by, and digged a hole in the Earth where we put our Goods, and covered them with pieces of Timber and Earth, and then put on again the green Turf; so that 'twas impossible to suspect that any Hole had been digged under it, for we flung the Earth into the River. We tore afterwards the Bark of three Oaks and of a large Cotton-Tree, and engraved thereon four Crosses, that we might not miss the Place at our return. We embarked again with all speed, and past by another Village of Savages about six Leagues from Akansa, and then landed at another two Leagues lower, where we were kindly entertained. Men, Women, and Children came to meet us; which makes me believe that the first Akansa had given notice of our arrival to all the Villages of their Nation. We made them some Presents of little value, which they thought very considerable. Presents are the Symbols of Peace in all those Countries. The 21st those Savages carried us in a Pyrogue to see a Nation farther off into the Country, which they call Taensa; for they repeated often that Word, so that we could not but remember it. Those Savages inhabit the Banks of a Lake formed by the Meschasipi; but I had not time enough to make any particular Observation concerning several of the Villages which I saw. These Savages received us with much more Ceremonies than the Akansa; for their Chief came in great Solemnity to the Shoar to meet us. He had a kind of a white Gown, made of Cloth of Bark of Trees, which their Women spun; and two Men carried before him a thin Plate of Copper, as shining as Gold. We presented our Calumet of Peace, which he received with Joy and much Gravity. The Men, Women, and Children, who attended him, expressed a great Respect for me, and kissed the Sleeves of the Habit of St. Francis; which made me believe that they had seen some Spanish Franciscans from New Mexico, it being usual there to kiss the Habit of our Order: But this is a mere Conjecture; tho' I observed they did not pay that Respect to the two Men who were with me. The Taensa conducted us into a fine Cabin of flat Rushes and shining Reeds, and entertained us as well as their Country could afford; and then Men and Women, who are half covered in that Country, danced together before us. Their way of Dancing is much more difficult than ours, but perhaps as pleasant, were it not for their Music, which is very disagreeable. Women repeat every Word the Men have sung. That Country is full of Palm-Trees, wild Laurels, Plum-Trees, Mulbery-Trees, Peach-Trees, Appletrees, and Walnut-Trees of five or six kinds, whose Nuts are a great deal bigger than ours. They have also several sorts of Fruit-Trees unknown in Europe, but I could not discern the Fruit, because of the Season of the Year. The Manners and Temper of that Nation is very different from that of the Iroquois, Hurons, and Illinois. These are Civil, Easie, Tractable, and capable of Instructions; whereas the others are mere Brutes, as fierce and cruel as any wild Beasts. We lay that Night in their Village, and were entertained as civilly as we could have wished for; and we did likewise our utmost to oblige them: We showed them the Effect of our Fire-Arms, and a Pistol, which shot four Bullets one after another, without needing to be new charged. Our Men took their best Cloth, which pleased them very much; and they seemed well satisfied with us, as they expressed by many Signs and Demonstrations. They sent over night to the Koroa, who are their Allies, to give●them notice of our arrival; and their Chief came next Morning in great Ceremony to see us. They seemed transported with Joy, and 'tis great pity we could not understand what they told us, to know what Opinion they entertained of us, and from what part of the World they fansyed we came. I ordered my Men to square a Tree, and having made a Cross, we planted it near the Cabin where we lay. The 22d we left that obliging People, and the Chief of the Koroa attended us to his Village, which is situated about ten Leagues lower upon the River in a fertile Soil, which produces abundance of Indian Corn, and other things necessary for Life. We presented them with three Axes, six Knives, seven Yards of good Tobacco, several Awls and Needles. They received our Presents with great Shouts, and their Chief presented us with a Calumet of Peace of red Marble, the Quill whereof was adorned with Feathers of five or six sorts of Birds. They gave us also a Noble Treat according to their own way, which I liked very well; and after we had dined, the Chief of that Nation understanding by our Signs which way we were bound, took a Stick, and made such Demonstrations, that we understood that we had not above seven Days journey to the Sea, which he represented as a great Lake with large wooden canoe's. The next Day we prepared to continue our Voyage, but they made such Signs to oblige us to stay a Day or two longer, that I was almost persuaded to do it; but seeing the Wether so favourable for our Journey, we embarked again. The Chief of that Nation seeing we were resolved to be gone, sent several Men in two Pyrogues, to attend us to the Mouth of the River with Provisions; but when I saw that the three Chikacha, of whom I have spoken, followed us everywhere, I bid my Men to have care of them, and observe their Motions upon our landing, for fear of any Surprise. It was then Easter-Day, which we kept with great Devotion, tho' we could not say Mass for want of Wine; but we spent all the Day in Prayers in sight of the Savages, who wondered much at it. The Meschasipi divides itself six Leagues below the Villages of the Koroa, into two Branches, forming an Island about sixty Leagues long, according to our best Observation. The Koroa obliged us to follow the Canal to the Westward, tho' the Chikacha, who were in their Pyrogues, endeavoured to persuade me to take the other: But as we had some suspicion of them, we refused to follow their Advice; tho' I was afterwards convinced that they designed only to have the Honour to bring us to several Nations on the other Bank of the River, whom we visited in our return. We lost quickly the Company of our Savages; for the Stream being very rapid in this Place, they could not follow us in their Pyrogues, which are very heavy. We made that Day near forty Leagues, and landed in the Evening upon the Island, where we pitched our Cabin. The 24th we continued our Voyage; and about five and thirty Leagues below the Place we had lain, we discovered two Fishermen, who immediately ran away. We heard some time after a great Cry and the Noise of a Drum; but as we suspected the Chikacha, we kept in the middle of the River, rowing as fast as we could. This was the Nation of Quinipissa, as we understood since. We landed that Night in a Village belonging to the Nation of Tangibac, as we have been informed; but the Inhabitants had been surprised by their Enemies, for we found ten of them murdered in their Cabins; which obliged us to embark again, and cross the River, where we landed; and having made a Fire, roasted our Indian Corn. The 25th we left the Place early in the Morning; and after having rowed the best part of the Day, came to a point where the Mechasipi divides itself into three Canals: We took the middle one, which is very broad and deep. The Water began there to taste brackish, but four Leagues lower it was as salt as the Sea. We rowed about for Leagues farther, and discovered the Sea, which obliged us to go ashore to the Eastward of the River. CHAP. XXXIX. Reasons which obliged us to return towards the Source of the River Meschasipi, without going any farther toward the Sea. MY two Men were very much afraid of the Spaniards of New Mexico, who inhabit to the Westward of this River; and they were perpetually telling me, That if they were taken, the Spaniards would never spare their Lives, or at least give them the Liberty to return into Europe. I knew their Fears were not altogether unreasonable; and therefore I resolved to go no farther, tho' I had no reason to be afraid for myself, our Order being so numerous in New Mexico, that, on that contrary, I might expected to have had in that Country a peaceable and easy Life. I don't pretend to be a Mathematician, but having learned to take the Elevation of the Pole, and make use of the Astrolabe, I might have made some exact Observations, had M. la Salle trusted me with that Instrument: However, I observed that the Meschasipi falls into the Gulf of Mexico, between the 27th and 28th Degrees of Latitude, where, as I believe, our Maps mark a River called Rio Escondido, the Hidden River. The Magdalen River runs between this River and the Mines of St. Barbe in New Mexico. The Mouth of the Meschasipi may be about thirty Leagues from Rio Bravo, sixty from Palmas, and eighty or a hundred from Rio Panuco, the nearest Habitation of the Spaniards; and according to these Observations, the Bay di Spirito Sancto lies to the North-East of the Meschasipi, which from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois to the Sea, runs directly to the South, or South-West, except in its windings and turnings, which are so great, that by our computation there are about 340 Leagues from the River of the Illinois to the Sea, whereas there are not above 150 in a direct Line. The Meschasipi is very deep, without being interrupted by any Sands, so that the biggest Ships may come into it. It's Course from its Source to the Sea, may be 800 Leagues, including Windings and Turnings, as I shall observe anon, having traveled from its Mouth to its Head. My Men were very glad of this Discovery, and to have escaped so many Dangers▪ but, on the other hand, they expressed a great deal of Dissatisfaction to have been at such trouble, without making any Profit, having found no Furs to exchange for their Commodities. They were so impatient to return, that they would never suffer me to build a Cabin upon the Shoar, and continue there for some Days, the better to observe where we were. They squared a Tree of twelve foot high, and made a Cross thereof, which we erected in that Place, leaving there a Letter signed by me and my two Men, containing an account of our Voyage, of our Country, and Profession. We kneeled then near the Cross, and having sung the Vexilla Regis, and some other Hymns, embarked again on the 1st of April to return towards the Source of the River. We saw no body while we continued there, and therefore cannot tell whether any Natives inhabit that Coast, We lay during the time we remained ashore under our Canow's, supported with four Forks, and the better to protect us against the Rain, we had some Rolls of Birch-Bark, wherewith we made a kind of Curtains about our Canow, hanging from the top down to the ground. 'Tis observable, that during our Navigation, God protected us against the Crocodiles, which are very numerous in that River, and especially towards the Mouth: They look dreadful, and would have attacked us, had we not been very careful to avoid them. We were very good Husbands of our Indian Corn; for the Banks of the River being full of Reeds, it was almost impossible to land to endeavour to kill some Beasts for our Subsistence. Our Canow being loaded only with three Men and our Provisions, did not draw three Inches Water, and therefore we could row very near the shore, and avoid the Current of the River; and besides, my Men had such a Desire to return to the North, that that very Day we came to Tangibao; but because the Savages we had found murdered in their Cabins, made us believe that that Place was not safe, we continued our Voyage all the Night long, after having Supped, lighting a great Match to fright the Crocodiles away, for they fear nothing so much as Fire. The next Day, April 2. we saw towards break of Day a great Smoke not far from us, and a little while after we discovered four Savage Women loaded with Wood, and marching as fast as they could to arrive at their Village before us, but we got soon before them. Some Bustards coming near us, one of my Men could not forbear to shoot at them; which so much frighted these Women, that they left their Load of Wood, and run away to their Village, where they arrived before us. The Savages having heard the noise, were in as great fear as their Wives, and left the Village upon our approach; but I landed immediately, and advanced alone with the Calumet of Peace; whereupon they returned, and received us with all the Respect and Civility imaginable. They brought us into a great Cabin, and gave us several things to eat, sending notice in the mean time to their Allies that we were arrived there; so that a great number of People crowded about to see us. They admired our Guns, and lifting up their Hands to Heaven, made us conceive they compared them to Thunder and Lightning; but seeing us shoot Birds at a great distance, they were so amazed that they could not speak a word. Our Men were so kindly entertained, that had it not been for the Commodities they had hid underground, they would have remained amongst that Nation; and truly it was chiefly to prevent any such thing that I ordered them to do it, judging from the Civility of those Savages, that they were like to be tempted to remain with them. This Nation called themselves Quinipissa. We made them some small Presents, to show our Gratitude for their kind Entertainment, and left that Place April 4. and rowed with such Diligence, that we arrived the same Day at Koroa. That Nation was not frighted as the first time, but received us with all imaginable Demonstrations of Joy, carrying our Canow upon their Shoulders in a triumphant manner, and twelve Men dancing before us with fine Feathers in their Hands. The Women followed us with their Children, who held me by my Gown and Girdle, expressing much the same Kindness to my two Men. They conducted me in that manner to the Cabin they had prepared for us, made of fine Mats of painted Rushes, and adorned with white Coverings made of Bark of Trees, spun as finely as our Linen-Cloth; and after we had refreshed ourselves with the Victuals they had prepared for us, they left us alone, to give us time to rest ourselves, which we did all the Night long. The next Morning I was surprised to see their Indian Corn, which we left very green, grown already to maturity; but I have learned since, that that Corn is ripe sixty Days after it is sown. I observed there also another sort of Corn; but for want of understanding their Language, I was not able to know its Use and Name. CHAP. XL. An Account of our Departure from Koroa to continue our Voyage. I Left Koroa, the next Day, April 5. with a design to visit several Nations inhabiting the Coast of the Meschasipi, but my Men would never consent thereunto, telling me that they had no Business there, and they were obliged to make all the haste they could towards the North, to exchange their Commodities for Furs. I told them that Public Good was to be preferred to Private Interest; but I could not persuade them to any such thing; and they told me that every one ought to be free; that they were resolved to go towards the Source of the River, but that I might remain amongst those Nations, if I thought fit. In short, I found myself obliged to submit to their Will, tho' they had received Orders to obey my Direction. We arrived the 7th in the Habitation of the Taensas, who had already been informed of our return from the Sea, and were prepared to receive us, having for that end sent for their Allies inhabiting the inland Country to the Westward of the River. They used all possible endeavour to oblige us to remain with them, and offered us a great many things; but our Men would not stay one single Day; tho' I confess the Civility of that People, and the good Disposition I observed in them, would have stopped me amongst them, had I been provided with things necessary for the Function of my Ministry. We parted the 8th, and the Taensas followed us several Leagues in their lightest Pyrogues, but were at last obliged to quit us, being not able to keep pace with our Canow. One of our Men shot three▪ Wild-Ducks at once, which they admired above all things, it being impossible to do so with their Arrows. We gave them some Tobacco, and parted from them, our Men rowing with all their Strength, to let them see we had kept company with them out of mere Civility. The 9th we came to the Place where our Men had hidden their Commodities; but when my Men saw that the Savages had burnt the Trees which we had marked, they were so afraid, that they were near sounding away, and did not doubt but their Goods were lost. We went ashore; and while I was mending our Canow, they went to look for their Treasure, which they found in good condition. They were so transported with Joy, that Picard came immediately to tell me that all was well. In the mean time, the Akansas having received advice of our return, came down in great numbers along the River to meet us; and lest they should see our Men taking again their Goods from under the Ground, I advanced to meet them with the Calumet of Peace, and stopped them to smoke, it being a sacred Law amongst them to smoke in such a Juncture; and whosoever would refuse, should run a danger of being murdered by the Savages, who have an extraordinary Veneration for the Calumet. Whilst I stopped them, my Men put their Commodities into their Canow, and came to take me into it. The Savages saw nothing of it, of which I was very glad; for tho' they were our own, perhaps they might claim part of them upon some Pretence or other. I made several signs upon the Sand, to make them apprehend what I thought; but with what success I don't know, for I could not understand a word of what they said, their Language having no affinity with those of their Neighbours I have conversed withal, both since and after my Voyage to the Mouth of the Meschasipi. I got into the Canow, and went by Water to the Village of the Akansas, while they went by Land; but our Men rowed so fast, that they could hardly keep pace with us. One of them, who was a good Runner, arrived at the Village before us, and came to the shore with the Women and Children to receive us, which they did even with more Civility than they had expressed the first time. Our Men suspected that this was only to get our Commodities, which they admired; but they are certainly a good People, and instead of deserving the Name of a Barbarous Nation, as the Europeans call all the Natives of America, I think they have more Humanity than many Natives of Europe, who pretend to be very civil and affable to Strangers. It would be needless to give here an exact account of the Feast and Dances that were made for our Entertainment, nor of the Melancholy they expressed upon our departure. I must own, that I had much ado to leave them, but my two Men would not give me leave to tarry a Day, seeing these Nations having had no Commerce with the Europeans, did not know the value of beaver's Skins or other Furs, whereas they thought that the Savages inhabiting about the Source of the Meschasipi, might have been informed thereof by the Inhabitants of the Banks of the Superior or Great Lake, which we found to be true, as we shall observe anon. We left the Akansas upon the 24th of April, having presented them with several little Toys, which they received with an extraordinary Joy; and during sixty Leagues, saw no Savage neither of the Nation of Chikacha, or Messorite, which made us believe that they were gone a Hunting with their Families, or else fled away for fear of the Savages of Tintonha, that is to say, inhabiting the Meadows, who are their irreconcilable Enemies. This made our Voyage the more easy, for our Men landed several times to kill some Fowls and other Game, with which the Banks of the Meschasipi are plentifully stocked; however, before we came to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, we discovered several Messorites, who came down all along the River; but as they had no Pyrogues with them, we crossed to the other side; and to avoid any surprise during the Night, we made no Fire; and ●he reb●y the Savages could not discover whereabout we were; for doubtless they would have murdered us, thinking we were their Enemies. I had quite forgot to relate, that the Illinois had told us, that towards the Cape, which I have called in my Map St. Anthony, near the Nation of the Messorites, there were some Tritons, and other Sea-Monsters painted, which the boldest Men durst not look upon, there being some Enchantment in their face. I thought this was a Story; but when we came near the Place they had mentioned, we saw instead of these Monsters, a Horse and some other Beasts painted upon the Rock with red Colours by the Savages. The Illinois had told us likewise, that the Rock on which these dreadful Monsters stood was so steep that no Man could climb up to it; but had we not been afraid of the Savages more than of the Monsters, we had certainly got up to them. There is a common Tradition amongst that People, That a great number of Miamis were drowned in that Place, being pursued by the Savages of Matsigamea; and since that time, the Savages going by the Rock, use to smoke and offer Tobacco to those Beasts, to appease, as they say, the Manitou, that is, in the Language of the Algonquins and Accadians, an Evil Spirit, which the Iroquois call Otkon; but the Name is the only thing they know of him. While I was at Quebec, I understood that M. jolliet had been upon the Meschasipi, and obliged to return without going down that River, because of the Monsters I have spoken of, who had frighted him, as also because he was afraid to be taken by the Spaniards; and having an Opportunity to know the Truth of that Story from M. jolliet, himself, with whom I had often traveled upon the River St. Laurence, I asked him whether he had been as far as the Akansas? That Gentleman answered me, That the Outtaovats had often spoke to him of those Monsters; but that he had never gone farther than the Hurons and Outtaovats, with whom he had remained to exchange our European Commodities with their Furs. He added, That the Savages had told him, that it was not safe to go down the River, because of the Spaniards. But notwithstanding this Report, I have found nowhere upon that River any Mark, as Crosses, and the like, that could persuade me that the Spaniards had been there; and the Savages inhabiting the Meschasipi would not have expressed such Admiration as they did when they saw us, if they had seen any Europeans before. I'll examine this Question more at large in my Second Volume. CHAP. XLI. A particular Account of the River Meschasipi; Of the Country through which it flows; and of the Mines of Copper, Lead, and Coals we discovered in our Voyage. FRom thirty Leagues below Maroa, down to the Sea, the Banks of the Meschasipi are full of Reeds or Canes; but we observed about forty places, where one may Land with great Facility. The River overflows its Banks now and then; but the Inundation is not very considerable, because of the little Hills which stop its Waters. The Country beyond those Hills is the finest that ever I saw, it being a Plain, whose Bounds I don't know, adorned now and then with some Hills and Eminences covered with fine Trees, making the rarest Prospect in the World. The Banks of the small Rivers flowing through the Plain, are planted with Trees, which seem to have been disposed into that curious Order by the Art of Men; and they are plentifully stocked with Fish, as well as the Meschasipi. The Crocodiles are very dangerous upon this great River, as I have already observed; and they devour a Man if they can surprise him; but 'tis easy to avoid them, for they don't swim after Men, nor follow them ashore. The Country affords all sorts of Game, as Turkeycocks, Partridges, Quails, Parrots, Woodcocks, Turtle-Doves, and Wood-Pigeons; and abundance of wild-oxens, wild-Goats, Stags, Beavers, Otters, martin's, and wild-Cats: But as we approached the Sea, we saw no Beavers. I design to give a particular Account of these Creatures in another place; in the mean time we shall take notice of two others, who are unknown in Europe. I have already mentioned a little Animal, like a Musk'd-Rat, that M. lafoy Salle killed as we came from Fort Miamis to the Illinois, which deserves a particular Description. It looks like a Rat as to the Shape of its Body, but it is as big as a Cat: His Skin looks Silver-like, with some fair black Hair, which makes the Colour the more admirable. His Tail is without any Hair, as big as the Finger, and about a Foot long, wherewith he hangs himself to the Boughs of Trees. That Creature has under the Belly a kind of Sack, wherein they put their young ones when they are pursued; which is one of the most wonderful Things of the World, and a clear Demonstration of the Providence and Goodness of the Almighty, who takes so particular a Care of the meanest of his Creatures. There is no fierce Beast in all that Country that dares attack Men; for the Mechibichi, the most terrible of all, and who devours all other Beasts whatsoever, runs away upon the Approach of a Savage. The Head of that Creature is very like that of the spotted Lynx, but somewhat bigger: his Body is long, and as tall as a wild-Goat, but his Legs are shorter: his Paws are like a Cat's-Foot; but the Claws are so long and strong; that no other Beast can resist them. When they have killed any Beast, they eat part of it, and carry the rest upon their Back, to hide it in the Woods; and I have been told that no other Beast dare meddle with it. Their Skin is much like that of a Lion, as well as their Tail; but their Head is much bigger. The Savages gave us to understand that to the Westward of their Habitation, there are some Beasts who carry Men upon their Back, and showed us the Hoof, and part of the Leg of one, which was certainly the Hoof of a Horse: and surely Horses must not be utterly unknown in the Northern America: for then how could theSavages have drawn upon theRock I have mentioned, the Figure of that Animal? They have in that Country all sorts of Trees we have in Europe, and a great many other unknown to us. There are the finest Cedars in the World; and another sort of Tree, from which drops a most fragrant Gum, which in my Opinion exceeds our best Perfumes. The Cotton-Trees are of a prodigious height; the Savages make them hollow with Fire, to make their Pyrogues; and we have seen some of them all of apiece, above an hundred Foot long. The Oak is so good, that I believe it exceeds ours for Building Ships. I have observed that Hemp grows naturally in that Country, and that they make Tarr and Pitch toward the Seacoasts; and as I don't question but that there are some Iron-Mines, the Building of Men of War would be very cheap in the River Meschasipi. I took Notice in my Description of Lovisiana, that there are vast Meadows, which need not to be grubbed up, but are ready for the Blow and seed; and certainly the Soil must be very fruitful, since Beans grow naturally, without any Culture. Their Stalks subsist several Years, bearing Fruit in the proper Seasons: It is as big as one's Arm, and climbs up the highest Trees, just as Ivy does. The Peach-Trees are like ours, and so fruitful, that they would break if they were not supported. Their Forests are full of Mulberry-Trees and Plum-Trees, whose Fruit is bemusked. They have also Plenty of Pomegranate-Trees and Chest-nut-Trees: And 'tis observable, that all these Trees are covered with Vines, whose Grapes are very big and sweet. They have three of four Crops of Indian-Corn; for they have no other Winter than some Rains. We had not time enough to look for Mines; but we found in several places some Pit-Coal; and the Savages showed us great Mines of Lead and Copper. They have also Quarries of Freestone; and of Black, White, and Jasper-like Marble, of which they make their Calumets. These Savages are good-natured Men, affable, civil, and obliging; but I design to make a particular Tract concerning their Manners, in my Second Volume. It seems they have no Sentiments of Religion; tho' one may judge from their Actions, that they have a kind of Veneration for the Sun, which they acknowledge as it seems, for the Maker and Preserver of all things. When the Nadovessians and Issati take Tobacco, they look upon the Sun, which they call in their Language Lovis; and as soon as they have lighted their Pipe, they present it to the Sun with these Words, Tchendiouba Lovis, that is to say, Smoke Sun; which I took for a kind of Adoration. I was glad when I heard that this only Deity was called Lovis, because it was also my Name. They call the Moon Lovis Basatsche, that is to say, The Sun of the Night; so that the Moon and Sun have the same Name, except that the Moon is distinguished by the Word Basatsche. They offer also to the Sun the best part of the Beast they kill, which they carry to the Cabin of their Chief, who makes his Profit thereof, and mumble some Words as it raises. They offer also the first Smoke of their Calumets, and then blow the Smoke towards the four Corners of the World. This is all I have observed concerning their Religion; which makes me believe that they have a religious Veneration for the Sun. CHAP. XLII. An Account of the various Languages of the Nations inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi; of their Submission to their Chief; of the Difference of their Manners from the Savages of Canada; and of the Difficulties, or rather Impossibilities attending their Conversion. 'TIS surprising that every Nation of the Savages of the Northern America should have a peculiar Language; for tho' some of them live not ten Leagues one from another, they must use an Interpreter to talk together, there being no universal Language amongst them; as one may call the Lingua Franca, which is understood upon all the Coast of the Mediterranean-Sea; or the Latin Tongue, common to all the Learned Men of Europe. However, those who live so near one another, understand some Words used amongst their Neighbours, but not well enough to treat together without an Interpreter; and therefore they use to send one of their Men to each of their Allies, to learn their Language, and remain with them as their Resident, and take Care of their Concerns. The Savages differ from those of Canada both in their Manners, Customs, Temper, Inclinations, and even in the Form of their Head; those of the Meschasipi having their Head very flat. They have large Places in their Villages, where they meet together upon any public rejoicings; and where they have public Games at certain Seasons of the Year. They are lively and active, having noting of that Morosity and Pensiveness of the Iroquois and others. Their Chiefs have a more absolute Authority than those of the other Savages, which Power is very narrow; and those who live the nearest to the Mouth of the River, have such a Deference for their Chief, that they dare not pass between Him and a Flambeau, which is always carried before him in all Ceremonies. These Chiefs have Servants and Officers to wait upon them: They distribute Rewards and Presents as they think fit. In short, They have amongst them a Form of Political Government; and I must own they make a tolerable use of their Reason. They were altogether ignorant of Fire-Arms, and all other Instruments and Tools of Iron and Steel, their Knives and Axes being made of Flint, and other sharp Stones; whereas we were told that the Spaniards of New Mexico lived not above forty Leagues from them, and supplied them with all the Tools, and other Commodities of Europe. We found nothing among them that might be suspected to come from the Europeans, unless it be some little Pieces of Glass put upon a Thread, with which their Women use to adorn their Heads. They wear Bracelets and Earrings of fine Pearls, which they spoil, having nothing to boar them, but with Fire. They made us to understand that they have them in exchange for their Calumets, from some Nations inhabiting the Coast of the Great Lake to the Southward, which I take to be the Gulf of Florida. I'll say nothing here, or at least very little, concerning their Conversion, reserving to discourse fully upon that Subject, in a Third Volume, wherein I promise myself to undeceive many People about the false Opinions they entertain on this Matter. wherever the Apostles appeared, they converted so great a number of People, that the Gospel was known and believed in a short time, through most part of the then-known World. But our Modern Missions are not attended with that Grace and Power, and therefore we are not to expect those miraculous Conversions. I have imparted to them, as well as I could, the chief and general Truths of the Christian Religion: But, as I have observed already, the Languages of those Nations, having little or no Affinity one with another, I cannot say that my Endeavours have been very successful, tho' I learned the Language of the Issati or Nadoussians, and understood indifferently that of the Illinois: But the Truths of Christianity are so sublime, that I fear, neither my Words nor Signs and Actions have been able to give them an Idea of what I preached unto them. GOD alone, who knows the Hearts of Men, knows also what Success my Endeavours have had. The Baptism I have administered to several Children, of whose Death I was morally assured, is the only certain Fruit of my Mission. But after all, I have only discovered the way for other Missionaries, and shall be ready at all times to return thither, thinking myself very happy if I can spend the rest of my Days in endeavouring my own and other mens' Salvation; and especially in favour of those poor Nations, who have been hitherto ignorant of their Creator and Redeemer. But lest I should tire the Reader, I reassume the Thread of my Discourse. CHAP. XLIII. An Account of the Fishery of the Sturgeons; and of the Course we took, for fear of meeting some of our Men from Fort Crevecoeur. WE embarked the 24th of April, as I have already said, and our Provisions being spent some Days after, we had nothing to live upon, but the Game we kill d, or the Fish we could catch. Stags, wild-Goats, and even wild Oxen are pretty scarce toward the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; for this Nation comes as far as the Meschasipi to hunt them; but by good chance we found a great quantity of Sturgeons, with long Bills, as we call d them, from the Shape of their Head. It was then the Season that these Fish's spawn; and they come as near the Shoar as they can; so that we killed as many as we would with our Axes and Swords, without spending our Powder and Shot. They were so numerous, that we took nothing but the Belly, and other dainty Parts, throwing off the rest. As we came near the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, my Men begun to be very afraid to meet with their Comrades of Fort Crevecoeur; for having not yet exchanged their Commodities, as they were ordered, and refused to go Northward at first, as I desired them, they had much reason to fear that they would stop them, and punish them for not having followed my Directions. I was likewise afraid, that by these Means our Voyage towards the Sea would be discovered, (there being some Reasons to keep it secret, as I shall observe in another place) and our farther Discovery stopped; and therefore to prevent any such thing, I advised them to row all the Night, and rest ourselves during the Day in the Islands; which are so numerous in that River. The Trees and Vines wherewith those Islands are covered, are so thick, that one can hardly Land, and so we might lie there very safe, it being impossible to discover us. This Advice was approved, and thereby we avoided any Rencounter; for I did not doubt but our Men came now and then from Fort Crevecoeur, to observe the Meschasipi, and get Intelligence of us. But when we found ourselves pretty far from the the River of the Illinois, we traveled in the Day, as we used to do, in order to make our Observations, and view the Country; which does not appear so fertile, nor covered with so fine Trees above the River of the Illinois, as it is below, down the Meschasipi to the Sea. CHAP. XLIV. A short Account of the Rivers that fall into the Meschasipi; of the Lake of Tears; of the Fall of St. Anthony; of the wild Oats of that Country; and several other Circumstances of our Voyage. NO Rivers, as I have already said, run into the Meschasipi between the river of the Illinois and the Fall of St. Anthony, from the Westward, but the River Ottenta, and another which falls into it within eight Leagues of the said Fall: But on the Eastward we met with a pretty large River, called Ouisconsin or Misconsin, which comes from the Northward. This River is near ' as large as that of the Illinois; but I cannot give an exact account of the length of its Course, for we left it about sixty Leagues from its Mouth, to make a Portage into another River, which runs into the Bay of Puans, as I shall observe when I come to speak of our return from Issati into Canada. This River Ouisconsin runs into the Meschasipi about 100 Leagues above that of the Illinois. Within five and twenty Leaguesafter, we met another River coming from the Eastward, named by the Issati and Nadoussians, Chebadeba, that is, The Black River. I can say very little of it, having observed only its Mouth; but I judge from thence, that it is not very considerable. About thirty Leagues higher we found the Lake of Tears, which we named so, because the Savages, who took us, as it will be hereafter related, consulted in this place what they should do with their Prisoners; and those who were for murdering us, cried all the Night upon us, to oblige, by their Tears, their Companions to consent to our Death. This Lake is formed by the Meschasipi, and may be seven Leagues long and five broad. Its Waters are almost standing, the Stream being hardly perceptible in the middle. We met within a League above the Lake, another River, called The River of the Wild Oxen; because of the great number of those Beasts grazing upon its Banks. It falls with a great Rapidity into the Meschasipi; but some Leagues above its Mouth, the Stream is very gentle and moderate. There is an infinite number of large Tortoises in that River, which are very relishing. A Row of Mountains fence its Banks in some places. There is another River, which falls forty Leagues above this last, into the Meschasipi; through which one may go into the Superior Lake, by making a Portage from it into the River Nissipikovet, which runs into the same Lake. It is full of Rocks and rapid Streams. We named it The River of the Grave or Mausolaeum, because the Savages buried there one of their Men, who was bitten by a Rattle-Snake. They used great Ceremonies in his Funeral, which I shall describe in another place; and I put upon his Corpse a white Covering; for which the Savages returned me their public Thanks; and made a great Feast, to which above an hundred Men were invited. The Navigation of the Meschasipi is interrupted ten Leagues above this River of the Grave, by a Fall of fifty or sixty Foot high, which we called The Fall of St. Anthony of Milan, whom we had taken for the Protector of our Discovery. There is a Rock of a Pyramidal Figure, just in the middle of the Fall of the River. The Row of Mountains fencing the Banks of the Meschasipi, ends at the Mouth of the River of Ouisconsin; and there we likewise observed, that that River which runs from thence to Sea almost directly North and South, runs then from the Westward or the North-West. The Misfortune we had of being taken Prisoners, hindered us from going as far as its Source, which we could never learn from the Savages, who told us only, that about twenty or thirty Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony, there is another Fall; near which a Nation of Savages inhabit at certain Seasons of the Year. They call those Nations Tintonha, that is, The Inhabitants of the Meadows. Eight Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony, we met with the River of the Issati or Nadovessians, which is very narrow at the Mouth. It comes out from the Lake of the Issati, lying about seventy Leagues from its Mouth. We called this River The River of St. Francis; and it was in this Place that we were made Slaves by the Issati. The Course of the Meschasipi, according to our best Computation, is about 800 Leagues long, from Tintonha to the Sea, including its Windings and Turnings; which are very great, and may be navigable from the Fall of St. Anthony, for flat-bottom'd-Boats, provided the Island were cleared from Trees, and especially from Vines; which having tied the Trees together, would stop a Boat in many places. The Country about the Lake Issati is a Marshy Ground, wherein grows abundance of wild Oats, which grow without any culture or sowing, in Lakes, provided they are not above three Foot deep. That Corn is much like our Oats, but much better; and its Stalks are a great deal longer when it is ripe. The Savages gather it, and live thereupon several Months of the Year, making a kind of Broth thereof. The Savage Women are obliged to tie several Stalks together with White Bark of Trees, to fright away the Ducks, Teals, or Swans, which otherwise would spoil it before it be ripe. This Lake of Issati lies within sixty Leagues to the Westward of the Superior Lake; but 'tis impossible to travel by Land from one to the other, unless it be in a hard Frost, because of the Marshy Grounds, which otherwise sink under a Man; but, as I have already said, they may use their Canow's, tho' it be very troublesome, because of the many Portages, and the length of the Way, which, by reason of the Windings of the River, is about 150 Leagues. The shortest Way is by the River of the Grave, through which we went in our Return. We found nothing but the Bones of the Savage we had buried there, the Bears having pulled out with their Paws the great Stakes the Savages had beat deep into the Ground round about the Corpse; which is their usual Way of burying their Dead. We found near the Grave a Calumet or Pipe of War, and a Pot, in which the Savages had left some fat Meat of wild Oxen, for the use of their dead Friend, during his Voyage into the Country of Souls; which showeth that they believe their Immortality. There are many other Lakes near the River Issati, from which several Rivers spring. The Banks of those Rivers are inhabited by the Issati, the Nadoussians, the Tintonha or Inhabitants of Meadows, the Ouadebathon or Men of Rivers, the Chongasketon or Nation of the Wolf or the Dog; for Chonga signifies either of these Creatures. There are also several other Nations, which we include under the general Denomination of Nadoussians. These Savages may bring into the Field eight or nine thousand Men: They are Brave, Bold, great Runners, and good Marksmen with their Arrows. It was a Party of these Savages that took us Prisoners, and carried us to the Issati, as I am going to relate in the following Chapter. CHAP. XLV. The Author and his Canow-Men are taken by the Savages, who, after several Attempts upon their Lives, carry them away with them into their Country above the River Meschasipi. WE used to go to Prayers thrice a Day, as I have elsewhere observed; and my constant Request to God was, That when we should first meet the Savages, it might happen to be by Day. Their Custom is, to kill as Enemies all they meet by Night, to enrich themselves with their Spoils, which are nothing but a Parcel of Hatchets, Knives, and such like Trifles; which yet they value more than we do Gold or Silver. They make no Scruple to assassinate even their own Allies, when they think they can handsomely conceal the Murder; for by such Exploits it is they hope to gain the Reputation of being great Soldiers, and to pass for Men of Courage and Resolution. 'Twas with a great deal of Satisfaction that we surveyed the Pleasures of the River Meschasipi, all along our Passage up it, which had been since the First of April. Nothing as yet had interrupted our Observations, whither it were navigable above or below. In our Way we killed seven or eight Bustards or Wild Turkeys, which in these Country's increase mightily, as well as all other Wild Creatures. We had also plenty of Bulls, Dears, Castor's, Fish, and Bears-Flesh; which last we killed as they were swimming over the River. And here I cannot forbear seriously reflecting on that secret Pleasure and Satisfaction of Mind, which is to be found in Prayer, and the real Advantages which may be drawn from thence, when I consider how effectually my own were heard: For the same Day, being the Twelfth of April, as our two Men were boiling one of the Bustards, and myself refitting our Canow on the Banks of the River, I perceived all of a sudden about Two in the Afternoon, no less than fifty canoe's, which were made of Bark, and manned with 120 Savages, who were stark naked, and came down the River with an extraordinary Swiftness, to surprise the Miamis, Illinois, and Marohans, their Enemies. We threw away the Broth which was a preparing, and getting aboard as fast as we could, made towards them, crying out thrice, Mistigouche and Diatchez, which in the Language of the Iroquois and Algonquins, is as much as to say, Comrades, we are Men of Wooden-Canows; for so they call those that sail in great Vessels. This had no effect, for the Barbarians understood not what we said; so that they surrounded us immediately, and began to let fly their Arrows at a Distance; till the Eldest amongst them perceiving that I had a Calumet or Pipe of Peace in my Hand, came up to us, and prevented our being murdered by their Warriors. These Men, who are more brutal than those of the lower River, fell a jumping out of their Canow's, some upon Land, others into the Water; surrounding us on all sides, with Shrieks and Out-cries that were indeed very terrifying. 'Twas to no purpose to resist, being but three to so great a number. One of them snatched the Pipe of Peace out of my Hand, as our Canow and theirs were fastened together on the Bank of the River. We presented them with some small Pieces of Martinico Tobacco, because it was better than what they had. As they received it, the Elders of them cried out Miahima, Miahima; but what they meant by it we know it. However we made Signs with our Oars upon the Sand, that the Miamis their Enemies, whom they were in search of, had passed the River, and were upon their Flight to join the Illinois. When they saw themselves discovered, and consequently out of all hopes of surprising their Enemies, three or four of the eldest of them laid their Hands on my Head, and began to weep bitterly, accompanying their Tears with such mournful Accents as can hardly be expressed; till with a sorry Handcherchif of Armenian Cloth, which I had left, I made a shift to dry up their Tears: However, to very little purpose; for refusing to smoke in our Calumet or Pipe of Peace, they thereby gave us to understand, that their Design was still to murder us. Hereupon with an horrid Outcry, which they set up all at once, to make it yet the more terrible, they hurried us cross the River, forcing us to redouble the Strokes of our Oar, to make the more speed; and entertaining us all the while with such dismal Howls, as were capable of striking Terror into the most resolute and daring Souls. Being come ashore on the other side, we unloaded our Canow, and landed our Things, part of which they had robbed us of already. Some time after our Landing, we made a Fire a second time, to make an end of boiling our Bustard. Two others we presented the Barbarians, who having consulted together what they should do with us, two of their Leaders came up to us, and made us to understand by Signs, that their Warriors were resolved upon our Death. This obliged me, whilst one of our Canow-Men looked after our Things, to go with the other and apply myself to their Chiefs. Six Hatchets, fifteen Knives, some pieces of Tobacco, was the Present that I made them. After which, bending my Neck, and pointing to a Hatchet, I signified to them by that Submission, that we threw ourselves on their Mercy. The Present had the good Effect to soften some of them, who, according to their Custom, gave us some Flesh of Beaver to eat, themselves putting the three first Bits in our Mouths; having first blown upon it, because the Meat was hot. After this they set their Platter before us, which was made of the Bark of a Tree, leaving us at Liberty to feed after our own fashion. These Civilities did not hinder us from passing the Night very uneasily, because in the Evening before they went to sleep, they had returned us our Calumet of Peace. The two Canow-Men resolved to sell their Lives as dear as they could, and to defend themselves like Men to the last, in Case they should attack us. For my part, I told them I resolved to suffer myself to be slain without the least resistance, in imitation of our Saviour, who resigned himself up voluntarily into the Hand of his Executioner. However, we watched all Night by turns, that we might not be surprised in our Sleep. CHAP. XLVI. Resolution which the Barbarians take to carry the Author and his two Men along with them up into their Country, above the River Meschasipi. THE 13th of April, very early in the Morning, one of their Captains, whose Name was Narrhetoba, being one of those who had been for killing us, and whose Body was painted all over, came and demanded my Pipe of Peace. It being delivered him, he filled it with Tobacco of their own growth, and made those of his own Band smoke in it first; then all the rest that had been for putting us to Death. After this he made Signs that we must go with them into their Country, whither they were then about to return. This Proposal did not startle me much, for having, caused the Enterprise which they had framed against their Enemies to miscarry, I was not unwilling to embrace any opportunity of making farther Discoveries amongst these Barbarous Nations. That which perplexed we most, was the Difficulty I had of saying my Office, and performing the rest of my Devotions in the Presence of these Wretches. Many of them observing my Lips to move, told me in a harsh severe Tone, Ouackanche; from whence, because we understood not a Word of their Language, we concluded them to be very angry. Michael Ako, one of the Canow-Men, told me with a frightful Air, that if I continued to say my Breviary, we should infallibly be murdered by them. The Picard du Gay desired me at least to say my Prayers in private, for fear of enraging them too far. The last Advice seemed the best; but the more I endeavoured to conceal myself, the more of them had I at my Heels. If at any time I retired into the Woods, they immediately concluded 'twas to hide something: So that I knew not which way to turn me for the performance of my Duty; for they would never suffer me a Moment out of their Sight. This compelled me at last to acquaint the two Canow-Men, that I could no longer dispense with myself in omitting the Duty of my Office: That if they should murder us on this account, I should indeed be the innocent Cause of their Death as well as my own; that therefore I ran the same Risque as they, but that no Danger was great enough to justify me in the dispensing with my Duty. In fine, the Barbarians understood by the Word Ouackanche, that the Book in which I read, was an Evil Spirit, as I afterwards understood by being amongst them. However, I then knew by their Gestures that they had an aversion for it. Wherefore to use them to it by degrees, I was wont to sing the Litanies, as we were upon the Way, holding the Book in my Hand. They fondly believed my Breviary was a Spirit, which taught me to sing thus thus for their Diversion. All these People naturally love Singing. CHAP. XLVII. The many Outrages done us by the Savages, before we arrived in their Country. They frequently design against our Lives. THE many Outrages which were done us by these Barbarians, through the whole Course of our Voyage, are not to be imagined. Our Canow was both bigger and heavier laden than Theirs. They seldom carry any thing but a Quiver full of Arrows, a Bow, and some sorry Skin or other, which usually serves two of them for a Coverlet. The Nights were sharp as yet for the Season, by reason of our advancing still Northwards; so that at Night 'twas necessary to keep ourselves as warm as we could. Our Conductors observing that we did not make so much Way as themselves, ordered three of their Warriors to go aboard us. One seated himself on my Left, the other two behind the Men, to help them to row, that we might make the more haste. The Barbarians sometimes row no less than thirty Leagues a Day, when they are in haste to take the Field, and design to surprise their Enemies. Those who took us were of divers Villages, and as much divided in their Sentiments in regard of us. Every Evening 'twas our peculiar Care to plant our Cabin near the young Chief, who had taken Tobacco in our Pipe of Peace; signifying to him thereby, that we put ourselves under his Protection. This we did by reason of the Divisions which reigned among the Savages. Aquipaguelin, one of their chiefs, who had a Son killed by the Miamis, finding he could not revenge himself of that Nation, thought of venting his Passion upon us. Every Night would he bewail his Son, whom he had lost in the War, thinking thereby to stir up those of his Band to revenge his Death, kill us, seize our Effects, and after that pursue the Miamis. But the other Savages, who were very fond of European Commodities, thought it more adviseable to protect us, that other Europeans might be encouraged to come amongst them. They chiefly desired Guns, upon which they set the highest value, having seen the use of them upon one of our Canow-Men's killing three or four Bustards or Wild-Turkeys, at one single Discharge of his Fusil; whereas they could not kill above one at a time with their Bows. We have understood by them since, that the Words Manza Ouakanché signify Iron possessed by an Evil Spirit. So they call the Fusil, which breaks a Man's Bones; whereas their Arrows glide only between the Flesh and the Muscles, which they pierce without breaking the Bone, very seldom at least. For which reason it is, that these People do much easier cure the Wounds which are made by the Arrow or Dart, than those of the Fusil. When we were first taken by the Barbarians, we were got about an hundred and fifty Leagues up the River, from that of the Illinois. We rowed afterwards in their Company for nineteen Days together, sometimes North, sometimes North-East, as we judged by the Quarters from whence the Wind blew, and according to the best Observations we could make by our Compass. So that after these Barbarians had forced us to follow them● we made more than two hundred and fifty Leagues upon that same River. The Savages are of an extraordinary force in a Canow. They'll row from Morning to Night without resting, or hardly allowing themselves so much time as to eat their Victuals. To oblige us to follow them the faster, there were usually four or five of their Men a-board us; for our Canow was larger and deeper loaden than theirs so that we had need of their Assistance to be able to keep 'em company. When it reigned, we set up our Cabins; but when 'twas fair, the Heavens were our Canopy. By this means we had leisure of taking our Observations from the Moon and the Stars when it was clear. Notwithstanding the fatigue of the Day, the youngest of the Warriors went at Night and danced the Reed before four or five of their Captains till midnight. The Captain to whose Quarter they went, sent with a deal of Ceremony to those that Danced, a Warrior of his own Family, to make them Smoak one after another in his own Reed of War, which is distinguished from that of Peace by its Feathers. This sort of Ceremony is always concluded by the two Youngest of those who have had any Relations killed in the Wars. These take several Arrows, and laying them across at the point, present them in that manner to their Captains, weeping very bitterly; who, notwithstanding the excess of their Sorrow, return them back to be kissed. In short, neither the Fatigues of the Day, nor Watchings, are sufficient to prevail with the Elders so much as to shut their Eyes, most of them watching till almost break of Day, for fear of being surprised by their Enemies. As soon as the Morning appears, one of them sets up the ordinary Cry, when in a moment the Warriors are all in their Canow's. Some are sent to encompass the Islands, and see what Game they can meet with; whilst others more swift go by Land to discover by the Smoke the Place where the Enemies lie. CHAP. XLVIII. The Advantages which the Savages of the North have over those of the South, in relation to the War: As also the Ceremony which was performed by one of our Captains, having caused us to halt at Noon. WHen the Savages of the North are at War, 'tis their custom to post themselves upon the point of some one of those many Islands, of which this River is full, where they look upon themselves to be always safe. Those of the South who are their Enemies, have nothing but Pyrogues, or canoe's of Wood, with which they cannot go very fast, because of their weight. None but the Northern Nations have Birch to make canoe's of Bark. The People of the South are deprived of this Advantage, whereas those of the North can with an admirable facility pass from Lake to Lake, and River to River, to attack their Enemy. Nay, when they are discovered, they value it not, provided they have time to recover their Canow's; for 'tis impossible for those who pursue them either by Land or in the Pyrogues, to do it with any success. As to what relates to Ambuscades no Nation in the World comes near those Northern Savages, being patient of Hunger, and the utmost Severies of the Wether, beyond belief. 'Tis their sure Game; and they never fail being succoured by three or four of their Comrades, whenever their Enemies attack them. So that they always bring their Designs about this way, at least if not overpowered so by numbers, as not to be able to recover their canoes, and save themselves by flight. One of the Nineteen Days of our most tiresome Voyage, a Captain called Aquipaguetin, who afterwards adopted me for his Son, as we shall see anon, thought it advisable to halt about Noon in a fine large Meadow, situate on the West of the River Meschasipi. This Chief had killed a large fat Bear, to which he invited the Principal Captains of the Warriors. After the Repast, these Savages having all of them certain Marks in the Face, and their Bodies painted with the Figure of some Beast, such as every one fancied best, their Hair being also anointed with the Oil of Bears, and stuck all over with Red and White Feathers, and their Heads covered with the Down of Birds, began to dance with their hands all upon their Hip, and striking the Soles of their Feet with that violence against the Earth, that the very Marks appeared. During the Dance, one of the Sons of the Master of the Ceremonies, made 'em all smoke in the Pipe of War, himself shedding abundance of Tears during the whole Action. And the Father, who marshaled the whole melancholy Scene, accompanied him with a Voice so lamentable and broken, with so many rising Sighs, as were capable of melting the most obdurate Heart, bathing himself all the while in his Tears: Sometimes would he address himself to the Warrior, sometimes to me, laying his Hands on my Head, as he did also on my Men's. Sometimes would he lift up his Eyes to Heaven, repeating the Word Lovis, which in their Speech signifies the Sun, appealing to him for Justice on the Murderers of his Son, and hoping to engage his Followers to avenge his Death. As for us, as far as we could judge, all this Grimace boded us no good: And indeed we afterwards understood, that this Barbarian meant nothing less than our Destruction by it, as well now as at other times. But finding the opposition he was like to meet with from the other Chiefs, who were of a contrary Opinion, he was content to suffer us to re-embark, resolving however to make use of some other Stratagem to get into his own hands by little and little the rest of our Things. To take them from us openly by force, tho' he easily could, he durst not, for fear of those of his own Nation, who for such an Action would have accused him of a Baseness of Spirit, which even the most barbarous Disdain. CHAP. XLIX. What Tricks and Artifices were used by Aquipaguetin to cheat us handsomely of our Goods; with many other Accidents that happened in our Voyage. BY what has been said, it plainly appears that Aquipaguetin was a crafty, designing Knave. He had with him the Bones of one of his deceased Friends, which he kept very choicely in the Skin of a Beast, adorned with several Red and Black Lists of a Porcupine's. He would be from time to time assembling his Followers to make them smoke; and then would he send for us one after another, and oblige us to cover the Bones of their Deceased with some of our European Merchandise, in order to dry up the Tears which he had shed for him and his Son, who had been killed by the Miamis. To appease the crafty, old Savage, we strewed on the Bones of the Deceased several Pieces of Martinico-Tobacco, Hatchets, Knives, Beads, and some Bracelets of Black and White Porcelain. Thus you see how we were drained by such Methods and Pretences, as we could not easily gainsay. He gave us to understand, That what he had thus demanded of us, was not for himself but the Dead, and to give the Warriors that he brought with him; and indeed he distributed amongst them whatever he took from us. He would have had us understood by this, That as a Captain he would take nothing himself but what we should freely present him with. All this while we lay at the point of the Lake of Tears; we named it so by reason of the Tears which this Chief did shed here every Night. When he was weary of Weeping, he made one of his Sons come and supply his Place. His Design in this was to excite the Compassion of the Warriors, and to prevail with them to kill us, and after that to pursue their Enemies; and so revenge the Death of his Son which he had lost. Sometimes they sent the swiftest amongst them by Land to seek for Prey, who would drive whole Droves of Wild Bulls before them, and force them to swim the River. Of these they sometimes killed forty or fifty, but took only the Tongues, and some other of the best Pieces: The rest they left, not to burden themselves, tha●●hey might make the more haste home. 'Tis true, we had Provisions plenty and good; but then we had neither Bread nor Wine, nor Salt, nor indeed any thing else to season it; and this lasted during the Four last Years of the almost Twelve that I lived in America. In our last Voyage, we lived much after the same manner, sometimes abounding, and at other times again reduced to the last Extremity; so that we have not eat a bit for four and twenty Hours together, and sometimes longer. The reason is, because in small canoe's of Bark, one can stow but little: So that whatever Precaution a Man may use, he will often find himself destitute of all Things necessary to Life. Did the Religious of Europe undergo half the Fatigues, or did they but observe the Fasts that we have kept for so long a time together in America, there would need no Proofs to Canonize them. But than it must be owned, that what destroys the Merits of our Fasts, was, That if we did suffer on such occasions, our Sufferings proceeded not from our Choice; but, as the proverbial Saying is, our Virtue was our Necessity. CHAP. L. The Elders weep for us during the Night. New Outrages done us by Aquipaguetin. The manner how the Savages make Fire by Friction. MAny Nights together some or other of the Elders came and wept over us. They rubbed our Arms and Bodies very often with their Hands, which they afterwards laid on our Heads. These Tears gave us many uneasy Thoughts; 'twas impossible to sleep for them; and yet we had need enough of Rest, after the great Fatigues of the Day. Nor was I easier by Day: I knew not what to think; sometimes I fancied that they bewailed us, as knowing some of the Warriors had resolved to kill us; and other times again I flattered myself, that their Tears were the effect of their Compassion, for the evil Treatment they made us undergo. However it were, I am sure these Tears affected me more than those that shed them. About this time, Aquipaguetin had another opportunity of persecuting us afresh: He had so dexterously managed the matter with the Warriors of his Party, that it was one Day impracticable for us to encamp near the young Chief Narhetoba, who protected us, but were forced to go and place ourselves, with our Canow and Effects at the end of the Camp. Then it was that these Barbarians gave us to understand, that the aforesaid Captain was fully resolved to have our Heads. This obliged us to have recourse once more to our Chest, and to take out twenty Knives and some Tobacco, which we distributed among them with an Air that sufficiently testified our Discontent. The unreasonable Wretch looked earnestly upon his Followers one after another, as if he were in doubt what to do, and consequently to demand their Advice, whether he ought to receive our Present or refuse it. But whilst we were inclining our Necks, and delivering him the Axe, the young Commander, who seemed to be our Protector (and it may be really was) came and snatched us by the Arm, and all in a rage hurried us away to his Cabin. His Brother too taking up some Arrows, broke 'em in our sight, to assure us by that Action, that he would protect our Lives at the hazard of his own. The next Day they left us alone in our Canow, without putting any of their Men a-board to assist us, as they had hitherto done: However, they kept all in the rear of us. After rowing four or five Leagues, another of their Captains came up to us, and made us land. As soon as we got on shore, he fell to cutting of Grass, which he made into three little Heaps, and bade us sit down upon them: Then he took a piece of Cedar, which was full of little round Holes, into one of which he thrust a Stick of a harder Substance than the Cedar, and began to rub it about pretty fast between the Palms of his Hands, till at length it took fire. The use he put it to was to light the Tobacco in his Great Pipe; and after he had wept some time over us, and laid his Hands on our Heads, he made me smoke in a Calumet, or Pipe of Peace; and then acquainted us by Signs, that within sixteen Days we should be at home. CHAP. LI. Ceremonies used by the Savages when they share their Prisoners. Continuation of our journey by Land. HAving thus traveled nineteen Days in our Canow by Water, we arrived at length within five or six Leagues of the Fall, to which we had formerly given the Name of St. Anthony, as we came to understand afterwards. Here the Barbarians ordered us to land in a Creek of the River Meschasipi; after which, they held an Assembly, to consult what they were to do with us. In short, they separated, and gave us to three of their Chiefs, instead of three of their Sons which had been killed in the War: Then they seized our Canow, and took away all our Equipage▪ The Canow they pulled to pieces, for fear it might assist us to return to their Enemies: Their own they hid amongst the Alders, to use again when they should have occasion to hunt that way. So that though we might have gone conveniently enough quite up into their Country by Water, yet were we obliged, by their Conduct, to travel no less than sixty Leagues afoot. Our ordinary Marches were from break of Day till ten at Night: And when we met with any Rivers, we swam them, themselves (who for the most part are of an extraordinary size) carrying our Clothes and Equipage on their Heads, and the Canow-men, who were less than me, upon their Shoulders, because they could not swim. As I used to come out of the Water, which was often full of Ice, for we traveled still North, I was hardly able to stand upon my Legs. In these Parts the Frosts continue all night even at this time of the Year; so that our Legs were all over Blood, being cut by the Ice, which we broke by degrees in our Passage as we waded o'er the Lakes and Rivers. We never eat but once in four and twenty Hours, and then nothing but a few Scraps of Meat dried in the Smoke after their Fashion, which they afforded us with abundance of regret. I was so weak that I often lay me down, resolving rather to die than follow these Savages any farther, who traveled at a rate so extraordinary, as far surpasses the Strength of any European. However, to hasten us, they sometimes set fire to the dry Grass in the Meadows through which we passed; so that our Choice was march or burn. I had a Hat which I had taken with me, to fence me from the Sun during the Heats of the Summer. This would often fall from my Head into the Fire, because it was not over-fit, and the Fire so very near. The Barbarians would snatch it out again, and lend me a hand to save me from the Flames, which they had kindled as well to hasten our March, as I have said, as to give notice to their People of their return. I must here acknowledge, that had it not been for du Gay, who did all he could to encourage me, through the whole Course of this tiresome March, I had certainly sunk under the Fatigues of it, having neither Spirits nor Strength left to support me. CHAP. LII. A great Contest arises amongst the Savages, about dividing our Merchandise and Equipage; as also my Sacerdotal Ornaments and little Chest AFter having traveled about sixty League's afoot, and undergone all the Fatigues of Hunger, Thirst, and Cold, besides a thousand Outrages daily done us in our Persons, after we had marched Night and Day without ceasing, wading through Lakes and Rivers, and sometimes swam. As we now began to approach the Habitations of the Barbarians, which are situated in Morasses inaccessible to their Enemies, they thought it a proper time to divide the Merchandise which they had taken from us. Here they had like to have fallen out, and cut one another's Throats, about the Roll of Martinico-Tobacco, which might still weigh about fifty Pound. These People value this Commodity far beyond what we do Silver or Gold. They have very good of their own growth; but this was so well dressed, and made up into such beautiful Rings, that they were perfectly charmed with it. The most reasonable amongst them made us understand by Signs, that they would give their Canow-men several Castor-Skins in return for what they had taken: But others looking upon us as Slaves, because they said we had furnished Arms to their Enemies, maintained that they were no ways obliged to make any return for the Things they had taken. The reason why they divided the Spoil here was, because this Band was composed of two or three different People: So that those that lived at a distance, were apprehensive lest the others, who were just at home, might detain all the Merchandise which they had taken, in the first Villages they should come at; and therefore were resolved to play a sure Game, and have their Share aforehand. Nor had they any greater Respect for what belonged to me, than for the Merchandise which they took from the Canow-men; for they seized my Brocard Chasuble, and all the Ornaments of my portable Chapel, except the Chalice, which they durst not touch. They observed that this Vessel, which was of Silver gilt, cast a glittering Light, so that as often as they chanced to look towards it, they would shut their Eyes: The reason was, as we understood afterwards, because they believed it to be a Spirit which would kill them. I had a little Chest, which I kept locked; they made me understand by Signs, that if I did not open it, or break the Lock, they would do it for me, against some sharp Stones which they showed me. The reason why they threatened me thus, was, because they had not been able to open it all the way, though they attempted it several times, to see what was in it. These People understand nothing of Locks and Keys: Besides, their Design was not to cumber themselves with the Box itself, but only to take out the Things that were in it. After I had opened it, and they saw there was little or nothing in it but Books and Papers, they left it me untouched. CHAP. LIII. The Troop approaches the Village. Grand Consult amongst the Savages, whether they should kill us, or save and adopt us for their Sons. Reception which we had from them; and the use they made of my Chasuble. AFter five hard Days travel, without so much as resting, except a little by Night in the open Air, we perceived at last abundance of Women and Children coming out to meet our little Army: All the Elders of the Nation were assembled upon this occasion. We observed several Cabins, near the Posts of which lay several Trusses of Straw and dried Weeds, where these Barbarians are wont to fasten and burn the Slaves which they bring home with them from their Wars. Here they ordered the Picard, du Gay to sing, who all the time rattled a hollow Gourd full of little round Stones which he held in his Hand. I observed moreover, that his Hair and Face were painted with different Colours, and that they had fastened a Tuft of White Feathers to his Head. These Ceremonies renewed our Fears; and we thought we had more reason than ever to believe, that they had still a Design to put us to death. Nor were our Fears groundless, since these, with many others, are the Ceremonies which they use at the burning of their Enemies. The worst was, we could not make ourselves be understood. However, after many Vows and secret Prayers which we offered up to God on this occasion, the Barbarians at last gave us some wild Oats to eat, of which I have spoke elsewhere. They gave them us in great Dishes made of Birch; and the Savage Women had seasoned them with Bluez. This is a sort of Black Grain, which they dry in the Sun in the Summer, and are as good as Corrans: The Dutch call them Clake-besien. All the while the Feast lasted, which was the best Meal that we had made ever since we had been taken, there was a high Dispute between Aquipaguetin and the others, about the distribution they were to make of the two Canow-men and myself. At last Aquipaguetin, as Head of the Party, carried it; who turning from one of the Principal Captains towards me, presented me to smoke in his Calumet of Peace, receiving from me at the same time that which we had brought, as a certain Pledge of the Union which was to be for the future 'twixt them and us. After this, he adopted me for his Son, in the room of him that he had lost in the War. Cnarhetoba and another Captain did the same by the two Canow-men. This Separation was very grievous to us, tho' somewhat allayed by the Satisfaction we had to find that our Lives were safe. Du Gay took me aside to confess him, being sensible of the uncertain Condition his Life was in, amongst so barbarous a People. This obliged him to embrace me very heartily, and to beg my Pardon for what was past, having first made the same Request to God. I should have been overjoyed to have seen Michael Ako as well disposed. However, I did not omit to show both the one and the other all the Marks of a most tender Affection. In short, the Savages having parted us, led us away each to his own Village. Our Way lay over a Morass, where we marched half way the leg in Water for a League together, at the end of which we were met by five of Aquipaguetin's Wives, who received me in one of the three canoe's of Bark which they had brought with them, and then carried me a little League farther into a small Island, where their Cabins were. CHAP. LIV. The Author's Reception by the Relations of Aquipaguetin. They make him sweat to recover him of his Fatigues. The use they make of his Chasuble and other Ornaments. I Arrived at this Place in the Month of May, 1680. the Day I cannot precisely tell; for I was so harassed by the Savages on the way, that I could not make all the little Observations which otherwise I would have done; besides, there is some seven or eight Hours difference between the Days and Nights of Europe, and those of North- America, because of the Retrogradation of the Sun. The Cape was always to West of us from Rochel to Quebec; but to South-West from thence, till we came to Meschasipi, which made a considerable Variation in the Needle. This Variation was occasioned by the unconstant motion of the Needle, which in certain Latitudes would incline to the North, or North-East; whereas in others 'twould turn from the North to the North-West. We never could be so well assured of our Computations in our long Voyages, as to know exactly the way our Canow's made in a Day, or what was the Variation of the Needle in each Latitude. But we found there were many Minutes of Variation, according to the Point the Wind was in. To say the truth, able Men might have lost the Memory of many Things under the same Circumstances with myself. At the entry of the Captain's Cabin who had adopted me, one of the Barbarians, who seemed to be very old, presented me with a great Pipe to smoke, and weeping over me all the while with abundance of Tears, rubbed both my Arms and my Head. This was to show how concerned he was to see me so harassed and fatigued: And indeed I had often need enough of two Men to support me when I was up, or raise me when I was down. There was a Bears-Skin before the Fire, upon which the youngest Boy of the Cabin caused me to lie down, and then with the Grease of Wild Cats anointed my Thighs, Legs, and Soles of my Feet. Aquipaguetin's Son, who called me Brother, had got my Brocard Chasuble, and was strutting up and down with it upon his naked Back. He had wrapped up in it the Bones of a Man who had been very considerable amongst them, for whose Memory they had still a wonderful Respect. The Priest's Girdle, which was made of Red and White Wool, with 2 Loops at the end, served him to fasten it, whilst he carried it up and down in Triumph, calling it Louis Chinnen, which signifies, as I since understand, the Robe of him, who is named the Sun. After they had for some time used my Chasuble as an Ornament to cover the Bones of their Dead, at the celebrating their most solemn Rites, they made a Present of it to a People in Alliance with them, who lived 4 or 500 Leagues distant towards the West, but were come in Embassy, and had danced the Calumet. The day after my arrival, Aquipaguetin, who was Head of a Great Family, put me on a Robe which was made of the Skins of the Bellies of Wild Bulls: He gave me a second, made of ten large Castor-Skins. Then he showed me six or seven of his Wives, (for Polygamy is in fashion here;) he told them, as I afterwards understood, That they were to esteem me as one of their Sons. After this, he set a Bark-Dish before me, in which were Bremes, and other White Fish, for me to regale withal. He gave Orders to those about him to give me the Title that was due to the Rank which I was to hold amongst my New Kindred. Farther; This new Father of mine observing that I could not well rise without two or three to help me, ordered a Stove to be made, which he caused me to enter stark naked with four Savages; who before they began to sweat, tied their Prepuces about with certain Strings made of the Bark of a White Wood This Stove was covered with the Skins of Wild Bulls, and in it they put Flints and other Stones re-hot. They ordered me by Signs to hold my Breath, time after time, as long as I could, which I did, as well as those that were with me. As for the undecent Parts, I had only a Handkerchief to cover me. As soon as the Savages that were with me had let go their Breath, which they did with a great force, Aquipaguetin began to sing with a loud and thundering Voice; the others seconded him; and laying their Hands on my Body, began to rub it, and at the same time to weep bitterly. I was like to fall in a Swoon, and so was forced to quit the Stove. At my coming out, I was scarce able to take up my Habit of St. Francis to cover me withal, I was so weak: However, they continued to make me sweat thrice a Week, which at last restored me to my pristine Vigour, so that I found myself as well as ever. CHAP. LV. The Author is like to be famished. They admire his Compass, and an Iron-Pot which he has. He makes a Dictionary, and instructs them in Points of Religion, in relation to Polygamy and Celibacy. MAny a melancholy Day did I pass amongst these Savages. Aquipaguetin, who adopted me, gave me nothing to eat but a few wild Oats five or six times a Week, and the Roes of dried Fish. All this Trash the Women boiled up in an Earthen-Pot: Besides, he sent me into a Neighbouring Isle, with his Wives, Children, and Servants, where I was to Hough and Dig with a Pickax and Shovel, which I had recovered from those that robbed us. Here we planted Tobacco, and some European Pulse which I brought from thence, and were highly prized by Aquipaguetin. This Man, to make himself the more considerable amongst those of his Tribe, would often Assemble the Ancients of his Village, and in presence of them, send for my Compass, which I had still by me. Upon my turning the Needle with a Key, he took occasion to tell them, and with Truth enough, That by the Guidance of that Machine it was, that we Europeans traveled the whole World. Nay, being an able Spoaksman, he possessed them farther, That we were Spirits; and that we were capable of bringing Things to pass that were altogether out of their Power. At the end of his Discourse, which was very pathetic, all the Elders wept over me, admiring in me what they could not comprehend. I had an Iron-Pot about three foot round, which had the Figure of a Lion on it, which during our Voyage served us to bake our Victuals. This Vessel was not so apt to break as our ordinary Kettles, which are more brittle; for which reason it was, not being likely to meet with Braziers to furnish us with new upon occasion, that we took this with us. This Pot the Barbarians durst never so much as touch, without covering their Hands first in something of Castor-Skin. And so great a Terror was it to the Women, that they had it hung abroad upon the Bough of a Tree; for they durst not come or sleep in the Cabin when it was there. We would have made a present of it to some of their Chiefs; but none of them would either accept or make use of it, because they thought that there was a Spirit hid within that would certainly kill them. These People are all of them subject to the like Superstition. Their Jugglers impose whatever they think fit upon their Belief. 'Twas some time I spent amongst 'em before I could make myself be understood. But hunger beginning to press me hard, I set about making a Dictionary in their Tongue, the which I did by means of their Children, with whom I made myself as familiar as possible, to inform myself by their Prattle. When once I had got the Word Tahetchiaben, which signifies in their Language, How call you this? I began to be soon able to talk of such things as are most familiar. This Difficulty was hard to surmount at first, because there was no Interpreter that understood both Tongues. For Example; If I had a Mind to know what To run was in their Tongue, I was forced to mend my pace, and indeed actually run from one end of the Cabin to tother, till they understood what I meant, and had told me the Word; which I presently set down in my Dictionary. The Principal of them observing the great Inclination I had to learn their Language, would often tell me, Vatchison ègagahé, Spirit, thou takest a great deal of Pains. Put Black to White. One Day they told me the Names of all the Parts of a Human Body. However I forbore setting down several immodest Terms, which these People scruple not to use every Foot. Observing it, they would often cry ègagahé, ègagagé; Spirit, Spirit, set down that Word as well as the rest. Thus would they divert themselves with me, and often say to one another, When we ask Father Lovis any thing; for they had heard our Canow-Men call me so, he does not answer us. But when he has looked upon the White, for they have no Word for Paper, he than talks, and makes us understand his Thoughts. This White thing, would they add, must needs be a Spirit, which teaches him to understand all we say. Hence they concluded that neither of the Canow-Men had so much wit as myself, because they could not work upon that which was White. So that this Qualification in me, made them fondly imagine that I could do any thing else. One Day, seeing the Rain fall in such abundance, that they feared 'twould spoil their hunting, they ordered me to bid it cease. Itold them, pointing with my Finger to the Clouds, That He, who was the Great Captain of Heaven, was the sole Master of the Rain and Sunshine; That he was the Great Disposer of all the Events that happen to Mortals, or the Universe in general; That what they bid me do, depended not on me, but the First Mover, who had sent me thither, to teach them to acknowledge him for their Creator and Redeemer. Observing me distinguished from the Canow-Men by my Habit, and having no Notion of Celibacy, they would often ask what Age I was, and what Wives and Children I had. Their way of reckoning their Years is by Winters. These Wretches, void of Light and Instruction, were strangely surprised at the Answer I made them. I told them, pointing to the two Canow-Men, whom I was come three Leagues to visit, That with us one Man might marry but one Wife, and that nothing could separate him again from that One, but Death: That for myself, I had promised the Great Master of Life never to marry any; but to come and dwell amongst, and instruct them in the Commands of the Great Master of Heaven and Earth, and to live poorly amongst them, far from my own Country, where all good Things did abound. 'Tis true, says one of them, here is little or no Hunting in these Parts, and thou sufferest much: But have but patience till Summer, we shall then go into the hot Countries, where we shall kill Bulls enough, and then thou wilt make thyself sufficient amends for the time thou hast spent here. I had been well content had they let me eat as their Children did; but they hid the Victuals from me, and would rise to eat in the Night, when I knew nothing of it. And although Women have usually more Compassion than Man, yet they kept the little Fish that they had, all for their Children. They considered me as a Slave whom their Warriors had taken in their Enemy's Country; and preferred the Lives of their Children; before any Consideration they had for me; as indeed it was but reasonable they should. However, some of the Elders wou●d come often and mourn over me in a very doleful manner. One would call me Grandson, another Nephew; and all would say to me, I am strangely afflicted to see thee so long without eating, and to understand thou hast been so ill treated in thy journey. Those were young Warriors, without Courage, who would have killed thee, and who robbed thee of what thou hadst. If thou wouldst have had Robes of Castor's, or Wild Bulls, to dry thy Tears, we would have given 'em thee; but thou wouldst accept of nothing we have presented thee. CHAP. LVI. The most considerable Captain of the Issati and Nadovessians upbraid those that took us. The Author baptises the Daughter of Mamenisi. OUasicoude, that is to say, The Pierced Pine, the wisest and most considerable of all the Chiefs of the Issati and Nadovessians made it publicly appear that he was highly incensed against the Warriors, that had used us so very ill. He said once in a full Council, That those that had robbed us of our Things, were to be compared to famished Dogs, which having stole a piece of Flesh out of a Dish, sneak away with it when they have done: That they that had acted much after the same rate in regard of us, aught to be looked upon as Dogs, who could put such unworthy Affronts upon Men, who brought them Iron, and other Merchandizes, which they had no knowledge of, tho' they were found to be so useful: That for Himself, he should one Day have an Opportunity of being revenged on him, who had been Author of all our Sufferings. This Reprimand was worthy the Character of a Person of Ouasicoude's Authority: And the Generosity of the Action redounded since to the Benefit of the whole Nation, as we shall see anon. Going one Day, as I often did, to visit the Cabins, I found the Infant-Child of one called Mamenisi, very sick. Having a little examined the Symptoms of its Distemper, I found the Child past hopes of Recovery. I desired our two Canow-Men to give me their Opinions, telling them, I thought myself obliged in Conscience to baptise it. Michael Ako could not be prevailed with to enter the Cabin where the Infant lay. He said in excuse, That I could not forget what a Risque we had run once already, of being murdered by the Savages through my obstinancy, in persisting to say my Breviary; whence 'twas to be feared, that what I was now going to do, might expose us again to the same Danger. The Wretch had rather comply with certain Superstitions of the Barbarians, than assist me in so Pious a Design. Being followed then by none but the Picard du Gay, who assisted as Godfather, or rather Witness of the Baptism, I christened the Child, and named it Antonetta, from St. Anthony of Milan; and the rather because the said Peter du Gay's ●s Name was Anthony Auguelle, Native of Amiens, and Nephew of Monsieur du Canroi, Proctor-General of the Premonstres and since Abbot of Beaulieu, to whom I presented him safe at our return from Canada. But toproceed; for want of more proper Utensils, I took a Wooden-Dish, and having put some common ordinary Water into it, spilt it upon the Head of the little Savage, pronouncing the following Words, Creature of God, I baptise thee in the Name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Then I took half my Altar-Cloth, which I had snatched out of the Hands of a Savage, who had stole it from me, and spread it o'er the Body of the Infant. The Baptism was accompanied with no other Ceremony, because I was no longer in a Condition to say Mass, my Sacerdotal Robes being all taken from me. I believed the Linen could not serve to a more proper End than a Winding-Sheet to the first Infant of the Country, that had the happiness to be baptised. I know not how far its Pains might be assuaged by Virtue of the Linen, or what Alterations it might feel. I am sure I saw it laughing the next Day in its Mother's Arms, who believed I had cured her Child. However it died some time after, which affected me more with Joy than Grief. Had this Child recovered, 'twas much to be feared 'twould have trod in the Steps of its Forefathers, and been overgrown with their infamous Superstitions, for want of a Preacher to instruct it. For indeed, if those of its Nation dwelling in Darkness and Ignorance, continue to Sin without Law, they shall also Perish without Law, as we are told by the Apostle. Upon these Considerations I was glad it had pleased God to take this little Christian out of the World, lest it might have fallen into Temptations, had it recovered, which might have engaged it in Error and Superstition. I have often attributed my Preservation amidst the greatest Dangers which I have since run, to the Care I took for its Baptism. CHAP. LVII. An Embassy sent to the Issati by the Savages that inhabit to the West of them. Whence it appears that there is no such thing as the straits of Anian; and that Japan is on the same Continent as Lovisiana. UNder the Reign of the Emperor Charles V. the Father's Recluse of our Order were the first that were sent by his Command into New-Mexico; since which time there have been of them beyond the Vermilian-Sea. The most remarkable Epoque of the straits of Anian, commences from the time of that most excellent Religious, of our Order, Martin de Valencia, who was the First Bishop of the great City of Mexico. We have spoke of him elsewhere. In process of time 'twas believed that the said straits were only imaginary; Many Persons noted for great Learning are of this Opinion; and to evince the Truth of it, I will here subjoin one evident Proof, to those which are already produced by them: and it is this. During my Stay amongst the Issati and Nadovessians, there arrived four Savages in Embassy to these People. They had come above five hundred Leagues from the West; and told us by the Interpreters of the Issati, that they were four Moons upon the Way; for so it is they call their Months. They added, that their Country was to the West, and that we lay to the East in respect of them; that they had marched the whole time without resting, except to sleep, or kill Game for their Subsistance. They assured us there was no such thing as the straits of Anian; and that in their whole Journey they had neither met with, nor passed over any Great Lake; by which Phrase they always mean the Sea, nor any Arm of it. They farther informed us, that the Nation of the Asseni-poulaes, whose Lake is down in the Map, and who lie North-East of the Issati, was not above six or seven Days journey from us: That none of the Nations within their Knowledge, who lie to the West and North-West of them, had any great Lake about their Countries, which were very large, but only Rivers, which coming from the North, run 'cross the Countries of their Neighbouring Nations, which border on their Confines on the side of the Great Lake, which in the Language of the Savages is the same as Sea: That Spirits, and Pigmies, or Men of little Stature did inhabit there, as they had been informed by the People that lived farther up than themselves; and that all the Nations which lie beyond their Country, and those which are next to them, do dwell in Meadows and large Fields, where are many Wild-Bulls and Castor's, which are greyer than those of the North, and have their Fleck more inclining to Black; with many other Wild-Beasts, which yield very fine Furs. The four Savages of the said Embassy assured us farther, that there were very few Forests in the Countries through which they passed in their way hither; insomuch that now and than they were so put to it for Fuel, that they were forced to make Fires of Bull's Dung, to boil their Victuals with in Earthen-Pots, which they make use of, as neither having, nor knowing of any better. All these Circumstances which I have here inserted, make it appear, that there is no such thing as the straits of Anian, as we usually see them set down in Maps. To assert the Truth of what I say, I here frankly offer myself to return into these Parts, with such Ships as His Britannic Majesty, or their High and Mightinesses the State's General, shall think fit to send thither, in order to a full Discovery; in which I have no other Aim but the Glory of God, the Propagation of the Gospel, Instruction of those blind and ignorant People, who have been neglected for so many Ages, Improvement of Trade, which, the better 'tis understood, the more will it daily increase between the Subjects of the King of Spain my Master, and those of His Britannic Majesty and State's General: And lastly, That Correspondence and Union so necessary to be maintained amongst them, that they may live and labour together for the Common Good. I declare, I have no other Design; that my Intentions are sincere and upright, and that my Desire is to be serviceable to all Europe; Respect being first had, as I am in Duty bound, to my natural Prince; the King of England, and the States; to whom I am singularly engaged, for the good Reception they were pleased to honour me with. Others perhaps would have used me ill, in return of all my Services, and the many dangerous Voyages I have made, with no other Design but to contribute what in me lay to the Glory of God, the Salvation of Souls, and the Good of all Christendom. I know well what I say. But to return: Whatever Efforts have been made for many Years past, by the English and Dutch, the People of the World, who are the greatest Voyagers at Sea, to find out a Passage to China and japan, through the Frozen-Sea, they have not as yet been able to effect it. But by the help of my Discovery, and the Assistance of God, I doubt not to let all Europe see that a Passage may still be found thither, and that an easy one too. For Example; One may be transported into the Pacifick-Sea by Rivers, which are large, and capable of carrying great Vessels, and from thence 'tis easy to go to China and japan, without crossing the Equinoctial-Line. Those that read my Relation, and will never so little examine the Maps which are annexed to it, will soon acknowledge the Truth of what I say. CHAP. LVIII. The Issati assemble to hunt the Wild-Bull. Refusal of the two Canow-Men to take the Author into their Canow, in order to go down the River of St. Francis. AFter three Months or thereabouts, spent very ill, amongst the Issati and Nadovessians, these Nations assembled to hunt the Wild-Bull; and their Captains having assigned them their Stations, that they might not fall in with one another, they separated themselves into many Bands. Aquipaguetin, the Chief, that had adopted me or his Son, would have carried me to the West with about 200 Families. But remembering the Reproaches which the great Captain Ouaficoude had made him, upon the Score of our ill usage, I was apprehensive, lest he should lay hold of this Opportunity to avenge himself on me. I told him therefore, I expected some Spirits, which in their Language is as much as to say Europeans, at the River Ouisconsin, which discharges itself into the River Meschasipi; that according to the Promise made me by the Sieur de la Salle, they would meet me there with Iron, and other Commodities, which as yet they were unacquainted with; and that if he would think of turning his Expedition that way, I should be very glad to accompany him. He heard my Proposal, and was willing to embrace it; but those of his Band would not let him. In the beginning of july, 1680. we began to descend towards the South, with the Great Captain Ouasicoude, and about 80 Cabins, containing 130 Families, and 250 Warriors. The Savages, who had nothing but old Canoes, could not make me room; so that they went four Days Journey lower, to get some Birchen-Bark, to make more new ones. I made a Hole in the Ground, in which I hid my gilt Chalice, with my Books and Papers, till we should return from Hunting; and took nothing with me but my Breviary, that I might not cumber myself. I placed myself upon the Brink of the Lake which forms the River of St. Francis, where I held out my Hands to the Canow-Men, as they passed very swiftly by, to desire them to take me in. Our two Europeans were in a Canow, which had been given them by the Savages. However, I could not prevail with them to receive me. Michael Ako told me very brutishly, he had carried me long enough. This rough and unhandsome Answer made me very melancholy, when I saw myself forsaken by those of my own Country and Religion, whom I had always endeavoured to oblige, as themselves had often acknowledged before Persons of the first Quality, where I was used to be received with all the Marks of Distinction, while themselves were suffered to stand and cool their Heels at the Door. But God, who of his Mercy never forsook me throughout all my Adventures, inspired two of the Savages with so much Compassion, as to take me with them into their Canow, tho' it were less than that of the Europeans. Here I was continually employed in laving out Water, which soaked in again as fast as 'twas thrown out, through abundance of little Chinks. This Work was uneasy enough; besides that, I could not keep myself from being throughly wet. However, 'twas necessary to have Patience. It might have been properly said of this little Vessel, that when a Man was in it, he was in his Coffin; so crazy was it, and ready to beak. This sort of canoe's seldom weigh above 50 Pounds, and the least Motion of the Body oversets them, at least if you have not been long acquainted with this sort of Navigation. At Evening when we landed, the Picard began to excuse himself, pretending their Canow was a very rotten one, that it would certainly have burst, had we been all three in it, and that we must needs have been left by the way. Notwithstanding these Excuses, I told them, that being Christians, they had not done well to use me as they did, especially considering among whom we were: That they had forsaken me very unseasonably, having left me all alone at above 800 League's distance from Canada, allowing for the Reaches we were to make, before we could get thither: That if they had received any good Usage from the Savages, 'twas owing to my Ingenuity more than their own, having been capable of letting several of them Blood, and otherwise assisting 'em in their Sickness by my Orvietan, and some other Medicines which I carefully kept by me. To this I added, that by the same means I had cured others of them that had been bitten by Rattle-Snakes, of which I shall speak in my Second Volume. That I shaved the Crowns of their Child's Heads, (on which they wear the Hair till eighteen or twenty) which was no small matter, considering they could not do it themselves, without putting them to great pain, by burning off the Hair with flat Stones, which they heat red-hot in the Fire: That as hitherto indeed, I had made but little advance in order to their Salvation, by reason of their natural Stupidity; but that the best way to take the Soul was to begin with the Body: That, in short, I had gained their Friendship by my Services, and that they would have certainly killed us at the time they used us so ill, but that they knew I had certain Remedies about me proper to restore Health to the Sick; which they thought was a Treasure never to be valued as it ought. None was with me during this Harangue, but the Picard du Gay, who, as he was going to his Cabin, desired me to pardon him. But the great Captain Ouasicoude having heard of this barbarous Action of the two Canow-Men, ordered them to appear before the Council, and told them, that for the future he would take care to remove me out of the reach, not only of Aquipaguetin, who had so often attempted my Life, and yet adopted me for his Son, but likewise from their Company, who, like two Villains as they were, had so basely deserted me. Had I not luckily bethought myself to break three Arrows in the presence of this brave Chief, the Canow-Men being yet by, he had infallibly caused them to have been put to Death that very Minute. I shall never forget the Humanity of this great Captain, who treated me so favourably on all Occasions. The two Canow-Men were surprised at what had happened, and promised me an entire Obedience for the future. CHAP. LIX. The Savages halt above the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua. They are streightened for Provisions. The Author, with the Picard, returns to the River Ouisconsin. The Adventures of the Voyage. FOur Days after our Departure to hunt the Wild-Bulls, the Barbarians made a Halt some eight Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony of Milan, upon an Eminence, over against the River of St.. Francis. The Savage Women prepared little Docks to build the new canoe's in, against the return of those who were gone for Bark. The Youth in the mean time went out to hunt the Stag, the Wild-Goat, and the Castor; but with so little Success, that the Prey they brought home was so disproportionable to the Number that were to feed on't, that we had hardly every one a Mouthful. Happy the Man that once in four and twenty Hours could get so much as a Sup of Broth. This put the Picard and myself upon hunting after Gooseberries, and other wild Fruits, which often did us more harm than good. And I am confident, that had it not been for my Orvietan-Powder, which in a great measure corrected the bad Nutriment which we took in, our Lives had been in great Danger. This extreme Want made us take a Resolution, upon Michael Ako's refusing to accompany us, to venture ourselves in a little sorry Canow as far as the River Ouisconsin, which was at no less distance from us than 130 Leagues, to see if the Sieur de Salle had kept his Word with us: For he had promised us positively to send Men with Powder, and Lead, and other Merchandizes, to the place which I have already mentioned: And of this he assured me more than once, before his departure from the Illinois. The Savages would never have suffered us to have made this Voyage, without one of the three being left with them: And myself was the Man they pitched upon to stay, by the Advice of the great Captain Ouasicoude, whilst the two Canow-Men were at Liberty to proceed on their Voyage. But Michael Ako, who was apprehensive of the many Hardships he was like to meet with in this Expedition, could never be prevailed upon to consent to it: So that seeing he began to relish the Barbarian's way of living, I desired their Chief, that I might have leave to accompany the Picard in his stead; who accordingly granted my Request. Our whole Equipage consisted in fifteen or twenty Charges of Powder, a Fusil, a little sorry Earthen Pot, which the Barbarians gave us, a Knife between us both, and a Garment of Castor. Thus were we equipt for a Voyage of 250 Leagues; but our greatest Trust was in Providence. As we were carrying our little Canow to the Fall of St. Anthony of Milan, we perceived five or six Savages, who were got there before us. One of them was got up into an Oak over against the great Fall of Water, where he was weeping most bitterly, having fastened to one of the Branches of the Tree, a Robe of Castor, which was White withinside, and garnished with Porcupine. The poor Wretch had offered it in Sacrifice to the Fall; which, indeed, of itself is terrible, and hath something in it very astonishing: However, it doth not come near that of Niagara. I could hear him say, as he was addressing himself to the Cascade, with Tears starting in his Eyes; Thou art a Spirit, grant that Those of my Nation may pass here without any Disaster; That we may meet with a great many Wild-Bulls; and that we may be so happy as to vanquish our Enemy, and take a great many Slaves, whom, when we have made them suffer according to their Merits, we will bring hither, and slay in thy Presence. The Messenacks ('tis so they call the Nation of the Outtovagamis) have slain some of our Kindred: Grant we may be able to revenge ourselves upon 'em for that Affront. The last part of his Request happened to be fulfilled sooner I believe, than he expected: For as they returned from Hunting the Wild-Bulls, they attacked their Enemy, killed a good many of them, and carried off several Slaves, whom they put to death before the Fall, after the most barbarous and inhuman manner in the World, as we shall see in the Second Volume. Now if after such a barbarous Ceremony as I have been describing, it happen but once that the Success answers the Request, 'tis sufficient to render them obstinate in their superstitious Custom, tho' it miscarry a hundred times for once that it hits▪ As for the Castor-Robe, which was thus offered as a sort of Sacrifice, one of our Europeans made bold with it at his return, and would have been glad of having more frequent Opportunities of profiting by their Devotions. When we had got about a League below the Fall, the Picard missed his Powder-Horn, and remembering he had left it there, was forced to go back and fetch it. At his Return I showed him a huge Serpent, as big as a Man's Leg, and seven or eight Foot long. He was working himself insensibly up a steep and craggy Rock, to get at the Swallow's Nests, which are there in great Numbers: And at the Bottom of the Mountain we saw the Feathers of those he had already devoured. We pelted him so long with Stones, till at length he fell into the River. His Tongue, which was in form of a Lance, was of an extraordinary length. His Hiss might be heard a great way, and the Noise of it seized us with Horror. The poor Picard dreamed of him at Night, and was in a great Agony all the while. He told me, I had done him a sensible Kindness in waking him; for tho' he was a Man intrepid enough, yet he was all in a sweat with the fright of his Dream. I have likewise myself been often disturbed in my sleep with the Image of him; so great an Impression did the sight of this Monster make upon our Spirits. As we were falling down the River Meschasipi with extraordinary Swiftness, because the Current is very rapid in this place, by reason 'tis so near the Fall, we found some of the Savages of our Band, in the Islands of the River, where they had set up their Cabins, and were well provided with Bulls-Flesh. They offered us very freely of what they had. But about two Hours after our landing, we thought we should have been all murdered: Fifteen or sixteen Savages came into the middle of the place where we were, with their great Clubs in their Hands. The first thing they did was to over-set the Cabin of those that had invited us. Then they took away all their Victuals, and what Bear's-Oil they could find in their Bladders, or elsewhere, with which they rubbed themselves all over from Head to Foot. We took 'em at first for Enemies; and the Picard was very near sticking the first that came in with his Sword. At the first surprise, I began to lay hold of the two Pocket-Pistols that du Gay had left me; but by good luck I contained myself, or otherwise, without doubt, there had been an end of us; for their Companions would not have failed to have revenged upon us the Death of those we had killed. We knew not what these Savages were at first; but it appeared they were some of those that we had left above at the Fall of St. Anthony. One of them, who called himself my Uncle, told me, That those who had given us Victuals, had done basely to go and forestall the others in the Chase; and that according to the Laws and Customs of their Country, 'twas lawful for them to plunder them, since they had been the cause that the Bulls wére all run away, before the Nation could get together, which was a great Injury to the Public: For when they are all met, they make a great Slaughter amongst the Bulls; for they surround them so on every side, that 'tis impossible for them to escape. CHAP. LX. The Hunting of the Tortoise. The Author's Canow is carried off by a sudden blast of Wind, which was like to have reduced him and his Companions to great straits. IN about threescore Leagues rowing, we had killed but one Wild-Goat, which we did as he was crossing the River. The Heats were now grown so excessive, that our Provisions would be spoiled in twenty four Hours. This put us upon Hunting the Tortoise; but 'twas with much difficulty that we could take any; for being very quick of Hearing, they would throw themselves into the Water upon the least noise. However, we took one at last, which was much larger than any we had seen: His Shell was thin, and the Flesh very fat. Whilst I was contriving to cut off his Head, he had like to have been beforehand with me, by snapping off my Finger with his Teeth, which are very sharp. Whilst we were managing this Affair, we had halled our Canow ashore; but it seems a sudden and violent Blast of Wind had carried her off again into the middle of the River. The Picard was gone into the Meadows, to see if he could kill a Wild Bull; so that I was left alone with the Canow. This obliged me to throw my Habit as fast as I could over the Tortoise, which I had turned, for fear he should get away. I likewise laid several Stones upon my Clothes, the better to secure him. When I had done, I fell a swimming after our Canow, which went very fast down the River, being carried by a very quick Stream, because 'twas just at the turning of a Point. After I had recovered it with a great deal of difficulty, I durst not get into it, for fear of being overset, and wetting the Woollen Coverlet that was in it, which I used to sleep on, and the rest of our little Equipage: For which reason I was forced to push it sometimes before me, and sometimes tug it after me, till by little and little I gained the Shoar, a small half quartter of a League below the Place where I had left the Tortoise. The Picard returning from the Chase, where he had killed nothing; and finding only my Habit upon the Tortoise, but no Canow, had reason to think that some Savage or other having found me alone, had killed me. In great suspense, he returned into the Meadows, to look about if he could see any body. in the mean time, I had made what haste I could up the River with my Canow; and had no sooner taken up my Clothes, but I spied a Drove of sixty Bulls and Cows with their Calves crossing the River, towards the Land on the Southside. I pursued them in my Canow, and set up as great a Cry as I could, to give the Picard notice of it. He made up to the Noise, and had time enough to get into the Canow, whilst a Dog which we had with us, by his Barking, had driven them to a Bay in the Isles of the River. When we were prepared, the Dog drove them from thence; and as they passed by us, the Picard killed one of them with his Fusil, having lodged the Bullet in his Head. Having dragged it to the side of the River, it proved to be a Cow, that weighed about five or six hundred weight. The Bulls have more Flesh, and weigh heavier; but because we could not get it quite to Land, we contented ourselves with cutting the best Pieces, and left the rest in the Water. 'Twas almost now eight and forty Hours since we eat last; so that we fell a kindling a Fire as fast as we could, which we made of the Wood the River had thrown upon the Sands; and as fast as the Picard skinned it, I put the Pieces of Flesh into our little earthern Pot to boil. We eat of it with that greediness, that both of us were sick; so that we were obliged to hide ourselves in an Island, where we rested two Days for the recovery of our Health by the help of my Orvietan, which was a great Benefit to us during the whole Voyage. Whilst I was fetching the Pieces of Flesh which the Picard gave me, I went backward and forward very often close by a Rattle-Snake, seven or eight Foot long, without perceiving him, as he lay wrapped asleep in the Sun. I told the Picard of it, who came and killed him with our Oar, and afterwards threw him into the River. To be short, we could not charge ourselves with much Provisions, because of the smallness of our Canow; besides that, the excessive Heat tainted it presently; so that 'twould swarm with Worms in an instant. For these Reasons we were soon in the same condition; and when we embarked in the Morning, we knew not whether we should have any thing to eat at Night. Never had we more reason to admire the Goodness of Providence, than during this Voyage. 'Twas not every Day we met with any Game, nor when we did, were we sure to kill it. The Eagles, which are to be seen in abundance in these vast Countries, will sometimes drop a Breme, a large Carp, or some other Fish, as they are carrying them to their Nests in their Talons, to feed their young. One day we spied an Otter, which was feeding on a great Fish upon the Bank of the River; which Fish had upon its Head a sort of Beak about five Inches broad, and a Foot and a half long. As soon as the Picard ' spied it, he cried out he saw the Devil between the Claws of the Otter. This Surprise was not so great, but that we made bold to feed heartily upon it. The Flesh of it was good; and we named it the Sturgeon with the long Beak. CHAP. LXI. We continue our Course in search of the River Ouisconsin. Aquipaguetin finds us, and gets thither before us. We subsist merely by Providence. Notwithstanding we had rowed so many Leagues, yet could we find no River Ouisconsin: This made us believe that it was still at a great distance from us; when behold Aquipaguetin, whom we believed to be above 200 Leagues off, appeared all on a sudden, with ten Warriors with him, towards the middle of july, 1680. We thought at first he came to kill us, because we had quitted him, though 'twere by the Consent of the other Savages: But he gave us some wild Oats, with a Piece of good Bulls Flesh; and asked us if we had found the Europeans who were to meet us with their Merchandise. Our Answer not satisfying him, he was resolved to go to Ouisconsin himself; but when he came there, found no body. He returned at the end of three Days, as we were still pursuing our Voyage, being resolved to acquit ourselves fully of the Promise which we had made the Sieur de Salle, to come thither and meet those that he should send. When Aquipaguetin first appeared at his return, the Picard was gone to Hunt in the Meads, and myself remained alone in a little Cabin, which we had set up under our Coverlet, which one of the Savages had returned me, to shade us from the Sunbeams, which were very scorching at this Season. Aquipaguetin seeing me alone, came up to me with his Club in his Hand: I immediately laid hold of my two Pocket-Pistols and a Knife, which the Picard had recovered out of the Hands of the Barbarians. I had no mind to kill the Man that had adopted me, but only frighten him, and keep him from murdering me, in case that were his intent. Aquipaguetin began it reprimand me for exposing myself in the manner I did to the Insults of their Enemies; and that at least I ought to have kept the other side of the River. He would have carried me with him, telling me, that he had 300 Hunters with him, who killed more Game than those that I was engaged with. And probably it had been more adviseable for me to have followed his Advice, than to prosecute my Voyage any farther. However, our Resolution then was to continue our course towards the river Ouisconsin; where when we came, we found none of the Men the Sieur de la Salle had promised to send us. The Picard and myself had like to have perished on a thousand different Occasions, as we came down the River: And nowwe found ourselves obliged to go up it again, which could not be done without repeating the same Hazards, and other Difficulties not to be imagined. CHAP. LXII. Great straits which the Author and his Companion are reduced to in their Voyage. They at last meet again with the Savages at their return from Hunting. THe Picard, who had been very ill used by the Savages, had rather venture all than go up the River with Aquipaguetin. Six Charges of Powder was all that we had left, which obliged us to husband it as well as we could; wherefore we divided it into twenty, to shoot only for the future at Turtles or Wild Pigeons. When these also were spent, we had recourse to three Hooks, which we baited with some stinking Barbel that an Eagle happened to drop. We took nothing the two first Days, and were destitute of all means of subsistence. This made us, you must think, betake ourselves to Prayers with greater fervency than ever. And yet the Picard, 'midst all our Misfortunes, could not forbear telling me, that he should pray to God with a much better Heart if his Belly were full. I consoled both him and myself as well as I could, and desired him to row with all the force he had left, to see if we could catch a Tortoise. The next Morning, having rowed the best part of the Night, we found a Tortoise, which was no bigger than an ordinary Plate. We went to boiling him the same Minute on the Fire that we had light. We devoured it so hastily, that I did not observe that I cut the Gall, which made my Mouth as bitter as itself; but I ran immediately and gargled my Throat, and so fell to't again, with the same eagerness as before. Notwithstanding our famished Condition, we got at last to the River of Bulls: Here we cast our Hooks, which we baited with a white Fish that an Eagle had let fall. God, who never abandons those that trust in him, succoured us very visibly on this occasion; for we had scarce finished our Prayers towards ten at Night, when the Picard, who heard the Noise, quitted his Devotion, and ran to the Hooks, where he found two Barbels hung, which were so large, that I was forced to help him to get them out of the Water. We did not stand to study what Sauce we should make for these monstrous Fish, which weighed above twenty five pound both; but having cut them to pieces, broiled 'em on the Coals. Boil them we could not, our little Earthen Pot being unhappily broke some time before. When we had satisfied our Appetite, and returned our Thanks to Him, whose Providence had so seasonably relieved us, we heard a noise about two in the Morning, upon the Bank of the River of Bulls, where we than were. After the Who-goes-there? we heard the Answer was, Tepatoni Nika, and the Word Nikanagi; which is as much as to say, Friends, all is well. I told the Picard, that by the Language I believed them to be Illinois or Outovagamis, who are Enemies of the Issati, or Nadou●●ans. But the Moon shining very bright, and the Day beginning to appear, I perceived 'twas the Savage Mamemisi, whose Infant-Daughter I Baptised, when the Picard assisted as Godfather, or Witness. He knew us again presently; and being just come from Hunting, where they had had plenty of Game, he gave us what Victuals we pleas d; and informed us, that all those of his Nation were coming down the River of Bulls, which discharges itself into the Meschasipi, having their Wives and Children with them. What he said was true; for the Savages, with whom Michael Ako had stayed behind, were all descending the River of Bulls with their Fleet of canoe's well stored with Provisions. Aquipaguetin by the way had acquainted those of his Nation, how the Picard and myself had exposed ourselves in our Voyage to Ouisconsin, and what great Hazards we had ran. The Chiefs of the Savages gave us to understand, that they were very well satisfied with what we had done: But all of them reproached Michael Ako for a Base Follow, who had refused to accompany us for fear of being famished by the way. The Picard too, but that I did what I could to hinder it, would have used him ill before all the Company, so incensed was he against him, for his want of Courage and Affection. CHAP. LXIII. The Savage Women hide their Provisions up-and-down in private Holes. They go down the River again a second time. Address of the Savages. Bravery of one of the Savages. THE Savage Women being come to the Mouth of the River of Bulls, hid their Provisions up-and-down the little Islands that are there, and in hollow Places underground. These People have a way to preserve their Meat thus, without Salt, as we shall see hereafter. We fell down the River a second time, in company of a multitude of Canow's, of which I have already spoke, Hunting all the way we as went, and were got a matter of fourscore Leagues. The Savages from time to time hid their Canow's in the little Island, or in the Reeds upon the Bank of the River, and went seven or eight Leagues up the Country into the Meadows beyond the Mountains, where at several times they killed between an hundred and sixscore Cows and Bulls. Whilst they are at the Chase, they always leave some Old Men on the top of the Mountains, to see if they can discover the Enemy. All this while I had a Savage under my Cure, who usually called me Brother: He had run a Thorn very deep into his Foot, and I was then putting a Plaster on it, when on a sudden the Alarm took in our Camp. Two hundred Archers immediately ran to see what was the matter; and the generous Savage, whose Foot I had laid open, in order to get out the Thorn, which was very deep, sprung likewise from me on a sudden, and ran as fast as the best, that he might not lose his share in the Action. But instead of the Enemy, they could see nothing but about an hundred Stags, which were running away as fast as they could. My poor Patient had much ado to recover the Camp. All the while the Alarm lasted, the Women and Maids kept singing in a very sad and melancholy Tone. The Picard being gone to his Host, I was left alone with one Otchimhi; but after the second Hunting, I was forced to carry an Old Woman with me in my Canow, who was above fourscore: For all that, she helped me to row, and with her Oar would now-and-then pat two or three little Children, that lay and disturbed us in the middle of our Canow. The Men were very kind to me; but for all that, 'twas necessary to make my Court to the Women; for the Victuals were all in their Custody, who delivered every one his Mess. This I did by shaving now-and-then the Crowns of their Child's Heads, who wear their Hair shorn not unlike our Monks. They let it grow till they are fifteen, sixteen, or eighteen Years old, as well on the top of the Head, as elsewhere; but at that Age, their Parents take it off, by burning it with flat Stones made red-hot in the Fire: So that the Women thought themselves mightily beholding to me for shaving their Children, because I took off the Hair without pain. We had yet another Alarm in our Camp: The Old Men, who had their Station on the top of the Mountains, sent to give notice that they had descried some Warriors fròm afar. The Archers ran as hard as they could drive, towards the Place where the Enemy was said to appear, every one endeavouring to be first in the Action. But after all this Noise, they brought nothing back with them but two Women of their own Nation, who were come to acquaint them that one of their Parties being gone a Hunting, towards the end of the Upper Lake, had light upon five Spirits, by which Name it is they call the Europeans. They added, That these Spirits had talked to 'em, by means of some of their Nation who had seen us, and had been Slaves amongst the Outovagamis and Iroquois, whose Language they understood: That they had also desired them to conduct them to the Place where we were, because they should be very glad to know whether we were English, Dutch, Spaniards, or Candians: And farther, That they could not imagine how we had been able to penetrate so far up into the Country amongst these People. I must observe hereupon, that there are certain Persons at Canada, who have got the Management of all Affairs there into their hands, as I have elsewhere said. These People being very angry, that we had been aforehand with them in our Discoveries, had sent Men after us to share in the Glory of the Action: For they hoped by our means to get a Knowledge of the Nations which we had seen, in order to Trade thither, as soon as they should have a Pretence of sending us back to Europe. CHAP. LXIV. Arrival of the Sieur du Luth in our Camp. He desires us to return with him and his Followers to the Country of the Issati and Nadovessians. I cast my Coverlet over a dead Man. The Savages are pleased at it. THE 28 th' of july, 1680. we began to ascend the River Meschasipi the third time. The Savages, who had made a grand Hunt with good Success, were resolved to return home to their own Villages, and pressed us to go with them; promising to conduct us as far as the Nations that inhabited at the End of the Upper-Lake. They said they had a design to make an Alliance with those People through our Means. The Sieur du Luth was arrived there from Canada, accompanied with five Men, whose Equipage was half Soldier, half Merchant They came up to us in company with the two Savage-Women an hundred and twenty Leagues, or thereabouts, from the Country of the Barbarians, that had taken us. They desired us, because we had some knowledge of the Language of the Issati, to accompany them back to the Villages of those People. I readily agreed to their request, especially when I understood that they had not received the Sacraments in the whole two Years and a half that they had been out upon their Voyage. The Sieur de Luth, who passed for their Captain, was overjoyed to see me, and told me as a Secret, that those who had sent him, would miss of their aim, as he would let me know more at leisure. And observing how I shaved the Crowns of the young Savages, he ordered them to be told I was his eldest Brother. All this made the Savages treat me better than ever, and furnish me very plentifully with Provisions. I applied myself also more than ever to the means of their Salvation; and 'tis true, they harkened to me attentively enough. But then, to make any Progress, one must live whole Years amongst them, they are so ignorant, and grounded in Superstition. The Sieur du Luth was charmed at the sight of the Fall of St. Anthony of Milan, which was the Name we had given it, and in all appearance will remain with it. I also showed him the craggy Rock, where the monstrous Serpent was climbing up to devour the young Swallows in their Nests; and recounted to him the Horror that seized the Picard, at the Image his Fancy framed of that terrible Animal in his Dream. I must here observe, that seeing myself at Liberty to say my Office after the Arrival of the Sieur du Luth, to be more exact in the Service, I thought I would ask him the Day of the Month: He told me as freely, he could not satisfy me in that Point, for he had no Notion of it left. Upon this I recounted to him the ill usage which we received at the Hands of the Barbarians, at their first taking us, which proceeded many times so far as to threaten our Lives; that therefore he ought not to be surprised, if through the Terrors and Apprehensions which I had lain so long under, I had forgot even the Day of the Week. We arrived at the Villages of the Issati on the 14 th' of August, 1680. where I found my Chalice very safe, with the Books and Papers which I had hid underground, in presence of the Savages themselves. These Wretches had never had so much as a Thought to meddle with them, being fearful and superstitious in relation to Spirits, and believing there is Witchcraft in every thing they cannot apprehend. The Tobacco which I planted before our Departure, was half choked with Grass. But the Cabbage, and other things which I had sown, were of a prodigious growth. The Stalks of the Purslain were as big as Reeds: But the Savages were afraid so much as to taste them. A little after our return, the Savages invited us to a great Feast after their own fashion. There were above an hundred and twenty Men at it naked. Ouasicoude, the first Captain of the Nation, and Kinsman of the Deceased, whose dead Body I covered, when they brought him back to the Village in a Canow, brought me some dried Flesh and wild Oats in a Dish of Bark, which he set before me upon a Bulls-Hide, whitened, and garnished with Porcupine-Skins on the one side, and curled Wool on the other. After I had eat, this Chief put the same Robe on my Head, and covered my Face with it, saying with a loud Voice before all that were present, He whose dead Body thou didst cover, covers thine while alive. He has carried the Tidings of it to the Country of Souls, (for these People believe the Transmigration of Souls:) What thou didst in respect of the Dead, is highly to be esteemed: All the Nation applauds and thanks thee for it. After this, he gently reproached the Sieur du Luth, that he did not cover the Dead, as I had done. To which the Sieur desired me to answer, That he never covered the Bodies of any but such Captains as himself. To which the Savage answered, Father Lovis (for so he heard the Europeans call me) is a greater Captain than thou: His Robe (speaking of my Brocard Chasuble, which they had taken from me, and was afterwards sent as a Present to our Allies, who lived three Moons distance from this Country) was finer than what thou wearest. When these Savages speak of a Journey of three or more Moons, they mean Months. They march well, and will travel fifteen Leagues a Day. By which the Reader may judge what an extent of Ground they can go in three Months: CHAP. LXV. The Author takes his leave of the Savages to return to Canada. A Savage is slain by his Chief, for advising to kill us. Dispute between the Sieur du Luth and me, about the Sacrifice of Barbarians. TOwards the end of September, seeing we had no Tools proper to build a House to dwell in during the Winter, amongst these People; and considering that we were destitute of Provisions necessary to subsist there, as our Design was at first to have done, we resolved to let them understand, that to procure them Iron, and other Merchandizes, which were useful for them, 'twas convenient that we should return to Canada, and that at a certain time which we should agree upon between us, they should come half the way with their Furs, and we the other half with our European Commodities: That they might let two of their Warriors go with us, whom we would carry into our Country, and likewise bring back again the next Year to the Place appointed for meeting, from whence they might proceed to acquaint them of our return, in order to their meeting us with their Effects. Upon this they held a great Council, to consider whether they should send some of their Nation with us or no. Two there were who were for it, and offered themselves to be the Men: But they altered their Opinion the Day of our Departure, alleging for a Reason, That we were obliged to pass through many Nations who were their sworn Enemies, and would be sure to seize their Men, and take them out of our Hands, either to burn them, or put them otherwise to Death by exquisite Torments, and that without our being able to hinder it, being so few in Number as we were. I answered, That all those People, whom they were afraid of, were our Friends and Allies, and that in consideration of us, they would forbear to injure any of their Nation that were with us. These Barbarians want no Wit; on the contrary, their Natural Parts are extraordinary. They told us in return, that since we were to pass through these People, who were their sworn Enemies, we should do well to destroy them, at whose Hands they had received so many Injuries; that then their Men should go and return with us to fetch them Iron, and other Commodities which they wanted, and would gladly treat with us about. From whence we may gather, that these Barbarians are full of Resentment, and Thoughts of Revenge, Dispositions not altogether so well prepared, to receive the meek Doctrine of the Gospel. In fine, Ouasicoude their chief Captain, having consented to our Return, in a full Council, gave us some Bushels of Wild-Oats, for our Subsistence by the way, having first regaled us in the best manner he could, after their fashion. We have already observed, that these Oats are better and more wholesome than Rice. After this, with a Pencil, he marked down on a Sheet of Paper which I had left, the Course that we were to keep for four hundred Leagues together. In short, this natural Geographer described our Way so exactly, that this Chart served us as well as my Compass could have done. For by observing it punctually, we arrived at the Place which we designed, without losing our way in the least. All things being ready, we disposed ourselves to depart, being eight Europeans of us in all. We put ourselves into two Canoes, and took our leaves of our Friends, with a Volley of our mens' Fusils, which put them into a terrible Fright. We fell down the River of St. Francis, and then that of the Meschasipi. Two of our Men, without saying any thing, had taken down two Robes of Castor, from before the Fall of St. Anthony of Milan, where the Barbarians had hung them upon a Tree as a sort of Sacrifice. Hereupon arose a Dispute between the Sieur du Luth and myself. I commended what they had done, saying, The Barbarians might judge by it, that we disapproved their Superstition. On the contrary, the Sieur du Luth maintained, That they ought to have let the things alone in that Place where they were, for that the Savages would not fail to revenge the Affront which we had put upon them by this Action, and that it was to be feared lest they should pursue and insult us by the Way. I own he had some grounds for what he said, and that he argued according to the Rules of Humane Prudence. But the two Men answered him bluntly, that the things fitted them, and therefore they should not trouble their Heads about the Savages, not their Superstitions. The Sieur du Luth fell into so violent a Passion at these Words, that he had like to have struck the Fellow that spoke them; but I got between, and reconciled the Matter: For the Picard and Michael Ako began to side with those that had taken away the things in question, which might have proved of ill consequence. I assured the Sieur du Luth that the Savages durst not hurt us, for that I was persuaded their Grand Captain Ouasicoude would always make our Cause his own, and that we might rely on his Word, and the great Credit he had amongst those of his Nation. Thus the Business was peaceably made up, and we descended the River together as good Friends as ever, hunting the Wild-Beasts as we went. When we were got almost as far as the River Ouisconsin, we made a Stop, to smoke after the manner of the Country, the Flesh of the Bulls which we had killed by the Way. During our stay here, for the Reason aforesaid, three Savages of the same Nation, which we had lately left, came up to us in their Canow, to acquaint us that their Grand Captain Ouasicoude having learned that another Chief of the same Nation had a Design to pursue and murder us, he came into the Cabin where the said Captain and his Associates were consulting about it, and gave him a Blow on the Head with so much Fury, that his Brains flew out upon those that were present at the Consult, resolving by this means effectually to prevent the Execution of his perniciousDesign We regaled the three Savages for their good News very nobly, having plenty of Provisions at that time. The Sieur du Luth, as soon as the Savages were gone, fell into as great a Passion as before, and seemed very apprehensive lest they should still pursue and set upon us in our Voyage. He would have carried Matters farther, but that he found our Men would not bate him an Ace, and were not in an Humour to be bullyed. I took upon me to moderate the Matter once more, and pacified them in the End, by assuring them that God would not leave us in distress, provided we put our Trust in him, and that he was able to deliver us from all our Enemies. CHAP. LXVI. The Sieur du Luth is in a great Consternation at the Appearance of a Fleet of the Savages, who surprised us before we were got into the River Ouisconsin. THE Sieur du Luth had reason to believe that the three Savages but now mentioned, were really Spies sent to observe our Actions; for indeed they knew that we had taken away the Robes of Castor from before the Fall of St. Anthony. He could not forego his Fears, but told me, we should serve the Fellow that did it but right, if we should force him to carry them back, and leave them in the place where he found them. I foresaw Discord would be our Destruction, and so made myself Mediator of the Peace once more. I appeased the Fray, by remonstrating, That God, who had preserved us hitherto in the greatest Dangers, would have a more peculiar Care of us on this Occasion, because the Man's Action was good in itself. Two Days after, all our Provisions being dressed, and fit to keep, we prepared to depart: But the Sieur du Luth was mightily surprised when we perceived a Fleet of an hundred and forty Canoes, carrying about an hundred and fifty Men, bearing down directly upon us. Our mens' Consternation was no less than the Sieurs: But when they saw me take out from amongst our Equipage, a Calumet of Peace which the Issati had given us as a Pledge of their Friendship and Protection, they took Heart, and told me they would act as I should direct. I ordered two of them to embark with me in a Canow, to meet the Savages: But the Sieur desired me to take a third to row, that by standing in the middle of the Canow, I might the better show the Pipe of Peace, which I carried in my hand, to appease the Barbarians, whose Language I understood indifferently well. The other four of our Men I left with the Sieur de Luth, and told them, in case any of the young Warriors should Land, and come up to them, they should by no means discourse or be familiar with them; but that they should keep their Posts with their Arms ready sixt. Having given these Orders, I went into my Canow, to the Barbarians who were a coming down the River in theirs. Seeing no Chief amongst them, I called out as loud as I could Ouasicoude, Ouasicoude, repeating his Name several times. At last I perceived him rowing up towards me: All this while none of this People had affronted us, which I looked upon as a good Omen. I concealed my Reed of Peace, the better to let them see how much I relied upon their Word. Soon after we landed, and entered the Cabin where the Sieur du Luth was, who would have embraced their Captain. Here we must observe, that 'tis not the Custom of the Savages to embrace after the manner of the French. I told the Sieur du Luth that he need only present him with a piece of the best boiled Meat that he had, and that in case he eat of it, we were safe. It happened according to our Wish; all the rest of the Captains of this little Army came to visit us. It cost our Folks nothing but a few Pipes of Martinico-Tobacco, which these People are passionately fond of, tho' their own be stronger, more agreeable, and of a much better Scent. Thus the Barbarians were very civil to us, without ever mentioning the Robes of Castor. The Chief Ouasicoude advised me to present some pieces of Martinico-Tobacco to the Chief Aquipaguetin, who had adopted me for his Son. This Civility had strange effects upon the Barbarians, who went off shouting and repeating the Word Lovis, which, as we said, signifies the Sun; so that I must say without Vanity, my Name will be as it were immortal amongst these People, by reason of its jumping so accidentally with that of the Sun. CHAP. LXVII. The Author's Voyage from the Mouth of the River Ouisconsin, to the great Bay of the Puans. THE Savages having left us to go and War upon the Messorites, Mahoras, Illinois, and other Nations, which inhabit towards the lower part of the River Meschasipi, and are irreconcilable Enemies to the People of the North; the Sieur du Luth, who upon many Occasions approved himself to be much my Friend, could not forbear telling our People, that I had all the reason in the World to believe that the Viceroy of Canada would give me a very kind Reception, in case we could arrive there before Winter; and that he wished with all his Heart he had been among so many different Nations as myself. As we went up the River Ouisconsin, we found it was as large as that of the Illinois, which is navigable for large Vessels above an hundred Leagues. We could not sufficiently admire the Extent of those vast Countries, and the charming Lands through which we passed, which lie all untilled. The cruel Wars which these Nations have one with another, are the cause that they have not People enough to cultivate them. And the more bloody Wars which have raged so long in all parts of Europe, have hindered the sending Christian Colonies to settle there. However, I must needs say, that the poorer sort of our Countrymen would do well to think of it, and go and plant themselves in this sine Country, where for a little Pains in cultivating the Earth, they would live happier, and subsist much better, than they do here. I have seen Lands there, which would yield three Crops in a Year: And the Air is incomparably more sweet and temperate than in Holland. After we had rowed about seventy Leagues upon the River Ouisconsin, we came to the Place where we were forced to carry our Canow for half a League, which Ouasicoude had set down in his Chart. We lay at this place all Night, and left Marks of our having been there, by the Crosses which we cut on the Barks of the Trees. Next Day, having carried our Canow's, and the rest of our little Equipage, over this Piece of Land, we entered upon a River, which makes almost as many Meanders, as that of the Illinois doth at its Rise: For after six Hours rowing, which made us go very fast, we found ourselves, notwithstanding all the Pains we had been at, over-against the Place where we embarked. One of our Men must needs shoot at a Bird flying, which overset his Canow; but by good luck he was in his depth. We were forced to break several Sluices which the Castor's had made for our canoe's to pass; otherwise we could not have continued our Way, or carried our things to embark them again above these Sluices. These Creatures make them with so much Art, that Man cannot equal it. We shall speak of them in our Second Volume. We found several of these Ponds, or Stops of Water, which these Creatures make with Pieces of Wood, like a Causey. After this we passed over four Lakes, which are all made by this River. Here formerly dwelled the Miamis: but now the Maskoutens, Kikapous, and O●toagamis, who sow their Indian Wheat here, on which they chiefly subsist. We made some Broth of the Water of a certain Fall, which they call Kakalin; because the Savages come often hither to ease themselves, and lie on their Backs, with their Faces exposed to the Sun. Thus having made more than four hundred Leagues by Water since our departure from the Country of the Issati and Nadovessans, we arrived at last at the great Bay of the Puans, which makes part of the Lake of the Illinois. CHAP. LXVIII. The Author and his Company stay some time amongst the Puans. Original of the Name. They celebrated the Mass here, and winter at Missilimakinak. WE found many Canadians in this Bay of the Puans. The Nation that inhabits here, is so called, because formerly they dwelled in certain Marshy Places, full of stinking Waters, situate on the South-Sea. But being drove out thence by their Enemy, they came and settled in this Bay, which is to the East of the Illinois. The Canadians were come hither to Trade with the People of this Bay, contrary to an Order of the Viceroy. They had still a little of the Wine left, which they brought with them, and kept in a Pewter-Flagon. I made use of it for the Mass. Till now, I had nothing but a Chalice, and a Marble-Altar, which was pretty light, and very handsomely engraved: But here by good Fortune I met with the Sacerdotal Robes too. Some Illinois who had happily escaped their Enemies the Iroquois, who had attacked and almost destroyed them since my Voyage, and the time that I had been a Slave amongst the Barbarians, had brought with them the Ornaments of the Chapel of Father Zenobius Mambre, whom we had left among the Illinois. Some of these I say, who were escaped to the Place where we were, delivered me up all the Ornaments of the Chapel, except the Chalice. They promised to get me that too for a little Tobacco, which I was to give them; and were as good as their Word, for they brought it me some few Days after. 'Twas more than nine Months since I had celebrated the Sacrament of the Mass, for want of Wine. We might indeed have done it in our Voyage, had we had Vessels proper to keep Wine in: But we could not charge our Canow with such, being very unfit to carry things of Weight. 'Tis true, we met with Grapes in many Places through which we passed, and had made some Wine too, which we put into Gourds; but it failed us whilst we were among the Illinois, as I have elsewhere observed. As for the rest, I had still some Wafers by me, which were as good as ever, having been kept in a Steel-Box shut very close. We stayed two Days at the Bay of the Puans; where we sung Te Deum, and myself said Mass, and Preached. Our Men prepared themselves for the Holy Sacrament, which we received, in order to render our Thanks to God, who had preserved us amidst the many Dangers we had run, the Difficulties we had surmounted, and Monsters we had overcome. One of our Canow-Men trucked a Fusil with a Savage for a Canow larger than our own, in which, after an hundred Leagues rowing, having coasted all along the great Bay of the Puans, we arrived at Missilimakinak, in the Lake of Huron, where we were forced to Winter: For our Way lying still North, we should infallibly have perished amongst the Ice and Snow, had we proceeded any farther. By the Course we were obliged to take, we were still about 400 Leagues from Canada. Amongst these People, I met, to my no little Satisfaction, Father Pierson, a Jesuit, Son of the King's Receiver for the Town of Ath in Hainault. He was come hither to learn their Language, and spoke it then passably well. This Religious, who retained still the free and open Humour of his Countrymen, had made himself beloved by his obliging Behaviour, and seemed to be an utter Enemy of Caballing and Intrigues, having a Soul well-tuned, generous, and sincere. In a Word, He appeared to me to be such as every good Christian ought to be. The Reader may judge how agreeably I passed the Winter in such good Company, after the Miseries and Fatigues I had undergone in the Course of our Discoveries. To make the best use of my time that I could, I Preached all the holidays and Sundays in Advent and Lent, for the Edification of our Men, and other Canadians, who were come four or five Leagues out of their Country, to Trade for Furs amongst these Savages: From whence we may observe, that there are some whom I shall forbear to name, who notwithstanding all their pretended Austerities, are yet no less covetous of the Things of this World, than the most Secular Person in it. The Outacuacts and the Hurons would often assist at our Ceremonies in a Church covered with Rushes and a few Board's, which the Canadians had built here: But they came more out of Curiosity than any Design to conform themselves to the Rules of our holy Religion. The latter of these Savages would tell us, speaking of our Discoveries, That themselves were but Men; but for us Europeans, we must needs be Spirits: That if they had gone so far up amongst strange Nations as we had done, they should have been sure to have been killed by them without Mercy; whereas we passed everywhere without danger, and knew how to procure the Friendship of all we met. During the Winter, we broke Holes in the Ice of the Lake Huron, and by means of several large Stones, sunk our Nets sometimes 20, sometimes 25 Fathom under-water to catch Fish, which we did in great abundance. We took Salmon-Trouts, which often weighed from 40 to 50 pounds. These made our Indian Wheat go down the better, which was our ordinary Diet. Our Beverage was nothing but Broth made of White Fish, which we drank hot; because as it cools it turns to Jelly, as if it had been made of Veal. During our stay here, Father Pierson and I would often divert ourselves on the Ice, where we skated on the Lake as they do in Holland. I had learned this 'Slight when I was at Ghent, from whence to Brussels one may run in three Hours with abundance of Pleasure when the Canal is frozen. 'Tis the usual Diversion with which the Inhabitants of these two Cities entertain themselves during the Winter, by favour of the Ice. It must be allowed, without reflecting on any other Order, That those of St. Francis are very proper for the settling of Colonies. They make a strict Vow of Poverty, and have a Property in nothing as their own: They enjoy only a simple Use of Things necessary to Life. Those that give us any Movables, continue still to be the Owners of them, and may take 'em again at pleasure. 'Tis this Poverty which is recommended to us by many Popes; but above all by our Rule, which is the only one I find inserted in the Canon-Law. What passed at Missilimakinak during this Winter, is a Proof of what I say. Two and forty Canadians, who were come hither upon the account of the Trade which they drive here with the Savages, desired me to present them with the Cord of St. Francis. I complied with their Request; and each time I delivered a Cord, made a small Harangue by way of Exhortation to the Person receiving it, and then associated him to the Prayers of the Order. They would have kept me with them, and made me a Settlement, where from time to time they might have resort to me. They promised me moreover, since I would accept of no Furs, that they would prevail with the Savages to furnish out my Subsistance in the best manner which could be expected for the Country. But because the greatest part of them that made me this Offer, Traded into these Parts without permission, I gave them to understand, That the Common Good of our Discoveries, aught to be preferred to their private Advantages; so desired them to excuse me, and permit me to return to Canada for a more Public Good. CHAP. LXIX. The Author's Departure from Missilimakinak. He passes two great Lakes. Taking of a Great Bear. Some Particulars relating to the Flesh of that Beast. WE parted from Missilimakinak in Easter-Week, 1681. and for twelve or thirteen Leagues together, were obliged to draw our Provisions and canoe's after us over the Ice, up the Lake Huron, the sides of which continued still froze five or six Leagues broad. The Ice being broke, we embarked, after the Solemnity of the Quasimodo, which we had an opportunity to celebrate, having by good Fortune met with a little Wine, which a Canadian had brought with him, and served us all the rest of our Voyage. After we had rowed a hundred Leagues all along the sides of the Lake Huron, we passed the straits, which are thirty Leagues through, and the Lake of St. Claire, which is in the middle: Thence we arrived at the Lake Erie, or of the Cat, where we stayed some time to kill Sturgeon, which come here in great numbers, to cast their Spawn on the side of the Lake. We took nothing but the Belly of the Fish, which is the most delicious part, and threw away the rest. This Place afforded also plenty of Venison and Fowl. As we were standing in the Lake, upon a large Point of Land which runs itself very far into the Water, we perceived a Bear in it as far as we could see. We could not imagine how this Creature got there; 'twas very improbable that he should swim from one side to t'other, that was thirty or forty Leagues over. It happened to be very calm; so two of our Men leaving us on the Point, put off to attack the Bear, that was near a quarter of a League out in the Lake. They made two Shot at him one after another, otherwise the Beast had certainly sunk them. As soon as they had fired, they were forced to sheer off as fast as they could to charge again; which when they had done, they returned to the Attack. The Bear was forced to stand it; and it cost them no less than seven Shot before they could compass him. As they were endeavouring to get him aboard, they were like to have been over-set; which if they had, they must have been infallibly lost: All they could do was to fasten him to the Bar that is in the middle of the Canow, and so drag him on ●hoar; which they did at last with much ado, and great hazard of their Lives. We had all the leisure that was requisite for the dressing and ordering him so as to make him keep; and in the mean time took out his Entrails, and having cleansed and boiled them, eat heartily of '●m. These are as good a Dish as those of our Sucking-Pigs in Europe. His Flesh served us the rest of our Voyage, which we usually eat with lean Goats-flesh, because it is too fat to eat by itself▪ So that we lived for 100 Leagues upon the Game that we killed in this Place. CHAP. LXX. The Meeting of the Author and a certain Captain of the Outtaovacts, named Talon by the Intendant of that Name, upon the Lake of Erie; who recounts to him many Adventures of his Family and Nation. Further Observations upon the Great Fall or Cataract of Niagara. THere was a certain Captain of the Outtaovacts, to whom the Intendant Talon gave his own Name, whilst he was at Quebec. He used to come often to that City with those of his Nation, who brought Furs thither: We were strangely surprised at the sight of this Man, whom we found almost famished, and more like a Skeleton than a living Man. He told us the Name of Talon would be soon extinct in this Country, since he resolved not to survive the Loss of six of his Family who had been starved to death. He added, That the Fishery and Chace had both failed this Year, which was the occasion of this sad Disaster. He told us moreover, That tho' the Iroquois were not in War with his Nation, yet had they taken and carried into Slavery an entire Family of Twelve Souls. He begged very earnestly of me, that I would use my utmost Endeavours to have them released, if they were yet alive; and gave me two Necklaces of Black and White Porcelain, that I might be sure not to neglect a Business which he laid so much to heart. I can rely upon thee, Barefoot, (for so they always called us;) and am confident that the Iroquis will harken to thy Reasons sooner than any ones. Thou didst often advise them at their Councils, which were held then at the Fort of Katarockovi, where thou hast caused a great Cabin to be built. Had I been at my Village when thou cam'st through it, I would have done all that I could to have kept thee, instead of the Black-Coat (so they call the Jesuits) which was here. When the poor Captain had done speaking, I solemnly promised him to use my utmost Interest with the Iroquois, for the releasement of his Friends. After we had rowed above an hundred and forty Leagues upon the Lake Erie, by reason of the many Windings of the Bays and Creeks which we were forced to coast, we passed by the Great Fall of Niagara, and spent half a Day in considering the Wonders of that prodigious Cascade. I could not conceive how it came to pass, that four great Lakes, the least of which is 400 Leagues in compass, should empty themselves one into another, and then all centre and discharge themselves at this Great Fall, and yet not drown good part of America. What is yet more surprising, the Ground from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, down to the Great Fall▪ appears almost level and flat. 'Tis scarce discernible that there is the least Rise or Fall for six Leagues to gether: The more than ordinary swiftness of the Stream, is the only thing that makes it be observed. And that which makes it yet the stranger is, That for 2 Leagues together below the Fall, towards the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, the Lands are as level as they are above it towards the Lake of Erie. Our Surprise was still greater, when we observed there was no Mountains within two good Leagues of this Cascade; and yet the vast quantity of Water which is discharged by these four fresh Seas, stops or centres here, and so falls above six hundred Foot deep down into a Gulf, which one cannot look upon without Horror. Two other great outlets, or Falls of Water, which are on the two sides of a small sloping Island, which is in the midst, fall gently and without noise, and so glide away quiety enough: But when this prodigious quantity of Water, of which I speak, comes to fall, there is such a din, and such a noise, more deafening than the loudest Thunder. The rebounding of these Waters is so great, that a sort of Cloud arises from the Foam of it, which are seen hanging over this Abyss even at Noonday, when the Sun is at its height. In the midst of Summer, when the Wether is hottest, they arise above the tallest Sirs, and other great Trees, which grow in the sloping Island which make the two Falls of Waters that I spoke of. I wished an hundred times that somebody had been with us, who could have described the Wonders of this prodigious frightful Fall, so as to give the Reader a just and natural Idea of it; such as might satisfy him, and create in him an Admiration of this Prodigy of Nature as great as it deserves. In the mean time, accept the following Draught, such as it is; in which however I have endeavoured to give the curious Reader as just an Image of it as I can. We must call to mind what I observed of it in the beginning of my Voyage, which is to be seen in the Seventh Chapter of this Book. From the Mouth of the Lake Erie to the Great Fall, are reckoned six Leagues, as I have said, which is the continuation of the Great River of St. Laurence, which arises out of the four Lakes abovementioned. The River, you must needs think, is very rapid for these six Leagues, because of the vast Discharge of Waters which fall into it out of the said Lakes. The Lands, which lie on both sides of it to the East and West, are all level from the Lake Erie to the Great Fall. Its Banks are not steep; on the contrary, the Water is almost always level with the Land. 'Tis certain, that the Ground towards the Fall is lower, by the more than ordinary swiftness of the Stream; and yet 'tis not perceivable to the Eye for the six Leagues abovesaid. After it has run thus violently for six Leagues, it meets with a small sloping Island, about half a quarter of a League long, and near three hundred Foot broad, as well as one can guests by the Eye; for it is impossible to come at it in a Canow of Bark, the Waters run with that force. The Isle is full of Cedar and Fir; but the Land of it lies no higher than that on the Banks of the River. It seems to be all level, even as far as the two great Cascades that make the Main Fall. The two sides of the Channels, which are made by the Isle, and run on both sides of it, overflow almost the very Surface of the Earth of the said Isle, as well as the Land that lies on the Banks of the River to the East and West, as it runs South and North. But we must observe, that at the end of the Isle, on the side of the two great Falls, there is a sloping Rock which reaches as far as the Great Gulf, into which the said Waters fall; and yet the Rock is not at all wetted by the two Cascades which fall on both sides, because the two Torrents which are made by the Isle, throw themselves with a prodigious force, one towards the East, and the other towards the West, from off the end of the Isle, where the Great Fall of all is. After then these two Torrents have thus run by the two sides of the Isle, they cast their Waters all of a sudden down into the Gulf by two Great Falls; which Waters are pushed so violently on by their own Weight, and so sustained by the swiftness of the motion, that they don't wet the Rock in the least. And here it is that they tumble down into an Abyss above 600 Foot in depth. The Waters that flow on the side of the East, do not throw themselves with that violence as those that fall on the West. The reason is, because the Rock at the end of the Island, rises something more on this side, than it does on the West; and so the Waters being supported by it somewhat longer than they are on the other side, are carried the smother off: But on the West the Rock sloping more, the Waters, for want of a Support, become the sooner broke, and fall with the greater precipitation. Another reason is, the Lands that lie on the West are lower than those that lie on the East. We also observed, that the Waters of the Fall, that is to the West, made a sort of a square Figure as they fell, which made a third Cascade, less than the other two, which fell betwixt the South and North. And because there is a rising Ground which lies before those two Cascades to the North, the Gulf is much larger there than to the East. Moreover, we must observe, that from the rising Ground that lies over against the two last Falls which are on the West of the main Fall, one may go down as far as the bottom of this terrible Gulf. The Author of this Discovery was down there, the more narrowly to observe the Fall of these prodigious Cascades. From hence we could discover a Spot of Ground, which lay under the Fall of Water which is to the East, big enough for four Coaches to drive a breast without being wet; but because the Ground, which is to the East of the sloping Rock, where the first Fall empties itself into the Gulf, is very steep, and almost perpendicular, 'tis impossible for a Man to get down on that side, into the Place where the four Coaches may go abreast, or to make his way through such a quantity of Water as falls towards the Gulf: So that 'tis very probable, that to this dry Place it is that the Rattle-Snakes retire, by certain Passages which they find underground. From the end then of this Island it is, that these two Great Falls of Waters, as also the third but now mentioned, throw themselves, after a most surprising manner, down into a dreadful Gulf six hundred Foot and more in depth. I have already said, that the Waters which discharge themselves at the Cascade to the East, fall with lesser force; whereas those to the West tumble all at once, making two Cascades; one moderate, the other very violent and strong, which at last make a kind of Crotchet, or square Figure, falling from South to North, and West to East. After this, they rejoin the Waters of the other Cascade that falls to the East, and so tumble down altogether, tho' unequally, into the Gulf, with all the violence that can be imagined, from a Fall of six hundred Foot, which makes the most Beautiful, and at the same time most Frightful Cascade in the World. After these Waters have thus discharged themselves into this dreadful Gulf, they begin to resume their Course, and continue the great River of St. Laurence for two Leagues, as far as the three Mountains which are on the East of the River, and the great Rock which is on the West, and lifts itself three Fathoms above the Waters, or thereabouts. The Gulf into which these Waters are discharged, continues itself thus two Leagues together, between a Chain of Rocks, flowing with a prodigious Torrent, which is bridled and kept in by the Rocks that lie on each side of the River. Into this Gulf it is, that these several Cascades empty themselves, with a violence equal to the height from whence they fall, and the quantity of Waters which they discharge. Hence arise those deafening Sounds, that dreadful roaring and bellowing of the Waters, which drown the loudest Thunder, as also the perpetual Mists that hang over the Gulf, and rise above the tallest Pines that are in the little Isle so often mentioned. After a Channel is again made at the bottom of this dreadful Fall by the Chain of Rocks, and filled by that prodigious quantity of Waters which are continually falling, the River of St. Laurence resumes its Course: But with that violence, and his Waters beat against the Rocks with so prodigious a force, that 'tis impossible to pass even in a Canow of Bark, tho' in one of them a Man may venture safe enough upon the most rapid Streams, by keeping close to the Shoar. These Rocks, as also the prodigious Torrent last for two Leagues; that is, from the great Fall, to the three Mountains and great Rock: But than it begins insensibly to abate, and the Land to be again almost on a level with the Water; and so it continues as far as the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac. When one stands near the Fall, and looks down into this most dreadful Gulf, one is seized with Horror, and the Head turns round, so that one cannot look long or steadfastly upon it. But this vast Deluge beginning insensibly to abate, and even to fall to nothing about the three Mountains, the Waters of the River St. Laurence begin to glide more gently along, and to be almost upon a level with the Lands; so that it becomes navigable again, as far as the Lake Frontenac, over which we pass to come to the New Canal, which is made by the discharge of its Waters. Then we enter again upon the River St. Laurence, which not long after makes that which they call the Long Fall, an hundred Leagues from Niagara. I have often heard talk of the Cataracts of the Nile, which make the People deaf that live near them. I know not if the Iroquois, who formerly inhabited near this Fall, and lived upon the Beasts which from time to time are born down by the violence of its Torrent, withdrew themselves from its Neighbourhood, lest they should likewise become deaf; or out of the continual fear they were in of Rattle-Snakes, which are very common in this Place during the great Heats, and lodge in Holes all along the Rocks as far as the Mountains, which lie two Leagues lower. Be it as it will, these dangerous Creatures are to be met with as far as the Lake Frontenac, on the Southside; but because they are never to be seen but in the midst of Summer, and then only when the Heats are excessive, they are not so afraid of them here as elsewhere. However, 'tis reasonable to presume, that the horrid noise of the Fall, and the fear of these poisonous Serpents, might oblige the Savages to seek out a more commodious Habitation. Having carried our Canow from the Great Fall of Niagara, as far as the three Mountains, which are two Leagues below, in all which Way we perceived never a Snake, we proceedceeded in our Voyage, and arrived at the Lake of Ontario or Frontenac. CHAP. LXXI. The Author sets out from the Fort which is at the Mouth of the River Niagara, and obliges the Iroquois assembled in Council, to deliver up the Slaves they had made upon the Outtaovacts. WE met none of the Savages in the little Village of the Iroquois, which is near the Mouth of the River Niagara; for they sow there but very little of Indian Corn; and inhabit the Village but in Harvest-time, or in the Season they go a fishing for Sturgeons or White-Fish, which are there in great plenty. We thought also we should find some Canadians at the Fort of the River which we had begun to build, at the beginning of our Discovery: But these Forts were only built for a Show, to cover the secret Trade of Furs, and countenance the great Hopes M. de la Salle had given to the French Court. It must be granted, that such Discoveries are beyond any private mens' Power, and they must be countenanced by the Sovereign Authority, to be successful. Therefore M. de la Salle had got the French Court's Protection; but instead of making a good use of it for the public Good, he did chiefly aim at his own private Interest, and for that reason neglected a great many things necessary to carry on his Enterprise. The Fort of the River of Niagara was become a deserted Place, and might have served to countenance his Design. We came along the Southern Coasts of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac; and after a Navigation of thirty Leagues, we arrived about Whitsuntide 〈◊〉 the Year 1681, at the great Village of the Tsonnontovans Iroquois. The Savages came to meet us, repeating often this Word Otchitagon, meaning by it, that the Barefoot was returned from the great Voyage he had undertaken, to visit the Nations that are beyond the River Hohio and Meschasipi; and tho' our Faces were burnt by the Sun, and my Clothes patched up with wild Bull-Skins, yet they knew me, and carried me with my two Men into one of their Officer's Cottages. They did call their Council, which met to the number of Thirty, or thereabouts, wearing their Gowns in a stately manner, made up with all sorts of Skins, twisted about their Arms, with the Calumet in their Hands. They gave order that we should be entertained according to their own Fashion, while they did smoke, without eating. After we had done eating, I told them by a Canadian that was my interpreter, that their Warriors had brought 12 Outtaovacts as Slaves, tho' they were their Confederates and Onontio's Friends, ('tis the Name they give to the Viceroy of Canada) breaking thereby the Peace, and proclaiming War against Canada: And the better to oblige them to deliver up to us the Outtaovacts, who by good Fortune were still alive, we flung in the middle of the Assembly two Collars of Porcelain, that Captain Talon had given us; This is the only way among them, to enter upon any Affair. The next Day the Council met, and the Iroquois answered me with some other Collars of Porcelain; and told me, That those who had made these Men Slaves, were young Warriors without Consideration; That we might assure Onontio, (who was then Count Frontenac) that that their Nation would always respect him in all things; That they should live with him as true Children with their Father, and that they would deliver up the Men who had been taken. Teganeot, one of the chiefest, who spoke for the whole Nation in the Council, presented me with some Skins of Otter, Martin, and Beaver, to the value of thirty Crowns. I took his Present with one Hand, and delivered it with the other to his Son, whom he loved tenderly. I told him, that I made him that Present, that he might Exchange it with some Merchandizes of Europe; and that the Bare-feets will accept of no Present at all, not out of Contempt, but because we are disinterested in all things; assuring him, I would acquaint the Governor of his Friendship. The Iroquois was surprised that I did not accept of his Present; and seeing besides, that I gave a little Looking-Glass to his Son, he said to those of this Nation, that the other Canadians were not of that Temper: And they sent us several Fowls, as an acknowledgement of their Gratitude for the care we took, to teach their Children some Prayers in their own Tongue. After the Promises the Savages gave us to live in good correspondency with us, we took our leave of them, and got ourselves ready, in order to continue our Voyage. CHAP. LXXII. The Author sets out from the Tsonnontovans Iroquois, and comes to Fort Frontenac. I Must confess it is a great Pleasure for one to come out of Slavery, or the Hands of Savages, and to reflect upon past Miseries; especially when he returns among Friends, to rest himself after so many Hardships and Troubles. We had still about fourscore Leagues to go upon the Lake Ontario, before we could arrive at Fort Catarokovi or Frontenac; but we were all the Way very merry. I had helped Picard du Gay and Michael Ako, my fellow-Travellers, with some Skins, to make amends for the Hardship and Pains they suffered in that Voyage. We had much ado to row off our Canow, it being much bigger than that we made use of, when we set out from the Issati and Nadovessians; but nevertheless we came in four Days to the Fort, and killed in our way some Bustards and some Teals. We wanted then neither Powder nor Shot, and therefore we shot at random all that we met, either small Birds, or Turtles and Wood-Pigeons, which were then coming from foreign Countries in so great Numbers, that they did appear like Clouds. I observed upon this Occasion, and many other times during our Voyage, a thing worthy of Admiration. The Birds that were flying at the Head of the others, keep often back, to ease and help those among them that are tired; which may be a Lesson to Men to help one another in time of need. Father Luke Buisset, and Sergeant la Fleur, who had the Command in the Fort in the absence of M. lafoy Salle, received us in the House of our Order, that we had built together. They were much surprised to see us, having been told that the Savages had hanged me with St. Francis's Rope two Years ago. All the Inhabitants of Canada, and the Savages, that we had encouraged to live near Fort Frontenac, to till the Ground, made me an extraordinary reception, and showed much Joy to see me again. The Savages put their Hand upon their Mouth, and repeated often this Word Otkon, meaning, that the Barefoot must be a Spirit, having traveled so far, through so many Nations that would have killed them, if we had been there. Tho' we were very kindly used in this Fort, yet my Men had a great Mind to return into Canada; and having escaped so many Dangers together, I was willing to make an End of the Voyage with them; therefore we took leave of Father Luke Buisset, and of all our Friends that lived in that Fort, and went for Quebec. CHAP. LXXIII. The Author sets out from Fort Frontenac, and passes over the rapid Stream, which is called The Long Fall. He is kindly received at Montreal by Count Frontenac. WE set out from the Fort sooner than I thought, not being able to keep any longer my Men, and in our way took a more exact View of the Mouth of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. This Place is called Thousand Islands, because there are so many of them, that 'tis impossible to tell them. The Stream is here very rapid; but its Swiftness is prodigiously increased by the great Quantity of Waters that come from the other Lakes abovementioned, and a great many Rivers that run into this, in the place called The Long Fall, which makes it as dreadful as the great Fall of Niagara. But besides this great Quantity of Waters, and the Declivity of the Channel, which makes the Current so rapid, there are also on the Banks, and in the middle of the River of St. Laurence, about eight or ten Leagues below the said Lake, great Rocks, which appear above-Water, which stopping the Stream of the River, makes as great a Noise as the great Fall of Niagara. This dreadful Encounter of Water that beats so furiously against these Rocks, continues about two Leagues, the Water's spurt up ten or twelve Yards high, and appear like huge Snowballs, Hail, and Rain, with dreadful Thunder, and a Noise like Hissing and Howling of fierce Beasts: And I do certainly believe, that if a Man continued there a considerable time, he would become Deaf, without any Hope of Cure. My Men refusing to carry by Land the Canow, and the Skins they had got, I was forced to adventure with them; which I did willingly, having formerly passed these Streams in a Canow: I trusted myself again to the same GOD who had delivered me from so many great Dangers. The Stream is so rapid, that we could not tell the Trees that were on the Bank, and yet there was hardly room for our Canow to pass between the Rocks. We were carried away by these horrid Currents above two great Leagues in a very short time; and in two Days we came from Frontenac to Montreal, which are about Threescore Leagues distant one from another. Before our landing at Montreal, my Men desired me to leave them with the Skins, in a neighbouring Island, to save some Duties, or rather to keep off from M. la Salle's Creditors, who would have seized the Commodities they had got in their long Voyage with me in our great Discovery. Count Frontenac, who was at Montreal, looking out of a Window, saw me alone in a Canow, and took me for Father Luke Fillatre, one of our Recollects, who served him as Chaplain. But one of his Guards, knowing me again, went to him, and acquainted him with my coming, he was so kind as to come to meet me, and made the best Reception that a Missionary might expect from a Person of that Rank and Quality. He thought I had been murdered by the Savages two Years ago. He was at first surprised, thinking I was some other Recollect, that came from Virginia. But at last he knew me, and gave me a very kind Entertainment. This Lord did wonder to see me so much altered, being lean, tired and tanned, having lost my Cloak that the Issati had stolen from me, being then clothed with an old Habit, patched up with pieces of wild Bull's-Skins. He carried me to his own House, where I continued for twelve Days, to refresh myself. He forbade all his Servants to give me any thing to eat, without his express Order, because he was afraid I should fall sick, if I was left to my own Discretion, to eat as much as I would, after so long Diet; and he gave me himself what he thought was best. He was much pleased to hear me talk of all the Hazards I had run in so long a Voyage among so many different Nations. I represented to him what great Advantages might be got by our Discovery: But having observed, that he was always repeating the same Questions he asked me the first Day I was with him, I told him I had acquainted him with what I knew, and that I did not question but M. la Salle, who was to go to the Court of France about his Affairs, had acquainted him with all the Particulars of our Voyage, having been in our Company till he was forced to leave us to return into Canada. I knew that M. lafoy Salle was a Man that would never forgive me, if I had told all that I knew of our Voyage; therefore I kept secret the whole Discovery we had made of the River Meschasipi. My Men were as much concerned as I, in concealing our Voyage; for they had been certainly punished for having undertaken it against Orders; and the Skins they had got in their return from the Issati with M. du Luth, who did stay for that reason among the Outtaovacts, had likewise been confiscated. Count Frontenac showed me in private a Letter M. du Luth had sent him by a Huron, who lived in the Neighbourhood of the Outtaovacts, by which he acquainted him, he could never learn any thing about our Voyage, neither from me, nor from the Men who attended me. I could not forbear then to tell him, that M. du Luth was not so much devoted to his Service as he thought; and that I might assure him that some Men, that were opposed to him, had stopped M. du Luths Mouth; and that I was fully persuaded he had been sent by them with a secret Order, to pump me; but I was bound by my Character; and in Charity, to spare those Men, tho' in many Occasions they had not dealt so justly with me; but I was willing to leave all to God, who will render to every one according to his Works. Francis de Laval, the first Lord Bishop of Quebec, came along the River St. Laurence, to make his Visitation, while I was coming to Quebec with the Lord Frontenac. We met him near Fort Champlein, which had been fortifed, to put a Stop to the Inroads of the Iroquois: The Lord Frontenac asked me, if I had got an Ague; and then looking upon those that attended him, he said that the feeling of the Pulse increased the Fever; insinuating to me thereby, that there was a Design laid against me, to get out cunningly what I kept secret in my Heart. After a short Conversation with the Bishop, I asked his Episcopal Blessing, tho' I did not think fit to reveal to him all that I knew of our Discoveries. We were going to discourse more largely upon this Subject, when the Lord Frontenac came in, to invite the Bishop to Dine with him, and thereby to give me an opportunity to put an end to our Conversation. I was much puzzled in the Company of these two Great Men, the Bishop was the Chief of the Company; but I was yet to pay a great Respect to the Lord Frontenac. I did avoid to talk of Matters that might be troublesome to me; and I told the Bishop, that the Lord Frontenac had prescribed me a Course of Diet, lest I should fall sick, after all the Hardships I had endured, and the bad Food I fed upon among the Savages, therefore I desired him to give me leave to return to Quebec, that I might live there in private; for I was not able then to catechise the Children, nor to perform any Functions of a Missionary in his Visitation; and that I wanted from Rest, that I might work more vigorously afterwards. By these Means I avoided a Conversation with the Bishop, that would have proved very troublesome to me; for he gave me leave to retire to our Monastery, to rest there after all my Fatigues. CHAP. LXXIV. A great Defeat of the Illinois, that were attacked and surprised by the Iroquois. WHile I was resting after my great Labours, the Lord Frontenac did receive Letters from Father Zenobe Mambre, whom I left among the Illinois. He sent him Word, that the Iroquois had drawn the Miamis into their Party; and that being joined together, they had formed a great Army, and were fallen on a sudden upon the Illinois, to destroy that Nation; and that they were got together to the number of Nine hundred, all Fusiliers; these two Nations being well provided with Guns, and all sort of Ammunitions of War, by the Commerce they have with the Europeans. The Iroquois were projecting this Enterprise about the 12 th' of September, 1680. while I was about the Discovery of the River Meschasipi. The Illinois did not mistrust them; for they had concluded a Treaty of Peace with these two Nations; and M. lafoy Salle had assured them, that he would do his utmost Endeavours to oblige them to observe the Treaty; therefore the Illinois were easily surprised, having sent most part of their Youth to make a War in another Country. A Chaovanon, Confederate to the Illinois, returning from their Country home, came back again, to give them notice that he had discovered them notice that he had discovered an Army of Iroquois and Miamis, who were already entered into their Country, on purpose to surprise them. This News frighted the Illinois; yet the next Day they appeared in the Field, and marched directly to the Enemy; and as soon as they were in sight, they charged them. The Fight was very sharp, and a great many Men were killed on both sides. M. Tonti, whom M. lafoy Salle had left in the Fort of Crevecoeur, to command there in his Absence, hearing of this Irruption, was in fear for the Illinois' Sake; for tho' their Army was more numerous than that of their Enemy, yet they had no Guns; therefore he offered himself to go Askenon, that is, Mediator, carrying the Calumet of Peace in his Hand, in order to bring them to an Agreement. The Iroquois finding more resistance than they thought at first, and seeing that the Illinois were resolved to continue the War, consented to a Treaty of Peace, accepting M. Tonti's Mediation, and harkened to the Proposals he made them from the Illinois, who had chosen him for Mediator. M. Tonti represented to them, tha● the Illinois were Onontios ('tis the Name they give to the Viceroy of Canada) Children and Confederates as well as themselves; and that it would be very unpleasant to him, who loved them all, to hear that they had begun the War; therefore he earnestly entreated them to return home, and trouble the Ilinois no further, seeing they had religiously observed the Treaty of Peace. These Proposals did not please some of the young Iroquois, who had a great mind to fight, and therefore charged on a sudden M. Tonti and his Men with several Shots; and a desperate young Fellow of the Country of Onnontaghe, gave him a Wound with a Knife, near the Heart; but by chance a Rib warded off the Stroke: Several others did fall upon him, and would take him away; but one taking notice of his Hat, and that his Ears were not bored▪ knew thereby that he was not an Illinois, and for that reason an old Man cried out, That they should spare him; and flung to him a Collar of Porcelain, as to make him Satisfaction for the Blood he had lost, and the Wound he had received. A young Man of the Iroquois' Crew, took M. Tonti's Hat, and hung it on his Gun, to fright the Illinois therewith, who thinking by that Signal that Tonti, Father Zenobe, and all the Europeans that were in his Company, had been killed by the Iroquois, were so much surprised and disquieted with that horrid Attempt, that they fancied themselves delivered up into the Hands of their Enemies, and were upon running away: Yet the Iroquois having made a Signal to Father Zenobe to draw near, that they might confer with him about the means to prevent both Armies to come to fight, they received the Calumet of Peace, and made a Motion as if they had a mind to withdraw: But the Illinois were hardly come to their Village, that they saw the Iroquois' Army appearing upon some Hills, which were over-against them. This Motion obliged Father Zenobe, at the Illinois' Request, to go to them to know the reason of a Proceeding so contrary to what they had done in accepting of the Calumet of Peace. But that Embassy did not please those Barbarians, who would not lose so fair an Opportunity. Father Zenobe did run the hazard of being murdered by these unmerciful Men, yet the same God who had preserved many of our Fellow-Missionaries in the like Encounters, and myself in this Discovery, kept him from the Hand of these furious Men. He was a Man of a short Stature, but very courageous, and went boldly among the Iroquois, who received him very civilly. They told him, that the Want they were reduced to, had forced them to this new Step, having no Provisions for their Army, and their great Number having driven away the Wild-Bulls from that Country. Father Zenobe brought their Answer to the Illinois, who presently sent them some Indian Corn, and all things necessary for their Subsistence, and proposed to them a Treaty of Commerce, having in that Country a great plenty of Beaver's-Skins, and other Furs. The Iroquois accepted of these Proposals; they did exchange Hostages, and Father Zenobe went into their Camp, and did lie there, to lose no time to bring all Matters to an Agreement, and conclude a Treaty between them. But the Iroquis repairing in great Numbers into the Quarters of the Illinois, who suspected no ill Design, they advanced as far as their Village, where they wasted the Mausolaeums that they used to raise to their Dead, which are commonly seven or eight Foot high: They spoiled the Indian Corn that was sown; and having deceived the Illinois, under a false pretence of Peace, fortified themselves in their Village. In this Confusion the Iroquois joined with the Miamis, carried away eight hundred Illinois Women and Children; and their Fury went so far, that these Antropophages did eat some Old Men of that Nation, and burned some others who were not able to follow them, and so returned with the Slaves they had made, to their own Habitations, which were four hundred Leagues off the Country they had so cruelly plundered. Upon the first News of the Approach of the Iroquois, the Illinois had sent most part of their Families on the other side of a little Hill, to secure them from their Fury, and that they might get over the River Meschasipi; and the others that were fit for War, did flock together on the Tops of the Hills that were near their Habitations, and then went on the other side of the River, to look after their Families, and provide for their Subsistence. After this perfidious Expedition, these Barbarians would feign allege some Pretences to excuse their Treachery, and would persuade our Fathers to retire from the Illinois' Country, since they were all fled away; and that there was no likelihood they should want them for the future to teach them their Prayers, as the Atsientatsi, or the Black-Gowns do in their Countries, meaning the Jesuits, whom they call by that Name. They told Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe, that they should do better to return into Canada, and that they would attempt nothing against the Life of the Children of Onontio Governor of Canada, desiring to have a Letter under their Hand, to show it as a Testimony of their honest proceeding in this occasion, and assuring them that they would no more stand by their Enemies. Our two Fathers being so forsaken by their Hosts, and finding themselves exposed to the Fury of a Cruel and Victorious Enemy, resolved to return home, according to the Iroquois Advice; and being supplied by them with a Canow, they embarked for Canada. CHAP. LXXVII. The Savages Kikapoux murder Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, a Recollect Messionary. GOD has given me the Grace to be insensible of the Wrong I have suffered from my Enemies, and to be thankful for the Kindnesses I have received from my Friends. But if ever I had reason to be thankful to those that have taken care of my Instruction, certainly I must confess it was to this Good Father Gabriel, who was my Master during my Novitiate in the Monastery of our Order at Bethume, in the Province of Artois; therefore I think, that I am bound in Duty to mention so Honest a Man in this Relation of my Discovery, especially having had so sad a Share therein, as to be murdered by the Savages Kikapoux, as I will relate it. It must be observed, That M. Tonti could stay no longer at Fort Crevecoeur, after the Illinois Defeat; therefore he desired Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe to get, with two young Boys that were left there, into a Canow, and return into Canada. All the rest of the Inhabitants had deserted that Country since that unfortunate Accident, by the Suggestion of some Men of Canada, who were the Predominant Genius of the Country, who had flattered them with great Hopes, to oblige them to forsake M. de la Salle's Design. Our said Fathers being so forced to leave that Country after such a Defeat, embarked the 18th of September following, wanting all sorts of Provisions, except what they could kill with their Guns; but being arrived about eight Leagues from the Illinois, their Canow touched, and so were forced to land about Noon to mend it. While they were about careening the same, Father Gabriel, charmed with the fine Meadows, the little Hills, and the pleasant Groves in that Country, which are dispersed at such distances, that it seems they have been planted on purpose to adorn the Country, went so far into those Woods, that he lost his Way. At Night Father Zenobe went to look after him, as also the rest of the Company; for he was generally loved by all that knew him. But M. Tonti was suddenly seized with panic Fears, thinking that every moment the Iroquois would fall upon him; so that he sent for Father Zenobe, and forced all his Men to retire into the Canow, and so got over the River on the Illinois-side, and left the Old Father exposed to the Barbarins Insults, without any respect to his Age or to a his Personal Merits. 'Tis true, that in the Evening one of the Young Men that were in the Canow with Father Zenobe, fired a Gun by M. Tonti's Order, and lighted a great Fire; but all was in vain. The next Day, M. Tonti seeing he had behaved himself cowardly on this occasion, went back again by break of Day to the Place where we had left the Day before Father Gabriel, and continued there till Noon looking after the poor Old Man. But tho' some of his Men entered into the Groves, where they saw the fresh Steps of a Man, which were also printed in the Meadows along the Bank of the River, they could never hear of him. M. Tonti said since, to excuse himself for having so basely forsaken Father Gabriel, That he thought the Iroquois had laid an Ambuscade to surprise him; for they had seen him flying away, and they might fancy he had declared himself for the Illinois. But M. Tonti might have remembered he had given his Letters for Canada to these Iroquois; and that if they had formed any Design upon his Life, they would have executed it when he was among them: But they were so far from it, that when he was wounded, they presented him with a Collar of Porcelain; which they never do but when some unlucky Accidents happen. The Savages don't use so much circumspection; and therefore this Excuse is groundless and frivolous. Father Zenobe has left us in writing, That he would stay for Father Gabriel: But M. Tonti forced him to embark at Three a Clock in the Afternoon; saying, That certainly he had been killed by the Enemies, or else he was gone afoot along the Banks of the River; and that they would see him in their way. However, they could hear nothing of him; and the farther they went, the greater Father Zenobe's Afflictions grew. They were then in such a want of Provisions, that they had nothing to feed upon but Potatoes, Wild Garlic, and some small Roots they had scratched out of the Ground with their own Fingers. We have heard since, that Father Gabriel had been killed a little while after his landing. The Nation of the Kikapoux, who, as one may see in our Map, inhabit to the Westward of the Bay of Puans, had sent their Youth to make War against the Iroquois; but hearing that these Barbarians were got into the Country of the Illinois, they went seeking about to surprise them. Three Kikapoux, making the Vanguard, met with Father Gabriel, and came up to him as near as they could, hiding themselves among the Grass, which is very high in that Country; and tho' they knew he was not an Iroquois, yet they knocked him down with their Clubs called Head-breakers, which are made of a very hard Wood They left his Body on the spot, and carried away his Breviary and Journal, which since came to the hands of a Jesuit, whom I will mention in my Third Volume, wherein I design to speak of the First Introduction of the Faith into Canada. These Barbarians took off the Skin of his Head, and carried it triumph to their Village, giving out that it was the Hair of an Iroquois whom they had killed. Thus died this Good Old Man; to whom we may apply what the Scripture says of those whom Herod in his Fury caused to be slain, Non erat qui sepeliret; There was no body to bury him. This Worthy Man was wont in the Lessons he made us in our Novitiate, to prepare us against the like Accidents by Mortifications: And it seems that he had some foresight of what befell him. So Good a Man deserved a Better Fate, if a Better might be wished for, than to die in the Functions of an Apostolical Mission, by the hands of those same Nations, to whom the Divine Providence had sent him to convert them. Father Gabriel was about 65 Years old. He had not only lived an exemplary Life, such as our Good Fathers do, but had also performed all the Duties of the Employments he had in that Order, either when he was at home Guardian, Superior, Inferior, and Master of the Novices; or abroad when he was in Canada, where he continued from the Year 1670, until his Death. I understood several times by his Discourses, that he was much obliged to the Flemings, who had maintained him a long time: He often talked to us about it, to inspire us, by his Example, with some Sentiments of Gratitude towards our Benefactors. I have seen him moved with Grief, considering that so many Nations lived in the Ignorance of the Way to Salvation; and he was willing to lose his Life, to deliver them out of their Stupidity. The Iroquois said of him, That he had brought to bed, because his Great Belly was become flat, by his frequent Fast, and the Austerity of his Life. M. Tonti can never clear himself of his Baseness, for forsaking Father Gabriel, under pretence of being afraid of the Iroquois: For tho' they are a wild Nation, yet they loved that Good Old Man, who had been often among them: But M. Tonti might bear him some secret Grudge; because Father Gabriel, after the Illinois Defeat, seeing that M. Tonti had overladen the Canow with Beavers-Skins, so that there was no room for him, he did throw many of these Skins to the Iroquois, to show them that he was not come into that Country to get Skins or other Commodities. Father Zenobe had neither Credit nor Courage enough to persuade M. Tonti to stay a while for that Good Father, who was thus sacrificed to secure some Beavers-Skins. I do not doubt but the death of that venerable Old Man was very precious in the sight of God, and I hope it will produce one time or other its Effects, when it shall please God to set forth his Mercy towards these Wild Nations; and I do wish it might please him to make use of a feeble means, as I am, to finish what I have, through His Grace, and with Labour, so happily begun. CHAP. LXXVI. The Author's Return from his Discovery to Quebec; and what happened at his Arrival at the Convent of Our Lady of Angels near that Town. COunt Frontenac, Viceroy of Canada, gave me two of his Guards, who understood very well to manage a Canow, to carry me to Quebec. We set out from Champlein's Fort, mentioned above; and being near the Town, I landed, and went afoot through the Lands newly grubbed up to our Monastery, bidding the Guards to carry the Canow along with them. I would not land to Quebec, because the Bishop had given order to his Vicar-General to receive me in his Episcopal Palace, that he might have more time to inquire about our Great Discovery: But Count Frontenac had expressly ordered his Major that was in the Town to prevent that Meeting, and to take care that I might first be brought to our Monastery, to confer with Father Valentin de Roux, a Man of a great Understanding, and Provincial-Commissary of the Recollects in Canada. There was then in our Monastery of Our Lady of Angels but Three Missionaries with the said Commissary; all the rest were dispersed up-and-down in several Missions above a hundred Leagues from Quebec. One may easily imagine that I has welcome to our Monastery; Father Hilarion jeunet seemed surprised, and told me with a smiling Countenance, Lazare veni for as. Whereupon I asked him why he did apply to me what had been said of Lazarus? To which he answered, That two Years ago a Mass of Requiem had been sung for me in the Monastery, because some Savages had given out for certain, to a Black Gown, i.e. a Jesuit, That the Nation whom the Iroquois call Hontovagaha, had hung me to a Tree with St. Francis's Rope; and that two Men who accompanied me, had been also in a very cruel manner put to death by the same Savages. Here I must confess, that all Men have their Friends and their Enemies. There are some Men, who, like the Fire that blackens the Wood it cannot burn, must needs raise Stories against their Neighbours; and therefore some having not been able to get me into their Party, spread abroad this Rumour of my Death, to stain my Reputation; and that Noise had given occasion to several Discourses in Canada to my Prejudice. However, (for I will, if please God, declare my Mind farther upon this matter in the Third Volume) I ought to acknowledge that God has preserved me by a sort of Miracle, in this great and dangerous Voyage, of which you have an account in this Volume. And when I think on it with attention, I am persuaded that Providence has kept me for publishing to the World the Great Discoveries I have made in Eleven Years time, or thereabouts, that I have lived in the West-Indies. It must be observed, that a great many Men meddle with Business that don't belong to them, and will conceive a Jealousy against those that won't conform to their Humour. The Provincial-Commissary, of whom I have spoken before, was very urgent to have a Copy of the Journal of the Discovery I had made in a Voyage of almost four Years, telling me he would keep it secret. I took his Word; for I thought, and I think still, he was a Man of Honour and Probity. Besides, I did consider that he could instruct the Bishop of Quebec and Count Frontenac, with what they had a mind to know of this Discovery, and satisfy them both, without exposing myself. For this purpose were intended all the Care he took of me, and all the extraordinary Civilities he did show me, in entertaining me with all he could get then, and calling me often the Rais'd-again. He desired me to return into Europe, to acquaint the Public with the great Discoveries I had made, and that by this way I should avoid the Jealousy of these two Men; that it was very difficult to please two Masters, whose Employment and Interests were so different. He had then, before my Return into Europe, all the time that was necessary to copy out my whole Voyage on the River Meschasipi, which I had undertaken against M. de la Salle's Opinion, who has made since a Voyage from the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, in the Year 1682. and two Years after me. He had had some suspicion I had made that Voyage; yet he could not know the Truth of it at my Return to Fort Frontenac, because he had then undertook a Voyage to the Outovagamis, not knowing whether the Savages had murdered me, as it had been given out. I followed our Commissary's Advice, and the Resolution to return into Europe; but before I set out, I showed him that it was absolutely necessary for the Settlement of Colonies in our Discoveries, and make some progress towards the establishing of the Gospel, to keep all these several Nations in peace, even the most remote, and assist them against the Iroquois, who are their Common Enemies: That these Barbarians never make a True Peace with those that they have once beaten, or they hope to overcome, in spreading Divisions among them; that the common Maxim of the Iroquois had always been such, and by this means they had destroyed above two millions of Souls. The Provincial Commissary agreed with me upon all this, and told me that for the future he should give me all the necessary Instructions for that purpose. I will give an account, if please God, in my Second Volume, of the Ways and Measures, that are to be taken for the establishing of the Faith among the many Nations of so different Languages; and how good Colonies might besetled in those great Countries, which might be called the Delights of America, and become one of the greatest Empires in the World. Jane Williams FINIS. A MAP of a Large Country Newly DIScovered in the NORTHERN AMERICA Situated between NEW MEXICO and the Frozen Sea together with the Course of the Great River MESCHASIPI Dedicated to his Maty WILLIAM III King of Great Britain By Father LEWIS HENNEPIN Missionary Recollect and Apostolic Notary A CONTINUATION OF THE New Discovery OF A Vast Country in AMERICA, Extending above Four Thousand Miles, BETWEEN New France and New Mexico; Giving an ACCOUNT OF THE Attempts of the Sieur De la SALLE upon the Mines of St. Barbe, etc. The Taking of Quebec by the English; With the Advantages of a Shorter Cut to China and japan. By L. Hennepin, now Resident in Holland. To which is added, Several New Discoveries in North-America, not published in the French Edition. LONDON, Printed in the Year, 1698. TO WILLIAM III. KING of Great Britain. SIR, BEing come with your Majesty's Approbation, and by Permission of my King, of his Electoral Highness of Baevaria, and of my Superiors, into these happy Provinces of Holland, in order to publish an Account of our great Discovery; I hope that since Your Majesty did me the Honour to receive the First Volume, You will also be graciously pleased to accept of this Continuation, which I presume to lay at Your Majesty's Feet. I relate in it the Voyages of a Man, whom I have accompanied for several Years in America, and whose sudden Death, occasioned by the Fury of his own Soldiers, prevented the Designs he had upon the Mines of St. Barbe in New Mexico. The Observations I make upon this last Voyage will show to Posterity, that a Man must never be ungrateful to his Friends: and that in imitation of Your Majesty, we never ought to be revenged of our Enemies any farther than it concerns the Public Good, which should always prevail over a private Interest. This Maxim, GREAT SIR, is the distinguishing Character of Your most Illustrious House of Nassau, which has heretofore filled the Imperial Throne, whose Triumphs you pursue in the Field of Honour and Glory, and which we now see vested with Sovereign Authority over Three great Kingdoms in Your Majesty's Royal Person. SIR, All the Universe does avow, that by a Concurrence of Nature and Grace, a perfect Idea of all the Christian, Politic, and Military Virtues of Your Ancestors, is happily reconciled in Your Majesty's Person. I mean the Sublimity and Extensiveness of an Universal Genius, in which nothing appears but what's Noble and Great; a Heart Magnificent and Bountiful, so worthy of Your Majesty's Birth; a Temper ever good and kind, even to Your own Enemies; a winning Sweetness which gives a free and easy Access to Your Majesty; a Greatness of Soul, which alone has supported You in all the Changes of Fortune; in which You have showed Your Valour, Justice, and Uprightness; an Evenness of Temper both in Prosperity and Adversity; and a Mind full of Piety, always Superior by Courage and Resolution. All these, SIR, are the Paramount Qualities which have been, as it were, the Soul of Your Majesty's Conduct in the Management of Public Interest, ever since two and twenty Years of Age, when You begun, GREAT PRINCE, to show Yourself at the Head of Armies; and freed these Potent States of Holland from a foreign Yoke; giving every where signal Proofs of Your Valour, and of the deepest Wisdom of the greatest General of our Age; appearing even then, like a Tree loaden with Fruit in the Spring, that promises still a greater Crop in the Autumn. Never did any Prince know better how to soften the Humour of so many different Nations; manage their several Interests; watch their Designs; dissipate their Factions; fix the Instability of stirring, restless Minds; and create at once in them both Love and Fear, Obedience and Respect: So that during the Presence or Absence of Your Majesty, no Man ever durst make any Rupture among Your Subjects, although they have been powerfully solicited to it by Your dreadful Enemies. All these Advantages, SIR, have been gained without Effusion of Blood in Your Dominions, and therefore they are only owing to Your Majesty's Wisdom and Vigilance, and those great Blessings which GOD has been pleased to bestow on the Uprightness of Your Intentions; His only Honour having been the Chief Spring of Your Majesty's judicious Conduct, without the least regard to Your private Interest. If GOD Almighty, SIR, has permitted that so Just, so Equal, and Peaceful Conduct should be obscured by some interposing Clouds, through the wicked Designs of some disaffected Persons; 'tis only the better to establish the solid Merit of Your shining Virtues, heighten Your Glory with a new Lustre, and give an Opportunity to all the High Allies of expressing publicly their Approbation of Your Majesty's Wisdom. GOD Almighty had also reserved to Your Majesty the greatest Share in the Honour of saving Europe from being ruined in the Present Wars, after You had so happily contributed to dispose all things for a lasting Peace, for which all the World will be eternally obliged to Your Majesty. Your Glory, SIR, shines with so bright a Lustre, that it will never be in Your Enemy's Power to obscure it. We behold every Year Your Majesty at the Head of Your own Armies, and those of the other Potentates Your Allies, toiling for the Liberty of Europe, which was ready to be oppressed. You maintain the good Understanding which makes the Strength of their great, long, and unparallelled Union, and which alone can keep so many Countries from falling under a foreign Yoke. Your Wisdom like that of Caesar, Your Valour which surpasses that of Alexander, and Your rare Prudence, SIR, whereby like another Annibal, You lead those great Armies in so admirable a Manner, keep up that Glorious Alliance, and will give it a happy issue for the Tranquillity of drooping and exhausted Europe. GREAT SIR, Providence that overrules the Universe, and entertains the Order and Beauty of this great World, amidst the Changes and Revolutions which continually alter its Face, has raised Your Majesty, and placed You at the Head of Three Powerful Kingdoms, that whilst You promote the Good of Your own Subjects, You may at the same time procure the Felicity of Europe, and deliver its several Nations from this dismal and bloody War. SIR, I beg Your Majesty's Pardon, for presuming to take this Occasion to complain to You of some private Persons of this City, who though professing the same Religion as I do in outward appearance, industriously endeavour to render me odious, and defame me among the simple under the colourable Pretence, That a Franciscan Friar prints in this City Two Volumes dedicated to Your Majesty, of the History of the great Discovery I have made in the Northern America. Yet since I do it with Your Majesty's gracious Approbation, and by Permission of the High and Mighty States of this Province, those Persons do not reverence as they should, the sacred Authority of Your Majesty, and the Protection You were pleased to grant me, no more than the Honour which their Lordships have done me. Those Persons now prejudiced by Passion and Interest, will one day acknowledge their own Error. I have no other Aim in what I do, than to promote GOD's Glory, and to go under Your Majesty's Commands to view the new Passage to China and japan, so often attempted by the English and Dutch through the Frozen Sea, in order to avoid going twice over the Line, which is so tedious and troublesome. I hope, SIR, to have a share in that Great Work, which through GOD Almighty's Assistance, I am morally assured may be accomplished before the beginning of the next Age, by the Help of our Discovery. By the same Means, SIR, the Name of the True GOD will be praised among a vast Number of Nations hitherto unknown to our Europeans; And as the SON of GOD has foretold, that his Gospel would be preached over all the Universe, the Piety of the Faithful has always increased, and been concerned in the Accomplishment of that Prophecy with respect to barbarous Nations. Permit me, SIR, to tell all the World that GOD Almighty has reserved to Your Majesty's pious Endeavours, the Honour of Carrying the Light of the same into Gospel those many Countries we have discovered, which are still in the Shades of Ignorance. I should account myself Fortunate, if at this happy juncture I could myself have a share in Opening the Eyes of so many blindfolded Nations, and instructing them in the Truth. Those numberless Nations, GREAT SIR, would undoubtedly be extreme glad to submit themselves to Your Majesty's Empire, which would be so great an Advantage to them; They would be Faithful and Obedient, deeply affected with Gratitude and Love, for a Monarch so Generous and so Tender of his Subjects. They would at the same time most happily be brought to the Light of the Gospel: And so many Nations who have hitherto been deprived of the Word of One God-and-Man, CHRIST, would henceforwards acknowledge him for the Sovereign Judge of the Quick and the Dead in Heaven, and Your Majesty would have the Satisfaction to see his Sacred Name revered in all this New World on Earth. I pray Heaven, SIR, ever to accompany the Justice and Uprightness of Your great Actions, ever to prosper with Success Your Majesty's Glorious Erterprises, and preserve Your Royal Person in the Promotion and Defence of the Interest You have espoused of my King, his most Catholic Majesty, and all his August Allies, for the Happiness of Your own Subjects, and of all Europe, now e'en crushed by this Fatal War. These are the continual Wishes I make from the bottom of my Heart; my greatest Passion being to worship my GOD, and continue my most humble Services to Your Majesty with Zeal and Affection: I shall ever faithfully execute the Commands You will be pleased to lay on me; and in a deep Sense of Gratitude, I leave this Public Mark of the most profound and inviolable Respect with which I am, SIR, Your MAJESTY 's Most Humble, most Obedient, and most Faithful Servant, F. Lovis Hennepin, Missionary Recollect, and Apostolic Notary. THE PREFACE. 'TWould be to no purpose to Preface the Reader to a good Liking of this Continuation; for as Truth is the Soul and the proper Essence of the Descriptions of New Discoveries, this Book of mine, which I leave to Posterity, needs no other Support and Authority. Novelty and Variety have peculiar Charms, even in a rude and unpolished Barbarity. The Draught of near Two hundred Nations, differing one from another in Language, of which I have given an Account in my Description of Lovisiana, and in this Continuation, and which we have discovered and run through with the Sieur Robert cavalier de la Salle, will, I hope, present the Curious with an agreeable Entertainment. But before I answer all the Objections that have been made against the Books I have published, I think it proper to give the Public a Copy of the following Approbations and Certificates of the Friars of my Order, of which I keep the Originals by me. I have read and examined a Book, entitled, The Description of Lovisiana, lately discovered on the South-West of New-France; with the Manners of the Savages of the same Country: Composed by the Reverend Father Lewís Hennepin, a Recollect-Preacher and Apostolical Missionary; in which I have found nothing repugnant or contrary to Faith or Good Manners; but rather full of several Reflections and Remarks very useful not only for the Conversion of the Savages, but also for the Welfare of the State and Kingdom. Given in our Convent of the Recollects in Paris, Decemb 13. 1682. Signed, F. Cesareus Harveau, Reader in Divinity, Provincial Father, and Warden of the Recollects of the Province of St. Denis in France. I have perused a Book, entitled, A Description of Lovisiana, lately discovered on the South-West of New-France, with the Manners of the Savages of those Countries, which not only I have found to be agreeable to the Faith of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church, the Laws of the Kingdom, and Good Manners, but also that it gives good Hints and Directions to establish the Faith of jesus Christ in that New World, and extend the Dominions of our Invincible Monarch in a Country abounding with all sort of Goods. Given in our Convent of the Recollects of St. german in Say, this December 14. 1682. Signed, F. Innocent Micault, Definitor of the Recollects of the Province of St. Denis in France, and General Commissioner in the Province of the Recollects of St. Anthony in Artois. 1. I am persuaded, that several People of our Roman Catholic Religion, either jealous of my good Fortune, or prejudiced by Passion, endeavour to render me Odious, under the specious Pretence, That a Franciscamn Friar wishes that a Protestant King should facilitate to him the Promulgation of the Gospel, in those vast Countries we have discovered. It is an easy matter for me to baffle those Artifices. These Critics know, that all Things have two different Face, and are capable of a double Construction, according as one is pleased to consider them: But can they in Conscience blame the Potentates of Europe, who act and live in good Intelligence, for the Good of their Dominions, with WILLIAM III. King of Great Britain? And supposing his Britannic Majesty should extend his Monarchy over so many Barbarous Nations, Is it not much better that a World of People should be called Christians, than to live without Faith, Laws, or God? Those Censurers ought to be glad, that by making our great Discoveries known, I give an Opportunity to the English Nation, and the States of the United Provinces, to bring out of Atheism so many Barbarians, buried in dark Ignorance. And those very Persons who take upon them to censure me, do they not enjoy the Liberty of our Religion, under the gracious Pleasure of WILLIAM III. King of Great Britain, with whose Consent and Approbation I hope to contribute to the Extension of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ? Besides, I would be guilty of Ingratitude, if I did not acknowledge to this great English Monarch, the many Kindnesses the English 〈…〉 done to our Missionaries Recollects 〈…〉, and the advantageous Offers they made 〈…〉 Reader may see towards the end of this Volume. In short, My King, his most Catholic Majesty, his Electoral Highness of Bavaria, the Consent in Writing of the Superiors of my Order, the Integrity of my Faith, and the Regular Observance of my Vows, which his Britannic Majesty allows me, are the best Warrants of the Uprightness of my Intentions, and will secure me against my Persecutors and Censurers. 2. There are some that cannot well understand, how I could go so great a Way in so little a Time, along the River Meschasipi: But they must know, that one may with a Canow and a pair of Oars go Twenty, Twenty five, or Thirty Leagues every day, and more too, if there be occasion. And tho' we Three, that were then together, had gone but Ten Leagues every Day, yet in Thirty Days we might easily have gone Three hundred Leagues. And if, during the Time we spent from the River of the Illinois to the Mouth of Meschasipi in the Gulf of Mexico, we had made a little more haste, we might have gone the same way twice over. 3. There are some private Unchristian Men, who out of Self-interest have conspired my Ruin, because I stood in their Light. And to hinder me from printing my Discoveries, they have told, or caused to be told to my Booksellers at Utrecht, That all I gave them now to Print, was nothing but a Repetition of the Description of our Lovisiana, of which they had seen a Translation in Dutch. Those Men, blindfolded by Passion and Interest, are at once both to be pitied and blamed: but it is an easy Matter to expose 〈◊〉 Impostures. How is it possible, that out of a Book 〈…〉 neteen or Twenty printed Sheets, such as my 〈…〉 a is, I could have made Two Volumes, con 〈…〉 x in Twenty five, and the other in Twenty Sheets, as it plainly appears? The First being dedicated to the King of France, and my Two last to WILLIAM III. King of Great Britain. Verily, a Man must have a Brazen-face, thus to pretend to impose upon People. 'Tis true, I have mentioned my Lovisiana in my Two last Volumes, being under an indispensible Necessity to do it, at the Desire of those Sovereigns that have employed me; and that's enough to bear me out: But those Calumniators had no other Design in stopping my Work, than to turn me out of Utrecht. However, I will condescend to argue the Matter with those Impostors, and desire them to show me, if they can, in my Lovisiana, either the Discovery I have made from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois on the Meschasipi, to the Gulf of Mexico; or the Voyage of Monsieur la Salle, which I have inserted, with my Reflections upon it, in my two last Volumes, and several considerable Additions of my Memoires, never published before. But suppose I had given a transitory Account of my Lovisiana in these Two last Tomes, that being my own Work, I may and aught to mention it, to give a full Account of my Discoveries. I am not the first Author, that has made several Editions of a First Book, to which he has afterwards added Memoires, which he had omitted on purpose, as I have done in effect in my Two last Volumes, which I dedicate to a King, who is not to be imposed upon, as the Simple are bubbled by those Cobweb Wits and Critics, which because they never did any thing but mean and common in their Lives, are angry when others do something extraordinary. 4. There is a Learned Critic in this City, who has taken the pains to make Reflections upon the Eleven Years Time of my Discovery; but he does not consider, that I reckon all the Time I have spent in going backward and forward, and the particular Stay I was obliged to make, before I could give the Public a perfect Knowledge of our Great Voyages. So that by reckoning from the Year 1674. when I first set out, immediately after the Battle of Senef, (where I was often in danger of my Life) to the Year 1688. when I printed the Second Edition of my Lovisiana, it appears that I have spent Fifteen Years either in my Travels, or printing my Discoveries; which is Four Years more than I have taken notice of to the Public: But, as they say, Scaliger is sometimes out in his Criticisms; and there never was yet an Author free from Censure. Yet I have met in this City of Utrecht, with more ill-natured Critics, who did, and do still endeavour to ruin me: These are far more dangerous to me than that Learned Man, who is distinguished by his Merit, and who was so civil, not to tell me any thing of it, in a Private Conference I had with him. 5. There is still another sort of peevish, humoursom Critics, who carp at what I have said, That among the Savages where I have been, those Barbarians call the Sun by the Name of Lovis; as if I had said it on purpose to flatter the King of France. Truly, Lewis XIV. may have other Panegyrists besides me, and ought not to expect that Compliment from me; and after all, there can be no better Panegyric of Great Men, than their own Actions. I here repeat what I have said before, That being among the Issati and Nadovessans, by whom I was made a Slave in America, one of the Chief of those People, named Aquipaguetin, who had adopted me for his Son, during the Stay I made with him, and those Barbarians, in order to learn their Language, I never heard them call the Sun any other than Lovis. 'Tis true, those Savages call also the Moon, Lovis; but with this Distinction, that they give the Moon the Name of Lovis Basatche, which in their Language signifies, The Sun that shines in the Night. If those Critics will not believe what I say, I shall apply to them the Words of the Apostle, Quod ignorant, blasphemant; They blaspheme, what they do not understand. 6. Others no less censorious, having no more to say to my First Volume, which I have dedicated to William the Third, King of Great Britain; After all, say they, Father Hennepin tells us nothing extraordinary in his Book. I wonder how those Animals can make themselves so contemptibly ridiculous: For, what can be more extraordinary, than to mention, as I do, Four or Five Lakes, some Three, others Four and Five, and one Seven hundred Leagues in Circumference; which we may call Seas of Eresh Water, and where no Ship ever appeared, before that of Sixty Tun, which we built there, and in which we sailed from Lake to Lake, above Five hundred Leagues, to the Admiration of the Savages of that Continent, who could not comprehend that Moving Fort; and when they heard the Noise of our Guns, those Barbarians cried out, That the Thunder was going to destroy them? Can any thing be more extraordinary than the Fall of Water of Niagara, of which I have given a Description, and which is the most prodigious Cascade in the Universe, since it falls Six or Seven hundred Foot deep, and issues from those great Lakes which form the great River of St. Laurence? What's more extraordinary, than to describe a Country, by us discovered, larger than Europe, and inhabited by above Two hundred Nations of different Language, never mentioned by any Historian before me, and not to be found in any particular or general Maps besides mine? Those Critics would do much better to admire what they cannot apprehend, and adore in silence what they cannot express by Discourse, because they never saw any thing uncommon, as living in a narrow limited Corner of the World? 7. Men of narrow Understanding, and little acquainted with the Knowledge of Foreign Countries, are generally apt to blame what they cannot apprehend. They think themselves imposed upon, when we speak to them of a Country larger than Europe, because they can fancy nothing of greater Extent than this part of the World which they inhabit. They are also apt to imagine Canada as circumscribed within the narrow Bounds of the least Part of America. Those who peruse the Relations of divers Voyages through the several Parts of the World, in order to discover them, are persuaded to the contrary, and that nothing can be more false than that Conceit. In effect, I have shown in the foregoing Volume, That Canada, for an Example, is a Country of above Seven hundred Leagues extent, from the Pierced Island and the Great Bay, up the great River St. Laurence. I have traveled up to its Fountainhead, and have found, that it is formed out of several great Rivers, and the forementioned Five great Lakes, or Fresh-water Seas, which we have sailed over in Ships, or Canoes of Bark, as may be seen in our Maps. I may say the same of the incomparable River Meschasipi, which is still of greater Extent than that of St. Laurence. I have set down also in the General Map of my Discovery the great River of the Amazons, which is beyond the Aequinoctial Line, in the Southern America; but I do not think it to be either so great or extended as the Meschasipi, nor so rapid as the River of St. Laurence. The Reason of it is, That on the Side of these Two last Rivers are to be found vast Provinces, inhabited by above Two hundred Nations, of different Speech: All which inclines me to believe, that the Continent I have lately discovered, is of much greater Extent than all Europe together; and that in effect there may be founded the greatest Empire in the World. My Design in this Volume is to describe the several Countries I have surveyed, and give an Account of their Soil, the Fruits that grow in them, the Trade and Commerce one may drive there, and at the same time the Genius and Manners of the Inhabitants, at least as far as 'tis necessary for the understanding of the Matter I treat of. To which purpose, I think it also proper to add to it the Voyage which the Sieur la Salle has made since me. I shall give here, in the mean time, a summary Account of all Things, for the Direction of the Reader, and divide this Volume into Chapters, as I have done the former. I shall take notice towards the end of this Book, how few the Conversions of the Savages have been, notwithstanding the pious and constant Endeavours of zealous and skilful Missionaries, who have toiled and laboured almost an Age in the Vineyard of the Lord in Canada. Which Consideration obliges us to acknowledge, with a Religious Respect, the incomprehensible Goodness of God, who has been pleased to call us to his Knowledge, whilst he leaves so many Nations in Darkness and Ignorance, being without either God, Faith, or Hope, and having their Eyes shut to the Light of Evangelical Truths. As for the rest, I am morally convinced, that all the Nations we have discovered along the River Meschasipi, will be more susceptible of Christianity, than the others, because they are more docible and tractable, and less fierce than the Nations that live towards the North. These, on the contrary, are generally more wild and fierce, and consequently more difficult to be persuaded, and more obstinate than the Northern Nations. To render this Volume the more intelligible to the Reader, I have made some Remarks upon the last Voyage of the Sieur la Salle, of which I give an Account, because I am better acquainted with those vast Countries than the Reverend Father le Clercqz, now Definitor of our Recollects in Artois, who has published the History of it. This Father (for whom I ever had an Esteem and Friendship) has a perfect Knowledge of the Gaspesian History, which he has given to the Public, and of Canada, where we have lived in great intimacy together; but he could not speak so knowingly as myself of the People of our Lovisiana. He never went further than Canada and Gaspea, which lies betwixt Baston and the Pierced Island, where I lived in quality of Missionary during a whole Summer, on account of the Fishermen that come there every Year with several Ships; so that he could not speak of a Country he had never been in, but only by Relation. The great Bay of Gaspea in Cadia, betwixt the Ocean and Canada, where the said Father le Clercqz has been Missionary, is above Twelve hundred Leagues distant from the Lands of our Lovisiana. Besides, Father le Clercqz has had the journal of my Discovery communicated to him by the Reverend Father Valentine le Roux, Provincial Commissioner in Canada, whom I had suffered to take a Copy of it, as I have already mentioned in my former Volume: To which Father le Clercqz has added what he has been able to gather from the Memoires of Father Zenobe Mambre, a Recollect, whilst he was at Quebec. And furthermore, it is plain, that Father le Clercqz's Style is Word for Word the same as that of Father le Roux. I do not at all think it strange that Father le Clercqz should eadeavour to advance, the Credit of Father Zenobe, his Cousin, who had been my Companion in the beginning of my Voyage; but he went no farther with me than the Illinois, where he stayed, while I was pursuing my Discovery, as I have hinted in my other Volume. I am glad to let the World know, that Father Zenobe was my Friend, and that upon that account I do not pretend to wrong his Reputation. There ever was betwixt him and me a cordial Affection and Intimacy; and Father Zenobe, upon his Return from America, made me a Visit in our Convent of the Recollects of Chasteau Cambresis, where I was then Vicar and actual Superior. Having given him a very kind Reception, he told me he was going back into those Countries with the Sieur la Salle, in order to go down the River Meschasipi, from the Illinois to the Mexican Gulf; and that when he came there, he would have an Opportunity to make more exact Observations than I had been able to do in 1680. because they designed to go thither with a great Force, to secure them from the Insults of the Savages. The Voyage of the Sieur la Salle from that River of the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, was made only Two Years after mine, viz. in 1682. Besides, after the Sieur la Salle had been so unadvised as to do me such an ill Office, with respect to Father Hyacinth le Feure, who (as I have said before in my Advertisement to my foregoing Volume) procured my Banishment from France, upon pretence that I was a Subject to the King of Spain; after all that, I say, he could not imagine but that I would impart the Knowledge of our great Discoveries in America to those who would have more Charity for me than the said Father Hyacinth and the Sieur la Salle. After all, Men are only for a time, and all their Intrigues shall have quite another Face before God Almighty's Tribunal. By all this it appears, that they never saw any thing but what I had seen before them, and that most of their Relations are taken out of my journal, which they have in their Hands by means of the said Reverend Father's Hyacinth le Feure and Valentine le Roux: Therefore the Reader may depend upon the Truth of my History, and all I relate of those vast Countries, which I have viewed first of any European. 'Tis true, I have had there many Monsters to overcome, and Precipices to go over; but through God Almighty's Assistance I have at last surmounted all. There's a Place in the Island of Montreal in Canada, which is Twenty five Leagues in Circumference, where the Sieur la Salle begun some Settlements, which ●●nce are increased to a great Village, now ironically called China, because while he lived there, the Inhabitants had often heard him say, That as soon as he had made himself Master of the Islands of St. Barbe in New Mexico, he designed to go to China and Japan, through the Discoveries we have since made together, without going over the Equinoctial Line; and that he would find a Way to go to the South-Sea, which bounds the Lands of our Lovisiana, as the Reader may see in the General Map of my former Volume. And the Hopes, which were the predominant Passion of this great Traveller during our Stay in the Fort of Frontenac, did run upon nothing else but upon the great Design of possessing himself of the Mines, and going to the Pacifick Sea, contiguous to our Lovisiana: And those who understand my Maps, will easily acknowledge the Truth of what I say. There are several Authors skilled in the Mathematics and Geography, who assure us, that Japan is contiguous to the Lands of the Northern America and the Famous Monsieur Graevius, one of the most Learned Historians of our Age, having maturely considered our great Discovery, did me the Honour in an Assembly of Men of Learning and distinguished Merit, in this City of Utrecht, to tell me, That he thought in effect, that Japan is no Island, as they commonly make it; but that the Lands of that vasts Empire border upon the Continent of our Lovisiana To all these Opinions of Great Men, I have added in the 37th Chapter of the foregoing Volume, a Proof of that Truth, drawn from the Savages who came upon an Embassy from the Western Lands, to the Issati and Nadovessans, where I lived as adopted Son to one of the first Captains of those Barbarians, in whose great Hutt, those Ambassadors have assured me by an Interpreter, That there was no such thing as the straits of Anien, as 'twas generally believed: Which is a good Argument, that the vast Countries of the Northern America are contiguous to Japan. I have said before, That whatever Endeavours the English and Dutch (the greatest Sailors in the Universe) have used before, to go to China and Japan through the Frozen Sea, they could never bring it about: But if the Sovereign Princes and States, that have done me the Honour to employ me, send us again into our vast Discoveries, we will infallibly find an easy Passage from our Lovisiana into the Pacifick Sea, through great Rivers, that carry Ships of great Burden, which run beyond the famous River Meschasipi; from whence it will be easy to go to China and Japan, without sailing twice over the Equinoctial Line, as they are obliged to do hitherto, with the loss of a great many Men. Now, to show how far I believe the Possibility of bringing this laudable Undertaking about, I readily offer myself to return to our great Discoveries: In which generous Design of promoting God's Glory, I ought to show myself no less zealous, than our former Recollects have done in the Kingdom of Voxu, in the Eastern Part of Japan; the King of which Country, by means of their Sermons, acknowledged the Religion of the True God, caused above Eight hundred Idols to be burnt all over his Empire, and sent a famous Embassy of a Hundred Gentlemen, who embarked on the 28th of October, 1613. and landed in Spain the 10th of November, 1614 under the Conduct of the Reverend Father Lewis de Sotello, a Recollect, who presented the Ambassador of the said Kingdom of Japan to our most Catholic King, and afterwards to His Holiness, assuring them, That his King and Subjects acknowledged the True God of the Christians, and renounced Idolatry. The Reader ought to take notice, That in the Years 1540 and 1541, Spain had already conquered above a hundred Kingdoms, and a vast Tract of Land, three times as large as all Europe together, whilst our Franciscan Friars, the first and only Evangelical Labourers, had submitted part of the Subjects of Japan to the Empire of Jesus Christ. I ought to show no less Emulation for the accommplishing of our great Discoveries, than did the famous Christopher Columbus; who being accompanied by our Franciscans in 1492 and 1493, made the great Discovery of the West-Indies, otherwise America. The Short Cut to China and Japan by means of our Discoveries, will be as much and more profitable to future Ages, as any Discoveries that have been made hitherto in the East-Indies, New Mexico, West-Indies, and Northern America. And as, through God Almighty's Grace, I have Patents and Leave from my General, and the Senior Superiors of my Order, to return into all the Parts of America, in quality of Missionary; the Issue of my Return into so many vast Countries, if the Higher Powers desire it, will, I hope in God, make known to all the World the Uprightness of my Intentions. And I may aver, without any Vanity, That if we can find at our Return (as I am morally assured we shall) a Short Cut to China and Japan, This Discovery of mine, which I hope to accomplish with God's Help, will be one of the finest and the most memorable of this present and future Ages. The Reader may also observe, That the Settlements of the New Colonies in our Discoveries may be made by Degrees by Secular and Laic Persons: So that Poople may be assured, that after a great many Ages, the Franciscan Friars shall have no more Right, than they have at Present, to the Ground and Lands of those vast Countries: Whereas if there were sent a great number of Missionaries, they would in time be possessed of the principal Manors, and best Lands, and grow Masters both of the Temporality and Spirituality, as we may show in another Volume in this City Utrecht, if it be thought proper for the Good of the Public; which I shall ever prefer to my Private Interest. My Design is not in all this to give Offence to any body, no not to those very Persons who have a Spite against me without any manner of Cause, and who have been so base and ungrateful to me, as to blemish my Reputation, and withhold the Money I had put in their Hands for my Subsistence; for which I stand obliged to His Majesty of Great Britain, with whose Approbation I am now in this City, and who did me the Honour to demand me of my Superiors. A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS. Chap. I. THE Sieur la Salle undertakes the Discovery of the Meschasipi through the Gulf of Mexico, and plants a sort of Colony at the Bay of St. Lovis. Chap. II. Unfortunate Adventures which befall the Sieur la Salle. Chap. III. Unfortunate Adventures of the Two Voyages the Sieur la Salle undertakes to go to the Illinois. Chap. IU. The sequel of the Sieur la Salle, who sought the River Meschasipi. He is kindly received by the Cenis, from whence he pursues his Discovery. Chap. V. A Short Description of Fort St. Lovis: Of its advantageous Situation, and adjacent Lands. Chap. VI The Sieur la Salle's Departure from the Bay of St. Lovis, to go to the Illinois. Chap. VII. The Sieur la Salle is unfortunately murdered by the Men under his Conduct. Three Men killed before him. Chap. VIII. Reflections of the Author of this Work, upon the Life and Death of the Sieur la Salle, whose Murderers killed one another. Chap. IX. The Cenis put the Sieur cavalier a Priest, Father Anastasius, and their Companions, in a way of pursuing their journey through several barbarous Nations. Chap. X. A Voyage of the Sieur cavalier a Priest, and Father Anastasius a Recollect, in a Canow, in order to go to the Illinois; and several other Circumstances concerning their Return. Chap. XI. Reflections of the Author upon the Voyage to China. The Belief of most Savages in the Northern America, touching a sort of Creation of the World, and the Immortality of the Soul. Chap. XII. Means whereby Savages may be converted. Who are those which ought, or ought not, to be Baptised. Chap. XIII. The Savages of the Northern America acknowledge no Deity. Of the pretended Souls of Terrestrial Animals. Chap. XIV. Of the great Difficulties in Converting of Savages. Of the Prayer by Rote, and Martyrdom. Chap. XV. How the Savages Feast among themselves. Chap. XVI. How Europeans are Adopted among the Savages. Chap. XVII. Marriages of the Savages in the Northern America. Chap. XVIII. The Remedies used by the Savages when sick. There are Quacks amongst them. The Opinion they had of the Christening of a Child, whilst the Author was amongst them. Chap. XIX. Of the Complexion, or Temper of the Savages. Chap. XX. Description of the Savages that are clothed, and those that are not. Chap. XXI. Of the Games and Diversions of the Savages. Chap. XXII. How the Savages wage War. They are very revengeful. Chap. XXIII. Cruelty of the Savages in general, and of the Iroquois in particular. Chap. XXIV. Policy of the Savage Iroquois. Chap. XXV. How the Savages hunt Deer. Admirable Industry of Castor's. Chap. XXVI. How Savages are used to Fish. Chap. XXVII. Utensils used by the Savages in their Huts. Extraordinary way of striking Fire. Chap. XXVIII. How Savages inter their Dead. Of their Feasts of the Dead; with some Reflections upon the Immortality of the Soul. Chap. XXIX. Of the Superstitions of the Savages, and their ridiculous Opinions. Chap. XXX. Obstacles which occur in the Conversion of Savages. Chap. XXXI. Barbarous and rude ways of the Savages. Chap. XXXII. Of the indifferent Humour of the Savages. Chap. XXXIII. Of the Beauty and Fertility of the Country of the Savages. That great and powerful Colonies may be planted in the North and South. Chap. XXXIV. How the Savages hold their Councils. Their Policy and Stratagems against their Enemies, and Cruelties against the Europeans. How they are to be stopped. Chap. XXXV. Proper means to plant good Colonies. Thoughts of the Savages about Heaven and Earth. Chap. XXXVI. History of the Irruption of the English into Canada, in 1628. The Taking of Quebec, the Capital City of that Country, in 1629. The very civil Usage they showed to the Recollects of that City. Chap. XXXVII. How Franciscan Friars have out-done the Jesuits in their Missions, over all the Habitable World. Chap. XXXVIII. Sentiments a Missionary ought to have, in the small Progress he meets with in his Labours. Several other Accounts of New Discoveries in America. A VOYAGE THROUGH A Vast Country Larger than EUROPE, Lately discovered betwixt the Frozen Sea and New Mexico. CHAP. I. The Sieur la Salle undertakes the Discovery of Meschasipi through the Gulf of Mexico, and plants a sort of Colony at St. Lovis-bay. MEN ought to be satisfied with Reason upon all occasions: and when they cannot entirely excuse the intention of those at whose hands they have received some ill Treatment, they should, at least, like good Christians, rather ascribe it to an erroneous Prepossession, than downright Malice. I have lived near Three Years in Quality of Missionary with the Sieur Robert cavalier de la Salle in the Fort of Katarakoüy or Frontenac, of which he was both. Owner and Governor. During our long Sojourn there, he and I together used to bestow great part of our Time upon the Reading the Travels of john Pontius of Leon, Pamphilus Narvaëz, Christopher Columbus, Ferdinand Soto, and several other great Travellers, the better to fit ourselves for the Discovery we designed to make. The Sieur la Salle had a Mind equal to the greatest Undertakings; and he may justly be ranked among the most famous Travellers of many Ages, since in effect he has exhausted himself to accomplish the greatest, the most important, and the most difficult and thwarted Discovery that has been made in our days. He has preserved his Men in those Countries, where all the other Adventurers, (except Christopher Columbus) have perished without reaping any Advantage by their Undertakings, although they have employed above Two hundred thousand Men about them. Never did any Person before the Sieur la Salle and me, engage in such a Design with so few Men among so many unknown Nations, as we have discovered. Our first Thought, whilst we were yet at Frontenac, was to find out, if possible, the Passage so long sought before, to the South Sea, without going over the Equinoctial Line. Although the River Meschasipi do not lead to it, yet the Sieur la Salle had so much Skill and Courage, that he hoped to find it out by his earnest Endeaours. I do not question but he would have succeeded in his Design, if God Almighty had been pleased to save his Life: But he was murdered in the Attempt; and it seems as if the Divine Goodness had permitted me to outlive the Sieur la Salle, only to furnish the Public with the Means of finding a new Way to China and japan by the help of my Discovery. And indeed if either his Britannic Majesty, or the High and Mighty States of Holland do desire that I should accompany those, which they shall send to accomplish the Discovery of this Shortcut, I am morally assured that with God's help we shall bring it about before the beginning of the next Age. The Country of the Illinois, and the vast Territories round about it, being the Centre of our Discovery, the Sieur la Salle had resolved to make there a Settlement. And for the same Reason the Princes or Sovereign States that will set about this commendable Undertaking, aught to secure that vast Continent to themselves by Forts and Colonies, erected and settled from place to place. The Sieur la Salle's first and chief Design was to find out by Sea the Mouth of the River Meschasipi, and to plant there good Colonies under the Authority of the King his Master. The Proposals he made for that Purpose to the Council, were kindly entertained by Monsieur Seignelay, Minister and Secretary of State, and Superintendant of the Trade and Navigation of France. His Majesty did like them; and was pleased to favour his Enterprise, not only by the new Powers and Commissions he honoured him withal, but also by a supply of Ships, Men, and Money. The Sieur la Salle being so well countenanced and assisted in his Undertaking, he made it his first Care to promote God's Glory in those Countries. He chose two Bodies of Missionaries, to have out of them fit Persons to work successfully the Salvation of Souls, and lay the Foundation of Christianity in those barbarous Countries. He therefore addressed himself to Monsieur Tronçon, superior-general of the Gentlemen of the Seminary of St. Sulpitius at Paris, who was pleased to have a share in this great Work He destined Three of his ecclesiastics, Men full of Zeal and Virtue, and of great Capacity to go upon these new Missions; and made choice of Monsieur Cavalier Brother to the Sieur la Salle, Monsieur Chefdeville his Kinsman, and Monsieur Majulle, all three Priests of that Seminary. I had, for about twelve Years, been subservient to the Designs of the Sieur la Salle of promoting God's Honour, in the Salvation of the Souls of the vast Countries of Lovisiana, and Dependencies of the Fort of Frontenac. Father Zenobe and I had accompanied him in all those Countries, where our Father Gabriel of la Ribourde had been massacred by the Barbarians. He therefore made it his chief business to have Recollects, with whose joint-help and endeavours he might establish the Kingdom of God in those new-discovered Countries. The Sieur la Salle applied himself for that purpose to Father Hyacinth le Feure, who was then a second time Provincial Commissioner of the Province of St. Denis in France. This Friar being willing to second to the utmost of his power, the good intentions of the Sieur la Salle, granted him the Missionaries, he desired, viz. Father Zenobe Mambre, born at Bapaume, for a Superior; Fathers Maximus le Clerc of * Lille. Ryssel in Flanders, Anastasius Dovay of Quesnoy in Hainault, and Denis Morquet of Arras. The first, as I said before, had been with the Sieur la Salle and me as far as the Illinois towards the end of 1679. and in the beginning of 1680. And in 1682. he had been as far as the Gulf of Mexico through the River Meschasipi, two Years after me. The second had been Missionary for five Years in Canada, with great Edification, especially in the Missions of the seven Islands, and Anticosti. The third, who at this present is Vicar of the Recollects of Cambray, had never been in America. The fourth, to wit, Father Denis, being very sick the third Day of his being a-ship-board, was obliged to go ashore, and so returned to his Province. The Father-Provincial notified this Mission to the Congregation de propagandâ Fide, in order to obtain the necessary Authority for the Exercise of Missionary Functions. He received the Decrees in due Form, and Pope Innocent XI. added to them by a separate Brief, the Authentic Powers and Permissions in 36. Articles, such as are commonly granted to Missionaries, who by reason of the great Remoteness cannot have Recourse to the Authority of the Ordinary. Things were thus regulated notwithstanding the Opposition of my Lord Bishop of Quebec. But the Cardinal d' Etrées did represent, that the Place they were bound to, viz. the Mouth of Meschasipi, was above nine hundred or a thousand Leagues distant from Quebec. The Hopes which People built upon the Discoveries we had made, were so great, that several young Gentlemen were prompted to go along with Monsieur la Salle as Volunteers. Thus the Sieur la Salle was gathering the Fruit of the Publication I had made of my Loüisiana, the Description of which I had printed before his Return from Canada into France. This had gained him a great Reputation, and given him great Credit with Monsieur Seignelay. This Minister had often made me entertain him about the Circumstances of our Discovery. However I concealed from him some Particulars concerning the great River Meschasipi from the River of the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico. My Design in that was to raise the late Prince of Conti's, and Monsieur Seignelay's Esteem for the Sieur la Salle. Fortune thus favouring his Designs, he had time to choose twelve young Gentlemen, who being generally pleased with new Things, expressed a great Forwardness and Resolution to go along with him: There was among the rest two of his Nephews, viz. the Sieur Moranger, and the Sieur cavalier, which last was but fourteen Years old. He engaged also at Rochel one of the Sons of Monsieur Merlin a rich Merchant of that City. In the mean time the little Fleet that was to go upon this Voyage was fitting up in Rochel's Haven; it consisted of four Ships, viz. the joli or Pretty, one of his Majesty's Ships; the Frigate called la Belle, or the Handsome; a Pink, called the Amiable; and a Catch, called St. Francis. The King's Ship was commanded by the Sieur Beaujeu, a Gentleman of Normandy, whom I have often discoursed since in our Convent at Dunkirk. He is a Man famous for his Valour, Experience, and great Services. His Lieutenant was the Chevalier de Hére, whose Father had been the eldest Counsellor in the Parliament of Metz. He is now Captain of a Ship in the King's Service. The Ensign was the Sieur du Hamel, a Gentleman of Brittany, who had a great deal of Fire and Courage. It had been to be wished that all the rest of the Seamen and Soldiers had been so well chosen: But those who had that Commission given them, while the Sieur la Salle was soliciting his Business at Court, picked up about a hundred and fifty poor Fellows, that begged about the Streets; some of which were lame, or had distorted Limbs; and were not able to shoot off a Musket. The Sieur la Salle had also given Orders to get him Workmen three or four of every sort: But he was still so ill served in this, that having set them to work at his landing, they were found to be ignorant of their Trade. There were eight or ten Families of pretty good sort of People, who offered themselves to begin the Colony. They were readily accepted, and great Advances given them, as well as to the Tradesmen and Soldiers. All things being ready, they set sail on the 24th of july, 1684. but a Tempest arising some few Days after, they were obliged to put into Chef-debois, to refit some of the Masts they had sprung in the Storm. They put out to Sea again on the 5th of August, steering their Course to St. Domingo: But they fell into a second Storm, which parted the Fleet on the 14th of September; yet the Pink called the Amiable, kept company with the Frigate la Belle, and both together arrived at the Little Guaves in St. Domingo, where they had the good Fortune to meet with the joli. As for the St. Francis, which had Goods and Merchandise a-board, she could not follow the rest, and therefore she stayed in the Harbour of Peace; from whence she parted after the Storm was over, in order to rejoin the Fleet. But during a calm Night, the Pilot and Seamen neglecting to keep their Watch, they were surprised by two Spanish Pyrogues, which made themselves Masters of that Catch. Formerly being in Canada with the Sieur la Salle, we often discoursed at the Fort of Frontenac about the Project of this Great Undertaking: He used to tell me, That he would die content, if he could but make himself Master of the Mines of St. Barbe, in the New Mexico. And as he often repeated the same thing to me, (tho' he knew me to be subject to the King of Spain) I could not forbear one day to show my Affection for my Sovereign, and told him these famous Words: Vincit amor Patriae: The Love of one's Country still prevails. I had not perhaps suffered so much as I have done since, if I had known how to dissemble my secret Sentiments; but I was not able to contain myself upon that occasion. However, that same Inclination I ever had for my Natural Prince, has suggested me this Reflection, which is, That our Spaniards having had the Cunning of seizing upon this Vessel, which the Sieur la Salle had laden with Merchandise upon his own account, they broke the Design he had upon the Mines of St. Barbe, and in the mean time made themselves amends for his good Intentions. This first unlucky Accident began to cross their Voyage: All the Ships-Company were under the greatest Consternation; and the Sieur la Salle, who was just recovering out of a great Fit of Sickness, was most grievously affected with it. They stayed some time in St. Domingo, where they took in a great deal of Victuals, and good Provision of Indian Corn, and all sorts of cattle to stock the New Country they were bound to. The Sieurs St. Laurence, Governor-general of all the Islands, Begond the Intendant, and the Gussi Particular Governor of the least Part of St. Domingo (the Spaniards being Masters of the Principal) favoured them in all things, and moreover renewed a mutual good Understanding, so necessary in suchlike Undertakings; for the Sieur la Salle had secret Enemies, who thwarted underhand all his Designs. In the mean time, the Soldiers and all the Seamen dissolving into all manner of Intemperance and Debauchery, as 'tis usual in those Countries, they spoiled themselves so much, and contracted so dangerous Distempers, that some of them died in that very Island, and the rest were never well afterwards. This little Fleet thus reduced from four Ships to three, they weighed Anchor on the 25th of November, 1684. and went on their way with a favourable Wind, along the Islands of the Caimans. Having past the Island of Peace, where they anchored for a day to take in fresh Water, they reached the Port of St. Anthony, in the Island of Cuba, where the three Ships came also to an Anchor. The Beauty of that pleasant Place, and the advantageous Situation of the Haven, invited them to stay in it, and even to go ashore. I know not for what Reason the Spaniards had left there several sorts of Provisions, without any body to look after them; but, however, they fairly made the best of them; and after they had refreshed themselves for two days, they parted from thence, in order to pursue their Voyage towards the Gulf of Mexico. They had made the Sieur la Salle believe in St. Domingo, that the Streams of that Gulf ran with increcredible rapidity into the Channel of Bahama. This he had told me a hundred times before he undertook this Voyage. This false Advice put him quite out of his way; for thinking he was more Northwards than he really was, he passed the Bay del Spiritu Santo, without so much as viewing it, and went all along the Coast a great way beyond the River Meschasipi. They would still have followed it farther, had they not perceived by the Bow it makes towards the South, and by the Elevation of the Pole, that they were about forty or fifty Leagues from the Mouth of that River. What still confirmed them in this Thought was, That before the Meschasipi discharges itself into the Gulf, it runs along the Sea-Coast Westwards; and tho' they could not take the Longitude, as being a thing unknown to Sailors, yet they found that they were a good way past the Parallel of that River. The unfortunate Adventures of the Sieur de la Salle CHAP. II. Unfortunate Adventures which befell the Sieur la Salle. THE Sieur la Salle had ordered the Captain of the Pink not to come into the Channel of St. Louis' Bay, without taking with him the Pilot of the Frigate, in whom they reposed a great deal of Trust: Besides, he had commanded him to put the Cannon and fresh Water in the Boat, in order to lighten the Ship: And above all things, he had strictly enjoined him exactly to follow the way he had caused to be marked with Buoys. He did nothing of all this; and the perfidious Villain, contrary to the Advice of a Seaman, who was on the Scuttle, and bid him Loof-up, steered the Ship to a place where she struck, and was grounded so, that they could never fetch her off again. The Sieur la Salle was on the Seashore an Eye-witness of this unlucky piece of Work, and was embarking to remedy it, when he discovered a hundred or sixscore Savages making towards him; whereupon he was obliged to make his Men take up Arms. The Beat of the Drum put those Barbarians to flight: The French pursued them; and having showed them the Calumet, which is the Badge of Peace among those Nations, they conducted them to their Camp, where they treated them, and made them some small Presents. All this prevailed with them so far, that they entered into an Alliance, and brought Victuals to the Camp the following Days. They also agreed for some of their Pyrogues, or Canoes of Wood; and there was all the Reason in the World to hope great Things from so necessary an Alliance. But, as Ill Luck would have it, a Pack of Blankets, that was on Shipboard the grounded Vessel, being cast ashore, a Troop of Savages happened to seize upon it some Days after. The Sieur la Salle sent Men to get it from them by fair means; but they went quite another way to work. He that Commanded them, showed them the Mouth of his Piece, as if he had a mind to make a Shot at them: This startled and scared them so, that they looked upon 'em as Enemies ever after. Therefore being incensed even to madness, they got together in the Night, betwixt the 6th and 7th Day of March, and advancing to the Camp, they found the Sentinel asleep: They made a terrible Discharge of their Arrows; which giving the Alarm to the whole Camp, they presently ran to their Arms, and with the noise of their Guns, frighted the Savages away. However, the Sieurs Oris and Desloges, and two Cadets, Volunteers, were killed upon the spot; and the Sieur Moranger, Lieutenant and Nephew to the Sieur la Salle, and the Sieur Gayen a Volunteer, dangerously wounded. The next Day they killed also two of the Sieur la Salle's Men, whom they found a-sleep on the Coast. In the mean time, the Pink stuck near three Weeks where she had first struck, without falling to pieces; but she was so leaky, that they thought it adviseable to save all they could with their Boats and Pyrogues, when the Sea was calm enough to board her without danger. Father Zenobe being gone a-board her one day, a Gust of Wind dashed her to pieces against the other, Ship. Every body got up presently upon the Deck, and the Good Friar, who stayed last to save the others, was like to be drowned himself, had not a Seaman thrown him a Rope, by which means they hall'd him up when he began to sink into the Sea. At last M. Beaujeu sailed with all his Men in the joli, on the 12th of March, in order to return to France; and the Sieur la Salle having built an Hangar, or a sort of fortified Enclosure, with Planks and squared Timber, for the security of his Goods, he left there a hundred Men, under the Command of M. Moranger, and embarked with the other fifty. He brought away with him the Sieur cavalier a Priest, who had lived some time with us while I was upon my Mission in the Fort of Frontenac. Fathers Zenobe and Maximus, both Recollects, went also with them, and they all together sailed towards the bottom of the Bay, to look for the Mouth of the River Meschasipi, and for a fit Place for a Plantation. The Captain of the Frigate was ordered to sound the Bay out of his Boat, and to carry the Ship into it as far as possible. He went twelve Leagues along the Coast, which lies from the Southeast to the North-West, and cast Anchor against a Point, to which the Sieur Hurier gave his Name, because he was left to Command there. That Post was a sort of Staple betwixt the Camp near the Sea, and that which the Sieur la Salle made in the bottom of the Bay on the 2d of April. He was advanced two Leagues into a fine River, which they called the River of Cows, because they found there a great quantity of those Wild Beasts, when a Troop of Barbarians came to attack our Men; but they repulsed them without any loss. On the 21st, being Easter-Eve, the Sieur la Salle went to the Camp near the Sea; and the next Day, with the Three following, that great Feast was celebrated with all the possible Solemnities; and every body received the Sacrament. The Days following, they removed from the Two Camps, Commanded by the Sieurs Moranger and Hurier, all the Goods and other Things that could be useful, into the Camp of the Sieur la Salle; which done, those Two Forts were destroyed. The Sieur la Salle caused his Men to Till the Ground for a whole Month; but neither the Corn nor the Pulse they had sown did rise; either because they had been spoiled by the Sea-Water, or because the Season did not serve. The Sieur la Salle not remembering then what I had told him before, when we were going to the Illinois, viz. That the Corn and all other Seeds which are carried from Europe into America, aught to be either in the Ear or Cod; otherwise they lose their Sap, and cannot grow in virgin and new-ploughed Lands. They built a Fort in a very advantageous Place, which in a little time was put in a condition of Defence. They planted there twelve Pieces of Cannon, and digged a Magazine underground, to lay up their Goods and Provisions secure from Fire. It is to be observed, that there is no great piece of Work in building a Fort against the Arrows of the Savages. There is none of those Nations of America that dare to attack the Europeans, because of their Fire-Arms. The Iroquois indeed were once so bold as to fall upon the French in the Isle of Orleans, since called St. Laurence of Quebec, although they were entrenched, and covered with great Stakes. But those barbarous People, who are the most Cruel and Valiant in all America, set them on fire; and to cover themselves against Smallshot, they carried before them, not an Iron-Shield Musket-proof, but double Madriers, or thick Board's. As for the subterranean Magazine I was just now speaking of, the Sieur la Salle took all necessary Measures to secure it against the Invasion of the Savages. Nothing is proof against their Flying-fire: They tie a lighted Match at the head of their Arrows, which they shoot off with great force. Thus they make holes in the Board's that are at the top of Houses and Forts; and as soon as they have done that execution, they run away with so much swiftness, that no European can follow them into the Woods, whither they use to make their escape. In the mean time, the Diseases the Soldiers had contracted in the Island of St. Domingo, undermined them very sensibly. There died about a hundred of them in very few Days, notwithstanding all the care that was used to help them with Broths, Confection of Hyacinth, Treacle and Wine. On the 9th of August, three of the Sieur la Salle's Men being gone a Shooting, (there being a great quantity of Game of all sorts) they were surrounded on the sudden by several Companies of Savages, armed with Bows and Arrows: But these three Men stood upon their Defence, killed the Chief of those Barbarians, and cut off his Hair. This Action frighted the Enemy, and dispersed them; nevertheless, some time after they killed an European whom they found straggling. On the 13th of October, the Sieur la Salle considering how he was continually insulted by the Savages, and being willing besides to get either by fair or foul means some of their Pyrogues or Canoes of Wood, which he had great occasion for, resolved to make War upon them, in order, if possible, to bring them to an advantageous Peace. He therefore marched out with sixty Men, armed with Corslets of Wood, proof against the Arrows of the Barbarians. He at last arrived at the Place where they were got together; and in several Rencounters he had with them, both by Day and Night, he put part of them to flight, wounded a great Number, killed as many, and took several Prisoners, most of which were Children: Among these there was A Girl three or four Years old, who was Baptised, and died some few Days after. She was as the First Fruits of this Mission. In the mean time, those that were come in order to lay the Foundation of the Colony, begun to build Houses, and plough the Ground of that Desert: They sowed Corn that had been preserved in the Ear, which therefore turned to better account than the other had done. They went over to the other side of the Bay in Canoes of Wood, where they found near a great River a vast quantity of Game, especially wild Bulls and Cows, with some Turkeycocks. Over and above all these, they bred all sorts of tame cattle and Fowl in their Plantations, such as Cows, Swine, Hens, etc. which multiplied apace. The War they had made upon the Savages, had secured for a while the Ease and Safety of the Colony. But a new Misfortune succeeded to all the former. The Sieur la Salle had often entertained me in our Voyages, about the unheard-of Cruelties which the Spaniards had exercised in Peru and New Mexico, over the People of those Great Empires, where they had destroyed, as far as they could, both Men and Women, and had only preserved the Children, to make in some measure a New People of them. He highly disapproved that Conduct of the Spaniards, and blamed it as unworthy of Men that professed themselves Christians. I said all I could to excuse them; and gave him to understand, That unless they had destroyed a great number of Mexicans, they would certainly have perished in their Erterprises: That whole Armies had often fallen upon them, with design to cut them in pieces; and that Policy had obliged them to take away so many mens' Lives to secure their Conquests. It seems to me as if the Sieur la Salle had forgot what he blamed in the Conduct of the Spaniards, with respect to his New Discoveries. He might very well have imagined, that the Savages, who never forgive, after they have been once provoked (as Experience convinces us by the Iroquois, who revenged themselves upon the Canadians, after a seeming Reconcilement) would never fail to get Satisfaction of the War he had made upon them. And indeed we see, that the Iroquois are still actually in War with the Inhabitants of Canada; whereas they never made any Hostility upon the Dutch. The reason of which is, that the Dutch never offered to insult them, although they had often an opportunity to do it. The Sieur la Salle, who had a penetrating Wit, and with that the Talon of winning upon the Savages, aught to have considered, that sooner or later, either he or his Men would suffer, in the settling of the Colony, for the open War he made upon those People. Besides, he did by that very thing lay a great Obstacle to the Conversion of those Barbarians, and ruined beforehand all the Labour of the Missionaries he had taken along with him. For indeed any Christian that designs the Conversion of Souls, aught to use none but fair means. This is the Lesson which our Saviour gives us Himself, in these Words: Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of Heart. The Sieur la Salle had ordered the Captain of the Frigate, which was the only Ship he had left, to sound very exactly the Bay, where he designed to make a Settlement, and view the Ground as he went along; and above all things, he had strictly charged him to cause all his Men to retire every Night a-board the Frigate. But the captain and Six of the best and stoutest of his Men, charmed by the Mildness of the Season, and the Beauty of the place, having left their Canow and their Arms on the Mud, it being low Water, advanced about a Musket-shot into the Meadow, to rest themselves on dry Ground. They happened to fall asleep; which being perceived by a Company of Savages, they presently fell upon them, being favoured by the Night, butchered them in a most cruel manner, and broke their Canow and Arms in pieces. A tragical Adventure, which put the whole Camp under the greatest Consternation. After they had performed the Funeral Rites of these unfortunate Wretches, the Sieur la Salle leaving six months' Provisions to those who remained in the Camp, set out with twenty Men, and the Sieur cavalier a Priest his Brother, in order to seek by Land the Mouth of the River Meschasipi. This Bay, which he found to lie in 27 Degrees, 45 Minutes of Latitude, is the Receptacle of several Rivers, of which none seemed broad or deep enough, to be one of the Arms of that Great River. The Sieur la Salle run them all over, thinking that either those little Rivers were formed a little higher by an Arm of the Meschasipi; or that by going further cross the Country, he would find out the Running of that River. He was a longer time than he expected about this Discovery, being obliged to cross the Rivers he met in his way with Cajeux; and over and above all that, to entrench himself every Night against the Insults of the Barbarians. The continual Rains rendered the Ways very difficult, and made Torrents in a great many places: However, he thought at last to have found the River he was in quest of, on the 13th of February, 1686. They built there a Fort, in which the Sieur la Salle left one half of his Men; and taking the other half along with him, pursued his Discovery through the finest Countries in the World, crossing several Villages inhabited by numerous Nations, who treated him with great Humanity. At last he went back to his Men, and arrived at the General Camp on the 31st of March, charmed with the Beauty and Fertility of the Country, the incredible quantity of all manner of Game, and the numerous Nations he had met with in his way. But GOD Almighty prepared for him a greater Trial than all the former, which was the loss of his Frigate. This only Ship he now had left, and with which he hoped to sail along the Sea-Coast, and afterwards go over to St. Domingo, in order to get fresh Supplies: This Vessel, I say, was unfortunately run aground through the fault and carelessness of the Pilot; all the Goods on board were entirely lost, the Ship staved to pieces on the Coast, the Seamen drowned, the Sieur Chefdeville a Priest, the Captain and four Persons more hardly escaping the same Fate by means of a Canow, which by a sort of Miracle they found near the Coast. They lost there six and thirty Barrels of Meal, a great deal of Wine, the Trunks, Clothes, and Linen of the Men, and the greatest part of their Tools. One may imagine what a mortal Grief this was to the Sieur la Salle: His great Courage had certainly sunk under its Weight, had not GOD Almighty supported him by a particular Help of His Grace. CHAP. III. Unfortunate Adventures which happen to the Sieur la Salle in the two Voyages he undertakes to go to the Illinois. THose who are a little versed in the History of Discoveries, know very well that those who go about them, are obliged to make several Attempts, which often prove vain and fruitless, before they can compass their Design; and that generally there befalls them a thousand tragical and surprising Adventures. They will not therefore wonder to see here the Miscarriages and Disappointments with which God was pleased to cross the great Discovery we are treating of, and the Settlement of a Colony in the vast Countries of Loüisiana. Several Historians have been inquisitive into the Reasons of God Almighty's Conduct with relation to those Erterprises, which seemed to concern his Honour in the Conversion of barbarous Nations to the Faith of the Gospel. But it does not belong to us to dive into those Secrets, which are an Abyss to Humane Understanding. 'Tis enough for us to adore the Wonders of Providence, and admire the Prodigies of this Discovery, and the Force and Courage of those who have accomplished it under his Divine Conduct. Among the rest we must here acknowledge the great Resolution of the Sieur la Salle, who was never discouraged by any Disappointment, but carried on his Designs to the last. Since I am more concerned than any Man to know what passed upon the great River Meschasipi, over which I sailed the first of any European, I shall follow what Father Anastasius, now Vicar of our Recollects at Cambray, has writ about the Sieur la Salle's Voyage, which will give me an opportunity to examine whether in effect the said la Salle was at the Mouth of that River, when he returned to Canada through the Lands of America. Here you have what I have learned from the History of Father Anastasius. When the Sieur la Salle saw his Affairs irrecoverably ruined, by the loss of the two Ships that were cast away in the Northern Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and that he had no way left him to return into Europe by Sea, he was forced to go by Land to the Illinois, in order to repair to Canada, from whence he might send to France the News of all his Misfortunes. Now to put this Design in execution, the Sieur la Salle chose twenty of his best Men, including a Savage of the Nation of the Chaovens named Nika, which in the Illinois Language signifies Comrade. This Man, had accompanied him from Canada into France, and from France to the Gulf of Mexico. The Sieur cavalier a Priest, Brother to the said la Salle, Moranger his Nephew, and Father Anastasius of Dovay a Recollect, joined themselves with him to go upon this great Journey. They provided nothing for that purpose, besides four Pound of Powder, six Pound of Shot, two Hatchets, two dozen of Knives, Beads of several Colours, and two Kettles. The Sieur la Salle would have taken other Provisions along with him, but that he hoped to return to the Fort, as soon as he was arrived at the Illinois: Therefore after they had performed Divine Service in the Chapel of the Fort, and implored GOD Almighty's Assistance, he departed with his Company, on the 22d of April, 1686. directing his Course towards the North-East. It is to be observed, that the River Meschasipi runs from the North to the South, to discharge itself into the Gulf of Mexico; so that the Illinois, whither the Sieur la Salle intended to go, lie on the North-East of the Way he took. 'Tis very likely that the said la Salle wanted Pyrogues, or Canoes, there being none in the Countries through which he was to travel, but only among the Northern Nations. So that Father Anastasius mentioning no Ship in his History, there's reason to believe that they made this Journey by Land for want of Canoes; or that the Sieur la Salle was not sure of having found the Mouth of the River Meschasipi; for if he had, it had been easy for him to go to the Illinois by Water. After three Days march, Father Anastasius tells us, they found the finest Country in the World, and saw a great many Men, some on foot, others on horseback, galloping towards them, booted and spurred, and having Saddles. These People invited them to their Habitations; but because they were out of their Way, they thanked them for their Kindness, after they had enquired of them what way they were to take; which is to be supposed they did by Signs, since none of the Sieur la Salle's Men understood the Language of those People, who had some Acquaintance with the Spaniards. They went on their Journey the remaining part of the Day, and hutted themselves towards Night in a little Fort entrenched with Stakes, which they continued to do ever after for their Security. The next Day they pursued their Journey, and marched two whole Days through a continued Meadow, as far as the River which they called Robeck: The found there such vast numbers of wild Bulls, called by the Spaniards, Cibola, that the least Herd of them seemed to be of two or three hundred. The Sieur la Salle and his Men killed presently eight or ten of them, and dried part of the Meat, because they did not care to stay above five or six Days in that Place. A League and a half farther they met with a fine River, greater and deeper than the Seine at Paris: Its Banks were hedged with the finest Trees in the World, which looked as if they had been planted on purpose, with Meadows on one side, and Woods on the other. They passed it with Cajeux, and called it Malign. Thus crossing those fine Countries and pleasing Meadows, intermixed with Vineyards, Orchards, and among the ret Mulberry-Trees, they came in few Days to a River, which they called Huens, from the Name of a German of the Duchy of Wirtemberg, who sunk so in the Mud of it, that they had much ado to fetch him out of it. I believe that Father Anastasius mistakes about the Name of Huens, and that it ought to be Hans, which signifies john. One of these Travellers crossed that River, swimming with a Hatchet on his Back; another followed him presently; and being both on the other side, they felled great Trees, whilst the others did the same on the opposite side: These Trees falling on both sides across the River, met about the middle of it, and formed a sort of Bridge, which made an easy Passage from one side to the other. This is an Invention they have used above thirty times to cross the Rivers they met in their way; which seemed more secure than that of the Cajeux, which are a sort of Float-boat, made of several Branches of Trees fastened together, which they shove with a Pole in the crossing of a River. 'Twas in this Place that the Sieur la Salle changed his Course from the North-East to the East, for some Reasons he never told, and which his Companions could never guests at. He had done a great deal better not to have been so reserved with them, and would have prevented a great many Misfortunes, especially being in a Country where Europeans can find no help. After some Days march through a pretty sort of Country, wherein however they were forced to cross many great Brooks with Cajeux, they entered a Country far more agreeable and pleasant where they found a numerous Nation, who entertained them with all Demonstrations of Kindness. The Women were so forward as to embrace the Men that were with the Sieur la Salle, and causing them to sit on very fine Mats, they placed them on the upper end near the Captains, who presented them the Calumet, or Pipe of Peace, adorned with Feathers of several Colours, and made them smoke with it in their turn. They regaled them amongst other things with a Sagamite, or Pottage made with a certain Root, which they call Tique, or Toquo. This is a Shrub resembling a Briar without Prickles, having a very great Root; which being well washed and dried up, is afterwards pounded and reduced to Powder in a Mortar. The Pottage these People make with it, is well tasted, but a little astringent. Those Savages presented them with Hides of Wild Bulls well dressed and soft, and fit to make Shoes, which are very necessary in those Parts, to keep one's feet against some cutting Weeds that grow there; and in return they gave them some black Beads, which are in great esteem among them. They stayed some few Days among that Nation, during which, the Sieur la Salle with his insinuating way, gave them great Ideas of the Grandeur and Glory of the King his Master; giving them to understand, that he was greater and higher than the Sun, which ravished those Barbarians in Admiration. The Sieur cavalier a Priest, and Father Anastasius used all their Endeavours to give them the First Notions of the True GOD. This Nation is called Biskatronge; but the Europeans called them the Nations of the Weepers; and gave the same Name to their River, which is very fine. The reason of it is, that at their arrival those People fell a-crying most bitterly for a quarter of an Hour: This is their Custom, whenever there comes any Strangers afar off amongst them, because their arrival puts them in mind of their deceased Relations, which they imagine to be upon a great Journey, and whose return they expect every hour. At last, those good People gave Guides to the Sieur la Salle, furnished his Men with all Necessaries, and ferried them over their River in their Canoes. They crossed three or four other Rivers the following Days, during which there happened nothing considerable, save that their Savage of Chaoven having made a shoot at a Roebuck near a great Village, the report of the Gun so alarmed the Inhabitants, that they abandoned their Houses, and ran away. The Sieur la Salle commanded his Men to their Arms, in order to enter the Village, in which were above a hundred Huts. They went into the fairest of all, which was that of the Chief Captain, where his Wife happened to be still, not having been able to follow the rest because of her old Age. They Sieur la Salle gave her to understand, that he and his Men came amongst them like Friends. Three of her Sons, who were stout Men, observed what passed at a distance; and when they saw that things were carried on amicably, and no Hostilities committed, they recalled all their People, and began to treat of Peace; which done, they danced with the Calumet till Night. The Sieur la Salle not trusting too much to all this fair show, encamped beyond the Reeds that were in that Place, that if in case those Barbarians designed to give him any disturbance by Night, the noise of the Reeds might give him notice of their approach. This was found to be no small piece of Wisdom; for a Troop of Warriors, armed with Bows and Arrows, made towards them in the Night; but the Sieur la Salle, without going out of his Intrenchments, threatened to make a discharge upon them, and spoke to them with so much Resolution, that he obliged them to retire. The remainder of the Night passed very quietly; and the next Day, after many reciprocal Demonstrations of Kindness, at least in appearance, from the Savages, they continued their March five or six Leagues beyond that Place. They were wonderfully surprised to find a Troop of Savages, who with a kind and civil look, came to meet them with Ears of Indian Corn in their Hands: They embraced the Sieur la Salle and his Men after their own way, and invited them very pressingly to their Villages. They Sieur la Salle seeing their Frankness, consented to go along with them. These Savages gave him to understand, that there were cruel and wicked Men towards the West, who destroyed the Nations round about them. Father Anastasius conjectures that they meant the Spaniards of the New Mexico; for no doubt but M. la Salle told him so. These Barbarians than made them understand that they had War with those People. It being noised all over that Town, that M. lafoy Salle was arrived with his Men, every one strove to make them welcome, and to press them to stay and join with them, in War against those pretended Spaniards of Mexico. M. lafoy Salle amused them with Words, and with the hope of making a strict Alliance with those People who are called Kirononas. He promised to come to them again very soon with more numerous Troops: And so after all this Feasting and an interchange of Presents, the Wild Men helped them to pass over the River in their Pyrogues. While M. de la Salle continued his Journey Eastwards, through fair and pleasant Meadows, after three Day's march, he was for some time retarded by an unlucky Accident. His wild Huntsman, whose Name was Nikana cried out aloud on a sudden, that he was a dead Man; and they running to him, understood that he had been severely bitten by a Rattle-snake. They made him take some Orvietan-Powder; and having scarifyed the Wound to draw out the Venom and infected Blood, they laid Vipers-salt upon it: So that by the help of these Remedies, he was put out of danger, tho' some time was required to perfect the Cure. CHAP. IV: The sequel of the unhappy Adventures of the Sieur la Salle, in seeking the River Meschasipi. He is kindly received by the Cenesians, from whence he pursues his Discovery. M. De la Salle with his Men were extraordinarily surprised upon their approach to a large and rapid River, which they thought did run into the Sea, and which they called the River of Misfortunes. They made a Cajeu to pass it over, and M. de la Salle, with M. cavalier his Brother, who was a Priest, put themselves upon it with part of their Men: But having hardly reached the Current of the Stream, they were carried away, by the extreme rapadity of it, quite out of sight in a Moment. Father Anastasius a Recollect Friar, continued on the shore with part of their Men, and the Hunter Nicana having lost himself in the Woods, had not been seen for several Days; so that both Parties were mightily afflicted, who despaired of ever seeing one another again. Father Anastasius encouraged as well as he could the Men that were with him, and the whole Day was spent in Lamentation and Weeping; but towards Night they perceived M. de la Salle on the other side of the River, who told them, that by a special Providence of GOD, their Cajeu was stopped in the middle of the River, which gave them opportunity to renew their Endeavours for to overcome and cross the Stream, which, had not this happened, would have carried them along into the Sea: That one of his Men a Briton, and Rutilio by Name, had cast himself into the River, endeavouring to grasp the Branch of a Tree, but that the poor Fellow was not able afterwards to reach the Cajeu again. A little while after, the same young Man appeared on that side oft he River, where Father Anastasius was, having saved his Life by Swimming. They passed the whole Night in great Anxiety, this Friar with his Men seeking how they might come and join M. de la Salle, having eaten nothing during the whole Day; but God provided for them, by the means of two Young Eagles which dropped down from a Cedar-tree, and became a Feast for Ten Men. The next Morning being much concerned about passing the River, M. de la Salle advised them to make a Cajeu of Canes. Father Anastasius, M. Moranger, and Three others showed the way, and ventured first, not without Danger; for they were sinking deeper and deeper every moment, and the said Father was obliged to lodge his Breviary in his Hood, the Water being as high as his Sleeve. M. de la Salle sent in two of his Men, who swimming up to them, helped them to push forward their Sledge of Canes, and by that means they got happily on the Shore. Those who were yet on the other side, had no mind to hazard their Lives in passing over, but were at last necessitated to it, the others making as if they would have continued their Journey without them. They passed then at last, and did it with less Trouble and Danger than the others. The whole Company being reunited except the Hunter, they marched two whole days amongst very thick Canes, M. de la Salle himself, with some others, clearing the way, and cutting down the Canes with Axes. At last on the third day Nicana the Hunter did appear with three stale Kids, and one newly killed, upon which M. de la Salle caused a Volley of shot to be made for Joy. They continued their Journey Eastward, entered some Country's finer yet than any they had passed before, and found there a People, who had nothing of Barbarians but the Name. Amongst others, they met with one of the Savages returning home from Hunting, with his Wife and Family. He presented M. de la Salle with one of his Horses and some Meat, entreating him by Signs to go along with him, he and all his Men; and the more to oblige them to do it, he left them as a Pledge his Wife and Family, and the Game he had taken, while he went to acquaint the People of his Town of their Arrival. The Hunter Nicana, and a Servant of M. de la Salle accompanied him thither, and two days after returned with two Horses laden with Provisions, in company of several of the Chief Men amongst those Savages. They were followed by several armed Wild Men, very neatly clothed with Skins, adorned with Feathers. They found them at three Leagues distance from the Village, coming to meet them. M. de la Salle was received there as in Triumph, and lodged at the Grand Captains. There was an extraordinary Concourse of People, the Young Men being all in Arms, and relieving one another by turns Day and Night, and bringing to our Strangers all sorts of Provisions, and plenty of every thing. In the mean while, M. de la Salle fearing lest part of his Men should debauch themselves with the Women, caused them to encamp three Leagues from that Town. They stayed there three or four days, and dealt with these People for Horses, and several other things which they wanted. This Village, called Cenis, is one of the most considerable in all America, and extremely populous. It is twenty Leagues long at least, though not wholly inhabited, but only by small Hamlets of ten or twelve Cottages, which make as many Cantons or Divisions, having every one a different Name. Their Cottages are fine, being each 40 or 50 foot long, and rising up in the Form of Bee-hives. They plant Trees there whose Top-branches join together, than they cover them with Grass, and other Herbs. The Beds are placed round the Cottages within, raised about three or four foot from the Ground. The Hearth is in the middle, and each Cottage serves for two Families. They saw among the Cenesians several things which came undoubtedly from the Spaniards, as Pieces of Eight, and other Money, Silver Spoons, all sorts of Laces, Clothes, and Horses. They saw amongst other things the Pope's Bull, whereby the Spaniards of Mexico are exempted from Fasting during the Summer. Horses are very common there, and they gave one in Exchange to our Men for an Ax. A Cenesian offered a Horse to Father Anastasius for his Monastical Hood, which he fancied very much. They trade with the Spaniards by means of the Choumans, Allies to the Cenesians, who are in a perpetual War with New Spain. M. de la Salle who had always a mind to make an Attempt upon the Mines of Santa Barbara in New Mexico, caused a Map to be drawn both of their Country, and of their Neighbours, and of the River Meschasipi, wherewith he thought they were well acquainted. They made a Draught of all this upon the Bark of a Tree. They said they were six days Journey distant from the Spaniards, whereof they made so natural a Description, that M. de la Salle was fully persuaded of the Truth of it, though the Spaniards had not yet undertook any thing against those People, and their Villages; only their Warriors joined with the Choumans in their Wars in New Mexico. M. de la Salle who was perfectly skilful in the Art of winning the Savages of all Nations, had ingratiated himself extremely with these People, by making them to understand, that He who had sent him to them was the greatest Captain in the World, as high as the Sun; and as much elevated above the Spaniards, as the Sun is above the Earth. While he was reciting the Victories of his Great Monarch, the Cenesians broke out into loud Exclamations, holding their Hand upon their Mouths as a mark of their Astonishment. Father Anastasius the Recollect Friar saith, that he found those People very docile, and of a tractable Temper, adding that they appeared inclinable enough to the Belief of the Existence and Truth of One God, Creator and Master of the World. 'Tis true that M. de la Salle had a special knack in winning the Love of the Savages: Nevertheless he had not yet any Interpreter to explain his Thoughts to the Cenesians, and could not do it but by the help of some signs; which shows that all those long Speeches are only Exaggerations. This M. de la Salle being entirely obliged for his Fortune to his Sovereign, had all the reason in the World to raise him very high; nevertheless he ought not to have done it with Prejudice to the Spanish Nation, and especially to the King of Spain, who besides the Noble and Large Countries whereof he is Sovereign in Europe, is moreover Lord both of the East and West Indies; which hath given occasion to that common Saying, and which M. de la Salle hath very often repeated to me in our Conversation, That the Sun never goes down upon the King of Spain 's Dominions. He could not then be ignorant, that the Cenesians did not know any Prince more powerful in all America than the King of Spain, since he is Sovereign of more than two thousand five hundred Leagues of Land on that great Continent, which makes half the Terrestrial Globe. There were there at that time foam of the Choumans Ambassadors at the Cenesians. They made a Visit to M. de la Salle, who was very much surprised to see them sign themselves with the Sign of the Cross, and fall down on their Knees holding up their Hands joined together towards Heaven. They kissed the Habit of Father Anastasius, and made him understand, that some Men clothed as he was, instructed the People of their Neighbourhood, distant only two days Journey from the Spaniards. And indeed our Monks have very fine and large Churches in that Country, wherein the Inhabitants do assemble together to make their Prayers. They expressed naturally enough the Ceremonies of the Mass. One of them with a Pencil made the Description of a Picture which he had seen of a Tall Woman weeping for the Death of her Son hanging upon a Cross. Father Anastasius adds, that the Savages gave M. de la Salle to understand how the Spaniards made an unmerciful Slaughter of the Indians; and that if he would go along with them, or furnish them with Fire-Arms, 'twould be an easy thing to become Masters of them, as being great Cowards, and People of no Courage, who keep Men on purpose to carry before them huge Umbrellas and Fans to cool them, during the Heats of the Summer. M. de la Salle being formerly with me in Conversation at Fort Frontenac about our Discoveries, told me often that the Jesuits of the College of Goa, Capital City of the East Indies, which was given them by a Bishop of the Order of St. Francis, and the Incomes whereof amount now to prodigious Sums, go in Mission into those Countries; and that he was told by several at Paris, that they made themselves to be carried abroad in a kind of an open Chair, having two Men on both sides to cool them with Fans during the greatest Heats of the Year. But because M. de la Salle had been formerly of the same Society, I made always some Abatement of what he said in Matters belonging to them. Nevertheless, I cannot but admire here his Cunning, in attributing to the Spaniards of New Mexico, in the Description of his Travels, what he had often told me of those Reverend Fathers. After a stay of four or five days, which M. de la Salle had made amongst the Cenesians to refresh his Men, he continued his March through the Nassonians. He passed a large River running through the middle of the great Village of the Cenesians. These two Nations are allied, and have almost the same Genius, and Customs. At five League's distance from thence, he saw with a great deal of Sorrow, that four of his Men had deserted him during the Night, and were retired to the Nassonians: And to accumulate Misfortunes, both he and M. Moranger his Nephew, were attacked with a violent Fever, which reduced them to Extremity. Their Sickness was long, and obliged his Men to make a considerable stay in that place; for after the Fever had left them, much time was yet required for the Recovery of their Strength. The length of their Cure broke all their measures, and was afterwards the occasion of their last Misfortunes. Above two months' time were spent there, during which they shifted as they could for to live. They begun to want Powder. They had not gone yet 150 Leagues in a straight Line, but some of their Men deserted. In so fastidious a Juncture M. de la Salle took a Resolution to return back to Fort-Lovis. All his Company were of the same Opinion, and they took their way directly thither. Nothing remarkable happened in that Journey, save that in repassing over the malignant River, one of his Men was snatched away together with their Sledge or Cajeu, by a Crocodile of a prodigious Length and Bigness. After a Month's March, during which the Horses were of great Help to them, they arrived in their Camp on the 17th of October in the same Year 1686. where they were received with all Demonstrations of Joy imaginable. As for them, they were much divided between Thoughts of Joy and Sadness, every one making a Narrative to his Friends of the Tragical Adventures that happened to them since their Separation. CHAP. V. A short Description of Fort St. Lovis: Of its advantageous Situation, and adjacent Lands. FEW People in the Histories of Travellers can boast a Courage so undaunted and invincible as that of M. Robert Cavalier de la Salle. His Heart did never shrink in the most contrary Events, but was always firm in hopes of Success, with the Help of Heaven, in spite of all the Obstacles which he met with almost continually. He made a stay in St. Lovis-bay of two months and a half, and took a View with Father Anastasius, whereof I have spoken, of all the Rivers that run into it. This Friar saith, that they found above fifty of them there fit for Navigation, which run all from the West, or North-West of that Continent. The Ground whereupon the Fort is built is somewhat sandy, though any where else nothing but a good and rich Soil is to be found. You may there see Meadows on all sides, where the Grass grows higher than our Corn; and that in all the Seasons of the Year also you meet with Rivers at two or three Leagues distance one from the other, which are all beset on both sides with Oaks and Mulberry-Trees. This continues Westward within two Days Journey from the Spaniards. The Fort is built upon a rising Ground, North and Southward, having the Sea Southeast, vast Meadows on the West, and on the South-West two Ponds and Woods of a League in Compass; a River running at the Foot of it. The neighbouring Nations are the Quoakis, who have very cheap Horses the Bahamo's and the Quinets, wandering Nations, with whom M. de la Salle was in War. He omitted nothing during all that time, that might comfort his small new Colony, the Families whereof increased much in Children. He propagated very much the grubbing up, and the new Plantations. M. Chefdeville and cavalier, with three Recollect Friars, did with one accord apply themselves to their Edification, and to the Instructions of some Savage-Families, who came from the foreign Nations to join with them. All this while M. de la Salle used all his Endeavours to tame the Barbarians, as knowing well that the keeping Peace with these People was of the utmost Importance for the settling of his Colony. At last M. de la Salle thought that the only way to effect it was to take another Journey into the Illinois, and to that purpose he made, as he was wont to do, a very pathetic Speech before his little Colony, who were all assembled and moved thereby, so as to shed Tears, being persuaded both of the necessity of this Journey, and of the Rectitude of his Intentions; and it had been well they, had all persevered in the same Sentiments. He caused them to finish the Fortifications of the Enclosure, wherein both the Habitations and the Fort were included. After which he chose twenty Men, the Priest Sieur cavalier his Brother, the Sieurs Moranger and cavalier his Nephews, with the Sieur joustel, a Pilot, and Father Anastasius, a Recollect Friar. Public Prayers were made for a Blessing both upon his Journey and Colony. CHAP. VI The Sieur la Salle's Departure from the Bay of St. Lovis, to go to the Illinois. M. De la Salle set forth from that Bay with Twenty Men on the 7th of january, 1687. And the very first day they met with an Army of Bahamo's, who went to War against the Errigoanna's. M. de la Salle made an Alliance with them, and was willing to treat after the same manner with the Quinets, but they betook themselves to flight at his Approach, however by the Celerity of our Horse they were overtaken, and Promises of an inviolable Peace were given on both sides. On the 4th day, three Leagues further to the North-East, they found the first River abounding in Canes. There is nothing to be seen there but Meadows and little Woods, a little distant from one another. These Lands are so plentiful, that the Grass grows ten or twelve foot high. There is a very great Number of Villages seated on that River, which are extremely populous. They visited none but the Quara's and the Anachorema. Upon the same Rhomb, three Leagues further, is found the second River of Canes, inhabited by different Nations. And there are whole Fields full of Hemp. About five Leagues further they passed the River Sablonniere, so called for its running upon a sandy bottom, though the Lands about are firm Ground, and consisting of large Meadows. They marched thence seven or eight Leagues further, to the River Robec, passing through Meadows, and over three or four Rivers distant a League one from the other. The Country about the River Robec is peopled with several large Villages, the People whereof speak so much in the throat, that it is almost impossible for a Stranger to fashion himself to it. They are in War with the Spaniards, and solicited very much M. de la Salle to join himself with their Warriors; but the making any stay there, would not have advanced their Design: Moreover, M. de la Salle was not very likely with twenty Men to do great harm to the Spaniards. Nevertheless, they remained five or six Days amongst those People, endeavouring to win them with Christian Instructions, which they are not used to receive from the Spaniards. In their March they traversed great Meadows, as far as the Malignant River. It is very deep, and so called because one oftheir Menhad been devoured there by a monstrous Crocodile. This River runs a great length, and is inhabited by great numbers of People, divided into forty very populous Villages, which compose the Nation of the Kanoatinnos, who are in War with the Spaniards, and exercise Dominion over the Neighbouring Nations. They visited some of those Villages inhabited by good though barbarous People. Father Anastasius adds, that the Cruelty of the Spaniards had made them yet more wild and unsociable. But I suspect it to be one of M. de la Salle's Remarks, who was willing to win those Nations to himself, and to put them out of conceit with the Spaniards. 'Tis true, that the Spaniards have been forced to destroy several Neighbouring Nations, thereby to secure the Conquest of New Mexico, because certainly those People would have destroyed them, had they not prevented them. It ought to be taken for granted, that those Barbarians have no consideration for the Europeans, but so far as they stand in fear of them. The promoting then of M. de la Salle's Design, could not be done but by pulling down the Spaniards; therefore he endeavoured to raise those Barbarians against them. He might however remember, that being formerly together at Fort Frontenac, I assured him very often of a thing with which he could not disagree, viz. That the Spanish Yoke is perhaps the easiest and most tolerable in the World. The Sieur de L●●●lle unhappily assassinated Within the same Rhomb, about four Leagues thence, they passed in a Cajeu over the River Hiens, or Hans, mentioned already before: Afterwards they took their way to the North-East, and were obliged to cross several small Rivers and Inundations of Waters. They did it in Wintertime, which is felt in those Countries only by some Rains; but the Spring was gone before they got out of that Country, which upon the whole they found to be curiously diversified with Meadows, Hills, and Springs. They came at last to three large Villages, called Taraha, Tyahappan, and Palonna, where they found Horses. Some Leagues farther they came to the Palaquessons, composed of ten Villages, allied with the Spaniards. I wonder that Father Anastasius hath not made a more distinct Journal of so many different Nations. I desire then my Reader not to be displeased at my making now and then some Reflections on this last Voyage of M. de la Salle, with whom I have traveled so often while I was with him in America. The Description I made of the Lovisiana, which I formerly printed at Paris, contributed very much to his Enterprise. CHAP. VII. The Sieur la Salle is unfortunately murdered by the Men under his Conduct. Three Men killed before him. IT was after having passed all the Nations whereof I have now spoken, that there ●hapned the saddest of all Misfortunes to the Men of M. de la Salle, for both he, and M. Moranger his Nephew, with some others, were killed. M. de la Salle finding himself then in a very fine Country, where there was plenty of Game, all his Men made very good Cheer there, and refreshed themselves from the weariness of their Journey, with exquisite and delicate Meats, for several Days together. He had sent M. Moranger his Nephew, his Foot-man, named Saget, and seven or eight others of his Attendance, to the Place where Nika his Hunter, who was a Wild Man of Chaovenon, had left abundance of Meat of Wild Bullocks for to season it, that so they might not be obliged to sojourn so often for to go to Hunting. M. de la Salle, with all his Prudence, could not foresee the Plot which some of his Men were to lay for the assassinating his Nephew. They took nevertheless this desperate Resolution, and put it in execution on the 17th of March, falling upon him, and breaking his Head with an Ax. Father Anastasius out of Charity would not leave us the Name of that Assassin. They murdered likewise the Servant of M. de la Salle, and the poor Savage Nik●, who had kept them alive for three Years together by the Game which with hard Labour and Fatigue he took in Hunting. M. Moranger languished two Hours after the receiving of that fatal Blow, during which time he gave all possible Marks of Piety, pardoning his Murderers, and even sometimes embracing them, and giving signs of a perfect Resignation to the Will of God, and of Trust in the Merits of his Blessed Saviour, according to the Report which those very Men who assassinated him made of it, when their Furiousness was over. He was a true honest Man, who fulfilled all the Duties of a True Christian; and therefore we hope that GOD had Mercy on him. These Wretches being not satisfied with having committed that Murder, resolved not to stop there. They formed a Design to kill their Master himself, fearing lest by a just Resentment, he should make them bear the Punishment due to the horrid Crime they had committed. Father Anastasius observeth, that they were two long Leagues distant from the Place where M. Moranger was assassinated. M. de la Salle growing at length uneasy in his Thoughts at the long stay both of his Nephew and of his Men, who had been now absent two or three Days already, and fearing lest they had been surprised by some Troops of Savages, he desired Father Anastasius to engage with him, and go in search after his Nephew, and took two Wild Men more with him. Upon the Road, M. de la Salle had no other Discourse with him but of Religion, and spoke very much concerning the matters of Grace and Predestination, and more especially of the great Obligations he had to Divine Providence, for having preserved him from so many Dangers which he had run, during a stay of twenty Years in America, nine whereof had been spent in those Voyages I made with him: But on a sudden, F. Anastasius saw him oppressed with a very deep Melancholy, though he could not himself assign the Cause of it. His trouble was so great, that those who were used to converse with him, did hardly know him: This Disposition of Mind was not natural to him. Father Anastasius endeavoured what he could to divert him out of that Dulness. After two Leagues march, he found the Cravat of his Lackey all bloody, and perceived two Eagles (Birds very common in those Countries) fluttering over his Head, and spied at the same time his Men on the Riverside. He came near, and asked them what was become of his Nephew Moranger. They answered him with broken Words, and showed him the Place where he was. Father Anastasius went a little way along the River, and got at last to the fatal Place where two of those Murderers lay hidden amongst the Grass on both sides of the way, with their Hand-Guns ready. One of them fired upon M. de la Salle, and missed him; the other fired at the same time, and hit him in the Head, whereof he died an Hour after, on the 19th of March, 1687. Father Anastasius might have expected the same Fate; but he did not mind the Danger he was in; he was entirely possessed with this cruel Spectacle, and pierced with unexpressible Grief at this fatal Blow. He saw M. de la Salle falling down not far from him, having all his Face covered with Blood, which made him immediately run to him, embraced him, and watered him with his Tears, exhorting him the best he could in that Juncture to make a good End. This poor Gentleman had made his Devotions before his departure, and had yet the time to recapitulate part of his Life; and Father Anastasius having given him the Absolution, he died some Moment's after. He applied himself, in this last Period of his Life, to all the things suitable to his state; he pressed this Father's Hand at every thing he said to him, and especially while he exhorted him to forgive his Enemies. During all this while, those Murderers, struck with Horror at what they had committed, began to smite their Breasts, and to detest their Blindness. Father Anastasius would not leave that Place, before he had buried the Corpse of M. de la Salle in the most decent manner that he could; and when he had so done, he put a Cross upon his Grave. Thus died unfortunately M. Robert de la Salle, a Man of great Merit, Constant in Adversities, Intrepid, Generous, of a Winning Temper, Dexterous, Fit and Capable of any Great Thing. He had applied himself for the space of Twenty Years to assuage the Wild Humour and Ferosity of several Barbarous Nations, where he had traveled, and had the Misfortue to be massacred by his own Domestics, on whom he had heaped many Kindnesses and Benefits. He died in the Vigour of his Age, in the middle of his Course, not having been able to succeed in his Designs formed upon New Mexico. CHAP. VIII. Reflections of the Author of this Work, on the Life and Death of the Sieur la Salle, whose Murderers killed one another. M. De la Salle told me several times, when we were together at Fort Frontenac, before the time of our Discoveries, and also when we were actually upon them, That when he was a Jesuit, having lived ten or eleven Years in that Order, the Fathers of that Society caused several Relations to be read, during the two first Years, to all those who entered their Order, of the tragical and violent Deaths, and fatal Occurrences, which happened to those who had left their Company, and the Habit of their Order; all this on purpose to frighten those who were come in from going away. I must give to M. de la Salle his due, who entrusted me formerly with all his Papers, during a Journey he took into France, while I was at Fort Frontenac: That he left the Society with the Consent of his Superiors; and that he had in writing ample Certificates of his Good Conversation and Conduct, while he stayed amongst the Jesuits. He showed me a Letter of the General of that Order, writ at Rome, wherein he attested, that M. de la Salle had behaved himself in all things with much Wisdom, not having given so much as the least suspicion of a Venial Sin. I have made reflection a hundred times upon the Things which he had told me, when we discoursed of our Adventures and New Discoveries. I adored in this the unsearchable Designs of GOD, who fulfils always his Will by those means which he hath appointed for it; and uncertain as I was of my Destiny, I prepared myself to whatever God would be pleased to send me, being resolved to submit entirely and peaceably in all things to the Orders of his Providence. Father Anastasius got at last to the Place where M. cavalier, Brother to M. de la Salle, was, to whom he gave an account of the sad Misfortune which had happened. The Assassins' entered very rudely a moment after into the Cottage where they were, and p●●●ess'd themselves of what things soever they found in it. This good Friar had not time to make a long Discourse, but his Face all bathed with Tears spoke enough for him. And indeed Mr. cavalier had no sooner seen him but he cried out, alas my poor Brother is dead. I cannot forbear the giving here to the Public the Character of this Mr. cavalier, with whom I had lived in Canada a whole Summer in the time of my Mission to Fort Frontenac, whereof his Brother was both Governor and Proprietor. He was a good and wise Clergyman, of a rare Virtue and Experience in the Missions. No sooner had he heard this fatal News, but he fell on his Knees, as also did M. cavalier his Nephew, thinking that these wicked Villains were come to assassinate them, so they prepared to die as good Christians. However these miserable Assassins' moved with some Sentiments of Compassion, at the presence of this Venerable Old Man, and also half-repenting of their Crimes, resolved to spare them, on condition, that they should never be sent into France. But they were a long while floating and uncertain upon this Matter. Some amongst them, who had a mind to see their Country and Friends again, endeavoured to clear themselves as much as they could. And some of them were heard to say, that they ought to make an end of the rest, otherwise should they return at any time into France, they would put them into the hands of Justice for to be punished. They chose for their Chief Leader the Murderer of M. de la Salle; and lastly, after several Deliberations, resolved to go to the famous Nation of the Cenesians, whereof we have already spoken. Whereupon they marched all in Company for several days, and passed several Rivers and Brooks. These Villainous Assassins did use Messieurs Caveliers as Servants, and gave them nothing but their Remnants to eat. They arrived without any Accident at the appointed Place. But the Divine Vengeance had already stated the Punishment of these profligate Men through want of Humane Justice. A Jealousy about Command arose between a German named Hans, and a Native of Wirtemberg, and the Murderer of M. de la Salle, and every one of these miserable Men took the Part of the one or the other, as they were inclined. They had passed through the Cenesians, where they had sojourned, and were even already arrived as far as the Nassonians, when the four abovementioned Diserters joined with them again. Thus seeing themselves all assembled together on the Ascension-Eve, and the Dissension which reigned amongst them, having brought them into the fatal Resolution to kill one another, Father Anastasius made an Exhortation to them on that Holiday, which seemed to make some Impression on them, and they seemed as if they would confess their Sins, but this lasted but a little while. Those who were more penetrated with Sorrow, for having massacred their Master and Leader, passed to Hans' Side. This Man two days after having found an opportunity, punished one Crime with another. He fired a Pistol at M. de la Salle's Murderer, and shot him in the Heart; so that he died without any Knowledge of himself, or Signs of Repentance. One of Hans' Companions shot him who had killed M. Moranger in the Side. He had just time to recollect himself, when another fired without Ball at him, but so close to his Head, that his Hair was set on fire, and then his Shirt and Clothes, and that with so much Violence, that there was no means to put it out, and he died in that Torment. The third Author of that detestable Plot, fled and secured himself. Hans would by all means have fully avenged the Death of M. de la Salle, by that of this Murderer; but M. jourel reconciled them, and there was an End of all Disputes. Hans by that means remained the Chief of that unfortunate Band. They resolved to return to the Cenesians, where they had a design to settle, not daring to return into Europe, for fear of receiving the just Reward of their Crimes. The Cenesians had completed their Army, and were ready to march to War against the Kanoatinno's a cruel People, and their implacable Enemies. They boil them alive in a Cauldron when taken in War. The Cenesians than took Hans and some Europeans along with them. The others stayed there till their Return; after which Hans pressed much the other Europeans to fix their Abode with them, but they refused to do it. Wherefore they departed from the Cenesian Country; and amongst them were the Messieurs Caveliers, one the Brother, and the other the Nephew of M. de la Salle, M. jourel, Father Anastasius, and some others. They were presented every one with a Horse, Powder, and Ammunition, and some Goods, to bear their Charges upon the Road. They sojourned at the Nassonians to celebrate there the Octava of Corpus Christi. They say in their Relations, that all the Discourse of those People were concerning the Cruelty of the Spaniards against the Americans. They told them that twenty Wild Nations were going to make War with the Spaniards, and invited them to come along with them; adding that they would make more work with their Guns, than they with their Warriors armed with Clubs and Arrows. But they had other things to do. They only took occasion from these Discourses, to make them understand, that their coming amongst 'em was by the express Order of GOD, to instruct them in the Knowledge of the Truth, and bring them into the way of Salvation. They employed ten or twelve days in this Business, to the third of june. I don't doubt but M. cavalier the Priest, and Father Anastasius used all possible Endeavours to bring the Nassonians to the Light of the Gospel, and to dispel their Ignorance. But the other four Europeans who were with 'em were not numerous enough to frighten the Spaniards, who are used to Fire-Arms. Moreover they did not understand the Tongue of those People. I cannot well then apprehend, how they could gather from the Discourses of the Nassonians, that the Spaniards exercised great Cruelties on the People of America. They had no Interpreters with them; therefore they could in no wise understand what those People could say, who had seen no other Europeans but them. Moreover, since the Emperor Charles the Fifth's time, when the Spaniards made themselves Masters of New Mexico, 'tis certain, they never exercised any Cruelty upon the Neighbouring People, for want of Men to preserve those vast Countries they have conquered there. They live then in Peace with their Neighbours, and do molest no body unless attacked first. CHAP. IX. The Cenesians put the Sieur cavalier a Priest, Father Anastasius, and their Companions, in a way of pursuing their journey through several barbarous Nations. THE Cenesians appointed two Wild Men for Guides to these six Europeans, who continued their Journey through the finest Countries in the World, towards the North and North-East. They passed over several Rivers and Brooks, whose Banks are peopled with several Nations. They found the Hakesians at the East, the Nab●ri's or Nansi's powerful People, who are in war with the Cenesians. In fine, they approached on the 13th of june, near the Cadodacchoes. One of their Guides went before to tell them of their Coming. The Heads of the Families, and the Young Men whom they met with at a League's distance from their Village, received them with the Sound of the Pipe, and gave them Tobacco to smoke. Some led their Horses by the Bridle, and others carried them as it were in Triumph. They said that they were Spirits come from the other World. All the Village being assembled together, as their Custom is, they came to wash their Heads and Feet with warm Water: Afterwards they led them to a raised Ground, covered with very neat white Mats. Then they begun to feast them, and to dance at the Sound of the Pipe; with other Public Rejoices, which lasted Day and Night. These People do not know the Europeans but by Fame. These People, according to all appearance, have some Shadow of Religion: But all their Ideas are very confused and intricate. They, it seems, do worship the Sun, because they send to him the Smoke of their Tobacco, though they feel first the Benefit of it. Their Ceremonial Habits are ordinarily imprinted with the Figures of two Suns, and on the rest of the Body are Representations of wild Bulls, Deers, Serpents, and other Animals. This gave occasion to M. cavalier the Priest, and to Father Anastasius, to give them some Instructions, concerning the True God, and the Principul Mysteries of Christianity. We ought to suppose, that all this was performed with Signs. GOD afflicted them in this place with a Tragical Accident; M. the Marne, against all good Counsel to the contrary, would go and wash himself at Night on the 24th of june. M. cavalier, Nephew to M. de la Salle, accompanied him as far the side of the River, which is near that Village. This Gentleman stepping briskly into the Water, disappeared at the same time. It was a bottomless Pit, where he was drowned in a Moment. A little while after they took his Corpse out of the Water, and carried it to the Captain's House. The whole Village lamented his Death with great Ceremony. The Captain's Wife put him up very handsomely in a clean fine Mat, while the Young Men digged a Grave, which was consecrated by Father Anastasius; then the buried him with all possible Solemnity. The Savages admired the Ceremonies of the Burial, and especially the Singing of the Psalms. They took occasion from thence to give some Instructions to the Savages, about the Immortality of the Soul, for 8 days together, during their stay in this fatal place. They buried the dead Corpse on an high Ground near to the Village. His Grave was surrounded with Pallisadoes, and a great Cross was set upon it. Afterwards they departed from that Place on the second of july. These People live on the side of a River, where three Famous Nations are seated, the Natchoos, the Na●chetes, and Ouïdiches. Our Travellers were very courteously received by them. From the River of the C●nesians Castor's and Otters begin to appear, and they are seen in greater numbers the further you go. Being amongst the Ouïdiches, they met with three Warriors of two Nations, called the Cahinnio's, and the Mentous, five and twenty Leagues further towards the East-North-East, who had seen the French Europeans; they offered themselves to accompany them thither, and upon the Road they were obliged to pass over four Rivers in Cajeux. They were received by those People with their Calumet or Pipes of Peace in their Hands, with all possible Demonstrations of Esteem and Joy. Several of the Savages spoke to them of an European, who was a Captain, and had but one Arm; it was M. Tonti, a Neapolitan, whom I have already mentioned in my First Volume. They added, that a greater Captain than he would perhaps shortly pass through their Country. It was M. de la Salle they meant. The Captain lodged them in his Cottage, having sent his Family into another. They were treated there for several days with all sorts of Meats. They made a public Feast where the Calumet or Pipe Dance was danced, during four and twenty hours, with Songs fitted to that purpose, which the Chief man amongst them tuned with all his strength. They called them the Ambassadors of the Sun, sent for to defend them against their Enemies with Claps of Thunder, they meant of Guns, which Arms were unknown to them before. In the midst of these Rejoices, M. cavalier the Younger, Nephew to M. de la Salle, discharged his Pistol thrice, crying, God save the King; which was repeated by those Barbarians, who added to it, Let the Sun live for ever. These Savages have a prodigious number of Beavers and Otters, the transportation whereof might be easily effected by a River not far distant from that Village. They would have loaded their Horses with them, but they refused it, to show how disinterested they were, and presented them with Knives and Axes; and departed from thence with two Cahinnios for their Guides, after having received the Ambassadors of the Analacs and Tanicos, and of some other Nations of the North-West and Southeast. They had the pleasure for some Days to pass through the finest Countries in the World, all underwoven with Brooks and Rivers, with Meadows, small Woods, Hills, and Vineyards. They passed amongst others four large Navigable Rivers, and at last, after a march of about 60 Leagues, they came to the Ossoteoez, which do inhahit along a very large River, which runs from North-West, being edged on both sides with the finest Woods in the World. The Beaver and Otter-Skins are there in so great abundance, as also all sorts of other Furs, that great heaps of them are burnt, being of no value there. The famous River Akansa is bordered with great numbers of Villages, as I have mentioned in the First Tome of my Discoveries, Father Anastasius saith, that they begun then to know where they were: Yet he knew very well, that neither he, nor any of those four Persons, had ever been over the River Meschasipi: And indeed I alone, with my two Watermen, had been there in the Year 1680. and M. de la Salle had been there since, in 1682. as far as Akansa, 'Tis likely Father Anastasius thought they were come then to Fort Crevecoeur, in the Country of the Illinois, because he found there a great Cross, and at the Foot of it the Arms of France. He saw moreover there a House, built after the European fashion; and this gave occasion to M. joutel, and to the other two Men to let off their Guns. At the noise of this Salvo, two Frenchmen of Canada appeared to them. The Commandants Name was Couture, with whom I was particularly acquainted, during my stay in Canada, as having been one of the Company in the Expedition which we undertook for the Discovery of the Lovisiana. This M. Couture gave them to understand, that M. Tonti had placed him in that little Fort, by order of M. de la Salle, for to maintain there Alliance with the Wild Nations neighbouring to those Parts, and to shelter them against the Insults of the Iroquois their irreconcilable Enemies. They visited three of those Villages, the Torimen, the Dogingas, and the Kappas. They were feasted and complemented every where, and recreated with the Dances of the Calumet. They had their Lodgement in the House appertaining to that little Fort; and those of Canada who were settled there, made them all the good Reception that could be wished for, and made them Masters of every thing. As for the Decision of Affairs amongst those Savages, they never do resolve on any thing immediately, but assemble first the Chief Men and Elders of the Villages, and then they deliberate. These Travellers had desired a Pyrogue, or Boat, of them, and some Savages, to sail upon the River Meschasipi, and to go as far as the Illnois, by the River of that Nation, which I have named in the Map of my Lovisiana the River Seignelay, in Honour to the Minister of State of that Name, who laid to the Heart, and took care of all the Concerns of our Discovery. Father Anastasius saith, that they offered to those Savages their Horses, with Powder and Bullets, in exchange for a Pyrogue. The Council having been called upon that account, they were answered, That the Pyrogue was granted them, and four Savages to be their Guides, one of each Nation, the more to confirm the Alliance which they made with them. This was executed very punctually, so that they dismissed the Cahinnios with Presents to their Satisfaction. We ought to observe on this Subject, though I don't pretend thereby to predjudicate in the least the Knowledge of M. de la Salle, that certainly he had not yet found out the True Mouth of the River Meschasipi, nor Father Anastasius neither, who never had been in that Country. And if this latter hath happily found it out by means of those Savages who were his Leaders, it hath been only by the Knowledge which M. Fortin, Commandant of the said little Fort, gave him. He will perhaps clear better this Business afterwards. CHAP. X. A Voyage of the Sieur cavalier a Priest, and Father Anastasius a Recollect, in a Canow, in order to go to the Illinois; and several other Circumstances concerning their Return. AFter they had sojourned for some time, amongst those People, M. cavalier an Father Anastasius embarked on the first of August, 1687. upon the River Meschasipi, and traversed it the same Day upon a Pyrogue forty foot long. The Stream of the River was very strong in that place; therefore being landed on the other side, they continued their Journey afoot, for they had left their Horses at Akansa, and perhaps it had been better for them had they kept them. None remained in the Pyrogue but the Young cavalier, whose tender Age, together with the Fatigues of the Journey they had undergone hitherto, did not permit him to go the rest of that Journey afoot. Father Anastasius is of opinion, that from the place of their departure to the Illinois, there might be about 400 League's distance, though he speaks it only by Conjecture. One of the Savages with a long Perch conducted the Pyrogue, and one of his Companions helped him by turns to manage it. The rest of the Company did not make use of the Pyrogue, but when forced to it by reason of some dangerous Pass, or the crossing of some River. They endured much Pains and Fatigues in this Journey, the Heat being excessive in that Season, and the sandy Grounds all burning from the scorching Heat of the Sun. But above all, the scarcity of Provisions for several Days, was a great mortification to them. Father Anastasius adds, that they had already gone two hundred Leagues 'cross the Lands from St. Lovis Bay, viz. an hundred Leagues to the Cenesians, threescore to the North-North-East, and the other forty to the East-North-East; from the Nassonians to the Cadodacchoes, forty to North-North-East; from the Cadodacchoes to the Cahinnios and Mentou's, twenty five to East, North-East; and from the Cahinnios to the Akansas, sixty East-North-East. They went on their Journey up the River by the same places which they had heard of by M. de la Salle in 1682. the Sichacas excepted, whither they went: For Father Anastasius saith that M. de la Salle was never there. I have made mention of that Nation in my Discovery in 1680. described in the precedent Tom. The principal Village is twenty five Leagues to the East of the Akansas, a strong and numerous Nation, having at least four thousand Men employed in War. They abound with all sorts of Skins. The Chief Men brought to them several times the Calumet for a sign that they were willing to make Alliance with them. They offered even to them the freedom to go and settle on the River Ouabache, that so they might be nearer to Fort Crevecoeur in the Illinois Country, whither they were a going. This famous River Ouabache is very near as large as the River Meschasipi, and a great many others are received into it. The Mouth where it runs into the Meschasipi, is distant from the Akansas 200 Leagues, according to the estimation which M. de la Salle had made of it. Which distance indeed is not to be taken in a straight Line through the Meadows, but according to the many Windings of the River Meschasipi, otherwise there would be but five days Journey thence. They passed then over the River Ouabache, on the 26th of August, and they had about 60 Leagues travelling up the River Meschasipi, to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois. About six Leagues lower than that Mouth, is found to the North-West the famous River of the Massourites, or Ozages, which is at least as broad as the River into which it runs. It is formed by a great number of other Rivers, known and navigable all over, the Country's adjacent to which are inhabited by very numerous Nations; as the Panimohas, who have but one Head, and 22 Villages, the lesser whereof consists of 200 Cottages, the Paneassas, Panas, Panelogas, and Matotantes, none of which are inferior to the Panimahas. Amongst them are comprehended also the Ozanges, who make up seventeen Villages on the River of the same Name, which loses itself into that of the Massourite. Our Maps, as well as those of M. de la Salle, have also spread thither the Name of Ozanges. The Akansas were formerly seated at the upper part of one of those Rivers, which conserveses yet their Name to this Day, which I have also mentioned, towards the middle of the way from the River Ouabache to that of the Massourites. There stands the Cape of St. Anthony of Milan; and those Parts are inhabited by the Savages of the Nation called Mansopolea. At last, on the 5th of September, M. cavalier a Priest, of the Seminary of St. Sulpicius at Paris, and Father Anastasius, a Recollect Friar of Dovai, arrived at the Mouth of the Illinois River, from whence they reckon to Fort Crevecoeur about 100 Leagues, as I have observed in my First Tome. All that Road is very commodious for Navigation, even for big Ships. A Chaovenon, named Turpin, having perceived them from his Village, ran by Land to carry the News of it to M. Bellefonteine Commander of that Fort. He could not believe what the Man said; but they following the Savage very near, entered the Fort on the 14th of September. They were immediately conducted to the Chapel, where the T'e Deum was sung for a thanksgiving. The Canadians having put themselves in Arms with some Savages, gave them a Salvo with the firing of their Guns. M. Tonti, who was designed by M. de la Salle to Command in Crevecoeur Fort, was gone to the Iroquois Country, to endeavour to manage the Spirits of those Barbarians. But these Travellers nevertheless met there with all the good Reception that was possible; and M. Bellefonteine forgot nothing to express his Joy of their arrival, to comfort them of their Misfortunes, and to refresh them after their Fatigues. We ought to confess, that it is not possible for any to avoid his Destiny. This notwithstanding one cannot but acknowledge, that M. de la Salle's case was very fatal. He did undertake that Journey with the Design to find out the Mouth of Meschasipi, and he died without success in it; and a little after his Death, his Brother, with Father Anastasius, and those who accompanied them in their Journey by means of that River, do arrive into the Country of the Illinois. 'Tis certain however, that there is a very fine Port at the Mouth of that River, according to my Observation in the Year 1680. The Entry into it is very fine, as it may be easily perceived. Of three Branches which do compass that Mouth, I have always followed the middle Channel; the Mouth of it is commodious, and there are several Grounds fit for to build Fortresses upon, out of danger of being worsted by the Waters, as it was supposed heretofore. The Countries about the lower parts of the River are habitable, and even inhabited by several Savage Nations, which are not very far distant from it. The biggest Vessels may go up the River, above two Hundred Leagues from the Gulf of Mexico, and so mount to the Mouth of the River of the Illiniens; which River is Navigable more than an Hundred Leagues, and then discharges itself into Meschasipi. I had almost forgot some other Nations which are situated towards the lower end of the same River, as the Pichenos, Ozanbogus, Tangibaos, Ottonicas, Movisas and several others, which do easily slip out of one's Memory, for want of Time and Conveniency in Travelling, and of making due Observations upon them. It is very probable, that Mr. de la Salle, who not finding that the Mouth of that River discharged itself into the Sea, thought that the Bay of St. Lewis was but Forty or Fifty Leagues distant from the Mouth of one of its Arms, at least it seemed so in a straight Line. But by misfortune he never was there, and so did not find ●it out, God having set Limits to all the Erterprises of Men, and Bounds to their Hearts, as well as to the vast Ocean. God, no doubt, hath permitted it so to be, to the end Father Anastasius, who is now Vicar of the Recollect Friars of Cambray, should make the Discovery of one Hundred and Ten Nations upon his Road, instead of Mr. de la Salle's; not reckoning several other wild People, known to those through whom he took his Way, by reason of their Trading one with another, and yet are unknown at this day to the Europeans. These Nations, as I have observed, have Horses for all sorts of Use in great Numbers; and the Savages think to have made a good Bargain when they get an Axe for an Horse. Father Anastasius was departed from the Bay of St. Lewis in the Gulf of Mexico, with design to fix his abode amongst the Coenesians, and Establish there his Mission. Father Zenobe Mambre a Recollect, who remained in that Bay, was to go and join him for to spread it among the Neighbouring Nations; and they expected more Labourers from Europe. But the fatal Death of Mr. de la Salle, having obliged him to go further, he doubts not but the said Father Zenobe is gone to look after him. And perhaps he is now in those Countries with Father Maximus, a Recollect of L'Isle in Flanders, having left Mr. Chefdeville, a Missionary of Saint Sulpitius, to look after the Mission in the Port of that Bay. He made choice himself of that place, because there were nine or ten European Families with their Children there. Moreover there are some of Mr. de la Salle's Men, who have Married wild Women, for the increase of their little Colony. This is an Abstract of what Father Anastasius hath writ of his laborious Journey, and no body knows what is become of those poor Men since. Father Anastasius concealed the deplorable end of Mr. de la Salle, it being his Duty, as well as of Mr. cavalier the Priest, to give the first News of it to the Court, and to secure, by this secrecy, the Effects belonging to the Deceased Mr. de la Salle, in the above mentioned Fort of the Illiniens, because he had advanced him all things necessary for his Enterprise. He left the Illiniens in the Spring of the Year 1688, with Father Anastasius, the young cavalier, Mr. Soutel, and one of the Savages, who is now settled near Versailles. They arrived at Quebec on the 27 th' of july, and sailed for France on the 20 th' of August following, and by the Grace of God, they are happily arrived at Paris, after having undergone an incredible number of Dangers. They gave an Account of their Journey to the now deceased Monsieur, the Marquis of Seignelay. This is the History of Mr. de la Salle's first Voyage, which I have thought fit to make Public, it being, as it were, a Continuation of mine, and a Confirmation of several things which I have related in my History. I pass now to the Description both of the Religion and Manners of those Barbarous Nations which I have discovered in my Journey. CHAP. XI. Reflections of the Author upon the Voyage to China. The Belief of most part of the Savages in the Northern America, concerning the Creation of the World, and the Immortality of the Soul. 'TIS a common saying, that Truth is the Essence and Soul of History; therefore this Treatise of the Customs and Manners of the Northern America Savages, needs no other recommendation, as being done with the utmost sincerity. Both the Novelty and the Variety will join their Charms together, though I bring here upon the Stage, none but raw and barbarous People. Thus I hope that the Description of near two Hundred different sort of People I have either seen myself, and whereof I have made mention in my former Volume, or whom some of our Religious Order have discovered, shall give some sort of satisfaction to the Curious. The Son of God having foretell that his Gospel should be Preached throughout all the World, the Faithful People have constantly applied themselves to the Accomplishment of that Prophecy, by endeavouring to Convert those Barbarous Nations, to whom the true God is yet unknown. It is true, that this great Multitude of Barbarians, who are spread all over those vast Countries of America, have had, hitherto, their Eyes shut against the Light of Truth. But we have already begun to preach to them Jesus Christ Crucified, as well as we could, to bring them into the way of Salvation. And we hope that those who are animated with the Zeal of God, will henceforth endeavour to perfect what we have but begun, and apply themselves to promote the Salvation of so many Souls, who perish only because the Christians do not their endeavour in labouring to draw them from their Natural Ignorance. Therefore in order to facilitate to them the means for doing it, we are going to treat of the Ideas which those People have of Religion, and speak at the same time of their Manners. That one may consider which means are the best for to instruct them, and render them capable of Truth and Salvation. As by our Discoveries we have made known the greatest part of the Northern America; so I dont question if his British Majesty, and our Lords, the States, would send us thither to finish that which we have already so happily begun, but that it would be an easy matter to discover what the best Endeavours could not yet bring to Light. It hath been impossible hitherto to go to japan by the Frozen or Icy Sea. The going thither that way hath been several times attempted, but without Success; and I am morally certain that it can never be effected, unless the Continent of those Countries which are between the Frozen Sea, and the new Mexico be first wholly discovered. God, it should seem, hath preserved me from those extraordinary Dangers I have been exposed to in my long Voyages, only to bring about that happy Discovery. I proffer myself yet to the effecting of that Design, being persuaded that God will give his Blessing to it, if I can but be supplied with the means necessary to the performance of it. I am not surprised to see the Learned agree that they are yet in the dark how America was peopled, and how that infinite Number of Nations, which are found there, came to be settled in that vast Continent. America doth form half the Globe of the Earth. The most perfect Geographers have not yet a Total Knowledge of it; and the very Inhabitants of that new World (whom we have discovered, and who according to all reason should be best informed of it,) do not themselves know how their Ancestors came thither. Certainly, were we in Europe, as those People, without the ingenious Art of Writing, which gives in a manner Life to the Dead, which recalls to remembrance what is past, and preserves the Memory of things to future Ages, it is certain that we should be no less ignorant than these poor Savages. Most part of the Barbarians which do inhabit the Northern America, believe commonly a kind of a Creation of the World. They say that both the Heavens and the Earth, and all Men, were made by a Woman who governs the World with her Son. They add, that her Son is the Principle of all Good Things, and the Woman of all Evil. They do believe that both do enjoy a perfect Happiness. They say moreover, that this Woman fell down from Heaven being big with Child, but falling on the Back of a Tortoise, she was saved from being drowned. And when it is objected how ridiculous their Belief is, they answer ordinarily, that this Objection is good for those who make it, but of no force against Them, because They are otherwise made than the Europeans. Other Savages of the same Continent, believe that a certain Spirit, which the Iroquois call Otkon, and other Barbarians, who live at the lower part of the River St. Laurence, Atahauta, is the Creator of the World; and that one named Messou was the Repairer of it after the Universal Deluge. They say that this Messou or Otkon, going once to Hunting, his Dogs were lost in a great Lake, which overflowing, covered the whole Earth in a little time, and made but a bottomless Pit of all the World. They add, that this Messou or Otkon gathered a small quantity of Earth by the help of some Animals, and with it repaired the World. They also believe that the Europeans do inhabit another World different from theirs. So when you set forth before them the true Oeconomy of the Creation of the Universe, in order to disabuse them of their Folly, and instruct them in the Truth, their Answer is, that all this may be true for the World which we inhabit, but that it is quite otherwise with theirs. They ask even very often, whether there be a Sun and a Moon in our Europe, as in their Country. Some Savages which live at the upper end of the River St. Lawrenec, do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion with the former, that a Woman came down from Heaven, and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground whereon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which of them should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little that vast Tract of Land, which we now call America. They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seized upon her Spirits, she fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in that Condition, approached and knew her unperceptibly. From which Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they quarrelled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one could not bear with the other. One especially being of a very wild Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution, who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven, whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times his Thunder to roar over the Head of his unfortunate Brother. Some time after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Savages say) were propagated these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts of the Universe. How fabulous soever this History is, yet one may perceive in it some Glimpse of Truth. The Sleep of that Woman, with the Birth of her two Sons, hath some resemblance to the Sleep of Adam, during which God took ●ut one of his Ribs and therewith formed Eve. The Disunion of the two Brothers, is the Image of the implacable Hatred of Cain to Abel. The Retreat of him who retired to Heaven, doth represent the Death of Abel; and the Thunderclaps from Heaven denote well enough the Curse which God pronounced against that miserable Cain who was the Murderer of his Brother. It is a lamentable thing to consider with how many Whimsies the Devil intoxicate the Minds of these poor Savages. Although they esteem all Souls Corporeal (for they understand nothing else by their Otkon, Atahauta, or Manitou, but I know not what sort of a Material Spring which gives Life and Motion to all Things) Yet they nevertheless pretend to believe the Immortality of the Soul, and another Life after this, in which they are to roll in all sorts of Pleasures, and where they are to find especially Hunting in Perfection, Fishing in Abundance, Indian Corn in great Quantities for those that sow it, (for there are those among them that do not) Tobacco, and a thousand other, both Curiosities, and Necessaries. They hold that the Soul does not immediately leave the Body after Death; wherefore they always bury along with it, a Bow, Arrows, Indian Corn, and fat Meat, to the end (say they) that the Dead may subsist thereupon till they can arrive in the Country where the Souls reside. As they afford Souls to all living Creatures, so they think that after Death, Men continue to hunt the Souls of beaver's, Elks, Foxes, Otters, Sea-wolves, and other Animals. They believe likewise, that the Souls of those Rackets, that they make use of to keep them from sinking into the Snow in Winter time, will be of the same use to 'em in the other World, as also the Souls of Bows and Arrows to kill Beasts withal. They have also the same Thoughts concerning Fishing, in a manner, that according to their Opinion, these Souls have likewise the same Occasion for Arms for that Sport. The Bodies, which they bury Seven or Eight Foot deep, have no other need of these Arms, and Provision, which they put into the Grave with them, than to serve them for their Voyage into the other World. They imagine that these Souls walk visibly in their Villages for a certain time, and that they partake of all their Feasts and Merriments, and therefore they always assign them their several Portions. Many of these People carry their Superstition to that Degree, as to have several General Feasts for the Dead, accompanied with Songs, dreadful Cries, Banquets, Dances, and Presents of different sorts. For this purpose they drag Corpse out of the Villages, and even the Bones of those whose Flesh is consumed, all which they call Bundles of Souls. They transport them from one Tomb to another, set out with Skins of Beasts, Collars of Porcelain, and other such Riches of their Country. They believe that all this contributes mightily towards the Happiness of the Dead. I shall not trouble myself here to relate the several Particulars of their Belief upon this Subject; the different places and Employs which they assign their Dead; the manner after which they believe they subject; their Wars, Peace, Policy, and Laws. These 〈…〉 so many extravagant and ridiculous Traditions, founded upon Fables which their Ancestors have invented, and to which they give so great Credit, that they easily pass from one Generation to another for Articles of Faith. There is some reason to suspect that the Savages of America have originally descended from the jews, whereof some few might probably have been cast by Shipwreck upon these Shores, for in effect there is a great resemblance between them in several things: They build their Huts in form of Pavilions, like the jews: They anoint themselves with Oil, and are zealous Observers of Dreams: They bewail their Dead with great Lamentations and Noise: Their Women wear Mourning for their Husbands a whole Year; during which time they forbear Dances, and Feasts, and have a kind of Friar's Hood on their Heads. And most commonly the Father or Brother of the Deceased takes care of the Widow. As to the rest, they seem to have a particular Curse entailed upon them by God Almighty, like the jews, for they are Brutish and Opiniated to the highest Degree: They have no fixed and settled Abode: They are very unchaste; and have moreover such dull Pates, that whenever they are told that their Souls are immortal, they will presently ask what they shall eat in the other World. Besides we may trace the Belief of the jews, according to the Revelation of Moses, in what we have already touched upon concerning these Savages Opinion of the beginning of the World. But to speak freely, these Barbarians seem to me to have no Idea at all of a Deity. They believe indeed another World, where they expect to enjoy the same Pleasures and Delights they have had here. They are a sort of People subject to no Restraint, Laws, nor any Form of Government or Policy. They are extremely blockish in matters of Religion, tho' in those of Trade and Profit, they are very subtle and expert. They are nevertheless Superstitious to the greatest Degree imaginable. CHAP. XII. Means whereby the Savages may be converted. Who are those among them that Baptism ought to be refused to. OUR Ancient Missionary Recollects of Canada and those who have succeeded them in that Work, have always owned, as I must do with them, that it is impossible to convert the Savages without first endeavouring to make them Men, before we think of making them Christians. It is absolutely necessary therefore, for the thorough civilising of them, that Christians of Europe be mixed with them, and they habituated to our Conversation; all which however cannot possibly be effected, unless our Colonies be considerably augmented in those Parts. But here it must be acknowledged, that the Canada Company are the greatest Obstacle to this Design; for they seeking only to enrich themselves, and having no regard to so pious a Work as the Conversion of strayed Souls, would never yet suffer any particular Establishments to settle in this Country, nor permit the Missionaries to fix the Savages to any Place, without which it is impossible ever to convert these Infidels. Thus the Covetousness of those who would needs grow rich all of a sudden, has very much retarded the Propagating of the Christian Faith among these Savages. The ill Example likewise set by these Christian Traders has occasioned no small Prejudice to our Religion. By all this it may appear that a Mission among these Populous Nations is both troublesome and hazardous; and it must be granted likewise, that to effect this great Work, no small number of Years would be sufficient, they being a People so extremely Ignorant and Dull. For this reason therefore, except in some few Cases, not a little dubious likewise, one would not venture to administer the Sacraments to Adults, who perhaps seem only to be converted; and this I presume has been the Cause that in so many Years Mission, so little Progress has been made, though so great Pains has been taken. Thus it is certain that the Christian Religion will never be in any wise advanced among the Savages, if due care be not taken to fortify the Colonies with a great number of Inhabitants, both Artificers and Labourers: Trading also with the Savages must be allowed indifferently to all the Europeans. Moreover, these Barbarians must be fixed and settled, and new moulded after our Manners and Laws. Colleges also might be Established among 'em by the Zeal of well affected Europeans, wherein the young Savages might be Educated, and Instructed in the Light of the Gospel. These, in Conjunction with the Missionaries, might work Wonders on their Companions in a very short time. Without doubt the fortifying of the Temporal and Spiritual Authority in these new Colonies, were the only Way to bring this design about. But on the contrary we may there observe Men only given to Gain and Commerce, and who at the same time have little or no regard to call down the Blessing of God upon them, by employing themselves to the Advancement of his Glory. God is often pleased to experience his Servants Love by Means most sensible; and amongst them, those chiefly who busy themselves about the Salvation of Souls. But nevertheless the Hazards, Troubles, Sufferings, and the very Sacrificing their Lives would be welcome to them, if by thus devoting themselves to the safety of their Neighbours, they might see their Undertakings crowned with Success. It is impossible, when we consider the great Number of People mentioned in this Relation, and the little Progress hitherto made in their Conversion, that we should not admire at the Unsearchable Judgements of God, and cry out with the Apostle, O the Profound Riches of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God A vast number of secular Priests very learned, and several others of our Orders have laboured indefatigably at this great Work; but it seems God has a Mind to convince us that the Conversion of Souls is only the Effect of his Grace, which has not yet been in our Power to lay any Claim to in that Degree. He contents himself therefore, to see us labour under a Dependence on his Power. He is Witness of our Wishes and Endeavours. He hears our Prayers, receives our Vows, and accepts our most ardent Supplications that he would be pleased, through Mercy, to draw forth these miserable Wretches from the Abyss of Darkness and Ignorance. Yet he is still disposed to let the Workmen prepare the Vine, while they are to expect the Fruit only from his Hands. God, no doubt, will bring all about in the time he has prescribed by his Providence, and without Question will prove a just Rewarder of those who shall continue faithful Labourers in this great Work; however he does not yet think convenient to flatter our Ambition with Success. I must observe here with a great deal of Concern, that there is no common difference between our Modern Missions into America, and those which our Recollects have formerly begun in this New World, and continued ever since in South America, particularly in Peru. They there converted every day Millions of Souls: but now in Canada we have the greatest Reason to reproach it as an ungrateful, barren, and unfruitful Land: There alone is to be met with an unconceivable Blindness, Blockish Insensibility, and a prodigious Remoteness from its Maker, as likewise an entire Opposition to the Mysteries of our Faith. Whole Ages would scarce be sufficient to prepare those Barbarians for the Benefits of the Gospel; and to augment our Misfortune, God has permitted this Country to be under the Power of a Company of Merchants, who have greater regard to their Worldly Interest, than any such good Works. The Missionary-Recollects, our Predecessors, never granted the Sacrament of Baptism to the Savages till they were well satisfied of them, for fear that Sacred Mystery might be profaned by those Barbarians. Nay, even to this Day we may perceive that those People are not well disposed to receive the Christian Religion, seeing they have hardly any Idea of Religion at all, and seem to be wholly incapable of the most common Reasonings, which bring other Men to the knowledge either of a true Deity or a false. These poor blind Creatures look upon all our Mysteries of Faith as Tales and Dreams. They have Naturally a great many Vices, and are very much addicted to several Superstitions which have no meaning at all in 'em: They have many barbarous and brutal Usages amongst them: They would suffer themselves to be Baptised six times a Day for a Glass of Aqua vitae, or a Pipe of Tobacco: They frequently offer their Infants to the Font, but that without any manner of Motive or Zeal. Those, whom one had Converted in a whole Winter, as it happened I had instructed a few, while I was at the Fort of Frontenac, do not discover any greater knowledge of matters of Religion than the rest; which has occasioned many dreadful Alarms of Conscience to several of our Fraternity, in the beginning of their Mission amongst the People of Canada. They observed that those few which they had instructed, and admitted to the Holy Baptism, some relapsed into the former Indifference, and seemed rather to Profane than Adore. This unhappy Case was examined to the very bottom, and endeavoured to be discussed with a great deal of care. It was afterwards transferred to the Sorbonne; and at length concluded, that in regard of the Adult, and dying Infants, whose Death they should be morally assured of, they might venture to give 'em the Sacrament, because there was reason to presume that at that Extremity God might bestow on 'em some Light, to have recourse to the means of their Salvation. But at the same time it was absolutely agreed, that any of the Sacraments could not be allowed to the other Savages, unless by a long knowledge of 'em they were convinced of their being thoroughly instructed in our Mysteries, and absolutely weaned from their own Barbarous Customs. They further allowed, That Baptism might be Administered to such as lived altogether among the Christians, and were Civilised and Educated in our Manner of living; and this especially where they had been well Instructed before. Also the Children of these last People might have the Benefit of the Qualifications of their Parents. They likewise drew up a Form or kind of Canon to be observed as a Rule by the Missionaries ever after. CHAP. XIII. The Savages of Northern America acknowledge no God. Of the pretended Souls of Terrestrial Animals. OUR Ancient Missionary Recollects have been acquainted with several different Nations within the space of above Six Hundred Leagues in Northern America, and have visited a great number of others, because I have traveled farther than they, having been as high as the River St. Laurence, and that of Meschasipi. I have likewise observed with my Predecessors, that the Savages are not wanting in good Sense as to what relates to their Trade and Interest. They are very expert therein, and make use of the most reasonable means to bring their Ends about; but what surprises me infinitely is, that being so ready in transacting their own Affairs, their Minds should be so extremely clouded as to what concerns Religion, Manners, Laws and Maxims of Life. We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Savages in general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; so stupid are their Souls, and so extremely overspread with Darkness. Notwithstanding, some times by chance, a Man may find in 'em a small glimmering Notion of a Deity. Some of 'em acknowledge the Sun for their God, but that not without a great deal of Confusion: Others will have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among 'em look upon the Sky as a kind of Divinity; others as a Otkon or Manitou, either Good or Evil. Nevertheless all this is but an outward Appearance, for their Hearts have little or no share in their Devotion. The Southern Nations seem to be of Opinion, that there is an Universal Spirit, which informs and commands the whole. They imagine, according to their weak Apprehension, that there are Souls in all things, even in the Inanimate. Nevertheless these People acknowledge no Deity with a Sense of Religion: They talk of such a one sometimes indeed, but that either out of Prejudice, Whimfey, or Conceitedness, and seldom mind what they say; looking upon it rather as a Fable than a Reality. They have no exterior Gestures which might convince us they have the least esteem for a Deity; Neither Temple, Priest, Sacrifice, nor any other Mark of Religion, is to be met with among them. Dreams with them supply all other defects, and serve instead of Prophecy, Inspiration, Laws, Commands, and Rules, either for undertakings in War, Peace, Trade or Hunting. Nay, they are a kind of Oracles in their Eyes. You would say, to see 'em at their Devotion, that they were of the Sect of the pretended Inspired. The Belief they have in their Dreams, imposes upon them a kind of Necessity of believing likewise, that they are forewarned by an Universal Mind, of what they ought to do or avoid. Nay, this Infatuation prevails upon 'em so far, that if they were persuaded in their Dreams to kill a Man, or commit any other Enormous Crime, they would immediately do it, with the greatest alacrity, and make Atonement for it by the means which we shall hereafter relate. Parent's Dreams generally serve for the Observation of their Children, and Captains for those of their Village. There are such among 'em as pretend to Interpret Dreams, but which they only explain either according to their Fancies or their Pleasure; and if they happen to be in the Wrong, they are nevertheless not looked upon to be the less skilful for all that. When they meet with any great Fall of Water, which is either difficult to pass, or dangerous to avoid, they throw into it a Bever's Skin, Tobacco, Porcelain, or the like, by way of Sacrifice, to appease and engage the Deity that there presides. There is no Nation among 'em which has not a sort of Jugglers or Conjurers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion there is no great Reason to believe 'em such, or to think that their Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil. Nevertheless we may well suppose that this Cursed Spirit often influences their Impostures, and makes Use of 'em to amuse those poor Wretches, and prevent their ever coming to the Knowledge of the true God. They are, in a Word, extremely bewitched with these Jugglers, tho' they so plainly and frequently appear to deceive 'em. These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which foretell Futurity. They will needs be looked upon to have an unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also often pretend to Physic, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part as have little or no Virtue at all in 'em, especially to Cure that Distemper which they pretend to. It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their Enchantments. It is observable, they never Cure any body they Undertake, and seldom foretell any thing they promise, but by Chance. Yet they have always some shift or other to amuse the poor People, when their Event does not come up to their Pretensions. They will do nothing without either Presents or Hire. But however 'tis certain that if these Impostors have not skill enough to procure themselves Credit, or to find something to say in case of a failure in their Art by their Patient's Death, 'tis ten to one but they are killed on the spot without any further Formality. These poor blind Wretches are moreover engaged in several other Superstitions, which the Devil makes use of to Ensnare 'em. They believe there are many living Creatures which have Rational Souls. They have a very unaccountable Veneration for certain Bones of Elks, beaver's and other Beasts, and therefore never give them to their Dogs, but lay 'em up in Repositories with a great deal of Care: These they never throw into Rivers but with a great reluctancy. They say, That the Souls of these Animals observe how they deal by their Bodies, and consequently advertise both the Living and Dead of that kind thereof, so that if they treat 'em ill, they must not expect that those sorts of Beasts will ever suffer themselves to be taken by them either in this or the other World. We may affirm that the Corruption of Sin has o'ershaded the Souls of these unhappy Creatures, with a strange Blindness, and an entire Insensibility for all sorts of Religion, in a manner, that nothing is to be found like it in all History. 'Tis true, they have several Superstitious Observations which they cleave to with a great deal of Obstinacy, but nevertheless they have not the least Principle or Motive of Religion. Their Zeal is only Frenzy and Infatuation; for when they have an Argument struck home to 'em, they sit down sullenly, and answer not a Word. When our Mysteries are proposed to 'em, they commonly hear 'em with the same indifference that they talk of their own Whimsies. I have met with some who seemed to digest this Truth, That there is a chief Being, who has made all the rest. Nevertheless this does but only glance upon their Minds, for they commonly receive little or no Impression by it, but soon relapse into their wonted Drowsiness and accustomed Sottishness. CHAP. XIV. Of the great Difficulties met with in keeping the Savages from Praying by Rote. THE great stupidity of these Barbarians, proceeds chiefly from their not caring to be well instructed. They never come to us but out of pure Fancy or Curiosity, either as we are Strangers, or that we treat 'em well, or flatter 'em; or on account of the benefit their Sick receive by us; or else through hopes to get something by us in Trade: Or lastly, because we being Europeans they look upon us as more Valiant than themselves, and therefore hope to be defended by us against their Enemies. They are taught Prayers indeed, but they repeat 'em like so many Children at School, without the least attention. For the most part they that have learned longest, and been Catechised oftenest, are very wavering, except a very few. They will throw down their Books of a sudden, and return to the Woods, and their former Superstitions, upon the least Freak that takes them in the Head. I cannot tell whether their Predecessors have been acquainted with any Deity or not, but sure I am, that their Language, which is otherwise very Expressive, is so very Barren in that, that they have no word to express God, or any the least of our Mysteries. This is the greatest difficulty we meet with in their Conversion. There is also another pretty considerable Obstacle in the Converting of these People, which is, that the greatest part of 'em have several Wives, and in the Northern Country, they change 'em as often as they think fit. They cannot comprehend how it is possible for a Man to be subject to the Bonds of Marriage. Don't you see (cry they, when we urge our Arguments most home to 'em) how little Reason you have for what you stick so much for? My Wife is not pleased to live with me, neither am I at ease to live with her. My Neighbour such a one, perhaps, may like her better, and I may like his who does not much care for him. Therefore why should you oblige us for to live like Dogs and Cats together, when only changing one with another, we live at quiet? Another great Hindrance proceeds from their Custom never to contradict any body; for they hold that every Man ought to be left to his own Opinion, without molestation; wherefore they always either believe or seem to believe what you say, which frequently baffles us in our Endeavours. All this comes from an innate blockishness and indifference as to every thing, but more especially, for matters of Religion which they mind least of all. A Man must not go to America, that has a mind to become a Martyr for his Faith: These Savages never Murder any body upon that score; they leave every one at liberty to believe what he pleases. They are only enamoured with the outward Ceremonies of our Church. These Barbarians engage in Wars only on account of their Common Interest. They kill no body at home, except upon particular Quarrels, proceeding severally from Lust, Drunkenness, Revenge or Infatuation by a Dream, or some other extravagant Vision. They are altogether against taking away a Man's Life, upon account of difference in Opinion. The Brute generally presides in their Inclinations. They are naturally Gluttons, and know no greater Happiness than what they find in the pleasure of Eating and Drinking. This brutish Humour may be observed to run through all their Diversions, for they never have any of this kind, but what begin and end with Feasts. The Spirit of Revenge likewise, to which they are much addicted, is no common Obstacle to Christianity. They have a great deal of Softness and good Nature for their own Nation, but are Cruel and Revengeful, to the highest degree towards their Enemies. They are naturally Unconstant, and Foul-mouthed, great Jesters, and immoderate Lechers. In fine, among all the Virtues they can any way pretend to, there is not one that savours, in the least, either of Religion or Morality. And this, without doubt, is another Cause that renders their Conversion the more difficult. To gain any thing upon them, or to dispose 'em the better for Instruction, the only way were to be very familiar with them, and to Converse frequently among 'em. This could not easily be effected, till the Colonies were considerably augmented. After they have been among us for some few Weeks, they always pretend to be obliged to go a Hunting for Sustenance, and that without dispute, extremely debauches 'em from the Faith. They must therefore be fixed to some particular Abodes, and brought to Till and Cultivate the Ground, and to Work at their several Trades, like the Europeans, before there can be any good wrought upon 'em. For by this means their Manners would, of course, be civilised, and they rendered more tractable. I intent hereafter to speak of other Nations of the South, who seem better disposed to receive the Gospel than these of the North, and of the shallow River of St. Laurence. CHAP. XV. The manner of the Savages making their Feasts. THEY have Feasts of Parting; of Acknowledgement; of War; of Peace; of Death; of Marriage, and of Health. They spend both Night and Day in Merriment, especially when they make their Feasts, which they call Eat up all; for then by the Constitution, no body is to leave the Company till a clear Table be produced. And where any one is not able to Eat more, he is obliged to be continually Praising those that can. They have also other Feasts for the Curing of the Sick, of which some are Public. Heretofore they had Feasts of Uncleanness, where Men and Women might mix and couple at pleasure, after a surprising manner; but if these are still continued, it is very seldom, and altogether unknown to us. When they are disposed to go to War, it is commonly to revenge some small Affront offered 'em. Also sometimes they do it in Obedience to an Idle Dream; but oftener, because the Fancy takes them in the Head. Sometimes they engage in it on account of being a little ridiculed by some others after this manner: You have no Courage (cry they) for you have never yet been at War. Also You have never killed a Man; and the like: Hereupon their Honour is immediately concerned, and their Courage raised; and after having killed some few Fallow Beasts, they make a Feast therewith, to which they exhort their Neighbours and Friends to assist them on this occasion. When they have a mind to go to War alone, they never make any Feast, but having acquainted only their Wives therewith, and warned 'em to get ready their Meal and Indian Wheat, they set forward accordingly. But if they have a mind to have company along with them, they go forthwith into the Village, and invite all the Young Men, who taking their Wooden Dishes, or Birchen Rhind Bowls in their Hands, immediately repair to the Hut of him that invited them, which they commonly do Dancing and Singing after this manner; I go to the Wars. I am going to revenge the Death of such an one of my Parents or Friends. I'll Kill, I'll Burn, I'll make Captive; I'll swinge my Enemies, and the like; all which savours of nothing but the extremest Cruelty. When all the Company is come, they begin to fill the Kettles of such as have any, and the Wooden or Rind Porringers of such as have not. After which, they all sit down to Eat, and during the Repast, the Master of the Feast sings without intermission, which generally tends to exhorting them to follow him in this Expedition. Whilst all this is transacting, the Guests speak not a word, but eat what is before 'em with profound Silence, except that one or other of them from time to time applauds him that invited them by answering Netho or joguenske. When the Orator has finished his Harangue, he cries, And so I conclude with this, That to Morrow (or in two or three Days, accordin to his Project) I will set forth: Whereupon those that have a mind to go with him meet him the next Morning, and assure him that they will follow him round the World to be revenged on his Enemies. Very well my dear Friends, (Quoth he) than we will be going in three Days. Nevertheless some of these Savages make Twelve or Fifteen of these Feasts before they set out. Formerly these Barbarians made very Obscene Feasts. The Chief among them would command some young Woman of the Company to prostitute herself to such or such a one, as he pointed out, which if she refused to do the cause of the Miscarriage, if any happened, was attributed to her. Thus we may see how subtle the Devil, our common Enemy, is, and how he takes care continually to load the Minds of these People with impure Thoughts. They commonly make no Feasts for the Marriage of their Children; but where they do practise any, there are several particular Ceremonies for that Purpose. The first thing they take care of is their Guts, and therefore they cause each of their great Earthen Pots▪ which the Women make, or their Kettles, which they have trucked for with the Europeans, to be filled top full with Meat and Broth. They always provide proportionably to the Company they expect. When the Victuals are ready, they go to call the Guests, which they do by putting a Wooden Billet into their Hands, and crying, I invite thee to my Feast. So said, so done. There is no need of coming a second time; for at the very Hour appointed, the Guests flock about the Inviters Hut, with every one their Common Utensils in their Hands; whereupon the Master of the Feast never makes 'em wait, but immediately proceeds to distribute his Edibles among them: Which done, either the Master himself, or one for him, immediately sets up his Pipes, and sings all the while they are eating. The Repast being ended, they all sing and dance for a while, and afterwards without any further Ceremony, return to their several Homes, without so much as speaking one Word. Only those who have conversed among the Europeans, will return Thanks to the Master of the Feast, for their good Cheer, before they go. The Feasts for curing of the Sick are made much after th'same manner, only they exceed a little in Plenty in the former. Their Feasts for the Dead are more melancholy and sad. No body here either dances or sings, but all, like the Relations of the Deceased, sit in a profound Silence. The Kinsfolks commonly show a more than ordinary dejected Countenance, to excite the greater Compassion in the Guests. All those that come to these Feasts make Presents, which they throw at the Feet of the nearest akin to the Deceased, saying, There's something to cover him; To build him a Tomb; To make Palisadoes round it, or the like, according to the nature of the thing they give. After they have thus made their Presents, and have had their Bellies well crammed, they return to their several Homes without saying a Word more. As to Public Feasts, they are made different Ways, according to their several Fancies. If they have any Knives, which they have trucked with Europeans for, and have eat fat Meat with 'em, they generally dry 'em in their Hair. They eat, most commonly, sitting upon the Ground, and have nothing before them to wipe their Mouths with; they are therefore forced to get out the Grease, which the Knives have left in their Hair, by rubbing it all over their Faces. These frequent Unctions no doubt fortify them extremely against the Weathther, and render them able to bear the greatest Fatigues. CHAP. XVI. The Savages manner of Adopting the Europeans. I Have observed in the foregoing Volume, that a Savage of the Issati or Nadoüessans, Called Aquipaguetin, Adopted me in the Room of his Son, who had been killed in the Wars by the Miamis, which gained me a great Credit with the Savages, and procured means to insinuate myself the better into their Affections, and which rendered me more capable to dispose 'em for the Christian Faith. It is after this manner the Missionaries ought to behave themselves when they come among these wild People. They must endeavour to get the good Will of some of the Chief among them, who are observed to be best affected towards the Europeans. Then this Chief will perhaps adopt them, which always ends in a Feast. This Chief or Captain having thus adopted them either for his Sons or Brothers, according to their Age and Quality, every body thenceforward looks upon them as Natives of the Country, and Relations of the Captain's. By this means they are Admitted of the Family, and have their Degrees assigned 'em accordingly. The Missionaries also, the better to secure their Repute among the Barbarians, now and then get a Council called, where they always display their Parts to some purpose. It must be observed that here they call all manner of Assemblies Councils, which are held by Order of the Chiefs or Captains. Those that meet at these Assemblies, all sit on the Ground, either in a Tent, or in the open Field. They keep an exact Silence while the Chief is making his Speech. As to the rest, they are Religious Observers of what they have once concluded and agreed upon. In these Assemblies the Missionaries vent their Sentiments either by themselves, if they know the Language of the Country, or by Interpreters, where they do not. They give 'em to understand that they come among 'em to promote a Friendship and Alliance, and to invite 'em to a Trade and Commerce with their Nation. Afterwards they entreat the Savages to give 'em leave to stay in their Country to instruct them in the Law of God, which is the only way to Heaven. Hereupon the Savages often accept the Proffers made by the Missionaries, and profess themselves willing to be instructed; but still the best way to bring over these Barbarians, were to begin with the Body, and so to proceed to the Soul by degrees. Then the Missionaries make 'em Presents of Hatchets, Knives, and other such Trifles brought from Europe, which those principally that have never had any Converse with the Europeans, esteem at a great Rate. We never treat with 'em about any the least matter, without first making them a Present of this, or the like Nature, and which they always set a greater value upon, than we in Europe do on Gold and Silver. After this these Barbarians will be inclined by Degrees to Adopt such as make them Presents, which entitle them to the Privileges of the Country, and they are then publicly declared Citizens, and Natives thereof; and moreover according to their several Ages they are saluted by the Savages with the different Titles of Brothers, Sons, Cousins, and the like, according to the several Degrees of Parentage. Also when they are thus initiated and adopted, they are looked upon by them, as their own Children or Kindred. I forgot to relate in the former Volume, how the Great Captain of the Issati, Oüasicoud, called me Brother. This was an extraordinary Honour done me by this great Man, who is altogether absolute in his Dominions. He acquired this great Authority by his Courage, having been several times in War with about Seventeen or Eighteen Nations his Neighbours, who were Enemies to him. Such as are truly Valiant and Courageous, are in great Esteem among the Savages. Their Arms are commonly a Bow, Arrows, and a Club, all which they are very expert in the use of. They are well shaped, and easy in their Postures, and for the most part very strong. I never met with any Blind, Hook-backed, or any other ways Distorted, among them. CHAP. XVII. The Manner of the Savages Marriages in Northern America. MArriage among these People is no more than a Civil Contract. The Husband and Wife never intent to live together all their Lives. They only join themselves for so long a time as they can reasonably Agree, and afterwards they are at Liberty to be disengaged Whilst they are dissatisfied with each other they think it an unreasonable thing to be obliged to live together, and therefore without much Ceremony they easily part, and live in the greatest Indifference. These Barbarians sometimes marry their Daughters at Nine or Ten Years of Age; but this, not that they think them fit for Marriage, but because they expect some Advantage from their Son-in-Law, whom they have pitched upon for that Purpose. And in effect so it often happens, for returning from Hunting together, the Father-in-Law has always the Disposal of the Skins and Flesh which they have taken in Hunting. Tho' the Daughter be not yet old enough to live with her Husband, yet she must enter upon her Duty to him immediately, for she is to prepare his Sagamit or boiled Indian Corn with other Victuals, when ever he has occasion. At the time of their Marriage, they have great Feasting and Joy. Sometimes the whole Village is invited, and every one generally finds wherewithal to be well satisfied. After the Repast is ended, they Sing and Dance, like the Europeans, but always after their own Way. They always marry without Noise: There is only one Word necessary to complete that Ceremony. The Savage who is not married, seeks out for a Maiden or Woman who is not married likewise. He cries out to her without Ceremony, Will you come along with me, and you shall be my Wife: To which she answers nothing at first, but stands considering, holding her Head between her two Hands. Whilst she is thus resolving what to do, the Man likewise stands in the same Posture in great Silence. After the Woman or Maid has considered a good while, if she yields, she looks up and cries, Netho, or Niaova, which implies, I am content. When the Man, starting up with Joy, replies, Oné, which signifies, than the Business is done. At Night the Wife takes an Hatchet of Iron, if those of that Nation have any Commerce with the Europeans, or if they have not, a sharp Stone made into the same Form, with which she goes to the Wood, and cuts a good handsome Load, when returning to the Hut of her Husband, she lays down the Wood at the Door, and entering, claps herself down by him, who all this while never offers to embrace her in the least. When they have sat thus a good while without speaking a Word, at length the Husband, in the Iroquoise Tongue, cries Sentaoüy, which signifies, It is time to repose, lie down and go to rest. Some time after the Man lies down by her, and goes to rest likewise in his Turn. You shall rarely meet with Love made there after the European Fashion; as by Laughing, Jesting, Fooling, Wantoning, and the like. They engage in that Passion with the same Indifference that they quit it. They easily part without much ado, when they are thereto disposed. They need only say one to the other, I am off from you, and the Business is done. From thence forward, they become as great Strangers as if they had never seen one another. Sometimes they have a Battle before they part, but that happens rarely. Amongst the Northern Savages there are some that have two Wives, but that is only for a little while. When the Husband and Wife part, she carries away all her clothes and Skins; But sometimes she is permitted only to have her Silk Band, which serves her also for a Waistcoat. Most commonly the Children follow their Mothers, who take care to maintain them, the Sustenance of each Family or Tribe being in common. There are some of these Brats that will go along with their Fathers, but generally these Savages who are divorced from their Wives, cry the Children are not theirs, and they will not be troubled with them, and which I believe they are generally in the right of, for I fancy there are very few of these Savage Ladies who are Proof against but an ordinary Present. When their Children are begot by an European it is easily discovered, either by their Countenances, or their Eyes. Those of the Savages are altogether black, besides they differ very much in their Eyelids, from those of Europe. Hence it comes to pass that their Sight is stronger and more piercing than ours. If Savage Women could have been brought to be subject to the Contract of Marriage, we could have married as many of 'em as we pleased to the Europeans, but they have no manner of Disposition to the Marriage Bonds: They would run away from their Husbands on the least, or no Occasion. This Experience has throughly convinced us of, besides their common Discourse upon this Subject, which has made them sufficiently known. When any Savage, who has no Wife, passes through any Village, where he likes a Woman, he may hire her for a Night, or two, or longer, if he thinks convenient, whereat her Parents are not at all displeased, being glad to see their Daughter get some clothes or Skins by the Bargain. There are all sorts of Humours among the Savages, as among the Europeans. Some love their Wives to Excess, others cannot endure 'em, and there are some will beat and misuse them most shamefully. There are some likewise that are Jealous, of which I knew one that beat his Wife, because she had danced with another Man. Those that are the best Hunters, have all the Choice of the Women, while the others are forced to take up with the homely, and haggared. When these Barbarians grow old, they seldom forsake their Wives, and when they do it is for great Reasons. There are some among 'em that have lived Twelve, or Fifteen Years with their Wives, who are almost ready to despair, when their Husbands, being good Huntsmen, are forced to leave them; and this is the occasion sometimes of poisoning themselves. I knew one who did this, whose Life I saved, by making her swallow good Store of Mithridate. When these Barbarians go, about the Spring time, to Hunting of the Beaver, they leave their Wives in the Villages, to sow Indian Wheat and Gourds. They always hire another Woman to go along with them, to whom, at their return, they give one or two Beaver-Skins for Recompense, and so send her packing. Then take up again with their Wives as soberly, as if they had never wronged them. Nevertheless if this last pleases him best, he makes no Conscience to put away his Wife and take her; and these Savages do not a little wonder at us Europeans who are used to the contraray. One Day, whilst I was upon my Mission at Fort Frontenac, among the Iroquois, the Husband of one of our Canada Women, was gone about Twenty or Thirty Leagues off; whereupon the other Savage Women paid their Visits to this Man's Wife, and upbraided her with her intended Constancy, after this Manner, Hast thou no Wit? Since thy Husband is absent, take another Man for the present, and when he returns, thou mayst have thy own again. This great Inconstancy, and the continual Changing of Wives among them, are things very opposite to the Gospel, which we endeavour to inspire into these Savages. Nay it is one of the most considerable Obstacles we meet with in this great Work. It is not the same in the Southern parts of America▪ and in the Meschasipi, where Polygamy reigns to an excessive Degree. Throughout the whole Country of Loüisiane, you shall meet with Savages that have Ten or Twelve Wives apiece. They will also marry three or four Sisters together, giving for Reason, that such are more likely to agree with one another, than Strangers. As soon as ever a Man has made his Presents to the Father and Mother of the Daughter which he has a mind to marry, she is immediately his, for his Life, if he thinks fit, without more ado. Sometimes the Parents take their Daughter's Children, and restore the Presents they had received from their Son-in-Law; but this happens very rarely. If any of these Women are found to be inconstant, the Husband cuts off▪ her Nose, or her Ear, or else gives her some other frightful Gash in the Face with a stone Knife. If he happens to kill her, he soon stops the Mouths of her Parents, by a small Present. Nay, this is the common practice among them in such Cases. I have known several who have had these Marks, who nevertheless have afterwards had Children by those very Husbands. Those of these hot Countries are generally more jealous of their Women, than those of the North, which may appear, in that they sometimes wound, and oftener kill themselves out of an unaccountable rash Love-fancy. What is surprising enough, is, that those young Savages that follow the Wars, never care to lie with their Wives till they are thirty Years old: Because (say they) Women weaken men's Limbs, and render them unfit either for War or Hunting. Those that do not observe this Rule are never esteemed fit for either of these Exercises, but are generally scoffed at, and counted effeminate. The Men of the South are most commonly Naked, but the Women are generally clothed in some measure, with a Skin, especially in cases of Dancing, or other Ceremonies. Maids wear little Curls, or Padlocks well oiled. Women most commonly wear their Hair after the Bohemian manner. Theygrease it with wrapping their Knives up in it, and paint their Faces with various Colours as well as Men. CHAP. XVIII. Of the Remedies the Savages make use of in their Diseases. There are several Quacks and Mountebanks among them. The Opinion they had upon the Baptising of a Child, whilst the Author was with them. WHEN the Savages have been much fatigued, they immediately go into a Stove or Bath to strengthen their Limbs; and if they feel any Pain about them, either in their Thighs or Legs, they immediately take a Knife, or sharp Stone, (which comes to Hand first,) and scarify the Part therewith in several places, especially where they perceive the Ailment. When the Blood begins to gush out, they scrape it away with their Knives or sharp Stones, till it ceases running, and then rub the Wound well with Bear's Oil and Dears Fat, which two things, they find to be a Sovereign Remedy in these Cases. They do the same likewise, when either their Heads or Arms ache. To cure Tertain or Quartan Agues or Fevers, they make a Medicine with a certain Rind that they boil, and cause the Patient to swallow it after his Fit is over. They are very well acquainted with Herbs and Roots, with which they cure abundance of Diseases. They have several neverfailing Remedies against the Poison of Toads, Rattle-Snakes, and other such Dangerous Creatures; but nevertheless they have no Cure at all for the small Pox. There are several Quacks among 'em, whereof we have spoken something before, under the Name of Jugglers. They are certain old Savages that live upon other People's Purses, by pretending to cure this and that Diftemper, by Medicines composed only of Superstitions. They make use of no other Remedies; but when the Patient sends for one of them, he who is pitched upon immediately falls to Prayers, as if he were going about some difficult and dangerous matter; And after thus having prayed for a good while, all of a sudden he starts up, and goes along with the Messenger. Being arrived, he immediately approaches the sick Person, feeling and groping all about his Body, which at length having sufficiently handled, he cries deliberately, with a loud Voice, He has a Spell or Charm in such a part of his Body; whether in his Head, Limbs or Stomach, according as he thinks fit to pretend. He adds further, that he must bring this Spell away, but which cannot possibly be effected without great Difficulty, and that there must be a great deal done, before they can hope for Success. This Spell (continues he) is exceedingly malignant, but it must nevertheless come away, at what rate soever it be. Hereupon the Friends of the sick Person, who believe implicitly in all the Quack says, cry with a loud Voice, Tchagon, Tchagon, that is, Courage, Courage, do what you can, and conceal nothing of what you know. Then the Juggler squats down with a great deal of Gravity, and considers for a good while about what Remedies he had best to apply. After which, starting, as it were out of a profound Sleep, he leaps up again and cries, 'Tis done, 'Tis done, (when turning to the sick Persons Friends, he continues) The Life of your Friend or Relation is precious, therefore spare nothing to preserve it. But to Day make a Feast, and give such and such a thing, do this, and tother, and the like. At the same time his Orders are executed with a great deal of blind Devotion. During which, some other of the Savages enter into a Stove, and there set up their Throats in an extravagant manner, making up their Concert with a Noise of Tortoise Shells, and hollow Pumkins, filled with Indian Wheat, to all which the Men and Women never cease Dancing. They likewise sometimes get Drunk with Aqua Vitae, which they have exchanged with the Europeans. Every body being thus busied, and the Old Juggler left alone with the Patient, he torments him after an incredible manner, by griping his Feet, Legs and Thighs; and sometimes almost strangling him, according as his Opinion is of the place where the Malady lies; nay, oftentimes he makes the very Blood burst out at his Finger's ends or Toes: At last, after having played over all his Tricks, like a true Juggler, he produces a piece of Skin, a lock of a Woman's Hair, or some other such thing, and tells the standers by, That that is the Spell he has drawn from the Body of the Sick Person. But notwithstanding to any tolerable sort of Apprehension, this is but a very trifling piece of Deceit. One Day I Baptised a small Savage Infant, which seemed to me to be in great danger of Death, yet notwithstanding the next Day he was found Cured contrary to my Expectation. A little while after the Mother told some other Women in my presence, that I had recovered her Child. She took me, it seems for a Juggler. Crying that I was extraordinary expert, and could Cure all sorts of Diseases by putting only a little Water on the Head and Forehead of the Sick Person. The Jugglers hereupon beginning to Envy me for what the Woman had reported of me, began to cry that I was of a Chagrin and Melancholy Humour; and that I lived upon nothing but Serpents and Poison; and moreover that such People as I fed upon Thunder. The Savages harkened with a great deal of Astonishment to the Account these Jugglers gave of me, upon the occasion of my Baptising this Infant. These Impostors further added, that we had all Tails like Beasts, although we took care to conceal 'em. And that the Women of Europe have but one Breast, which is in the middle of their Bosoms; and that they are generally brought to Bed of five or six Children at once. They told 'em moreover, a great many other such strange Stories of us, to render us odious to them. They gave us this ●●●racter, because they found if we continued in favour by the Operation of such wonderful Cures as mine was reported to effect, we might, in all probability, rob 'em of many a good Belly full at the Feasts. These good People, who are very easy to be imposed upon, began to think strangely of me from this time; for afterwards when any Person fell sick among 'em, they forthwith came to me, to know whether I had not poisoned 'em, and that if I did not speedily Cure 'em, they would certainly be the Death of me. This Whimsy I had no small trouble to get out of their Heads; and I have been sometimes forced to appease their Fury by giving them Knives, Needles, Awls, and other such Trifles, extremely valued by them, tho' among us they are of little worth. After which, I gave 'em a Dose of Mithridate for their sick Friend, and so got rid of 'em. They have often recourse to our Medicines, I suppose, because they find 'em good, but where they do not succeed, they rather lay the Cause on the Physic, than the Constitution of the Person. CHAP. XIX. Of the Constitutions of the Savages. GEnerally speaking, these Savages are strong and Robust; both Men Women and Children have naturally a great deal of Vigour, which is the Reason they rarely fall sick. They never know what it is to live nicely, and consequently are never subject to the many Inconveniences our Effeminacy brings upon us. They are never troubled with the Stone, Gravel, Dropsy, nor Fevers. They never have any of those Distempers that befall the Europeans for want of Exercise. They seldom or never want a Stomach: They are so extraordinarily addicted to Gluttony, that they will rise to eat at Midnight; and where they have any Victuals ready by 'em, they will then fall to, like Dogs in their Kennel, without rising. They will nevertheless sometimes fast to a degree, that it were insupportable to an European. Sometimes they will continue two or three Days together without drawing bit, especially, when they see it necessary, and this without neglecting their daily Exercises of War, Hunting or Fishing. The Children of those that inhabit the North, are so inur'd to Cold, that in the very midst of Winter they will run naked upon the Snow, and tumble in it like so many Pigs in Summer amongst the Dirt; which so hardens their Skin, that the greatest mosquito Flies are not able to give 'em any disturbance. Tho' the continual Exposing themselves naked to the Air, even from their Births, contributes extremely towards their bearing all Fatigues; yet it is not the only Cause of their Skins being so insensible, that being occasioned likewise by a strong and equal Temperament of Body; for our Faces and Hands are likewise always exposed to the Air, and yet they are nothing less sensible of Cold. When the Men are Hunting, chiefly in the Spring time, they are almost continually in the Water, and although it be then extremely cold, yet they nevertheless come out of it with a great deal of Indifference, and so return to their Huts. When they are in the Field at War, they will sometimes watch three or Four days together behind a Tree, without Eating, to have a favourable Opportunity to offend their Enemy. They are indefatigable at Hunting, and will run a prodigious way, and at the same time exceeding swift. The People of Lovisiana and about the River Meschasipi, exceed the Iroquois in swiftness. They have no wild Cows or Bulls but what they can overtake in a Chase. The Southern Savages likewise, although they live in a Hot and more delicious Country, are, notwithstanding no less Robust, or capable of Fatigue than those of the North, who sleep upon the Snow with a slight Covering about 'em, and without either Fire or Huts. The Constitutions of the Women are no less robust than those of the Men: Nay, in some respects, they are better and more exact; for Women here serve for Porters, and have that vast strength, that sew Men in Europe are able to equal. They carry such Burdens that three or four of our Porters would not be able to lift. I have observed in my former Part, that they commonly bear two or three Hundred weight at a time, not reckoning two or three Children besides, which they carry about 'em. Thus Loaded, they will travel Four or Five Leagues together. 'Tis true they walk but slow, yet however they never fail to perform what they Undertake. The Warlike Savages undertake Journeys of three or four Hundred Leagues, as if they were no farther than from Amsterdam to Breda. They never take any Provisions for their Journey; Hunting supplies that, which they commonly busy themselves in every Day. They take only along with 'em a Knife, with which they make also Bows and Arrows. These Provisions would be sufficient to serve 'em for a Thousand Miles Travel, if they had occasion to go so far. The Savage Women are brought to Bed without great Pain. Some of them go out of their Huts into a Neighbouring Wood all alone, and there bring forth their Child, which they immediately wrap up in a Skin, and tie at their Backs, and so return home. Others, if their time comes at Night, deliver themselves of their Children upon the Mats, without the least noise: Afterwards they will presently fall to their daily labour, as heartily as if nothing had ailed 'em. But what is more observable, is, that even while they go with Child, they shall not cease to carry heavy Burdens; to sow Indian Wheat and Pumpkins; to come and go, and the like; yet what is most wonderful, is, That for all, this their Children are strong and well shaped; seldom any crooked or ill-favoured are to be met with among them: They never have any natural Defects in their Bodies, which gives me Reason to believe, that their Minds might be easily disposed and brought to any thing if they were well Cultivated. CHAP. XX. What Savages are Clothed, and what not. THE Savages of the Northern America, as their Ancestors Report, have always gone Clothed even before they had any Commerce with the Europeans: The Men and Women generally wore dressed Skins, which they also continue to this Day; but those who Trade with the Europeans have over and above, a Course Shirt, a Cloak, and Cowl in one piece of Cloth, which is tied about their middles with a Sash, and which covers them down to their Knees; they have also Stockings without Feet, which are commonly called Spatterlashes, and wear Shoes which are made out of Dressed Skins. When they return from Hunting in the Spring time, they are wont to Truck their Skins with the Europeans for Coats, Shoes and Stockings; nay, some of them wear Hats, in complaisance to the Christians; you shall also see 'em sometimes in their Huts wrapped up in Coverlets, holding the two ends in their Hands; oftentunes you shall meet with 'em almost naked, having only a small slip of Cloth, which reaches down only to their Knees. When these Barbarians go either to the Wars or Feasts, they besmear all their Faces over, either with Red or Black, to the end they might not discover it, if they should grow pale with Fear. They also colour their Hair with Red, and cut it in different shapes; but this is practised more especially among the Savages of the North. Those of the South cut their Hair quite off, or rather Burn it with Stones heated red hot in the Fire; oftentimes the People of the North let their Hair hang on one side wreathed into a kind of Bracelet, and cut it quite off on t'other; but this is still according to every one's Fancy. There are some of these Savages that rub their Hair all over with Oil, and afterwards stick Down, or small Feathers on their Heads; also some of them will have great ones of several Colours: But there are others that rather choose to wear Crowns of Flowers, which Crowns another sort make of Birchen-Rind, or dressed Skins, all which nevertheless are most commonly very prettily contrived: Thus set forth, they appear, take 'em all together, just like several of Caesar's Soldiers, who were likewise Painted with different Colours: They are great Admirers of themselves in this fantastical Dress. The Women of the North are clothed much after the same Fashion with the Men, except only that they have a piece of Silk, made something like a Petticoat, which reaches down to their Knees. When they go to Feasts, they set themselves off in all their best Attire, daubing their Temples, Cheeks, and Tips of their Chins with three several sorts of Colours. The Boys go stark naked till they are fit for Marriage, and even then when they are clothed, you always see what Nature forbids them to show, and that for want of Shirts. The little Girls don't begin to cover their Nakedness till about Five or Six Years of Age, and then they have only a Slip of Silk, that hangs from their Reins to their Knees. When we go into their Huts to instruct them, we always oblige them first to cover themselves. This has had a kind of good Effect upon them, for now they begin to have some small Sense of their Nakedness, and conceal it a little better than they were wont formerly. It is much the same with the Wives and Daughters of the Savages of Lovisiane and Meschasipi, which are a People towards the South-West of Canada, distant about a Thousand Leagues from Quebec; You may there see Girls in puris naturalibus, as naked as they came out of their Mother's Wombs, and who continue so till they are ripe for Marriage, and of which they are not at all ashamed, by reason of their being accustomed to it. Women and Men, but above all, Young Girls, wear Necklaces of Shells about their Necks, of different Figures. They have also a sort of Shells as long as ones Finger, and hollow like Pipes, which serve them for Pendants to hang in their Ears. They have moreover Girdles, whereof some are made of porcelain, and others of Porcupines Bristles, some likewise are of Bear's Hair, and others mixed with both together. The Savages of the best Quality, with great Gravity carry upon their Backs a little Sack, wherein they put their Calumet or Pipe, their Tobacco, Tinderbox, and other Trifles. They can make shift to patch up a sort of Garment, out of the dressed Skins of Bears, beaver's, Wolves, Otters, Black Squirrels, Lions, and other Animals. This they make use of when they appear in Public Assemblies, where they will sit as grave as any Judge. The Savages of our last Discovery, between the Frozen Sea, and New Mexico, differ in many things from these. They always go naked, which gave me occasion one day to say to Father Gabriel, whilst we were in our Mission amongst the Ilinois, that truly it seemed to me that these Savages had not partaken of Adam 's Sin, since they did not know when they were naked, whereas the first Man and his Wife covered themselves with Fig-leaves, as soon as they had eat of the forbidden Fruit. These Savages, in a word, have not the least Shame to be seen naked, but they rather seem to glory in it. When they talk among themselves, they often make use of the Word Tchetanga, which is obscene. But whatever I said to Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, out of a Joke, I am nevertheless of Opinion, that all Mankind are of the Race of Adam, and consequently the Savages tainted with his Sin, among the rest, and that they must be irredeemably lost, if they do not believe in the Name of Jesus, which is the only Means we have to be saved by. I know very well, that being clothed will not at all contribute to their Salvation. But if these poor Wretches did but observe the Laws of Nature, God would work a Miracle in their Behalf, rather than suffer them to perish by their Ignorance. But alas! these unhappy Barbarians violate the Precepts of that Law, and live in a Stupidity, which rather makes them the Objects of God's Anger, than his Mercy. In the mean time, we Christians who have reason to bless God for the knowledge we have received, aught to make it our utmost Endeavours to draw these Wretches out of the Shades of Ignorance, and to set them in the Light of the Gospel. By this means we might enlarge the Kingdom of Christ, and prevent these poor Souls from Damnation. For this purpose it were necessary to establish powerful Colonies among them, which, by means of mutual Converse, Works of Charity, Instructions, and good Examples, might dispose these Barbarians to be Civilised, and become happy both in this, and the World to come. CHAP. XXI. Of the Games, and other Diversions of the Savages. THe Savages of Northern America have several Games peculiar both to Men and Children. Those commonly practised among Men, are Games played with certain Nuts, black of one side, and red on the other. These they put into a wooden Platter, large, but shallow; or into a Basin made of Birch-rind, or upon a dressed Skin, Woollen Carpet, course Coat, or the like. At this Game Six or Seven play at a time, but of which, but two touch the Bowl together. They first lift it up, and then strike the Bottom against the Ground, to mix the Six Nuts. If there comes up five of either Sort, turned on one side, they reckon one, for they generally play several up, as they agree among themselves. They take their turns to shake the Bowl, and they will be so eager at it, as if they were contending for an Empire. They always make such a prodigious Noise, as if they would force Fortune to be on their side. When they shake the Bowl, they strike their Shoulders withal with so rude a Blow, that they generally make them black and blue; and you may soon after perceive congealed Blood lie between the Skin and the Flesh. These Barbarians play also with Straws or Stalks of Broom, about half a Foot long. The manner of which is thus, Some among them take several into their Hand, of which they give part to their Adversaries without looking upon them, which happening to be even or odd, according as they make the Play, gets the Game. The Savage Children also use this Play, but that very seldom, because they must run no Hazard. womans and Girls are forbid this Play, but wherefore, I could never learn. There is likewise another sort of Game, among the Savages, used also by the Children in Europe, which is to take so many Grains of Wheat, or the like, and put their Adversary to guests how many they have, where he that hits upon the right number wins. These Barbarians have also another Game, in which they take a great deal of delight, and call in the Iroquoise Language Ounonhayenti; but this is rather a kind of Trading than a Game. They place themselves in two different Huts, Six in one, and Six in the other: One of which separate Number, takes several things from those of his Division, and carries them to the Hut of the other Division, where making a certain Noise, and those within answering him by way of Echo, he comes nearer, and cries, singing, with a loud Voice, that he would sell what he has brought along with him, repeating at the same time, the Word Ounonhayenti; whereupon those that are in the Hut answer from the hollow of their Stomachs, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, Five times. This Crier or Merchant having thus ended his Song, throws his Merchandise in among them, and departs. Then the other Six examining what was thrown in, depute one of their Number to demand of the other side, If they have a mind to take in exchange a course Coat, a Shirt, Pair of Shoes, or any other thing. There is then a second Person between them, who goes to carry to the other Hut, the value of what they brought them; or else they return back the Goods, which were put out to them if the same do not please, or if they judge them not worth what is offered in Exchange for them. These Ceremonies are attended with mutual Songs from each party; sometimes there may be seen whole Villages of Savages going to visit one another, more for the sake of the Diversion they have at this Game of Ounonhayenti, than out of any desire they have of mutual Visits. This Word signifies a Contract, wherein something is given, that they may receive somewhat again. The Language of the Iroquoise is expressed by compound Words; one of their Terms takes in Five or Six Words in English or French, as for instance, Gannoron in the Iroquoise Tongue is as much as to say, Behold a Business of great Consequence. The Children of the Savages have also another sort of Game; wherein they make use of a Bow and two Staffs, a great and a little one, the last whereof they hold in the right Hand; then they toss it into the Air by striking it against the great one, when another person takes it up, and throws it back again at the former, who first had flung it. This Play hath also something in it like to that used by the European Children. Besides the above named Pastimes, they make a Ball of Bulrushes, and the Blades of Indian Corn, which they throw into the Air, and receive again at the end of a pointed Stick. Those who are grown up to Years of Maturity, whether Men or Women, entertain one another in Winter Evenings with telling of Tales at the Fire side, according to the manner of our Europeans, to pass away the time. CHAP. XXII. The manner of the Savages in making War; they are very revengeful. ALL the Savages of America have almost universally a great Inclination for War, because they are all of a vindictive Nature; when they have received an Affront of any one that is not of their Nation, they will certainly be revenged of him sooner or later, tho' they were to wait an Opportunity for three or four Generations; they take no rest Night nor Day, till they have Satisfaction upon this Account, by destroying, if they can, the greatest part of the Nation, they intent Mischief to. And when that is done, they'll oblige the Remainder to dwell among them, and to follow their way of Living in all things. The Iroquoise, whom first the Swedes, than the Hollanders, English, and French furnished with Fire-Arms, are by that means esteemed at present the most Warlike People of all the Savages, that have been yet discovered. They have destroyed the greatest Warriors of the Hurons, and constrained the rest of the Nation to dwell among them, that they may make War conjointly upon all those Nations that are their Enemies, situated five or six Hundred Leagues from their Five Cantons. They have destroyed above Two Millions of People, and are still in actual War with the Inhabitants of Canada. If France do not send both Provisions and Ammunitions of War to Canada, the Iroquoises are in a Condition to ruin that Plantation, for reasons which I have touched upon in the former Volume: These Barbarians would utterly destroy their Neighbours, as has been manifested from Experience unto us; and there is nothing to be got from them, seeing all their Spoils are of very little value. This fierce Nation can very easily ruin the Commerce of their Neighbours, who for the most part have no other Subsistence, than what arises from the Trade of Skins and Furs, which they have from the Savages. The European Colonies are not yet so fully established there, as to be able to subsist without Commerce, at least if they have not transported to them by Sea, all that is necessary for the support of Life. On the other Hand the Iroquoises are full of Malice and Subtlety, like young and untamed Horses, that do not know their own Strength. They are capable to destroy their Neighbours, for Reasons which the rules of Prudence will not admit to be made public. They had long since entirely wasted Canada, and made it desolate, had it not been for Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, who has won them by Gentle Means. They are the most formidable Enemies the Europeans have throughout all America. And I shall make a Remark by the Way, and such an one as I know to be true, because I am acquainted with these People full well, having lived among them full four Years; and often visited them for Four Years more; for I have been several times on Embassies to them, and they have showed me many Civilities. This Barbarous Nation has destroyed divers Nations, and such of them as have escaped the Sword, they have always obliged to live amongst them: The Iroquoises have considerable Men amongst them, who are as it were, the Commanders of Parties, and Leaders in Expeditions: They have Persons to attend them, who follow them every where, and do all they command them. Before they set out, they provide themselves with good Fusils, which they truck with the Europeans for Furs; they take also along with them, Powder, Ball, Kettles, Hatchets, and all necessary Utensils for War, and are at times accompanied by Boys and Girls, and in in this manner march often times, Three or Four Hundred Leagues. When they draw nigh unto the place where they are minded to make War, they march slowly, and with great Precaution, but they never kill any Deer with their Muskets upon these occasions, for Fear of being discovered, and use no other Arms for that Purpose, but their Arrows, which make no Noise. When they are bent to fire, they first carefully inspect all the Avenues, and view every Thing and Place, with much exactness, for fear of being surprised; and to the same Purpose send out Spies every where, in order to discover the Passages into the Villages, and to find out where 'tis properest to begin the Attack; as also to observe, if there be any Fort near the Place, to the end they may surprise it; which comes to pass very often, because they give the blow unexpectedly. There are no Warriors like unto these in all America, for Ambuscades; they watch Men from behind a Tree, as if they were about killing a Deer; they esteem a Man to be a good Soldier, that can readily surprise his Enemies: If they know how to make a quick Escape, so as not be surprised by their Enemies, after they have discharged their Piece, they pass for incomparable Persons. You cannot conceive with what Celerity they turn themselves with their Fusils, about the Trees which they make use of, for to shelter them from the Arrows that are shot at them; they very cleverly skip over those Trees which are fallen down in the Woods, when they are making their escape: Of which Trees there are some of a prodigious Bigness, which have dropped down by reason of Age, and want of Root. They are People of an admirable Patience; for when they find they have Planted themselves in a good secure place, they continue many times behind their Trees two or three Days without Eating, waiting for a favourable opportunity to kill an Enemy: They march on sometimes, upon a Discovery, without any Fear; but that is very rare with them; and if they be not, in a manner, sure of their Blow, they scarce expose themselves, at least wise, if they do not find they are supported by a good Number of Warriors: These Barbarians do not fight in the same manner as the Europeans do; for they are not Disciplined as our Men are, and therefore they do not so well range themselves in Battalia, and by consequence they cannot so firmly sustain the Brunt, of a Battle, as our disciplined and well commanded Soldiers: In the mean time when they are once animated and chafed, they prove incomparable Assailants. They are so malicious as to set the Corn of the Europeans on Fire, when 'tis Ripe; they Burn their Houses, and set Fire to them with Tinder or March, which they tie to the end of their Arrows; for this Fire quickly seizes upon the Board's or Straw which covers the Houses, and they are presently Consumed, because they shoot their Arrows with an extraordinary force. There was an Iroquoise Captain, whose Name was Attreovati Onnontage, whom I knew very well, and who showed me great Civilities in my Journey from Fort Frontenac to New York; we were wont to call him, because of his large Mouth, the Grand Gueule, or Wide-Mouth; now this Man one Day wanting his Blow, entered into the Town of Montreal in Canada, crying, Hai, Hai, which in their Language is a Sign of Peace; he was received with many Caresses of kindness, feasted very well, and also had many considerable Presents made him, out of a desire they had to oblige this Insolent Nation; but the perfidious Wretch, in his return from thence, killed two Men who were Thatching an House there. Some of them have told us, that they have been making War as far as the Dominions of the Spaniards which are in New Mexico; for they have related, That they have been where the Inhabitants gathered Red Earth together, which they carried to be sold to another Nation, who in Exchange gave them Hatchets and Kettles for it, and that they called this sort of Earth, Gold: But this Story was perhaps Invented by the Savages at will, in order to please the Sieur de la Salle, when he was at Fort Frontenac, for he delighted to hear talk of the Mines of St. Barbe, from whence they dug up their Gold. I have been amongst all the Nations dwelling upon the River Meschasipi; and I never heard any amongst them, except the Illinese, speak of the Iroquoise, but as of a certain People that were Neighbours to the Illinese, of whom they had learned, that the Iroquoise were a very Cruel Nation, yet no otherwise stout, but because they had Fire Arms, for which they trucked with the Europeans; and that were it not for them, they would never have durst to attack the Illinese, who are a more Valiant Nation, and more expert in the Use of Bows and Arrows than the Iroquoise ever had been. Unheard of Crueltys of the Iroquois CHAP. XXIII. The Cruelty of the Savages in general; and of the Iroquoise in particular. THERE are no sorts of Savages in all North America, who are not extreme Cruel to their Enemies. We stand astonished at the Cruelties exercised by Nero, Dioclesian and Maximinus towards the Christians, and these very Names we have still in detestation and horror; but the Inhumanity of the Iroquoise in respect to the Nations which are made their Slaves, is yet much more horrible and detestable. After the Iroquoises have killed a Man, they cut off his Scalp, and carry it home with them, as an assured Mark of their Victory; when they have taken any one a Slave, they tie him fast and make him run after them; but if he be not able to follow them, they give him a Blow on the Head with their Axe, and there leave him after they have pulled off all the Skin with the Hair of his Head; and they are so cruel, that they will not spare sucking Infants: If the Slave can go along, they tie him in the Nighttime to a piece of Wood made in the Form of a St. Andrew's Cross, and leave him exposed to the terrible stinging of the Maringoins and other Flies of the Country during the Summer Season, and treat him in the cruelest manner they can. Sometimes they thrust four Sticks into the Earth, to which they make fast their Slaves by the Hands and feet, and so expose them all Night long on the Earth, to the Rigour of the Season be it what it will; to say nothing of a Hundred other Miseries these miserable Creatures are made to endure in the Day time. When they approach near unto their Villages, they make a loud Hollow, by which Signal those of their Nation know their Warriors are returned with their Slaves: The Men and the Women at the same time put on their best Attire, and come out to the end of the Village to receive them: When they are there, they make a Lane for the Slaves to pass through, but it proves to be a miserable reception for these poor Wretches, for the Villains fall upon them as Dogs or Wolves do upon their Prey, and cease not to torment them all the time the Warriors pass by in a File, fierce and proud with their Exploits. And here you might see, some of the poor Slaves kicked, other's beaten with Sticks, several cut with Knives; and some have their Ears cut, others their Noses or Lips, in such sort, that the greatest part of them die in this pompous Entry, whereas those who have the unhappiness to go through with this Evil Treatment, are preserved to greater Punishments; yet they are pleased sometimes to spare some of them, tho' it be very rarely: When their Warriors are entered into their Huts, there is an Assemby of the Elders held, who come together to hear a Relation of all that has passed in the War, and then they dispose of their Slaves. If it happen so, that the Father of a Savage Woman has been killed in the War, they bestow a Slave upon her in his stead, and 'tis at this Woman's choice to put him to Death or save him alive; and here I'll show you how they use their Slaves, when they are minded to Burn them; they tie the Poor Wretch to a Post by the Hands and Feet, than they heat Musket Barrels, Hatchets, and other Iron Instruments, and apply them Red Hot to his Body from top to Toe; his Nails they tear off with their Teeth; cut pieces of Flesh out of their Backs, and oftentimes pluck off the Scalp of their Heads with the Hair; when this is done, they put Red-hot Ashes into the Wounds, cut out their Tongues, and in a word, make them to suffer all the Miseries they can think of. If with all these Torments they do not die, they force them to run before them, and bear the blows of their Battoons; and they do relate, That there was once a Slave who ran so well, that he made his Escape into the Woods, and that they could never catch him; but 'tis very likely he Died there for want of Relief; but what is most strange, is, That these Slaves Sing in the middle of their Torments, which doth not a little irritate their Barbarous Executioners. An Iroquoise was telling us, he had a Slave, who while he was cruelly Tormented, said, You have no Wit, you know not the way to Torment your Prisoners; you are lazy Fellows, and if I could catch you in my Hut, I would make you suffer in another manner; but that while he was speaking with so much vehemence, a Savage Woman having got a little Iron Spit, made Red-hot, thrust it into his Privy Parts, which made him roar terribly; but he said to the Woman, Thou hast some Wit, thou dost understand the Business. And thus when a Slave dies, which they have Burnt as before, they Eat him; and before his Death, they cause some of his Blood to be boiled for their Children, to the end they may make them as Cruel and Inhuman as themselves. Those whose Lives they spare, live amongst them, and serve them as Servants and Slaves; but in process of time they recover their Liberty, and are held in the same Esteem as if they were of their own Nation. The Savages of Lovisiane, who dwell along the Banks of the River Meschasipi, and are situated seven or eight Hundred Leagues further than the Iroquoise, as also the Issati and Nadovessans, among whom I was a Slave, are no less brave than the Iroquoise; they make all their Neighbouring Nations tremble round about them, tho' they have no other Weapons but Bows, Arrows, and great Clubs; they are swifter of-Foot than the Iroquoise, and very good Soldiers, but they are not so Cruel; they do not Eat their Enemy's Flesh, but content themselves only to Burn them. They having one Day seized upon an Huron, who eat Human Flesh as the Iroquoises do; they cut pieces of Flesh out of his Body, and said; do thou who lovest Human Flesh, eat of thine own, that thou mayest let thy Nation know, who lives at present amongst the Iroquoise, that we abhor your Maxims; for these People are like famished Dogs who eat all that comes nigh them. The Iroquoises are the only-Salvages of North-America, who feed upon Human Flesh; tho' they do not use it, save in cases extraordinary, to wit, when they are resolved utterly to root out a whole Nation; for when they eat of Man's Flesh, it's not to satiate themselves therewith, but to let their People know that they must pursue their Enemies, without ever having any Thoughts of Accommodation with them, and that they must rather eat them, than suffer them to have any Rest; that when they eat the Flesh of their Enemies, 'tis with an Intention to animate their Soldiers, and heighten their Courage, and indeed the next Day after, the full Compliment of the FiveCantons, usualy march in order to fight their Enemies; for their Rendezvous is always appointed the Day after these Feasts of Human Flesh. If the Europeans would give over supplying the Iroquoise with Fire Arms, who are not now so well skilled in the use of the Bow, as in former times, whereas the other Nations have been always accustomed to them, they could not fail of destroying the Iroquoise, who are their common Enemies, and who live Four or Five Hundred Leagues from them. The first Canton of the Iroquoise is to the Southward, and they are called Gagnieguez or Agniez●● they live in the Neighbourhood of New York, and have three Villages, where I have been; the most force they can make is Five Hundred Men at Arms. The Second Division is Eastward, and they are known by the Name of Onneiouts, and send out about an Hundred and Fifty Solders. The third is also towards the East, containing the little Villages of Onnontaguez or Mountaineers, which is the only Eminence that is to be found among the five Cantons of the Iroquoise, and they border upon the Onneiouts: These Onnentagues have at least three Hundred fighting Men, and they are the bravest and most valiant of all the Nation. The Fourth is abour Thirty Leagues to the East, belonging to the Orongovens, who are divided into three parts, and can furnish out three Hundred Fighting Men equal with the other. The fifth and last contains the Isonnontonans, towards the furthest end of the Lake of Frontenac, or Ontario, who are the greatest and most considerable of all the Iroquoise Cantons, and contain in three Sub-Cantons▪ above three Hundred Men at Arms. I have taken notice, in my former part, of three or four Villages of the Iroquoise, to the Northward of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac; but for these five Cantons of the Iroquoise, I make no further Description of them here. I have spoken only of their Barbarity and Cruelty, and that they have subdued a very large Country within about Four Hundred Years, when they first began to extend their Limits, and to aggrandise their Nation, by the Ruin of other People, the Remains of whom they made Slaves, in order to increase the number of their own Troops. CHAP. XXIV. The Civil Government of the Iroquoise Savages. THE Councils which the Savages generally hold concerning the management of all their Affairs, aught to be looked upon as the chief Cause of their Preservation, and of the Terror they strike into all the Nations of North America. They Assemble together for the least Affair they have in agitation, and argue upon the Methods they should make use of, in order to attain their Ends: They undertake no manner of thing rashly, and their Elders, who are Wise and Prudent, have always their Eyes intent upon the good of the Nation: If a Complaint be made, that any one amongst them has been guilty of Theft, they very diligently look after it to find him out; but if the Author of the Robbery cannot be easily discovered; or if he be not of ability to make Restitution, in case they be fully convinced of the Fact, they immediately redress the Wrong by some Present to the Party injured, for his Satisfaction. When they would put any one to Death for some Enormous Crime, of which they are satisfied he is guilty; they highly extol that Man, whom they have made Drunk with Brandy, (a liquour which these People love mightily,) to the end that the Relations of the Criminal may not seek any Revenge; and when that Man hath cut off the Head of him whom they have adjudged to be culpable, the Reason they give is, That he had not Sense, and that Drunkenness had made him give the Blow. They had formerly another way of Executing Justice, but they have quite disused it. They had one Day in the Year, which might be called the Feast of Fools; for indeed they did nothing but play the Fool running from Cottage to Cottage; and if, during this Jollity, they had abused any Person, or stolen any thing, these subtle Old Fellows would say next Day by way of Excuse, throughout the whole Canton, and especially in their own Village, that he who had given the Blow was a Fool, and had no sense at all; and afterwards there were some Presents made for stopping the Tears of the Friends of him who had been maliciously killed; and with this Excuse the Relations would be contented without seeking for any further Revenge. Then the Elders secretly praised him who had counterfeited himself a Fool, and killed the Person which they had singled out, and resolved to be rid of. The Iroquoises have Spies and Men on purpose amongst them, who go and come continually, and give an Account of all the News they can learn. As to the matter of Trade they are very cunning, and are not easily deceived; they observe every thing nicely, and study to know the Merchandise for which they Truck. The Onnonlages, or Iroquoise Mountaineer, are more subtle than the rest; they can Cheat very cleverly; the Algoncains, the Abenatis, Esquimones, and an infinite number of Savages, who have Conversed with the Europeans, are no less Sly and Politic: We are not to think these People Brutish, and without Reason; they have a great deal of subtlety in them, and know their Interest right well; and they manage their Affairs with much Prudence and Dexterity. CHAP. XXV. Of the Way the Savages have to Hunt Wild Beasts. The admirable Industry of the Beavers. THE Savages observe the Times, Seasons, and Moons of the Year for their Hunting; and are very punctual therein; the New Moons they call according to the Names of those Animals which appear most at certain Seasons: For instance, they call it the Moon of Frogs, at the time when the Frogs croak; the Moon of Bulls, when these wild Creatures appear; the Moon of Swallows, at the time of the coming of these Birds. And this is the Custom as these Barbarians who have no other Names to distinguish their Months by, as we Europeans have: They retain also the like Usage in respect to the Names they give to Men; imposing them from the Serpent, the Wolf▪ the wild Cat, and other Animals, according to the respective Season of them. They kill Elks and wild Goats at all times; but more particularly in Snowy Wether; wild Cats and Baboons they Hunt in the Winter; Porcupines, Beavers and Bears in the Spring, and sometimes in the Autumn; they take the Elks in a Snare, and the Beavers in a Trap: They shoot the Bears with Arrows or Fusils, upon the Oaks, when they are feeding upon Acorns: As for wild Cats, they beat the Trees on which they are, and then their Dogs fall upon them and strangle them; they take the Porcupines much after the same manner, saving that they kill them with Pole-Axes; or with Forks, when the Tree is felled, because the Dogs are not able, to draw near unto them by reason of their Quills that are sharper than Auls, and which by little and little pierce the Body of a Man in an imperceptible manner, and which would infallibly kill the Dogs that would seize upon them; these Animals are not swift of Foot. As to the Bears, they are taken in a Trap, or shot with Arrows or Muskets, but very seldom killed with Pole-Axes, because these Creatures are very quick of Hearing. The Savages take the Beavers in Winter, under the Ice; they first make it their Business to find out the Lakes of these Animals; these Beavers are admirably industrious in Building their Lodgments; when they are disposed to change their Habitations they seek out a Rivulet in the Woods, along the Banks whereof they ascend, till they have found a Flat, very proper to make a Lake: When they have well observed the place on all sides, they fall to work, and raise up a Causey or Dam to stop, the Water; which they make as strong as those which serve to keep in the Waters of the greatest Ponds in Europe. This Dam is made up of Wood Earth, and Clay, and is of such a Bigness as is necessary to form a great Lake, which is sometimes a Quarter of a League long. These Beavers build their Dwellings in the midst of the Water, with Wood, Bulrushes, and Clay or Dirt, and work them all together very exactly with the help of their Tails, which is longer, and as large as a Mason's Trowel; their Building consists of three or four Stories, filled with Bull-rush-Matting, and 'tis thére their Females bring forth their young. At the Bottom of the Water, there are deep and shallow Channels; when their Lakes or Ponds are frozen, they must pass then under the Ice; wherefore they make Provision in the beginning of Winter, of Ash-trees, which is their ordinary Food, which they set in the Water, round about their Dwellings in the Lake: When the Savages would take any of them, they first break the Ice about these Lodgments, with the Helve of an Hatchet, or a Stake, and make an hole through; and when they have so done, they sound the depth of the Water, in order to know, whether it be the Way through which the Beavers are wont to go out; and if upon Enquiry, they find it to be so in reality, they put in a String, of about a Fathom long, and two Sticks, whose lower ends touch the Bottom of the Pond, and the other two are kept without the Hole which is made in the Ice; to which Sticks are fastened two Cords to draw out the String when the Beaver is caught. But to the end that this subtle Animal may not see the String, nor the People that seek his Life, they strew rotten Wood, Cotten, and such things upon the surface of the Ice; and when they have so done, a Savage stands upon the Watch near the String with an Axe in his Hand, to pull up the Beaver on the Ice, while the rest of the Company, with much Labour, break up his Lodgement, where they many times find the Wood and Earth wrought together to be above a Foot thick, which they are forced to cut down with their Axes, because its hard as a Stone through the violence of the Frost: When that is done; they sound the Lake, and wherever they find any Hollows, they break the Ice for fear lest the Beavers hide themselves underneath, to the end, that being constrained to run from one end unto the other, they may at length throw themselves into the Strings laid for them; and thus it is they labour with much Fatigue from Morning to Evening, without eating any thing; and yet, after all, do not take above three or four Beavers. Moreover, these Savages do take these Animals with Traps in the Spring time, in the following Manner: When the Ice begins to dissolve, the Savages take notice of those Places by which the Beavers go out, and there lay a Trap, with a Branch of Asp-wood for a Bait, which reaches from the Trap to the Water. Now when the Beavers light on it, they cease not to eat thereof, 'til they come to the Trap, which lets fall two thick pieces of Wood upon them, and so kills them. The Polecats are caught almost in the same manner, saving that they lay no Bait for them. All the Nations Southwards, towards the River Meschasipi, are more superstitious in their Hunt than the Northern People, and the Iroquoise in particular. When I was among them, their Seniors, six days before they were to enter upon the Hunting of their wild Bulls, would send about Four or Five of their nimblest Hunters to the Mountains, in order to dance the Camulet there, with as much Ceremony, as among the Nations to whom they were wont to send Ambassadors to make some Alliance with: Upon the return of these Men, they exposed to the view of all the People, for the space of three days, a very great Kettle, which they beset with Feathers of all Colours, and fastened one of the Guns of their Fire-men athwart it; for the space of three Days the principal Wife of a Captain carried this Kettle upon her back, with Flowers, in great Pomp, at the Head of above two hundred Huntsmen, following an old Man who had tied an Handkerchief to the end of a Stick or Pole, like an Ensign, and carrying his Bow and Arrows in great Silence. This old Spark made an Halt three or four times, to weep, and bitterly bewail the death of those Bulls which they hope to kill; and at the last Pause, the eldest of the Company sent two of the ablest Huntsmen to find out the wild Bulls, whom on their return they whispered before they began the Chase of these Animals; then they kindled a Fire of the Ordure of the wild Bulls dried in the Sun, and seasoned their Pipes or Calumets, in this new sort of Fire, in order to smoke their Runners whom they had sent to make a discovery. This Ceremony was no sooner ended, but an hundred Men went out on the one Side of the Mountains; whilst a like number took the other, in order to enclose in the Bulls, who are very numerous; they killed several of them in a confused manner with their Arrows, and we Europeans seven or eight with our Guns. These Barbarians could not sufficiently admire the Effect of our Guns, the noise of which they heard, but could not see the Bullets, which made them believe these Creatures were killed with the report only; they would clap their Hands upon their Mouths, as a sign of their Amazement, and cry Alansa Ouacanthe, that is, in the Language of the Issatrians, this Iron doth Mischief to Men and Beasts, yet we do not know how it comes to pass, that at the noise of these round Machine's, the Bones of these Beasts come to be broken, which still raised their Admiration of them. I could not sufficiently wonder, how these Savages could slay those Bulls, and cut them out to pieces, seeing they had neither Knives nor Hatchets, but the few they had stolen from us. They cut the Hides of these Beasts with the Points of their Arrows, which were made of a Sharp Stone, and when once they can get their Fingers between the Flesh and the Skin of these Animals, they could then quickly flay them. As for cutting of the Meat to pieces, and disjointing the Bones, they made use of Stones, with which they effected it. They dismembered also these Beasts, and the Women took care to dry them, by exposing the same to the Sun, and the Smoke of a little Fire, which they kindled, In short they eat nothing during the time of their Hunting, but the Entrails, and the poorest pieces of these Animals, but the best parts they carried into their Villages, distant about two hundred Leagues from the place where they had been Hunting. CHAP. XXVI. The Way of Fishing amongst the Savages, THose Savages that dwell to the Northward, fish in another manner than the Southern People: The former take all sorts of Fish with Nets, and harping-Irons, as we do in Europe. They sometimes also catch Fish with Lines, but no great Number that way: I have seen them fish in a pleasant manner; they took a forked piece of Wood, double painted, to which they put a Net, almost in the same manner as we do in Europe, for to catch Partridges; when that's done, they let it down into the Water, and the Fish, which are there in far greater Abundance than in our Rivers, glide along, and when the Savages perceive that they are entered into the Net, than they draw it up; which is in Form somewhat like a pair of Pincers, the Fish that are taken therein, being held by the gills. The Iroquoise now and then in their Fishing time, make use of a Net, forty or fifty Fathoms long, which they put in a great Cannow of Wood, and then spread it out in an Oval Form, to the most commodious Places of the Rivers; and indeed I have sometimes admired their Dexterity therein: I have known them take sometimes above four hundred Whiting, larger than our ordinary Carps, and amongst others several Sturgeons, pulled out of the River with Nets made of Nettles: In this way of Fishing its necessary that two Men hold the two Ends of this sort of Net, and wrap it up exactly, as occasion requires, whereby they catch a prodigious Quantity of Fish, especially in the River Nagara, which are very good, and of excellent Taste. There is such plenty of Fish in this Place, that 'tis capable of furnishing the greatest City in Europe with Fishes of divers Kind's; neither is it to be wondered at; for the Fishes do continually swim up from the Sea, towards the Spring of the River for fresh Water: the River of St. Laurence receives about this part of the Niugara a vast quantity of Waters from four great Lakes, of which we have spoken, and which are little Seas of fresh Water; now this Deluge of Water coming to discharge and precipitate itself by the greatest and most frightful Fall that is in the whole World, the infinite number of Fish, that take pleasure to come and refresh themselveves in those Waters, continue there, because they are not able to get over this Cataract; and hence it is that such a vast quantity of Fish may be caught there, as are sufficient for the Subsistence of the greatest City in the Universe. During the time of my Embassage from Fort de Frontenac, I was to see the great Fall of Water which comes from a Northern River, and discharges itself into a great Basin of the Lake Ontario, capable to hold above an hundred Men of War in great Safety. Being there, I taught the Savages to take Fish with their Hands I caused Trees to be felled down in the Spring, near unto the forementioned Fall, and this I did, that I might lie down without wetting myself; I found there a vast number of Fishes of divers sorts; after I had a little tickled them with my Hand, I took fast hold of them by the Gills; and when at several times I had taken fifty or sixty great Fishes, I went to warm and refresh myself, in order to return fresh again to the Sport. I put the Fish I had taken into a Sack, which a Savage held in his Hand, and I fed above fifty Families of the Iroquoise of Ganneous therewith, who, with the Sieur de Salle, I had brought to plant Indian Corn there, and to have their Children instructed in the Christian Religion, at Fort Frontenac. The most considerable sort of Fishing among the Savages is that of Eels, which are very big, Salmons, and Salmon Trouts, and Whiting. The Iroquoise Aguier who are in the Neighbourhood of New York, fish very often for Frogs, which they catch in abundance, and which they put whole into their Kettles, without flaying them, for the seasoning their Pagamite, which is Pap made of Indian Corn. Salmon Trouts are catched in several other parts of the Rivers which discharge themselves into the Lake of Frontenac, and there are such great Numbers to be found there, that they kill them with Sticks. They catch Eels in the Night time when the Wether is calm; and these Fishes came down in great quantities along the River St. Laurence; the Savages put the thick Bark of a Birch-tree, together with Earth upon the end of a Stake, and then kindle a kind of a Flambeau, which gives a very clear Light, when a Man or two go into a Cannow, with an Harping-Iron fixed between two Points of a little Fork: As soon as they discover the Eels, by the help of the Fire, they fall to, and kill a vaft Quantity of them, because that the white Porpoises which pursued them, drive them before them, till at last they betake themselves to the Brink of the Rivers, to which those great Porpoises cannot approach. Salmons they catch with Harping-Irons, and Whiting with Nets; the Southern Nations which dwell upon the River Meschasipi, are very subtle, and have such lively and piercing Eyes, that tho' the Fishes glide very swiftly in the Waters, yet they fail not to kill them with their Darts, which they vigorously thrust a little before into the Water, when they shoot out of their Bow. Moreover they have long Poles with sharp Points, which they dart from them with great Accuracy, because of their being so sharp sighted; they also kill great Sturgeons and Trouts, which are seven or eight foot under Water. CHAP. XXVII. Of the Utensils used by the Savages in their Huts. Their extraordinary way of making a Fire. Before the arrival of the Europeans in North America, both the Northern and Southern Savages, made use of, and do to this day use Earthen Pots, especially such as have no Commerce with the Europeans; from whom they may procure Kettles and other Movables; in stead of Hatchets and Knives, they make use of sharp Stones, which they fasten in a cleft piece of Wood with Leather Thongs, and instead of Awls, they make a certain sharp Bone to serve, which is seated about Elks Talons; they have no Fire Arms amongst them. Bows and Arrows being their only Weapons. Their way of making a Fire, and which is new and unknown to us, is thus; they take a Triangular piece of Cedar-Wood of a Foot and an half long, wherein they bore some Holes half through; then they take a Switches, or another small piece of hard Wood, and with both their hands rub the strongest upon the weakest in the hole, which is made in the Cedar, and while they are thus rubbing they let fall a sort of Dust or Powder which turns into Fire. This white Dust they roll up in a Pellet of Herbs, dried in Autumn, and Rubbing them all together, and then blowing upon the Dust that is in the Pellet, the Fire kindles in a moment. When the Savages are about to make Wooden Dishes, Porringers or Spoons, they form the Wood to their purpose with their Stone Hatchets, make it hollow with Coals out of the Fire, and scrape them afterward with beaver's Teeth for to polish them. The Northern Nations, where usually they have hard Winters, make use of Rackets in their Passage over the Snow. The Savages make them of Thongs of Leather, as Broad as small Ribbons, in a neater manner than our playing Hand-Rackets; they have no Handles to them, as those of our Tennis Courts; but they are longer and larger. They leave a vacancy in the middle as large as the Toes, to the end the Savages may walk easier with their Shoes; they Travel further with these Rackets, than they can without them. And without the use of them they would sink into the Snow, which is there seven or eight Foot deep, and more some times in the Winter Season. Nay in some places 'tis as high as the highest Houses in Europe, for the Wind drives it violently into Nooks and hollow Places. The Savages, who live in the Neighbourhood of the Europeans, have now the use of Guns, Hatchets, Kettles, Awls, Knives, Fireforks and other Instruments, as we have. In order to sow Indian Corn they make Pick-Axes of Wood, but 'tis to supply the want of Iron ones. They have Gourds or Callibasses, wherein they put their Bear, wild Cat, and Turnsoll Oils; there is never a Man that has not a Skin or Sack, to put his Pipe and his Tobacco in; and the Savage Women make Sacks for Indian Corn of Bulrushes, or Linden Bark to put their Corn in. They also make them of Nettle-peel, the Bark of Linden and of other Roots; whose names I do not know. The Savages make use of very small Thongs to sow their Shoes withal, and have Mats made of Bull rushes to lie upon, and for want of them they make use of the Barks of Trees; their Women swaddle their Infans in the same manner as the European Women do, yet with this difference, that their Bonds are made of a large Skins, and a kind of Cotton together, to prevent their being overheated in their Swathing; they tie them to a piece of Board after they have swaddled them, and that with a Skin-band; then they make the Board fast to the Branch of a Tree, or some place in their Huts, in such a manner that the Infants do not lie, but are bolt upright, with their Heads upwards and Feet downward; and to the end their Urine may not incommode them, they put a piece of the Birch-Tree in a commodious Place for that Purpose, so as that their Urine may run down as in a Gutter, and not touch the Body of the Child. These Women take such great care of their Infants, that they do not come near their Husbands at all, but shun their Company till their Children have attained to the Age of three or four Years, and may be fed as the rest: It's otherwise with the European Women, because it is easy to supply the Defects of Mothers, by the means of Cow's Milk, or other tame Animals; but these shun the Company of Men while they are Nurses, because if they once Conceive, their Infants must necessarily Perish; seeing, for Example, they cannot at five or fix Months Old, eat of their dried Meats, or any other thing; and this is it that doth oblige them to do as they do, to the end they may put their Children in a condition to subsist, as others do, after they have given them suck for all the time that is necessary for them. Those Savages who have any Commerce with the Europeans, begin to make use of Pot-hooks: It's a flat and thin piece of Iron, of two or three Finger's breadth, and hath Teeth all along, and which bends at the lower end; the Women hang it to a piece of Wood laid atwhart, set upon two Forks in their Huts, and serves them to hang their Cauldrons or Kettles over the Fire with; but as for those People who have no Acquaintance with the Europeans, they use the Branches of Trees to hang their Earthen Pots over the Fire with, in order to boil their Victuals. CHAP. XXVIII. The way the Savages have to bury their dead. Of the Feasts solemnised for the dead; with some reflections upon the Immortality of the Soul. THE Savages Bury their Dead with all the Magnificence they are capable to think of, especially their near Relations, and particularly the Captains or Chief of their Families or Tribes: When they are Dead, they put on their best Attire, and Paint their Faces and their Bodies with all sorts of Colours; then they put them into a Coffin, made of the Bark of a Tree, and Polish the surface thereof with a Pumice Stone very finely; when that is done, they take care to raise the place where they design to Inter them, into the Form of a Mauseolum, fencing it in with Stakes or Pallisadoes, of a Dozen or Thirteen Foot high, the Tomb being raised to the Height of Seven or Eight. These Mausoleums are usually erected in the highest Place belonging to their petty Villages: And the Savages all the Year round send Ambassadors to their Neighbouring Nations, in order to solemnize the Feasts of the Dead. All the People of North America, spare no cost to do Honour to their Relations and Deceased Friends, whom they come to lament; they make very considerable Presents among them, such as Girdles of Purcelain; Pipes made of the preciousest Stones they can find; and in a word, of all that is valuable amongst them. These they bestow upon the Relations of the Dead, to wipe off their Tears and assuage their Grief. They conduct them to the Deceased's Tombs, muttering a sort of Prayers accompanied with Sobs and Tears, in presence of their Relics, whose Memory they Honour, because of their brave Exploits in Peace or War. These Savages use particular Ceremonies for the Infants of their Deceased Friends; when they are about to Inter these little ones after they are Dead, they put their Corpse into a Covering, or a pretty white Skin, in the presence of their Relations; then they carry them, and put them upon a kind of a Bier, but 'tis more like unto a Sledge, in order to go and Bury them: But instead of making Presents to the Relations of the Dead Infants, as they do to the Adult, they apply themselves to wipe off the Tears which flow in abundance from their Eyes, in the presence of their Relations. The Savages have also a custom to put into the Coffin of Adult Persons, all the most valuable things they possess, tho' it amounts to the value of two or three Hundred Crowns; they put there also Shoes of the best sort, adorned with Red and Black Porcupine, a Fire-fork, an Axe, Necklaces of Purcelain, a Pipe, a Kettle, and an Earthen Pot full of Sagamite, or Pap made of Indian Corn, with some fat Meat: If it be a Man that is Buried, they add hereunto a Musket, Powder and Ball; but as for those who have no Fire-Arms, they content themselves with laying near the Coffin a Bow and Arrows; to the end; say these poor Blind Creatures, that when they come to the Country of Souls, and of the Dead, they may make use of those Arms in Hunting. There was something very particular befell me while I was among the Issati Nadonessans, to this same purpose: It happened that a Savage Dyed there, having been bitten by a Rattle Snake: I could not apply time enough to him an infallible Remedy, which I had always about me, to wit, the Powder of Orvietan; for when any such Accident happened to any one in my presence, I immediately scarified the Wound and put some Powder into it, and by this means prevented the Poison from getting to the Heart of the Person stung: These Barbarians one day observed and stood in Admiration, That I had Cured one of their Soldiers, who had been stung by one of these Serpents; and now they told me: Spirit, for so they call the Europeans, we have sought for thee, during our Hunting in those places, where thou wert with the other two Spirits that did accompany thee, but we have been so unhappy as not to meet thee; do not forsake us for the future, we will take care of thee; if thou hadst been with us, our Warrior, whom thou seest Dead, would have been yet in a condition to make Feasts; he was excellently well skilled in the way of Surprising and Killing our Enemies; he kept his ten Wives by the means of bis Hunting; he had been still in a condition to have done thee good if thou hadst been with us, for thou couldst have hindered him to Die; thou couldst have done it easily, since thou hast saved many of the Lives of our Relations; thou wouldst never have failed to have done him this important Service, whose loss we now here lament. These poor People observing our way of acting, which they could not comprehend, believed we were capable of doing all things, and even to hinder Men to Die. They have often admired the effects of our Remedies, which I applied to their Sick, so endeavouring to Cure them of their Spiritual Maladies, by bringing them to the Knowledge of the True God, through the Care I took of their Bodies. I did admire how well these Savages had ordered the Corpse of their Friend; they had laid it on very fine Mats, and in the posture of a Man of War, with his Bow and Arrows at Hand, and had Painted his Body with divers different Colours; one would say, that saw him, that he were still alive: They told me I must give him some Martinico Tobacco, of which I had still some small quantity left, That the Dead Man might Smoak; which gave me occasion to tell them, That the Dead do not Smoke, That there is no Eating in the Country of departed Souls, and that Men have no further occasion for Bows and Arrows, because that in that Country whither men's Souls are gone, there is not the Use of Hunting; and that if they would know the Great Captain, who is the Chief Ruler both of Heaven and Earth, they would, thenceforward, be so satiated with the Sight of him, That they would think no more of Hunting, than of Eating and Drinking, for departed Souls have no need thereof. These Savages apprehended very little of what I said to them; but after I had ended, I presented them with two Fathoms of black Tobacco, which they love mightily; theirs is not so well prepared, nor so strong as that of Martenico, of which sort mine was. I gave them to understand, I gave it them to Smoke, and not the Dead Man, because he had no need of it. Some of the Savages there present; herd what I said very seriously and attentively, concerning the other State, and appeared very ready to listen to me, but the rest said in their Country Dialect, Tepatovi, that is, behold what is good. In the mean time they fell to smoking in good earnest, without concerning themselves any further about being benefited by my Discourse. I took notice that the Tears which they shed for the Dead, and the Ceremonies they used upon that account, by rubbing his Corpse with Bear's Oil, and the like things, were more the effect of Custom and Ancient Prescription, to which they are tied by Traditions that seem to have something of Judaisme in them than any proper Application of theirs to these Usages. I do not absolutely despair of the Salvation of these Barbarians; but do believe that God will find proper means for the enlightening them in the glorious Light of the Gospel; since this Holy Doctrine must be preached to all the Nations of the Earth, before our Blessed Saviour com●●●o Judge the Quick and the Dead. CHAP. XXIX▪ Of the Superstition of the Savages, and their ridiculous Beliefs. I Know long since, that all the Arts and Endeavours used by Man, for the Conversion of Infidels, will signify nothing till such time as it shall please God to bless their undertakings to that end. How shall they believe, who have not heard, says the Apostle Paul, How shall they understand without a Preacher? And who shall Preach, if there be none sent: The sound of the Apostles is gone through all the Earth, and their words have reached to the utmost bounds of the World; I heartily wish that the sound of the Apostles successors would bring to Life those vast numbers of Savages, which I have seen in my Travels; they have laboured there a long time, but generally speaking, no considerable Progress hath been made therein to this day, these blinded People are so wedded to their Superstitious ways. Some of these Barbarians are more Superstitious than others, especially the Older sort of them; and the Women maintain the Traditions of their Ancestors with a strange opinionativeness; when I told them they were void of Understanding, to believe such Dreams and idle Fancies; and that they ought not to be wedded to Follies of this kind: They would say to me, Of what Age art thou? Thou dost not seem to be above Five and Thirty or Forty Years Old, and dost thou pretend to know things better than we who are Old Men? Fie, thou knowest not what thou fayest; thou may'st know what has passed in thy own Country, added these Old Dotards, For thy Ancestors have told thee of them; but thou canst not know what hath passed in ours before the Spirits, that is to say the Europeans, came hither. I made answer to these Barbarians, that we know all by the Scriptures, which the great Author of Life hath given us by his Son, that this Son Suffered Death, that he might deliver all Men from a place of Everlasting Burnings, from which there had been no Redemption, unless he had come into the World to free us from Sin and Death; that all Mankind became Guilty, and sinned in Adam, The first Man, etc. These Savages, who had admirable natural Wit readily retorted upon me; Are you assured that we were here, before you Europeans came into these Countries? and being usually answered, No, we are not. Then, said they, you do not then know all by the Scriptures, they do not tell you every thing. It's not to be doubted, but much time is required to make them sensible of the falsity of their Superstitions, and much more to persuade them of the Truths of the Gospel. There is none but God alone, that by the anointing of his Spirit and Grace, can incline their Hearts, and make known unto them the Truth's appertaining to their Salvation; but yet it does not follow hence, that those who labour in the Gospel, should give over their Endeavours this way. The time will come when Men shall prefer the interests of Jesus Christ before their own, and then there shall be but one Shepherd and one Fold; all foreign Nations shall come in in the time of God's allotment for this grand Event. There are many of the Savages who laugh at those things which their Old pretended Sages relate unto them, and others that give credit to what they say 〈◊〉 I have already recounted the Sentiments they have concerning their Original, and the Cure of their Diseases. They have some notion of the Immortality of the Soul; for say they, there is a very delicious Country towards the West, where there is rare Hunting, and where they may kill as many Wild Beasts as they please; 'tis there, say these poor blinded ones, that mens' Souls go, and they hope then to see them all again in that place; but they are much more ridiculous in what they say concerning the Souls of Kettles, Muskets, Fireforks, and other Arms, which they place near the Sepulchers of their Dead, that they may go with them, and serve for their use in the Soul's Country, as they do here. One Day, a Savage Maiden being Dead, after she had been Baptised, and the Mother happening to see one of her Slaves at the point of Death also, she said, my Daughter is gone alone into the Country of the Dead among the Europeans, without Relations, and without Friends. Lo now it's Spring time, she must therefore sow Indian Corn and Gourds. Baptise my Slave, added she, before he Dies, that he may go also into that Country, whither the Souls of the Europeans after their Deaths go, to the end he may serve my Daughter there. A Savage Woman being at the point of departure, she cried, I will not be Baptised, for the Savages, who die Christians, are burnt in the Country of Souls by the Europeans; and certain Savages, said one day, that we Baptised them to make them Slaves in the other World. I have been asked by others, if there was good Game for Hunting in that Country, whither I would have their dying Infants to go after being Baptised; and when I made answer, that they live there without Eating or Drinking, because they are fully satiated with the Contemplation of the great master of Life; we will not go thither, said they, because we must not eat; and when I have added, that there would be no occasion for Food there, they clapped their hands to their Mouths, as a sign of admiration, and said, Thou art a great Liar, is there any thing can live without Eating. A Savage was pleased one day to relate unto us the following Story. One of our Old Men, said he, happening to Die, and being come to the Country of Souls, he presently met with Europeans there, who Caressed him highly, and made him good Cheer. Then he went to the place where the Savages are, who gave him a very kind Reception; they kept there daily Feasts, to which the Europeans were very often invited, seeing there are no Wars nor quarrelings in that Country. Now after this Old Man had sufficiently admired all the parts of the Country, he returned, and gave a Relation of all his Adventures to his Countrymen. The Story being ended, we asked the Savages whether they believed it, who answered, No; that their Ancestors had told it, but that perhaps they Lied. These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they make various Applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell, or some such thing; when they hear an Owl Screech, they tremble and take it for a bad Omen. They give very much heed to their Dreams. They enter into their Stoves, to the end they may have a good time of it in hunting their Beavers, and killing Wild Beasts; they do not give the Bones of the Beavers, nor Otters to their Dogs; for which I have asked them the reason; and have been answered, that they have an Otkon or Spirit in the Woods, who would tell it to the Beavers and Otters, and from that time forward they should not be able to take any of them. I asked them, what this Spirit was? answer has been made me, that it was a Woman who knew all things, and was Mistress of the Game of Hunting; but the Reader must still remember what I have already said, that the greatest part of them believe nothing at all of it. As I was upon my Mission or Embassage as aforesaid, a Savage Woman was by accident Poisoned; the Hunters had brought her into her Hut, and I went to see her after she was Dead; I heard them talk near the Dead Corpse, and say, that they had seen the tract of a Serpent upon the Snow, that had come out of that Woman's Mouth; and while they were very serious upon this Discourse, a very Superstitious Old Woman said, that she had seen the Spirit that had killed the Woman pass by her. I have seen a Boy of about Ten years of Age, who took upon him to be a Girl, and was so wedded to this fantastical humour, that he demeaned himself in every respect as if he had been so, dressing him as the Maidens, and doing the same works as they used to do. A Savage, whom we had drawn to the Fort, and who was the principal Man of his Village, told me one day, that Onontio, which is the name they give to the Governor-General of Canada, who at that time was the Count de Frontenac, would arrive that day, at the time when the Sun should be in such a place, for so they express themselves, which came to pass precisely according to his words. This Old Fellow, whom they called Ganneouse Kaera, that is to say, the Bearded, was the only Person of all the Savages, that I have seen go with a Beard: For generally all the People of North- America pluck up all their Hairs by the Root, while 'tis yet but Down, and therefore it is that they have no Beards; I confess, I could not but speak of it, when I saw the Count de Frontenac arrive: This Man had not learned the News of any Person whatsoever. He only told me, when I asked him, how he came to know this, that he had learned it of a Juggler, who took upon him to foretell things to come; but as I have already said, the Savages are much wedded to their Dreams; in the mean time, their Predictions are more the effect of Chance, than any Communication they have with Spirits. CHAP. XXX. The Obstacles that are to be met with in the Conversion of the Savages. THere are many difficulties on the part of the Savages themselves, that obstruct their Conversion; but in general the difficulty doth arise from the indifference they have to all things whatsoever. When we talk to them of the Creation of the World, and of the Mysteries of the Christian Religion, they say, that we Speak Reason, and applaud in general all that we declare unto them concerning the grand work of our Salvation; they would think themselves guilty of a great Offence, if they should give the least suspicion of their unbelief of what is proposed to them; but after they have approved of all those Discourses that are made unto them concerning these matters; they say, That we ought also on our parts to have all imaginable deference for the Relations, and all the Reasonings they give us touching themselves and what refers unto them. And when we give in by way of Answer, That what they tell us is not true; they reply, That they have acquiesced with all that we have told them, and that 'tis want of understanding to interrupt a Man when he Speaks, and to tell him what he says is false. Lo, what is good? say they, all that thou hast informed us touching those of thy Country is as thou hast related, but it is not the same with us who are of another Nation, and inhabit those Countries that are beyond the great Lake. The Second obstacle in the way of the Conversion of the Savages proceeds from their great Superstition, as we have already intimated. The Third arises from their nonresidence, for while I was at Fort de Frontenac, Father Luke Buisset and I had been busy for a great part of the Year to Teach several of the Children of these Savages our ordinary Prayers, and also to Read them in their Iroquois Language; their Parents assisted at the Service which was done in the Chapel; they lifted up their Hands to Heaven, fell down upon their Knees, beat their Breasts, and continued in our presence with much Respect, seeming also to be Affected with our Ceremonies; but this they only did beacause they believed they pleased us, and had a design thereby to draw some European present from us. But and if it happen so that they have a just design therein, they quickly renounce it; because they stay no longer in their Villages than while they Sow or Gather their Indian Corn, which lasts but for a short time; for they spend the rest of the Year in War and Hunting, carrying their Families along with them, and are absent Eight or Nine Months, so that their Children who have begun to learn any thing forget all that has been taught them, and quickly return to their Superstitions and ordinary way of Living again; besides their Jugglers and old Savages, who are Superstitiously addicted to their Interests, do all they can to malign our proceedings, and induce their People to hate us for fear lest they should give credit to those things that we endeavour to Teach them. The Merchants who usually Traffic with the Savages out of a design to be Gainers thereby, are oftentimes the cause of the small progress that is made in the Conversion of these People. It's long since that St. Augustine Speaking of them, has Said, Continua est in illis meditatio doli, & tritura mendacii. They have no other intentions than to lie and deceive that they may grow quickly Rich, and put off their Goods to good advantage; there is no stratagem they will not make use of to get the Furs from the Savages at a Cheap Rate; they are stocked with Frauds and Lies to put off their effects with, and to gain double by them if they can; and this no doubt is a great means to alienate the Minds of the Savages from a Religion, which they see accompanied with so many Cheats and Artifices in those who make a profession of it. It may be also said, that there are some Missionaries who are partly the cause of the small progress which the Preaching of the Gospel has ordinarily made amongst these Barbarians; It's very difficult to learn their Languages, because they differ very much one from another, and no affinity between them; there is therefore much time required for the insinuating our Mysteries into them, and without the holy Spirit do operate in an extraordinary manner for their Conversion there is but little fruit to be expected from all the Missions made among the Savages. Besides the different methods that are made use of to instruct them contributes very much towards retarding their Conversion, some beginning with the sensitive part whilst others think it more proper to fall first upon that which is Spiritual; there are diversities of Beliefs among Christians, every one abounding in his own Sense and Believing that his Faith is the purest and his method the most effectual; to the end therefore things may succeed well among these People, it's necessary there be an uniformity in their belief and manner of Teaching them, as there is but one Truth and one Redeemer; hence it comes also, that these People seeing so much difference in the Faith of Christians, and in their method of Teaching, they know▪ not which to take to, and this without doubt is a means to retain, them in their Ignorance and ordinary Blindness. I make a great deal of difference between the Zeal and indefatigable labours of the Missionaries, and the pretended success they are believed to have, and of which they make so much boast in the World: It's not doubted but those who have entirely disengaged themselves from the love of all Temporal things, and been Missionaries among the Natives of South- America, have made very great progresses in those Countries; there are Forty or Fifty Provinces of our Order, where Public Service is performed, where they have full Freedom to Preach the Gospel, after having first routed out the Idolatry and abominable Superstitions which in times past reigned amongst them. But it must be confessed that those who have laboured in this work in North- America, have not made the same progress, their method has been to endeavour first to Civilize those Barbarous People, render them susceptible of some Government, and to put a restraint as much as they could upon their Brutal Extravagances, and then they laboured to Disabuse them of their old Superstitions; and this is the way they have gone to prepare the way of Lord: in the mean time it must be owned that they have made but very little progress therein. These Barbarous Nations, I know not by what fatality of Interest, are still almost as much Savages as ever, and so wedded to their old Maxims, Profane Usages, Gormandizing, Pride, Revilings, Cruelty, and other abominable Vices, that you are to seek to this day for any sentiments of Humanity amongst them, and especially amongst the Iroquois, where I have Lived a long time. They are still the same People they were Forty Years ago and upwards, and yet how many Books have been Published that Treat of the great Conversions they have made, say they, among the Iroquois and Hurons; And they would assure us at the same time, that those Barbarians had built as many Churches and Chapels, as they had ruined before, and say, that the untameable Philistines had made a very great Progress in the Faith. In the mean time Experience makes it appear to this very day, that these People are the same as they were at all times, being of a fierce and cruel Nature, and above all, Enemies to the good rules of Christianity. I will not pretend to say in this place that the Missionaries have not faithfully discharged their Ministerial Function; but I would rather believe there has been nothing wanting for the Instruction of the Savages, either from the Zeal or Assiduity with which they have laboured amongst them: But after all, the Seed of the Word is fallen upon a Barren and Ungrateful Land, upon the Highway, or among the Thorns; and if these People reject the Light and Salvation tendered to them, it's at least evident that they are hereby rendered inexcusable, and God is justified in the Condemnation of these Barbarians. However it be, 'tis yet much, that they do Baptise Infants, and some adult Persons before their Departure, who Desire it; but as for those who are in Health the number of Converts among them is very inconsiderable; and that of those who persevere in the Christian Religion still much less, especially if regard be had to the Travels of a great number of Labourers, who have been employed upon Missions thither these Three or Four-Score Years; but after all the Cares and entire Sacrifice of a Missionarie's Life would have met with an happy recompense, if they had had the Glory to Convert and save one single Soul. The principal function of the Missionaries, consists in Administering the Sacraments to such Persons as travel into those Parts, on purpose to Trade with the Savages; and indeed, it may be truly affirmed, that as soon as the Traffic for Furs and Beaver-Skins begins to cease among them, the Europeans retire from thence, and are no longer to be found in the Country. This Reflection was made by those Barbarians, one day in the presence of Monsieur de Frontenac, even in a full Council held at the three Rivers in Canada, with respect to certain Missionaries, who were not of our Order of St. Francis. During the whole time that we had any store of Beaver-Skins and other Furs, (said a Savage Captain,) the Person, who was wont to pray with us, was constant in his attendance, instructing our Children, and teaching 'em to say their Prayers and Catechism; he was our inseparable Companion, and did us the honour sometimes to assist at our Festivals; But when our Merchandizes were once Exhausted, those Missionaries thought sit to leave us, imagining that their presence was altogether unprofitable. It may be also averred for a certain truth, that the most part of the Missions that were established forty Years ago, have been discontinued, and are no longer kept on foot; particularly, those of the great Bay of St. Laurence; River of Ristigouche, of Nipisiguit, of Miskou, of Cape- Breton, of Port-Royal, of Wolf-River, of Magdelane Cape, of the three Rivers, and many others, which were founded among the Hurons at the head of that River. For the Missionaries, who were wont to reside in those Parts, have made no difficulty to leave 'em, and even to abandon Tadoussac, with a design to settle at Chigoutimi. If my Life and Health, through the Divine mercy be any longer preserved, I shall give a very particular account in a third Tome, of some other more considerable Obstacles, that hinder the propagation of the Gospel among the American Savages, and I shall only take the liberty to add here, that whoever are desirous to enter upon the functions of this painful Ministry, aught of necessity to lay aside all manner of regard to Worldly Riches, and to be content with a moderate subsistence, according to the Apostolical Injunction. This, without doubt would prove an effectual means to convert the Savages, and to oblige 'em to embrace the Christian Religion; but perhaps I may have occasion elsewhere, to speak more largely to this Subject. CHAP. XXXI. Of the Barbarous Customs, and rude Deportment of the Savages. THE Savages have very little regard to the Rules of Civility, in use among the Europeans; nay, they even fall a laughing, when they see our People employed in paying mutual respects one to another. Upon their arrival at a place, they scarce ever trouble themselves with saluting the Company there present, but sit squat on the Tail, without giving any manner of Salutation, or so much as looking upon any one, although a Visit were made to 'em. They sometimes run into the first Hut that lies in their way, without speaking one word; take place where they can; and afterward light their Pipe or Reed: Thus they Smoke in profound silence, and then depart after the same manner. When they enter our Houses, built and furnished after the European fashion, they get possession of the principal Post, but if a Chair be set on the middle of the Hearth, they immediately seize upon it, and never rise up, to give place to any Man whatsoever, although he were even a Prince of King: For they take as much State upon themselves, as can be done by Persons of the highest Rank and Quality. In the Northern Countries, the Savage Men and Women take care only to cover their privy Parts, all the rest of their Body being destitute of clothes. The Southern Savages go stark Naked, without any sense of shame; nay, they make no scruple to break Wind publicly, having no regard to the presence of any Person whatever. They treat their Elders very rudely, when they do not sit in Council, and the common Discourse both of the Men and Women is incessantly full of Ribaldry and Obscene Expressions. As for the kindly Correspondence between them, they generally endeavour to conceal it; nevertheless, they sometimes take so little precaution in that Affair, that they are often surprised: Besides, the Savages observe none of the Rules of that natural Modesty and civil Deportment, which are in use among us, between Persons of both Sexes; neither are they accustomed to any of those Caresses or regular Methods of Courtship, which are usually performed by the Civilised People of Europe; but every thing is there Transacted in a gross manner, and with a great deal of Brutishness. They never wash their Wooden or Bark Dishes, nor their Porringers and Spoons; nay, the Savage Women after having turned their young Children dry with their Fingers, wipe 'em very lightly with a piece of Rind, and then immediately fall about handling their Victuals. Indeed, this Nastiness was often very offensive to me, and even hindered me from eating with those People in the Hut, where they had made me an invitation; neither do they scarce at any time wash their Hands or Face. The Children show very little respect to their Parents, nay, they often are so audacious as to beat them, without receiving due Correction for such Misdemeanours; by reason that (according to their Maxim) Blows would serve only to balk their Courage, and to render 'em uncapable of being good Soldiers. They sometimes eat snorting and blowing like Brute Beasts, and as soon as the Men have entered a Hut, they fall to Smoking Tobacco: If a covered Pot happen to lie in their way, th●y make no scruple to uncover it, to see what may be contained therein: They eat in a Dish that the Dogs have licked without washing or scouring it, and when they light on Fat Meat, they only rub their Faces, and haste with their Hands to cleanse them, not forbearing to Belch incessantly. Those Savages who have found means to Trunk for Shirts with the Europeans, never take care to wash 'em, but generally let 'em Rot upon their Backs: They seldom pair their Nails, and scarce ever wash their Meat before they dress it. Their Huts in the North Countries, are for the most part very Nasty. I was also much surprised one day to see an Old decrepit Woman, who was employed in biting a Child's Hair, and devouring the Lice that were in it▪ The Women are not ashamed to make Water before any Company, yet they choose to go a Mile or two into the Woods to ease their Bodies; rather than to expose themselves to the public view; when the Children have fouled their clothes, they usually throw off the Urine with their Hands. These people are also often seen eating as they lie upon the ground like Dogs. In a word, these People are unwilling to put themselves to the least trouble upon any account whatever, and act on all occasions after a very brutish manner. However, Notwithstanding all this strange Barbarousness, many things are Transacted by 'em with a great deal of Discretion and Agreeableness. When any one happens to come into their Huts, whilst they are Eating, they usally set before him their Dishes full of Meat, and they take it as a very great Favour, when every thing is eaten up, that was presented, nay, they would choose rather to be destitute of Provisions two days, than to let you depart, without offering to you every thing they have, with much sincerity; so that if the Messes happen to be already distributed, upon the arrival of any Person, the good Woman, whose right it is to make this distribution, finds means to order matters after such a manner, that there may be somewhat to be given to those who come unlooked for. Some of these Savages presented to us the finest Mats, and set us in the best place of the Hut, when we came to make 'em a Visit, and those who have often conversed with the Europeans are wont to salute us when we meet them. It is also customary among the same People, when they have received a Present, to send back part thereof to those who made it. Although they are accustomed to treat their Elders after a very rude manner, nevertheless they have a great deal of respect and deference for their Counsels, following them exactly and acknowledging that their Old Men have more experience, and are better versed in the management of Affairs than they. If an Elder should say to a Young Man, in the presence of others, by way of Reproach, Thou are void of Understanding, he would immediately depart and poison himself; so extremely jealous they are of their Reputation. In the Assemblies that are convened to debate about Public Affairs, the young Men durst not presume to speak, at least if they be not asked a Question, and in their Festivals they often make a distinction between the most eminent Persons and others of an inferior rank, giving the former the whole Head of the Beast that is killed, or the most considerable portion of what is prepared. Neither do they ever eat in one Dish, at least unless it be in time of War, for than they are not so exact in the observing of such circumstances: They sometimes make Presents one to another and treat one another with Reciprocal Entertainments. They also show much respect to the Old Men, by committing to 'em the whole administration of public Affairs which among them is reputed a very Honourable Station. There are some, tho' but few, among these People who are accustomed to salute us after the European manner: Indeed, I knew a certain Savage, named Garagontié, that is to say, the Marching Sun, who one day made a Speech before Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, and as often as he began a new Discourse, pulled off his Cap, pronouncing his Harangue like an Orator. Another Captain of the Hoïogoins, looking upon a young Damsel, whom he had given to the Count de Frontenac, to be instructed, told him very civilly; Onontio, for so they call the Governor of Canada, and this word signifies a Fine Mountain, Thou art the master of this Child, pray be pleased to take care that she learn to Read and Write well; but when she is grown up, thou shalt either restore her to me, or take her to Wife. This plainly shows that the Iroquois, value themselves as much as any Personages of the highest Dignity. I had likewise a particular Acquaintance with another Iroquois, called Atreovati, that is to say, The great Mouth, who was wont to eat after the European fashion, and to wash his Hands in a Basin with the Governor: He also sat down at Table the last, unfolded his Napkin very neatly, and eat with a Fork. In a word, he imitated us in every thing, but often did it through Knavery or Deceit, on purpose to obtain some Present of the Governor; for he was a very subtle and crafty Fellow; but the Count de Frontenac thought sit to show so much Complaisance toward the Savages, with whom he designed to keep fair, as well knowing, that the Iroquois are the most formidable Enemies that the French can have throughout the whole Continent of Northern- America. CHAP. XXXII. Of the indifferent humour of the Savages▪ ALICE the Savage Nations, with whom I have Conversed in Northern- America, (generally speaking) have an extreme indifferency with respect to all manner of Affairs: They have no great inclination to any thing whatever, and make but little account of their most precious Treasures, which they look upon as very far below them, so that tho' they should have in their possession a Hundred Thousand Crowns, or somewhat on which they set as great a value, yet they would give all to procure what they were desirous to obtain, and would freely part with their whole Stock upon such an account. However I may justly avouch that of all the American Nations, there's none more indifferent than the Iroquois; who imagine themselves to be Masters of the other People, and have been so bold as to declare War several times against the French, who reside in Canada; nay, they might even have accomplished their Designs before, if they had had a sufficient knowledge of their own Strength. However, their indifferency to every thing that relates either to Peace or War has often induced 'em to make a Counterseit Peace with the Canadians: Besides they are persuaded, that unless very great Recruits be sent to those People, it is in their power utterly to destroy 'em when ever they shall think fit, and to ruin their Trade. Upon the whole, notwithstanding the utmost Efforts that can be made against 'em, their Enemies will never be able to extirpate 'em, nor to indemnify themselves from those vast Expenses that are requisite for that purpose: Indeed, there's nothing to be gained of 'em but dry Blows, and all the Booty that can be got is very inconsiderable, whilst at the same time, it is extremely difficult to be secure from their Treachery. Their indifferency is so unaccountable, that nothing of the like nature is to be observed throughout the whole World. They yield a ready compliance to every thing that is enjoined 'em, and perform very seriously in appearance, whatever is required to be done by 'em▪ When they were told, Pray to God with me my Brother, they did it immediately, and made Responses word for word according to the Forms of Prayer, which they had been taught in their Language. Whenever it was said Kneel down, they immediately fell on their Knees; Be uncovered, they pulled off their Cap; Hold your Tongue, they were silent; Do not Smoke, they ceased incontinently, etc. If they were told, Harken to me, they gave ear with very great attention: If any Images were given 'em, as a Crucifix, or a pair of Beads, they made use of 'em as Jewels to adorn themselves with, esteeming them, as if they were so many wrought Cups, or fine Porcelain Vessels. When I told 'em, To morrow is Sunday, or a Day of Prayer, they answered Niaouä, i. e. It is very well, or I am glad of it. Sometimes I told 'em, Make a Vow to the great Master of Life, not to suffer yourselves to be again overtaken with Drunkenness. They replied, Netho, Yes, I do promise you so, I will no longer commit such Extravagances; nevertheless, as soon as they could procure Brandy or other strong liquours of the French, English or Hollanders, among whom they Trade with Skins and Furs; they began again to carouse and to intoxicate themselves, as if no notice had been taken of their former Riotousness. When I demanded of 'em, whether they believed in the great Creator of Heaven and Earth, they replied, Yes; Nevertheless, the Savage Women, whom some of the Missionaries have Baptised, and who were afterward Married according to the Canons of the Church, to certain Frenchmen of Canada, often abandon their Husbands to take others, declaring that they are not subject to the Laws of the Christians: and that they Marry only with a design to live with their Husbands, as long as they shall agree well together; otherwise, that they are at liberty to change them at their peasure. Therefore 'tis absolutely necessary that endeavours be first used for the Civilising of all these Nations before they be solicited to embrace the Christian Religion: For as long as they remain free from the yoke, all attempts made for their Conversion will be attended with very little success, at least if the Divine Grace do not interpose in an extraordinary manner by working some miracle in Favour of those People. These are my Sentiments as to this Affair, grounded on the experience that I have had as well as many other Franciscan Friars that accompanied me in America: But I may give a more particular account of these matters in a Third Tome, and shall only inculcate thus much here, that what I have freely declared was not with a Design to give Offence to any Person whatever, but only to write the truth without Partiality or Dissimulation. CHAP. XXXIII. Of the pleasantness and frutfulness of the Country of the Savages: That powerful Colonies may be easily settled in the Northern and Southern Parts. BEfore we enter upon a particular Description of those pleasant Countries, which are situated to the North and South of Northern- America, it will be expedient to speak a word or two concerning the Northern Territories, to the end that it may appear from thence, that powerful Colonies might be easily Established therein; it must be acknowledged indeed, that there are Vast Forests to be cleared from Canada to the Land of Lovisiana, along the Banks of the River Meschasipi, so that much time must of necessity be spent in performing this Enterprise: But every one knows that all new settlements are accompanied with great Difficulties, nevertheless a considerable Progress soon follows a good Beginning, and the whole work after much pains may be at last happily brought to perfection. Very great advantages have been formerly reaped, and no small profits as yet arise even at this day from the catching of Fish, part of which was usually dried, and became a Staple Commodity in the hot Countries, insomuch that this Fishery-Trade was carried on in the preceding Age, with above a Thousand or 1200 Vessels. The great shelf of Terra nova, the neighbouring shores, the adjacent Lands, Cape- Breton, the perforated Island, and Acadia, are the most convenient places in the World for Fishing; but I do not here speak of the Northern Fishery, which is claimed by the French, by virtue of their being the first Possessors in those Parts. And indeed, these Fish-Marts were inexhaustible Mines for the Kingdom, which could not have been taken from it, if they had been supported by good Colonies. Thus a great number of Vessels might pass from thence every Year, to Fish for Porpesses, Whales, and Sea-Wolves, out of which may be taken many Barrels of Oil proper to be used in domestic Manufactures, and even some part of it may be Transported into foreign Countries. It is well known that the Fishery-Trade alone, which is managed on the Coasts of Canada, gave occasion to the first considerable Settlements that were made in those parts of America: It is true indeed, that they had as yet no opportunity to search the Country, in order to observe, whether there were any Mines; yet many Veins of Tin, Lead, Copper and Iron, were found in several places; and without doubt, much more may be discovered hereafter, if due Application were made to that purpose. Besides, the Country affords good store of Wood necessary for the carrying on of the Mine-Works, by reason of the spacious Forests, in which are many places, where there are Quarries of a kind of Bastard-Marble, and large Mines of Pit-Coal proper for Smith's Forges: There is also a certain sort of Plaster which very much resembles Alabaster. By how much farther a Man advances into this Country so much the greater number of fine Forests and Woods will appear to his view, abounding with divers sorts of Gummous Trees, which are of singular use for the making of Tar and Masts for Vessels, besides good store of Pinetrees, Firr-Trees, Cedars and Maples, fit for all sorts of Mechanical Works, more especially for the Building of Ships. As for Naval-Tackle which may be made there, the Seamen may be constantly employed, and easily find means to maintain their Families; They might also enure themselves more to the Sea by Traffic, and the Western Navigation; because many more Voyages are made thither than to the Levant, and in regard also that the Vessels are there more numerous. In the beginning of the Settlement which was made of a Colony in Canada, their Profit amounted Yearly to a Hundred Thousand Crowns, without comprehending the Gain of Private Persons. In 1687. this Sum was Tripled and above, by the means of the Skins with which the Vessels were Laden at their return; and although they are sought for a great deal farther than at first, nevertheless their considerable Commerce will never cease, as we have observed by the great discoveries which we made in those parts. It is certain, that there are no Nations in Europe that have so great an inclination to the settling of Colonies as the English and Hollanders, the Natural Disposition of that People not suffering them to remain Idle in their Houses. Thus the vast Countries of America of which I have given the Description, may hereafter constitute the chief Mart of their Traffic, and Private Persons who undertake it without engaging their Country, will not fail of their wished for Success: They may easily contract Alliances with the Savages, and find means to Civilize 'em: The Colonies which they establish there will be soon Peopled, and may be Fortified in those places with a moderate Expense. Indeed they must be at first content with a light Gain, but afterwards they will get great Profits, by the means of a considerable Commerce; maintained by 'em in that Country. In England and Holland there is a very great quantity of Manufactures of all sorts, which cannot be vended nor consumed in the Wars; upon which account Commerce may be yet augmented, and rendered much more advantageous, by transporting these Commodities into America, where a prodigious utterance of 'em may be made incessantly: Thus we may come to a clearer understanding, than we have hitherto done of the wonders of Divine Providence, which has not thought fit that all the Countries of the World should be equally furnished with all sorts of Provisions, to the end that mutual Society, Communications and Traffic might be maintained among the different Nations of the Universe; as also that the Evangelical Truth might by that means be promulgated throughout the whole Globe of the Earth, and that the several Nations which are spread abroad on all sides might be partakers of Salvation, and of the benefits acquired for us by our Lord Jesus Christ. Indeed it seems to be somewhat great and glorious to gain Battles, and to subdue Rebellious Subjects; but for certain, 'tis infinitely more Glorious to gain Souls, by freeing them from their profound Ignorance and natural Blindness; And indeed I cannot but declare that the principal end I proposed to myself in Publishing this great Discovery, was to animate the Christians to extend the Lord's Kingdom, by bringing the Barbarous Nations to the knowledge of the Gospel, in order to enlarge his Dominions, and by that means to contribute to the Everlasting Felicity of so many Poor People, who stand in so much need of being instructed and enlightened. It is certain (to return to Trade) that the Furs which may be procured in the North Country, are capable of raising very great Profits; for there are to be found the Skins of Elks, or Orignaux, as they are called in Canada; of Bears, beaver's, Ounces, and Black Foxes, which are of a wonderful Beauty, and were formerly valued at Five or Six Hundred Franci a piece, by reason of their rarity, as also the Skins of common Foxes, Otters, Martens, Wild Cats, Roe-Bucks, Stags, Porcupins, Turkeycocks that are of an extraordinary largeness, Bustards, and an infinite number of other Animals, the Names of which are unknown to me. There may be caught by Fishing (as I have already intimated) much variety of Sturgeons, Salmons, Pikes, Carps, Bremes extremely large, Eels armed, and Gilt Fishes, Barbels of a prodigious size, and other sorts of Fish without number. There is likewise much divertisement for the Hunters, particularly innumerable multitudes of Sea-Larks, which are as it were so many Gobbets of Fat, Partridges, Ducks of all sorts, and Huars which imitate Humane Voice by their Cries, and are of an Admirable Beauty and diversity of Colours, as also Turtles, Ringdoves, Cranes, Herons, Swans, Bustards that have the Taste of all sorts of Meat, and very great store of all other kinds of Game. The Great River of St. Laurence which I have often mentioned, runs through the middle of the Country of the Iroquois, and there makes a large Lake, which the Savages call Ontario, that is to say, the Fine Lake. It is extended near an Hundred Leagues in Length, and by its vast compass one may take an estimate of the number of Towns and Villages that might be built upon it. These Places having a Communication with New-York, judicious Persons may easily determine how advantageous that Commerce would prove, which might be maintained by the means of these Settlements; upon which occasion it may not be improper to observe, that the middle of this River is nearer to New-York than to Quebec the Capital Town of Canada. The River of St. Laurence on the Southern side has a branch which proceeds from a Nation called Out taovacts, or, the People with Bored Noses, and on the North the Algonquins are settled, whom the French have subdued. The Eastern parts are Inhabited by the Wolf-Nation, near New-Holland, or New-York, and to the South of the same River New-England, or Boston is Situated, where a great number of Vessels are fitted out for Traffic. To the South-West lies Virginia, which jointly with New-Holland was formerly known by the Name of New-Sweden, and to the West appears the Country of the Hurons, so called, by reason that they Burn their Hair, and only leave some few upon their Head in form of a Wild-Boars-Head, which in French is termed Hure. This last Nation was almost entirely destroyed by the Iroquois, who have incorporated the rest of the Hurons among themselves; but I have added many other Countries to the North of St. Lawrence's River, in the General and particular Maps, which are annexed to the First Volume of our present Relation. The Large Bay of Hudson is likewise marked to the North of this River, having been discovered by the Sieur Desgroseliers Rochecoü●rt, with whom I have often passed by Water in a Canou, during my Residence in Canada. The English have Granted him a Pension, and Mr. ●aithwait Principal Secretary for the War, to William III. King of Great Britain, told me last year, that the said Sieur Desgroseliers was still Living in England. This Hudson's Bay is Situated to the North of New-France, of the same River of St. Laurence, being extended above Four Hundred Leagues every way, although by Land 'tis not very far distant from Quebec, as it may be observed in my Maps; nevertheless, Eight Hundred Leagues are reckoned at least in passing down the River from the said Town of Quebec to the Sea, neither can the Navigation of this Bay be performed without some difficulty. The Sieur Desgroseliers was one day obliged to put a stop to his course, and could not get ashore till the Second Attempt; and indeed 'tis very difficult to get on Board or to Land, by reason of the almost continual Frosts which are there predominant. When I resided at Quebec the Canadians told me, That the Sieur Desgroseliers, had much ado to make them believe his Assertions concerning the great difficulty of arriving there, by reason of the huge cakes of Ice Seven or Eight Foot thick came floating thither from the North, and carrying along with 'em whole Trees, and even some heaps of Earth. There were also seen several Flocks of Birds, making their Nests upon these Mountains of Ice, which by that means appeared as it were so many little Islands: Indeed I dare not positively Affirm that the circumstances were altogether such as I have now Represented 'em; but the said Sieur Desgroseliers and others have assured me, that they have passed between those cakes of Ice, which cannot be avoided for the space of Four Hundred Leagues; and that they are of a prodigious bigness, being often heaped one upon another by the force of the Winds, even beyond the height of the Towers of the largest Towns, and sometimes very steep, as it were Rocks planted in the Sea: Therefore it ought not to be admired that we are informed by some Sailors, that they have set Forges upon these vast Shelves of Ice, where their Smiths have upon occasion Forged Anchors and other sorts of gross Ironwork for the use of their Vessels. The English as yet retain in this Bay of Hudson the Forts of Nelson and Neusavan. The Court of France formerly gave Orders to the Navigators of Canada to drive out all the English from thence; but the latter having received timely information, did not fail to frustrate the Enterprise of the Canadians, by sending Four large Ships to the Assistance of the Inhabitants of those places. As for the condition of the North-Countries and of St. Lawrence's River, there are divers Mines of Iron and Steel capable of affording Forty or Fifty per Cent. Profit, when they are wrought. There are also others of Lead, which may yield about Thirty or Forty per Cent. and of Copper that may produce Eighteen; besides that (according to all appearance) some Mines of Gold and Silver might be discovered if they were sought for. Indeed some Miners were actually sent thither, during my Residence in those Parts. But the French are somewhat too hasty in the Management of their undertakings, coveting to become Rich in too short a space of time; therefore they were soon disheartened and desisted from the attempt, because these Mines did not afford 'em all at once that Plenty which was expected. Mr. jenins the Father and the Son, who were deputed to set the Miners on work, told me then, that in regard that the Company took no Care to furnish them with those Provisions which were promised; they had taken a resolution to return home to Paris. But if the French who then Inhabited Canada, had had as much Phlegm as other Nations (as Mr. jenins the Elder expressed himself to me at that time) they would undoubtedly have carried on their design with good success. The Territories about St. Lawrence's River bring forth all sorts of Herbs and Seeds, and there are actually to be seen all manner of materials requisite for the Building of Ships of all sorts, as also Oak-Planks, and all other kinds of Timber, but more especially a prodigious quantity of Firr-Trees, that yield abundance of Gum for the making of Pitch and Tar. Moreover the above-mentioned Skin-Trade, and the Cinders that may serve to make Pot-Ashes, the Profit of which might amount to a Hundred and Fifty Thousand Livres every Year, and which employment alone will afford Maintenance to a great number of Poor People, all these things I say, must needs produce a very considerable advantage for the Colonies which might be founded in that Country. But 'tis more remarkable, that they who are once Masters of these Territories may keep under Command above a Thousand Vessels, which pass every Year to the Fishery, and bring back Whales, Salmons, and Oil in abundance, to furnish whole Kingdoms with those Commodities. All these Vessels must of necessity arrive at the Perforated-Island, where the Recollects or Franciscan Friars have a little Missionary-House near the Huts of the Fishermen, who come thither during the Summer-Season, because there is no other Landing place except in that Country; neither is there any Fort erected at the mouth of the River, at lest none that I have seen. A convenient settlement which might be made in that place would without doubt create a flourishing Trade, which might be extremely Augmented if a good Colony were established therein, which might be very easily effected. In the Description that we have Published of Lovisiana and the Southern-Countries, which may be very properly called the Delights of America; we have given some account of all the abovementioned Animals; but besides these, there are a great number of Wild Bulls and Cows, bearing a kind of curled Wool which may be tamed and kept to Till the Ground. They may also serve for Food, and may be shorn every Year as Sheep, to make as good and as fine Cloth as any in Europe. The Savages who inhabit these Territories, were never able to destroy those Animals, which pass out of one Country into another, according to the succession of the Seasons. There are also many Medicinal Herbs, altogether unkown in Europe, the efficacy of which is infallible, as the Barbarians have found by Experience, who make use of 'em to heal all their Wounds, as well as to Cure Tertian and Quartan Agues, to assuage the Nephritick Pains, to serve as Purges, and for other Applications of the like Nature. To those may be added several sorts of Poison, particularly the Bark of the Wild-Lemon-Tree, and others which are used by those People to put their Enemies to Death. Serpents are frequently seen in certain places, more especially Adders, Asps, and another sort of Serpents that have a kind of Rattle at their Tail, and are therefore called Rattle-Snakes: These last are of a prodigious length and thickness, and their Biting often proves fatal to Passengers; nevertheless, they do not Assault any Persons, unless they happen to touch the Herbs or pieces of wood on which they lie: But Sovereign Remedies against their Venom are to be had in the places which they frequent. There are in like manner certain Frogs of a surprising thickness, the croaking of which is as loud and shrill as the bellowing of Oxen. The same Trees that are common in Europe, are likewise to be seen in those Countries, but there are some of another kind as I have already observed; particularly Cotton-Trees, and several others. These Trees take very deep Rooting, and shoot up to a vast height, which sufficiently shows the Richness and Fruitfulness of the Soil. But the greatest advantage that can arise from our Discovery in the Frozen-Sea and New Mexico, consists, as I have already intimated, in the Consideration, that by the means of these Southern-Countries, a passage may be found out to China and japan, without being obliged to traverse the Equinoctial-Line. CHAP. XXXIV. The manner how the Savages hold their Councils; The Politic Wiles Practised by them against their Enemies, and the outrages committed by them upon the Europeans; by what means a stop may be put to their irregular proceedings. IT often happens that these Savages commit very great outrages upon the Europeans, under pretence that they have done them some Injury. These Barbarians cause the Proclamation of War to be made by Three or Four Old Men in all the Towns and Villages; who do it with so loud a Voice, and with so lamentable a Tone, that all they who remain in the Huts, as well Men as Women are ready to tremble for fear. Their Compassion being thus moved, they are animated to take Vengeance of their Enemies. At first, all the Elders, and those who are appointed to hold their Councils repair with all speed, to the largest Hut, in which are the Quarters of the principal Captain of their Nation: There one of the Chief Officers makes a Speech, and always Expresses himself in this form of Words: My Brothers and Nephews; such a Nation has killed some of our People; for although never so light occasion of discontent were only given 'em, yet they would not fail to give it out that some of their Companions were killed: Therefore it is requisite (continues the Commander in Chief) to Maintain a War against 'em, to extirpate 'em, and to Revenge the Injuries they have done us. If all who assist in this Consult, answer one after another, Netho or Togenske, and if they Smoke in the Pipe or Reed of War, whilst a Young Savage takes care to stuff Tobacco into the Head of the Pipe, this is taken for the unanimous consent of the whole Nation and their Allies: Then the Troops of Warriors appear upon all occasions, and rove up and down endeavouring to surprise their Enemies, although they be often altogether innocent of those misdemeanours which some disaffected Savage has thought fit to lay to their charge. One day the Iroquois being Exasperated by reason of some Affront offered 'em by a certain French Man of Canada, determined not to Attack the whole Nation, but contented themselves with discharging their Fury upon Two among them, whom they cut to pieces with Hatchets: Afterward having fastened their Dead Bodies to great Stones, they threw them into the River, and let them pass with the current of the Stream, on purpose to conceal the knowledge of this Villainous outrage. And indeed perhaps nothing would have been ever discovered, if the Bands happening to Rot and break, the Water had not cast upon the Bank those Two Carcases mangled and almost consumed. The Savages perceiving that they were suspected of the Fact, by the Prohibitions that were made to 'em no longer to come near the Fort nor the Houses of the Burghers, began to fear least the Canadians one day should be avenged of them for committing this Barbarous Action; to prevent the effects of such a storm, they made up to the Three Rivers, and there held a Council, to the number of Eight Hundred Men, the Result of which Consultation was, that it was requisite to endeavour to surprise and to Massacre all the People who then Lived at Quebec the Capital Town of Canada, which was as yet very ill sppplyed with Inhabitants. But it is very difficult to keep a Secret in a Council held by so many People at once, who without doubt were not all of one Opinion. Therefore Divine Providence which took care for the preservation of this little growing Colony, ordained that one of those Savages named La Foriere, whom our Monks had Educated at the Three Rivers during Two Years, and who had an inclination to adhere to them, gave Notice of the Plot to one of our Monks named The Pacifick Friar, who immediately sent information to the French. Whereupon they were obliged to make Intrenchments in a small Wooden Fort, flanked with Stakes and Pallisadoes, without any manner of order. In the mean while no Cost was spared to gratify this Savage for his Discovery; he was loaded with Presents, and a Promise was made him of others more considerable, not only to induce him to get knowledge of the Designs that were then on foot against the Canadians, by those of his Nation, but also to oblige him to endeavour to divert them from their Enterprise. This Savage Executed his Commission with very great Success, and managed the Affairs so Dextrously that he not only caused them to Abandon their first Project for the present, but even persuaded 'em absolutely to renounce it; to be Reconciled to the French, and to obtain a supply of Provisions, which were then extremely scarce among them: To this purpose, the Savages sent Forty Canou's with Women to Receive the Goods, and the Canadians furnished them with as much as the time could permit. The French Received with a great deal of Joy the Proposals of Peace, which were made them in full Council by the Savage La Foriere, on behalf of the Iroquois whom he had appeased; in which it was particularly specified that the Chief Commanders and Captains of that Nation should deliver up the Two Murderers to the Canadians, that they might dispose of them at their Pleasure. To which purpose their Elders had Instructions to repair to Quebec, in order to Treat of that Affair. But the Proposal which La Foriere made to the Savages upon that occasion, startled 'em at first; nevertheless, afterward reflecting upon the weakness and good nature of the French who then resided in Canada, and relying upon the Engagements of Father joseph le Charon as Franciscan of order of the Recollects, who had always shown a great deal of amity towards 'em, they persuaded one of the two Persons who was least guilty, to go down with 'em to Quebec. However the Iroquois ordered their little Army to make a Halt half a League from the Fort of the French, to wait for the success of the Negotiation. The Iroquois presented their Criminals before the Canadians, with good store of Beaver-gowns, which they gave 'em to wipe off their tears according to their custom, and indeed they found means to accommodate their Difference with their Presents: By which means they usually appease the Wrath of those whom they have incensed; engage their Allies to assist them in maintaining a War; conclude a Treaty of Peace, Ransom their Captives, and even in a manner raise the Dead: In a word, there were no Speeches nor Answers made, but by Presents, which passed for words in their Harangues. The Presents which the Savages make for the Death of an Assassinated Person, are numerous, but generally they are not offered by the Murderer: The custom of those People requires that it be done by his Relations, the Town where he was Born, or even by the whole Nation, according to the Quality and Condition of the Person who was killed. But if the Murderer be met by the Relations of the Deceased Party, before he has made Satisfaction, he is immediately put to Death. Therefore, according to this custom, before La Foriere, the Elders, and the Savage Captains had begun to enter upon the Treaty, they made a present of Twelve Elk-Skins to appease the Canadians, that they might afford a favourable Reception to their Proposals. Afterwards they made a second Present, and laid it at the feet of the Canadians, saying, That it was to cleanse the Bloody place where the Murder was committed, protesting at the same time, that they had no knowledge of that Affair, till after the Fact was perpetrated, and that all the chief Commanders of the Nation disproven and condemned that outrageous Attempt. The third Present, was to strengthen the Arms of the Persons who found those dead Bodies on the Bank of the River, and carried 'em into the Woods. To these they added two Beaver-gowns, upon which they were to lie to take rest after the pains they had taken in Burying them: The fourth Present was to wash and cleanse those who were defiled by committing this Murder, and to recruit their Spirits which they had lost, when they gave that unfortunate Blow: The fifth to take away all manner of resentment, which the Canadians might have upon that account: The sixth to establish an inviolable Peace with the French; adding, that for the future, their Axes should be hung up, without striking their Strokes, and that they would throw 'em so far, that none should be ever able to find 'em again, as if one should say, that their Nation being now at Peace with the Europeans, these Barbarians would no longer keep any Arms but only for Hunting. The seventh Present was to testify the desire they had, that the Canadians should have their Ears penetrated, that is to say, in their Style, that they might be open to the gentle influences of Peace, to grant the two Murderers Pardon for the Crime which they had committed. Afterward, they offered a great quantity of Collars, or Necklaces of Porcelain, to kindle a Council-fire at the three Rivers, where the Iroquois then resided, and another at Quebec. They added in like manner another Present of two Thousand Grains of Black and Blue Porcelain, to serve instead of Wood, or Fuel for those two Fires. Here, it may not be amiss by the way, that the Savages scarce ever hold an Assembly, without the Pipe in their Mouth. Fire being therefore necessary to Smoke, they almost always cause it to be kindled in their Councils. Thus it is the same thing with them to make a Council-Fire, or to appoint a place to visit one another, as to call an Assembly, as is usually done by the Relations and Friends, whenever they are desirous to Treat about their Affairs. Lastly, the eighth Present was to demand a Union of their Nation with the Canadians, and they added a large Collar of Porcelain, with Ten Gowns of Beaver and Elk-Skins, to confirm the whole Treaty. Whatever inclination the Inhabitants of Quebec might have to punish the Assassins, for preventing the like Outrages for the future; yet they were obliged to pardon 'em, in regard that they were not in a condition to make Head against such potent Enemies. Therefore two Hostages were demanded of them, to serve as a security for the performance of all their Engagements: Whereupon the Iroquois delivered to Father joseph, two young Lads of their Nation, named Nigamon and Tebachi, to be instructed by him. Afterward the Criminals were sent back, upon Condition, nevertheless, that at the arrival of the Ships which were expected from Europe, this Affair should be finally determined. I remember, that during my abode in Canada, I often heard the French murmur against those Proceedings, and even declare that they had made it appear how heinously they resented that Action, which remained unpunished. Afterward the Iroquois committed many other Outrages of the like nature, saying, That in so plucking off the Hair of the French, they had found means to be quit with them for certain Skins of Wild Beasts, instead of those of the Canadians, whom they would Flay, and that, if the People of their Nation, would not suffer the like Insults without revenging them, all the Iroquois would be destroyed one after another. Indeed, these Barbarians have grown more insolent ever since, and despise the Canadians as a People destitute of Courage. Nay, notwithstanding the Overtures the Iroquois have seemingly made of Treating with them, yet they have done nothing but played the Politicians, to the end that they might get a greater quantity of the European Merchandizes into their possession, than that which they procure in exchange for their Skins: We may observe even at this day, that the War which the Iroquois actually maintain against the French in Canada, is a sufficient proof of the cruelty and continual enmity of those People. Therefore the Europeans ought to take away their Fire-Arms, in order to reduce 'em to Obedience; as also to force 'em to be more peaceable than they are, and live after the manner of the Inhabitants of Europe, which would be a proper means to Convert 'em to the Christian Religion. The Spaniards have effectually taken this course among the Mexicans, who dare not keep any Fire-Arms even at this very day, under pain of Death; yet those People are never the worse treated; nay, the Mexicans are as good roman-catholics as any in the World, and live under the most gentle Yoke of any in the Universe. Our first Recollects, or Franciscans, in the first Colony of Canada, soon perceived the necessity there was of frustrating the Counsels of the Iroquois, who are the most formidable Enemies of the Europeans. They judge that all the Negotiations relating to Peace, which those Savages set on foot with their Enemies, are Counterfeit, and feigned only to conceal the Infractions, which they made in former Treaties. Therefore the Monks often represented to the King of France, that to draw off those Barbarians, and to hinder 'em from taking in their Councils any measures, which may be prejudicial to the Colony of Canada, it was requisite to found a Seminary of fifty or sixty Iroquois Children, only for seven or eight Years; which Term being expired, they might be maintained by the Profits of certain Lands, which were cultivated during that time: As also, that these Children would daily offer themselves to the said Monks, with the consent of their Parents to be instructed and brought up in the Christian Religion: Lastly, that the Iroquois and other Savages seeing their Children Educated and Maintained after this manner, would not propose any Projects in their Counsels, for the forming of Erterprises against the Colony, as long as the said Children were as it were so many Hostages for their Father's Fidelity. CHAP. XXXV. Proper means for the Establishing of good Colonies. The Opinions of the Savages, concerning Heaven and Earth. FOrasmuch as the Franciscan Monks do not possess any thing by right of Propriety, not being capable by virtue of the Rules of their Order, either to sell, alienate, or even to enjoy Revenues; it may be justly affirmed, that there is no religious Order more proper than theirs, for the maintaining of Colonies, which are settled on behalf of the roman-catholics in America. The verity of this Assertion appears from those whom the Emperour Charles V. sent to New Mexico; where there are even at this day a great number of powerful Families that have reaped great advantage from the moderate and regular Proceedings of our Monks. The best Lands have not been there swallowed up, as in Canada, where we see that the Wheat and most Fertile places, are now under the Jurisdiction of certain Commonalties, who found means to get possession of them, during the absence of the Recollects or Franciscan Friars, who nevertheless were the first and most ancient Missionaries of Canada. The People of New France, having made great Solicitations to cause us to come back thither, after a long forced absence, our Recollects perceived at their return, that an alienation was made of the best Lands of our Settlement, belonging to the Convent of Our Lady of Angels, where I myself have often renewed, and marked out the Bounds that were left us, in order to prevent the designs of those, who were desirous absolutely to deprive us of what still remained in our possession. I have no intention here to Censure or to give Offence to any Man; but if some are displeased, because I have here Published my Great Discoveries, they ought at least not to disturb my Tranquillity upon that account. Indeed, I could publicly declare many things, which would not be acceptable to a great number of Persons, and yet at the same time speak nothing but the Truth. I shall not insist on the great advantages that arise from the Missions, of the Fransciscan Friars, into the sour Quarters of the World; but a particular enumeration of them would fill up a very large Volume, therefore I shall only give some account here of the pains our Monks have taken in the present Age, in carrying on the Discoveries we have lately made in America. When the French Colony was first settled in Canada, our Recollects only demanded of the States Twelve Men capable to Cultivate the Lands, and to manage a Farm: These were to be under the Command of a Master of the Family, who ought to be a Layman, for the maintenance of Fifty or Sixty Savage Children, whilst the Monks were employed in Travelling into all Parts, to carry on the Missions, and to Convert other Nations to the Christian Religion. Indeed, these Monks do actually expose their Lives, and are inur'd to all manner of Fatigues, on purpose to propagate the Gospel throughout all the Regions of the World. A Remonstrance was formerly made by our Monks, that it was requisite that the Christian Religion, and the authority of public Justice should be maintained by a good Garrison, settled in some convenient place of Northern- America, which might keep in Subjection the Country for the space of above Eight Hundred Leagues along the Banks of St. Laurence River. There is no place convenient for Landing, but at the mouth of the said River, so that the chief Mart being once settled, their Commerce might by that means be very much promoted, and even rendered extremely Advantageous, which might also be improved by the power of the Prince, who might make himself Master of it, and might enlarge his Dominions with the extent of a large River. To these, may be annexed many spacious Countries, which might be possessed in this vast Continent on the Banks of the great River Meschasipi, which is infinitely more convenient than that of St. Laurence, for the Establishing of New Colonies; by reason that all sorts of Grain may be there reaped twice a Year, and even in some places thrice, not to mention a very many other Advantages; to which it may be added, that a great number of People who would come to visit these New Colonies, might (by that means) be rendered Tributary. Indeed, I shall be always ready to contribute (as far as it lies in my power) toward the promoting of so noble an Enterprise, and even to spend the remainder of my Life in that Service: But in order to bring the Matter to a happy conclusion, it would be requisite, First, That the Princes or States, who design to reap the benefit of our Discoveries, should cause Justice to be administered in those New Dominions with a great deal of exactness. The beginnings of Colonies are always carried on with much difficulty, which makes it necessary to prevent Robberies, Murders, Debauches, Blasphemies, and all other Crimes, that are but too common among the Europeans, who inhabit America. Secondly, It would be expedient to cause a Fort to be built at the Mouth of St. Lawrence's River, and more especially on that of Meschasipi, which are the Landing places for the Vessels, and to maintain a sufficient number of Men for the Defence of these Forts. In the mean while, the Inhabitants might go out in Parties, and employ themselves in clearing the Lands, Twenty, or Twenty Five Leagues round about: There they might get in three Crops every Year, and yet spend some time in taming Wild Oxen, which may be afterward serviceable on many occasions. Besides, other Profits that might arise from the abovementioned Mines, and the Sugarcanes which are found there in much greater quantities than in the American Islands; the reason is, because there are more spacious Tracts of Land proper for the Planting of these Sugarcanes, on which may be sown divers sorts of Grain; these will not thrive nor come to maturity in those Islands. The Climate of the Territories situated between the frozen Seas, and the Gulf of Mexico, is much more temperate along the River Meschasipi, than in the said Islands; the Air being very near of the same Temperature, as in Spain, Italy and Provence, and the Soil is extremely fruitful. The Men and Women always go there with their Heads uncovered, and are of a more advantageous size than the Europeans. As for the Sentiments of these Barbarous People concerning the Heaven and Earth, if it be demanded who was the Creator of them? There are some Old Men among them, of a more quick apprehension, who make Answer, That for the Heaven, they know not how it was made, nor by whom first created. Indeed if we had ever been there (say they) we might have come to some knowledge of it: But thou seemest it to be void of discretion (continue they) to ask what we think of a place, so far advanced above our Heads, where 'tis impossible for Men to ascend. How wouldsed thou have us speak of a thing that no Man has ever seen? It plainly appears, that thou art destitute of Understanding, to propose to us such sort of Questions. But (say they) canst thou by Scripture (of which thou talkest so much) show us a Man who has come down from the top, and the manner how he ascended? When we replied, That our Souls being separated from our Bodies are endued with admirable Agility, and that they fly up to Heaven in the twinkling of an Eye to receive the Recompence of their Works from the great Creator of the World; These Savages, who show a great deal of indifference to every thing that is told 'em, and are very subtle in making a show of admitting whatever is proposed to 'em, being urged, usually answer to this effect: That is very well for those of your Country, but we Americans do not go to Heaven after death: We only pass to the Country of Souls, where our People are employed in Hunting fat Beasts, and where they live more peaceably, than we do in the places where we now have our abode. All that thou hast told us, tends to the advantage of those Men whose Habitation is beyond the great lake; For so these Wretches call the Sea: Then proceeding in their Discourse they add, that as for their parts they are created after a different manner from the Europeans▪ Hence it appears, that he who Plants and he who Waters, does little or nothing towards the Conversion of the People, and that 'tis God who gives the increase. Therefore from him alone is to be expected that happy moment, when these ignorant People, will be ready to embrace the Christian Faith. As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of the Name of a certain Genius, whom they call Miciboche, who has covered the whole Earth with Water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to foretell future Events▪ and others who play the part of Physicians, curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that these Savages are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles with a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for Sorcerers among them, one day caused a Hut to be erected with ten thick Stakes, which he fixed very deep in the Ground, and then made a horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of Snow would fall ere long, that they might have good game in the Hunting of Elks and beaver's: Afterward he bawled out aloud from the bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or eight Leagues of their Huts, which caused a great deal of joy among those poor deluded Wretches. It ought to be observed here, that although this Juggler or pretended Prophet had failed in his Prediction, the Savages would have no less esteem for him; it being sufficient, that he had hit the Mark once or twice by chance, to gain him a lasting Reputation. Whereupon, I took an occasion to tell them, that the great Creator of Heaven and Earth disposes of all things at his pleasure, and that we ought to pray to him for whatever we want. The Barbarians answered me, That they did not know him, and that they were very desirous to be informed, whether he could send 'em any Elks or beaver's; such is the gross Stupidity and Brutishness of those ignorant People. I told 'em one day, That we Europeans had so much Understanding as to know how the whole World was created, and by whom. But all that they said, by way of Answer was, That if we would come and live with them, they would give us their Children to be instructed. Thus it plainly appears, from these Sentiments of the Savages, that the greatest fruit of the Ministerial function that can be expected among them, consists only in Baptising a few Infants at the point of Death. As for the adult Persons, 'tis requisite to use all manner of endeavours, to render them Sedentary and Civilised, and to accustom them by degrees, to hear Preaching: To which purpose, a great deal of pains must be taken and yet little progress can be made in gaining the Ascendant over their Minds. The Missions in Northern- America, are very different from many others; for nothing is to be found there that is pleasing to the natural disposition, nor any thing that is not contrary to the sensual appetite: It is requisite to undergo terrible fatigues, and to be fitly disposed for toilsome and unprofitable Labours: Very little success is to be hoped for in carrying on the Conversion of Souls, and the Obstacles that hinder it are many and almost insuperable. However, those Persons who set themselves about this Work with a due zeal, readily acknowledge that there is a secret Charm therein, which allures them, insomuch that when they are diverted by any urgent occasion, they find themselves much discomposed, and as it were under a violent Restraint. Indeed, this has always seemed to me to be a good Omen, with respect to the Missions of that Country, upon the Reflections I made that the Divine Providence will not always abandon the Inhabitants of it to their natural ignorance, and I am apt to believe, that there may be just grounds to hope for their Conversion, by reason of that powerful Attractive that engages the Missionaries to continue their Labours. As for the virtue of Patience, it is absolutely necessary for all those Persons, who have any Inclination to follow this Employment. During our Travels in America, we took our repast on the ground or upon a Mat made of Bulrushes; when we were in any Hut of the Savages A Billet or Faggot of Cedar-Wood, served us instead of a Bolster in the Night, and we had only our Cloaks for a Coverlet, for want of our own Bed-Cloaths, which we Charitably bestowed upon some Sick Savage. The Floor, or else our Knees served for a Table, because we were not accustomed to sit on the ground as the Barbarians: We always took our places on some Logs or Billets, which were our ordinary Seats, and instead of Napkins we had only the Leaves of Indian Corn, or the Grass of the Meadows spread abroad. We had a few Knives indeed, but they were of no manner of use to us at Meals, for want of Bread to cut. Except at the time of the general Hunting, or at certain particular Seasons of the Year, Meat was so scarce, that we have often spent Six Weeks or Two Months without eating any, unless it were a small piece of the Flesh of a Wild Dog, Bear, or Fox, which the Savages gave us during their Festival Entertainments. Our ordinary Diet was the same as that of the Savages, that is to say, Sagamite, or a sort of Pap made of Water, Indian Corn and Gourds, but to give it a better Relish, we were wont to intermix with it Sweet Marjoram, wild Purslain, and a certain kind of Balm, with small wild Onions, which we found in the Woods and Fields. Our common Drink was fair Water, which we took out of the Springs, Rivers or Lakes; but if any one of us were indisposed at the time when the Trees were in Sap, more especially if he were afflicted with an Oppression or Weakness of the Stomach, we usually made a Cleft in the Bark of a Maple-Tree; out of which issued forth a kind of sweet liquour, which was received into a Dish made of Birch-Tree Bark: This liquour was drank as a Sovereign Remedy, althô in reality the effects of it were not very considerable. There are great store of Maple-Trees growing in the Vast Forests of those Countries, and Distilled Waters may be drawn from them: Insomuch that having caused them to boil for along time, we made a Reddish sort of Sugar, much better than that which is taken from the ordinary Canes in the Islands of America. Our whole stock of Spanish Wine which we carried with us in our Journeys, being exhausted, we made another Sort with Wild-Grapes which proved very good; We put it into a little Barrel, that had before contained the Wine which we brought, and into some Bottles: A Wooden Mortar and one of our Altar-Cloaths served instead of a Press, and our Vat was a Bark-Pail, which was not capable of holding all our Wine. Therefore that none might be lost, we made a Confection of Grapes, which was of no less value than that of Europe, and we made good cheer with it on Festival Days. Our Candles were made of small Rolls of Birch-Tree Bark, which we lighted; but they lasted only a very little while. However we were obliged to write and read by Fire light in the Winter, which inconvenience created us no small trouble. During our abode at the Fort of Frontenac, Twenty Leagues distant from Quebec, the Capital Town of Canada, to the South, we Cultivated a Garden and enclosed it with good Pallisadoes to hinder the entrance of the Savage Children. The Herbs, Pease, and all manner of Pulse that we Sowed there, throve very well, and there would have been very great plenty of them, if we had been furnished with all the Tools that are requisite for tilling the ground, in the beginning of the Settlement of that Fort, which was then blanked only with thick Stakes; Insomuch that we were obliged to make use only of sharp-pointed Sticks, neither could we procure any other Instruments of Husbandry. All the Consolation we had in this course of Life, was the hopes of seeing the Gospel planted one day, in these vast Provinces by the Divine Blessing upon our Labours: Indeed these· Barbarous People showed some desire of being instructed in our Mysteries; being attentive and very constant at Prayer, althô their Mind was not as yet sufficiently enlightened, to embrace in a due manner; The Truths of the Christian Religion, and none came to seek instruction, any otherwise than induced thereto by Interest, to obtain of us Knives, Awls, and other Toys of the like nature. Perhaps it may not be improper here to subjoin certain Reflections, for which I am indebted to an excellent Monk of our Order, whose name I may have occasion to produce in a Third Volume, if I shall be permitted through the Divine Mercy, to accomplish my Design. There is undoubtedly a great deal of difference, between the Zeal, Labour and indefatigable Industry of true Missionaries, and the pretended Success of some Impostors, that have been so often boasted of, without any appearance of Truth. The least piece of Justice that can be done to the Memory of divers Apostolical Persons in New France is to acknowledge, that they have really surpassed every thing, that can be expressed concerning them, and that they have at least, come very near if not altogether equalled the Erterprises, Courage, and Sufferings of the Apostle St. Paul, who was exposed to very great dangers, to hunger and thirst and to violent Persecutions; nay their silence has been great and commendable, amidst the clamours, and malicious slanders of their Enemies. But the Conduct of these Missionaries justifies itself, and set 'em above the like Reproaches, as well with respect to Canada, as every where else. I formerly used my utmost Efforts in that place, as well as other Missionaries among the Iroquois, to Civilize those Barbarians; to render 'em capable of admitting Laws and Civil Government; and to put a stop to their Brutish Outrages, as far as it was possible: I have endeavoured to bring 'em off from their vain Superstitions, and thus in some measure have prepared the ways of the Lord, according to my ability. However, it must be confessed, that very little progress has been made in this Reformation, since these People are as Savage as ever, always equally adhering to their ancient Maxims and profane Customs; as being extremely addicted to Gluttony, Drunkenness, Pride and Cruelty, and even uncapable either of Instruction or Obedience. Although a Man should seek for a reformation of Manners, or even some marks of Humanity among the Iroquois, as long as he should think fit, nevertheless, they would be always found to be such as they were Thirty or Forty Years ago: Since the French of Canada have concluded a Treaty of Peace with them, and the Jesuits resided among 'em, in quality of Missionaries, altho' they have built as many Churches and Chapels, as were destroyed by 'em before; yet these Iroquois, who may be very justly called the Invincible Philistines, have made no very great progress in the knowledge of the Christian Faith. To speak the truth, we as yet see the contrary, even at this day. These Barbarians are now carrying on a Cruel War with the French, who remain in those Countries; although I confess indeed, 'tis difficult for me to comprehend, that Christians should be engaged in a War against a Brutish sort of People, whom I have managed with all the Circumspections of which I was capable, during Six or Seven Years that I resided among them; either by the Embassies with which I was charged, or by the Instructions I had given 'em as to Reading, Writing, and even Religion itself. However, we have constantly endeavoured to keep this Warlike Nation in Peace, as far, as it lay in our power. The Iroquois, who always treat our Monks with the Title of Chitagon, that is to say, the Bare-feets, have often lamented their absence at the Lake Ontario, or of Frontenac, where they had a Missionary Mansion-House. I have frequently heard say, that when a Priest of St. Sulpitius, a Jesuit, or some other Clergyman of Canada, demanded of the Iroquois, How it came to pass that they gave them no share of their Game, or Provisions got by Hunting, as they had done to the Bare-feets? These Savages replied, that our Recollects were accustomed to live in Common, after their fashion, and that they had no recompense for all the Presents they made them, and that they did not take any Skins, of which, all the other Europeans are so greedy, nor any other thing by way of Retaliation, for what they had done for them. This shows that it would be requisite to begin with Temporal things, in treating with those People, and afterward to proceed to Spiritual; For if, as it happened in the Primitive Church, the present Christians were only one Heart and one Soul; if they were willing to act generously, without regard to their private Interest or Advantage; or at least, if they only took in Exchange of the Savages, a reasonable Equivalent, with respect to what they had given them; without doubt, more might be gained of them, and the Conversion of these Barbarous Nations might be easily effected. It is true indeed, that during my Residence in Quality of a Missionary at the Fort of Frontenac, among the Iroquois, whilst the Jesuits were dispersed up and down in their Cantons, those Religious Persons were engaged in Employments very different from mine: For in regard that these Barbarians acted only according to the direction of their Senses, they then looked upon the Missionary Jesuits as so many Captains or Men of great Quality, that is to say, as the Envoy and perpetual Residents of the French Colony at Canada, whose Office it is, to maintain a good Correspondence between them; to dispose of Peace and War; and to Reside in their Cantons, to serve as a Pledge or security for those People, when they went to Treat with the Inhabitants of Canada. Otherwise those Barbarians would have lain under perpetual diffidence and fear of being arrested for want of having Hostages in their own Country, for the safety of their Lives and Fortunes. It has been already observed, that the abovementioned Missionaries are wont to take upon them the Tuition of the Savage Children, and discharge that Office to very good purpose: By those means they draw in the Barbarians to their place of Residence, and employ them in clearing the Lands of their Cantons, which contributes much to the Advantage of the Colony, and even of the Church itself. Thus it happens that to their Reputation and Zeal are owing many considerable foundations for the Foreign Missions, which have been obtained of divers Potent and well disposed Persons, whose liberal Contributions, as well as the Endowments and Annual Gratuities given by the King, are applied to the same use. To conclude, these Missionary Mansions are the proper Places for the forming of true Saints, by the means of an indefatigable Zeal, a fervent Charity accompanied with Patience and Humility; by a great dis-engagement from self-interest; by an extraordinary Gentleness; and by a pure and lively Faith. Indeed this is a kind of Apostolical Discipline very different from that which is commonly seen among the other Nations of the World. But to add a Word here concerning the progress of the other sort of Missions, I have even now mentioned, can it be possible that that pretended prodigious number of Savage Converts, could escape the fight of a Multitude of French Canadians, who Travel every Year Three or Four Hundred Leagues among them, and even as far as the farthest bounds of their known Countries, where they remain some Years, in order to carry on the Affairs of Commerce? How comes it to pass that these Churches so Devout and so numerous should be invisible to me, when I passed through so many Countries and Nations, and to the Eyes of our Franciscan Friars, who have visited so many Savage People, as well as so many other Persons of a Profound Judgement and Sagacity? Besides 'tis well known, that the Savages resort Yearly in great Crowds to Canada, with their Canon's Laden with Skins, where is to be seen the concourse of all sorts of Savages, who are as it were the Flower of those different Nations. The whole Country can testify, that in their Demeanour and manner of dealing, they make nothing appear that is not Barbarous and Savage, without showing any mark of Religion. All the proofs that can be produced, consists in their being present only as it were so many Stocks, at the Celebration of our Mysteries, Prayers, and Instructions. Upon the whole matter, they are found to be indifferent, without any manner of attension or appearance of Faith, and destitute of the Spirit of Religion. Forasmuch as they are naturally addicted to Idleness and Sloth, and besides in regard that our Ceremonies appear new to them, they often afford us their presence, but it is only for Fashion sake, by way of Complaisance, and merely out of a desire to satisfy their Curiosity. Some are indeed induced to come, by reason of their Private Interests, others by Motives of Fear, or upon account of a particular esteem they have for the Person of some Missionary, whom they look upon as a considerable Captain: Insomuch that all that can be done, is to get out of the midst of the Woods certain Families, that seem to be more docible, and then to dispose them to settle in the Inhabited Cantons. There are two Villages not far from Quebec, the Capital Town in Canada; and two others Situated higher on St. Lawrence's River, near Mont-Real, which are separated from the Commerce of the Europeans, so that the Church of the Savages is only found in those places, and although their Language as well as their manner of Living is always Barbarous; nevertheless these new Converts are kept within the bounds of Obedience. A great deal of Pains is taken to enure them to Piety; yet none can prevail much with them, in order to a Reformation. Indeed there are some among 'em who are Christians in reality; but there are many and even whole Families, who make their escape from time to time out of the custody of the Missionaries, after having dwelled with them Ten or Twelve Years, and return to the Woods to their former Living. It will possibly be answered, that we daily see many Christians in Europe who swerve from their Duty, and dishonour their Profession by a course of Life as Vicious, Irreligious and Profane, as those of whom we speak. But the Question here is not concerning the corruption of the manners of these Barbarian Neophytes, but how they stand disposed to entertain the Doctrine of Christianity. New Converts. Certain it is that at present they have Abandoned the very profession of it, and wilfully stifled in their hearts the few Notions of Religion, that were Imprinted there, through an Apostasy as great as is their Blindness and amazing stupidity. The contrary, I know hath been Published in France in divers Relations, which have been handed about on this Subject, and recommended to the Reading of the Pensioners of the Ursulines. 'Tis likewise affirmed that the Indian Converts are in great numbers; and some of them instructed so far as to be fit for confirmation, others to be admitted even into first orders. Would to God all the Churches which are mentioned in these Relations, were as real as the Inhabitants of Canada, and all Wise and unprejudiced Men know them to be otherwise. If they had once a being, what is become of them within less than these Hundred Years, that they are no longer to be seen? The Colony of Canada grows greater and greater every day. Trade improves in those parts, and the Europeans are better acquainted with it now than ever: So that one would think it would be no hard matter to discover this vast number of Converts; and yet alas, they are no where to be found! Possibly it is, that they have some art to make these New Christians disappear, as they have done by their Relations, which of late they have forborn to Publish. In this indeed they have acted prudently, and made some amends to the public, whom they have hereby in some measure disabused of so gross a mistake. For otherwise what will those think that shall come after us, when they see Printed in the Supplements to Baronius, and read Year after Year of the vast Progress of Religion in these parts, but that Antiquity had a mind to impose upon us out of Vanity and pure Ostentation: Or at best, that these Churches dwindled away by little and little, through the negligence of the Missionaries. Formerly when these Stories were read in France, and Men not so well acquainted with Canada as they are at present, they were easily credited by those that read them, out of an hearty desire it should be so. Then indeed it was easy to impose upon the World in this respect. But for me who have been upon the spot, and have always accustomed myself to speak with freedom and Sincerity, I shall e'en refer myself for the truth of what I say, to as many as there are Inhabitants at present in New France, which were about Fifteen or Sixteen Thousand, but are doubtless now more, since my leaving them by the increase of the French Church: I am sure they will all naturally tell you, there is hardly any thing of Christianity even now amongst the Savages, excepting some particular persons, very few in number, and those wavering and inconstant, ready at every foot to Abandon their Religion for the smallest interest. So that there is no other real Church now in Canada, than what was there at the first Establishment of the Colony; from whence we must conclude, that there was either a Church then begun by the Ministry of the Religious of our Order, or that at present there is none at all. 'Tis possible they may have advanced something towards the Civilising the Natives, and the making them a little more polished than they formerly were. But all the Country knows they are no more Christians now than ever. Yet according to all appearance, they would have been much better inclined to our Religion, had the others trod in the steps of the first Missionary of our Holy Order, and been careful in maintaining a solid Peace and good Understanding with the Iroquois, and other the Savage Nations, and mingled and incorporated them by degrees with the Europeans, to have rendered them the more tractable, and accustomed to our Manners. During my Mission in Canada, I bethought myself one day to ask some sensible Person how it came to pass, that we saw no more annual Relations of the Missions of Canada. Those, of whom I demanded it, making me no answer, One, that designed no harm by it, made bold to tell me, that the Court of Rome had ordered, that the Relations of all foreign Missions should be precisely true, and that the matter of Fact, which they contained, should be as clear as the Sun at Noon Day; and that the Congregation de Propaganda fide had enforced it by a second Order, importing that no more of them should come out, at least, if what related were not known to be notoriously true. This answer seemed to me, to come from a Man perfectly well versed in Affairs. Upon the whole, whilst we admire the Judgements of God upon these Barbarous Nations, we ought ever to acknowledge his great goodness to us whom he has caused to be born of Parents enlightened by the Faith, and in a Country where it is secured to us by our Laws, and ourselves modelled by it to the practice of virtue and true Piety; and where the multitude of Graces from within, and assistances from without, afford us the means of making our Salvation sure, provided we are not wanting to ourselves in faithfully improving them. To him ought we to give the Glory that is due, for the excellent lights which we have Received, which distinguish us so advantageously, from the many Nations that remain in the darkness of Error and Illusion. In a Word, 'tis what ought to oblige us to take care to make our calling and Election sure by every good work, having always before Eyes, that we must one day give account before the dreadful Tribunal of God, what use we have made of all those Graces he hath been pleased to make us partakers of. CHAP. XXXVI. History of the Irruption made by the English into Canada 1628. Taking of Quebec the Capital of the Country 1629. Civil Usage which the Recollects of the City Received at the hands of the English. I Think myself obliged to communicate to the public, the Observations, which I have taken out of the Reverend Father Valentine le Roux, Provincial Commissary of our Recollects of Canada, a person of singular merit. I have observed in my First Volume how I communicated to him my Journal of the Discovery which I made of the whole River of Meschasipi. This Father who is a person of great Sagacity has published, under a borrowed Name what he knew of the Intrigues of Canada, in which work he makes appear the wonderful conduct of God's Providence, and how it accomplishes its designs by means unsearchable in their Beginning, Progress and Execution. It Seems, says this wise Religious, that some Years since the Colony of new France did by little and little begin to form itself. Discoveries were daily made: Trade improved: Inhabitants increased: Chapels and Oratories built in divers places, and the Country, in short, assumed a new Form of Government; when it pleased God, that all was undone again of a sudden by a Descent from the English, who pretend, that their King is not only Sovereign of his Three Kingdoms, but also of the Ocean. Some English out of zeal for their Country, equipped a Fleet in 1628. To make themselves Masters of Canada, under the Reign of Lewis the 13th. Father of the present French King. Two Turtles, of which there are great numbers in these Parts, fell down of themselves, when the weather was very Fair, into the Castle of Quebec on the 9th of july in the same Year; which the Inhabitants took to be Ominous, and a Presage of the disastrous Revolution, which fell out just after i●. The English in their way had taken a French Ship, which lay at the Mouth of the River St. Francis, in a certain place of the Isle, which they called Bored, by reason of a Point of Land which runs out into the Sea, through the middle of which there runs a great Arch, naturally wrought through the Rock, andunder which the fisher-men's biggest Shallops always pass, as they return from Fishing for Cod. The English sailed all along up the River and advanced as far as Tadoussac, which is another River that falls into that of St. Francis, and comes from the Lands that lie towards Hudsons-Bay, as will appear by the Map. Here, the English Found a Bark, which they made use of to set a Shore Twenty of their Soldiers, who were to endeavour to seize on Cape Tourment, so called, by reason of the danger that ships ride in here during a Storm, which are more frequent in this place, than any other in the whole River. Two Savages, that lived amongst the Europeans, having discovered them, gave notice of it at Quebec, which is not above Seven or Eight Leagues from the Cape. Mounsieur Champelin, who was governor of the City, as soon as he heard the News, desired Father joseph le Charon, superior of the Recollects, to take a Canou of Bark, and go and find out the Enemy, and see what was in it. The News proved but too true, for he met the Confirmation of it within Five Leagues of Quebec, and had but just time to get a shore and save himself in the Woods. The two Religious, which we had there, escaped by Land to Quebec, as also the Sieur Faucher Commandant of the place, to bring the News of the taking of the Cape. The English possessed themselves of all the Effects, that were of Service to them, but the Inhabitants gained the Woods. There were but Three in all that fell into the hands of the Enemy, one of which called Piver, with his Wife and his Nice appeared soon after before Quebec, accompanied by an Officer of Mounsieur Kirk, Admiral of the English Fleet. The Officers business was to Summon the Town to Surrender, by a Letter which was presented the Governor from the Admiral. But the Governor, brave in his person, tho' otherwise mightily surprised at this sudden Invasion, remained firm and intrepid, and returned an answer so resolute, that the English, though a People that will sooner die, than quit what they once undertake, concluded from the briskness of the Reply, that the Fort of Quebec was in a much better condition to Defend itself than it really was. For which reason they let alone the attempting it at this time, and set Sail for England, deferring the Execution of their Design to a more favourable Opportunity. The English Admiral designing to return the next Year satisfied himself, I say, at this time, with making abundance of Prisoners, whom he carried into England, and amongst the rest a Young Huron Savage, called Lewis de Sta. Foy, who had been baptised two Years before by the Archbishop of Rouen. The other prisoners doubtless with a design of being the better used, pretended that the Savage was the Son of the King of Canada. The English General was pleased at it, and Fancied a Prisoner so considerable, would facilitate his Conquest of the whole Country the Following Year. But was strangely surprised, when after the taking of Quebec, he came to understand that the Father of the Savage was a poor miserable Wretch, that had neither Credit nor power in his Country. Upon which he caused him to be Stripped of his accoutrements, which had hitherto been something suitable to his pretended quality, and turned him going to his Father with hardly any thing to cover him. So that the Reputation in which he had lived for some time proved his misfortune in this World, and it may be his eternal loss in the next. For he threw himself among the Savages, where he soon lost all the Ideas he had ever had of Christianity. Upon the general Consternation that was every where upon the arrival of the English, many Mountaineer Savages came and offered themselves to our Recollects at Quebec, and amongst others one Nepaga Buscou, who having been Taught and Baptised by Father joseph le Charon, sought all occasions to be serviceable to his Benefactor. As soon then as he could escape from the English, he came and Remonstrated to the Father, that if the Enemy should use them at Quebec, as they had done at Cape Tourment, the Poor Savages would have no retreat during the Winter for their Spiritual relief. I beg of thee therefore, said he to the Father, to let me have two or three of thy Brethren to go along with me. They will pray for us and teach our Children and those of our Nation, who as yet have seen no Bare-feet, by which name it is they call our Recollects. I will Feed them, added he, and they shall fare as well as I myself, and we will all come and see thee from time to time. Father joseph finding the Proposal conformable to his own desires, and to those of his Religious, took two of them, with whom he went to the place, where the Indian dwelt, who had desired that Brother Gervas' Mohier a Lay-Recollect might be one. Their resolution was to pass the winter amongst the Algonquins; whereupon, all things ready, they set out for the Three Rivers, where before they arrived they ran many risks by the way. For their Canous breaking Fifteen Leagues short of the said Rivers, they were forced to travel across the Woods, all the rest of the way a Foot. They were also sometimes like to be born away by the Tide, which in the River of St. Laurence flows above 136 Leagues from the Sea, which surprised them very much. At Last, by the help of a Canou, which they found by chance, they arrived at the Three Rivers, where some Villages were set up by the Mountaineers and Algonquins; who were there waiting the Season for harvesting their Indian wheat. They were all Extraordinary glad to see the Fathers, and expressed abundance of kindness for them, of whom they had heard so often speak, from Father to Son. While they were there, they heard the English lay out of the River, and that they had fought, beat and dispersed the French-Fleet, which was bound for Canada. This news as soon as it came to Quebec obliged Mounsieur Champelin, the Governor, and the rest of the French, to desire Father joseph to return. Whilst these things were a doing, there arrived 20 Canou's, manned by Hurons, and sent to fetch away Father joseph from the place where he than was. 'Tis impossible to express the great grief which poor Nepag●● Buscou conceived at parting, but the Orders were positive. I cannot here forget the address of a Young Savage Christian to work himself out of the hands of the English. He was called Peter Anthony Arekovanon, and had been Christened in France, where the Prince of Guinne stood for his Godfather. He was at Tadoussac when the English came before it; and taken Prisoner with the Rest and carried aboard, where they asked him several Questions both in French and Latin; but could get nothing out of him, for he made as if he understood nothing of what they said. One Captain Michael a French Man by nation, had taken Service with the English, out of some discontent he had conceived, This gentleman had been acquainted with the Savage, and knew that he understood both Tongues. This he acquaints the Admiral with, who thereupon detained him, to make use of him as an interpreter to the English, when he should come to Traffic amongst the Savages. Peter Anthony finding he could no longer disguise his being a Christian, and that he had some knowledge in the two Tongues, be thought himself of a trick, which he was in hopes might get him off. He begs pardon, and pretends heartily to Embrace the English Interests, but withal represents to the Admiral, that he could not forbear having some regard to the French, from whom he had received so many obligations, especially from the Recollects who had converted him, and to whom he was beholding for the little French and Latin that he had: that therefore he earnestly begged of him to consider it, and not carry him to Quebec; that he should be more Serviceable to him, if he would permit him to go to the Three Rivers with Two Canou's laden with merchandise and provisions, to which place he would bring many of the Savages to trade with him. The Admiral relied upon his Word and complied with his desire: but the Man as soon as he got shot of the English, who had used him civilly enough for the good Service they expected from him, went clear away for the red Island; passed the River St. Laurence, and so arrived at the River Loup; Since which the Admiral never heard more of him. 'Twas ill passing the winter at Quebec, by reason of the great Scarcity of all things, the Ships which were bringing Provisions having been taken by the English. This obliged the Governor to make an equal distribution of the small remainder of the provisions, that were left. The Religious of our Order might have come in for their share; but they chose rather to content themselves with their Indian wheat and the Pulse they had Sown. The Lady Heber's made them a present of two barrels of Pease which in Canada are very large and Extraordinary good. Besides they had laid in some roots and a good Stock of Acorns for Fear of the worst; thinking themselves happy beyond measure if now and then they could catch a few Eels of which there is great plenty in this River. However Providence so husbanded their stores, that they were sufficient not only for themselves, but likewise to supply Three Savage Seminaries, and many other persons who were reduced to great extremities. The Jesuits who for some time lived in half the House of the Recollects, were now lodged in one of their own which they had built. These Fathers made their last Effort to succour and relieve the French. In the beginning of the Spring Mounsieur Champelin having experimented the great necessities which we Laboured under during the Winter, which had been very Severe this Year in Canada, insomuch that the Snow lay Six or Seven Foot deep without ever melting, because it seldom or never rains here in this Season, desired Father joseph to grant him a parcel of our Lands, that lay on the side of the point of Hares: Four Gentlemen of the Country had given him some other grounds, all which he ordered to be tilled in haste, and sown with Pease, Indian and bearded wheat at the beginning and in the middle of the month of May. They are forced to Sow it then, because the wheat will not endure the Winter there, as in Europe, because of the great Snows and extremity of cold. Moreover the Governor sent out some towards Gaspié, which is between the Pierced Island and Boston, which last belongs to the English, to see if they could meet any French Vessels there, but upon the return of the great Shallop which he sent, we had the mortification to understand there was none there. However we were informed that the Gasperian Savages had proffered to feed twenty entire Families: and the Algonquins and Mountaineer had promised us yet greater relief. A Bark was likewise equipped for France, of which the Sieur du Boulle, Brother-in-law to the Governor, accepted the Command, and took the Sieur des Dames, Commissary to the Company, for his Lieutenant. Being near Gaspeé in the Bay of St. Laurence, they happily met a French Ship, Commanded by the Sieur Emeric de Caen, who brought them Succours. He told them the King was sending the Sieur de Rasilly to Fight the English and Protect the Country. The Bark was Laden out of the other Vessel, and the Sieur du Boulle returning with it towards Quebec, fell in with an English Vessel that took him Prisoner and all his Crew. In the mean time the Hurons Arrived at Quebec with twenty Canou's, where they Trafficked their Indian Wheat. Monsieur de Champelin gave part of it amongst the Jesuits, who had taken upon them to support such a number of People; and we Recollects having also received supplies, subsisted ourselves and others, till the arrival of the English, who were not long before they came. The English Fleet surprised the French in Canada. The First time they appeared was on the 19 th'. of july in the Morning, 1629. over against the great Bay of Quebec, at the Point of the Isle of Orleans. The Fleet consisted of Three Men of War and Six other Vessels, which stopped a little at Tadoussac, but were a following them. Father Valentine le Roux assures us, that there was not Powder for the discharge of above 8 or 900 small Arms, and some few Cartridges for Canon. Admiral Kirk upon his approach sent an English Gentleman to the Sieur Champelin to Summon the Place, and deliver him a Letter which was conceived in terms full of Civility. The miserable State of the Country, which had neither Ammunition nor Provisions, having received no supplies for two Years together, obliged the Governor to return a softer Answer than the last Year. Whereupon he deputed Father joseph le Charon, Superior of the Recollects, to go aboard the Admiral and Treat about the Surrender of the Place, upon the most advantageous Terms that he could get▪ but above all if possible to gain some Time. The Father according to his Instructions demanded Fifteen days. But the English General, who from the Prisoners taken Aboard the Bark, had learned the condition, of the place would admit of no delay. He then fell to five, upon which a Council was held on Board the English Fleet, but could obtain no other Answer, save that they could allow them no longer but till the Evening. This the General ordered him to carry to the Governor, and acquaint him withal, that he had only to prepare his Articles, that they might be punctually executed on both sides. Moreover he very Civilly advised Father joseph to retire with his Religious into the ordinary Convent, giving him to hope that no harm should be done them, happen what would. Two French Prisoners, one whose Name was Bailli, formerly Commissary to the Company, the other Peter le Roy a Cart-Wright by his Trade, had done the Jesuits several ill Offices with one of the English Captains; whom they had persuaded that their Cloister would afford good Booty. Nay, the Captain himself told Father joseph, something in a Passion, that had the Wind presented, he would have begun with them. Father joseph failed not to acquaint them with the design of the English, that they might provide for their safety in the approaching Treaty. Father joseph having received his Answer, was led by the Captain through the whole Ship, who showed him his Preparations, and his Men under Arms. After which they set him ashore, to go and make his report to Monsieur Champelin at Quebec. Upon the delivery of his Message, a Council was held, where they were mightily divided in their Opinions, what was best to be done. Two French Men who accompanied Father joseph, had observed, that there were not above two or three hundred Men of regular Troops aboard, and some others that did not much seem to have the Air of Soldiers. Besides, that the Courage of the Inhabitants was much to be relied on; for which reasons they, as also the Jesuits and those of our Order, had a great mind to run the risk of a Siege. But the Experience, which the Sieur Champelin had of the bravery of the English, who sooner than quit it, would perish in the Attempt, remonstrated to the Council, that 'twas better to surrender on good terms, than to be all cut in pieces by an unseasonable defence. Upon this, Articles were prepared, and Father joseph entrusted with a Commission to carry them a Board the English Admiral, where all things being regulated, time was granted for the signing them till the morrow. In the mean time the Savages, who were Friends to our Religious, but especially one Chaumin, were very earnest with Father joseph and our Recollects, to let two or three of the Order retire with them into the Woods, and from thence into their Country. Though this Chaumin was not as yet very well settled in the Christian Religion, yet had he a passionate Affection for our Religious, because they Live in common like the Savages. A Debate arose upon this Proposal: on one hand it was considered that the English would not continue long in Possession of the Country; but that the French King would sooner or later recover it again by Treaty or otherwise: that in the mean time they should advance the public good among the Savages, who of their own accord had offered to entertain our Missionary; and that in short the Country returning under the Government of France, the Religious would once more find themselves in a condition to carry on their ordinary Ministry in Canada, and support the Establishments which they had begun. They were yet the rather invited to it, by reason of the great marks of Friendship which the English General had shown Father joseph. In short, two of our Religious proffered themselves to go. And Father joseph himself was almost of the same mind. But there was no time to lose in considering those that would go, must do it that very day, as some of the French did, who retired with the Savages in their Canou's. 'Tis a lamentable thing that Missionaries and Pious Men should be stopped by force from prosecuting their just designs. The Council of Quebec and the other leading Men opposed their departure with reasons merely politic and secular. Whether that they were afraid of the reproaches, which, as they pretended, they should be liable to in France upon their account, should they leave them behind, or that they disinherited the Providence and Protection of God over those they should leave, or rather that they believed the French would never return to Canada. However it were, the Fathers were forced to give way; and this was the only time that his Enemies could ever fix any complaint at Court, and more particularly amongst our Recollects of the Province of St. Denys, against Father joseph, whom they accused of want of Zeal and Resolution on this occasion. It must be owned, had they continued amongst them, that those Savage Nations who had so much confidence in the Recollects, would in all probability have been better disposed through their means, to receive the Gospel, than we find they have been ever since. Father joseph justified himself as well as he could, maintaining he had done nothing but executed the Orders of the Council of Quebec, as appears by the Answers which he gave in to the Definitor of the Province after his return, when he was called to give an account of his Mission. Next day being the 20 th'. of july, 1629. the Sieur Champelin having been aboard the English Admiral, the Articles of the Capitulation were Signed on both sides: And the English being Landed were put in Possession of Canada by the Governor. Father Valentine le Roux, Provincial Commissary of the Recollects of Canada, whom I saw at my return from my great Discovery, has left nothing behind him of the Articles between the French of Quebec and the English. Be it as it will, the latter took Possession of all Canada: But 'tis said that the Sieur Champelin secured his Family and all his Effects. He likewise obtained some other Advantages in the Capitulation by the Civility of the English. The French Inhabitants who were then in the Country, had twenty Crowns apiece given them, the rest of their Effects remained to the Conquerors; of which there was great complaint made, because some particular people enriched themselves on this occasion. Those who were willing to stay in the Country, obtained great advantages of the English; especially the Family of Monsieur Hebert, with whom I have often conversed at Montroyal, when I have passed by there in my way to Fort Frontenac. As for our Recollects, I must ever own, they were beholding to the Generosity of the English for many singular favours, for which I shall always have an extraordinary esteem for that brave Nation. The Admiral's Parole was punctually observed, to suffer no injury to be done to our Convents of Nôtre Dame des Anges, and Quebec, nor to our first Residence, which was then in the very place where the Cathedral of Quebec now stands; our Religious since that having been Re-established near the said Church. And yet whatever care the English Officers could take to prevent it, one of their Soldiers had made a shift to carry off a Silver Chalice; at which the Officers, who are naturally generous, were highly disturbed, and protested solemnly to the Religious, he should severely pay for it, could they but discover the Author. The Jesuits (who came not into Canada, till Fourteen or Fifteen Years after the Recollects, who therefore must needs be allowed to be the first Missionaries of America,) met with a contrary treatment in all respects. Their House was Plundered, and every thing in it given in Prey to the Soldiers. Themselves were forced to Embark the next day, with the Sieur Champelin, and the rest of the French for Tadoussac: Whereas Colonel Lewis, and Thomas Kirk, Brothers, one Admiral, the other Vice-Admiral of the English, suffered those of our Order to stay at Quebec. The English likewise publicly declared, that they left them in Canada, purposely to instruct the Natives in the Principles of Christianity; and that with the permission of the King their Master, they would even hinder them from withdrawing themselves into France. They likewise bid them be free with them in any thing they could serve them, and come visit them, with the same liberty they had before the taking of Quebec. And so far were they from interdicting the exercise of the Roman Religion, that they desired them to accept of some Wine, and carry it home with them for the Mass which was to be said for the Ordinary Service of the Church, which likewise they bid them freely make use of. Our Recollects lived thus above six Weeks after the taking of Quebec, and received abundance of Civilities from the English, who even pressed them to stay amongst them, leaving them at full liberty to instruct the Savages that were of their Acquaintance. This lasted till the 9 th'. of September following, when they Embarked with the Sieur de Pont-graué, who was left at Quebec, by reason of his Illness, to go and join the Sieur de Champelin; the Jesuits, and the rest of the French, who had been sent to Tadoussac, the day after the Surrender of Quebec. I leave you to imagine, what must be the sorrow of the poor Missionaries, when they saw themselves thus forced to abandon a Mission, which they had been hitherto propagating with so much application. However, in hopes of returning quickly, they hid in several private places, good part of their Utensils, and locked up close in an Elk-Skin-Trunk, which they secured in a strong Chest, that would let in no Air, the principal Ornaments of the Church, after which, they departed for Tadoussac. The Fleet set Sail the 14 th'. of September for England, and arrived at Plymouth the 18 th'. of October; where our Recollects having tarried Five or Six days, were sent from thence to London, with some other French. From London they arrived at Calais the 24 th'. of the same Month, and from thence at our Convent in Paris. The Reader may observe, that the English preserved our Convents of Quebec, and Nôtre Dame des Anges, which last the Jesuits found in so good a Condition, as to be fit to receive them at their return, till such time as their own could be rebuilt. Our Religious had instructed them at their going over, with the knowledge of the place, where their things were hid, and not only so, but to take them out, and make use of them: This is what themselves have often declared to Father le janne, one of their own Order. But they have been since pleased to do us the favour to make use of them as their own indeed, as well as of our Houses, our Church and our Lands, part of which they keep to this day: That is, from the place called lafoy Gribanne, to the Borders of our Convent of Nôtre Dame des Anges. Upon which, we must observe, that the Letter attributed to Father Allemant the Jesuit, and recited in the third Volume in the French Mercury, must needs be counterfeit. For amongst other things contrary to the truth, he is made to say, that he approves of the design of his Provincial, to whom he writes, of dedicating their Church to our Lady of Angels; and that ours was Consecrated to St. Charles, which evidently shows, that this Letter was none of Father Allemant's, who was too well versed in the History of America to be ignorant, that the first Church that ever was in Canada, belonged to the Recollects, who were its first Missionaries, and that it was Consecrated under the Name of Nôtre Dame des Anges. CHAP. XXXVII. That the Religious of St. Francis, have had their Missions in all the habitable parts of the Earth, before the Reverend Fathers the jesuits. I Cannot help being of the opinion which the Reverend Father Valentine le Roux, Recollect, whom I mentioned in the last Chapter, hath thought fit publicly to assert, under the borrowed Name of Father Christian le Clerc. 'Tis certainly a matter of great Glory, as well as Comfort to our Holy Order, that the Religious of St. Francis, should have the honour of being the first Precursors to the Reverend Fathers of the Society of jesus, in all the parts of the World, by Preaching the Gospel, making the first Discoveries, planting and improving the Lord's-Vineyard, and preparing the Apostolic ways for them in both the Indies, East and West; in Africa, and Asia; in Turkey, and Barbary; and indeed, all the World over; where the Sons of Ignatius have trod in the steps of the Sons of St. Francis. Nay, in the East- Indieses, where the Jesuits are now become so powerful in Reputation, Merit, and Possessions; where they drink the Dew of Heaven, and are fed with the Fat of the Earth, according to the relation which the Receiver-General of the same Indies, whose Name I have forgot, did himself give, in my hearing, at the Table of Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, Governor-General of New- France; even there I say, 'tis well known that Eight Friar- Minors were sent in 1500, to Preach the Gospel at Calicut, and Cochin; where they all received the Crown of Martyrdom, except Father Henry, who, at his return into Spain, was made Confessor to the King of Portugal, and Bishop of Cepta. In 1502. Another Mission of our Order, greater than the former, was sent thither, who pushed on thesr Discoveries, set up the Standard of the Cross, and made prodigious Conquests to the Gospel, by the Conversion of those People. In 1510. The Religious of St. Francis, built the famous College of the Seminary at Goa, the capital City of the East- Indieses, which they governed and improved for Twenty Eight Years together; till at last, in 1542. they gave it up to St. Francis de Xavier; that he and his Disciples might wholly apply themselves there, to Preach the Gospel to those Barbarous Nations: The truth of which is attested, not only by the Historians of those times, but even by the Authors of the Life of St. Francis Xaviers, in all the first Editions of them: But above all, by Father Turseline, tho' in the latter Editions of him, some particular Author among the Jesuits, has been pleased to suppress that Mark of acknowledgement, which is owing to us with so much justice. The glory which we have acquired in all the parts of the World, as well West as East, is no less conspicuous; nay, even in japan, wherewith some of those Fathers we have partaken of the Crown of Martyrdom. Ours having first opened 'em a way for the Gospel, into the Kingdom of Voxu, which is the Eastern part of japan, as I have made appear in the Preface to this Volume: Into these vast Countries it was, that they have sent for, invited, received, entertained, supported, loved and cherished the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and do still continue to labour with them in carrying on the work of the Gospel. 'Tis no less certain, that in other parts of the World, the Religious of St. Francis, do still keep up very powerful Missions, which they began to Establish, from the very Rice of their Holy Order. Alexander the 4 th'. in an Epistle of his, writ in 1252. gives Testimony himself, how we were then spread in all the Lands of Heresy and Schism, and among the Infidels. These are the very words of that Sovereign Pontiff Alexander, etc. To our well beloved the Friar Minors, now in Mission in the Lands of the Saracens, Pagans, Greeks, Bulgarians, Cumans, Aethiopians, Syrians, Hibernians, Jacobites, Nubians, Nestorians, Georgians, Armenians, Indians, Mosselanicks, Tartars, Hungarians of the upper and lower Hungary, Christian Captives amongst the Turks, and other unbelieving Nations of the ●●●vant, or any other place or places whatever, Health and Apostolic Benediction. In 1272. The Reverend Father Peter Jerome d' Ascob, of our Order, created afterwards Pope Nicholas the 4 th'. did with his Disciples not only bring about the Reconciliation of the Greek and Latin Churches, but moreover Preached the Gospel in Tartary. By his means also, those of our Order, were sent for into both the Armenia's, by the Princes of those Countries, in 1289, where they still continued their Conquests in 1332. Turkey, and the Kingdoms subject to the Grand Signior, have been, and still are the Theatre, as well as witnesses of our Zeal and Apostolic Labours; and 'tis well known, that the Holy Land, and many other places subject to the Turks, are still governed under the Spiritual jurisdiction of the Sons of St. Francis: Those which dwell even in the Sepulchre of our Lord Jesus Christ, have done considerable Services for the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits, and formerly took pleasure to employ them. History takes notice of our other Missions, as those of Bosnia, and Sclavonia, against the Infidels, in 1342. amongst the Tartars, which are now Masters of China; in Persia, Media, and Chaldaea. In 1370. Our Mission was reinforced by Vrban the 5 th'. with sixty Religious, the Order having been every where honoured by abundance of Martyrdoms. The Embassy of Eugenius the 4 th'. and the Mission of Forty of our Order, to Prester john, in 1439. is not yet forgot; no more than the reduction of his States, and their submission to the Church of Rome. I should be endless, should I pretend to make a detail of the most famous Missions, with which we have been honoured throughout the Earth; and in which the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits, have been pleased to mingle themselves: But they have built on our foundation▪ or rather, we have had the advantage of their helping hand to carry on the Work; whilst we act in concert and perfect Unity, to advance the glory of God, and his Holy Gospel, which is our only aim. For which reason also it was, that the Recollects of Paris, in Mission at Quebec, called the Jesuits to their assistance, that they might labour together to so good an end. But 'tis observable, that when the English, after having kept it Four Years, had restored Canada to the French; the Father Jesuits, who had more interest than us, returned thither, whereas we were prevented by little intrigues, and underhand dealings, which could not but be very grievous to us, since in all other parts of the Christian World, we had preceded the Jesuits in our Missions: But in New- France alone, could not be allowed the Consolation, so much as to continue our Labour with them; and so much the rather, because the mutual Charity, which was not in the least impaired between the two Societies, made us apt to believe that the Father Jesuits, who abound in Goodness and Merit, were as really concerned at the injustice that was done us, as the Letters which they were pleased to write to us on that occasion did import. Were I to set forth the many difficulties our Religious met with before they could be restored to their Missions in Canada, and all the little Intrigues of some People who left no Stone unturned to obstruct it, no less than another Volume would be sufficient to contain them. But at last after about Thirty Years the Deputies of Canada, who were impatient of their return, told some of them more than they desired to know, or indeed than Common Charity will permit me to report: They said further, that they were resolved to have some or other of them, put into the Cure at Quebec, and other Principal-Places of the Country: That their Consciences were too much hampered, to have to do with the same People, as well in Spirituals as Temporals; there being none there to whom they could disburden their Consciences, but the jesuits: That therefore in case our Recollects should refuse it, they were resolve to provide themselves elsewhere. Messeurs of the Company of Canada being instructed by their Deputies, talked much to the same purpose, particularly Mounsieur Rose the Director, Messeurs Margonne, Des Porters, Beruhier and others whose express words, speaking to our Recollects, were these: 'Twould have been much better, Fathers, that you had returned to Canada rather than any others; 'Tis a great injustice that has been done you and the Country; and we know whence it comes; but present your Address with your Reasons, and it will be remedied. The Secretary of the Company said yet more. Formerly, Fathers, I was against you; but I have begged God's pardon for it; I was surprised, but now am satisfied that I was in the wrong; would to God that you had long since returned to Canada, to have supplied the Cure there; the People want you mightily, and can't have peace of Conscience without you. Father Zachary Moreau a Recollect, who died the death of the Just in my arms at our Convent of St. German en Say, and Paul H●●et who was my Father, and Master of the Fasts at our Convent of Montergir, told the Gentlemen of the Canada Company, that in case they should permit us to return thither, they would not pretend to meddle with any of the Curial Functions, for fear of making some People jealous; at least, if the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits did not think fit to return the Civilities, which they had received from the ancient Fathers of our Order, when in the year 1625. Father joseph le Charon, Superior of our Convent at Quebec, not only admitted, but even invited them, that there might be the better understanding between the two Societies, to exercise with us, by turns, the Offices of the Cure of Quebec. But all this signified nothing, for the Company, merely to amuse them, sent them back to the Council of Quebec, which was made up of none but what were Creatures of the Jesuits; as the Governor, the Superior of the Mission, the Syndic, some of the Inhabitants, whom they easily gained to their Party, the Father Provincial of the Jesuits, and Father Allemant, Superior of the profession House, who was then in France, and Superior of the Missions; but all this caballing could prolong our return but for a while. The Reader may believe, that if the case of the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits had been ours, and ours theirs, we should not have failed to have received and backed their Request, and used our utmost interest in their behalf; as we did formerly, when we stood up against the whole Country, for the admission of the Jesuits into Canada, and afterwards supported them, upon their arrival in 1625. when the Governor and Inhabitants were against their reception: And Charity, which should be simple and without guile, makes us apt to believe that these Reverend Fathers did not want good will, but Interest and Power in the Council of Quebec, to return us the like courtesy: as themselves were pleased to assure us in their Letter the year following. Be it as it will, you may imagine, that the Resolutions taken this bout, were not much in our favour; for Monsieur de Lauzon, Director General of the Company, who, notwithstanding all his fair promises, had often underhand obstructed our return to Canada, and was now gone Governor thither, did not forget to continue the many good Offices hitherto done us. We were no less mistaken in the marquess of Denouville, who, after I had made my great discovery, was sent thither in the same quality, and had made us much the same promises for the encouraging our discovery as did Monsieur Lauzon, but was pleased likewise to forget them, though he had particular Orders from Court to support our interest: But he was soon recalled from his Government, and the Count de Frontenac put in his room, who has been since the true Father of the Recollects, whom he has supported in their Missions at Canada, as I have said at large in the description of my Lovisiana, and more in the preceding Volume. CHAP. XXXVIII. Thoughts which a Missionary ought to have when he meets but with little encouragement in his Labours. 'tIs held by the whole Christian World, as a constant Truth, and one of the first Principles of our Faith and Holy Religion, that the Calling and true and sincere Conversion of People and Nations, is the great work of the Mercy and Power of God, and of the triumphant Efficacy of his Grace and Holy Spirit. If this be true of those unbelieving and Idolatrous Nations, which yet are Civilised and ruled and governed by good Laws, and consequently have their Reason, as we may say, prepared to receive the Doctrine and precepts of the Gospel, and Christian Religion, how much more ought Apostolic Men to acknowledge and revere this Sovereign and immediate Operation of the spirit of God in regard of those Nations who have no notion of Religion true or false, who live without Precept, Order, or Law, without God and without Worship; whose Reason is wholly buried in matter, and uncapable of the most common Arguments of Faith and Religion? Such are the People of Canada all along the River St. Laurence, and in general all the other Nations, of whom I have made mention in my Lovisiana, in the preceding Volume, and in this which I am now finishing: The Missionaries, then must acknowledge with the profoundest Humility, that the work of Converting so many blinded Nations, is beyond their Force; that it appertains alone to the Father of Spirits, as St. Paul says, who holds the heart of Man in the palm of his hand, to remove the veil that covers their eyes, to enlighten their understanding, and disperse the thick clouds of darkness in which they are enveloped; to new mould their inclinations, and soften their hearts; to civilize and make them susceptible of the Laws which Reason suggests, and subject them to those which Religion prescribes: in a word, to enlighten their minds, and lead them by virtue of his Grace, into the knowledge of love and truth. This is the Foundation of the true Apostle-ship in regard to the Natives of Canada, and my other Discoveries; and indeed twelve hundred leagues farther up: The great Points of Simplicity, of Faith, of Humility, Grace, and the Unction of the holy Spirit, which I shall always have engraven in my Heart, ought then to animate those, whom it hath pleased God to call to publish the Gospel amongst these numerous Nations, for whose Salvation I shall be ever ready to expose my life, and all that I have most precious in this World, even to the Death: But before we hazard the Sacrificing ourselves to this end, we are to lay it down for our Principle, that no one can be effectually drawn to jesus Christ the Son of God, if the Father of Lights draw him not by the virtue of his Victorious Grace: That his Invisible Spirit, moves and inspires when it pleases, and where: That the very Moment's proper for the dispensation of his Grace are known to God, and are in his power as the Father and Master of our Destiny; and that having called all Men to Faith in the Fullness of his bounty, which is common to all, he gives them in his appointed time such natural and interior Graces as are sufficient to lead them to the Truth: the work is not altogether of him that runs, nor of him that wills; but of him chiefly that touches and enlightens through the Effect of his great Mercy: That therefore with greater reason, the work and the glory of it, is not his that Preaches, or his that Plants, or that Waters, these are but weak and feeble Instruments, but his indeed who gives the increase: That Faith is the gift of God: That the Sacrifice of all Nature can not merit, by any right, so much as the first Grace of Vocation, so far is it from falling within the Compass of our merit: That Men labour in vain to erect the Spiritual building of Faith, if God be not on their side to prepare and dispose the Work. An humble Simplicity ought therefore to run through, and be as it were the very Soul of all the Apostolic labours of the Missionaries who have either gone before or shall come after me, for the winning of Souls to Jesus Christ, in the many vast Discoveries which I have made in Canada, and amongst the other Nations of my Lovisiana, and the drawing them to their Ministry through this spirit of dependency, as simple Organs, and mere instruments of his Charity, to whom alone ought to be given the glory of the Conversion of the little flock: and if at any time the progress we make be not answerable to our zealous endeavours, than ought we with the profoundest submission and resignation to the will of God to rest highly satisfied within our felves, when we can say we have done our part, and what was expected of us in our Ministry, though after all we must own ourselves to be unprofitable Servants. I beg of God upon my bended knees, with my hands lifted up to Heaven, as I am now finishing this 3 d Volume of my Discoveries, that he would be pleased to imprint yet deeper in my heart, those humble and submissive thoughts which I ought to have to his Orders and those of my Superiors, touching the Salvation of those several Nations, which have been buried so many Ages in the darkness of Ignorance; that he would enable me to Sacrifice the best of my days to so good an end, freely resigning myself to the holy dispensation of his Providence, whether Life or Death; and that I may be so happy as to leave behind me an example truly Apostolical, worthy the imitation of all Missionaries, full of light and ability, grace and virtue, zeal and courage, to hazard all things for the Conversion of Souls, encounter the boldest difficulties, and bear up under the greatest disappointments and mortifications, for the fulfilling of their Ministry. I pray God with all my heart, that Missionaries of all Orders might spread themselves in their Missions from one Sea to the other; that with me they might be of the number of the chosen Vessels, ordained to carry the name of the Lord amongst the People and Nations, that Inhabit the utmost parts of the Earth; and that the Providence of Him that I adore, would be pleased to strengthen his Church Militant with a greater number of Labourers, who by their Ministry may enlarge the Vineyard, and second the Endeavours of all the other Orders, both Regular and Secular, in the New Plantations of the Kingdom of jesus Christ. Jane Williams AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL New Discoveries IN North-America. AN ACCOUNT OF New-France. M. joliet, who was sent by Count Frontenac to discover a Way into the South-Sea, brought an exact Account of his Voyage, with a Map of it; but his Canow being over-set, at the Foot of the Fall of St. Lovis, in sight of Montroyal, his Chest and his two Men were lost; therefore the following Account contains only what he has remembered. I set out from the Bay of Puans in the Latitude of 42 Degrees, 4 Minutes, and having traveled about 60 Leagues to the Westward, I found a Portage; and carrying our Canow's over-land for half a League, I embarked with six Men on the River Misconsing, which brought us into the Meschasipi in the Latitude of 42 Degrees and an half, on the 15 th' of june, 1674. This Portage is but 40 Leagues from the Mississipi. This River is half a League broad; its Stream is gentle to the latitude of 38 Degrees; for a River from the West-North-West which runs into it, increase so much its Rapidity, that we could make but five Leagues in a Day in our Return. The Savages told us, that the Current is not half so great in Winter. The Banks of that River are covered with Woods down to the Sea; but the Cotton-Trees are so big, that I have seen some canoe's made of those Trees, eighty Foot long, and three broad, which carry thirty Men. I saw 180 of those Wooden-Canow's in one Village of the Savages of 300 Cabins. They have abundance of Holly-Trees, and other Trees, the Bark whereof is White; Grapes, Apples, Plums, Chestnuts, Pomegranates, Mulberries, besides other Nuts unknown to Europe; plenty of Turkey-cocks, Parrots, Quails, Wild-oxens, Stags and Wild-Goats. These Savages are affable, civil and obliging; and the first I met with presented me with a Pipe or Calumet of Peace, which is a Protection even in a Fight. Their Women and old Men take care of the Culture of the Ground, which is so fertile as to afford three Crops of Indian Corn every Year. They have abundance of Water-Melons, Citruls, and Gourds. When they have sown their Corn, they go a Hunting for Wild-oxens, whose Flesh they eat, and the Skin serves for their Coverings, having dressed the same with a sort of Earth, which serves also to die them. They have Axes and Knives from the French and Spaniards, in exchange of their Beavers, and Skins of Wild-Goats. Those who live near the Sea have some Fire-Arms. The Mississipi has few Windings and Turnings, and runs directly to the South, and having followed its Course till the 33d Degree of Latitude, I resolved to return home, seeing that River did not discharge itself into Mar Vermejo, which we looked for, as also because the Spaniards observed our Motions for six Days together. The Savages told me, that the Spaniards live within thirty Leagues to the Westward. The said M. joliet adds, That he had set down in his Journal an exact Description of the Iron-Mines they discovered, as also of the Quarries of Marble, and Coalpits, and Places where they find Salt-Petre, with several other things. He had also observed what were the sittest Places to settle Colonies, etc. The Soil is very fertile, and produces abundance of Grapes, which might make delicious Wines. The River of St. Lewis, which hath its Source near Missichiganen, is the biggest, and the most convenient for a Colony, its Mouth into the Lake being very convenient for an Harbour. It is deep and broad, and well stocked with Sturgeons, and other Fishes. The Stags, Oxen, Wild-Goats, Turkey-cocks, and other Game, are more plentiful on the Banks of the said River, than any where else. There are Meadows Ten or Twenty Leagues broad, encompassed with sine Forests; behind which are other Meadows, in which Grass grows six Foot high. Hemp grows naturally in all that Country. Those who shall settle themselves there, shall not be obliged, as we are here, to bestow Ten Years for felling down the Trees, and grubbing up the Land, before it is fit for Corn, whereas the Ground is ready for the Plough in that fortunate Country, where they may have good Wine. Their young Wild-oxens may be easily learned to plough their Land; and their long curled Hair, or rather Wool, may serve to make good Cloth for their wearing. In short, that Soil would afford any thing necessary for Life, except Salt, which they might have another way. AN ACCOUNT OF M. la Salle's Voyage TO THE River MISSISSIPI. Directed to Count Frontenac, Governor of New-France. THE River of Niagara is navigable for three Leagues, that is, from the Fall to the Mouth of the Lake Erie; but the Stream is so rapid, that it is almost impossible for a Bark to sail up into the Lake, without a strong Gale, and the help of many Men to hale from the Shore at the same time. But besides all this, it requires so many other Precautions, that one cannot expect always to succeed. The Mouth of the Lake Erie is full of Sands, which make it dangerous; therefore to avoid that Danger, and not venture a Ship every Voyage, it will be safer to leave it at an Anchor, in a River which runs into the Lake six Leagues from the River Niagara, and is the only Harbour and Anchorage in this Lake. There are three great Points which advance above ten Leagues into it; but being chiefly made up of Sand, they are so low that there is great Danger of running a Ship against them before they are discovered, and therefore a Pilot must be very skilful and careful to steer a Ship in this dangerous Lake. The Straight or Canal between the Lake Erie, and the Huron, is very rapid, and no less difficult than that of Niagara, tho' much deeper. The Straight of Missilikinac between the Lake Huron, and that of the Illinois, is attended with no less Difficulties, for the Current is commonly against the Wind. There is no Anchorage in the Lake Huron, nor any Harbour in that of the Illinois, upon the Northern, Western, and Southern Coasts. There are many Islands in both Lakes, which make the Navigation of that of the Illinois very perilous; for there being no Harbour to run into for shelter, and the Storms being very terrible on that Lake, 'tis a great Providence when a Ship escapes being dashed in pieces against those Islands. However, some Canals and Anchorages may be discovered in time, which will remove those great Difficulties, as has happened in the Lake of Frontenac, the Navigation whereof is now easy, whereas it was at first as dangerous as that of the Lake Huron or Illinois. The Creek through which we went from the Lake of the Illinois, into the Divine River, is so shallow, and so much exposed to the Storms that no Ship can venture to get in, unless it be in a great Calm. Neither is the Country between the said Creek and the Divine River, fit for a Canal; for the Meadows between them are drowned after any great Rain, and so a Canal will be immediately filled up with Sands: And besides, it is impossible to dig up the Ground, because of the Water, that Country being nothing but a Morass: But supposing it were possible to cut the Canal, it would be however useless; for the Divine River is not navigable for forty Leagues together; that is, from that Place to the Village of the Illinois, except for canoe's, who have hardly Water enough in Summertime. Besides this Difficulty, there is a Fall near the Village. We have seen no Mines, tho' several Pieces of Copper are found in the Sand when the River is low. There is the best Hemp in that Country I have seen any where, tho' it grows naturally without any culture. The Savages tell us, that they have found near this Village some yellow Metal; but that cannot be Gold, according to their own Relation, for the Oar of Gold cannot be so fine and bright as they told us. There are Coal-Pits on that River. The Wild-oxens are grown somewhat scarce since the Illinois are at War with their Neighbours, for now all Parties are continually Hunting of them. The Navigation is easy from Fort Crevecoeur to the Sea; and New-Mexico is not above twenty Days Journey from the said Fort. The Nations of the Metontonta, who live within Ten Days Journey from the said Fort, came to see M. la Salle, and brought a Horse's Hoof: They told us, That the Spaniards make a cruel War upon them, and that they use Spears more commonly than Fire-Arms. One may go by Water from Fort Crevecoeur to the Habitation of these Savages. There are no Europeans at the Mouth of the River Colbert (or Mississipi) and the Monster of which M. joliet gives so dreadful a Description, is a Fancy of some Savages, and had never any Original. It is within a Journey and a half from Fort Crevecoeur; but had M. joliet gone down the River, he might have seen a more terrible one. That Gentleman has not considered that the Mosopolca, of whom he takes notice in his Map, were altogether destroyed before he set out for his Voyage. He sets down also in his Maps several Nations, which are nothing but Families of the Illinois. The Pronevoa, Carcarilica, Tamaroa, Koracocnitonon, Chinko, Caokia, Choponsca, Amonokoa, Cankia, Ocansa, and several others, make up the Nation and the Village of the Illinois, consisting of about 400 Cabins covered with Rushes, without any Fortifications. I have told 1800 fighting Men amongst them. They have Peace now with all their Neighbours, except the Iroquois; and it would be easy to reconcile them, were it not to be feared that they would afterwards fall upon the Outtovats, whom they mortally hate, and disturb thereby our Commerce; so that we must leave them as they are; for as long as they shall have occasion for us, they will be ready to comply with any thing that we may desire from them, and keep in awe the Nations inhabiting to the Westward, who are much afraid of the Illinois. The Banks of seven or eight Rivers, which discharge themselves into the Mississipi, or Colbert-River, the least whereof runs above 300 Leagues, are covered with Fine Timber for Building Ships. M. lafoy Salle has seen some Savages of three Nations through which Ferdinand Sotto passed with his Army, viz. the Sicachia, Cascin, and Aminoya: They told him that we might go by water from Crevecoeur into their Country. It is highly necessary to carry on this Discovery; for the River inhabited by the Sicachia, which in all likelihood is the true Chukagova, has its Source near Carolina, and consequently very near the Habitation of the English, about three hundred Leagues to the Eastward of the Mississipi in the French Florida, at the foot of the Apalachin Hills: For had the English notice of it, they might by means of this River Trade with the Illinois, Miamis, Nadovessians, and other Savages, and spoil for ever our Commerce. The Winter has been as hard in the Country of the Illinois as at Fort Frontenac; for tho' the Wether was there in january as temperate as in Provence, yet the River was still frozen on the 22d of March; and therefore I conclude 'tis much the same Climate as the Country of the Iroquois. The Country between the Lake of the Illinois and the Lake Erie, is a row of Mountains for a hundred Leagues together, from whence spring a great number of Rivers, which run to the Westward into the Lake of the Illinois, to the North into the Lake Huron, to the East into the Lake Erie, and to the South into the River Ohio. Their Source are so near one another, that in three Days Journey I crossed twenty two, the least whereof is bigger than that of Richelieu. The top of these Mountains are flat, and full of Bogs and Morasses, which being not frozen, have proved an insupportable difficulty and trouble in our Voyage. There are now-and-then some Plains, which I take to be very fertile; they are covered with Bears, Stags, Wild-Goats, Turkeycocks, and Wolves, who are so fierce as hardly to be frighted away by the noise of our Guns. There is a River in the bottom of the Lake Erie, within ten Leagues of the Canal, which may very much shorten the way to the Illinois, it being navigable for Canoes till within two Leagues of theirs; but the most convenient of all is the River Ohio, which being navigable for Barks, will save all the Trouble of making a Communication between the Lake of the Illinois and the Divine River, and the great Expenses of making the said River navigable to Fort Crevecoeur. One must not fancy that the Ground in the Country of the Illinois is ready for the Plough; some of them are too dry, others too wet; and in short, all require some Toil and Trouble; but I am sure they may sufficiently recompense in a little time, those who will be at the pains to cultivate them. The Nations through which we have passed have received us very kindly, because of our Calumet of Peace, which is a safe Conduct and a sufficient Recommendation amongst the Savages. The Illinois offered to accompany us to the Sea, in hopes, as we told them, that we will supply them that way with European Commodities; for the want of Knives, Axes, etc. makes them very officious. The young Calves may be easily tamed, and very useful for settling our Plantations. The Illinois have also many Slaves, which may be of a great use to us. There are as many idle Fellows amongst them as among other Nations, and a great many more Women than Men. They marry several Wives, sometimes nine or ten, and commonly all Sisters if they can, thinking they agree better in their Family. I have seen three Children who have been Baptised; one called Peter, the other joseph, and the third Mary, who nevertheless are like to live as their Father, who has married three Sisters; for they have no farther Christian Instruction, Father Allovez, who Baptised them, having left that Country, unless one would think that the Stick that Father left amongst them, as a Mark that the Country belongs to him, has any extraordinary Virtue to promote Christianity. These are the only Christians I have found amongst them, which I am sure cannot be such but in Fide Ecclesiae. Father Allovez lives now in a Village of Miamis, Maskoutens, and Ochiakenens, who have quitted their own Nation and ancient Habitations, to confederate themselves with the Iroquois against the Illinois; and for that purpose they sent last Summer an Embassy into the Country of the Iroquois, with a Letter of Father Allovez. The end of that Embassy was, as I have said, to oblige 'em to unite themselves with them against the Illinois; and they were negotiating the Alliance, when I arrived at the Village of the Tsonnontovans; and upon notice thereof, a Woman was sent to tell them to run away, for fear the Iroquois should kill them. They had however no design to do them any harm, as it appeared afterwards; for the Iroquois having overtaken the said Ambassadors, they were kindly used; but they entered upon no Business, as long as I continued there. I met with one of the said Ambassadors since that time in their own Country, who told me such horrid things, that I cannot entirely believe them; and I rather suspect the Miamis to be Contrivers thereof. However, Father Allovez had no sooner intelligence that I was arrived at the Village of the Illinois, that they sent one Monso, one of their Chiefs, with four large Kettles, twelve Axes, and twenty Knives, to persuade the Illinois that I was Brother of the Iroquois; that my Breath smelled like theirs; that I eat Serpents; that I was sent to betray them, and attack them one way, while the Iroquois should attack them by another; that I was hated by all the Black-Gowns, who forsook me because I designed to destroy the Miamis, having taken two of them Prisoners; and, lastly, that I understood Physic enough to poison all the World. Their Suggestions were so ridiculous and so false, that I had no great difficulty to convince the Illinois of the Malice of my Enemies; and Monso was in great danger of losing his Life for his pains. They told him he had an Iroquois Serpent under his Tongue, meaning his Baseness and Malice; that his Comrades who had been Ambassadors into their Country, had brought that Venom, and had breathed in the Malice of the Iroquois in smoking in their Calumet. I was obliged to interceded for him, for else they would have murdered him. 'Tis certain, that their Design is to engage Count Frontenac into a War with the Iroquois; and having tried in vain several Ways to succeed, they think there is no better than to persuade the Nation of the Miamis, who are our Confederates, to settle themselves near the Illinois, and make an Alliance with them, insomuch that the Iroquois cannot attack one Nation, without breaking with the other, and thereby oblige your Lordship either to forsake our Allies, or declare Wars against the Iroquois. This is not a rash and groundless Judgement; for these Miamis, with whom Father Allovez lives, have killed several Iroquois this Winter; and having cut the Fingers to another, they sent him back to tell their Nation that the Miamis are joined with the Illinois against them. Perhaps that Perfidiousness obliges Father Allovez to quit them next Spring, as I understand he designs to do. However, I am confident to stop the Progress of this Cabal, if your Lordship comes this Year to weep for the Death of the Onontake, who have been killed; for the Illinois have promised me to release some Slaves and forbear their Excursions against the Iroquois, who having been informed of my Good Offices, have expressed a great Gratitude thereof. This Weeping is a common Ceremony among the Savages, when any of their Warriors have been killed. I do not wonder that the Iroquois should talk of invading our Allies; for they are every Year provoked; and I have seen at Missilinaokinak, amongst the Poutovatamits and the Miamis, the Heads of several Iroquois, whom they have killed by Treachery, as they were a Hunting last Spring. This is come to the Knowledge of the Iroquois; for our Allies have been so impudent as to boast of of it; and especially the Poutovatamits, who dancing the Calumet at Missilinaokinak before three Agniez, or Envoys of the Iroquois, boasted of their Treachery, and held in their Hands several Heads of Hair of Iroquois'. I cannot forbear to take notice of the Discourse I had with a Savage of the Nation of the Wolf, who being convinced of the Truth of the Christian Religion, and pressed by some Missionaries to embrace the Catholic, and by some English Ministers to embrace Theirs, was in great perplexity which of the two he should choose; for, as he told me, these Men are very unlike the Apostles; the former because of their great Covetousness, and the latter because of their being married. But having observed in the Recollects both Chastity and the Contempt of the Riches of the World, he was Baptised by them. I have seen in this Country abundance of Green Parrots, bigger and finer than those of our Islands. A DISCOVERY OF SOME New Countries and Nations IN THE Northern-America. By Father MARQUETTE. ON the 13th of May, 1673. I embarked with M. joliet, who was chosen to be our Director in this Undertaking, and five other Frenchmen, in two canoe's made of Barks of Trees, with some Indian Corn and boiled Flesh for our Subsistence. We had taken care to get from the Savages all the Intelligence we could, concerning the Countries through which we designed to travel, and had drawn a Map of the same, according to their Relation, in which we had marked the Rivers, and the Name of the Nations we were to meet, and the Rhombs of the Wind we were to make use of in our Journey. The first Nation we meet with is called the Nation of the Wild-Oats: I went into their River to visit that People, to whom we have preached the Gospel for several Years, and amongst whom there are many good Christians. The Wild-Oats, from which they have got their Name, is a sort of Corn which grows naturally in the small Rivers, the bottom whereof is owzie, as also in marshy Grounds. It is much like our European Oats; the Stem is knotted, and grows about two foot above the Surface of the Water. The Corn is not bigger than ours, but it is twice as long, and therefore it yields much more Meal. It grows above the Waters in june, and the Savages gather it about September in this manner: They go in their Canow's in those Rivers, and as they go they shake the Ears of the Corn in their Canow's, which easily falls, if it be ripe: They dry it upon the Fire; and when it is very dry, they put it into a kind of Sack made with the Skin of Beasts; and having made a Hole in the Ground, they put their Sack therein, and tread on it till they see the Chaff is separated from the Corn, which they vann afterwards. They pound it in a Mortar to reduce it into Meal, or else boil it in Water, and season it with Grease, which makes it near as good as our Rice. I acquainted that Nation with the Design I had to travel farther into the Country, to discover the remotest Nations, and teach them the Mysteries of our Holy Religion; at which they were mightily surprised, and did their utmost to dissuade me from that Enterprise. They told me that I should meet some Nations who spare no Strangers, whom they kill without any Provocation or Mercy; that the War those different Nations had one with the other, should daily expose me to be taken by their Warriors, who are perpetually abroad to surprise their Enemies: That the great River was exceedingly dangerous, and full of dreadful Monsters, who devoured Men, and even the canoe's themselves. They added, That a Devil stopped the Passage of the said River, and sunk those who were so bold as to come near the Place where he stood; and, in short, that the Heat was so excessive in those Parts, that we should never be able to preserve our Health. I returned them my hearty Thanks for their good Advices; but told them I would not follow them, since the Salvation of a great many Souls were concerned in our Undertaking, for whom I should be glad to lose my Life. I added, That I laughed at their pretended Devils and Monsters, and that their Informations would oblige us to stand the more upon our Guard to avoid any Surprise. And so having prayed to God with them, and given them some Instructions, we parted from them, and arrived to the Bay of Puans, where our Fathers make a considerable Progress towards the Conversion of those Ignorant Nations. The Name of this Bay sounds better in the Language of the Savages than in ours; for according to the Word they make use of, one may call it as well the Salted Bay, as the Stinking Bay; for they call the Sea after the same Name. This obliged us to inquire whether there were in that Country any Salted Fountains, as there is one among the Iroquois; but we could find none; therefore we think that this Name was given to this Bay, because of the great quantity of Mud and Owze that is there, from whence such Vapours arise, that occasion the most dreadful Thunders that ever I heard in any Country. This Bay is about thirty Leagues long, and about eight broad, that is to say in its greatest breadth; for it grows narrower, and forms a Cone at the extremity; where one may easily observe, that this Bay has its settled Tides just as the Sea. This is not a proper place to inquire whether the Flowing and Ebbing of the Water of this Bay, may be properly called a Tide, or whether they are occasioned by the Winds, which never, or very seldom fail to blow from the same Point upon the Moon's ascending our Horizon; but this I may say, That in the greatest Calm, the Waters in this Bay flow and ebb according to the Motion of the Moon; tho' I will not deny but that the Winds, which move the Waters towards the middle of the Lake, may contribute to this effect. We left this Bay to go into a River that discharges itself therein, and found its Mouth very broad and deep. It flows very gently; but after we had advanced some Leagues into it, we saw it was interrupted by several Rocks and rapid Streams; and so shallow in some places, that it would hardly bear our Canow's. The bottom is full of Flints, which are as so many Razors that cut the canoe's, and made it impossible for our Men to walk therein, to make the canoes more light, when the shallowness of the Water did not permit us to row away. It is full of Bustard, Ducks, and Teals, because of the Wild Oats in the Marshes thereabouts. However, we conquered those Difficulties, and came to an Habitation of the Miamis, Maskoutens, and Kikabeux; but before we arrived to their Village, I had the Curiosity to taste the Mineral Water of a River near it, and found a Simple of a wonderful Virtue against the Venom of the Serpents. A Savage who knew it, had shown it to Father Allovez, who had often occasion to try its Virtues, God having been pleased to provide that Country with that wonderful Antidote against the Serpents, who are very dangerous in those Parts. The Root of that Simple is very hot, and tastes like Gunpowder; they chew it, and apply it upon the Part of the Body stung by the Serpents; and this without any other Mystery cures the Wound; and the Serpents have such an Antipathy with this Herb, that they run away from any Man who has rubbed his Body with the same. It brings several Stalks about a foot high; the Leaves are somewhat long; the Flower is white, and the whole looks like our Gillyflowers. I took one into our Canow, the better to examine it. This Bay of Putons had been hitherto, as one may say, the Ultima Thulae of the French, for they never durst advance further into the Country. This Village, as I have intimated, consists of three several Nations, viz. Miamis, Maskoutens, and Kikabeux. The first are more civil than the other, and better shaped, as well as more liberal. They wear long Hair over their Ears, which looks well enough. They are accounted valiant Men amongst their Neighbours; but are so cunning, that they seldom return from their warlike Expeditions without Booty. They are apt to learn any thing, for they love to hear the Europeans talk; and Father Allovez told me, That they had such a violent desire to be instructed, that they often disturbed his Rest to ask him Questions about what he had told them the Day before. The Maskoutens and Kikabeux are more clownish; and there is as much difference between the Miamis and them, as between our Boors and Citizens. As the Rind of Birch-Trees are scarce in this Country, they are obliged to make their Cabins with Rushes, which serve as well for covering the same, as for Walls. It must be owned that these Cabins are very convenient; for they take them down when they please, and carry them by small Parcels wherever they will, without any trouble. When I arrived there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in the middle of the Village, adorned with several White Skins, Red Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offered to the Great Manitou, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous Hunting. Manitou is the Name they give in general to all Spirits whom they think to be above the Nature of Man. Their Village is situated on a Hill, from whence one may discover the largest Meadows in the World, adorned at certain distance with Groves and Woods. The Soil is very fertile, and produces a great quantity of Indian Corn. They preserve also Plums and Grapes. As soon as we were arrived, M. joliet and I desired the Eldest of the Savages to meet us, and I told them that M. joliet was sent by the Governor of Canada to discover new Countries, and I from God Almighty to teach them the Knowledge of their Creator, who being absolute Master of all his Creatures, will have all Nations to know him; and that therefore to comply with his Will, I did not value my Life, which I freely exposed to all manner of Dangers; Concluding, That we wanted two Guides to put us in our Way, which we desired them to grant us. We enforced our Compliment with some Presents that were kindly accepted by the Savages; who answered us likewise with a Present, viz. a Mat, which was our Bed during our Voyage. They granted us also two Guides, to accompany us for some Days. The next Day, being the 10 th' of june, the two Miamis who were to conduct us, embarked with us in sight of all the Inhabitants of the Village, who could not admire enough that seven Europeans should venture upon so dangerous and extraordinary an Undertaking. We were informed, that within three Leagues of the Maskoutens, there was a River which runs into the * Henepin calls it Meschasipi. Mississipi, and that we were to go directly to the West-South-West, to find it; but there are so many Morasses and Lakes between it, that had it not been for our Guide, we had never been able to find it; and the River upon which we rowed, to find the Place we were to land and carry our Canow into the other, was so full of Wild-Oats, that it looked rather like a Cornfield than a River; insomuch that we could hardly discover its Channel. As the Miamis frequented this Place, they conducted us to the usual Place of Portage, and helped us to carry our Canow over-land into the other River, distant from the former about two Miles and a half; from whence they returned home, leaving us in an unknown Country, having nothing to rely upon but the Divine Providence. We made a solemn Vow in this place, and resolved to use some particular Prayers every Day to the Blessed Virgin, to recommend our Persons and Enterprise to her Protection, and afterwards embarked. This River is called Mesconsin: It is very broad, but the Sands make its Navigation difficult; and this Difficulty is incrceased by an infinite Number of Islands covered with Vines. The Country through which it flows is very sine; the Groves disposed at certain Distances in the Meadows, make a noble Prospect; and the Fruit of the Trees discovers the Fertility of the Soil. Those Groves are full of Wallnut-Trees, as also of Oaks, and of another sort of Tree unknown to us in Europe, the Boughs whereof are armed with long Thorns. We saw no other Game in these Meadows but abundance of Wild-Goats, and Wild-oxens. Within thirty Leagues of this Place where we embarked, we found some Iron-Mines; and one of our Company, who had formerly seen such Mines, told us that these were extraordinary good: They are not above three Foot deep, and are situate near a Row of Rocks, the Foot whereof is covered with fine Woods. After having rowed ten Leagues further, that is, forty Leagues in all from the Place where we embarked, we came into the Mississipi on the 17 th' of june. The Mouth of the Mesconsin is about 42 Degrees and a half of Latitude. The Satisfaction I had to see this famous River, is almost incredible; for tho' the Savages had often spoken of it to our Men, none of them had been so bold as to venture so far in this unknown Country. This obliged me to consider this River with a greater Attention than otherwise I would have done, as the Reader will perceive in perusing the following Account. The Mississipi is formed by several Lakes in the North-Country, from whence it's runs to the South. It's Channel is pretty narrow at the Mouth of the Mesconsin, being streighten'd by a Row of high Mountains on the other side; but however its Stream is very gentle, because of its depth; for we found there 19 Fathom Water. But a little below that Place, it enlarges itself, and is about three quarters of a League broad. Its Banks are very fine; but three Days after, we discovered a much better Country. The Trees are higher, and the Islands so beautiful, that I verily believe there is nothing like it in the World. The Meadows are covered with an infinite number of Wild-Goats and Oxen, and the River with Bustards and Swans without Wings, because their Feathers fall in this Country about that time. We saw extraordinary Fishes, and one of them was so big, that our Canow was like to be broke into into Pieces, because it run against it. We saw also a very hideous Sea-Monster; his Head was like that of a Tiger, but his Nose was somewhat sharper, and like a Wildcat; his Beard was long, his Ears stood upright, the Colour of his Head being Grey, and the Neck Black. He looked upon us for some time; but as we came near him, our Oars frighted him away: This is the only one we saw. We caught abundance of Sturgeons, and another sort of Fish somewhat like our Trouts, except that their Eyes and Nose are much lesser, and that they have near the Nose a Bone like a Woman's Busk, three Inches broad, and a Foot and a half long, the End whereof is flat and very broad, insomuch that when they leap out of the Water, the Weight of that Bone makes them fall backwards. We saw also abundance of Turkey-cocks on the Banks of the River. The Pisikious, which we call Wild-oxens, are not much unlike ours; they are not altogether so long, but twice as big: We shot one of them, and Thirteen Men had much ado to drag him from the Place where he fell. Their Head is of a prodigious bigness, their Forehead broad and flat, and their Horns (between which there is at least a Foot and a half distance) are all black, and much longer than those of our European Oxen. They have a Bump on the Back; and their Head, Breast, and part of the Shoulders are covered with long Hair. They have in the middle of their Forehead an ugly Tough of long Hair, which falling down over their Eyes, blinds them in a manner, and makes them look dreadful. The rest of the Body is covered with curled Hair, or rather Wool, like our Sheep, but much thicker and rougher. Their Hair falls in Summertime, and then their Skin is as soft as Velvet, nothing remaining but a kind of short Down. The Savages make use of their Skins for Gowns, which they paint with several Colours. Their Flesh and Fat is excellent, and the best Dish of the Savages, who destroy abundance of them, tho' they are very fierce and dangerous; and if they can but take a Man with their Horns, they toss him up, and then tread upon him. The Savages hide themselves when they have shot at them, for else they should be in great danger of their Lives, those Beasts being fiercer when wounded; They follow them at certain distances, till they have lost so much Blood as to be unable to do them any hurt, or to defend themselves. They graze upon the Banks of the River; and I have seen above 400 together. We continued to fall down the River, having seen nothing for above 100 Leagues, but Beasts and Birds; however, we were always upon our Guard, and especially during the Night, for fear of any Surprise. We landed in the Evening to dress our Supper, and made but a little Fire, and then left the Shore, casting an Anchor near the middle of the River, where we lay, as the safest Place, and yet one of us watched always by turns. On the 25 th' of june we went ashore, and found some fresh Traces of Men upon the Sand, and then found a Path which led into a Meadow. We called our Men together, and it was resolved that our Men should continue in the canoe's, while M. joliet and I should follow that Path, and endeavour to find the Habitation of the Savages. This Undertaking was very bold, yet relying upon God Almighty, we went on, and within 10 Leagues from thence, discovered a Village on the Banks of a River, and two other Villages on a Hill within half a League from the former. Having again implored God's Protection, we advanced so near to the Savages, that we could hear them talk, and therefore thought it was time to give them notice of our Arrival, which we did with a loud Cry, and then stopped. The Savages immediately came out of their Cabins, and seeing but two Men, they were not frighted, and especially because we had acquainted them by our Cry, with our Approach, therefore they sent four of their Old Men to talk to us, and see who we were, and what Business we came upon. They carried two Pipes, adorned with Feathers of several Colours, which they presented to the Sun, without speaking a Word. They marched so slowly, that we began to be impatient; and when they came near us, they stopped, and used many Ceremonies. We were very glad to see them covered with Cloth, for thereby we judged they were either our Allies, or Friends of our Allies; and therefore I spoke to them, and asked them who they were? They answered, that they were Illinois; and presented us their Pipe to smoke, desiring us also to walk to their Habitation. Those Pipes are called both by the Savages and Europeans, Calumets; and therefore I shall make use of their Word for the future, having often occasion to mention these Pipes. They conducted us to a Cabin, where an Old Man waited for us, in a very extraordinary Posture, which, as I understand since, is the usual Ceremony they use for the reception of Strangers. This Man stood before the Cabin, having both his Hands lifted up to Heaven, opposite to the Sun, insomuch that it darted its Rays through his Fingers, upon his Face; and when we came near him, he told us, What a fair Day this is since thou comest to visit us! All our People wait for thee, and thou shalt enter our Cabin in Peace. Having repeated the Compliment to M. joliet, he conducted us into his Cabin, where abundance of People crowded to see us, keeping however a great Silence, that we heard nothing a great while, but now and then these Words, You have done well, Brothers, to come and see us. As soon as we sat down, they presented us, according to Custom, their Calumet, which one must needs accept, for else he should be looked upon as an open Enemy, or a mere Brute; however, it is not necessary to smoke; and provided one puts it to his Mouth, it is enough. While the Old Man smoked in our Cabin to entertain us, the Great Captain of the Illinois sent us word to come to his Village, where he designed to confer with us; and accordingly we went to him, being attended by all the Inhabitants of this Village, who having never seen any Europeans before, accompanied us all the Way. We met that Captain at the Door of his Cabin, in the middle of Ten Old Men; all of them were standing, and each had his Calumet towards the Sun. He made us a short Speech, to congratulate our happy Arrival in that Country; and presented us his Calumet, wherein we were obliged to smoke before we went into his Cabin. This Ceremony being over, he conducted us, and desired us to sit down upon a Mat, and the Old Men of that Nation being present, I thought fit to acquaint them with the Subject of our Voyage, and therefore I told them, 1. That we designed to visit all Nations that were on that River, down to the Sea. 2. That God Almighty, their Creator, took pity on them, and had sent me to bring them to the Knowledge of his Being, and therefore expected a full Submission from them. 3. That the Great Captain of the French had commanded me to tell them, that he had subdued the Iroquois, and would have every Body to live in Peace. 4. We desired them to tell us whatever they knew concerning the Nations we were to meet along the River. We enforced every Point of our Speech with a Present, and then sat down. The Captain of the Illinois answered, that he was very glad to hear of the great Actions of our Captain, meaning the Governor of Canada, and desired us to remain amongst them, because of the great Dangers to which we should be exposed in continuing our Voyage; but I told them that we did not fear to lose our Lives for the Glory of God; at which they were mightily surprised. He presented us with a Calumet, the most mysterious thing in the World; of which I shall give an Account in another Place. The Council being over, we were invited to a Feast, which we were obliged to accept. The first Mess was a Dish of Sagamittee, that is, some Meal of Indian Corn boiled with Water, and seasoned with Grease: The Master of Ceremonies holding a kind of Spoon full of that Sagamittee, put some thrice into my Mouth, and then did the like to M. joliet. They brought for a Second Course, three Fishes in a Dish, whereof he took a Piece, and having took out the Bones, and blown upon it to cool it, he put it into my Mouth, just as a Bird feeds his young ones. The third Service was a huge Dog, whom they killed on purpose; but understanding that we eat no such Creatures, they brought a Piece of Beef, and served us as before. As soon as we had done, we went to visit the Village, which consists of near 300 Cabins, being attended by an Officer, to oblige the Savages to make room, and not crowd upon us. They presented us with Girdles and Garters, and some other Works made of the Hair of Bears and Oxen. We lay in the Cabin of the Captain, and the next Day took our Leave of him, promising to return in Four Moons. They conducted us as far as our canoe's, with near 800 Persons, who expressed an extraordinary Joy for our kind Visit, as they called it. It will not be improper to relate here what I observed of the Custom and Manners of this People, which are very different from what is practised among the other Nations of the Northern- America. The Word Illinois in their Language signifies Men, as if they should look upon the other Savages as Beasts; and truly it must be confessed that they are not altogether in the Wrong, for they have more Humanity than all the other Nations that I have seen in America. The short time I remained with them, did not permit me to inform myself, as much as I desired, of their Customs and Manners; but here is what I was able to observe. They are divided into several Villages, whereof some are very remote from those that I have seen. They call them Perovarca; but as they live so far one from the other, their Language is also very different. However, it is a Dialect of the Algonquin, and therefore we were able to understand what they said, and to converse with them. They are good-natured Men, tractable and easy: They keep several Wives, and yet they are exceedingly jealous: They observe with a great Care their Behaviour; and if they find them in any Fault as to their Chastity, they cut their Noses and Ears; and I saw several who carried upon their Faces the Marks of their Infidelity. The Illinois are very well shaped, and very dexterous: They are good Marks-men with their Arrows and small Guns, with which they are supplied by the Savages that have Commerce with the Europeans. This makes them formidable to the other Nations inhabiting to the Westward, who have no Fire-Arms. The Illinois knowing how much they are frighted, at the Noise of their Guns, make Excursions very far to the Westward, and bring Slaves from thence, which they barter with other Nations for the Commodities they want. Those Nations are altogether ignorant of Iron Tools; and their Knives, Axes, and other Instruments, are made of Flints, and other sharp Stones. When the Illinois go upon any Expedition, the whole Village must have notice of it; and therefore they use to make an Outcry at the Door of their Huts the Evening before they go, and the Morning they are to set out. Their Captains are distinguished from the Soldiers by Red scarves, made with the Hair of Bears or Wild-oxens, that are curiously wrought. They have abundance of Game; and their Soil is so fertile, that their Indian Corn never fails, and therefore they never labour under Famine. They sow Beans and Melons, which are excellent, and especially those whose Seed is Red. They esteem much their Citruls, tho' they are none of the best. They dry them up, and keep them till the Winter and Spring. Their Cabins are very large; they are made, covered, and paved with Mats of Marish-Rushes. Their Dishes are of Wood; but their Spoons are made with the Bones of the Skull of Wild-oxens, which they cut so as to make them very convenient to eat their Sagamittee. They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they take, is proportionable to the Presents they make unto those who have prescribed them. They have no other Clothes but Skins of Beasts, which serve to cover their Women; for the Men go most of the Year starknaked. I don't know by what Superstition some of the Illinois and Nadovessians wear Women's Apparel. When they have taken the same, which they do in their Youth, they never leave it off; and certainly there must be some Mystery in this Matter, for they never Marry, and work in the Cabins with Women, which other Men think below them to do. They may go however to their Wars, but they must use only a Club, and not Bows and Arrows, which are fit, as they say, for Men alone. They assist at all the Superstitions of their jugglers, and their solemn Dances in honour of the Calumet, in which they may sing, but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are called to their Councils, and nothing is determined without their Advice; for, because of their extraordinary way of Living, they are looked upon as Manitous, or at least for great and incomparable Genius's. I must speak here of the Calumet, the most mysterious thing in the World. The Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it The God of Peace and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death. One, with this Calumet, may venture amongst his Enemies, and in the hottest Engagement they lay down their Arms before this Sacred Pipe. The Illinois presented me with one of them, which was very useful to us in our Voyage. Their Calumet of Peace is different from the Calumet of War; They make use of the former to seal their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War. It is made of a Red Stone like our Marble; the Head is like our common Tobacco-Pipes, but larger; and it is fixed to a hollow Reed, to hold it for smoking. They adorn it with fine Feathers of several Colours; and they call it The Calumet of the Sun, to whom they present it, especially when they want fair Wether or Rain, thinking that that Planet can have no less respect for it than Men have, and therefore that they shall obtain their Desires. They dare not wash themselves in Rivers in the beginning of the Summer, or taste the new Fruit of Trees, before they have danced the Calumet, which they do in the following manner: This Dance of the Calumet is a solemn Ceremony amongst the Savages, which they perform upon important Occasions, as to confirm an Alliance, or make Peace with their Neighbours. They use it also to entertain any Nation that comes to visit them; and in this Case we may consider it as their Balls. They perform it in Wintertime in their Cabins, and in the open Field in the Summer. They choose for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company, who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call Manitoa. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or any thing else that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this Manitoa will prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Erterprises. To the Right of their Manitoa they place the Calumet; their Great Deity, making round about it a kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz. their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows. Things being thus disposed, and the Hour of Dancing coming on, those who are to sing, take the most Honourable Seats under the Shadow of the Trees, or the Green Arbours they make in case the Trees be not thick enough to shadow them. They choose for this Service the best Wits amongst them, either Men or Women. Every Body sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all saluted the Manitoa, which they do in blowing the Smoke of their Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense. Every Body, one after another, takes the Calumet, and holding it with his two Hands, dances with it, following the Cadence of the Songs. This Praeludium being over, he who is to begin the Dance appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the Calumet, presents it to the Sun, as if he would invite him to smoke. Then he moves it into an infinite Number of Postures, sometimes laying it near the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he would make it fly, and then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous Ball. The Second is a Fight, with Vocal and Instrumental Music; for they have a kind of Drum, which agrees pretty well with the Voices. The Person who dances with the Calumet, gives a Signal to one of their Warriors, who takes a Bow and Arrows, with an Axe, from the Trophy already mentioned, and fights the other, who defends himself with the Calumet alone, both of them dancing all the while. The Fight being over, he who holds the Calumet, makes a Speech, wherein he gives án Account of the Battles he has fought, and the Prisoners he has taken, and then receives a Gown, or any other Present, from the Chief of the Ball. He gives then the Calumet to another, who having acted his Part, gives it to another, and so of all others, till the Calumet returns to the Captain, who presents it to the Nation invited unto that Feast, as a Mark of their Friendship, and a Confirmation of their Alliance. I can't pretend to be so much Master of their Language as to judge of their Songs, but methinks they are very witty. We parted from the Illinois towards the middle of june, about 3 a-clock, and fell down the River, looking for another called Pakitanoni, which runs from the North-West into the Mississipi, of which I shall speak anon. As we followed the Banks, I observed on a Rock a Simple, which I take to be very extraordinary. It's Root is like small Turnips linked together by some Fibres of the same Root, which tastes like Carrots. From that Root springs a Leaf as large as one's Hand, and about an Inch thick, with some Spots in the middle; from whence spring also some other Leaves, each of them bearing five or six yellow Flowers, like little Bells. We found abundance of Mulberries as good and as big as ours; and another Fruit which we took at first for Olives, but it tastes like Orange. We found another Fruit as big as an Egg, and having cut it in two Pieces, we found the inside was divided into sixteen, eighteen, and twenty small Cells or Holes, and in each of them a Fruit like our Almonds, which is very sweet, tho' the Tree stinks: Its Leaves are like our Walnut-trees. We saw also in the Meadows a Fruit like our Filbirds: The Tree which bears it has its Leaves much broader than ours; and at the End of the Branches there is a kind of a Purse like a Turnbole, in which the Filbirds are locked up. Along the Rocks I have mentioned, we found one very high and steep, and saw two Monsters painted upon it, which are so hideous that we were frighted at the first Sight, and the boldest Savages dare not fix their Eyes upon them. They are drawn as big as a Calf, with two Horns like a Wild-Goat; Their Looks are terrible, tho' their Face has something of Humane Figure in it: Their Eyes are Red, their Beard is like that of a Tiger, and their Body is covered with Scales. Their Tail is so long that it goes o'er their Heads, and then turns between their Forelegs under the Belly, ending like a Fish-Tail. There are but three Colours, viz. Red, Green, and Black; but those Monsters are so well drawn, that I cannot believe that the Savages did it; and the Rock whereon they are painted is so steep, that it is a Wonder to me how it was possible to draw those Figures: But to know to what purpose they were made, is as great a Mystery. Whatever it be, our best Painters would hardly do better. As we fell down the River, following the gentle Stream of the Waters, and discoursing upon those Monsters, we heard a great Noise of Waters, and saw several Pieces of Timber, and small floating Islands, which were huddled down the River Pekitanoni. The Waters of this River are so muddy, because of the violence of its Stream, that it is impossible to drink of it, and they spoil the Clearness of the Mississipi, and make its Navigation very dangerous in this Place. This River runs from the North-West; and I hope to discover, in following its Channel towards its Source, some other River that discharges itself into the Mar Marvejo, or the Caliphornian-Gulph. The Savages told me, That about six Days Journey from its Mouth, there is a Meadow of thirty Leagues broad, at the end whereof, directly to the North-West, is a small River, which is near navigable for canoe's, and runs to the South-West into a Lake, from which springs a deep River, which runs directly Westward into the Sea, which certainly must be the Mar Vermejo; and I hope I shall have, one time or other, the opportunity to undertake that Discovery, to instruct those poor Nations who have been so long ignorant of their Creator. But leaving this Digression, I return to the Mississipi. About 20 Leagues lower than the Pekitanoni, we met another River called Ouabouskigou, which runs into the Mississipi, in the Latitude of 36 degrees; but before we arrived there, we passed through a most formidable Place to the Savages, who believe that a Manitoa, or Devil, resides in that Place, to deliver such who are so bold as to come near it. They had told us dreadful Stories to deter us from our Undertaking; but this terrible Manitoa proves nothing but some Rocks in a turning of the River, about thirty foot high, against whom the Stream runs with a great violence; and being beaten back by the Rocks and Island near it, the Waters make a great noise, and flow with a great rapidity through a narrow Canal, which is certainly very dangerous to unskilful Canow-men. This River Ouabouskigou comes from the Eastward; the Chuoanous inhabit its Banks, and are so numerous, that I have been informed there are thirty eight Villages of that Nation situated on this River. This People is much infected by the Iroquois, who make a cruel War upon them without any Provocation, but only because they are a poor harmless Nation, unacquainted with any Arms. They take them without any resistance, and carry them into Slavery. A little above the Mouth of the River, we saw some Downs, wherein our Men discovered a good Iron-Mine: They saw several Veins of it, and a Lay of about a foot thick. There is also a great quantity of it adhering to the Flints, some of which they brought into our Canow. There is also a kind of fat Earth of three different Colours, viz. Purple, Violet, and Red, which turns the Water into a deep Blood-colour. We found also a red Sand very heavy: I put some upon my Oar, which immediately became red; and the Waters could not wash it away for a Fortnight together. We had seen no Reeds or Canes; but they begin to be so thick in this Place, that Wild Oxen can hardly go through them. They grow very high and big, and their Knots are crowned with several Leaves long and sharp, the greenness whereof is incomparable. We had not been troubled hitherto with Gnats, but they began to be very troublesome to us a little lower in the Ouabouskigou. The Savages who inhabit this Country are obliged to build their Huts in a different manner from the other, because of those troublesome Flies. They drive into the Ground big Poles, very near one another, which support a large Hurdle, which serves them instead of a Floor, under which they make their Fire; and the Smoke drives away those Creatures, who cannot abide it. They lay upon that Hurdle, the Roof whereof is covered with Skins against the Rain, and serves also to shelter them against the Heat of the Sun. The same Reason obliged us to make a Cabin over our Canow. As we were considering the Country, the Banks of the River being very low, we discovered several Savages armed with Fire-Arms, waiting for us upon the Shoar, where the Stream of the River carried us. Our Men prepared themselves to fight, and it was resolved to let them fire first of all; and as we came near, I spoke to them in the Language of the Hurons, and showed my Calumet of Peace; but they did not answer me, which we took for a Declaration of War. However, we resolved to venture to pass; but when they had seen us at a nearer distance, they desired us in a friendly manner to come to their Habitations, where they entertained us with Beef and Oil of Bears, together with white Plums, as good every bit as ours. These Savages have Guns, Knives, Axes, Shovels, Glass-Beads, and Bottles wherein they put their Gunpowder. They wear their Hair long▪ as the Iroquois, and their Women are covered as they are amongst the Hurons. They told us, That they were only within ten Days Journey of the Sea; that they bought those Commodities from Europeans who live to the Eastward; that these Europeans had Images and Beads; that they play upon Instruments; that some were clothed as I was, and that they were very kind to them. However, I could find nothing in them, that could persuade me that they had received any Instruction about our Holy Religion. I endeavoured to give them a general Idea of it, and presented them with some Medals to put them in mind of it. The account given us by the Savages was a great Encouragement to us, in hopes to see the Sea in a few Days; and therefore we rowed with an extraordinary vigour. The Banks of the River began to be covered with high Trees, which hindered us from observing the Country, as we had done all along; but we judged from the bellowing of the Oxen, that the Meadows are very near. We saw some Quails on the Waterside, and shot a small Parrot, who had the half of his Head red, and the other part, and the Neck, yellow, and the rest of the Body green. We found ourselves in this Place in the Latitude of 33 Degrees, steering directly Southerly; and a little while afterwards we discovered a Village on the Riverside called Michigamea. The Savages made a great noise, and appeared in Arms, dividing themselves into three Parties, one of which stood on the Shoar, while the others went into their Wooden canoe's to intercept our Retreat, and prevent our escape. They were armed with Bows and Arrows, Clubs, Axes, and Bucklers. Notwithstanding these Preparations, we rowed directly to the Shoar, where their main Body stood; and as we came near, two of their young Warriors flung themselves into the Water to board my Canow, which he would have done, had not the rapidity of the Stream prevented his Design; so that they were forced to return ashore, having thrown at us their Clubs, which by good fortune went over our Heads. I presented my Calumet of Peace, but they werè so busy that they could not see: However, as they advanced in a body to shoot at us, the Old Men discovered my Calumet; whereupon they made an Outcry, commanding their Youth to stop, and two of them advanced to the Waterside, throwing their Arrows and Quivers into our Canow, as a sign of Peace, desiring us by signs to come ashore, which we did, tho' with great apprehensions. I spoke to them in six different Languages, of which they understood none; but they brought an Old Man who spoke Illinois, whom we told, That we designed to go to the Sea, and made them some small Presents. They understood what I told them on this matter; but very little, as I fear, what I added concerning the CREATOR of the World. They answered, That we should learn whatever we desired ten Leagues lower, at a great Village called Akamsca, and presented us with their Sagometta and some Fish. We lay there that Night in great Fears, and the next Morning embarked again with our Interpreter and ten Savages in one of their wooden canoe's, and met within half a League from Akamsca two large canoe's full of Savages. The Captain was standing in the first, holding his Calumet, of which he made several Motions, according to the Customs of his Country. I stood up likewise in my Canow with my Calumet, at which they were so pleased, that they met us with all imaginable Demonstrations of Joy, attended with Songs and Shouts. They presented us their Calumet to smoke, and some Bread made of Indian Corn, and then returned home, bidding us to follow him, which we did at some distance. They had in the mean time prepared a kind of Scaffold to receive us, adorned with fine Mats; upon which we fat down, and the Old Men and Warriors near us, the rest of the People standing off. We found amongst them a young Man who spoke Illinois much better than the Interpreter we had brought with us from Mitchigamea; and we desired him to acquaint his Nation with the Subject of our Voyage, as he had understood it from us. We made him some small Presents, which they received with great Civility, and seemed to admire what I told them concerning GOD, the Creation of the World, and the Providences; telling us by the Interpreter, That they should think themselves very happy, if we would remain with them to teach them. They told us that we were within five Days Journey from the Sea; but that they were not acquainted with the Nation inhabiting the same; meaning doubtless the Europeans; for their Enemies hindered them from keeping any Correspondence with them. They added, That their Axes, Knives, and Glass-Beads, had been given them in exchange of other Commodities, by some Nations inhabiting to the Eastward, and by some Illinois, who had an Habitation to the Westward within four Days Journey: That the Savages whom we had met with Fire-Arms, were their Enemies, who hindered their Commerce with the Europeans; and that we should be exposed to great Dangers, did not venture to proceed farther, because those Savages were continually cruizing at the River. In the mean time, they brought us some Sagamettea, with some roasted Corn, and a piece of a Dog. These Savages are very courteous, and give freely what they have; but their Provisions are but indifferent, because they dare not leave their Habitation to go a Hunting for fear of their Enemies. They have Indian Corn in great plenty, and at all times, having three Crops every Year. They roast it, or else boil it in great Pots of Earth, which are curiously made. They go naked, and wear their Hair very short, boring their Ears, which they adorn with Rings of Glass-Beads; but their Women are covered with Skins, having their Hair divided into two Tresses, which they throw behind their Back, without any other Ornament. Their Feasts are without any Ceremony: They serve their Meats in great Dishes, and every one eats as much as he pleases. Their Language is very difficult, and I could never pronounce any Word. Their Cabins are made with the Barks of Trees, and are generally very long; they lie at the two ends, their Beds being about two foot higher than the Floor. They keep their Corn in Paniers made of Rushes, or in great Gourds. They have no Beavers, and all their Commodities are the Skins of Wild Oxen. It never Snows in their Country, and they have no other Winter than some violent Rains, which makes the only difference between Summer and Winter. They have no other Fruit but Water-Melons, though their Soil might produce any other, did they know how to cultivate it. They held a Council, wherein some proposed to murder us, because of our Commodities; but their Chief opposed that base Design, and having sent for us, danced the Calumet in our Presence, which he presented me with, to seal our common Friendship. M. joliet and I in the mean time called our Men together, to advise whether we should proceed any further, or return home from thence; and having considered that the Gulf of Mexico lying in the Latitude of 31 Degrees and 40 Minutes, could be but within three or four Days Journey from the Akamsca, and that therefore the Mississipi discharged itself into it, and not to the Eastward of the Cape of Florida, or into the Californian-Sea, as it was expected, it was resolved to return home. We considered likewise that the Advantage of our great Voyage would be altogether lost to our Nation, did we fall into the hands of the Spaniards, from whom we could expect no other Treatment but Death or Slavery; and therefore it was more prudent to content ourselves with this Discovery, and make a Report thereof to those who had sent us. So that having rested another Day, we left the Village of the Akamsca, on the 17 th' of july, having followed the Mississipi from the Latitude of 42 to 34, and preached the Gospel to the utmost of my Power, to the Nations we visited. We went up the River with great Difficulty, because of the Rapidity of the Stream, and left it in the Latitude of 38 Degrees, and went into a River, which conducted us into the Lake of the Illinois, which Way is much shorter than the other, by the River Mescousin, through which we came. I never saw a more pleasant Country than the Banks of that River. The Meadows are covered with Oxen, Stags, Wild-Goats; and the Rivers and Lakes with Bustards, Swans, Ducks, Beavers. We saw also abundance of Parrots. Several small Rivers fall into this, which is deep and broad, for 65 Leagues, and therefore navigable almost all the Year long. There is but a Portage of half a League into the Lake of the Illinois. We found on the Banks of the said River a Village of Illinois called Kuilka, consisting of 74 Cabins. They received us with all the Kindness imaginable, and obliged me to promise that I would return to instruct them, and live in their Country. Their Captain, with most of their Youth, accompanied us to the Lake of the Illinois, from whence we returned to the Bay of Puans; where we arrived towards the latter end of September, having been about three Months in our Journey. Although my tedious Journey should be attended with no other Advantage than the Salvation of one Soul, I should think my Pains sufficiently rewarded, and I hope I may presume so much, for having preached the Gospel to the Illinois of Perovacca for three Days together, in our Return, my Words made such an Impression upon that poor People, that as we were embarking, they brought to me a Dying Child, to christian him, which I did about half an Hour before he died, by a special Providence of God, who was pleased to save that innocent Creature. Frequent mention having been made in the preceding journal of M. du Salles; it may be expected some Account should be given of his latter Discoveries, the unfortunate Success thereof, and his own Tragical End; which so discouraged the French, that they never after made any further Attempt. MR. du Salles, with divers French who did accompany him, fell down to the Mouth of the Great River, where it disembogues itself into the Gulf of Mexico; but neither he nor any of his Company understanding Navigation, or wanting Instruments, fancied they were in the Latitude of 27 Degrees, whereas really it was 29; and not being able to inform themselves of its Longitude, or distance from the most Westerly End of the Gulf, they presumed they were within a few Leagues of the River of Magdalen, which is 60 Leagues North of the River of Palms, and 120 from the River Panuco, as it is represented in Hennepin's Chart, and on the Great Globe of Coronelli; which great Mistake was the cause of all his Misfortunes: For after his return up the River, and through the Great Lakes to Canada, he embraced the next Opportunity of returning by Shipping for France; where he to the King and his Ministers gave such a favourable Representation of the Country, and Commodities therein contained, the Populousness of the Country, Civility of the Inhabitants far exceeding all the other Natives of America they had the Knowledge of: The King thereupon ordered him a Fleet, and a very considerable Equipage, viz. a Man of War carrying 56 Guns, a great Flyboat, a Patache, and a Brigantine, with things convenient for establishing a Colony and Traffic with the Natives. This Fleet was Commanded by M. Beaujeau, an Experienced Sea-Captain, who was Victualled for a Year; and M. du Salles had under his Command 150 Land-men, who were to settle in the Country. The Fleet passed by Martinico and Guardaloupe, where they took in fresh Provision and Water, together with divers Volunteers; and by M. du Salles' Direction, sailed thence to the North-West end of the Gulf, in 27 Degrees. When they arrived there, they were in great confusion, not being able to come near the Coast of Florida, by reason of a long Bank Reciff, or as the French call it Contre-coste, which they searched for some hundred Miles. It was nowhere above a Musket-shot over, and every 20 or 30 Miles there was a Breach, by which the Waters issued out of a vast Lagune, whose breadth they could not learn. They went in their Ship-Boat above 40 Miles, and could not gain sight of the main Land or Continent. This Lagune was shallow, in some Places six foot, in few above nine or ten; there are scattered up and down in it divers small Islands, upon one of them they found above four hundred Indians, who did not inhabit there, but came accidentally, being upon some Expedition. They were all Archers, very proper goodly Men; their Huts were covered with Skins of the wild crook-back Kine, which the French call Pesikieus, the Spaniards Corcobades, or Crook-backed. They conversed and trafficked very friendly with the French divers Weeks, until an unhappy Accident made a great Breach. M. du Salles, against the Opinion of the Pilots, would adventure the Flyboat through one of the Breaches into the Lagune, apprehending he had found a Channel of sufficient depth, through which he might pass to the Continent: But whither the Channel was too shallow, or that they mistook it, the Flyboat was lost, and the Frigate drawing little Water, escaped. The Indians upon the Island saved some small matter of the Wreck, which the French would take by force from them: They offered in exchange Skins, and such other Commodities as they had. The French when they could get no more, took two of their Piroques, or large canoe's; which being absolutely necessary for them, and without which they could not possibly return to the main Land from whence they came, occasioned a Skirmish, in which the French lost fifteen Men, and the Indians many more. M. du Salles being almost distracted, not knowing how to find the Mouth of the River, took the Frigate, divers Boats and Pinnaces, together with a hundred and fifty Men, and Provisions for a Month, and crossed the Lagune, with an intention to search the Coast till he found the Mouth of the Great River. M. Beaujeu waited ten Weeks, and heard no Tidings from him, it being in the Heat of Summer. They wanting Water and Provisions, besides abundance of his Men falling sick of Fevers and Bloody-fluxes, he departed for France, without any News of M. du Salle; who after he departed from the Ships, rambled some Days in the Lagune, and coasted the Main chiefly towards the West; which was directly contrary to the Course he should have taken, the great River being distant above one hundred Leagues to the East. But many believe M. du Salle was guilty of a wilful Mistake; for he persuaded his Men, That since they could not find the River, and were come to the Riuèr of St. Magdalen, being the North-Westerly end of the Gulf, which was not above two hundred Leagues from the rich Mines of Endehe, Santa Barbara, la Parale, and others in the Province of Saceatecas, where the Spaniards are few, and not Warlike, they could not fail of a rich and easy Booty. This Proposition occasioned a great Division amongst his Men, and deadly Feuds: One part were ready to comply with his Project; others for returning to their Ships; a third Party for searching the Continent towards the East, till they found the Great River, and then return and Pilot the Ship thither, and pursue their Instructions of Planting and Trading. From Words they came to Blows; many were killed in the Scuffle, and amongst other's M. du Salle very treacherously by one of his pretended Friends. Upon his Death they divided, and took several Courses. They that returned to seek the Ship, found it departed, and were never heard of since; others scattered, some Easterly, some Westerly and Northerly. When I received this Account, which was above three Years after this disastrous Expedition, not above Six were returned to Canada, and amongst them M. de Salle's Brother. So that the Providence of Almighty GOD seems to have reserved this Country for the English, a Patent whereof was granted above Fifty Years ago to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who have made great Discoveries therein, seven hundred Miles Westerly from the Mountains, which separate between it Carolina and Virginia, and Six hundred Miles from North to South, from the Gulf of Mexico to the great inland Lakes, which are situated behind the Mountains of Carolina and Virginia. Besides, they have an Account of all the Coast, from the Cape of Florida to the River Panuco, the Northerly Bounds of the Spaniards on the Gulf of Mexico, together with most of the chief Harbours, Rivers, and Islands thereunto appertaining; and are about to establish a very considerable Colony on some part of the great River, so soon as they have agreed upon the Boundaries, or Limits, with the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who claim by a Patent procured long after that of Carolina. But there being space enough for both, and the Proprietors generally inclined to an amicable Conclusion, the Success of this Undertaking is impatiently expected: For considering the Benignity of the Climate, the Healthfulness of the Country, Fruitfulness of the Soil, Ingenuity and Tractableness of the Inhabitants, Variety of Productions, if prudently managed, it cannot, humanely speaking, fail of proving one of the most considerable Colonies on the North-Continent of America, profitable to the Public and the Undertakers. POSTSCRIPT. I Am informed a large Map, or Draught, of this Country is preparing, together with a very particular Account of the Natives, their Customs, Religion, Commodities, and Materials for divers sorts of Manufacturers, which are by the English procured at great Expense from other Countries. FINIS.