A SURVEY OF THE Estate of France, AND Of some of the adjoining LANDS: TAKEN In the Description of the principal Cities, and chief Provinces; with, The Temper, Humour and Affections of the People generally; And an exact account of the Public Government in reference to the Court, the Church, and the Civil State.  
By PETER HEYLYN.  
Published according to the Authors own Copy, and with his consent, for preventing of all False, Imperfect, and Surreptitious Impressions of it.  
LONDON, Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile, and are to be sold at the Black-boy over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet, M. DC. LVI.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE Lord marquis OF DORCHESTER.  
IHere present unto your Lordship the Fruits, if not the Follies also, of my younger days, not published now, if the audaciousness of some others had not made that necessary which in my own thoughts was esteemed unseasonable. The reasons why I have no sooner published these Relations, and those which have enforced me to do it now, are laid down in the following Preface, sufficient (as I hope) both to excuse and justify me with ingenuous men. But for my boldness in giving them the countenance of your Lordship's name, I shall not study other reasons then a desire to render to your Lordship some acknowledgement of those many fair expressions of esteem and favour, which your Lordship from my first coming to Westminster, hath vouchsafed unto me. Your known abilities in most parts of learning, together with the great respects you have for those which pretend unto it, inclined you to embrace such opinion of me, as was more answerable to your own goodness then to my desert, and to cherish in me those Proficiencies, which were more truly in yourself. And for my part, I always looked upon your Lordship as a true Son of the Church of England, devoted zealously to her Forms of worship, the orthodoxies of her Doctrine, and the Apostolicism of her Government; which makes me confident that these pieces will not prove unwelcome to you, in which the superstitions & innovations of the two opposite parties, are with an equal hand laid open to your Lordship's view. Nor shall you find in these Relations, such matters of compliance only with your Lordship in point of Judgement, as promise satisfaction unto your intellectual, and more noble parts; but many things which may afford you entertainments of a different nature, when you are either spent with study, or wearied with affairs of more near importance. For here you have the principallest Cities and fairest Provinces of France presented in as lively colours, as my unpolished hand could give them; the Temper, Humour and Affections of the People, generally deciphered with a free and impartial Pen; the public Government of the whole, in reference to the Court, the Church, and the Civil State, described more punctually than ever heretofore in the English Tongue; some observations intermingled of more ancient learning, but pertinent and proper to the business which I had in hand. You have here such an account also of some of the adjoining Islands (the only remainders of our Rights in the Dukedom of Normandy) that your Lordship may find cause to wonder, how I could say so much on so small a subject, if the great alterations which have happened there in bringing in and working out the Genevian Discipline, had not occasioned these enlargements. Such as it is, it is submitted with that Reverence to your Lordship's Judgement, which best becometh  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most humble And most devoted Servant, Pet. Heylyn.   

The Author's Preface to the Reader.  
I. IT may seem strange unto the Reader, that after so large a volume of Cosmography, in which the world was made the subject of my Travels, I should descend unto the publishing of these Relations, which point at the estate only of some neighbouring places: or that in these declining times of my life and fortunes, I should take pleasure in communicating such Compositions, as were the products of my youth, and therefore probably not able to endure the censure of severer age. And to say truth, there are some things in this publication, whereof I think myself obliged to give an account to him that shall read these papers, as well for his satisfaction as mine own discharge; as namely touching the occasion of these several Journeys, my different manner of proceeding in these Relations, the reasons why not published sooner, and the impulsions which have moved me to produce them now.  
II. For the two first, the Reader may be pleased to know, that as I undertook the first Journey, in the company of a private friend, only to satisfy myself in taking a brief view of the pleasures and delights of France; so having pleased my self in the sight thereof, and in the observation of such things as were most considerable, I resolved to give myself the pleasure of making such a character and description of them, as were then most agreeable to my present humour, at what time both my wits and fancies (if ever I was master of any) were in their predominancy. I was then free from all engagements, depending merely on myself, not having fastened my relations upon any one man, in order to my future preferment in Church or State, and therefore thought of nothing else then a self-complacency, and the contentment of indulging to mine own affections. This made me to take that liberty in deciphering the tempers, humours, and behaviours of the French Nation generally, which to a grave judgement may seem too luxuriant, and to have more in it of the Satirist, then is consistent with an equal and impartial character. But in the midst of so much folly (if the Reader shall vouchsafe it no better name) there is such a mixture of more serious matters, as makes the temperature of the whole be more delightful; according to that saying of Horace in his Book de Arte Poetica:  
Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci.  
That is to say,  
He hits on every point aright,  
Who mingleth profit with delight.  
III. The other Journey being undertaken almost four years after, in attendance on the Earl of Danby, is fashioned after a more serious and solemn manner. I had then began to apply myself to the Lord Bishop of London, and was resolved to present the work to him, when it was once finished, and therefore was to frame my style agreeably unto the gravity and composedness of so great a Prelate. My design was to let him see in the whole body and contexture of that discourse, that I was not altogether uncapable of managing such public business, as he might afterwards think fit to entrust me with; and it succeeded so well with me, that within a short time after he recommended me unto his Majesty for a Chaplain in ordinary, and by degrees employed me in affairs of such weight and moment, as rendered my service not unuseful to the Church and State; however mistaken by some men, who think all matters ill conducted, which either pass not through their own hands, or are not managed by their sinister and precipitate counsels. This makes the style and language of the second Journey to be so different from the first. The indiscretion would have been impardonable, if I had come before such a person in so light a garb, as might have given him a just occasion to suppose, that I had too much of the Antic, and might be rather serviceable to his recreations, then to be honoured with employments of more weight and consequence.  
IV. If it be asked, why these Relations were not published assoon as they passed my hands, and might be thought more seasonable, than they are at this present; the Answer in a manner may prevent the question. The last discourse, being written, and intended purposely as a Present to that great Prelate whom before I spoke of, could not with any fitness, be communicated to the public view without his consent. For having tendered it unto him, it was no more mine, and not being mine, I had no reason to dispose otherwise of it, as long as the property thereof was vested in him by mine own free act. But he being laid to sleep in the bed of peace, I conceive myself to have gotten such a second right therein, as the Granter hath many times in Law, when there is no Heir left of the Grantee to enjoy the gift, and consequently to lay any claim unto it. And being resolved, upon the reasons hereafter following, to publish the first of these two Journals, I thought it not amiss to let this also wait upon it, second in place, as it had been second in performance and course of time.  
V. So for the first Journey, being digested and committed unto writing for mine own contentment, without the thought of pleasing any body else; the keeping of it by me did as much conduce to the end proposed, as if it had been published to the view of others. And I had still satisfied myself in enjoying that end, if the importunity of friends (who were willing to put themselves to that charge and trouble) had not drawn some copies of it from me. By means whereof it came unto more hands than I ever meant it, and at the last into such hands, by which it would have been presented to the public view without my consent; and that too with such faults and errors, as Transcripts of necessity must be subject to when not compared with the Original, or perused by the Author. And had it happened so, as it was like enough to happen, and hath happened since, the faults and errors of the Copy, as well as of the Press, would have passed for mine▪ and I must have been thought accountable for those transgressions which the ignorance and unadvisedness of other men would have drawn upon me. And yet there was some other reason, which made the publishing of that Journal when first finished by me, not so fit nor safe, nor so conducible to some ends, which I had in view. I had before applied myself unto his Majesty, when Prince of Wales, by Dedicating to him the first Essays of my cosmography; and thereby opened for myself a passage into the Court, whensoever I should have a mind to look that way. And at the time when I had finished these Relations, the French party there were as considerable for their number, as it was afterwards for their power: and the discourse fashioned with so much liberty, and touching (as it might be thought) with so much Gayete de coeur upon the humours of that people, might have procured me no good welcome; and proved but an unhandsome harbinger, to take up any good lodging for me in that place, when either my studies should enable, or my ambition prompt me to aspire unto it. Which causes being now removed, I conceive the time to be more seasonable now, than it was at the first, and that these papers may more confidently walk the open streets, without giving any just offence to myself or others.  
VI For though perhaps it may be said, that I have made too bold with the French, and that my character of that people, hath too much of the Satirist in it, as before was intimated; yet I conceive that no sober minded man either of that Nation or of this, will find himself aggrieved at my freedom in it. The French and other foreign Nations make as bold with us, not sparing to lay open our wants and weaknesses, even without occasion, and offering them by such multiplying Glasses to the sight of others, as render them far greater than indeed they are. Men of facetious fancies and scoffing wits (as the French generally are) must not expect to be always on the offering hand, but be content to take such money as they use to give; there would be else no living near them, or conversing with them. Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim, in the Poet's language. Besides the reader must distinguish betwixt the inclinations of nature, and corruptions in manners. Natural inclinations may be described under a free and liberal character, without any wrong unto the Nations which are so described: nor is it more to the dishonour of the French, to say that they are airy, light, Mercurial, assoon lost as found; then to the Spaniard, to be accounted slow, and Saturn●ne, lofty and proud, even in the lowest ebb of a beggarly fortune. The temperature of the soil and air, together with the influences of the heavenly bodies, occasion that variety of temper and affections in all different Nations, which can be no reproach unto them, when no corruption of manners, no vice in matter of morality is charged upon them. Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia, et patriae sorte durantia, quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant, saith a modern but judicious Author. The present French had not been else so like the Galls in the Roman stories, had not those influences, and other natural causes before remembered, produced the same natural inclinations, and impulsions in them, as they had effected in the other; their own Duke Bartas saith as much touching this particular, as he is thus translated by Josuah Sylvester.  

O see how full of wonders strange is nature,  
Sith in each climate, not alone in stature,  
Strength, colour, hair; but that men differ do  
Both in their humours, and their manners too.   

The Northern man is fa●r, the Southern foul;  
That's white, this black, that smiles & this doth scowl.  
The one blithe and frolic, the other dull & froward,  
The one full of courage, the other a fearful coward.   
VI Much less would I be thought injurious to the female sex, though I have used the like freedom in my character of them. I doubt not but there are amongst them, many gallant women, of most exemplary virtue, and unquestioned chastity; and I believe the greatest part are such indeed, though their behaviour at first sight might, to a man untravelled, persuade the contrary. But general characters are to be fitted to the temper and condition of a people generally, unto the Generasingulorum, as Logicians phrase it, though possibly (as there are few general Rules without some exceptions) many particular persons both of rank and merit, may challenge an exemption from them:  Queis meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan. 
To whom the heavens have made a breast  
Of choicer metal than the rest.  
And it is possible enough I might have been more sparing of that liberty which I then gave unto myself, were there occasion to make a second character of them at this present time; or had I not thought fit to have offered this discourse without alteration, as it first issued from my pen. Our English women at that time were of a more retired behaviour than they have been since, which made the confident carriage of the French Damosels, seem more strange unto me, whereas of late the garb of our women is so altered, and they have so much in them of the mode of France, as easily might take off those misapprehensions, with which I was really possessed at my first coming thither. So much doth custom alter the true face of things, that it makes many things approvable, which at the first appeared unsightly.  
VIII. In the next place it may be said that this short Journal deserves not to be called A SURVEY OF THE STATE OF FRANCE, considering that it only treateth of some particular Provinces, and of such Towns and Cities only in those Provinces, as came within the compass of a personal view. But than it may be said withal, that these four Provinces which I passed thorough, and describe, may be considered as the Epitome of the whole, the abstract or compendium of the Body of France: the Isle of France being looked on as the mother of Paris, Picardy as the chiefest Granary, and La Because as the nurse thereof; as Normandy is esteemed for the Bulwark of all France itself by reason of that large Sea-coast, and well fortified Havens, wherewith it doth confront the English. And if the rule be true in Logic (as I think it is) that a Denomination may be taken from the nobler parts; then certainly a Survey of these four Provinces, the noblest and most considerable parts of all that Kingdom, may be entitled without any absurdity the Survey of France. For besides that which hath been spoken, it was in these four Provinces that Henry the 4. did lay the scene of his long war against the Leaguers, as if in keeping them assured or subjected to him the safety of the whole Kingdom did consist especially. For though the war was carried into most other Provinces as the necessity of affairs required, yet it was managed in those Provinces by particular parties. Neither the King himself, nor the Duke of Mayenne (the heads of the contending Armies) did act any thing in them except some light velitations in Champagne, and one excursion into Burgundy; the whole decision of the quarrels, depending principally, if not wholly, in the getting of these. The Duke of Parma had not else made so long a march from the Court of Brussels, to raise the King's Army from the siege of Roven; nor had the King mustered up all his wit and power to recover Amiens, when dexterously surprised by a Spanish stratagem. And if it be true, which the French generally affirm of Paris, that it is the Eye, nay the very Soul of all France itself; I may with confidence affirm, that I have given more sight to that Eye, more life and spirit to that Soul, then hath been hitherto communicated in the English. Tongue. The Realm of France surveyed in the four principal Provinces, and the chief Cities of the whole, gives a good colour to the title, and yet the title hath more colour to insist upon, than the description of these Cities, and those principal Provinces, can contribute towards it. For though I have described those four Provinces only in the way of Chorography, yet I have took a general and a full Survey of the State of France, in reference to the Court, the Church, and the Civil State, which are the three main limbs of all Bodies Politic, and took it in so full a manner, as I think none, and am assured that very few have done before me.  
IX. If it be said that my stay was not long enough to render me exact and punctual in my observations: I hope it will be said withal, that the less my stay was, my diligence must be the greater, and that I husbanded my time to the best advantage. For knowing that we could not stay there longer, than our money lasted, and that we carried not the wealth of the Indies with us, I was resolved to give myself as little rest, as the necessities of nature could dispense withal; and so to work myself into the good opinions of some principal persons of that nation, who were best able to inform me, as might in short space furnish me with such instructions, as others with a greater expense both of time and money could not so readily attain. By this accommodating of myself unto the humours of some men, and a resolution not to be wanting to that curiosity which I carried with me, there was nothing which I desired to know (and there was nothing which I desired not to know) but what was readily imparted to me both with love and cheerfulness. Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere mallem? I always looked upon it as a greater shame to be ignorant of any thing, then to be taught by any body; and therefore made such use of men of both Religions, as were most likely to acquaint me with the counsels of their several parties. Nor was I purse-bound when I had occasion to see any of those Rarities, Relics, and matters of more true antiquity, which either their Religious Houses, Churches, Colleges, yea, or the Court itself could present unto me. Money is never better spent then when it is laid out in the buying of knowledge.  
X. In the last place it may be said that many things have happened both in the Court and State of France, many great revolutions and alterations in the face thereof, since I digested the Relation of this Journey for my own contentment; which makes this publication the more unseasonable, and my consent unto it subject to the greater censure: which notwithstanding I conceive that the discourse will be as useful to the ingenuous Reader, as if it had gone sheet by sheet from the Pen to the Press, and had been offered to him in that point of time when it took life from me. The learned labours of Pausanias in his Chorography of Greece, are as delightful now to the studious Reader, as formerly to the best wits of Rome or Athens. Nor need we doubt, but that the description of the Netherlands by Lewis Guicciardine, and of the Isles of Britain by our famous Camden, will yield as great profit and contentment to future Ages, as to the men that knew the Authors. The Realm of France is still the same, the temperature of the air and soil the same, the humours and affections of the people still the same; the Fractions of the Church as great, the Government as Regal or despotical now, as when the Author was amongst them. The Cities stand in the same places which before they stood in, and the Rivers keep the same channels which before they had, no alteration in the natural parts of that great body, and not much in the politic neither. The change which since hath happened by the Death of the King, being rather in the person of the Prince, than the form of Government. Affairs of State then managed by a Queen-Mother, and a Cardinal favourite, as they are at this present. The King in his Majority then, but not much versed or studied in his own concernments, as he is at this present; the Realm divided then into parties and factions (though not into the same factions) as it is at this present; and finally, the English then in as high esteem, by reason of the alliance then newly made between the Princes, as they can possibly be now, by reason of the late concluded peace betwixt the Nations. Nor hath there happened any thing not reconcilable to the present times, but the almost miraculous birth of the King and his Brother after 20 years' barrenness, and the marriage of the Monsieur with Montpensiers Daughter, contrary to the general expectation of all that people, and for the first (I think I may be bold to say) of the world besides.  
XII. These reasons as they may excuse this publication, in reference to the work itself, so there is one which serves to justify it in respect of the Author; that is to say, the manifesting of this truth to all which shall peruse these papers, that he is still of the same Judgement, and opinion in matters of Religion, God's worship, and the government of holy Church, of which he was 30 years ago, when the Relation of the first Journey was fashioned by him; that he hath stood his ground in all those revolutions both of Church and State, which have happened since; that he now holds no other Tenets, than those to which he hath been principled by education, and confirmed by study; and finally that such opinions as he holds, be they right or wrong, he brought to the Court with him, and took not from thence. So that whatsoever other imputation may be charged upon him, he cannot be accused for a timeserver, but always constant to himself, in all times the same; Qualis ab incepto processeri●, in the Poet's language, the same man then as now without alteration Compare my late book upon the Creed, with these present Journals, and it will easily be seen, that in all points wherein I have occasion to declare my Judgement, I am nothing altered; that neither the temptations of preferment, nor that great turn both in the public and my own affairs which hath happened since; have made me other then I was at the very first.  
XIII. It's true in reading over these papers as they were sent to the Press, I found some things which I could willingly have rectified as they passed my hands; but that I chose rather to let them go with some Petit errors, then alter any thing in the Copy, which might give any the least occasion to this misconceit, that the work went not to the Press, as it came from my pen, but was corrected by the line and level of my present Judgement. And for such petit errors, as then scaped my hands, being they are but petit errors, they may the more easily be pardoned by ingenuous men. But howsoever being errors, though but petit errors, I hold it necessary to correct them, and shall correct them in this order as they come before me.  
Normandy bounded on the South with L'Isle de 
P. 4. l. 27.  France] Not with the Isle of France distinctly and properly so called, occasioned by the circlings of the Scine and the Marne, in which Paris standeth; but by that part of France, which is called commonly France Special, or the Proper France, as being the first fixed seat of the French Nation, after their first entrance into G●ul; which notwithstanding may in some sense, be called the Isle of France also, because environed on all sides with some river or other, that is to say, with the Velle on the East, the Ewer on the West, the Oise on the North, and a vein Riveret of the Seine on the South parts of it.  
The name Neustria] Not named so in the time of 
P. 5. l. 10.  the Romans, when it was reckoned for a part of Gallia Celtica, as the words not well distinguished do seem to intimate; but when it was a part of the French Empire, and then corruptly so called for Westria, signifying the West parts thereof: the name of Westria or Westenrick, being given by some to this part of the Realm of West France, as that of Austria or Ostenric to a part of East France.  
By the permission of Charles the Bald] Not so, but by the sufferance of Charles the Simple, a weaker 
Ibid. l. 17.  Prince, and far less able to support the Majesty of a King of France. For though the Normans ransacked the Sea coasts of this Country during the reign of Charles the Bald, which lasted from the year 841 to the year 879. yet Charles the Bald was not so simple nor so ill advised, as to give them livery and seisin of so large a Province. That was a business fit for none but Charles' the SIMPLE, who began his reign in the year 900. and unto him the words foregoing would direct the Reader, where it is thus told us of these Normans, anno 900. they first seated themselves in France, etc. which relates plainly to the reign of Charles the Simple, in the beginning whereof they first settled here, though Rollo their chief Captain was not honoured with the title of Duke of Normandy until 12 years after.  
For the most part of a light and sandy mould] mistaken 
P. 7. l. 26.  in the print for a light and handy, that is to say, of a more easy tillage, than the rest of those Kingdoms. Which words though positively true of the Country of Norfolk, are to be understood of Normandy, comparatively and respectively to the rest of France; for otherwise it would ill agree with the following words, where it is said to be of a fat and liking soil, as indeed it is, though not so fat and deep as the Isle of France, La Because, or many others of the Southern Provinces.  
The French custom giving to all the sons an equality 
P. 8. l. 17.  in the Estate] which must be understood of the Estates of meaner and inferior persons, and not of those of eminent, and more noble Families, which have been altered in this point; The Lands and Honours passing undivided to the eldest sons, the better to support the dignity of their place and titles; as many Gentlemen of Kent have changed their old tenure by Gavellinde into Knight's service, for the same reason, and obtained several Acts of Parliament to make good that change.  
For when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamont] 
P. 34 l. 2.  so he is said to be by Rusener, as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamont; but Paradine, the best Herald of all the French, speaks more doubtfully of him, not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian, and others (whose authority I have elsewhere followed) make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian, whose children he is said to have dispossessed of the Crown, and transferred the same unto himself.  
The reason of the name I could not learn amongst 
P. 125 l. 25.  the people] That is to say, not such a reason of the name, as I then approved of, my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassis, whom I would fain have settled in the Country of La Because, and from them derived that name unto it. But stronger reasons since have persuaded the contrary, so that leaving the Bellocassi near Baieux in the Dukedom of Normandy, we must derive the name of La Because, and Belsia, by which it is severally called by the French and Latins, from the exceeding beautifulness of that flourishing Province, that which the Latins call belus in the Masculine, and Bella in the Feminine Gender, being by the the French called Bell and Beau, as it after followeth.  
Picardy is divided into the higher, which containeth 
P. 164. l. 1.  the Countries of Calais and Bologne, etc.] That Picardy is divided into the higher and the lower, is a Truth well known, though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced, that being the lower Picardy which lieth next the sea containing the Countries of Calais, and Bologne, with the Towns of Abbeville, and Monstreville; and that the higher Picardy, which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens, and many other Towns and Territories else where described.  
Both these were born unto the King by Madam Gabriele 
P. 207. l. 38.  for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle] Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time, and b●ing left out, the sense will run as currently, but more truly thus. Both these were born unto the King by the Duchess of Beaufort, a Lady whom the King, etc. And for the children which she brought him, though they are named right, yet (as I have been since informed) they are marshaled wrong, Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest; not the younger son. And as for Madam Gabriele, she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine, one whom he kept not only for his private chamber, but carried publicly along with him in the course of his wars. Insomuch that when the Duke of Byron had besieged Amiens (being then lately surprised by the Spaniards as before was intimated) and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be; the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele, and a train of Ladies to attend her: which being noted by the Duke, he cried aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation, Behold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us. A Lady in great favour, but in greater power, to whom the character was intended, which by mistake, is here given to the Duchess of Beaufort, though possibly that Duchess also might deserve part of it.  
When the Liturgy was translated into Latin by 
P. 243. l. 1.  Doctor Mocket] Not by him first translated, as the words may intimate, it having been translated into Latin in Queen Elizabeth's time. But that Edition being worn out, and the Book grown scarce, the Doctor gave it a Review, and caused it to be reprinted together with Bishop Jewels Apology, the Articles of the Church of England, the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies, with some other pieces, which being so reviewed and published, gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned.  
In the Relation of the second Journey, I find no mistakes, requiring any Animadversions, as written in a riper judgement, and with greater care, because intended to a person of such known abilities. Nor was I less diligent in gathering the materials for it, then careful that it might be free from mistakes and errors; not only informing myself punctually in all things which concerned these Islands, by persons of most knowledge and experience, in the affairs and state of either, but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records, many whole Letters from the Council and Court of England, the whole body of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright, the Canons recommended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey, besides many papers of less bulk and consequence, out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse, that if it be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it comes very near it. Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their account, than all the Authors which have ever written of them being laid together, can amount unto. For in pursuance of this part, I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit, together with such alterations in Religion as have happened there, both when they were under the Popes of Rome, and the Bishops of Constance, as since they have discharged themselves from the power of both. The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Platform, occasioned me to search into the beginning, growth, and progress of the Presbyterian government with the settling of it in these Islands; together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there settled, and some short observations on the text thereof, the better to lay open the novelty, absurdity, and ill consequents of it. That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jarsey was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England, and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confirmed for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred matters; and after a short application tending to the advancement of my main design, do conclude the whole.  
Lastly, I am to tell the Reader, that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time, for preventing all impressions of them, by any of those false copies which are got abroad; yet I am given to understand, that the first is coming out (if not out already) under the Title of France painted out to the life: but painted by so short a Pencil, as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have. By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent, I may learn hereafter. In the mean time, whether that Piece be printed with, or without my name unto it, I must protest against the wrong, and disclaim the work, as printed by a false and imperfect copy, deficient in some whole Sections, the distribution of the books and parts, not kept according to my mind and method, destitute also of those Explications and Corrections, which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface; and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presen 〈…〉 Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own, Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur, as we know who said; and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections, those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousness of other men may obtrude upon me: which having signified to the Reader, for the detecting of this imposture, and mine own discharge, I recommend the following work to his favourable censure, and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge.  
Lacy's Court in Abingdon, April 17. 1656.   

Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile.  
DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography, in fol.  
Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sandersons, ad Aulam, etc. never till now published.  
Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed, in fol.  
Bishop Andrew's holy Devotions, the 4 Edition, in 12.  
Martial in 12. for the use of West minster School.  
John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing, by spelling Characters, in 8. the 14 Edition: together with the School master to the said Art.   

SYLLABUS CAPITUM: OR, The Contents of the Chapters.  

NORMANDY; OR, THE FIRST BOOK.  
The Entrance. THe beginning of our Journey. The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England.  
CHAP. I. NORMANDY in general; the Name and bounds of it. The condition of the Ancient Normans, and of the present. Ortelius character of them examined. In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk. The commodities of it, and the Government. pag. 4.  
CHAP. II. Dieppe, the Town, strength and importance of it. The policy of Henry IU. not seconded by his Son. The custom of the English Kings in placing Governors in their Forts. The breaden God there, and strength of the Religion. Our passage from Dieppe to Roven. The Norman Inns, Women, and Manners. The importunity of servants in hosteries. The saucy familiarity of the attendants. Ad pileum vocare, what it was amongst the Romans. Jus pileorum in the Universities of England, etc. p. 9  
CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City; how seated and built; the strength of is. St. Katherine's mount. The Church of Nostre dame, etc. The indecorum of the Papists in the several and unsuitable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chapel of the Capuchins in Boulogne. The House of Parliament. The precedency of the Precedent and the Governor. The Legend of St. Romain, and the privilege thence arising. The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses, or people of Roven. p. 19  
CHAP. IU. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse. The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither. My sore eyes. Mante, Pontoyse, Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Book. p. 26.   

FRANCE specially so called; OR, THE SECOND BOOK.  
CHAP. I. France in what sense so called. The bowds of it. All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation. The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gauls. That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate, though the Inhabitants are changed. The quality of the French in private, at the Church, and at the table. Their language, compliments, discourse, etc. p. 33.  
CHAP. II. The French Women, their persons, prating and conditions. The immodesty of the French Ladies. Kissing not in use among them; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England. The innocence and harmlessness of it amongst us. The impostures of French Panders in London, with the scandal thence arising. The peccancy of an old English Doctor. More of the French Women. Their Marriages, and lives after wedlock, etc. An Elegy to the English Ladies. p. 41.  
CHAP. III. France described. The valley of Montmorancie, and the Dukes of it. Montmartre. Burials in former times not permitted within the walls. The pros cutting of this discourse by manner of a journal, intermitted for a time. The jown and Church of St. Denis. The Legend of him, and his head. Of Dagobert and the Leper. The relics to be seen there. Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine ' s time. The Sepulchers of the French Kings, and the treasury there. The King's house of Madrit. The Qeen Mother's house at Ruall, and fine devices in it. St. Germains en lay, another of the King's houses. The curious painting in it. Gorramburie Window: the Garden belonging to it, and the excellency of the Water-works. Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes, and the Castle called Bisester. p. 50.  
CHAP. IU. Paris, the names and antiquity of it. The situation and greatness. The chief strength and Fortifications about it. The streets and buildings. King James his laudable care in beautyfying London. King Henry the fourth's intent to fortify the Town. Why not actuated. The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians. The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber. p. 64.  
CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts. Of the Fauxburgs in general. Of the Pest-house. The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. german. The Queen Mother's house there. Her purpose never to reside in it. The Provost of Merchants, and his authority. The Arms of the Town. The Townhouse. The Grand chastelet. The Arsenal. The place Royal, etc. The Vicounty of Paris. And the Provosts seven daughters. p. 73.  
CHAP. VI The University of Paris, and Founders of it. Of the Colleges in general. Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them. The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France. The great College at Tholoza. Of the College of the Sorbonne in particular; that and the House of Parliament, the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty. Of the Polity and Government of the University. The Rector and his precedency; the disordered life of the Scholars there being. An Apology for Oxford and Cambridge. The privileges of the Scholars, their degrees, etc. p. 80.  
CHAP. VII. The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia. The Bridges which join it to the Town and University. King Henry's Statue. Alexander's injurious policy. The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame. The Holy water there. The original making and virtue of it. The Lamp before the Altar. The heathenishness of both customs. Paris best seen from the top of this Church: the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder: the baptising of Bells, the grand Hospital and decency of it. The place Dauphin. The holy Chapel and Relics there. What the Ancients thought of Relics. The Exchange. The little Chastelet. A transition to the Parliament. p. 90.  
CHAP. VIII. The Parliament of France when begun; of whom it consisteth, The digniiy and esteem of it abroad, made sedentary at Paris, appropriated to the long robe. The Palais by whom built, and converted to seats of Justice. The seven Chambers of Parliament. The great Chamber. The number and dignity of the Precedents. The Duke of Byron afraid of them. The King's seat in it. The sitting of the Grand Signior in the Divano. The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds; and ever the affairs of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France. La Tournelle, and the Judges of it. The five Chambers of enquests severally instituted, and by whom. In what cause it is decisive. The form of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament. The Chancellor of France and his Authority. The two Courts of Requests, and Masters of them. The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers. p. 104.  
CHAP. IX. The King's Palace of the Lowre, by whom built. The unsuitableness of it. The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother. The long Gallery of Henry IU. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle. Henry IU. a great builder. His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean. La Salle des Antiques. The French not studious of Antiquities. Bourbon house. The Tuilleries, etc. p. 113.   

La BECAUSE; OR, THE THIRD BOOK.  
CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans, the Town, Castle, and Battle of Mont l'hierrie. Many things imputed to the English which they never did. Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship. The town of Chartroy, and the mourning Church there. The Country of La Because and people of it. Estampes. The dancing there. The new art of begging in the Inns of this Country. Angerville. Tury. The sauciness of the French Fiddlers. Three kinds of Music amongst the Antient. The French Music. p. 121.  
CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester. The Wine of Orleans. Praesidial Towns in France, what they are. The sale of Offices in France. The fine walk and pastime of the pall Malle. The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle. Defaced by the Hugonots. Some things hated only for their name. The Bishop of Orleans, and his privilege. The Chapel and Pilgrims of St. Jaques. The form of Mass in St Croix C●n●ing an Heathenish custom. The great siege of Orleans, raised by Joan the Virgin. The valour of that woman: that she was no witch. An Elegy on her. p. 131.  
CHAP. III. The study of the Civil Law revived in Europe. The dead time of learning. The Schools of Law in Orleans. The economy of them. The Chancellor of Oxford anciently appointed by the Diocesan. Their method here, and prodigality in bestowing degrees. Orleans a great conflux of strangers. The language there. The Corporation of Germans there. Their house and privileges. Dutch and Latin. The difference between an Academy and an University. p. 145.  
CHAP. IU. Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuits. Their College there by whom built. The Jesuits no singers. Their laudable and exact method of teaching. Their policies in it. Received not without great difficulty into Paris. Their houses in that university. Their strictness unto the rules of their order. Much maliced by the other Priests and Friars. Why not sent into England with the Queen; and of what order they were that came with her. Our return to Paris. p. 152.   

PICARDY; OR, THE FOURTH BOOK.  
CHAP. I. Our return towards England. More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses. The town of Luzarch, and St. Loupae. The Country of Picardy and people. Tho Picts of Britain not of this Country. Mr. Lee Dignicoes' Governor of Picardy. The office of Constable what it is in France. By whom the place supplied in England. The marble table in France, and causes there handled. Clermount, and the Castle there. The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre. What his designs might tend to, etc. p. 162.  
CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens; and greatness of it. The English feasted within it; and the error of that action; the Town how built-seated and fortified. The Citadel of it, thought to be impregnable. Not permitted to be viewed. The overmuch openness of the English in discovering their strength. The watch and form of Government in the Town. Amiens a Visdamate: to whom it pertaineth. What that honour is in France. And how many there enjoy it, etc. p. 169.  
CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens. The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name. More honour performed to her then to her Saviour. The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside. The front of it. King Henry the sevenths' Chapel at Westminster. The curiousness of this Church within. By what means it became to be so. The sumptuous masking closerts in it. The excellency of perspective works. Indulgences by whom first founded. The estate of the Bishopric. p. 175.  
CHAP. IU. Our Journey down the Some, and Company. The Town and Castle of Piquigni, for what famous. Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies. A farewell to the Church of Amiens. The Town and Castle of Pont D' Army. Abbeville how seated; and the Garrison there. No Governor in it but the Major or Provost. The Author's imprudent curiosity; and the courtesy of the Provost to him. The French Post-horses how base and tired. My preferment to the Trunk-horse. The horse of Philip de Comines. The Town and strength of Monstreville. The importance of these three Towns to the French border, etc. p. 183.  
CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois, and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchised. The present of Salt butter. Boulogne divided into two Towns. Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague. The form of it. Procession and the Litany by whom brought into the Church. The high Town Garrisoned. The old man of Boulogne; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him. The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens. The fraternity De la Charite, and inconveniency of it. The costly Journey of Henry VIII. to Boulogne. Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned. The discourtesy of Charles V. towards our Edward VI The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England. Boulogne yielded back to the French; and on what conditions. The courtesy and cunning of my Host of Bovillow. p. 192.   

FRANCE GENERAL; OR, THE FIFTH BOOK.  
Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally, in reference to the Court, the Church and the Civil State.  
CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in general The person, age and marriage of King Lewis XIII. Conjectural reasons of his being issueless. jaqueline Countess of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy. The King's Sisters all married; and his alliances by them. His natural Brethren, and their preferments. His lawful Brother. The title of Monsieur in France. Monsieur as yet unmarried; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter. That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons. The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown, in case the line of Navarre fail. How the Lords stand affected in the cause. Whether a child may be born in the 11 month. King Henry IU. a great lover of fair Ladies. Monsieur Barradas the King's favourite, his birth and offices. The omniregency of the Queen Mother; and the Cardinal of Richileiu. The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman. p. 204.  
CHAP. II. Two Religions struggling in France, like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca. The comparison between them two, and those in the general. A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France, in Policy, Privilege and Revenue. The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgement of the French Church to the Pope merely titular. The pragmatic sanction, Maxima tua fatuitas, and Conventui Tridentino, severally written to the Pope and Trent Council. The tedious quarrel about Investitures. Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuits. The French B shops not to meddle with Friars, their lives and land. The ignorance of the French Priests. The Chanoins Latin in Orleans. The French not hard to be converted, if plausibly humoured. p. 216.  
CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope. This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England. An English Catholics conceit of it. His Holiness Nuncio in Paris. A learned Argument to prove the Pope's universality. A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength. The last War against them justly undertaken; not fairly managed Their insolences and disobedience to the King's command. Their purpose to have themselves a free estate. The war not a war of Religion. King James in justice could not assist them more than he did First forsaken by their own party. Their happiness before the war. The Court of the edict. A view of them in their Churches. The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England. Their Discipline and Ministers, etc. p. 229  
CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in general. A transition to the particular of France. The Government there merely regal. A mixed form of Government most commendable. The King's Patents for Offices. Monopolies above the censure of Parliament. The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes. The King's gifts and expenses. The Chamber of Accounts. France divided into three sorts of people. The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title. The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France. The King's power how much respected by the Princes. The powerablenesse of that rank. The formal execution done on them. The multitude and confusion of Nobility. King James defended. A censure of the French Heralds. The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants. Their privileges, gibbets and other Regalia. They conspire with the King to undo the Commons. p. 246.  
CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Peasant. The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes. The suppressing of the Subject prejudicial to a State. The wisdom of Henry VII. The Forces all in the cavalry. The cruel impositions laid upon the people by the King. No demain in France. Why the trial by twelve men can be used only in England. The gabelle of Salt. The Pope's licence for wenching. The gabelle of whom refused, and why. The Gascoines impatient of Taxes. The taille, and taillion. The Pancarke or Aides. The vain resistance of those of Paris. The Court of Aides. The manner of gathering the King's moneys. The King's revenue. The corruption of the French publicans. King Lewis why called the just. The moneys currant in France. The gold of Spain more Catholic than the King The happiness of the English Subjects. A congratulation unto England. The conclusion of the first Journey. p. 258.   

GUERNZEY and JARSEY; OR, THE six BOOK.  
The Entrance. (1) The occasion of, etc. (2) Introduction to this work. (3) The Dedication, (4) and Method of the whole. The beginning, continuance of our voyage; with the most remarkable passages which happened in it. The mercenary falseness of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of war. p. 179.  
CHAP. I. (1) Of the convenient situation, and (2) condition of these Islands in the general. (3) Alderney, and (4) Serke. (5) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French. (6) Of Guernzey, (7) and the smaller Isles near unto it. (8) Our Lady of Lebu. (9) The road, and (10) the Castle of Cornet. (11) The Trade, and (12) Privileges of this people. (13) Of Jarsey, and (14) the strengths about it. (15) The Island why so poor and populous. (16) Gavelkind, and the nature of it. (17) The Governors and other the King's Officers. The (18) Polity, and (19) administration of justice in both Islands. (20) The Assembly of the Three Estates. (21) Courts presidial in France what they are. (22) The election of the Justices, (23) and the Oath taken at their admission. (24) Of their Advocates or Pleaders, and the number of them. (25) The number of Attorneys once limited in England. (26) A Catalogue of the Governors and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey. p. 292.  
CHAP. II. (1) The City and Diocese of Constance. (2) The condition of these Islands under that Government. (3) Churches appropriated what they were. (4) The Black Book of Constance. (5) That called Dooms day. (6) The suppression of Prior's Aliens. (7) Priours Dative, how they differed from the Conventuals. (8) The condition of the●e Churches after the suppression. (9) A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each several Parish, together with the Ministers and Justices now being. (10) What is meant by Champarte deserts and French querrui. (11) The alteration of Religion in these Islands. (12) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary. The Author's indignation at it, expressed in a Poetical rapture. (13) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of W●nton, and for what reasons. p. 313.  
CHAP. III. (1) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop. (2) The alteration there both in Polity, and (3) in Religion. (4) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither. (5) The conception, (6) birth, and (7) growth of the New Discipline. (8) The quality of Lay-elders. (9) The different proceedings of Calvin, (10) and Beza in the propagation of that cause. (11) Both of them enemies to the Church of England. (12) The first enrtance of this Platform into the Islands (13) A permission of it by the Queen and the Council in St. Peter's and St. hilaries. (14) The letters of the Council to that purpose. (15) The tumults raised in England by the brethren. (16) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands. p. 327.  
CHAP. IU. The Discipline Ecclesiastical, according as it hath been in practice of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers, Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey, Serke, and Alderney; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governors of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders, and confirmed by the said Governors in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 17. days of October, 1597. p. 338.  
CHAP. V. (1) Annotations on the Discipline. (2) N●place in it for the King's Supremacy. (3) Their love to Parity, as well in the State as in the Church. (4) The covering of the head a sign of liberty. (5) The right hand of fellowship. (6) Agenda, what it is in the notion of the Church: The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs. (7) Millets case. (8) The brothrens superstitious in giving names to children. (9) Ambling Communions. (10) The holy Discipline made a third note of the Church. (11) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline. (12) Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities. (13) The Baptism of Bels. (14) The brethren under pretence of scandal, usurp upon the civil Courts. (15) The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth. (16) A caution to the Prelates. p. 364.  
CHAP. VI (1) King James how affected to this Platform. (2) He confirms the Discipline in both Islands. (3) And for what reasons. (4) Sir John Peyton sent Governor into Jarsey. (5) His Articles against the Ministers there. (6) And the proceedings thereupon. (7) The distracted estate of the Church and Ministry in that Island, (8) They refer themselves unto the King. (9) The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline. (10) A reference of both parties to the Council. (11) The restitution of the Dean. (12) The Interim of Germany what it was. (13) The Interim of Jarsey. (14) The exceptions of the Ministry against the Book of Common prayer. (15) The establishment of the new Canons. 378.  
CHAP. VII. The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical for the Church Discipline of Jarsey; together with the King's Letters Patents for the authorising of the same. p. 390.  
CHAP. VIII. (1) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey. (2) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey. (3) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England. (4) The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible. (5) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration. (6) The grievances of the Ministry against the Magistrates. (7) Propesals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design. (8) The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship. The conclusion of the whole. Our return to England. p. 412.    

ERRATA.  
Besides the errors of the Copy, the Reader is of course to look for some from the Press, which the hast made for preventing the false impressions, bathe more increased than any negligence of the Workman, which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following.  
PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main. p. 5. l. 23. r. locorum. p. 7 l. 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Henry. p. 11. l. 17. del. in. p. 13. l. 18. r. pace. ibid. l. 35. 〈…〉 yred p. 19 l 26. r. Evenlode. p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth. p. 39 l. 25. & p. 108. l. 9 r. interview. p. 49. l. 3. r. then. ibid. l. 4. r. as at. ibid. l. 9 r. her own thoughts. p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye. p. 60 l. 28. r. En lar. ibid. l. 35 r. Troyes. p. 69 l. 26. del. now. p. 95. l. 17. r born. p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished. p. 99 l. 20. r. Treasurirer p. 100 l. 1. r. visible. p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres. p. 123 l 1 r. as much hugged. ibid. l. 26. r. I shall hereafter show you. p. 125. l. 27. r. Beu. p. 127. l. 14. r. Angerville. p. 132. l. 12. r. Angiers. p. 138 l. 9 r. his. p. 139. l. 15. r. ancient times. ibid. l. 20. r quam disfumigamibus. p. 140. l. 22. r. Belb●s p. 147. l. 2. r. meri● p. 150. l. 27. r. many. p. 153. l. 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. form. p. 158 l. 9 r. trumped. p. 162. l. 12. r. Les D guieres. p. 163. l. 20 r. Bevie. ibid. l. ●3. r. Troyes. p. 167. l. 27. r. Ancre. p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo. ibid. l. 19 r. fidei. p. 175. l. 9 r. mossing p. 185 l. 27. del. do. ibid. 36. r ne'er p. 190. l. 3. deal my ibid. l. 33. r. Books. p. 199. l. 20. r. horror. p. 206. l. 8. r Fran●. p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del. each 〈◊〉. p. 213 l 8. to these words abeady mentioned, add, and Madam Gabriele the most breed of all. p. 220 l. ult. r. Aix. p. 222. l. 38. r. no other. p. 223. l 7. & l. 32. r. investi 〈…〉. ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IU. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio. ibid. l. 23. r. 〈…〉 e. p. 230. l 19 r. fair, p. 231 l. 1. r. to come. ibid. l. 6 r. greatest action. p. 235. l. 〈◊〉. deal into. p. 242. l 4 r. Le Chastres. p. 244 l. 33. r. systematical. p 248. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉. p. 261. l. 24 del. fo●. p. 271. l. 13. r. birudo p 272. l. ult r. Vitr●y. p. 274. l. r. 〈…〉 tall. p. 288 l. 28. r. Peitor. p. 298. l. 5. & 302. l. 16. r. Army. p. 304 l. 33 r. Summa 〈…〉 p. 306 l. 20. r. manner. p. 312. l. 8 del. a Cross engrailed O. p. 314. l. 5 r. Viconte. p. 320. l 8. r. painset. ibid. l. 2. r. honour. p. 323. l. 34. r. once. p 325. l. 7. r. fact. p. 330. l. 36. r. Birtilier. p. 337. l. 11. r titulary. ibid. l 17 r. Painset. p. 354. l ult. 〈◊〉 them they. p. 368 l 35. r. propounded. p. 374 l 10 r. tactum. p. 381. l. 14. r. va 〈…〉. p. 384. l. 3 & l. 3●. & p. 386 l. 15. Misse●v●. p 385. l. 17 r. Olivier. ibid. l. 34. r. St. martin's. p 387. l 32. r. interea p. 393 l. 9 r. cure. p 401. l. ult. r. rolls. p. 417 l. 11. del. hath p 415 l. 3. r. ceremonial. ibid. l. 25. r. besaid unto him. ibid. l. 38. r. Bishop. p. 417. l 8. r clamours. p. 422. l. 13. r. change. p. 423. l 3. r. sic. ibid. l. 24. r. pool.   

THE RELATION Of the FIRST JOURNEY: CONTAINING A SURVEY of the STATE OF FRANCE.  
TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces, and chief Cities of it; The Temper, Humours and Affections of the people generally; And an exact account of the Public Government, in reference to the Court, the Church and the Civil State.  
By PET. HEYLYN.  
London, Printed 1656.   

A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE.  
NORMANDY; OR, THE FIRST BOOK.  

The Entrance.  
The beginning of our Journey. The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England.  
ON Tuesday the 28 of June, just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France, and the French had seen the choice beauties of England; we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover. The Port we aimed at, Dieppe in Normandy. The hour three in the afternoon. The wind fair and high, able, had it continued in that point, to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings. Two hours before night it came about to the Westward, and the tide also not befriending us, our passage became tedious and troublesome. The next day being dedicated to the glory of God in the memory of St. Peter, we took the benefit of the ebb to assist us against the wind; this brought us out of the sight of England, and the flood ensuing compelled us to our Anchor.  
I had now leisure to see God's wonders in the deep; wonders indeed to us which had never before seen them: but too much familiarity had made them no other than the Sailor's playfellows. The waves striving by an imbred ambition which should be highest, which foremost. Precedency and supereminency was equally desired, and each enjoyed it in succession. The wind more covetous in appearance, to play with the water, then disturb it, did only rock the billow, and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean; you would at an other time have thought that the seas had only danced to the winds whistle; or that the Wind straining itself to a Treble, and the Seas by a Diapason, supplying the Base, had tuned a Coranto to our ship. For so orderly they ●ose and fell according to the time and note of the Billow, that her violent agitation might be imagined to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers. This nimbleness of the waves and correspondency of our Bark unto them, was not to all our company alike pleasing: what in me moved only a reverend and awful pleasure, was to others an occasion of sickness, their heads gidie, their joints enfeebled, their stomaches loathing sustenance, and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken; in their mouths nothing might have been so frequent as that of Horace,  

Illi robur & aes triplex  
Girea pectus erat, qui fragilem ituei  
Comnasit pelago ratem. 

Hard was his heart, as brass, which first did venture  
In a weak ship, on the rough Seas to enter.     
Whether it be, that the noisome smells, which arise from the saltness and tartness of that region of waters, poisoneth the brain; or that the ungoverned and unequal motion of the ship, stirreth and unsetleth the stomach, or both; we may conjecture with the Philosophers, rather than determine. This I am sure of, that the Cabins and Decks were but as so many Hospitals or Pesthouses filled with diseased persons, whilst I and the Mariners only made good the Hatches. Here did I see the Scaly nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brim of the waters, rejoicing in the sight and warmth of the day; and yet spouting from their mouths such quantity of waters, as if they purposed to quench that fire which gave it. They danced about our Vessel, as if it had been a moving May pole; and that with such delightful decorum, that you never saw a measure better trodden with less art. And now I know not what wave bigger than the rest tossed up our ship so high, that I once more saw the coast of England. An object which took such hold on my senses, that I forgot that harmless company which sported below me, to bestow on my dearest mother, this (and for aught I could assure myself, my last) farewell.  

England adieu, thy most unworthy son  
Leaves thee, and grieves to see what he hath done.  
What he hath done, in leaving thee the best  
Of mothers, and more glorious than the rest  
Thy sister-nations. Hadst thou been unkind;  
Yet might he trust thee safer than the wind.  
Hadst thou been weak; yet far more strength in thee,  
Then in two inebes of a sinking tree.  
Hadst thou been cruel; yet thy angry face  
Hath more love in it, than the Seas embrace.  
Suppose thee poor; his zeal and love the less,  
Thus to forsake his Mother in distress.  
But thou art none of these, no want in thee;  
Only a needless curiosity  
Hath made him leap thy ditch. O! let him have  
Thy blessing in his Voyage: and he'll crave  
The Gods to thunder wrath on his neglect,  
When he performs not thee all due respect;  
That Nemesis her scourge on him would pluck,  
When he forgets those breasts which gave him suck.  
That Nature would dissolve and turn him earth,  
If thou be'st not remembered in his mirth.  
May he be cast from mankind, if he shame  
To make profession of his mother's name.  
Rest then assured in this, though sometimes he  
Conceal, perhaps, his faith, he will not thee.    

CHAP. I.  
NORMANDY in general; the Name and bounds of it. The condition of the Ancient Normans, and of the present. Ortelius character of them examined. In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk. The commodities of it, and the Government.  
THe next ebb brought us in sight of the Sea-coast of Normandy, a shore so evenly compassed and leveled, that it seemeth the work of Art, not Nature; the Rock all the way of an equal height, rising from the bottom to the top in a perpendicular, and withal so smooth and polished, that if you dare believe it the work of Nature, you must also think, that Nature wrought it by the line, and showed an art in it above the imitation of an Artist. This wall is the Northern bound of this Province; the South parts of it being confined with Le Mainde la Beausse, and L' Isle de France; on the East it is divided from Picardy by the River of Some; and on the North it is bounded with the Ocean, and the little River Crenon, which severeth it from a corner of Britain. It extendeth in length from the beginning of the 19 degree of longitude, to the middle of the 23. Viz. from the Cape of St. Saviour West, to the Port-town of St. Valerie East. For breadth, it lieth partly in the 49, partly in the 50 degree of Latitude; so that reckoning 60 miles to a degree, we shall find it to contain 270 English miles in length, and 60 English miles in breadth, where it is narrowest.  
Amongst the Ancients it was accounted a part of Gallia Cellica; the name Neustria. This new title it got by receiving into it a new Nation. A people which had so terribly spoilt the Maritine Coasts of England, France, and Belgium, that, A furore Normannorum, was inserted into the Litany. Originally they were of Norway, their name importeth it. Anno 800, or thereabouts, they began first to be accounted one of the Plagues of Europe: 900 they seated themselves in France by the permission of Charles the Bald, and the valour of Rollo their Captain. Before this, they had made themselves masters of Ireland, though they long held it not, and anno 1067 they added to the glory of their name by the conquest of England. You would think them a people not only born to the wars, but to victory. But, Ut frugum semina mutato solo degenerant, sic illa genuina feritas eorum, amoenitate mollila est; Florus spoke it of the Gauls removed into Asia: it is appliable to the Norwegians transplanted into Gallia: yet fell they not suddenly, and at once into that want of courage which now possesseth them. During the time they continued English, they attempted the Kingdom of Naples and Antioch, with a fortune answerable to their valour. Being once oppressed by the French, and in slaved under that Monarchy; they grew presently crest-faln; and at once lost both their spirits, and their liberty.  
The present Norman then, is but the corruption of the Ancient; the heir of his name, and perhaps his possessions, but neither of his strength, nor his manhood. Bondage, and a fruitful soil, hath so emasculated them, that it is a lost labour to look for Normans even in Normandy. There remaineth nothing almost in them of their progenitors, but the remainders of two qualities, and those also degenerated, if not bastards; a penurious pride, and an ungoverned doggedness. Neither of them become their fortune, or their habit; yet to these they are constant. Finally, view him in his rags and dejected countenance, and you would swear it impossible that these snakes should be the descendants of those brave Heroes, which so often triumphed over both Religions, foiling the Saracens, and vanquishing the Christians.  
But, perchance, their courage is evaporated into wit, and then the change is made for the better. Ortelius would seem to persuade us to this conceit of them; and well might he do it, if his words were Oracles: Le gens (saith he, speaking of this Nation) sont des plus accorts & subtils, d' esprit de la Gaul. A character, for which the French will little thank him; who (if he speak truth) must in matter of discretion give precedency to their Vassals. But as Imbalt a French leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine, Non sapeva dove consistesse lingegne tanto celebrate de Fiorentini; so may I of the Normans. For my part I could never yet find, where that great wit of theirs lay. Certain it is, that as the French in general, are termed the King's Asses, so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French, or the veriest Asses of the rest. For what with the unproportionable rents they pay to their Lords on the one side, and the immeasurable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other, they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery, that there is no place for wit or wisdom left amongst them. Liberty is the Mother and the Nurse of those two qualities; and therefore the Romans (not unhappily) expressed both the conditions of a Freeman, and a discreet and modest personage, by this own word Ingenuus. Why the French King should lay a greater burden on the backs of this Nation, than their fellows, I cannot determine. Perhaps it is, because they have been twice conquered by them, once from King John, and again from Henry VI and therefore undergo a double servitude. It may be, to abate their natural pride and stubbornness. Likely also it is, that being a revolting people, and apt to an apostasy from their allegiance, they may by this means be kept impoverished, and by consequence disabled from such practices. This a French Gentleman of good understanding told me, that it was generally conceited in France, that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Country to the English, were the King a Catholic.  
— But there is yet a further cause of their beggarliness and poverty, which is their litigiousness and frequent going to law (as we call it.) Ortelius, however he failed in the first part of their character, in the conclusion of it hath done them justice. Mais en general (saith he) ils sont scavans au possible en process & plaideries. They are pretty well versed in the quirks of the Law, and have wit more then enough to wrangle. In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk: ex infima plebe non pauci reperiuntur (saith Mr. Camden) quin si nihil litium sit, lights tamen ex ipsis juris apicibus serere calleant. They are pretty fellows to find out quirks in Law, and to it they will whatsoever it cost them. Mr. Camden spoke not this at random or by the guess. For besides what myself observed in them at my being once amongst them, in a College progress, I have heard that there have been no less than 340 Nisi prius tried there at one Assizes. The reason of this likeness between the two Nations, I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site, and soil; both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast; both enjoy a Country Champain, little swelled with hills, and for the most part of a light and sandy mould. To proceed to no more particulars, if there be any difference between the two Provinces, it is only this, that the Country of Normandy, and the people of Norfolk, are somewhat the richer.  
For, indeed, the Country of Normandy is enriched with a fat and liking soil; such an one, Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet, which may satisfy the expectation of the Husbandman, were it never so exorbitant. In my life I never saw Cornfields more large and lovely, extended in an equal level almost as far as eye can reach. The Wheat (for I saw little Barley) of a fair length in the stalk, and so heavy in the ear, that it is even bended double. You would think the grain had a desire to kiss the earth its mother, or that it purposed by making itself away into the ground, to save the Ploughman his next years labour. Thick it groweth, and so perfectly void of weeds, that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art, than these fields are by Nature. Pasture ground it hath little, and less Meadow, yet sufficient to nourish those few cattle they have in it. In all the way between Dieppe and Pontoyse, I saw but two flocks of Sheep, and them not above 40 in a flock. Kine they have in some measure, but not fat nor large, without these there were no living for them. The Nobles eat the flesh, whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese, and that but sparingly. But the miserable estates of the Norman peasant, we will defer till another opportunity. Swine also they have in pretty number, and some Pullen in their back sides; but of neither an excess. The principal River of it is Seine, of which more hereafter; and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle.  
In matter of Civil Government, this Country is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven. For matters Military, it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England, the Governor they call him. The present Governor is Mr. Le duc de Longueville, to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII. anno 1619. The Laws by which they are governed are the Civil or Imperial, augmented by some Customs of the French, and others more particular which are the Norman. One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance; the French custom giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate, which we in England call Gavelkind; the Norman dividing the estate into three parts, and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother, and a third to be divided among the others. A law which the French count not just: the younger brothers of England would think the contrary. To conclude this general discourse of the Normans; I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe, were it subject to the same Kings, and governed by the same Laws, which it gave unto England.   

CHAP. II.  
Dieppe, the Town, strength and importance of it. The policy of Henry IU. not seconded by his Son. The custom of the English Kings in placing Governors in their Forts. The breaden God there, and strength of the Religion. Our passage from Dieppe to Roven. The Norman Inns, Women, and Manners. The importunity of servants in hosteries. The saucy familiarity of the attendants. Ad pileum vocare, what it was amongst the Romans. Jus pileorum in the Universities of England, etc.  
JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning, we landed at Dieppe, one of the Haven-towns of Normandy; seated on an arm of the Sea, between two hills, which embrace it in the nature of a Bay. This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather, and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea. The Town lying within these mountains, almost a quarter of a mile up the channel. The Town itself is not uncomely, the streets large and well paved, the houses of an indifferent height, and built upright without any jetting out of one part over the other. The Fortifications, they say, (for we were not permitted to see them) are very good and modern; without stone, within earth: on the top of the hill, a Castle finely seated, both to defend the Town, and on occasions to command it. The Garrison consisteth of 60 men, in pay no more, but when need requireth, the Captain hath authority to arm the Inhabitants. The present Governor is the Duke of Longueville, who also is the Governor of the province, entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII. anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father; who never committed the military command of a Country (which is the office of the Governor) and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortress, unto one man. The Duke of Byron might hope as great a courtesy from that King, as the most deserving of his Subjects. He had stuck close to him in all his adversities, received many an honourable scar in his service; and indeed, was both Fabius and Scipio, the Sword and Buckler of the French empire. In a word, he might have said to this Henry, what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius, Suum militem in obsequio mansisse, cum alii ad seditiones prolaberentur; neque duraturum Tiberii imperium, si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset: yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadel of Burg, seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne, the King denied it. The reason was, because Governors of Provinces which command in chief, ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government. There was also another reason & more enforcing, which was, that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy, whose Town it was. The same Henry, though he loved the Duke of Espernon, even to the envy of the Court; yet even to him also he used the same caution. Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainroigne and Angoulmois, he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne; places so remote from the seat of his Government, and so distant one from another, that they did rather distract his power, then increase it.  
The Kings of England have been well, and for a long time versed in this maxim of estate. Let Kent be one of our examples, and Hampshire the other. In Kent at this time the Lieutenant (or as the French would call him, the Governor) is the Earl of Mountgomerie; yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham; and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby: of which the one commandeth the Sea, and the other the Thames, and the Medway. In Hampshire, the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton: but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth, is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke: neither is there any of the le●st Sconces or Blockhouses, on the shore-side of that Country, which is commanded by the Lieutenant.  
But King Lewis now reigning in France, minded not his Father's action; when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardy, and of the Town and Citadel of Amiens. The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach. For when the Dukes of Espernon, Vendosme, Longueville, Mayenne and Nemours, the Count of Soisons and others, sided with the Queen Mother against the King; the Duke of Longueville strengthened this Dieppe; and had not Peace suddenly followed, would have made it good, maugre the King's forces. A Town it is of great importance, King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge, when the league was hottest against him. For, had he been further distressed, from hence might he have made an escape into England; and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne. The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first, in his war against Philip Augustus; and in the declining of our affairs in France, it was nine months together besieged by the Duke of York, but with that success, which commonly attendeth a falling Empire. The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000, whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation, and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion, the Church of Arques, a Village some two miles distant; the remainders are Papists. In this Town I met with the first Idolatry, which ever I yet saw, more than in my Books. Quos antea audiebam, hodie vidi Deos, as a barbarous Germane in Vellejus said to Tiberius. The Gods of Rome, which before I only heard of, I now saw, and might have worshipped. It was the Host, as they call it, or the Sacrament reserved, carried by a couple of Priests under a Canopy, ushered by two or three torches, and attended by a company of boys and old people which had no other employment. Before it went a Bell continually tinkling, at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses, being warned that then their God goeth by them, make some show of reverence; those which meet it in the street, with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour. The Protestants, of this Bell make an use more religious, and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming. This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme, it being the custom there at their Canonical hours, when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples, to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kiss it thrice, so doing their devotions to Mahomet. The carrying of it about the streets hath, no question, in it a touch of the Jew, this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Ark on the shoulders of the Levites. The other main part of it which is the Adoration, is derived from the Heathens, there never being a people but they, which afforded divine honours to things in animate. But the people indeed, I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion, their consciences being persuaded, that what they see pass by them, is the very body of their Saviour. For my part, could the like belief possess my understanding, I could meet it with greater reverence, than their Church can enjoin me. The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only, who impose and enforce this sin upon their hearers. And doubtless there is a reward which attendeth them for it. Of standing it is so young, that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Council holden at Rome, that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread, and a Bell bought to be rung before it. The Adoration of it was enjoined by Pope Honorius, anno 1226. both afterward increased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day, by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons, in the Council of Vienna, by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a puny is this great God of the Romans. Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles, taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousness, who worshipped Jupiter as a God, cum eundem tamen Saturno & Rhea genitum confiterentur, Since themselves so perfectly knew his original. As much I marvel at the impudency of the Romish Clergy, who will needs impose a new God upon their people, being so well acquainted with his cradle.  
It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven. The Car● stayeth, and it is fit we were in it. Ho●ses we could get none for money, and for love we did not expect them. We are now mounted in our Chariot, for so we must call it. An English man would have thought it a plain Cart, and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot, let it; sure I am it was never ordained for triumph. At one end was fastened three carcases of horses, or three bodies which had once been horses, and now were worn to dead images; had the Statue of a m●n been placed on any one of them, it might have been hanged up at an I●ne door, to represent St. George on horseback, so liveless they were, and as little moving; yet at last they began to crawl, for go they could not. This converted me from my former Heresy, and made me apprehend life in them: but it was so little, that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of hounder. Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe, and proceeded with a space so slow, that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect emblem of the motion of the ninth sphere, which is 49000 years in finishing. But this was not our greatest misery. The rain fell in us through our tilt, which for the many holes in it, one would have thought to have been a net. The dirt broke plentifully in upon us, through the rails of our Chariot: and the unequal and ill proportioned pace of it, startled almost every bone of us. I protest, I marvel how a French man durst adventure in it. Thus endured we all the diseases of a journey, and the danger of three several deaths, drowning, choking with the mire, and breaking on the wheel; besides a fear of being famished before we came to our Inn, which was six French miles from us. The mad Duke in the Play, which undertook to drive two snails from Milan to Musco, without staff, whip or goad; and in a bravery dared all the world to match him for an experiment: would here have had matter to have tried his patience.  
On the left hand we saw Arques, once famous for a siege laid about it by our Richard the first; but raised speedily by the French: It is now (as before I told you) the Parish Church of the Dieppe Protestants. Their Preachers Mr. Corteau, and Mr. Mondenis, who have each of them an yearly stipend of 40 l. or thereabouts; a poor pay, if the faithful discharge of that duty were not a reward unto itself, above the value of gold and silver. To instance in none of those beggarly Villages we passed through, we came at last unto Tostes, the place destinated to be our lodging; a Town somewhat like the worse sort of Market-towns in England. There our Chareter brought u● to the ruins of an house, an Ale house I should scarce have thought it, and yet in spite of my teeth it must be an Inn, yea and that an honourable one, as Don Quixotes host told him. Despair of finding there either Bedding or Victuals, made me just like the fellow at the gallows, who when he might have been reprieved on condition he would marry a wench which there sued for him, having viewed her well, cried to the hangman to drive on his Cart. The truth is, I eschappay la tonnnere et rencheus en l' eschair, according to the French proverb; I fell out of the frying-pan into the fire. One of the house (a ragged fellow I am sure he was, and so most likely to live there) brought us to a room somewhat of kindred to a Charnel-house, as dark and as dampish. I confess it was paved with brick at the bottom, and had towards the Orchards a pretty hole, which in former times had been a window, but now the glass was all vanished. By the little light which came in at that hole, I first perceived that I was not in England. There stood in this Chamber three beds, if at the least it be lawful so to call them; the foundation of them was of straw, so infinitely thronged together, that the woolpacks which our Judges sit on in the Parliament, were melted butter to them: upon this lay a medley of flocks and feathers sowed up together in a large bag; (for I am confident it was not a tick) but so ill ordered, that the knobs stuck out on each side, like a crabtree cudgel. He had need to have flesh enough that lieth on one of them, otherwise the second night would wear out his bones. The sheets which they brought us, were so course, that in my conscience no Mariner would vouchsafe to use them for a sail; and the coverlet so bare, that if a man would undertake to reckon the threads, he need not miss one of the number. The napperie of the Table was suitable to the bedding, so foul and dirty, that I durst not conceive it had been washed above once; and yet the poor clothes looked as briskly as if it had been promised for the whole year ensuing, to scape many a scouring. The napkins were fit companions for the clothes, Unum si noveris, omnes nosti. By my description of this Inn, you may guess at the rest of France; not altogether so wretched, yet is the alteration almost insensible.  
Let us now walk into the Kitchen, and observe their provision. And here we found a most terrible execution committed on the person of a pullet; my Hostess (cruel woman) had cut the throat of it, and without plucking off the feathers, tore it into pieces with her hands, and after took away skin and feathers together, just as we strip Rabbits in England: this done, it was clapped into a pan, and fried into a supper. In other places where we could get meat for the Spit, it useth to be presently broached, and laid perpendicularly over the fire; three turns at the most dispatcheth it, and bringeth it to the Table, rather scorched then roasted. I say where we could get it, for in these rascally Inns, you cannot have what you would, but what you may; and that also not of the cheapest. At Pontoyse we met with a Rabbit, and we thought we had found a great purchase; larded it was, as all meat is in the Country, otherwise it is so lean, it would never endure roasting. In the eating it proved so tough, that I could not be persuaded, that it was any more than three removes from that Rabbit which was in the Ark. The price half a Crown English. My companions thought it over deer, to me it seemed very reasonable; for certainly the grass which fed it, was worth more than thrice the money. But to return to Tostes.  
And it it time; you might, perchance, else have loft the sight of mine Hostess, and her daughters. You would have sworn at the first blush, they had been of a blood; and it had been great pity had it been otherwise. The salutation of Horace, Omatre pulchra filia pulchrior, was never so unseasonable as here. Not to honour them with a further character, let it suffice that their persons kept so excellent a decorum with the house and furniture, that one could not possible make use of Tully's quam dispari dominaris domina. But this is not their luck only. The women not of Normandy alone, but generally of all France, are forced to be contented with a little beauty; and she which with us is reckoned with the vulgar, would amongst them be taken for a Princess. But of the French women, more when we have taken a view of the Dames of Paris; now only somewhat of their habit and condition. Their habit in which they differ from the rest of France, is the attire of the head, which hangeth down their backs in the fashion of a Veil. In Roven and the greater Cities, it is made of linen, pure and decent; here, and in the Villages, it cannot possible be any thing else then an old dishclout turned out of service, or the corner of a tablecloth reserved from washing. Their best condition is not always visible. They show it only in the mornings, or when you are ready to depart, and that is their begging; you shall have about you such a throng of those illfaces, and every one whining out this ditty, Pour les servants, that one might with greater ease distribute a dole at a rich man's Funeral, then give them a penny. Had you a purpose to give them unasked, their importunity will prevent your speediest bounty. After all this impudent begging, their ambition reacheth no higher than a Sol; he that giveth more out-biddeth their expectation, and shall be counted a spendthrift.  
But the principal ornaments of these Inns, are the man-servants, the raggedest regiment that ever I yet looked upon. Such a thing as a Chamberlain was never heard of amongst them, and good clothes are as little known as he. By the habit of his attendants, a man would think himself in a Gaol; their clothes either full of patches, or open to the skin. Bid one of them wipe your boots, he presently hath recourse to the curtains, with those he will perhaps rub over one side, and leave the other to be made clean by the guest. It is enough for him, that he hath written the copy. They wait always with their hats on their heads, and so also do servants before their masters: attending bareheaded, is as much out of fashion there, as in Turkey: of all French fashions, in my opinion, the most unfitting and unseeming. Time and much use reconciled me to many other things, which at the first were offensive; to this unreverent custom, I returned an enemy. Neither can I see how it can choose but stomach the most patient, to see the worthiest sign of liberty usurped and profaned by the basest of slaves. For seeing that the French paisantrie, are such infinite slaves unto their Lords and Princes, it cannot be, but that those which are their servants, must be one degree at the least, below the lowest condition.  
Certainly among the ancients, this promisevous covering of the head, was never heard of. It was with them the chief sign of freedom, as is well known to those which are conversant with Antiquity. The Lacones a people of Peloponnesus, after they had obtained to be made free denizens of Lacedaemon, in sign of their new-gotten liberty, would never go into the battle nisi pileati, but with their hats on. Amongst the Africans, as it is written in Alexander ab Alexandro, the placing of a hat on the top of a spear, was used as a token to incite the people to their liberty, which had been oppressed by Tyrants; Per pileum in hasta propositum, ad libertatem proclamari. But amongst the Romans, we have more variety. The taking off of the hat of Tarqvinius Priscus by an Eagle, and the putting of it on again, occasioned the Augur to prophesic unto him the Kingdom, which fell out accordingly. In their sword plays, when one of the Gladiators had with credit slain his adversary; they would sometimes honour him with a Palm, sometimes with the Hat. Of these the last was the worthier, the Palm only honouring the Victor, this also enfranchizing the receivers; therefore conferred commonly on him which had killed most men in the Theatres. Hence the complaints of Tertullian, lib. de Spectaculis, cap. 21. Qui insigniori cuiquam homicidae leonem poscit, idem gladiatori atroci rudem petat (rudis was an other token of enfranchisement) & pileum praemium conferat. In their common Forum, or Guildhall, when they purposed to manumit any of their servants; their custom also was, after the Lictor or Sergeant had registered the name of the party manumitted, to shave his head and give him a cap, whence according to Rosinus, ad pileum vocare, is to set one at liberty.  
Erasmus in his Chiliades, maketh the Hat to be the sign of some eminent worth in him that weareth it; Pileus (saith he) i●signe spectatae virtutis. On this he conjectureth that the putting on of caps on the heads of such as are created Doctors or Masters, had its original. In the Universities of England this custom is still in force; the putting on of the cap being never performed, but in the solemn Comitia, and in the presence of all such as are either auditors or spectators of that day's exercise. When I was Regent, the whole house of Congregation joined together in a Petition to the Earl of Pembroke, to restore unto us the jus pileorum, the licence of putting on our Caps, at our public meetings; which privilege, time and the tyranny of the Vicechancellors, had taken from us. Among other motives, we used the solemn form of creating a Master in the Acts, by putting on his cap: and that that sign of liberty might distinguish us which were the Regent's, from those boys which we were to govern: which request he graciously granted. But this French sauciness hath drawn me out of my way. An impudent familiarity, which I confess did much offend me: and to which I still profess myself an open enemy. Though Jack speak French, I cannot endure Jack should be a Gentleman.   

CHAP. III.  
ROVEN a neat City; how seated and built; the strength of it. St. Katherine's mount. The Church of Nostre dame, etc. The indecorum of the Papists in the several and unsuitable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chapel of the Capuchins in Boulogne. The House of Parliament. The precedency of the Precedent and the Governor. The Legend of St. Romain, and the privilege thence arising. The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses, or people of Roven.  
JUly the first we set on for Roven. In 10 hours our Cart dragged us thither, the whole journey being in all six leagues French: admirable speed! About three of the clock in the afternoon we had a sight of the Town, daintily seated in a valley on the River Seine. I know not any Town better situate, Oxford excepted, which indeed it much resembleth; I mean not in bigness, but situation: It standeth on all sides evironed with mountains, the North excepted, and hath a large and pleasant walk of meadows by the river side, to the South-east-ward; as Oxford hath towards Eveley. It is seated on the principal river of France, distant from the Metropolis of that Country 50 miles English, or thereabouts; as Oxford on the Thames, and from London. Watered also it is with two small rivulets, Robee and Renelle, as the other with Charwell and Eventode. The difference is, that Oxford is seated somewhat higher on the swelling of an hill, and a little more removed from those mountains which environ it: and that the rivers which run through some part of Roven, do only wash the precincts of the other. The buildings are in some places wood, in some stone, in other both; the houses without juttings or overlets, four stories high, and in the front not very beautiful. The most promising house which mine eye met with, was that of Mr. Boniface, who being of obscure parents, and having raised himself a fortune in the wars, against the League, here built a receptacle for his age. It is fashioned after the manner of new buildings in London, composed all of dainty white stone, square and polished. On the partition between the first story and the second, it hath these words engraven, Vi & Virtute. Martis opus. Tentanda via. Amore & armis: a motto suitable to his rising.  
The other buildings of note are the bridge (for I as yet omit the House of Parliament and the Churches) and the Town wall by it. The bridge, whilst it was all standing, was thought to have been the fairest and strongest piece of that kind in all France. It consisteth of twelve arches, large and high: there now remain but seven of them, the rest being broken down by the English in the falling of their affairs in France, the better to make good the Town against the French. The river is here about the breadth of the Th●●nes at Fulham. Between the River and the Town wall, is the Exchange or meeting place of the Merchants, paved with broad and even pebble. In breadth up to the wall-ward 30 yards, in length 100; a fine walk in fair weather. All along the bank side lay the ships, which by reason of the broken bridge come up thither, and on occasions higher: a good turn for Paris. The wall for the length of 100 yards, is as strait as one may lay a line, of a just height, and composed of square and excellent stones, so cunningly laid, that I never saw the sides of a Noble man's house built more handsomely. But it is not only the beauty of the wall which Roven delighteth in, there must somewhat also be expected of strength: to which purpose it might serve indifferently well, were there some addition of earth within it. It is well helped on the outside by the breadth and depth of the ditches; but more by St. Katherine's fort seated on a hill at the East side of it. A Fort, which were it strengthened according to the modern art of fortifying, would much assure the Town, and make it at once, both a slave and a commander. The Marshal D' Ancre, when he was Lieutenant here for the Queen mother, began to fortify this mountain, Quilleboeuse, and other places of importance; but upon his death they were all razed: what were his projects in it, they know best which were acquainted with his ambition. Certainly the jars which he had sown amongst the Princes one with the other, and between them and the King: show that they were not intended for nothing.  
There are in Roven 32 Parish Churches, besides those which belong to Abbeys and Religious houses, of which the most beautiful is that of St. Audoin or Owen, once Archbishop of this City. The seat and Church of the Archbishop is that of Nostre dame, a building far more gorgeous in the outside, than within. It presents itself to you with a very gracious and majestical front, decked with most curious imagery, and adorned with three stately Towers. The first La tour de beurre (because it was built with that money which was raised by Cardinal Dr. Amboyse, for granting a dispensation to eat butter in the Lent): and a third built over the porch or great door, wherein is the great Bell so much talked of. Within it is but plain and ordinary, such as common Cathedral Churches usually are, so big, so fashioned. Behind the high Altar, at a pillar on the left had, is the remainder of the Duke of Bedford's Tomb: which for aught I could discern, was nothing but an Epitaph some three yards high in the pillar. I saw nothing in it, which might move the envy of any Courtier to have it defaced, unless it were the title of Regent du Royaume de France, which is the least he merited.  
Somewhat Eastward, beyond this is our Lady's Chapel, a pretty neat piece, and daintily set out. There standeth on the top of the screen, the image of the Virgin herself, between two Angels. They have attired her in a red mantle, laced with two gold laces, a handsome ruff about her neck, a vail of fine lawn hanging down her back, and (to show that she was the Queen of heaven) a crown upon her head: in her left arm she holds her son in his side-coat, a black hat and a golden hatband. A jolly plump Lady she seemeth to be, of a flaxen hair, a ruddy lip, and a cheerful complexion. 'twere well the Painters would agree about limming of her, otherwise we are likely to have almost as many Ladies, as Churches. At Nostre dame in Paris, she is taught us to be brown, and seemeth somewhat inclining to melancholy. I speak not of her different habit, for I envy not her changes of apparel Only I could not but observe how those of St. Sepulchers Church, en la Fue St. Dennis, have placed her on the top of their Screen, in a Cope, as if she had taken upon her the zeal of Abraham, and were going to make a bloody sacrifice of her Son. They of Nostre dame in Amiens, have erected her Statue all in gold, with her Son also of the same mettle in her arms; casting beams of gold round about her, as the Sun is painted in its full glory: strange Idolatries! On the contrary, in the Parish Church of Tury, in La Beausse, she is to be seen in a plain petticoat of red, and her other garments correspondent. In my mind this holdeth most proportion to her estate, and will best serve to free their irreligion from absurdity. If they will worship her as a nurse, with her child in her arm, or at her breast, let them array her in such apparel, as might beseem a Carpenter's wife; such as she may be supposed to have worn before the world had taken notice, that she was the mother of her Saviour. If they needs must have her in her estate of glory, as at Amiens; or of honour (being now publicly acknowledged to be the blessedest among women) as at Paris, let them disburden her of her child. To clap them thus together, is a folly, equally worthy of scorn and laughter. Certainly had she but so much liberty, as to make choice of her own clothes, I doubt not but she would observe a greater decorum. And therefore I commend the Capuchins of Boulogne, who in a little side-chappell consecrated unto her, have placed only a handsome fair lookingglass upon her Altar, the best ornament of a female closet: why they placed it there, I cannot say, only I conceive it was, that she might there see how to dress herself.  
This Church is said to have been built (I should rather think repaired) by Raoul or Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy; since it hath been much beautified by the English when they were Lords of this Province. It is the seat of an Archbishop, a Dean and fifty Canons. The Archbishop was instituted by the authority of Constantine the Great, during the sitting of the Council of Arles. Anidian who was there present, being consecrated the first Archbishop. The Bishops of Sees, Aurenches, Constance, Bayeux, Lysieux and Eureux, were appointed for his Diocesans. The now Archbishop is said to be an able Scholar, and a sound Statesman; his name I enquired not. The revenues of his Chair are said to be 10000 crowns: more they would amount to, were the Country any way fruitful of Vines; out of which the other Prelates of France draw no small part of their intrada.  
The Parliament of this Country, was established here by Lewis XII. who also built that fair Palace wherein Justice is administered, anno 1501. At that time he divided Normandy into seven Laths, Rapes, or Bailiwicks, viz. Roven, Caux, Constentin, Caen, Eureux, guysor's, and Alencon. This Court hath Supreme power to inquire into, and give sentence of all causes within the limits of Normandy. It receiveth appeals from the inferior Courts of the Duchy unto it, but admitteth none from it. Here is also Cour des Esl●ux, a Court of the general Commissioners, also for Taxes; and La Chambre des Aides, instituted by Charles VII. for the receiving of his Subsidies, Gabels, Imposts, etc. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular, a very grateful and delectable building; that of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babel to it. In the great hall (into which you ascend by some 30 steps or upwards) are the seats and desks of the Procurators; every one's name written in Capital letters over his head. These Procurators are like our Attorneys, to prepare causes and make them ready for the Advocates. In this Hall do suitors use either to attend on, or to walk up and down and confer with their pleaders. Within this hall is the great Chamber, the tribunal and seat of justice, both in causes Criminal and Civil. 
At domus interior regali splendida luxu  
Instruitur:— As Virgil of Queen Dido's dining room.   
A Camber so gallantly and richly built, that I must needs confess it far surpasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life. The Palace of the Lowre hath nothing in it comparable. The ceiling all inlaid with gold, and yet did the workmanship exceed the matter. This Court consisteth of two Precedents, twenty Counsellors or Assistants, and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of. The prime Precedent is termed Ne'er de Ris, by birth a Norman: upon the Bench, and in all places of his Court, he taketh the prcedencie of the Duke of Longueville: when there is a convention of the three Estates summoned, the Duke hath the priority.  
We said even now, that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal; but this must be recanted, and it is no shame to do it: St. Austin hath written his Retractations; so also hath Bellarmine. Once in the year there is an appeal admitted, but that for one man only, and on this occasion: There was a poisonous Dragon not far from Roven, which had done much harm to the Country and City. Many ways had been tried to destroy him, but none prospered; at last Romain, afterwards made a Saint, then Archbishop of the Town, accompanied with a thief and a murderer, whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence, undertaketh the enterprise; upon sight of the Dragon the thief stole away, the murderer goeth on, and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent, armed only with a Stole (it is a neck habit, sanctified by his Holiness of Rome, and made much after the manner of a tippet) with this Stole tied about the neck of the Dragon, doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven. To make short work, the name of God is praised, the Bishop magnifyed, the murderer pardoned, and the Dragon burned. This accident (if the story be not Apocrypha) is said to have happened on holy Thursday. Audoin or Owen, successor unto St. Romain, in memory of this marvellous act, obtained of King Dagobert the first (he began his reign anno 632) that from that time forwards the Chapitre of the Cathedral Church, should every Ascension day have the faculty of delivering any malefactor, whom the laws had condemned. This that King then granted, and all the following Kings even to this time have successively confirmed it. I omit the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this prisoner is taken from his irons, and restored to liberty. It is not above nine years agone, since a Baron of Gascoigne took occasion to kill his wife, which done, he fled hither into Normandy; and having first acquainted the Canons of Nostre dame with his desire, put himself to the sentence of the Court, and was adjudged to the wheel. Ascension-day immediately coming on, the Canons challenged him, and the Judge, according to the custom, caused him to be delivered. But the Normans pleaded that the benefit of that privilege belonged only to the natives of that Province; and they pleaded with such sury, that the Baron was again committed to prison, till the Queen Mother had wooed the people, pro ea saltem vice, to admit of his reprieval.  
I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy, till I came hither, because here it is best spoken. It differeth from the Parisian, and more elegant French, almost as much as the English spoken in the North, doth from that of London or Oxford. Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth, but not many. It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror, few of the words in which our laws were written being known by them. One of our company gave a Litleton's tenure, written in that language, to a French Doctor of the Laws; who protested that in three lines, he could not understand three words of it. The religion in this Town is indifferently poized, as it also is in most places of this Province. The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other, but far weaker, the Duke of Longueville, having disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles.   

CHAP. IU.  
Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse. The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither. My sore eyes. Mante, Pontoyse, Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Book.  
JUly the second we take our farewell of Roven, better accommodated than we came thither; yet not so well at I desired. We are now preferred ab Asinis ad equos, from the Cart to the Wagon. The French call it a Coach, but that matters not; so they would needs have the Cart to be a Chariot. These Wagons are the ordinary instruments of travel in those Countries; much of a kin to Gravesend's barge. You shall hardly find them without a knave or a Giglot. A man may be sure to be merry in them, were he as certain to be wholesome. This, in which we traveled, contained ten persons, as all of them commonly do; and amongst these ten, one might have found English, Scots, French, Normans, Dutch, and Italians, a jolly medley; had our religions been as different as our Nations, I should have thought myself in Amsterdam or Poland; if a man had desired to have seen a Brief or an Epitome of the World, he would no where have received such satisfaction, as by looking on us. I have already reckoned up the several Nations, I will now lay open the several conditions. There were then to be found amongst these ten passengers, men and women, Lords and serving men, Scholars and Clowns, Ladies and Chambermaids, Priests and Laie-men, Gentlemen and Artificers, people of all sexes and almost all ages. If all the learning in the world were lost, it might be found again in Plutarch, so said Budaeus. If all the Nations in the world had been lost, they might have been found again in our Wagon, so I. Seriously I think our Coach to have been no unfit representation of the Ark. A whole world of men and languages might have grown out of it.  
But all this while our Wagon joggeth on, but so leisurely, that it gave me leave to take a more patient view of the Country, than we could in the Cart. And here, indeed, I saw sufficient to affect the Country, yea to dote on it, had I not come out of England. The fields such as already I have described, every where beset with Appletrees, and fruits of the like nature. You could scarce see any thing which was barren in the whole Journey. These Apples are both meat and drink to the poor Peasant. For the Country is ill provided with Vines (the only want I could observe in it) and Beer is a good beverage at a Gentleman's table, Cider then, or Perry are the poor man's Claret; and happy man is he, which once or twice a week can aspire so high above water. To proceed, through many a miserable Village (burgh's they call them) and one Town somewhat bigger than the rest, called Equille; we came that night to St. Claire 10 French miles from Roven, a poor Town god wot, and had nothing in it remarkable, but an accident. There dwelled a monk there, grown into great opinion for his sanctity, and one who had an especial hand upon sore eyes; yet his ability herein was not general, none being capable of cure from him but pure Virgins. I persuade myself France could not yield him many patients: and yet from all parts he was much sought unto. Hope of cure and a charitable opinion, which they had of themselves, had brought to him divers distressed Damosels; which, I am confident, had no interest in his miracle. In the same Inn (Alehouse I should say) where we were to be harboured, there had put in a whole convoy of these Ladies errand, Pilgrims they called themselves, and had come on foot two day's journey to clear their eyesight. They had white veils hanging down their backs, which in part covered their faces; yet I perceived by a glimpse, that some of them were past cure. Though my charity durst allow them maids, it was afraid to suppose them Virgins: yet so far I dare assure them they should recover their sight, that when they came home, they should see their folly. At that time, what with too much watching on shipboard, what with the tartness of the water, and the violence of the wind, working upon me for almost 40 hours together whilst I lay on the Hatches: mine eyes had gotten a rheum and a redness: my Hostess (good woman) persuaded me to this holy Eye-wright, but I durst not venture Not that I had not as good a title to my Virginity as the best there: but because I had learned what a grievous sentence was denounced on Ahaziah king of Israel, for seeking help of Belzebub the god of Eckron. When I hap to be ill, let my amendment come on God's name. Mallem semper profanus esse, quam sic religiosus, as Minutius Foelix of the Roman Sacrifices. Let my body rather be still troubled with a sore eye, then have such a recovery to be a perpetual eyesore to my conscience. Rather than go in Pilgrimage to such a Saint, let the Papists count me for an Heretic. Besides, how dared I imagine in him an ability of curing my bodily eyes, who had for above 70 years been troubled with a blindness in the eyes of his soul?— Thou fool (said our Saviour almost in the like case) first cast out the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother's eye.  
The next morning (July 3) I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes, and went on in our journey to Paris, which that day we were to visit. My eyes not permitting me to read, and my ears altogether strangers to the French chat, drove my thoughts back to Roven; and there nothing so much possessed me, as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument. I had leisure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph, and a shorter apology against the envy of that Courtier, which persuaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruins of his Sepulchre: Thus.  

Sa did the Fox, the coward'st of the heard,  
Kick the dead Lion, and profane his beard.  
So did the Greeks, about their vanquished host,  
Drag Hector's relics, and torment his ghost.  
So did the Parthian slaves deride the head  
Of the great Crassus now betrayed and dead:  
To whose victorious sword, not l●ng before,  
They would have sacrificed their lives, or more.  
So do the French assault dead Bedford's spirit,  
And trample on his ashes in despite.   

But foolish Curio cease, and do not blame  
So small an honour done unto his name.  
Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have,  
Who when he lived could make all France a grave?  
His sword triumphed through all those Towns which lie  
In th' Isle, Maine, Anjoy, Guienne, Normandy.  
Thy fathers felt it. Oh! thou worst of men,  
(If man thou art) do not endeavour then,  
This Conqueror from his last hold to thrust,  
Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust.   

But be not troubled Bedford; thou shalt stand  
Above the reach of malice, though the hand  
Of a French baseness may deface thy name,  
And tear it from thy marble, yet shall fame  
Speak loudly of thee and thy acts. Thy praise  
A Pyramid unto itself shall raise,  
Thy brave achievements in the times to come,  
Shall be a monument above a Tomb.  
Thy name shall be thy Epitaph: and he  
Which once reads Bedford, shall imagine thee  
Beyond the power of Verses, and shall say  
None could express thy worths a fuller way.   

Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night,  
Nor vex thyself with Curio's weaker spite.  
Whilst France remains, and Histories are writ,  
Bedford shall live, and France shall Chronicl' it.   
Having offered this unworthy, yet grateful sacrifice, to the Manes of that brave Heros: I had the more leisure to behold Mante, and the Vines about it, being the first that ever I saw. They are planted like our Hop-gardens, and grow up by the help of poles, but not so high. They are kept with little c●st, and yield profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich, had he neither King nor Landlord. The Wine which is pressed out of them, is harsh and/ not pleasing: as much differing in sweetness from the Wines of Paris or Orleans, as their language doth in elegancy. The rest of the Norman wines, which are not very frequent, as growing only on the frontiers towards France, are of the same quality. As for the Town of Ma●●e, it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances; having a wall, a competent ditch, and at every gate a drawbridge. They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox, and in the night times to secure their houses from any foreign burglary. Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France, but the English were then within it. At last on honourable terms it yielded, and was entered by Charles VII. the second of August, anno 1449. The Town is for building and bigness, somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England.  
The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse, a Town well fortified, as being a borderer, and one of the strongest bulwarks against France. It hath in it two fair Abbeys of Maubuissen and St. Martin, and six Churches Parochial, whereof that of Nostre dame in the Suburbs is the most beautiful. The name it derives from a bridge, built over the river of Oyse, on which it is situate, and by which on that side it is well defended; the bridge being strengthened with a strong gate, and two draw-bridges. It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill, and is famous for the siege laid before it b● Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it. For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battle with 6000 only; the French Army consisting of double the number; he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis; but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny; and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes, stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight, began to practise against him; he speedily returned to Pontoyse, and maketh himself master of it by assault. Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town, and all Normandy, the French by that door making their entry unto this Province; out of which at last they thrust the English, anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward.  
This Country had once before been in possession of the English, and that by a firmer title than the sword. William the Conqueror had conveyed it over the S●●s into England, and it continued an Appendix of that Crown, from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time, John called Sans terre, third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France, up●n A●thur heir of Bretagne, and son unto Geofry his elder brother; was warred on by Philip Augustus' King of France, who sided with the said Arthur. In the end Arthur was taken, and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven. Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practice of his Uncle, as the French say, or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape, as the English report, is not yet determined. For my part, considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King, I dare be of that opinion, that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement. Certainly he that rebelled against his Father, and practised the eternal imprisonment and ruin of his Brother, would not much stick (this being so speedy a way to settle his affairs) at the murder of a Nephew. Upon the first bruit of this murder, Constance mother to the young Prince, complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France; not the Court which now is in force, consisting of men only of the long robe, but the Court of the Priory or 12 Peers, whereof King John himself was one, as Duke of Normandy. I see not how in justice Philip could do less than summon him, an homager being slain, and a homager being accused. To this summons John refused to yield himself, a Counsel rather magnanimous then wise, and such as had more in it of a English King than a French Subject. Edward III a Prince of finer metal than this John, obeyed the like warrant, and performed a personal homage to Philip of Valois, and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements. He committed yet a further error or solecism in State, not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place, or plead his cause. Upon this non-appearance, the Peers proceed to sentence, Ilfut par Arrestdela dite cour (saith Du Chesne) condamnè pour attaint & convaincu da crime de parricide, & de felony; Parric de for killing his own Nephew; and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassal, and in France. John du Serres addeth a third cause, which was contempt, in disobeying the King's commandment. Upon this verdict the Court awarded, Que toutes les terres qu' il aveit pard la demoureroient aqu●ses & confisquces a la Couronne, etc. A proceeding so fair and orderly, that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion, than the French of injustice. When my life or estate is in danger, let me have no more finister a trial. The Erglish thus outed of Normandy by the weakness of John, recovered it again by the puissance of Henry; but being held only by the swonrd, it was after 30 years recovered again, as I have told you. And now being passed over the Oyse, I have at once freed the English and myself of Normandy; here ending this Book, but not that day's journey.   
The End of the First Book.   

A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE.  
FRANCE specially so called. OR, THE SECOND BOOK.  

CHAP. I.  
France in what sense so called. The bounds of it. All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation. The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gauls. That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate, though the Inhabitants are changed. The quality of the French in private, at the Church, and at the table. Their language, compliments, discourse, etc.  
July the third, which was the day we set out of St. Claire, having passed through Pontoyse, and crossed the river, we were entered into France: France as it is understood in its limited sense, and as a part only of the whole, for when Meroveus, the Grandchild of Pharamont, first King of the Franci or Frenchmen, had taken an opportunity to pass the Rhine, having also during the wars between the Romans and the Goths, taken Paris; he resolved there to set up his rest, and to make that the head City of his Empire. The Country round about it, which was of no large extent, he commanded to be called Francia, or Terra Francorum, after the name of his Frankes whom he governed. In this bounded and restrained sense, we now take it, being confined with Normandy on the North, Champagne on the East, and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse. It is encircled in a manner with the Oyse on the Northwards, the Ewer on the West, the Velle on the East, and a vein riveret of the Seine towards the South; but the principal environing are made by the Seine, and the Marne a river of Campagne, which constitute that part hereof which commonly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is called by the name of the Isle of France, and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles, the waters winding up and down, as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces.  
This Isle, this portion of Gaul, properly and limitedly sty led France, was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither, and hath still continued so. The rest of Gallia, is in effect rather subdued by the French, then inhabited; their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted: so that if we look apprehensively into Gaul, we shall find the other Nations of it, to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugal against Ferdinand of Castille, for assuming to himself the title of Catholic King of Spain; Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios, as Mariana relateth it. Certain it it, that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French, the Normans, Britons, Biscayne's or Gascons, the Goths (of Languedoc and Provence) Burgundians, and the ancient Gauls of Poictou, retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces. But it is the custom (shall I say) or fate of lesser and weaker Nations, to lose their names unto the stronger: as wives do to their husbands, and the smaller rivers to the greater. Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni, Mazovii, and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea; as that of Moscow hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica. Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia; whereof it is but a little parcel: and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest, impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchy. 
Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo.   
And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation, as the laws of the victor. The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia, and masters of the rest; possessors not of their Cities only, but their conditions. A double victory, it seemeth, they enjoyed over that people, and took from them at once, both their qualities and their Countries. Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar, de bello Gallico; he will equally guess him an Historian and a Prophet; yea he will rather make himself believe, that he hath prophesied the character of the present French, then delivered one of the ancient Gaul. And indeed, it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation, that the old Gauls, being in a manner all worn out, should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men, which now inhabit that region, being of so many several Countries and originals. If we dive into natural causes, we have a speedy recourse unto the powerful influence of the heavens; for as those celestial bodies considered in the general, do work upon all sublunary bodies in the general, by light, influence and motion; so have they a particular operation on particulars. An operation there is wrought by them in a man, as borne at such and such a minute; and again as borne under such and such a Climate. The one derived from the setting of the Houses, and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity; the other from that constellation which governeth as it were, the Province of his birth, and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci. Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia (saith an Author modern rather in time then judgement) & patriae sorte durantia, que tol as in historiis gentes aut commendant aut not ant. Two or three Authors by way of parallel, will make it clear in the example, though it appear not obscure in the search of causes. Primus Gallorum impetus imajor quam virorum, secundus minor quam foeminarum, saith Florus of the Gauls. What else is that which Mr. Dallington saith of the French, when he reporteth that they begin an action like thunder, and end it in a smoke? Their attempts on Naples and Milan (to omit their present enterprise on Genoa) are manifest proofs of it; neither will I now speak of the battle of Poicteirs, when they were so forward in the onset, and furious in the flight. Vt sunt Gallorum subita ing enia, saith Caesar: & I think this people to be as harebrained as ever were the other. Juvenal calleth Gallia, foecunda causidicorum: and among the modern French it is related, that there are tried more law-causes in one year, then have been in England since the Conquest. Of the ancient Germans, the next neighbours and confederates of the Gauls, Tacitus hath given us this note, Diem noctemque continuare potando nulli probrum; and presently after, De jungendis affinitatibus, de bello denique & pace, in convivis consultant. Since the time of Tacitus hath Germany shifted almost all her old inhabitants, and received new Colonies of Lombard's, Sueves, Goths, Sclavonians, Hunns, Saxons, Vandals, and divers other Nations not known to that writer. Yet still is that exorbitancy of drinking in fashion; and to this day do the present Germans consult of most of their affairs in their cups. If the English have borrowed any thing of this humour, it is not to be thought the vice of the Country, but the times. To go yet higher and further, the Philosopher Anacharsis (and he lived 600 and odd years before Christ) noted it in the Greeks, that at the beginning of their feasts, they used little goblets, and greater towards the end, when they were now almost drunken, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Laertius reporteth it. George Sandys in the excellent discourse of his own travails, relateth the same custom to continue still amongst them; notwithstanding the length of time, and all the changes of state and people which have since happened. Their Empire indeed they have lost, their valour, learning, and all other graces which set them out in the sight of the World; and no marvel these were not national conditions, but personal endowments. I conclude then this digression with the words of Barklay, Haeret itaque in omni gente vis quaedam inconcussa, quae hominibus pro conditione terrarum, in quibus nasoi contigerit, sua fata diviserit.  
The present French then, is nothing but an old Gaul moulded into a new name, as rash he is, and as head strong, and as hare brained. A nation whom you shall win with a seather, and lose with a straw. Upon the first sight of him you shall have him as familiar as your sleep, or the necessity of breathing. In one hours' conference, you may indeer him to you, in the second unbutton him; the third pumps him dry of all his secrets, and he gives them you as faithfully, as if you were his ghostly father, and bound to conceal them sub sigillo confessionis: when you have learned this, you may lay him aside, for he is no longer serviceable. If you have an humour of holding him in a further acquaintance, (a favour of which he confesseth, and I believe him, he is unworthy:) himself will make the first separation. He hath said over his lesson to you, and must now find out some body else to whom to repeat it. Fare him well, he is a garment whom I would be loath to wear above two days together, for in that time he will be threadbare. Familiar est homini omnia sibi remittere, saith Velleius of all; it holdeth most properly in this people. He is very kindhearted to himself, and thinketh himself as free from wants, as he is full: so much he hath in him of the nature of a Chinoys, that he thinketh all men blind but himself. In this pride of self-conceitedness he hateth the Spaniard, loveth not the English, and contemneth the Germane; himself is the only Courtier, and complete Gentleman; but it is his own glass which he seeth in, out of this conceit of his own excellency, and partly out of a shallowness of brain; he is very liable to exceptions. The least distaste that can be, draweth his sword, and a minute's pause sheaths it to your hand. If afterwards you beat him into better manners, he shall take it kindly and cry serviteur. In this one thing they are wonderfully like the Devil. Meekness or submission maketh them insolent, a little resistance putteth them to their heels, or makes him your Spaniel. In a word (for I have held him too long) he is a walking vanity in a new fashion.  
I will now give you a taste of his table, which you shall find in a measure furnished; (I speak not of the Peasant:) but not in so full a manner as with us. Their Beef they cut out in so little chaps, that that which goeth there for a laudable dish, would be thought here to be an University commons, new served from the hatch. A loin of Mutton serves amongst them for three roasting, beside the hazard of making pottage with the rump. Fowl also they have in good plenty, especially such as the King sound in Scotland. To say truth, that which they have is sufficient for nature and a friend, were i● not for the Mistress of the Kitchenwench. I have heard much fame of French Cooks, but their skill lieth not in the handling of Beef or Mutton. They have (as generally have all this Nation) good fancies, and are special fellows for the making of puffe-pastes, and the ordering of banquets. Their trade is not to feed the belly, but the palate. It is now time you were set down, where the first thing you must do, is to say your own Grace; private Graces are as ordinary there, as private Masses: and from thence I think they learned them. That done, fall to where you like best. They observe no methods in their eating, and if you look for a Carver, you may rise fasting. When you are risen, if you can digest the sluttishness of the cookery, (which is most abominable at first sight) I dare trust you in a Garrison. Follow him to Church, and there he will show himself most irreverent and irreligious; I speak not this of all, but of the general. At a Mass in the Cordeliers Church in Paris, I saw two French Papists, even when the most sacred mystery of their faith was celebrating, break out into such a blasphemous and Atheistical laughter, that even an Ethnic would have hated it. It was well they were known to be Catholics; otherwise some French hot-head or other, would have sent them laughing to Pluto.  
The French language is, indeed, very sweet and delectable. It is cleared of harshness, by the cutting off, and leaving out the consonants, which maketh it fall off the tongue very volubly; yet in my opinion, it is rather elegant then copious, and therefore is much troubled for want of words to find out periphrases. It expresseth very much of itself in the action. The head, body, and shoulders concur all in the pronouncing of it; and he that hopeth to speak it with a good grace, must have somewhat in him of the Mimic It is enriched with a full number of significant Proverbs, which is a great help to the French humour of scoffing; and very full of courtship, which maketh all the people complemental. The poorest Cobbler in the Village hath his Court-cringes; and his eau beniste de Cour, his court holy water, as perfectly as the Prince of Conde.  
In the Passadoes of their courtship, they express themselves with much variety of gesture, and indeed, it doth not misbecome them. Were it as graticus in the Gentlemen of other Nations as in them, it were worth your patience; but the affectation of it is scurvy and ridiculous. Quocunque salutationis artificio corpus inflectant, putes nihil ista institutione magis convenire. Vicinae autem gentes ridiculo errore deceptae, ejusdem venustatis imitationem ludicram faciunt & ingratam: as one happily observed at his being amongst them. I have heard of a young Gallant, son to a great Lord of one of the three British Kingdoms, that spent some years in France to learn fashions. At his return he desired to see the King, and his father procured him an entervenie. When he came within the Presence-chamber, he began to compose his head, and carry it as if he had been ridden with a martingale: next he fell to draw back his legs and thrust out his shoulders, and that with such a graceless apishness, that the King asked him if he meant to shoulder him out of his chair, and so left him to act out his compliment to the hangings. In their courtship they bestow even the highest titles, upon those of the lowest condition. This is the vice also of their common talk. The beggar begetteth Monsieurs and Madams to his sons and daughters, as familiarly as the King. Were there no other reason to persuade me, that the Welsh or Britain's were the descendants of the Gauls, this only were sufficient, that they would all be Gentlemen.  
His discourse runneth commonly upon two wheels, treason and ribaldry. I never heard people talk less reverently of their Prince, nor more saucily of his actions. Scarce a day passeth away without some seditious Pamphlet printed and published, in the disgrace of the King, or of some of his Courtiers. These are every man's money, & he that buyeth them is not coy of the Contents, be they never so scandalous; of all humours the most base and odious. Take him from this (which you can hardly do, till he hath told all) and then he falleth upon his ribaldry. Without these crutches, his discourse would never be able to keep pace with his company. Thus shall you have them relate the stories of their own uncleanness, with a face as confident, as if they had no accidents to please their hearers more commendable. Thus will they reckon up the several profanations of pleasure, by which they have dismanned themselves; sometimes not sparing to descend to particulars. A valiant Captain never gloried more in the number of the Cities he had taken, than they do of the several women they have prostituted. 
Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla—   
Foolish and most perishing wretches, by whom each several incontinency is twice committed; first, in the act; and secondly, in the boast. By themselves they measure others, and think them naturals, or Simplicians, which are not so conditioned. I protest, I was fain sometimes to put on a little impudence, that I might avoid the suspicion of a gelding or a sheep-biter. It was St. Augustine's case, as himself testifieth in the second book of his Confessions, Fingebam me (saith that good Father) fecisse quod non feceram, ne caeteris viderer abjectior. But he afterwards was sorry for it, and so am I; and yet, indeed, there was no other way to keep in a good opinion, that unmanly and ungoverned people.   

CHAP. II.  
The French Women, their persons, prating and conditions. The immodesty of the French Ladies. Kissing not in use among them; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England. The innocence and harmlessness of it amongst us. The impostures of French Panders in London, with the scandal thence arising. The peccancie of an old English Doctor. More of the French Women. Their Marriages, and lives after wedlock, etc. An Elegy to the English Ladies.  
I Am come to the French Women, and it were great pity they should not immediately follow the discourse of the men, so like they are one to the other, that one would think them to be the same, and that all the difference lay in the apparel. For person, they are generally of an indifferent stature, their bodies strait, and their wastes commonly small: but whether it be so by nature, or by much restraining of these parts, I cannot say. It is said, that an absolute woman should have (amongst other qualities requisite) the parts of a French woman from the neck to the girdle; but I believe it holdeth not good, their shoulders and backs being so broad, that they hold no proportion with their midles; yet this may be the vice of their apparel. Their hands are, in mine opinion, the comeliest and best ordered part about them, long, white and slender. Were their faces answerable, even an English eye would apprehend them lovely: but herein do I find a pretty contradictory. The hand, as it is the best ornament of the whole structure, so doth it most disgrace it. Whether it be that ill diet be the cause of it, or that hot blood wrought upon by a hot and scalding air, must of necessity by such means vent itself, I am not sure of. This I am sure of, that scarce the tithe of all the maids we saw, had her hands and arm wrists free from scabs, which had overrun them like a leprosy. Their hair is generally black, and indeed, somewhat blacker than a gracious loveliness would admit. The Poets commend Leda for her black hair, and not unworthily.  

Leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis.  
As Ovid hath it.   
Yet was that blackness but a darker brown; and not so f●●●full as this of the French women. Again, the blackness of the hair is then accounted for an ornament, when the face about which it hangeth, is of so perfect a complexion and symmetry, that it giveth it a lustre. Then doth the hair set forth the face, as a shadow doth a picture; and the face becometh the hair, as a field-argent doth a sable-bearing, which kind of Armoury the Heralds call the most fairest. But in this the French women are most unlucky. Don Quixote did not so deservedly assume to himself the name of The Knight of the ill-favoured face, as may they, that of the damosels of it. It was therefore a happy speech of a young French gallant that came in our company out of England, and had it been spoken amongst the Ancients, it might have been registered for an Apophthegm; that the English of all the people in the world were only nati ad voluptates. You have (saith he) the fairest women, the goodliest horses, and the best breed of dogs, under heaven. For my part, as far as I could in so short a time observe, I dare in this first believe him. England not only being (as it is said) a paradise for women, by reason of their privileges; but also a paradise of women, by reason of their unmatchable perfections.  
Their dispositions hold good intelligence with their faces. You cannot say to them as Sueton doth of Galba, Ingenium Galbae male habitat. They suit so well one with another, that in my life I never met with a better decorum; but you must first hear them speak. Loquere ut te videam, was the method in old times, and it holdeth now. You cannot gather a better character of a French woman, then from her prating, which is so tedious and infinite, that you shall sooner want ears, than she tongue. The fastidious prattler which Horace mentioneth in his ninth Satire, was but a puisnè to her. The writers of these times, call the Sitilians, Gerrae Siculae, and not undeservedly; yet were they but the Scholars of the French, and learned this faculty of them, before the Vespers. It is manners to give precedency to the Mistress, and she will have it, if words may carry it. For two things I would have had Aristotle acquainted with these Starlings. First, it would have saved him a labour in taking such pains about finding out the perpetual motion. Secondly, it would have freed him from an Heresy with which his Doctrine is now infected, and that is, Quiquid movetur, ab alio movetur; their tongues, I am certain move themselves, and make their own occasions of discoursing. When they are going, they are like a watch, you need not wind them up above once in twelve hours, for so long the thread of their tongues will be in spinning. A dame of Paris came in Coach with us from Roven; fourteen hours we were together, of which time (●'le take my oath upon it) her tongue fretted away eleven hours and 57 minutes. Such everlasting talkers are they all, that they will sooner want breath then words, and are never silent, but in the grave; which may also be doubted. As they are endless in their talk, so also are they regardless of the company they speak in. Be you stranger or of their acquaintance, it much matters not; though indeed, no man is to them a stranger. Within an hour of the first fight, you shall have them familiar more then enough, and as merry with you, as if they had known your bearing-clothes. It may be they are chaste, and I persuade myself many of them are; but you will hardly gather it out of their behaviour. Te tamen & cultus damnat, as Ausonius of an honest woman that carried herself less modestly. They are abundantly full of laughter and toying, and are never without variety of lascivious Songs: which they spare not to sing in what company soever. You would think modesty were quite banished the Kingdom; or rather, that it had never been there. Neither is this the weakness of some few. It is an epidemical disease, Maids and Wives are alike sick of it, though not both so desperately; the galliardy of the maids, being of the two a little more tolerable; that of the women coming hard upon the confines of shamelessness. As for the Ladies of the Court, (I cannot say this, but upon hear-say) they are as much above them in their lightness, as they are in their place; and so much the worse in that they have made their lightness impudent. For whereas the daughter of Pythagoras, being demanded what most shamed her to discourse of, made answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those parts which made her woman: these French dames will speak of them, even in the hearing of men, as freely, and almost as broadly, as a Midwife, or a Barber-surgeon. Nay, I have heard a Gentleman of good credence relate, that being at a tilting, he saw a Courtier going to remove a boy, which very roguishly looked under a Lady's clothes: but when her Ladyship perceived his intention, she hindered him with this compliment, Laisse, Monsevir, laisse, les yeuxne sont pas larrens; the boy's eyes would steal nothing away; a very merciful and gentle Lady. If that of Justine be still true, Vera mulierum ornamenta pudicitiam esse, non vestes; that modesty were the best apparel of a woman; I am afraid many of the female sex in France would be thinly clad, and the rest go naked.  
Being a people thus prone to a sudden familiarity, and so prodigal of their tongue and company, you would scarce imagine them to be coy of their lips. Yet this is their humour. It seemed to me strange at first and uncivil, that a woman should turn away from the proffer of a salutation. Afterward I liked the custom very well, and I have good cause for it, for it saved me from many an unsavoury piece of mannerliness. This notwithstanding could not but amaze me, that they who in their actions were so light and wanton, should yet think themselves modest, and confine all lasciviousness unto a kiss. A woman that is kissed, they account more then half whored, be her other deportment never so becoming; which maketh them very sparing of receiving such kindnesses. But this is but a dissembled unwillingness, and hath somewhat in it of the Italian. For as they had rather murder a man in private, then openly speak ill of him: so it may be thought that these Damosels would hardly refuse a man's bed, though education hath taught them to fly from his lip. Night and the curtains may conceal the one: the other can obtain no pardon in the eye of such, as may happen to observe it.  
Upon this ground your French Traveller, that perhaps may see their Hostess kissed at Dover, and a Gentleman salute a Lady in the streets of London; relateth at his coming home, strange Chimeras of the English modesty. To further this sinister opinion, he will not spare to tell his Comrades (for this I have noted to you, to be a part of his humour) what Merchants wives he enjoyed in London; and in what familiarity such a Lady entertained him at Westminster. Horrible untruths! and yet my poor gallant thinketh he lieth not. I remember I met in Paris with an English Doctor and the Master of a College there, who complained much of the lasciviousness of the English women: and how infamously every French Tailor that came from us, reported of them: withal, he protested, that it did not grieve him much, because he thought it a just judgement of God upon our Nation, that all the married men should be cuckolds. A strange piece of Divinity to me who never before had heard such preaching: but this was the reason of the Doctrine: In the old English Masse-book called Secundum usum Sarum, the woman at the time of marriage, promiseth her future husband to be bonny and buxom at bed and at board, till death us depart, etc. This being too light for the gravity of the action then in hand, and in mine opinion somewhat less reverend than a Church duty would require; the reformers of that book thought good to alter: and have put in the place of it, to love, cherish and obey. That this was a sufficient assurance of a conjugal faith, he would not grant; because the promise of being Buxom in bed was excluded. Besides he accounted the supposed dishonesty of the English wives, as a vengeance plucked down upon the heads of the people, for chopping and changing the words of the holy Sacrament: (for such they esteem the form of Matrimony) though his argument needed no answer, yet this accutation might expect one: and an English Gentleman (though not of the English Faith) thus laid open the abuse; and seemed to speak it out of knowledge. When the Monsieurs come over full pursed to London, the French Panders, which lie in wait for such booties, grow into their acquaintance: and promise them the embraces of such a Dame of the City, or such a Lady of the Court; women perchance famed for admirable beauties. But as Ixion amongst the Poets expected Juno, and enjoyed a cloud: so these beguiled wretches in stead of those eminent persons mentioned to them, take into their bosoms some of the common prostitutes of the Town. Thus are they cozened in their desires, thus do they lie in their reports: whilst poor souls, they think themselves guilty of neither imposture.  
For the other accusation, which would seem to fasten a note of immodesty upon our English women's lips: I should be like enough to confess the crime, were the English kisses like unto those of the French. As therefore Dr. Dale Master of the Requests, said unto Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador, upon his dislike of the promiscuous sitting of men and women in our Churches; Turpe quidem id esse apud Hispanos qui etiam in locis sacris cogitarent de explenda libidine, a qua procul aberant Anglorum mentes: So do I answer to the bill of the complainant. a Oxford Doctor upon this text, Betrayest th●u the Son of man with a kiss? made mention of four manner of kisses, viz. Osculum charitatis, osculum gratioris familiaritatis, osculum calliditatis, and osculum carnalitatis. Of these I will bestow the last on the French, and the third on the Spaniards; retaining the two first unto ourselves: whereas the one is enjoined by the precept, and the other warranted by the examples of holy Scripture. For my part, I see nothing in the innocent and harmless salutations of the English, which the Doctor calleth Osculum gratioris familiaritatis, that may move a French man's suspicion; much I confess to stir his envy. Perhaps a want of the like happiness to himself, maketh him dislike it in us: as the Fox that had lost his tail, persuaded all others to cut off theirs; but I have already touched the reason, why that Nation is unworthy of such a favour: their kisses being hot and sulphury, and indeed nothing but the prologue to their lusts. Whereas on the contrary, and I dare be confident in it; the chaste and innocent kiss of the English Gentlewomen, is more in heaven, than many of the best of their devotions. It were not amiss to explain in this place a verse of Ovid's, common in the mouths of many, but the understanding of few. Thus then saith the Poet:  

Oscula qui sumpsit, si non & caetera sumpsit,  
Haec quoque quae sumpsit perdere dignus erit. 

He that doth only kiss, and doth no more,  
Deserves to lose the kisses given before.     
Which must be understood according to the fashion of Rome and Italy (and since of France and Spain); where they were given as pawns of a dishonest contract: and not according to the customs of England, where they are only proffered in way of a gracious and innocent familiarity; and so accepted.  
I return again to the French women; and though I may not kiss them (which he that seeth them will swear I have good cause to thank God for) yet they are at liberty to be courted: an office which they admit freely, and return as liberally. An office to which they are so used; that they can hardly distinguish compliment from wooing, till the Priest expecteth them at the Church door. That day they set themselves forth with all the variety of riches their credit can extend to. A Scholar of the University never disfurnished so many of his friends, to provide for a journey, as they do neighbours, to adorn their wedding. At my being in Pontoyse, I saw M●is. Bride returning from the Church. The day before she had been somewhat of the condition of a Kitchen-wench, but now so tricked up with scarves, rings, and cross garters, that you never saw a Whitsun-Lady better rigged. I should much have applauded the fellow's fortune, if he could have married the clothes: but God be merciful to him) he is chained to the wench. Much joy may they have together most peerless couple! 
Hymen, O Hymenaee Hymen, Hymen O Hymenaee.   
The match was well knit up between them. I would have a French man marry none but a French woman.  
Being now made mistress of an house, she can give herself a dispensation to drink wine: before she had a fling at the bottle by stealth, and could make a shift to play off her whole one in a corner: as St. Austin in the ninth book of his Confessions reporteth of his mother Monica. Now she hath her draughts like the second edition of a book, augmented and revised: and which is more, published cum privilegio. Her house she doth keep as she doth herself. It would puzzle a strong judgement, to resolve which of the two are the more nasty: yet after ten of the clock, you may come nigh her; for by that time she hath not only eaten, but it may be her hall hath had a brushing: if you be not careful of your time, you shall commonly find her speechless; her mouth being stopped with some of the relics of last night's supper. To five meals a day she is very constant; and for variety's sake, will make some of them at street-door. She is an exceeding good soul (as Sancho Panco said of his wife) and one that will not pine herself, though her heirs smart for it. To her husband she is very servile, seldom sitteth with him at the table, readily executeth all his commands, and is indeed rather a married servant than a wife: or an household drudge under the title of a Mistress: yet on the other side she hath freedom enough, and certainly much more than a moderate wisdom would permit her. It is one of her jura conjugalia to admit of Courtship, even in the fight of her husband; to walk arm in arm about the streets or into the fields with her Privado, to proffer occasions of familiarity and acquaintance at the first sight of one, whose person she relisheth: and all this sans soupsen, without any the least imputation: a liberty somewhat of the largest, and we may justly fear that having thus wholly in her own power the keys of the Cabinet, that she showeth her jewels to more than her husband. Such are the French women; and such lives do they lead both maids and married.  

Thou happy England: thy four seas contain  
The pride of beauties: such as may disdain  
Rivals on earth. Such at once may move  
By a strange power, the envy, and the love  
Of all the sex besides. Admit a dame  
Of France or Spain, pass in the breath of fame,  
And her thoughts, for fair: yet let her view  
The commonest beauty of the English crew;  
And in despair she'll execrate the day  
Which bore her black; and sigh herself away.  
So pined the Phrygian dames and hanged the head,  
When into Troy, Paris did Helen lead.  
But boast not Paris, England now enjoys  
Helen's enough to sack a world of Troy's.  
So doth the vulgar tapers of the ●kie,  
Lose all their lustre when the Moon is nigh.  
Yet English Ladies, glorious lights, as far  
Exceed the Moon; as doth the Moon a star.  
So do the common people of the groves  
Grow hushed, when Philomela recounts her loves.  
But when our Ladies sing, even she forbears  
To use her tongue; and turns her tongue to ears.   

Nay more; Their beauties should proud Venus see,  
she'd blush herself out of her Deity:  
Drop into Vuleans forge, her reign now done;  
And yield to them her Empire, and her son.  
Yet this were needless. I can hardly find  
Any of this land stars, but strait my mind  
Speaks her a Venus; and me thinks I spic  
A little Cupid sporting in her eye.  
Who thence his shafts more powerfully delivers,  
Then ere did t'other Cupid from his quivers.  
Such in a word they are; you would them guess  
An harmony of all the goddesses;  
Or swear that partial Nature at their birth,  
Had robbed the heavens to glorify the earth.   

Such though they are, yet mean these graces been  
Compared unto the virtues lodged within:  
For needs the Jewels must be rich and precious,  
When as the Cabinet is so delicious.    

CHAP. III.  
France described. The valley of Montmorancie, and the Dukes of it. Montmartre. Burials in former times not permitted within the walls. The prosecuting of this disccurse by manner of a journal, intermitted for a time. The Town and Church of St. Denis. The Legend of him, and his head. Of Dagobert and the Leper. The relics to be seen there. Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time. The Sepulchers of the French Kings, and the treasury there. The King's house of Madrit. The Queen Mother's house at Ruall, and fine devices in it. St. Germains en lay, another of the King's houses. The curious painting in it. Gorramburie Window: the Garden belonging to it, and the excellency of the Water-works. Boys St. Vincent, de Vincennes, and the Castle called Bisester.  
I Have now done with the French, both men and women: a people much extolled by many of our English Travellers, for all those graces which may ennoble & adorn both sexes. For my part, having observed them as well as I could, and traced them in all their several humours: I set up my rest with this proposition, that there is nothing in them to be envied but their Country. To that indeed I am earnestly, and I think not unworthily affected: here being nothing wanting which may be required, to raise and reward one's liking. If nature was ever prodigal of her blessings, or scattered them with an over-plentiful hand; it was in this Island: into which we were entered, as soon as we passed over the bridge of Pontoyse. The first part of it, which lasted for three leagues; was upon the plain of a mountain: but such a mountain, as will hardly yield to the best valley in Europe, out of France. On both sides of us the Vines grew up in a just length, and promised to the husbandman a thriving vintage. The Wines they yield are far better than those of Normandy, or Gascoigne; and indeed the best in the whole Continent, those of Orleans excepted: yet what we saw here, was but as a bit to prepare our stomaches; lest we should surfeit in the valley.  
Here we beheld nature in her richest vestments. The fields so interchangeably planted with Wheat and Vines, that had L. Florus once beheld it, he would never have given unto Campania the title of Cereris & Bacchi certamen. These fields were dispersedly here and there, beset with Cherry trees; which considered with the rest, gave unto the eye an excellent object. For the Vines yet green; the Wheat ready for the scythe; and the cherries now fully ripened, and showing forth their beauties through the vails of the leaves: made such a various and delightsome mixture of colours, that no art could have expressed itself more delectably. If you have ever seen an exquisite Mosaical work, you may the best judge of the beauty of this valley. Add to this, that the River Seine being now past Paris; either to embrace that flourishing soil, or out of a wanton desire to play with itself, hath divided itself into sundry lesser channels; besides its several windings and turnings: so that one may very justly, and not irreligiously, conceive it to be an Idea, or representation of the Garden of Eden: the river so happily separating itself, to water the ground. This valley is of a very large circuit; and as the Welsh men say of Anglesey. Mon mam Gym●ye; id est, Anglesey is the mother of Wales: so may we call this the mother of Paris. For so abundantly doth it furnish that great and populous City, that when the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy besieged it with 100000 men; there being at that time 3 or 400000 Citizens and Soldiers within the walls: neither the people within, nor the enemies without, found any want of provision.  
It is called the Valley of Montmorency, from the Town or Castle of Montmorency seated in it: but this town nameth not the Valley only. It giveth name also to the ancient family of Dukes of Montmorency, the ancientest house of Christendom. He styleth himself Le premier Christian & plus viel Baron de France: and it is said that his ancestors received the Faith of Christ by the preaching of St. Denis, the first Bishop of Paris. Their principal houses are that of Chantilly, and Ecquoan, both seated in the Isle: this last being given unto the present Duke's Father, by King Henry 4. to whom it was confiscated by the condemnation of one of his Treasurers. This house also (and so I leave it) hath been observed to have yielded to France, more Constables, Marshals, Admirals, and the like officers of power and command, than any three other in the whole Kingdom. Insomuch that I may say of it, what Irenicus doth of the Count Palatines, the name of the Country only changed: Non alta Galliae est familia, cui plus debeat nobilitas. The now Duke, named Henry, is at this present Admiral of France.  
The mosteminent place in all this Isle is Montmartre, eminent I mean by reason of its height; though it hath also enough of antiquity to make it remarkable. It is seated within a mile of Paris, high upon a mountain: on which many of the faithful, during the time that Gaul was heathenish, were made Martyrs. Hence the name. Though Paris was the place of apprehension and sentence, yet was this Mountain commonly the scaffold of execution: it being the custom of the ancients, neither to put to death, nor to bury within the walls of their Cities. Thus the Jews when they crucified our Saviour, led him out of the City of Jerusalem unto Mount Calvarie: unto which St. Paul is thought to allude, Heb. 13. saying, Let us. therefore go forth to him, etc. Thus also doth St. Luke (to omit other instances) report of St. Stephen, Act. 7. And they cast him out of the city, and stoned him. So in the state of Rome, the Vestal Virgin having committed sornication, was stifled in the Campus sceleratus; and other malefactors thrown down the Tarpeian rock: both situate without the Town. So also had the Thessalians a place of execution, from the precipice of an hill, which theycalled the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Corvi: whence arose the proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, be hanged. As they permitted not executions of malefactors within their walls: so neither would they suffer the best of their Citizens to be buried within them. This was it which made Abraham to buy him a field wherein to bury his dead: and thus we read in the 7. of Luke, that the widow of Naims' son was carried out to be buried. This custom also we find amongst the Athenians, Corinthians, and other of the Grecians, Qui in agris suis (as saith Alexander ab Alexandro) aut in fundo suburbano, seu in avito & patrio solo corpora humari consuevere. Amongst the Romans, it was the fashion to burn the bodies of the dead, within their City. This continued till the bringing in of the Laws of Athens, commonly called the Laws of the 12. Tables: one of which Laws runneth in these words, In urbe ne sepelito, neve urito. After this prohibition, their dead corpse were first burned in Campus Martius; and their urns covered in sundry places in the fields. The frequent urns or sepulchral stones, digged up amongst us here in England, are sufficient testimonies of this assertion. Besides we may find in Appian, that the chief reason why the rich men in Rome would not yield to that Law, called Lex Agraria, or the Law of dividing the Roman possessions equally among the people, was, because they thought it an irreligious thing that the Monuments of their forefathers should be sold unto others. The first that is registered to have been buried in the City, was Trajan the Emperor. Afterwards it was granted as an honorary to such as had deserved well of the republic: and when the Christian Religion prevailed, and Churchyards, those dormitories of Saints were consecrated; the liberty of burying within the walls, was to all equally granted.  
On this ground it not being lawful to put to death or bury, within the Town of Paris; this Mountain was destinate to those purposes. Then was it only a Mountain; now it is enlarged unto a Town: it hath a poor wall, an Abbey of Benedictine Monks, and a Chapel called La Chapelle des Martyrs; both founded by Lewis the 6. called the Gross. Amongst others, which received here the Crown of Martyrdom, none more famous then St. Denis (said to be Dionysius Areopagita) the first Bishop of Paris; Rusticus his Archpriest; and Eleutherius, his Deacon. The time when, under the reign of Domition; the person by whose command, Fesceninus Governor of Paris; the crime, for not bowing before the Altar of Mercury, and offering sacrifice unto him. Of St. Denis being the patron or tutelary Saint of France, the Legend reports strange wonders. As namely, when the Executioner had smitten off his head, that he caught it between his arms; and ran with it down the hill as fast as his legs could carry him; half a mile from the place of his execution, he sat down and rested: and so he did nine times in all, even till he came to the place where his Church is now built. There he fell down and died, being three English miles from Montmartre: and there he was buried together with Rustious, and Eleutherius, who not being able to go as fast as he did, were brought after him by the people. O impudentiam admirabilem & vere Romanam! and yet so far was the succeeding age possessed with a belief of this miracle, that in the nine several places where he is said to have rested there are erected so many handsome Crosses of stone; all of a making.  
To the memory of this Saint, did Dagobert the first build a Temple: and the times ensuing improved it to a Town. Afterwards in honour of St. Denis, and because it lay near Paris; some of the following Kings bestowed a wall upon it. A wall it is of a large circuit, and very much unproportionable to the Town, which standeth in it, for all the world like a Spaniards little face in his great ruff, or like a small chop of Mutton in a large dish of pottage at the three penny Ordinary. Thus was the Town built (as you see) by natural means: but it was not so with the Temple. Unless that be worth a miracle, both in the building, and in the consecrating of it: I will not give a straw for it. Thus, then saith the story. Diagobert afterwards King of France, during the life of Clotoyre the second his Father, had cruelly slain Sadrasegille his governor. To avoid the fury of his Father, much incensed with that unprincely action; he was compelled to wander up and down France hungry and thirsty. And so he went, and he went, (for this tale should be told in the same stile, that wenches tell theirs by the fire side) till he came to the Sepulchre of St. Denis, where he laid down and slept: and then there appeared unto him a fine old man, with a staff in his hand, and he told him that his father was dead, and that he should be King, and he prayed him of all loves, that when he came to be King, he would build a Church there, in the honour of St. Denis. He had an hard heart, that could deny so sweet an old man so little a courtesy, for so much good news, and I trow the King was more kind than so. And so when the Church was built, the Bishop was sent for in all haste to bless it. But it chanced that the night before the day wherein the Bishop was to bless it, there came to the Town an ugly Leper, and the foulest that ever was seen: and this Leper would needs lie in the Church. And when he was there, about twelve a clock at night, our Saviour came into the Church in garments as white as the driven snow, and there came with him the Apostles, and the Angels and the Martyrs, and the sweetest Music that ever was heard in the world. And then Christ blessed the Church, and said unto the Leper, that he should tell the Bishop that the Church was already blessed, and for a token of it, he gave the Leper his health, who presently became as fine a sweet youth as one should see in a summer's day. Auditum admissi risum teneatis? you may laugh if you please, but I'll assure you this is the story: neither is it a jot the less authentic because of the stile. Such ridiculous stuff, did the Friars and Munks of those times invent to please and blind the people. So prone were our Ancestors to believe as Oracles, what ever was delivered unto them by these Impostors. Majoribus nostris tam facilis in mendaciis fides fuit, ut temere crediderint etlam monstrosa miracula: & quicquid famae licet fingere, illis erat libenter laudire. Minulius Faelix spoke it of his foresathers being Heathens: we may justly affirm it of ours also, being Christians.  
But (to omit the additions of the Legend) true it is, that Dagobert the first, was the founder of the Church: which was after rebuilt and beautified by the 25. Abbot of it, called Sugger, in the reign of King Lewis the sixth. A reverend and comely fabric, certainly it is; dark, as the Churches of those times commonly were: and none of the poorest. It maintaineth 262 Monks and an Abbot, whose ●ngle revenue is thought to be worth 10000 Crowns and upwards. The present Abbot is Henry of Lorrein, son to the Duke of Guise, a young Gentleman of some 14 years of age, or thereabouts: but of him more hereafter. The Abbot of it, among many other privileges, hath a full power upon the lives, goods, and honours of his vassals: and hath a voice in the Parliament of Paris, as full and binding as any of the Counsellors there sitting. As for the Church itself, it is in height 80 foot, 100 in breadth; and in length 300. The high Altar, under which the bodies of St. Denis and his two fellow-Martyrs, are said to be buried; is a very rich and excellent work: the Crucifix which standeth over it, being all of pure gold, enchased with divers Pearls and precious Stones of great value. Before it hangeth a silver Lamp continually burning: and if you look about it, you shall see the richest and the fairest glass for painting, in all France; that of Amiens only excepted. One thing further I will note in this Church, before I come to to the Tombs and relics; which is, how Henry 4. in this Church said his first Mass, after his last reconcilement to the Church of Rome. And good reason I have to say his last. For having been first brought up in the Romish Faith, he was by his Mother made a Protestant. At the massacre of Paris, fear of death or imprisonment, turned him Papist: liberty again made him an Huguenot. In this vein he continued till the year 1595. and then once more re-embosomed himself into the Roman Synagogue; which was the time we now speak of. Quo teneam nodo mutantem Protea vultum? The only Proteus in matters of faith in our times. Doctor Perne was a Diamond to him.  
It is now time I should show you the Relics; but you must first stay till the Clerk hath put on his Surplice. I have heard of a blind Priest that could never mumble over his Mass handsomely without his spectacles. This fellow and his surplice is just like him. I persuaded myself that the Surplice without the Clerk, could marshal the Relics, as well as the Clerk without the Surplice. As soon as he was saddled for his journey, he putteth himself into his way; and followed it with a pace so nimble, that there was no keeping of him company: his tongue ran so fast, that the quickest eye there, was fain to give him over in plain ground: the fellow that showeth the Tombs at Westminster, being no more to be compared to him, for the volubility of his chaps, than a Capuchin to a Jesuit: yet as we learned afterwards of him (when he was out of his road) they were thus disposed. On the right hand of the Altar, (not the high Altar above mentioned) there are said to be kept one of the Nails which fastened our Saviour to the Cross. 2. A piece of the Cross itself. 3. Some of the Virgin Maries Milk. 4. The arm of St. Simeon set in a case of gold. And 5. The relics of St. Lewis reserved in a little chapel, all of gold also; and built in the fashion of the Nostre dame in Paris. On the left, there was showed us the head of St. Denis and a part of his body. But I mistake myself, it was not the head, but the portraiture of it in gold; the head being said to be within it; by his representation he seemeth to have had a very reverend and awful countenance: though I persuade myself that the rich Crown and Mitre which he there weareth (and certainly they are of a high value) never belongedto him in his life. On each side of the head are two Angels supporting it, all of gold also: both which together with the head and ornaments supported, are reported to be the work of one Eloy, le plus artificiel orfeure de son temps, the cunningest Goldsmith of his time; who afterwards was made Bishop of Noyon, and Sainted.  
Concerning Relics I shall have occasion to speak further, when I come to the holy Chapel in Paris; somewhat now of the honour due unto the memory of Martyrs. I am none of those that think the memories of those Heroes of the primitive times, not to be honoured in the dust; neither would I assault their shrines with an irreverent finger: on the other side, they shall never have my prayers directed to them, nor my devotions; nor can I think it lawful to give the remnants of them any bodily observance. Though I do and will honour, I dare not worship them. St. Austin hath cut out a mid way between the Papist and the Zealot, in the 8 Book of his most excellent work De Civitate dei, and his path it is best, to follow, Honoramus sane memorias corum tanquam sanctorum hominum Dei, qui usque ad mortem corporum pro veritate certarunt: and a little after, he showeth the end of these memorial, viz. Vt ea celebritate Deo vere gratias de eorum victori is agamus, & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum eorum memoriae renovatione adhortemur. One relic there is of which this use cannot possibly be made; and what do you think that should be, but the Lantern which Judas used when he went to apprehend his Master? a pretty one it is (I confess) richly beset with studs of Crystal, through which all the light cometh; the main of it being of a substance not transparent. Had it been showed me within the first century of years after the passion, I might, perhaps, have been fooled into a belief; for I am confident it can be no older. Being as it is, I will acknowledge it to be a Lantern, though it belonged not to Judas.  
From the relics of Martyrs, proceed we to those of Kings; and amongst those there is nothing which will long detain an English man. He that hath seen the tombs at Westminster will think these to be but trifles, if he consider the workmanship, or the riches and the magnificence. The chief of those many mean ones which are there, are those of Henry II. and Katherine de Medici's his wife, in a little Chapel of their own building; both in their full proportion, and in their royal habiliments, exceeding stately. There is also a neat tomb of the same Henry, built all of brass, and supported by four brass pillars: his Statue of the same mettle placed on the top of it, and composed as if at his prayers. The rest are more in tale then weight. But the chief beauties of this Church, are in the treasury, which it was not my happiness to see. As I am informed, the most remarkable things in it are these, The Swords of Joan the Virgin, Charles the great, Rowland his cousin, and that of Henry IU. when he was Crowned. His Boots, Crown and Sceptre, as those also of his son Lewis now reigning. A cross three foot high, made of pure gold. A Crown, Sceptre and golden ball, given by Pope Adrian to Carolus magnus. A golden Crown of larger size, bedecked with Adamants and other precious stones; given by Charles Martell after his victories over the Saracens. A very fair Chalice all of gold, in which St. Denis is reported to have consecrated the Sacramental wine. The others of lesser note, I purposely omit, for having not seen them, I am loath to go any further upon trust. And so I leave St. Denis, a Church so richly furnished, that had I seen all the rarities and glories of it, that only days content had deserved our journey; sed haec infelici nimia.  
Not to continue this discourse any longer by way of journal, or gesta dierum. Few days after we had wearied ourselves with the sight of Paris, we went to see some of their Majesty's houses in the Country. And here we passed by Madrit, so called of the King of Spain's house at Madrit, after the form of which it is built. The founder of it was Francis the first, who being taken Prisoner at the battle of Pavia, ann. dom. 1525. and thence carried into Spain, had no less than a twelve months' time to draw the platform. A fine Country house it seemed to be; but our journey lay beyond it. One league beyond it lay Ruall, a small Town belonging to the Abbey of St. Denis. In a corner of this Town the Queen Mother hath a fine summer house, abundantly adorned with retired walks, and a most curious variety of water-works: for besides the forms of divers glasses, pillars, and Geometrical figures, all framed by the water; there were birds of sundry sorts so artificially made, that they both deceived the eye by their motion, and the ear by their melody. Somewhat higher in the midst of a most delicious Garden, are two Fountains of admirable workmanship: In the first, the portraitures of Cerberus, the Boar of Calydon, the Nemean Lion; and in the navel of it Hercules killing Hydra. In the other only a Crocodile full of wild and unruly tricks, and sending from his throat music not much different from Organs. Had your eyes been shut, you would have thought yourself in some Cathedral Church: this melody of the Crocodile, and that other of the birds, so exactly counterfeiting the harmony of a well ordered Quire. And now we are come into the Grove, a place so full of retired walks, so sweetly and delectably contrived, that they would even entice a man to melancholy, because in them even melancholy would prove delightful. The trees so interchangeably folded one within the other, that they were at once a shelter against wind and sun: yet not so sullenly close, but that they afforded the eye an excellent Lordship over the Vines and verdure of the earth imprisoned within them: it seemed a Grove, an Orchard, and a Vineyard, so variously interwoven and mixed together, as if it had been the purpose of the Artist to make a man fall in love with confusion. In the middle of this Wilderness was seated the house, environed round about with a Moat of running water. The house pretty, and therefore little; built rather for a banquet, than a feast. It was built and enriched with this variety of pleasures, by Mr. de Ponte, Taylor to King Henry IU. and was no question the best garment that ever he cut out in his life. Dying, he gave it to Mr. Landerboyne, once his servant, and now his son by adoption; of whom the Queen Mother taking a liking to it, bought it; giving him in exchange, an office in the Treasury worth 400000 crowns to be sold.  
Two leagues from Ruall, is the King's house of St. german ●n Olay, a house seated on the top of a hill just like Windsor, The Town of St. german lieth all about it, the river Seine (of the same breadth as the Thames is at the place mentioned) runneth below it; and the house by reason of the site, having a large command upon the Country round about it. The Town is poor and hath nothing in it remarkable but the name, which it took from St. german Bishop of Auxerre, who together with St. Lupus Bishop of Tropes, sailed into Britain to root out Pelagianism. The Castle or seat Royal is divided into two parts, the old and the new; the old, which is next unto the Town, is built of Bricks, and for form it is triangular: founded it was at the first by Charles V. since strengthened and beautified by the English when it was in their possession: Francis I. added to it the upper story and the battlements, and in memoriam facti, hath left a Capital F upon every of the Chimneys. The new house, distant from the old about a furlong, and to which you descend by a handsome green Court, was built by Henry IV. It consisteth of three several parts, all joined together, the two outermost quadrangular, that in the middle almost round and in the fashion of a Jewish Synagogue. Here we saw the Volatory full of sundry foreign birds, and in one of the lower rooms great store of outlandish coneys; but these were accessories. The principal was the majesty of the house, which is, indeed, worth the observation. The Palace of the Louvre so much famed, is not to be named in the same day with it. The rooms are well ordered, and high roofed, gorgeously set out with the curiosities of the Painter. In some of the Chambers they showed us some Poetical fictions expressed by the pencil in the windows and on the wainscot, and seemed to glory much in them. I confess they might have plentifully possessed my fancy, had I not seen the window of Gorrambury gallery, belonging to the Right Honourable Francis Viscount St. Alban; a window in which all the Fables of Ovid's Metamorphosis, are so naturally and lively dissembled, that if ever art went beyond itself, it was in that admirable expression.  
Let us now take a view of the water-works, and here we shall see in the first water-house, which is a stately large walk vaulted over head, the effigies of a Dragon, just against the entrance; an unquiet beast that vomiteth on all that come nigh it. At the end toward the right hand is the Statue of a Nymph sitting before a pair of Organs. Upon the losing of one of the pipes, the Nymphs fingers began to manage the keys, and brought the instrument to yield such a music, that if it were not that of an Organ, it was as like it as could be, and not be the same. Unto the division of her fingers, her head kept a porportionable time; jolting from one shoulder to the other, as I have have seen an old fiddler at a Wake. In the same proportion were the counterfeits of all sorts of mills, which before very eagerly discharged their functions; but upon the beginning of this harmony, they suddenly stood still, as if they had had ears to have heard it. At the other end towards the left hand, we saw a shop of Smiths, another of Joiners, and a backside full of sawyer's and Masons, all idle. Upon the first command of the water, they all fell to their Occupations, and plied them lustily; the birds every where singing, and so saving the Artificers the labour of a whistling. Besides, upon the drawing of a wooden curtain, there appeared unto us, two Tritons riding on their Dolphins, and each of them with a shell in his hand, which interchangeably and in turns served them in stead of trumpets. A very happy decorum, and truly Poetical.  

Caeruleum Tritona vocat, conchaque sonanti  
Inspirare jubet,—  
As Ovid of him.   
Afterward follows Neptune himself, fitting in his Chariot, drawn with four Tortoises, and grasping his tricuspis or three forked Sceptre in his hand: the water under them representing, all this while, a sea somewhat troubled. 36 steps from the front of the house we descended into this water-house; and by 60 more we descended into a second of the same fashion, but not of an equal length with the other. At the right hand of this, is the whole story of Perseus, Andromeda and the Whale lively acted; the Whale being killed, and the Lady unloosed from the rock very perfectly. But withal, it was so cunningly managed, and that with such a mutual change of fortune, on the parties of both the combatants, that one who had not known the fable, would have been sore afraid that the Knight would have lost the victory, and the Lady her life. At the other end there was shown unto us, 
Orpheus in sylvis positus, sylvaeqne sequentes.   
There appeared unto us the resemblance of Orpheus, playing on a treble Vial, the trees moving with the force of the music, and the wild beasts dancing in two rings about him. An invention which could not but cost K. Henry a great sum of money; one only string of the fiddle being by mischance broken, having cost King Lewis his son 1500 Livres. Upon the opening of a double-leaved door, there were exhibited to us divers representations and conceits, which certainly might have been more graceful, if they had not so much in them of the puppet play. By some steps more we descended into the Garden, and by as many more into a Green, which opened into the water side; in which the goodliest flower and most pleasing to my eyes, was the statue of an horse in brass, of that bigness, that I and one of my companions could stand in the neck of him. But dismounting from this horse, we mounted our own, and so took our leaves of St. german.  
On the other side of Paris, and up the river, we saw an other of the King's houses, called St. Vincent or Vincennes. It was beautified with a large part by Philip Augustus, anno 1185. who also walled the Park, and replenished it with Deer. In this house have died many famous personages, as Philip the fair, Lewis Hutin, and Charles the fair; but none so much to be lamented as that of our Henry V. cut down in the flower of his age, and midst of his victories: a man most truly valiant, and the Alexander of his times. Not far from thence is an old Castle, once strong, but time hath made it now unserviceable. The people call it Chasteau Bisestre, corruptly for Vincestre; which maketh me believe it was built by the English when they were masters of this Isle.   

CHAP. IU.  
Paris, the names and antiquity of it. The situation and greatness. The chief strength and Fortifications about it. The streets and buildings. King James his laudable care in beautifying London. King Henry the fourth's intent to fortify the Town. Why not actuated. The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians. The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber.  
NOw we are come unto Paris, whither, indeed, I should have brought you the same day we came from Pontoyse.  
It hath had in diversages, two several names; the one taken from the people, the other from the situation; the name taken from the people is that of Paris. J. Caesar in his Commentaries making mention of the Nation of the Parisii, and at that time calling this City Urbem Parisiorum. Ammianus Marcellinus calleth it by the same appellative; for as yet the name of Paris was not appropriated unto it. As for these Parisii, it is well known that they were a people of Gallia Celtica; but why the people were so called, hath been questioned, and that deservedly. Some derive them from a son of Paris the son of Priam: but the humour of deriving all national originations from Troy, hath long since been hissed out of the School of Antiquity. The Berosus of John Annius bringeth them from one Paris King of the Celtaes; and his authority is alike authentical. The bastards which this Annius imposed upon the Ancient writers, are now taught to know their own father. Others deduce it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Greek word importing boldness of speech; which is approved by William of Breton, in the first book of his Phillipiades.  

Finibus egressi patriis, per Gallicarura  
Sedem quaerebant, ponendis maenibus aptam,  
Et se Parisios' dixerunt, nomine Graeco,  
Quod sonat expositum nostris, audacia, verbis. 

Leaving their native soil, they sought through Gaul  
A place to build a City, and a wall,  
And called themselves Parisians; which in Greek  
Doth note a prompt audacity to speak.     
It is spoken of those Gauls, who coming out of the more Southern parts, here planted themselves. Neither is it improbable, that a gallic nation should assume to itself a Greek name, that language having taken good footing in these parts, long before Caesar's time, as himself testifieth in his Commentaries. How well this name agreeth with the French nature, I have already manifested in the character of this people, both men and women. But I will not stand to this etymology. The names of great Cities are as obscure as those of their founders; and the conjectural derivations of them are oftentimes rather plausible then probable; and sometimes neither. As for the antiquity of it, it is said to be built in the time of Amasia King of Judah; but this also is uncertain: the beginnings of ancient Cities, being as dark and hidden, as the reasons of their names. Certain it is, that it is no puisnè in the world; it being a strong and opulent Town in the days of Julius Caesar.  
The other name of this City, which is indeed the ancient, and was taken from the situation of it, is Lutetia, from lutum dirt; as being seated in an exceeding clammy and dirty soil. To this also consenteth the abovenamed William of Breton, in his said first Book of the Phillippiades, saying,  

— Quoniam tunc temporis illam  
Reddebat palus & terrae pinguedo lutosam,  
Aptum Parisii posuere Lutetia nomen. 

And since the Fens, and clammy soil did make  
Their City dirty: for that reason's sake,  
The Town, the name Lutetia did take.     
As for the Etymology of Munster, who deriveth the name from Luens one of the Kings of the Celtaes: it may (for aught I know) deservedly keep company with that of Berosus, already recited. This name of Lutetia continued till the coming of the Franks into these parts: who to endeer the nation of the Parisii, and oblige them the more faithfully to do them service, commanded it for ever after to be called Paris. But the situation of this Town gave it not only the name; it gave it also (as the custom of Godfathers in England) a christening gift, which is the riches of it; and by consequence, the pre-eminence. In how delicate and flourishing a soil it is situate, I have already told you in my description of the valley of Montmorencie where it standeth. If you will believe Comines in the first book of his Histories, he will tell you, that Cest la citè que jamais ie veisse environneè de meilleux pais et plantureux; of all the Cities which ever he saw, it is environed with the best and fruitful'st Country. The river of Seine is also, no question, a great help to the enriching of it; for though it be not Navigable unto the Town, yet it giveth free passage unto boats of an indifferent big burden, into which the ships are unladen, and so their commodities carried up the water. A profitable enter course between the Sea and the City for the Merchants. Of these boats there are an infinite company that ply up and down the water, and more indeed, as the said Comines is of opinion, than any man can believe that hath not seen them.  
It is in circuit, as Boterus is of opinion, 12 miles. Others judge it at 10. For my part, I dare not guess it to be above 8, and yet I was told by a French man, that it was in compass no less than 14 leagues within the walls; an untruth bigger than the Town. For figure it is circular, that being, according to Geometricians, of all figures the most capacious. And questionless if it be true, that Urbs non in moenibus, sed in civibus posita est; Paris may challenge as great a circuit as the most of Europe: it being little inferior to the biggest, for the multitudes of her inhabitants. Join the compass and the populousness together, and you shall hear the wisest of the French men say, that Que ce qu' est l' ame a la raison, el la prunelle a l' oeil; cela mesme est Paris a la France. Add to this the verdict of Charles V. who being demanded which he thought to be the biggest City of France: answered, Roven: and being then asked, what he thought of Paris: made answer, Unpais; that it was a whole Country. The Emperor did well to flatter Francis the first, who asked him these questions, and in whose power he then was; otherwise he might have given men good cause to suspect his judgement. The truth is, that Paris is a fair and goodly Town; yet withal, it is nothing like the miracle that some men make it. Were the figure of London altered, and all the houses of it cast into a Ring; I dare able it a larger and more goodly Town then Paris, and that in the comparison, it may give it at the least half a mile odds.  
For matter of strength and resistance, certain it is that this City is exceeding well seated, were it as well fortified. It lieth in a plain flat level, and hath no hills nigh unto it, from which it can any way be annoyed; and for the casting and making of rowling-trenches, I think the soil is hardly serviceable. If Art were no more wanting to the strength of it then Nature, in mine opinion, it might be made almost impregnable. Henry IV. seeing the present weakness of it, had once a purpose (as it is said) to have strengthened it according to the modern art of Fortifications. But it went no further than the purpose. He was a great builder, and had many projects of Masonry in his head, which were little for his profit; and this would have proved less than any. For besides the infinite sums of money which would have been employed in so immense a work; what had this been in effect, but to put a sword into the hand of a mad man? The mutinies and sedition of this people have made it little inferior to Liege or Gaunt, the two most revolting Towns of Europe. And again, the Baricadoes against the person of King Henry III. and the large resistance it made to himself, being weak; were sufficient to instruct him what might be expected from it by his successors, when it should be strengthened and enabled to rebellion.  
The present strength of the Town than is not great, the walls being very weak and ruinous; and those other few helps which it hath, being little available for defence. The beautifullest part of the whole resistance is the ditch, deep, precipitate and broad; and to say no more of it, an excellent ward, were there any thing else correspondent to it. As for the Fort next unto St. Antony's gate, called the Bastille; it is in my conceit too little to protect the Town, and too low to command it. When Swords only and Pick-axes were in use, and afterwards in the infancy of guns, it did some service in the nature of a Fortress: now it serveth principally as a prison for those of the greater sort, who will permit themselves to be taken. It is said to be built by the English, when they were Lords of Paris, and the vulgar are all of this opinion. Others, of the more learned sort, make it to be the work of one of the Provosts of the City. Du Chesne calleth him Hugues Aubriot, in the time of Charles V. when as yet the English had nothing to do here. The word Bastille in general, signifieth a Fortress; the article la, prefixed before it, maketh it a name, and appropriateth it unto this building. There are also two little turrets, just against the gallery of the Lowre, on both sides of the Seine, intended for the defence of the River; though now they are little able to answer that intention: they also are fathered on the English, but how true I know not. An other place I marked, designed perhaps for a Rampart, but employed at this time only by windmills. It is a goodly mount of earth, high and capacious, situate close unto the gate called St. Martin's; the most defensible part, if well manned, of all Paris. Thus is the strength of this Town (as you see) but small; and if Henry IV. lay so long before it with his Army, it was not because he could not take it, but because he would not. He was loath (as Byron advised him) to receive the bird naked, which he expected with all its feathers; and this answer he gave the Lord Willougbie. who undertook to force an entry into it.  
For the streets, they are many of them of a lawful and competent breadth, well pitched under the foot with fair and large pebble. This paving of it was the work of Philip Augustus, anno 1223. or there abouts; before which time it could not but be miserably dirty, if not unpassable. As it now is, the least rain maketh it very slippery and troublesome; and as little a continuance of warm weather, stinking and poisonous. But whether this noisomeness proceed from the nature of the ground, or the fluttishnesse of the people in their houses, or the neglect of the Magistrates in not providing a sufficiency of Scavengers, or all, I am not to determine. This I am confident of, that the nastiest lane in London, is Frankincense and Juniper, to the sweetest street in this City. The ancient byword was (and there is good reason for it) I'll destaint comme la fange de Paris: had I the power of making proverbs, I would only change i'll destaint into il puit, and make the byword ten times more Orthodox. I have spoken somewhat already of the Fortifications of this Town, but they are but trifles: the only venom of the street, is a strength unto it more powerful than the ditch●s or the bulwark of St. Martin's. Morrison in his itinerary relateth how the Citizens of Prague in Bohemia, were repairing the walls of their Town for fear of the Turks; but with all he addeth, that if the stink of the streets kept him not thence, there was no assurance to be looked for of the walls. I know now not how true it is of that City, I am sure it may be justly verified of this. It was therefore not unjudiciously said of an English Gentleman, that he thought Paris was the strongest Town in Christendom; for he took (strong) in that sense as we do in England, when we say such a man hath a strong-breath. These things considered, it could not but be an infinite happiness granted by nature to our Henry V. that he never stopped his nose at any stink, as our Chronicles report of him. Otherwise, in my conscience, he had never been able to keep his Court there. But that which most amazed me, is, that in such a perpetuated constancy of stinks, there should yet be found so large and admirable a variety. A variety so special and distinct, that any Chemical nose (I dare l●y my life on it) two or three perambulations, would hunt out blindfold, each several street by the smell, as perfectly as another by his eye. A Town of a strange composition, one can hardly live in it in the Summer without poisoning, in the Winter without miring.  
For the buildings, they are I confess very handsomely and uniformly set out to the street-ward; not unseemly in themselves, and very suitable one with another. High and perpendicular, with windows reaching from the top almost to the bottom. The houses of the new mould in London, are just after their fashion: wherein the care and design of our late Sovereign King James is highly to be magnifyed. Time and his good beginnings well seconded, will make that City nothing inferior for the beauty and excellency of her structures, to the gallantest of Europe; insomuch that he might truly have said of his London, what Augusius did of his Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Urbem quem lateritiam inveni marmoream relinquo, as Dion hath it. But as London now is, the houses of it in the inside, are both better contrived, and richlyer furnished by far, than those of Paris; the inward beauty and ornaments most commonly following the estate of the builders, or the owners. Their houses are distinguished by signs as with us, and under every sign there is printed in Capital letters, what sign it is; neither is it more than need. The old shift of This is a Cock, and this is a Bull, was never more requisite in the infancy of painting, then in this City. For so hideously and so without resemblance to the thing signified, are most of these pencil-works: that I may without danger say of them as Pseudolus in Plaulus doth of the letter which was written from Phoenicium to his young master Callidorus, An obs●●ro hercle, habent quoque gallinae manus? nam has quidem gallina scripsit. If a hen would not scrape better portraitures on a dunghill than they have hanged up before their doors, I would send to my Hostess of Tostes to be executed. And indeed generally, the Arti 〈…〉 of Paris are as slovenly in their trades, as in their houses, yet you may find nimble dancers, pretty fiddlers for a toy, and a Tailor that can trick you up after the best and newest fashion. Their Cutlers make such abominable and fearful knives, as would grieve a man's heart to see them: and their Glover's, are worse than they; you would imagine by their Gloves, that the hand for which they are made, were cut of by the wrist: yet on the other side they are very perfect at toothpicks, beard brushes, and (which I hold the most commendable art of them) at the cutting of a seal. Their Mercers are but one degree removed from a Pedlar; such as in England we call Chapmen, that is a Pedlar with a shop. And for Goldsmiths there is little use of them, glasses being there most in request, both because neat, and because cheap. I persuade myself that the two several ranks of shops in Cheapside, can show more plate, and more variety of Mercery wares, good and rich, than three parts of Paris. Merchants they have here, but not many, and they not very wealthy. The river ebbs not, and floweth not nigher than 75 miles or thereabouts, and the boats which thence serve the City, being no bigger than our Western Barges. The principal means by which the people do subsist, are the Court of the King, most times held amongst them; and the great resort of Advocates and Clients to the chambers of Parliament. Without these two crutches the Town would get a vile halting, and perhaps be scarce able to stand. What the estate of some of their wealthyest Citizens may amount to, I cannot say, yet I dare conjecture it, not to be superfluous. The Author of the book entitled Les estat du monde, reckoneth it for a great marvel that some of our London Merchants should be worth 100000 crowns, we account that estate among us not to be so wonderful, and may thence safely conclude, that they who make a prodigy of so little, are not worth so much themselves.  
If you believe their apparel, we may, perhaps, be persuaded otherwise; that questionless speaketh no less than millions, though like it is, that when they are in their best clothes, they are in the middle of their estates. But concerning the ridiculous bravery of the poor Parisian, take along with you this story: Upon our first coming into Paris, there came to visit a Germane Lord, whom we met a ship-bord, a couple of French Gallants, his acquaintance; the one of them (for I did not much observe the other) had a suit of Turkey grogram doubled with Taffata, cut with long slashes, or carbonadoes, after the French fashion, and belayed with bugle lace. Through the openings of his doublet appeared his shirt of the purest Holland, and wrought with curious needlework; the points at his waste and knees, all edged with a silver edging; his garters, roses and hatband, suitable to his points; a beaver hat, and a pair of silk stockings; his cloak also of Turkey grogram, cut upon black Taffata. This Lord (for who would have dared to guess him other?) applied himself to me, and perceiving my ignorance in the French, accosted me in Latin, which he spoke indifferently well. After some discourse, he took notice of mine eyes, which were then sore and sea-sick, and promised me, if I would call on him at his lodging the next morning, to give me a water, which suddenly would restore them to their strength and vigour. I humbly thanked his Lordship for such an ineffable and immerited favour, in the best compliment and greatest obeisance I could devise. It was not for nought, thought I, that our English extol so muth the humanity of this people; nay I began to accuse the report of envy, as not having published the one half of their graces and affabilities. Quantillum enim virtutum illarum acceperim! And thus taking my leave of his Honour, I greedily expected the next morning. The morning come, and the hour of visting his Lordship almost at hand, I sent a servant to fetch a Barber to come trim me and make me neat, as not knowing what occasion I might have, of seeing his Lady or his daughters. Upon the return of the messenger, presengly followeth his Altitude, and bidding me sit down in his chair, he disburdened one of his pockets (Quis hoc credat, nisi sit proteste vetustas?) of a case of instruments, and the other of a bundle of linen. Thus accommodated, he falleth to work about me, to the earning of a quardesou. In my life I had never more ado to hold in my laughter. And certainly, had not an anger or vexation at my own folly, in casting away so much humble rhetoric the night before upon him, somewhat troubled me; I should either have laughed him out of his fine suit, or have broke my heart in the restraint. 
Quid domini facient, audent cum talia fures?   
If a Barber may be thus taken in suspicion for a Lord, no doubt but a Mercer may be accused for a marquis.   

CHAP. V.  
Paris divided into four parts. Of the Fauxbourgs in general. Of the Pest-house. The Fauxbourg and Abby of St. german. The Queen Mother's house there. Her purpose never to reside in it. The Provost of Merchants, and his authority. The Arms of the Town. The Townhouse. The Grand Chastelet. The Arsenal. The place Royal, etc. The Vicounty of Paris. And the Provosts seven daughters.  
THey which write of Lusitania divide it into three parts, viz. Ulteriorem, lying beyond Dueras, North; Citeriorem, lying from Tagus, South; and Interamnem, situate betwixt both the rivers. Paris is seated just as that Province, and may in a manner admit of the same division; for the River of Seine, hath there so dispersed itself, that it hath divided this French Metropolis into three parts also, viz. Citeriorem, lying on this side the river, which they call La Ville, the Town; Ulteriorem, lying beyond the further branch of it, which they call L'Universitiè; and Interammem, situate between both the streams in a little Island; which they call La Citè. To these add the Suburbs, or (as they call them) the Fauxbourgs, and you have in all four parts of Paris.  
These Fauxbourgs are not incorporated unto the Town, or joined together with it, as the Suburbs of London are unto that City. They stand severed from it a pretty distance, and appear to be what indeed they are, a distinct body from it; For the most part the houses in them are old and ruinous: yet the Fauxbourg of St. jacques is in a pretty good fashion and the least unsightly of them all, except St. Germains. The Fauxbourg also of St. Marcell hath somewhat to commend it, which is that the great Pest-house built by Henry IV. is within the Precincts of it: a house built quadrangular wise, very large and capacious; and seemeth to such as stand afar off it (for it is not safe venturing nigh it or within) to be more like the Palace of a King, than the King's Palace itself. But the principallest of all the Suburbs is that of St. Germains, a place lately repaired, full of divers stately houses, and in bigness little inferior unto Oxford. It took name from the Abbey of S●. german, seated within it, built by Childebert the son of Clovis, anno 1542. in the honour of St. Vincent. Afterwards it got the name of St. German a Bishop of Paris, whose body was there buried, and at whose instigation it had formerly been founded. The number of the Monks was enlarged to the number of 120 by Charles the bald, (he began his reign anno 841) and so they continue till this day. The present Abbot is Henry of Bourbon Bishop of Metz, base son unto Henry IU. He is by his place Lord of all this goodly Suburb; hath power of levying Taxes upon his tenants: and to him accrue all the profits of the great Fair holden here every February.  
The principal house in it is that of the Queen Mother, not yet fully built. The Gallery of it, which possesseth all the right side of the square, is perfectly finished, and said to be a most royal and majestical piece. The further part also, opposite to the gate, is finished so far forth as concerneth the outside and strength of it; the ornamental parts and trappings of it being yet not added. When it is absolutely consummate, if it hold proportion with the other sides, both within and without, it will be a Palace for the elegancy and politeness of the Fabric, not followed in Europe. A Palace answerable to the greatness of her mind that built it; yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there: for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward. For when upon the death of her great Privado, the marquis D'Ancre, she was removed to Blois: those of the opposite taction in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King, that not without great struggle, by those of her party, and the hazard of two civil wars, she obtained her former nearness to his Majesty. She may see by this what to trust to, should her absence leave the King's mind any way prepared for new impressions. Likely therefore it is, that she will rather choose to leave her fine house habited further then on occasions for a Banquet, then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatness. This house is called Luxembourg Palace, as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province. The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde, to whom it was given by the Queen Mother, in the first year of her Regency.  
The Town of Paris, is that part of it, which lieth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardy. What was spoken before in the general hath its reference to this particular; whether it concern the sweetness of the streets, the manner of the building, the furniture of the artificer, or the like. It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches, viz. St. German de l'Auxerre, 2 St. Eustace, 3 Les Saints Innocents', 4 St. Savueur, 4 St. Nicolas des champs. 6 L● Sepulore. 7 St. jacques de la bouchierie, 8 St. Josse, 9 St. Mercy, 10 St. Jean, 11 St. Gervase, and St. Protasse, 12 St. Paul, and 13 St. Jean le tonde It also hath in it 7 Gates, sc. 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river near unto the Arsenal. 2 Porte du Temple. 3 St. Martim. 4 St. Denis. 5 Mont martre. 6 St. Honorè, and 7 Porte Neufue, so called because it was built since the others, which joineth hard upon the Tnilleries, the Garden of the Lowre.  
The principal Governor of Paris, as also of the whole Isle of France, is the Duke of Monbazon, who hath held this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendered by Luines; but he little meddleth with the City. The particular Governors of it are the two Provosts, the one called Le Provost du Paris, the other Le Provost des merchand's. The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen, whether they be criminal or civil. The office is for term of life; the place of judgement, the Grand Chastelet. The present Provost is called Mr. Seguier, and is by birth of the Nobility; as all which are honoured with this office must be. He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants; the Lieutenant criminal, which judgeth in matters of life and death; the Lieutenant civil, which decideth causes of debt or trespass between party and party; and the Lieutenant particular, who supplieth their several places in their absence. There are also necessarily required to this Court the Procurer, and the Advocate, or the King's Solicitor, and Attorney, 12 Counselors, and of under-officers more then enough. This Office is said to have been erected in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great. In matters criminal there is appeal admitted from hence to the Tournelle. In matters civil, if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres, to the great Chamber, or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament. The Provost of the Merchants, and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus, who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences, granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City: to have an eye over the sales of Wine, Corn, Wood, Cole, etc. and to impose taxes on them; to keep the keys of the Gates, to give watch word in time of war; to grant Pastports to such as are willing to leave the Town, and the like. There are also four other Officers joined unto him, Escbevins they call them, who also carry a great sway in the City. There are moreover Assistants to them in their proceedings, the King's Solicitor (or Procurer) and 24 Counselors. To compare this Corporation with that of London, the Provost is as the Mayor, the Eschevins as the Sheriffs, the 24 Counselors as the Aldermen, and the Procurer as the Recorder. I omit the under-officers, whereof there is no scarcity. The place of their meetings is called L' hostel de ville, or the Guilde-hall The present Provost, Mr. de Grieux, his habit, as also that of the Eschevins, and Counselors, half red, half sky coloured, the City livery with a hood of the same.  
This Provost is as much above the other in power, as men which are loved, commonly are above those which are feared. This Provost the people willingly, yea sometimes factiously obey, as the conservator of their liberties; the other they only dread as the Judge of their lives, and the tyrants over their Estates. To show the power of this Provost, both for and with the people against their Princes, you may please to take notice of two instances. For the people against Philip de Valois, anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns, upon all wares sold in Paris, for the better managing of his Wars against the English, could obtain it but for one year only; and that not without special letters reversal, that it should no way incommodate their privileges. With the people, anno 1357, when King John was Prisoner in England, and Charles the Dauphin, afterwards the fifth of that name, laboured his ransom amongst the Parisians. For then Stephen Marcell the Provost, attended by the Vulgar Citizens, not only broke open the Daulphins' Chamber, but flew John de Conf●ans and Robert of Clermount, two Marschals of France, before his face Nay, to add yet further insolences to this, he took his particoloured hood off his head, putting it on the Daulphins, and all that day wore the Daulphins' hat, being a brown black; Pour signal de sa dictature, as the token of his Dictatorship. And which is more than all this, he sent the Dauphin cloth to make him a Gown and an Ho●d of the City livery; and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above named, as done by his commandment: Horrible insolences! Quam miserum est cum haec impune facere potuisse? as Tully of Marcus Antonius.  
The Arms of this Town, as also of the Corporation of the Provost and Eschevins, are Gule●, a Ship Argent; a Chief, powdered with flower de Lyces, Or. The seat or place of their assembly, is called (as we said) L' h●stell de ville, or the Guild-hall. It was built or rather finished by Francis the first, anno 1533. and since beautified and repaired by Francis Miron, once Provost des merchand's, and afterwards Privy Counsellor to the King. It standeth on one side of the Greve, which is the public place of execution, and is built quadrangular wise, all of free and polished stone, evenly and orderly laid together. You ascend by 30 or 40 steps, fair and large, before you come into the Quadrate; and thence by several stairs into the several rooms and Chambers of it, which are very neatly contrived and richly furnished. The grand Chastelet is said to have been built by Julian the Apostata, at such time as he was Governor of Gaul. It was afterwards new built by Philip Augustus: and since repaired by Lewis XII. in which time of reparation, the Provost of Paris kept his Courts in the Palace of the Lowre. To sighed it is not very gracious, what it may be within I know not. Certain I am, that it looketh far more like a prison (for which use it also serveth) than a Town hall or seat of judgement.  
In this part of Paris called La ville, or the Town, is the King's A●cenal or Magazine of War; it carrieth not any great face of majesty on the outside, neither indeed is it necessary; such places are most beautiful without, when they are most terrible within. It was begun by Henry II. finished by Charles the ninth, and augmented by Mr. De Rhosny, great Master of the Artillery. It is said to contain 100 field-pieces and their carriages; as also Armour sufficient for 10000 horse, and 50000 foot. In this part also of Paris is that excellent pile of building called the Place Royal, built partly at the charges, and partly at the encouragement of Henry IU. It is built in form of a quadrangle, every side of the square being in length 72 fathoms; the materials Brick of divers colours, which makes it very pleasing, though less durable. It is cloistered round, just after the fashion of the Royal Exchange in London, the walks being paved under foot. The houses of it are very fair and large, every one having its Garden and other outlets. In all they are 36, nine of a side, and seem to be sufficient capable of a great retinue; the Ambassador for the estate of Venice, lying in one of them. It is situate in that place, whereas formerly the solemn Tilt were performed, a place famous and fatal for the death of Henry II. who was here slain with the splinters of a Lance, as he was running with the Earl of Montgomery, a Scotish-man; a sad and heavy accident.  
To conclude this discourse of the Ville or Town of Paris, I must a little wander out of it; because the power and command of the Provost saith it must be so: for his authoriis not confined within the Town. He hath seven daughters on which he may exercise it; Les sept filles de la Provoste de Paris, as the French call them. These seven daughters are seven Bailiwicks, comprehended within the Vicountie of Paris, viz. 1 Potssy. 2 St. German en lay. 3 Tornon 4 Torcie en Brie. 5 Corbeil. 6 Montlierie. And 7 Ginness en France. Over these his jurisdiction is extended, though not as Provost of Paris. Here he commandeth and giveth judgement as Lieutenant civil to the Duke of Monbazon, or the supreme Governor of Paris, and the Isle of France, f●r the time being. Yet this Lieutenant being an Office perpetually annexed to the Provostship, is the occasion that the Biliwicks above named are called Les sept filles de la Prevostè.   

CHAP. VI  
The University of Paris, and Founders of it. Of the Colleges in general. Marriage when permitted to the Recters of them. The small maintenance allowed to Scholars in the Universities of France. The great College at Tholoza. Of the College of the Sorbonne in particular; That and the House of Parliament, the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty. Of the Polity and Government of the University. The Rector and his precedency; The disordered life of the Scholars there being. An Apology for Oxford and Cambridge. The privileges of the Scholars, their degrees, etc.  
THat part of Paris which lieth beyond the furthermost branch of the Seine, is called the University. It is little inferior to the Town for bigness, and less superior to it in sweetness or opulency. Whatsoever hath been said of the whole in general, was intended to this part also, as well as the others: all the learning in it, being not able to free it from those inconveniences, wherewith it is distressed. It containeth in it only six parish Churches: the paucity whereof is supplied by the multitude of religious houses, which are within it. These six Churches are called by the names of St. Nicholas du Chardonuere, 2. St. Estienne, at this time in repairing. 3. St. Severin. 4. St. Bennoist. 5. St. Andre. And 6. St. Cosome. It hath also eight Gates, viz. 1. Porte de Neste, by the water side over against the Lowre. 2. Porte de Buçi. 3. St. german. 4. St. Michael. 5. St. Jaques. 6. St. Marcell. 7. St. Victor, and 8. Porte de la Tornelle. It was not accounted as a distinct member of Paris, or as the third part of it, until the year 1304. at what time the Scholars having lived formerly dispersed about the City, began to settle themselves together in this place: and so to become a peculiar Corporation.  
The University was founded by Charles the great, anno 791. at the persuasion of Alcuine an Oxford man, and the Scholar of venerable Bede: who brought with him three of his con disciples to be the first readers there: their names were Rabbanus Maurus, John Erigena, surnamed Scolus; & Claudus, who was also called Clement. To these four doth the University of Paris owe its original and first rudiments: neither was this the first time, that England had been the School-mistress unto France; we lent them not only their first Doctors in Divinity and Philosophy; but from us also did they receive the mysteries of their Religion, when they were Heathens. Disciplina in Britannia reperta, (saith Julius Caesar Com. 6.) atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur. An authority not to be questioned by any, but by a Caesar. Learning thus new born at Paris, continued not long in any full vigour. For almost 300 years it was fallen into a deadly trance: and not here only, but also through the greatest part of Europe: anno 1160. or thereabouts Peter Lombard, Bishop of Paris, the first author of Scholastical Divinity; and by his followers called the Master of the Sentences; revived it here in this Town by the favour and encouragement of Lewis 7. In his own house were the Lectures first read: and after as the numbers of Students did increase, in sundry other parts of the Town; Colleges they had none till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens, accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment.  
But anno 1304. Joan, Queen of Navarre, wife to Philip the fair, built that College, which then and ever since hath been called the College of Navarre: and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest. Nonibi constituunt exempla ubi coeperunt, sed in tenuem accepta tramitem, latissime evagandi viam sibi faciunt: as Velleius. This good example ended not in itself: but incited divers others of the French Kings, and people, to the erecting of convenient places of study. So that in process of time, Paris became enriched with 52 Colleges. So many it still hath, though the odd forty are little serviceable unto learning, for in twelve only of them is there any public reading, either in Divinity or Philosophy. Those twelve are the Colleges of Harcourte. 2. Caillvi, or the Petit Sorbonne. 3. Lisseux, or Lexovium. 4 Boncourte. 5. Montague. 6. Le March. 7. Navarre. 8. De la Cardinal de Moyne. 9 Le Plessis. 10. De Beavais. 11. La Sorbonne. 12. De Clermont, or the College of the Jesuits: there are also public readings in the houses of the four orders of Friars Mendicants, viz. the Carmelites, the Augustins, the Franciscans, or Cordeliers, and the Dominicans. The other Colleges are destinated to other uses. That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives; and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jaques, employed for the reception of the Irish. In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students, who for their instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colleges above mentioned.  
In each of these Colleges there is a Rector: most of whose places yield to them but small profit. The greatest commodity which accrueth to them is raised from chamber Rents: their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford; or that of a Treasurer in an Inn of Chancery in London. At the first erection of their Colleges, they were all prohibited marriage, though I see little reason for it. There can hardly come any inconvenience or damage by it, unto the scholars under their charge, by the assuming of leases into their own hands: for I think few of them have any to be so embezzled. Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physic, that they might marry: the Cardinal of Toute Ville, Legat in France, giving unto them that indulgence. Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Laws petitioned the University for the like privilege: which in fine was granted to them, and confirmed by the Court of Parliament. The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it: and that not as Rectors, but as Priests. These Colleges for their buildings are very inelegant, and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer. So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colleges in England, as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since, in comparison of the rest: or as the two Temples in London now are, in reference to Lincolns-Inne. The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabrics, as mean and curtailed. I could not learn of any College, that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne: and how small a trifle that is, we shall tell you presently. But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only: all France is troubled with the same want, the same want of encouragement in learning: neither are the Academies of Germany in any happier state, which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times, having been in England and seen Cambridge, to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance, Vnum Collegium Cantabrigiense (confidenter dicam) superat vel decem nostra. It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings, in which sense he spoke it: but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues. Yet I was given to understand, that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colleges, one of an especial quality: and so indeed it is, if rightly considered. There are said to be in it 20 Students places, (or fellowships as we call them). The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florins, or Livres; paid unto him after six years, by his successor: Vendere jure potest, emerat ille prius. A pretty market.  
The College of Sorbonne, which is indeed the glory of this University, was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the chamber of Lewis the 9 of whom he was very well beloved. It consisteth merely of Doctors of Divinity: neither can any of another profession, nor any of the same profession not so graduated, be admitted into it. At this time their number is about 70; their allowance, a pint of wine, (their pint is but a thought less than our quart) and a certain quantity of bread daily. Meat they have none allowed them, unless they pay for it: but the pay is not much: for five Sols (which amounteth to six pence English) a day, they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish, to be served to them at their chambers. These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity: the Rector and other officers of the University, having nothing to do in it. To them alone belongeth the examination of the students in the faculty, the approbation, and the bestowing of the honour: and to their Lectures do all such assiduously repair, as are that way minded. All of them in their turns discharge this office of reading, and that by six in a day: three of them making good the Pulpit in the forenoon; and as many in the afternoon. These Doctors are accounted, together with the Parliament of Paris, the principal pillars of the French Liberty: whereof indeed they are exceeding jealous, as well in matters Ecclesiastical as Civil. When Gerson Chancellor of Paris (he died Anno 1429.) had published a book in approbation of the Council of Constance; where it was enacted that the authority of the Council was greater than that of the Pope: the Sorborne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine. Afterwards, when Lewis the 1, 1. to gratify Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatic sanction; the Sorbonnists in behalf of the Church Gallican, and the University of Paris; Magnis obsistebant animis, (saith Sleidan in his Commentaries) & a Papa provocabant ad Concilium. The Council unto which they appealed was that of Basil; where that sanction was made: so that by this appeal, they verified their former Thesis; that the Council was above the Pope. And not long since, anno viz. 1613. casually meeting with a book written by Becanus, entitled, Controversia Anglicana de potestate regis & papae: they called an assembly, and condemned it. For though the main of it, was against the power and supremacy of the Kings of England: yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Christian Kings by the buy, which occasioned the Sentence. So jealous are they of the least circumstances, in which the immunity of their nation may be endangered.  
As for the Government of the University, it hath for its chief director, a Rector: with a Chancellor, four Procurators or Proctors, and as many others, whom they call Les Intrantes, to assist him; besides the Regent's. Of these the Regent's are such Masters of the Arts, who are by the consent of the rest, selected to read the public Lectures of Logic and Philosophy. Their name they derive a regendo, eo quod in artibus rexerint. These are divided into four Nations, viz. 1 The Norman. 2 The Picarde. 3. The Germane. And 4 The French. Under the two first are comprehended the students of those several Provinces: under the third, the Students of all foreign nations, which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge. It was heretofore called natio Anglica: but the English being thought unworthy of the honour, because of their separation from the Church of Rome; the name and credit of it was given to the Germans. That of the French is again subdivided into two parts: that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris; and that which containeth the rest of Gallia. These four Nations (for notwithstanding the subdivision above mentioned, the French is reckoned but as one) choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators; so called, quia negotia nationis suae procurant. They choose four other officers, whom they call les Intrantes: in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations. And here it is to be observed, that in the French Nation, the Procurator, and Intrant, is one year of the Diocese of Paris; and the following year of the rest of France: the reason why that Nation is subdivided. These four Intrantes thus named, have amongst them the election of the Rector: who is their supreme Magistrate.  
The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus, of the College of Harcourte: a Master of the Arts, for a Doctor is not capable of the Office. The honour lasteth only three months; which time expired, the Intrantes proceed to a new election: though oftentimes it happeneth that the same man hath the lease renewed. Within the confines of the University, he taketh place next after the Princes of the blood: and at the public exercises of learning before the Cardinals, otherwise he giveth them the precedency. But to Bishops or Archbishops he will not grant it upon any occasion. It was not two months before my being there, that there happened a shrewd controversy about it. For their King had then summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces adjoining, to consult about some Church affairs; and they had chosen the College of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house: when the first day of their sitting came, a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them: began his oration with Reverendissime Rector, & vos amplissimi praesules. Here the Archbishop of Roven, a man of an high spirit, interrupted him and commanded him to invert his stile. He obeyed, and presently the Rector riseth up with Impono tibi silentium: which is an injunction within the compass of his power. Upon this the Preacher being tongue-tied, the controversy grew hot between the Bishops and the Rector, both parties very eagerly pleading their own priority. All the morning being almost spent in this altercation, a Cardinal wiser than the rest, desired that the question might for that time be laid aside: and that the Rector would be pleased to permit the Doctor to deliver his Sermon, beginning it without any praeludium at all. To which request the Rector yielded, and so the contention at that time was ended.  
But salus academiae non vertitur in istis. It were more for the honour and profit of the University, if the Rector would leave off to be so mindful of his place, and look a little to his office. For certainly never the eye and utmost diligence of a Magistrate was wanting more, and yet more necessary, then in this place. Penelope's suitors never behaved themselves so insolently in the house of Ulysses, as the Academics here do in the houses and streets of Paris. 
Nos numeri sumus, & fruges consumere nati,  
Sponsi Penelope's, nebolones Alcinoique—  not so becoming the mouth of any as of those. When you hear of their behaviour, you would think you were in Turkey: and that these men were the Janissaries. For an Angel given amongst them to drink, they will arrest whom you shall appoint them: double the money, and they shall break open his house, and ravish him into the Gaol. I have not heard that they can be hired to a murder: though nothing be more common amongst them then killing, except it be stealing. Witness those many carcases which are found dead in the morning, whom a desire to secure themselves and make resistance to their pillages; hath only made earth again. Nay, which is most horrible, they have regulated their villainous practices into a Commonwealth: and have their captains and other officers, who command them in their night-walks; and dispose of their purchases. To be a Gipsy and a Scholar of Paris, are almost Synonyma. One of their Captains had in one week (for no longer would the gallows let him enjoy his honour) stolen no fewer than 80 cloaks. Num fuit Autolyci tam piceata manus? For these thefts, being apprehended, he was adjudged to the wheel: but because the Judges were informed that during the time of his reign, he had kept the hands of himself and his company unpolluted with blood; he had the favour to be hanged. In a word, this ungoverned rabble, (whom to call scholars were to profane that title) omit no outrages or turbulent misdemeanours, which possibly can be, or were ever known to be committed in place; which consisteth merely of privilege, and nothing of statute.  
I would heartily wish that those who are so ill conceited of their own two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and accuse them of dissoluteness in their behaviour; would either spend some time in the Schools beyond seas: or inquire what news abroad, of those which have seen them. Then would they doubtless see their own errors, and correct them. Then would they admire the regularity and civility of those places, which before they condemned of debauchedness. Then would they esteem those places as the seminary of modesty and virtue, which they now account as the nurseries only of an impudent rudeness. Such an opinion I am sure some of the Aristarchi of these days, have lodged in their breasts, concerning the misgovernment of our Athens. Perhaps a kinsman of theirs hath played the unthrist, equally of his time and money: hence their malice to it, and their invectives against it. Thus of old,  

—— Pallas exurere classem  
Argivam, atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto  
Unius ob culpam & furias Aiacis Oïlei.   
An injustice more unpardonable, than the greatest sin of the Universities. But I wrong a good cause with an unnecessary patronage. Yet such is the peccant humour of some, that they know not how to expiate the follies of one but with the calumny and dispraise of all. An unmanly weakness, and yet many possessed with it. I know it impossible, that in a place of youth and liberty some should not give occasion of offence. The Ark wherein there were eight persons only, was not without one Cham, and of the twelve which Christ had chosen, one was a Devil. It were then above a miracle, if amongst so full a cohort of young soldiers, none should forsake the Ensign of his General: he notwithstanding that should give the imputation of cowardice to the whole army; cannot but be accounted malicious or peevish. But let all such as have evil will at Zion, live unregarded, and die unremembered, for want of some Scholar to write their Epitaph. Certainly a man not wedded to envy, and a spiteful vexation of spirit, upon a due examination of the civility of our Lycaea, and a comparison of them with those abroad, cannot but say, and that justly, Non habent Academiae Anglicanae pares, nisi seipsas.  
The principal cause of the rudeness and disorders in Paris have been chiefly occasioned by the great privileges wherewith the Kings of France intended the furtherance and security of learning. Having thus let them get the bridle in their own hands, no marvel if they grow sick with an uncontrolled licentiousness. Of these privileges some are, that no Scholars goods can be seized upon, for the payment of his debts: that none of them should be liable to any taxes or impositions (a royal immunity to such as are acquainted with France:) that they might carry and recarry their utensils without the least molestation: that they should have the Provost of Paris to be the keeper and defender of their liberties, who is therefore styled, Le conservateur des privileges royaux de l' Universite de Paris, etc.  
One greater privilege they have yet then all these; which is their soon taking of degrees. Two years seeth them Novices in the Arts, and Masters of them. So that enjoying by their degrees an absolute freedom, before the follies and violences of youth are broke in them: they become so unruly and insolent, as I have told you. These degrees are conferred on them by the Chancellor, who seldom examineth further of them then his sees. Those paid, he presenteth them to the Rector, and giveth them their Letters Patents sealed with the University Seal: which is the main part of the creation. He also setteth the Seal to the Authentical Letters (for so they term them) of such whom the Sorbonnists have passed for Doctors. The present Chancellor is named Petrus de Pierre vive, Doctor of Divinity, and Canon of the Church of Nostre Dame: (as also are all they which enjoy that office). He is chosen by the Bishop of Paris, and taketh place of any under that dignity. But of this ill-managed University, enough, if not too much.   

CHAP. VII.  
The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia. The Bridges which join it to the Town and University. King Henry's Statue. Alexander's injurious policy. The Church and revenues of Nostre dame. The Holy-water there. The original making and virtue of it. The Lamp before the Altar. The heathenishness of both customs. Paris best seen from the top of this Church: the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder: the baptising of Bells, the grand Hospital and decency of it. The place Dauphin. The holy Chapel and Relics there. What the Ancients thought of Relics. The Exchange. The little Chastelet. A transition to the Parliament.  
THE Isle of Paris, commonly called L'Isle du Palais, seated between the University and the Town: is that part of the whole, which is called La Cite, the City, the epitome and abstract of all France. It is the sweetest and best ordered part of all Paris; and certainly if Paris may be thought to be the eye of the Realm; this Island may be equally judged to be the apple of that eye. It is by much the lesser part, and by as much the richer, by as much the decenter: and affordeth more variety of objects, than both the other. It containeth an equal number of Parish Churches, with the Town, and double the number of the University. For it hath in it 13 Churches parochial, viz. lafoy Magdalene. 2 St. Geniveve des ardents. 3 St. Christopher. 4 St. Pierre aux Boeufs. 5 St. Marine. 6 St. Lander. 7 St. Symphorian. 8 St. Denis de la charite. 9 St. Bartellemie. 10 St. Pier●● des Assis. 11 St. Croix. 12 St. Martial. 13 St. German de vieux. Seated it is in the middle of the Seine, and in that place where stood the old Lutetia: Labienus cum quatuor legionibus (saith Jul. Caesar 70 Comment.) Lutetiam proficiscitur: id est opidum Parisiorum positum in medio fluminis Sequanae. It is joined to the main land, and the other parts of this French Metropolis, by six Bridges, two of wood, and four of stone: the stone Bridges, are 1 Le petit pont, a Bridge which certainly deserveth that name. 2 Le pont de Nostre dame, which is all covered with two goodly ranks of houses: and those adorned with portly and antic imagery. 3 Le pont St. Michael, so called, because it leadeth towards the Gate of St. Michael; hath also on each side a beautiful row of houses: all of the same fashion, so exactly, that but by their several doors, you would scarce think them to be several houses. they are all new, as being built in the reign of this present King, whose arms is engraven over every door of them.  
The fourth and largest Bridge, is that which standeth at the end of the Isle next the Lowre; and covereth the waters now united again into one stream. It was begun to be built by Katherine of Medici's, the Queen-Mother, anno 1578. her Son King Henry the 3. laying the first stone of it. The finishing of it was reserved unto Henry 4. who as soon as he had settled his affairs in this Town, presently set the workmen about it. In the end of it where it joineth to the Town, there is a water-house which by artificial engines forceth up waters from a fresh spring, rising from under the river: done at the charge of this King also. In the midst of it is the Statue of the said Henry 4. all in brass, mounted on his barbed Steed, of the same mettle. They are both of them very unproportionable unto those which they represent: and would show them big enough, were they placed on the top of Nostre dame Church. What minded King Lewis to make his father of so gigantive a stature, I cannot tell. Alexander at his return from his Indian expedition, scattered Armours, Swords, and Horsebits, far bigger than were serviceable: to make future ages admire his greatness. Yet some have hence collected, that the acts he performed are not so great as they are reported: because he strove to make them seem greater than they were. It may also chance to happen, that men in the times to come, comparing the achievements of this King, with his brazen portraiture: may think that the historians have as much belied his valour as the statuary hath his person.  
A ponte ad pontifices. From the Bridge proceed we to the Church, the principal Church of Paris: being that Nostre dame. A Church very uncertain of its first founder, though some report him to be St. Savinian: of whom I can meet with no more than his name. But who ever laid the first foundation, it much matters not: all the glory of the work being now cast on Philip Augustus; who pitying the ruins of it, began to build it anno 1196. It is a very fair and awful building, adorned with a very beautiful front, and two towers of especial height. It is in length 174 paces, and 60 in breadth: and is said to be as many paces high: and that the two towers are 70 yards higher than the rest of the Church. At your first entrance on the right hand, is the effigies of St. Christopher, with our Saviour on his shoulders. A man, the Legend maketh him as well as the Mason, of a giantlike stature; though of the two, the Mason's workmanship is the more admirable: his being all cut out of one main stone; that of the Legendary being patched up of many fabulous and ridiculous shreds: it hath in it four ranks of pillars 30 in rank; and 45 little Chapels, or Masseclosets, built between the outermost range of pillars, and the walls. This is the seat of the Archbishop of Paris, for such now he is. It was a Bishopric only till the year 1622. When Pope Gregory the 15. at the request of King Lewis, raised it to a Metropolitanship. But by this addition of honour, I think the present Incumbent hath got nothing, either in precedency or profit. He had before a necessary voice in the Court of Parliament, and took place immediately next after the Precedents, he doth no more now. Before he had the priority of all the Bishops, and now he is but the last of all the Archbishops: a preferment rather intellectual then real: and perhaps his successors may account it a punishment; for besides that the dignity is too unwieldy for the revenue, which is but 6000 Livres or 600 l. English yearly: like enough it is, that some may come into that Sea of Caesar's mind, who being in a small village of the Alps, thus delivered his ambition to his followers, Mallem esse hic primus, quam Romae secundus. The present possessor of this Chair, is Francis de Gondi, by birth a Florentine: one, whom I have heard much famed for a Statesman, but little for a Scholar. But had he nothing in him, this alone were sufficient to make him famous to posterity, that he was the first Archbishop, and the last Bishop of the City of Paris. There is moreover in this Church a Dean, 7 Dignities, and 50 Canons. The Deans place is valued at 4000 Livres, the Dignities at 3000, and the Canons at 2000; no great intradoes: and yet unproportionable to the Archbishopric.  
At Dieppe (as I have said) I observed the first Idolatry of the Papists: here I noted their first superstitions; which were the needless use of Holy water, and the burning of Lamps before the Altar. The first is said to have been the invention of Pope Alexander the 7. Bishop of Rome in their account after Peter. I dare not give so much credit unto Platina, as to believe it of this antiquity; much less unto Bellarmine, who deriveth it from the Apostles themselves. In this paradox, he hath enemies enough at home, his own Doctors being all for Alexander, yet they also are not in the right. The principal foundation of their opinion, is an Epistle decretory of this Alexander: which in itself carrieth its own confutation. The citations of Scripture, on which this Superstition is thought to be grounded, are all taken out of the vulgar Latin translation attributed to St. Hierome, whereas neither was there in the time of Alexander any public Translation of the Bible into Latin: neither was St. Jerome born within 300 years after him. Holywater then is not of such a standing in the Church, as the Papists would persuade us: and as yet I have not met with any, that can justly inform me at what time the Church received it; many corruptions they have among them whereof neither they nor we can tell the beginnings.  
It consisteth of two ingredients, salt and water: each of them severally consecrated, or rather exorcised; for so the words go: Exorcizo te creatura salis. And afterwards, Exorcizo te creatura aquae etc. This done, the salt is sprinkled into the water in form of a cross, the Priest in the mean time saying, Commixtiosalis & aquae pariter fiat, in nomine patris, etc. Being made, it is put into a cistern standing at the entrance of their Church: the people at their coming in, sometimes dipping their fingers into it, and making with it the sign of the cross on their foreheads: and sometimes being sprinkled with it by one of the Priests, who in course bestow that blessing upon them. Pope Alexander who is said to be the father of it, gave it the gift of purifying and sanctifying all which it washed: Ut cuncti illa aspersi purificentur, & sanctificentur, saith his Decretal. The Roman Ritual published and confirmed by Paulus 5. maketh it very sovereign, ad abigendos daemons, & spiritus immundos. Bellarmine maintaineth it a principal remedy, ad remissionem peccatorum venialium, and saith; that this was the perpetual doctrine of the Church. Augustin Steuchus in his Commentaries on Numbers, leaveth out venialia, and pronounceth it to be necessary, ut ad ejus aspersum delicta nostra deleantur, so omnipotent is this Holy-water, that the blood of our Saviour Christ may be in a manner judged unnecessary; but it is not only used in the Churches, the Rituale Romanum, of which I spoke but now, alloweth any of the faithful to carry it away with them in their vessels, ad aspergendos aegros, domos, agros, vineas & alia: & ad habendam eam in cabiculis suis. To which purposes you cannot but think this water to be exceeding serviceable.  
The second superstition which this Church showed me was the continual burning of a Lamp before the Altar, a ceremony brought into the Churches (as it is likely) by Pope Innocent 3. anno 1215. at what time he ordained that there should a pix be bought to cover the bread, and that it should be therein reserved over the Altar. This honour one of late times hath communicated also unto the virgin Mary: whose image in this Church, hath a lantern ex diametro before it: and in that a candle perpetually burning. The name of the Donour, I could not learn, only I met on the screen close by the Lady's image this inscription, Une ave Maria, et un pater noster, pour l'in qui cela donne; which was intended on him that bestowed the Lantern. No question but Pope Innocent, when he ordered this Vestal fi●e to be kept amongst the Christians, thought he had done God good service in reviving his old Commandment given to Moses in Exod. 27. 20, 21 if so, the world cannot clear him of Judaisme; therefore the best way were to say he learned it of the Gentiles: For we read that the Athenians had Lychnum inextincti luminis, before the Statu● of their Pallas: that the Persians also had Ignem pervigilem in their Temples: and so also had the Medians and Assyrians. To omit the everlasting fire of Vesta and come near home, we meet with it also here in Britain; In Britannia quoque (saith a good Philosopher) Minervae numen colitur, in cujus temploperpetui ignes, etc. Afterwards the flattery of the Court applying divine honours unto their Kings, this custom of having fire continually burning before them, began to grow in fashion among the Romans. Herodian amongst other the ensigns of imperial majesty, is sure not to omit this, and therefore telleth us, that notwithstanding Commodus was fallen out with his sister Lucilla, he permitteth her her ancient seat in the Theatre, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and that fire should still be carried before her. The present Romans succeed the former, as in their possessions, so in their follies. For calling the Sacrament their Lord God, and the Virgin their Lady, they thought they should rob them of half their honour, should they not have their Lamps and fires also burning before them.  
As are their lamps, so is their holy-water, merely Heathenish Siquidem in omnibus sacris (as we read in the fourth Book Genialium dierum) sacerdoes cum diis immolat, & rem divinam facit, corporis ablutione purgatur. The author giveth a reason for it, and I would have no Papist, no not Bellarmine himself to give a better; Aquae enim aspersione labem to●i & castimoniam praestari putant. Neither did the Priest only use it himself, but he sprinkled also the people with it;  

Spargere rore levi, & ramo foelicis olivae,  
Lustravitque viros:—  
As Virgil in the Aeneid's.   
In which place two things are to be noted: First, Ramus olivae, now called Aspersorium, or the sprinkling rod, wherewith the water is sprinkled on the bystanders. And secondly, the term lustrare, merely the name of Aqua lustralis, by which they call it. That the laics also of the Gentiles, were cleansed of sin by this water, is evident by that of Homer, where he maketh Orestes having killed his mother, and thereupon grown mad, at once restored to his wits and quiet thoughts, by washing in the water. Perhaps Pilate might allude to this custom, when having condemned our Saviour, he washed his hands in the midst of the Congregation. Hereunto also Ovid:  

O faciles nimium, qui tristia crimina caedis  
Fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua. 

Too facile souls, which think such heinous matters  
Can be abolized by the river waters.     
Indeed, in the word fluminea, the Poet was somewhat out, the waters only of the Sea serving for the expiation of any crime; the reason was, Cum propter vim igneam magnopere purgationibus consentanea putaretur; and for this cause questionless, do the Popish Priests use salt in the consecration of their holy-water; that it might as nigh as was possible, resemble the waters of the Sea in saltness. So willing are they in all circumstances to act the Heathens.  
But I have kept you too long within the Church, it is now time to go up to the top, and survey the outworks of it. It hath, as we have already said, at the front two Towers of admirable beauty; they are both of an equal height, and are each of them 377 steps in the ascent. From hence we could clearly see the whole circuit of Paris, and each several street of it; such as we have already described, of an orbicular form and neatly compacted. From hence could we see the whole valley round about it, such as I have also delineated already, though not in such lively colours as it meriteth.  
In one of these Towers there is a ring of Bells, in the other two only, but these for worth are equal to all the rest; the bigger of the two is said to be greater than the Bell of Roven so much talked of; as being 8 yards and a span in compass, and two yards and a half in depth; the bowl also of the clapper being one yard and a quarter round: of a great weight it needs must be, and therefore 
Multorum manibus grande levatur onus,  there are no less than four main ropes, besides their several tale-ropes, to ring it. By reason of this trouble it is never rung, but in time of thunders, and those no mean ones neither, lesser bells will serve to disperse the lesser tempests; this is used only in the horrider claps, and such as threaten a dissolution of nature. But how well, as well this as the smaller bells discharge that office, experience would tell us were we void of reason; yet so much do the people affiance themselves to this conceit of the power of them, that they suppose it inherent to them continually, after the Bishop hath baptised them; which is done in this manner. The bell being so hanged that it may be washed within and without, in comes the Bishop in his Episcopal robes, attended by one of his Deacons, and sitting by the Bell in his chair saith with a loud voice the 50, 53, 56, 66, 69, 85, and 12 Psalms, or some of them: then doth he exorcise severally the salt and the water, and having conjured these ingredients into an Holy-water, he washeth with it the Bell, both on the inside and the outside, wiping it dry with a linen cloth, he readeth the 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, and 150 Psalms; he draweth a cross on it with his right thumb dipped in hallowed oil, (Chrism they call it) and then prayeth over it. His prayer finished, he wipeth out that cross, and having said over the 48 Psalms, he draweth on it with the same oil, seven other crosses, saying, Sanctificetur & consecretur Domine campana ista, in nomine, etc. After another prayer, the Bishop taketh the Censor, and putting into it Mirth and Frankincense, setteth it on fire, and putteth it under the Bell that it may receive all the fume of it. This done, the 76 Psalms read and some other prayers repeated, the Bell hath received his whole and entire Biptisme, and these virtues following, viz. Ut per illius tactum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici, fragor grandium, procella turbinum, impetus tempestatum, etc. For so one of the prayers reckoneth them prescribed in the Roman Pontifical, authorized by Clement VIII. A strange piece of Religion that a Bell should be Baptised; and so much the stranger, in that these inanimate bodies can be received into the Church, by no other ministry then that of the Bishop; the true Sacrament being permitted to every hedge Priest.  
Not far from the West gate of this Church of Nostre dame, is the Hostel dieu, or Le grand Hospital de Paris; first founded by St. Lewis, anno 1258. it hath been since beautified and enlarged, anno 1535. by Mr. Anthony Prat Chancellor of France, who augmented the number of Hospitalers; and gave fair revenues for the maintaining of Surgeons, Apothecaries, and Religious men among them. Since that time, the Provosts and Eschevins of Paris have been especial Benefactors unto it. At the first entrance into it, you come into their Chapel, small, but handsome and well furnished; after, you pass into a long gallery, having four ranks of beds, two close to the two walls, and two in the middle. The beds are all suitable one to the other; their Valence, Curtains and Rugs being all yellow. At the right hand of it, was a gallery more than double the length of this first, so also furnished. At the further end of this a door opened into another Chamber, dedicated only to sick women: and within them another room, wherein women with child are lightened of their burden, and their children kept till seven years of age, at the charge of the Hospital. At the middle of the first gallery towards the left hand, were four other ranks of beds, little differing from the rest, but that their furniture was blue; and in them there was no place for any but such as were somewhat wounded, and belonged properly to the Chirurgeon. There are numbered in the whole Hospital no fewer than 700 beds (besides those of the attendants, Priests, Apothecaries, &c) and in every bed two persons. One would imagine that in such a variety of wounds and diseases, a walk into it, and a view of it, might savour more of curiosity, than discretion, but indeed it is nothing less; for besides that no person of an infectious disease is admitted into it: which maketh much for the safety of such as view it; all things are there kept so cleanly, neatly and orderly, that it is sweeter walking there then in the best street of Paris, none excepted.  
Next unto these succeedeth La Sancte Chappelle, situate in the middle of the Palais; a Chapel famous for its form, but more for its Relics. It was founded by Lewis IX. vulgarly called St. Lewis, 1248. and is divided into two parts, the upper and the lower, the lower serving for the keeping of the Relics; and the upper for celebrating the Mass. It is a comely spruce Edifice without, but far more curious within; the glass of it for the excellency of painting, and the Organs for the richness and elaborate workmanship of the case, not giving way to any in Europe. I could not learn the number of Chanoins, which are maintained in it, though I heard they were places of 300 Crowns revenue. As for their Treasurer, Le Threasururier, so they call their Governor; He hath granted him by especall privilege licence to wear all the Episcopal habits, except the crosier-staff; and to bear himself as a Bishop within the liberties of his Chapel. In the top of the upper Chapel (it is built almost in form of a Synagogue) there hangeth the true proportion (as they say) of the Crown of thorns: but of this more when we have gone over the Relics. I was there divers times to have seen them, but (it seemeth) they were not vible to an Huganots eyes; though me thinketh, they might have considered, that my money was Catholic. They are kept, as I said, in the lower Chapel, and are thus marshaled in a Table, hanging in the upper; know then that you may believe that they can show you the crown of thorns, the blood which ran from our Saviour's breast, his swaddling clouts, a great part of the Cross (they also of Nostre dame have some of it) the chain by which the Jews bound him, no small piece of the stone of the Sepulchre, Sauctam toelam tabulae insertam, which I know not how to English. Some of the Virgin's milk, (for I would not have those of St. Denis think, that the Virgin gave no other milk, but to them) the head of the Lance which pierced our Saviour, the purple Robe, the Sponge, a piece of his Shroud, the napkin wherewith he was girted when he washed his Disciples feet, the rod of Moses, the heads of St. Blaze, St. Clement, and St. Simeon, and part of the head of John Baptist. Immediately under this recital of these Relics (and venerable ones I durst say they were, could I be persuaded there were no imposture in them) there are set down a Prayer and an Anthem, both in the same Table; as followeth.  

Oratio.  
Quaesumus Omnipotens Deus, ut qui sacra sanctissimae redemptionis nostrae insignia, temporaliter veneramur: per haec indesinenter muniti, aeternitatis gloriam consequamur, per dominum nostrum, etc.   

De sacrosanctis reliquiis  
Antiphona.  

Christo plebs dedita, Tota Christi donis praedita  
Jocunder is hodie, Tota sis devota,  
Erumpens in jubilum, Depone mentis nubilum;  
Tempus est laetitiae, Cura sit summota,  
Ecce crux et Lancea, ferrum, corona spinea,  
Arma regis gloriae, Tibi offerantur,  
Omnes terrae populi, laudent actorem seculi,  
Per quem tantis gratiae signis gloriantur. Amen.    
Pretty Divinity, if one had time to examine it. These Relics as the Table informeth us, were given unto St. Lewis, ●n●. 1247. by Baldwin the II. the last King of the Lat●nes in Constantinople; to which place the Christians of Palest●ne had brought them, during the times that those parts were harryed by the Turks and Sara●●ns. Certainly, were they the same, which they are given out to be, I see no harm in it, if we should honour them. The very reverence due unto antiquity and a silver head, could not but extract some acknowledgement of respect, even from an Heathen. It was therefore commendably done by Pope Leo, having received a parcel of the Cross from the Bishop of Jerusalem, that he entertained it with respect, Particulam dominicae crucis (saith he in his 72. Epistle) cum Eulogiis dilectionis tuae venera●tur accepi. To adore and worship that or any other Relic whatsoever, with Prayers and Anthems, as the Papists you see do; never came within the minds of the Ancients, and therefore St. Ambrose calleth it, Gentilis error, & vanitas impiorum. This also was St. Hieroms Religion, as himself testifieth in his Epistle to Riparius, Nos (saith he) non dico Martyrum reliquias, sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam, non Angelos, etc. colimus & odoramus. Thus were those two fathers minded towards such Relics, as were known to be no others than what they seemed: Before too many centuries of years had consumed the true ones; and the impostures of the Priests had brought in false, had they lived in our times, and seen the supposed remnants of the Saints, not honoured only, but adored and worshipped by their blind and infatuated people; what would they have said? or rather, what would they not have said? Questionless the least they could do, were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins' (the Papists reckon him for an Heretic) saying, Quid necesse est tanto honore non solum honorare, sed etiam adorare, illud nescio quid, quod in vasculo transferendo colis?  
Presently without the Chapel is the Burse, La Gallerie des merchand's; a rank of shops, in show, but not in substance, like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chapel unto the great hall of Parliament; and is the common thoroughfare between them. On the bottom of the stairs and round about the several houses, consecrated to the execution of Justice, are sundry shops of the same nature, meanly furnished if compared with ours; yet I persuade myself the richest of this kind in Paris. I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house; but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place Dauphin, and the little Chastelet; this last serveth now only as the Gaol or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants, and it deserveth no other employment. It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont, and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town, to repress the fury and insolences of the Scholars, whose rudeness and misdemeanours can no ways be better bridled. Omnes eos, qui nomen ipsum Academiae, vel serio, vel joco nominossent, haeereticos pronunciavit, saith Platina of Pope Paul the II. I dare say it of this wilderness, that whosoever will account it as an Academy, is an Heretic to Learning and Civility. The Place Dauphin, is a beautiful heap of building, situate nigh unto the new Bridge. It was built at the encouragement of Henry IU. and entitled according to the title of his Son. The houses are all of brick, high built, uniform, and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description, were not the Parliament now ready to sit, and myself summoned to make my appearance.   

CHAP. VIII.  
The Parliament of France when begun; of whom it consisted. The dignity and esteem of it abroad, made sedentary at Paris, appropriated to the long robe. The Palais by whom built, and converted to seats of Justice. The seven Chambers of Parliament. The great Chamber. The number and dignity of the Precedents. The Duke of Byron afraid of them. The King's seat in it. The sitting of the Grand Signior in the Divano. The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds; and over the affairs of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France. La Tournelle, and the Judges of it. The five Chambers of enquests severally instituted, and by whom. In what cause it is decisive. The form of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament. The Chancellor of France and his Authority. The two Courts of Requests, and Masters of them. The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers.  
THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Martell Grandfather to Charlemagne, at such time as he was More of the Palace, unto the lass and reckless Kings of France. In the beginnings of the French Empire, their Kings did justice to their people in person: afterwards banishing themselves from all the affairs of State, that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Majors; an office much of a nature with the P●aefecti praetorio in the Roman Empire. When this office was bestowed upon the said Charles Martell, he partly weary of the trouble, partly intent about a business of an higher nature, which was, the estating the Crown in his own posterity; but principally to endeer himself to the common people, ordained this Court of Parliament, anno 720. It consisted in the beginning of 12 Peers, the Prelates and noble men of the best fashion, together with some of the principallest of the King's household. Other Courts have been called the Parliaments with an addition of place, as of Paris, at Roven, etc. this only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Parliament. It handled as well causes of estate, as those of private persons. For hither did the Ambassadors of neighbour Princes repair, to have their audience and dispatch; and hither were the Articles agreed on, in the national Synods of France sent to be confirmed and verified; here did the subjects tender in their homages, and Oaths of fidelity to the King; and here were the appeals heard of all such as had complained against the Comites, at that time the Governors and Judges in their several Counties. Being furnished thus with the prime and choicest Nobles of the Land, it grew into great estimation abroad in the world; insomuch that the Kings of Sicily, Cyprus, Scotland, Bohemia, Portugal, and Navarre, have thought it no disparagement unto them to sit in it; and which is more, when Frederick II. had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent IU. he submitted himself and the rightness of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament. At the first institution of this Court, it had no settled place of residence, being sometimes kept at Tholoza, sometimes at Aix la Chappelle, sometimes in other places, according as the King's pleasure, and ease of the people did require. During its time of peregrination, it was called Ambulatoire, following for the most part the King's Court, as the lower spheres do the motion of the primum mobile; but Philip le bell (he began his reign anno 1286) being to take a journey into Flanders, and to stay there a long space of time, for the settling of his affairs in that Country, took order that this Court of Parliament should stay behind at Paris; where ever since it hath continued.  
Now began it to be called Sedentaire or settled, and also peva peu, by little and little to lose much of its lustre. For the chief Princes and Nobles of the King's retinue, not able to live out of the air of the Court, withdrew themselves from the troubles of it; by which means at last it came to be appropriated to them of the Long robe, as they term them, both Bishops and Lawyers. In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the command of Lewis XI. an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdom, only the Bishop of Paris, and Abbot of St. Denis, being permitted their place in it: since which time the Professors of the civil law have had all the sway in it, Et cedunt arma togae, as Tully.  
The place in which this sedentary Court of Parliament is now kept, is called the Palace, being built by Philip le bell, and intended to be his mansion or dwelling house. He began it in the first year of his reign, anno 1286. and afterwards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament: it being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the days of King Lewis XII. In this the French Subjects are beholding to the English; by whose good example they got the ease of a sedentary Court: our Law courts also removing with the King, till the year 1224. when by a Statute in the Magna Charta it was appointed to be fixed; and a part of the King's Palace in Westminster allotted for that purpose.  
Within the verge of this Palais are contained the seven Chambers of the Parliament; that called La grande Chambre; five Chambers of Inquisition, Des enquests; and one other called La Tournelle. There are moreover the Chambers, des aides, des accounts, de l' edict, des monnoyes, and one called La Chambre Royal; of all which we shall have occasion to speak in their proper places: these not concerning the common government of the people, but only of the King's revenues. Of these seven Chambers of Parliament, La grande Chambre is most famous; and at the building of this house by Philip le bell, was intended for the King's bed. It is no such beautiful piece as the French make it, that of Roven being far beyond it; although indeed it much excel the fairest room of Justice in all Westminster; so that it standeth in a middle rank between them, and almost in the same proportions as Virgil betwixt Homer and Ovid. 
Quantum Virgilius magno concessit Homero;  
Tantum ego Virgilio Naso poeta meo.   
It consisteth of seven Precedents, 22 Counselors, the King's Attorney; and as many Advocates and Proctors as the Court will please to give admission to. The Advocates have no settled studies within the Palais, but at the Bar; but the Procureurs or Attorneys have their several pews in the great Hall, which is without this Grandee Chambre, in such manner as I have before described at Roven: a large building it is, fair and high roofed: not long since ruined by a casualty of fire, and not yet fully finished. The names of the Precedents are Mr. Verdun, the first Precedent, or by way of excellency, Le Precedent, the second man of the Long robe in France. 2. Mr. Sequer, lately dead, and likely to have his son succeed him, as well in his Office, as in his Lands. 3. Mr. Leaguer. 4. Mr. Dosambe. 5. Mr. Sevin. 6. Mr. Baillure. And 7. Mr. Meisme. None of these, neither Precedents nor Counsellors, can go out of Paris, when the Laws are open, without leave of the Court: it was ordained so by Lewis XII. anno 1499. and that with good judgement; Sentences being given with greater awe, and businesses managed with greater majesty when the Bench is full: and it seemeth indeed that they carry with them great terror; for the Duke of Byron, a man of as uncontrolled spirit, as any in France, being called to answer for himself in this Court, protested, that those scarlet robes did more amaze him, than all the red cassocks of Spain.  
At the left hand of this Grandee Chambre, or Golden Chambre as they call it; is a Throne or seat Royal, reserved for the King, when he shall please to come and see the administration of Justice amongst his people; at common times it is naked and plain, but when the King is expected, it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet, femied with flowers de lys; on each side of it are two forms or benches, where the Peers of both habits, both Ecclesiastical and Secular, use to sit and accompany the King. But this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject, and as little available to try the integrity of the Judges; his presence being always foreknown, and so accordingly they prepared. Far better than is it, in the Grandee Signeur, where the Divano, or Council of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas, is hard by his bedchamber which looketh into it: the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition, which is towards the Divano; so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listening to their sentences: an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan.  
The authority of this Court extendeth itself unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it, not being merely ecclesiastical. It is a law unto itself, following no rule written in their sentences, but judging according to equity and conscience. In matters criminal of greater consequence, the process is here immediately examined, without any preparation of it by the inferior Courts; as at the arraignment of the Duke of Byron: and divers times also in matters personal. But their power is most eminent in disposing the affairs of State, and of the Kingdom. For such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto, that they can neither denounce War, nor conclude Peace, without the consent (a formal one at the least) of this Chamber. An alienation of the Lands of the Crown, is not any whit valid, unless confirmed by this Court: neither are his Edicts in force, till they are here verified: nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer, till they are here allowed of. Most of these, I confess, are little more than matters of form, the King's power and pleasure being become boundless; yet sufficient to show the body of authority which they once had, and the shadow of it, which they still keep; yet of late they have got into their disposing one privilege belonging formerly to the Conventus ordinum, or the Assembly of three Estates, which is the conferring of the regency or protection of their King during his minority. That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this privilege is evident by their stories. Thus we find them to have made Queen Blanch Regent of the Realm, during the nonage of her son St. Lewis, 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown, in case that the widow of Charles le bell, was not delivered of a son, 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne, during the Lunacy of Charles VI 1394. with divers other. On the other side we have a late example of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case. For the same day that Henry IV. was slain by Ravilliao, the Parliament met, and after a short consultation, declared Mary de Medici's, Mother to the King, Regent in France, for the government of the State, during the minority of her son, with all power and authority. Such are the words of the Instrument, Dated the 14 of May 1610.  
It cannot be said but that this Court deserveth not only this, but also any other indulgence, whereof any one member of the Commonwealth is capable. So watchful are they over the health of the State, and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatened to the liberty of that Kingdom, that they may not unjustly be called, patres patriae. In the year 1614 they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuit, Entitled, Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores: wherein the Pope's temporal power over Kings and Princes is averred: which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace-yard by the public hangman. The year before they inflicted the same punishment upon a vain and blasphemous discourse penned by Gasper Scioppius, a fellow of a most desperate brain, and a very incendiary. Neither hath Bellarmine himself, that great Atlas of the Roman Church, escaped much better: for writing a book concerning the temporal power of his Holiness, it had the ill luck to come into Paris, where the Parliament finding it to thwart the liberty and royalty of the King and Country, gave it over to the Hangman, and he to the fire. Thus it is evident that the titles which the French writers give it, as the true Temple of French Justice, the buttress of equity, and the guardian of the rights of France, and the like, are abundantly deserved of it.  
The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle, which handleth all matters criminal. It is so called from tourner, which signifieth to change or alter; because the Judges of the other several chambers give sentence in this, according to their several turns; the reason of which institution is said to be, lest a continual custom of condemning, should make the Judges less merciful, and more prodigal of blood: an order full of health and providence. It was instituted by the above named Philip de bell, at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentary at Paris; and besides its peculiar and original employments, it receiveth appeals from, and redresseth the errors of the Provost of Paris. The other five Chambers are called Des enquests, or Camerae inquisitionum; the first and ancientest of them was erected also by Philip le bell, and afterwards divided into two by Charles VII. Afterwards the multitude of Processes being greater than could be dispatched in these Courts, there was added a third. Francis the first established the fourth for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted; every one of the new Counsellors paying right dear for his place. The fifth and last was founded in the year 1568. In each of these several Chambers there are two Precedents, and 20 Counsellors, besides Advocates and Proctors ad placitum. In the Tournelle, which is an aggregation of all the other Courts, there are supposed to be no sewer than 200 officers of all sorts; which is no great number considering the many causes there handled. In the Tournelle, the Judges fit on life and death; in the Chamber of Inquests, they examine only civil affairs of estate, title, debts, or the like. The pleaders in these Courts are called Advocates, and must be at the least Licentiates in the study of the Law. At the Parliaments of Theloza and Bourdeaux, they admit of none but Doctors. Now the form of admitting them is this: In an open and frequent Court, one of the aged'st of the Long robe presenteth the party, which desireth admission, to the King's Attorney general, saying with a loud voice, Poise a cour recevoir N. N. licency (or Docteur) en droict civil, a la office d' Advocate; This said, the King's Attorney biddeth him hold up his hand, and saith to him in Latin, Tu jurabis observare omnes regias consuetudines; he answereth Juro, and departeth. At the Chamber door of the Court, whereof he is now sworn an Advocate, he payeth two crowns; which is forth with put into the common treasury appointed for the relief of the distressed widows of ruined Advocates and Proctoms; Hanc veniam perimusque damusque, it may be their own cases, and therefore it is paid willingly. The highest preferment of which these Advocates are capable is that of Chancellor, an office of great power and profit: the present Chancellor is named Mr. d' Allegre, by birth of Chartres. He hath no settled Court wherein to exercise his authority, but hath in all the Courts of France the Supreme place whensoever he will vouchsafe to visit them. He is also Precedent of the Council of Estate by his place; and on him dependeth the making of good and sacred laws, the administration of Justice, the reformation of superstuous, and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts, etc. He hath the keeping of the King's great seal, and by virtue of that, either passeth or putteth back such Letters patents and Writs as are exhibited to him. He hath under him, immediately for the better dispatch of his affairs, four Masters of the Requests and their Courts. Their office and manner of proceeding, is the same which they also use in England; in the persons there is thus much difference, for that in France, two of them must be perpetually of the Clergy. One of their Courts is very ancient, and hath in it two Precedents, which are two of the Masters; and 14 Counsellors. The other is of a later erection, as being founded anno 1580. and in that, the two other of the Masters and eight Counsellors give sentence.  
Thus have I taken a view of the several Chambers of the Parliament of Paris, and of their particular jurisdictions, as far as my information could conduct me. One thing I noted further, and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Palace, which is the neatness and decency of the Lawyers in their apparel; for besides the fashion of their habit, which is I allure you, exceeding pleasing and comely, themselves by their own care and love to handsomeness, add great lustre to their garments, and more to their persons. Richly dressed they are, and well may be so, as being the ablest and most powerful men under the Princes and la Noblesse, in all the Country; an happiness, as I conjecture rather of the calling then the men. It hath been the fate and destiny of the Law to strengthen and enable its professors beyond any other Art or Science: the pleaders in all Commonwealths, both for sway amongst the people, and vogue amongst the military men, having always had the pre-eminence. Of this rank were Pericles, Photion, Alcibiades, and Demosthenes amongst the Athenians, Antonius, Cato, Caesar and Tully at Rome; men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword: yet this I can confidently say, that the several states above mentioned, were more indebted to Tully and Demosthenes, being both mere gownsmen, then to the best of their Captains; the one freeing Athens from the armies of Macedon, t●h other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline. 
O fortunatam natam te Consule Romam!   
It is not then the fate of France only, nor of England, to see so much power in the hands of the Lawyers: and the case being general, me thinks the envy should be the less: and less it is indeed with them then with us. The English Clergy, though otherwise the most accomplished in the world, in this folly deserveth no Apology; being so strongly ill affected to the pleaders of their Nation, that I fear it may be said of some of them, Quod invidiam non ad causam, sed personam & ad voluntatem dirigunt; a weakness not more unworthy of them, then prejudicial to them. For by fostering between both gowns such an unnecessary emulation, they do but exasperate that power which they cannot control, and betray themselves to much envy and discontentedness; a disease whose cure is more in my wishes then my hopes.   

CHAP. IX.  
The King's Palace of the Lowre, by whom built. The unsuitableness of it. The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother. The long Gallery of Henry IU. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle. Henry IU. a great builder. His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean. La Salle des Antiques. The French not studious of Antiquities. Bourbon house. The Tuilleries, etc.  
WE have discharged the King of one Palace, and must follow him to the other, where we shall find his residence. It is seated at the West side of the Town or Ville of Paris, hard by Portenufue, and also by the new bridge. A house of great fame, and which the Kings of France have long kept their Court in. It was first built by Philip Augustus, anno 1214. and by him intended for a Castle: it first serving to imprison the more potent of the Nobles; and to lay up the King's treasury. For that cause it was well moated, strengthened with walls and drawbridges, very serviceable in those times. It had the name of Lowre, quasi L'oeuure, or the work, the building, by way of excellency. An etymology which draweth nigher to the ear, than the understanding, or the eye; and yet the French writers would make it a miracle. Du Chesne calleth it, Superbe bastiment, qui n'a son esgal en toute la Christientè; and you shall hear it called in an other place, Bestiment qui pass, aujourd hui en excellence et en grandeur, tous les autres. Brave eulogies, if all were gold that glisteren. It hath now given up its charge of money and great prisoners to the Bastile, and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life, I never saw any thing more abused by a good report, or that more belieth the rumours that go of it. The ordinary talk of vulgar travellers, and the big words of the French, had made me expect at the least some prodigy of architecture; some such Majestical house as the Sun Don Phoebus is said to have dwelled in, in Ovid.  

Regia Solis erat sublimibus alta columnis,  
Claramicante auro, flamasquè imitante pyropo,  
Cujus ebur nitidum, etc.   
Indeed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have paralleled it: and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion as to have cried out with the young Gallant in the Comedy, when he had seen his sweetheart, Hei mihi qualis erat? talis erat qualem nunquam vidi; But I was much deceived in that hope, and could find nothing in it to admire, much less to envy. The Fable of the Mountain which was with child, and brought forth a mouse; is questionless a fable: this house and the large fame it hath in the world, is the moral of it. Never was there an house more unsuitable to itself in the particular examination of parts, nor more unsuitable to the character and esteem of it in the general Survey of the whole.  
You enter into it over two draw bridges, and through three gates, ruinous enough, and abundantly unsightly. In the Quadrangle you meet with three several fashions of building, of three several ages, and they so unhappily joined one to the other, that one would half believe they had been clapped together by an earthquake. The South and West parts of it are new, and indeed Princelike; being the work of Francis the first, and his son Henry. Had it been all cast into the same mould, I persuade myself that it would be very gracious and lovely. The other two are of an ancient work, and so contemprible, that they disgrace the rest; and of these I suppose the one fide to be at the least 100 years older than his partner: such is it without. As for the inside, it is far more graceful, and would be pleasing at the entrance, were the Guard-chamber reform. Some Huguenot architect, which were not in love with the errors of Antiquity, might make a pretty room of it; a catholic Carpenter would never get credit by it: for whereas the provident thrift of our forefathers intended it (for the house would else be too narrow for the King's retinue) both for a room of safety and of pleasure, both for billmen and dancers; and for that cause made up some six ranks of seats on each side; that sparingness in the more curious eyes of this time, is little Kinglike: Country wenches might with indifferent stomach abuse a good Galliard in it, or it might perhaps serve with a stage at one end to entertain the Parisians at a play, or with a partition in the middle, it might be divided into two pretty plausible Cockpits; but to be employed in the nature it now is, either to solace the King and Lords in a dance, or to give any foreign Ambassador his welcome in a Mask, is little suitable with the Majesty of a King of France. The Chambers of it are well built, but ill furnished; the hangings of them being somewhat below a meanness; and yet of these there is no small scarcity. For, as it is said of the Gymnosophists of India, that Una Domus & mansioni sufficit & sepulturae: so may we of this Prince, the same Chamber serveth for to lodge him, to feed him, and also to confer and discourse with his Nobility. But like enough it is that this want may proceed from the several Courts of the King, the Monsieur, the Queen Mother and the Qeen Regoant, being all kept within it.  
Proceed we now to the two Galleries, whereof the first is that of the Queen Mother, as being beautified and adorned exceedingly by Katbarine de Medici's, mother to Henry III. and Charles IX. It containeth the pictures of all the Kings of France, and the most loved of their Queens, since the time of St. Lewis. They stand each King opposite to his Queen, she being that of his wives which either brought him most estate, or his fuccessors. The tables are all of a just length, very fair, and according to my little acquaintance with the Painter, of a most excellent workmanship, and which addeth much grace to it, they are in a manner a perfect History of the State and Court of France in their several times. For under each of the King's pictures, they have drawn the portraitures of most of those Lords whom valour and courage in the field ennobled beyond their births. Under each of the Queens the lively shapes of the most principal Ladies, whose beauty and virtue had honoured the Court. A dainty invention, and happily expressed. At the further end of it standeth the last King and the present Queen Mother; who fill up the whole room. The succeeding Princes, if they mean to live in their pictures, must either build new places for them, or else make use of the long Gallery built by Henry IU. and which openeth into that of the Queen Mother. A Gallery it is of an incredible length, as being above 500 yards long, and of a breadth and height not unporportionable; a room built rather for ostentation then use, and such as hath more in it of the majesty of its founder then the grace. It was said to have been erected purposely to join the Lowre unto the House and Garden of the Tuilleries, an unlikely matter that such a stupendious building should be designed only for a cleanly conveyance into a Summer house: others are of an opinion that he had a resolution to have made the house quadrangular, every side being correspondent to this which should have been the common Gallery to the rest. Which design had it taken effect, this Palace would at once have been the wonder of the world, and the envy of it. For my part, I dare be of this last mind, as well because the second side is in part begun, as also considering how infinitely this King was inclined to building. The Place Dauphin, and the Place Royal, two of the finest piles in Paris, were erected partly by his purse, but principally by his encouragement. The new Bridge in Paris was merely his work; so was also the new Palace, and most admirable water-works of St. Germane en lay. This long Gallery and the new Pest house oweth itself wholly to him; and the house of Fountainebleau, which is the fairest in France, is beholding to him for most of its beauty; add to this his Fortifications bestowed on the Bastile; his walling of Arles; and his purpose to have strengthened Paris according to the modern art of Towns: and you will find the attribute of Parietaria or wall flower, which Constantine scoffingly gave unto Trajan for his great humour of building, to be due unto this King; but seriously and with reverence.  
Besides the general love he had to building, he had also an ambition to go beyond example, which also induceth me further to believe his intent of making that large and admirable quadrangle above spoken of, to have been serious and real. For to omit others, certain it is, that he had a project of great spirit and difficulty, which was to join the Mediterranean sea and the Ocean together; and to make the Navigation from the one to the other through France, and not to pass by the strait of Gibraltare. It came into Council, anno 1604, and was resolved to be done by this means: The river Garond is Navigable from the Ocean almost to Tholoza; and the Mediterranean openeth itself into the Land by a little River, whose name I know not, as high as Narbonne. Betwixt these two places was there a Navigable channel to have been digged, and it proceeded so far towards, being actuated, that a workman had undertaken it, and the price was agreed upon. But there arising some discontents between the Kings of France and Spain, about the building of the Fort Fluentes in the Country of the Grisons; the King not knowing what use he might have of Treasure in that quarrel, commanded the work not to go forward. However he is to be commended in the attempt, which was indeed Kinglike, and worthy his spirit: praise him in his heroic purpose and design. 
Quem si non tenuit, magnis tamen excidit ausis.   
But the principal beauty, if I may judge of this so much admired Palace of the Lowre, is a low plain room, paved under foot with bricks, and without any hangings or tapestry on the sides; yet being the best set out and furnished to my content of any in France. It is called, La Salle des Antiques, and hath in it five of the ancientest and venerablest pieces of all the Kingdom. For this Nation generally is regardless of Antiquity, both in the monuments and study of it, so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription, or any famous ruin snatched from the hand of time, in the best of their Cities or Churches. In the Church only of Amiens could I meet with an ancient character, which also was but a Gothish Dutch letter, and expressed nothing but the name and virtue of a Bishop of the Church on whose tomb it was. So little also did I perceive them to be inclined to be Antiquaries, that both neglects considered, Si verbis audacia detur, I dare confidently aver, not only that the Earl of Arundels' Gardens have more antiquities of this kind, than all France can boast of; but that one Cotton for the Treasury, and one Selden (now Mr. Camden is dead) for the study of the like antiquities; are worth all the French. As for these five pieces in La Salle des Antiques, they are I confess worthy observation, and respect also, if they be such as our Trudgemen inform us. At the farther end of it is the Statue of Diana, the same, as is said, which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus; and of which Demetrius the Silversmith and his fellow artists, cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Great is Diana of the Ephesians. Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be. 
Quantum & quale latus, quam invenile femur!  
As Ovid of his Mistress.  She is all naked save her feet, which are buskined; and that she hath a scarf or linen roll, which coming over her left shoulder, and meeting about her middle, hung down with both ends of it a little lower. In the first place on the right hand as we descended towards the door, was the Statue of one of the Gods of Ethiopia, as black as any of his people, and one that had nothing about him to express his particular being. Next to him the Effigies of Mercury, naked all except his feet, and with a pipe in his mouth, as when he enchanted Argus: Namque reperta fistula nuper erat, saith the Metamorphosis. Next unto him the portraiture of Venus quite, and most immodestly unapparelled; in her hand her little son Cupid, as well arrayed as his mother, sitting on a Dolphin. Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth, but that he had shoes on, he was portrayed as lately returned from a combat, perhaps that against the Serpent Python.  

Quem Deus arcitenens & nunquam talibus armis  
Ante ni si damis capreisque fugacibus usus,  
Mille gravem telis, (exhausta paene pharetra)  
Perdidit effuso per vulnera nigra vene●o. 

As Ovid.  
The Archer god, who ere that present tide  
Near used those arms, but against the Roes and Deer,  
With thousand shafts, the earth made to be died  
With Serpent's blood, his quiver emptied clear.     
That I was in the right conjecture, I had these reasons to persuade me, the quiver on the God's right shoulder almost emptied, his warlike belt hanging about his neck, his garments loosely tumbling upon his left arms, and the slain Monster being a water Serpent, as Python is feigned to be by the Poets: all of these were on the same side of the wall, the other being altogether destitute of ornaments: and are confidently said to be the Statuas of those Gods, in the same forms as they were worshipped in, and taken from their several Temples. They were bestowed on the King by his Holiness of Rome, and I cannot blame him for it, it was worthy but little thanks, to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens, who for his Holiness satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans. I believe that upon the same terms, the King of England might have all the Relics and ruins of Antiquity which can be found in Rome.  
Without this room, this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Lowre, is the house of Bourbon, an old decayed fabric, in which nothing was observable, but the Omen, for being built by Lewis of Bourbon, the third Duke of that branch, he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capital Letters over the door, signifying his hope, that from his loins should proceed a King which should join both the Houses and the Families, and it is accordingly happened. For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them, but that they were built by Katherine de Medici's in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile-pits there being, before the foundation of the House and the Garden, the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language, I was not so happy as to see, and will not be indebted to any for the relation.   
The End of the Second Book.   

A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE.  
La BECAUSE, OR, THE THIRD BOOK.  

CHAP. I.  
Our Journey towards Orleans, the Town, Castle, and Battle of Mont l'hierrie. Many things imputed to the English which they never did. Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship. The town of Chartroy, and the mourning Church there. The Country of La Because and people of it. Estampes. The dancing there. The new art of begging in the Inns of this Country. Angerville. Tury. The sauciness of the French Fiddlers. Three kinds of Music amongst the Ancients. The French Music.  
HAving abundantly stifled our spirits in the stink of Paris, on Tuesday being the 12 of July, we took our leave of it, and prepared ourselves to entertain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans. The day fair and not so much as disposed to a cloud, save that they began to gather together about noon, in the nature of a curtain to defend us from the injury of the Sun. The wind rather sufficient to fan the air, then to disturb it, by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire, brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper: you would have thought it a day merely framed for the great Princess Nature to take her pleasure in, and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes, had been the loud music of her Court. In a word, it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey, and he that did not put it to that use, misspent it: having therefore put ourselves into our waggon, we took a short farewell of Paris, exceeding joyful that we yet lived to see the beauty of the fields again, and enjoy the happiness of a free heaven. The Country such as that part of the Isle of France towards Normandy; only that the corn grounds were larger, and more even. On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royal house of Boys St. Vincennes, and the Castle of Bisestre; and about some two miles beyond them we had a sight also of a new house lately built by Mr. Sillery Chancellor of the Kingdom, a pretty house it promised to be, having two base Courts on the hither side of it, and beyond it a park; an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant.  
Four leagues from Paris, is the the Town of Montliberrie, now old and ruinous: and hath nothing in it to commend it, but the carcase of a Castle: without it, it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain; on which was fought that memorable battle between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardy, Duke of Burgogne, a battle memorable only for the running away of each Army: the field being in a manner emptied of all the forces, and yet neither of the Princes victorious. Hic spe celer, ille salute, some ran out of fear to die, and some out of hope to live: that it was hard to say, which of the Soldiers made most use of their heels in the combat. This notwithstanding, the King esteemed himself the conqueror, not that he overcame, but because not vanquished. He was a Prince of no heart to make a warrior, and therefore resistance was to him almost hugged as victory. It was Antony's case in his war against the Parthians: a Captain whose Lance King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him. Crassus' before him had been taken by that people: but Antonius made a retreat, though with loss, Hanc itaque fugam suam, quia vivus exierat, victoriam vocabat; as Paterculus, one that loved him not, saith of him. Yet was King Lewis is so puffed up with this conceit of victory, that he ever after slighted his enemies: and at last ruined them, and their cause with them. The war which they undertook against him, they had entitled the war of the Weal public: because the occasion of their taking arms was for the liberty of their Country and people: both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed. True it is, they had also their particular purposes; but this was the main, and failing in the expected event of it, all that they did, was to confirm the bondage of the Realm, by their own overthrow. These Princes once disbanded, and severally broken; none durst ever afterwards enter into the action; for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France, Horse pupillage, out of their ward-ship: a speech of more brag than truth. The people I confess, he brought into such terms of slavery; that they no longer merited the name of subjects, but yet for all his great boast, the Nobles of France are to this day the King's Guardians. I have already shown you much of their potency. By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their livery, as our Lawyers call it. Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes, he had then been perfectly his words-master; and till that be done, I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage. That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people.  
The battle fought by this Town, the common people impute to the English; and so do they also many others which they had no hand in. For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation, and of their many fields which we gained of them; they no sooner hear of a pitched field; but presently, (as the nature of men in a fright is) they attribute it to the English; good simple souls, Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint, sed onerare alienis, as Tully in his Philippics. An humour just like unto that of little children, who being once frighted with the tales of Robin Goodfellow, do never after hear any noise in the night, but they strait imagine, that it is he which maketh it; or like the women of the villages near Oxford, who having heard the tragical story of a duck or an hen killed, and carried to the University: no sooner miss one of their chickens, but instantly they cry out upon the Scholars. On the same false ground also, hearing that the English, whilst they had possessions in this Country, were great builders; they bestow on them without any more ado, the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Country. Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven, Amiens, Bayon, etc. as also the Castles of Bois, St. Vincennes, the Bastile; the two little forts on the river side by the Lowre: that of St. Germane; and amongst many others, this of Mont l'Hierrie, where we now are; and all alike: as for this Castle, it was built during the reign of K. Robert, anno 1015. by one of his servants, named Thibald: long before the English had any possessions in this Continent. It was razed by Lewis the Gross, as being a harbourer of rebels in former times; and by that means, as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris: nothing now standing of it, save an high Tower, which is seen a great distance round about, and serveth for a land mark.  
Two leagues from Mont l'Hierrie is the Town of Castres'; seated in the farthest angle of France, where it confineth to La Because. A Town of an ordinary size, somewhat bigger than for a Market, and less than would beseem a City, a wall it hath, and a ditch; but neither serviceable further then to resist the enemy at one gate, whilst the people run away by the other: nothing else remarkable in it, but the habit of the Church, which was mourning: for such is the fashion of France, that when any of the Nobles are buried, the Church which en●ombeth them is painted black within and without, for the breadth of a yard, or thereabouts; and their Coats of Arms drawn on it. To go to the charges of hanging it round with cloth is not for their profits: besides, this counterfeit sorrow feareth no thief; and dareth outbrave a tempest: he for whom the Church of Castres' was thus apparelled, had been Lord of the Town: by name, as I remember, Mr. St. Benoist; his Arms were Argent, three Cressants, Or, a Mullet of the same; but whether this Mullet were part of the Coat, or a mark only of difference, I could not learn. The like Funeral Churches, I saw also at Tostes in Normandy; and in a village of Picardy, whose name I mind not, Nec operae pretium. And now we are passed the confines of France; a poor river, which for the narrowness of it, you would think to be a ditch; parting it from the Province of La Because.  
La Because hath on the North, Normandy; on the East the Isle of France; on the South, Nivernois and Berry; and on the West the Countries of Toureine and Lemaine. It lieth in the 22 and 23 degree of Longitude; and 48 and 49 of Latitude: taking wholly up the breadth of the two former, and but parts only of each of the later; if you measure it with the best advantage for length, you will find it to extend from la ferte Bernard in the Northwest corner of it, to Gyan, in the South east; which according to the proportion of degrees, amounteth to 60 miles English, and somewhat better: for breadth, it is much after the same reckoning. The ancient inhabitants of this Province, and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people: neither can I find any certainty of it in my books with whom I have consulted. If I may be bold to go by conjecture, I should think this Country to have been the seat of the Bellocasst, a people of Gaul Celtic mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries. Certain it is, that in or near this tract they were seated; and in likelihood in this Province: the names ancient and modern, being not much different in sense, though in sound; for the Francs called that (which in Latin is Pulcher, or belus) by the name of Bel, in the Mas●uculine Gender, (Ben they pronounce it) and Beau if it were Feminine; so that the name of Bello cassi, is but varied into that of Because; besides, that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci, the French now call Beauvais; where Bello isalso turned into Beau. Add to this that the Latin writers do term this Country Belsia; where the ancient Bello is still preserved; and my conjecture may be pardoned, if not approved. As for those which have removed this people into Normandy; and found them in the City of Baieux: I appeal to any understanding man, whether their peremptory sentence, or my submiss opinion, be the more allowable. 
— Haec si tibi vera videntur,  
Deed manus; ●ausi falsa est, accingere contra.   
The same night, we came to Estampes, a Town situate in a very plentiful and fruitful soil; and watered with a river of the same name, stored with the best crevices. It seemeth to have been a town of principal importance; there being five walls and gates in a length, one before another: so that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many towns together, then simply one. The streets are of a large breadth; the building for substance are stone; and for fashion as the rest of France. It containeth in it five Churches, whereof the principal, which is a College of Chanoins, is that of Nostre dame; built by King Robert: who is said also to have founded the Castle; which now can scarcely be visited in its ruins. Without the town, they have a fine green meadow, daintily seated within the circlings of the water; into which they use to follow their recreations. At my being there, the sport was dancing; an exercise much used by the French, who do naturally affect it. And it seemeth this natural inclination, is so strong and deep rooted; that neither age nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevail against it. For on this dancing green, there assembled not only youth and Gentry, but age also and beggary. Old wives which could not put foot to ground without a Crutch, in the streets; had here taught their feet to honorable; you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance of their bodies that they had been troubled with the Sciatica: and yet so eager in the sport, as if their dancing days should never be done. Some there were so ragged, that a swift Galliard would almost have shaked them into nakedness: and they also most violent to have their carcases directed in a measure. To have attempted the staying of them at home, or the persuading of them to work, when they had heard the Fiddle, had been a task too unwieldy for Hercules. In this mixture of age and condition, did we observe them at their pastime; the rags being so interwoven with the silk, and wrinkled brows so interchangeably mingled with fresh beauties: that you would have thought it, to have been a mummery of fortune. As for those of both sexes, which were altogether past action; they had caused themselves to be carried thither in their chairs, and trod the measure with their eyes! The Inn which we lay in was just like those of Normandy; or at the least so like as was fit for sisters; for such you must think them. 
— Fancies non omnibus una,  
Nec diversa tamen, qualem deeet esse sororum.   
All the difference between them lay in the morning: and amongst the maidservants. For here we were not troubled with such an importunate begging as in that other Country. These here had learned a more neat and compendious way of getting money; and petitioned not our ears, but our noses. By the rhetoric of a posy, they prevailed upon the purse; and by giving each of us a bundle of dead flowers tacked together, seemed rather to buy our bounties, then to beg them. A sweeter and more generous kind of Petitioning then the other of Normandy; and such as may seem to employ in it some happy contradiction. For what else is it, that a maid should proffer herself to be deflowered without prejudice to her modesty: and raise to her future husband an honest stock, by the usury of a kindness? Refreshed with these favours, we took our leave of Estampes, and the dancing miscellany: jogging on through many a beautiful field of corn, till we came unto Augerville which is six leagues distant. A Town of which I could not observe, nor hear of any thing memorable; but that is was taken by Montacute Earl of Salisbury; as he went this way to the siege of Orleans; and indeed, the taking of it was no great miracle, the walls being so thin, that an arrow would almost as soon make a breach in them as a Canon. The same fortune befell also unto Toury, a place not much beyond it in strength or bigness: only that it had more confidence (as Savage an English Gentleman once said) in the walls of bones, which were within it, then in the walls of stones which were without it.— This Town standeth in the middle way betwixt Fstampes and Orleans: and therefore a fit stage to act a dinner on; and to it we went. By that time we had cleared ourselves of our pottage, there entered upon us three uncouth fellows, with hats on their heads like covered dishes. As soon as ever I saw them, I cast one eye on my cloak, and the other on my sword: as not knowing what use I might have of my steel, to maintain my cloth. There was great talk at that time of Mr. Soubises being in arms: and I much feared that these might be some stragglers of his Army: and this I suspected by their countenances, which were very thievish and full of insolences. But when I had made a survey of their apparel, I quickly altered that opinion; and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison: deceived alike in both my jealousies; for these pretty parcels of man's flesh, were neither better nor worse, but even arrant fiddlers: and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping-post. Our leave not asked, and no reverence on their parts performed, they abused our ears with an harsh lesson: and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us, they must needs add to it one of their songs. By that little French which I had gathered, and the simpering of a fille de joy of Paris who came along with us; I perceived it was bawdy; and to say the truth, more than could be patiently endured by any but a French man. But quid facerem, what should I do but endure the misery? for I had not language enough to call them Rogues handsomely; and the villains were inferior to a beating: and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest man's anger. 
Praeda canum lepus est, vastos non implet hiatus;  
Nec gaudet tenui sanguine tanta sitis.  They were a knot of rascals so infinitely below the severity of a statute, that they would have discredited the stocks; and to have hanged them, had been to hazard the reputation of the gallows. In a year you would hardly find out some vengeance for them, which they would not injure in the suffering: unless it be not to hearken to their ribaldry, which is one of their greatest torments. To proceed, after their song ended, one of the company (the Master of them it should seem) draweth a dish out of his pocket, and layeth it before us: into which we were to cast our benevolence: custom hath allowed them a Solemnising for each man at the table: they expect no more, and they will take no less. No large sum, and yet I'll assure you richly worth the Music: which was merely French, that is, lascivious in the composure; and French also, that is unskilfully handled in the playing.  
Among the Ancients I have met with three kinds of Music, viz. first that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which consisteth altogether of long notes, or spondaeus. This was the gravest and saddest of the rest; called by Aristotle in the last chapter of his Politics, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or moral; because it settled the affections. Boetius whom we account the Classical author in this faculty, calleth it Lydian, because in much use with those of that Nation, at this day we may call it Italian, as being generally a peculiar music to that people. This is the music which Elisha called for, to invite unto him the spirit of Prophecy, 1 King. 3. 15. and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches. A practice which we derive from the ancients, however some of late have opposed it: and which is much commended by S. Austin; this being the use of it; Ut per oblectamenta aurium, infirmior animus in pietatis affectum assurgat. The second kind the artists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which consisteth of a mixture of long and and short notes, or of the Dactylus. The philosopher termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or active, because it raised up the affections. Boetius termeth it the Dorian, because it had been in much esteem amongst the Doors a Greek nation: we may now call it English; and is that music which cheereth the spirits, and is so sovereign an antidote to a mind afflicted; and which as the Poet hath it, doth saxa movere sono. The third sort is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisting altogether of short notes, or Tribrachys. Aristotle calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or ravishing; because it unhinged the affections, and stirred them to lasciviousness. Boetius termeth it Phrygian, as being the strain of the wanton and luxuriant people. In these times we may call it French, as most delighted in, by the stirring spirits, and lightness of this nation. A note of music forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato; and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theaters, to satisfy the rude manners and desires of the vulgar; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to give them also content in their recreations: yet is this music altogether in use in this Country, no lesson amongst their protest Musicians that I could hear, which had any gravity or solid art showed in the composition. They are pretty fellows I confess for the setting of a Mask, or a Coranto; but beyong this, nothing: which maketh the music in their Churches so base and unpleasing. So that the glory of perfect music, at this time lieth between the English, and Italian: that of France being as trivial as their behaviour, of which, indeed, it is concomitant: Mutata musica, mutantur mores, saith Tully: and therefore he giveth us this lesson, Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima & sedatissima retineatur: a good Item for the French.   

CHAP. II.  
The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester. The Wine of Orleans. Praesidial Towns in France, what they are. The sale of Offices in France. The fine walk and pastime of the pall Malle. The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle. Defaced by the Hugonots. Some things hated only for their name. The Bishop of Orleans, and his privilege. The Chapel and Pilgrims of St. Jaques. The form of Mass in St. Croix. Censing an Heathenish custom. The great siege of Orleans, raised by Joan the Virgin. The valour of that woman: that she was no witch. An Elegy on her.  
WE are now come into the Country of Orleans, which though within the limits of La Because, will not yet be an entire County of itself. It is a dainty and pleasing Region, very even and large in the fields of it, insomuch that we could not see an hill, or swelling of the ground within eyesight. It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn, but most plentifully of Vines; and hath of all other fruits a very liberal portion; neither is it meanly beholding to the Loire, for the benefits it receiveth by that river: on which the City of Orleans itself is sweetly seated. Of all places in England, Worcestershire, in mine opinion, cometh most nigh it; as well in respect of the Country, as the situation of the Town. For certainly that Country may be called the Epitome of England; as this of France. To the richest of the cornfields of Orleanoys we may compare the Vale of Evesham: neither will it yield for the choile and variety of fruits, the Vine only excepted. The hedges in that Country are prodigal and lavish of those trees which would become the fairest Orchards of the rest; and in a manner recompenseth the want of Wine, by its pl●nty of Perry and Cider. In a word, what a good writer hath said of one, we may say of both; Coelum & solum adeo propitium habent, ut salubritate & ubertate vicinis non concedant. But the resemblance betwixt the Towns, is more happy. Both seated on the second river of note in their several Countries; and which are not much unlike in their several courses. Severne washing the walls of Gloucester, and passing nigh unto Bristol, seated on a little riveret and its homager, divideth the Ancients Britain's from the rest of the English. The Loire, gliding by the City of Tours, and passing nigh to Augeire, seated also up the land, on a little river, and one of its tributories, separateth the modern Bretagnes from the rest of the French. Posita est in loco modico acclivi ad flumen, quod turrigero ponte conjungitur, & muro satis firmo munita, saith Mr. Camden of Worcester: Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill; hath its bridge well fortified with turrets, and its walls of an equal ability of resistance. Sed docu●est ab incolis, qui sunt numerosi & humani: ab aedificiorum nitore, a templorum numero, & maxim a seed episcopali; saith he of ours in general; we shall see it fitly applied to this in each particular.  
The people of this town are not of the fewest: no Town in France, the capacity of it considered, being more populous; for standing in so delicate an air, and on so commodious a river, it inviteth the Gentry or Nobles of the Country about it, to inhabit there: and they accept it. Concerning their behaviour and humanity, certainly they much exceed the Parisians. I was about to say all the French men; and indeed, I need not grudge them that Elegy which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent: and verify, that they are omnium incolarum longe bumanissimi; myself here observing more courtesy and affability in one day, than I could meet withal in Paris, during all my abode. The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves, and the rest of France; the streets large and well kept: not yielding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill. Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequal being: as it useth to be in other places. Besides these, it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix, and divers other houses of religious persons; amongst which Sr. Jaques: of both which I shall speak in their due order. Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns: the difference betwixt them is this. That Orleans is the bigger, and Worcester the richer; Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles, and of sojourners; Worcester of Citizens only, and home dwellers. And for the manner of life in them; so it is, that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it; Orleans the finer (and in mine opinion the loveliest of all France:) Worcester thriveth much on Clothing; Orleans on their Vine-presses.  
And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only, but of the Country also about it. For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris. Fst une pais (saith he) si heureuse & si secunde sur tout en vine, qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris. These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy, deserve no less a commendation than he hath given them: as yielding the best wines in all the Kingdom. Such as it much grieved me to mingle with water; they being so delicious to the palate, and the epicurism of the taste. I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman, who being in Italy, was brought acquainted with a kind of Wine, which they there call Lachrymae Christi. No sooner had he tasted it, but he fell into a deep melancholy: and after some seven sighs, besides the addition of two groans, he broke out into this pathetical ejaculation: Dii boni, quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus! This Dutch man and I, were for a time of one mind: insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrel with nature, for giving us none of this liquor in England: at last we grew friends again, when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain, (if not well qualified) for which cause it is said, that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar: no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers, who may therefore say with Marshal, 
Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina?  
Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali?  This Town called Genabum by Caesar, was re-edified by Aurelian the Emperor, anno 276. and called by his name Aurelianum; which it still retaineth amongst the Latins. It hath been famous heretofore for four Counsels here celebrated; and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans, though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruins of the Palace. The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University, and its seat of justice: this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux. Now these Seiges Presidiaux, Seats or Courts of Justice were established in divers Cities of the Realm, for the ease of the people; anno 1551, or thereabouts. In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 livres in money, or 10 livres in rents; are heard and determined sovereignly and without appeal. If the sum exceed those proportions, the appeal holdeth good, and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction they are. This Court here consisteth of a baily whose name is Mr. Digion, of 12 Counsellors, two Lieutenants, one civil and the other criminal; and a public notary. When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul, who is Governor or Lieutenant General of the Province, cometh into their Court, he giveth precedency to the baily: in other places he receiveth it. This institution of these presidential Courts, was at first a very profitable ordinance, and much eased the people: but now it is grown burdensome: the reason is, that the offices are made saleable, and purchased by them with a great deal of money, which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the peasants: the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it, the sale of justice; a mischief which is spread so far, that there is not the poorest under-officer in all the Realm, who may not safely say with the Captain in the 22. of the Acts and the 28. verse. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with a great sum of money obtained I this freedom. Twenty years' purchase is said to be no extraordinary rate: and I have read, that only by the sale of offices, one of the Kings had raised in 20 years 139 millions: which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly, or thereabouts: of all ways to thrift and treasure the most unkingly. In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolising of the sales of this market, but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people than the mischief: for he desired in lieu of it, to have a greater imposition laid upon Salt and on the Aides: which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of; because then a common misery had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater, and so the corruption remaineth unaltered.  
This Town, as it is sweetly seated in respect of the air: so is it finely convenienced with walks: of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate, having the wall on one hand, and a rank of palm-trees on the other; the second that near unto the Bridge, having the water pleasingly running on both sides: and a third, which is indeed the principal, on the east side of the City. It is called the pall Malle, from an exercise of that name, much used in this Kingdom: a very Gentlemanlike sport, not over violent; and such as affordeth good opportunity of discourse, as they walk from one mark to the other. Into this walk, which is of a wonderful length and beauty, you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town: the aged people borrowing legs to carry them; and the younger, arms to guide them. If any young Dame or Monsieur, walk thither single, they will quickly find some or other to link with them: though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity. Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the pall Malle, not minding the shutting in of the day, till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing. At all hours of the night, be it warm and dry, you shall be sure to find them there, thus coupled: and if at the years end, there be found more children than fathers in the Town; this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries. A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kiss.  
There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L' Estapp, a walk principally frequented by Merchants: who here meet to conserre of their occasions. It lieth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governor, and reacheth up to the Cloister of St. Croix: of the building of which Church, I could never yet hear or read of any thing, but that which is merely fabulous, for the Citizen's report, that long since, time out of mind, there appeared a vision to an holy Monk, which lived thereabouts, and bade him dig deep in such a place, where he should find a piece of the holy Cross, charging him to preserve that blessed relic in great honour, and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buried: upon this warning the Church was founded, but at whose charges they could not inform me: so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church, is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie. The Superstition is apparent in their worshipping of such rotten sticks, as they imagine to be remnants of the Cross; their calling of it holy, and dedicating of this Church unto it. Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy days, one in May, and the other in September: and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the highways, with these words, Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera. Horrible blasphemy, and never heard but under Antichrist! Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas, being the lesson of the Ancients. As for the miracle, I account it as others of the same stamp: equally false and ridiculous. This Church in the year 1562. was defaced and ruined by the Hugonots, who had entered the Town under the conduct of the Prince of Conde. An action little savouring of humanity, and less of Religion: the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches, of those Towns which they had taken. But in this action, the Hugonots consulted only with rashness, and a zealous fury, thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scourge of Papists, and the overthrowers of Popish Churches. 
Quid facerent hostes capla crudelius urbe?   
The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more have exercised their malice on the vanquished; and this I persuade myself had been the fate of most of our Churches, if that faction had got the upper hand of us. But this Church notwithstanding, is likely now to sum 〈…〉 their madness. King Henry the 4. began the repairing of it, and his Son Lewis hath since continued: so that the choir is now quite finished, and the workmen are in hand with the rest. What should move the Hugonots to this execution, I cannot say: unless it were a hate which they bore unto the name; and perhaps that not unlikely. We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings, banished also Collatinus their Consul: a man in whom they could find no fault but this, that his surname was Tarquin; tantum ob nomen & genus regium, saith Florus: afterwards, quam invisum regis nomen, is very frequent in the stories of those times. Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar, there was one named Cinna, a name so odious amongst the people, that meeting by chance with one of Caesar's chief friends, and hearing that his name was Cinna, they presently murdered him in the place, for which cause one Casca, which was also the name of one of the Conspirators, published a writing of his name and pedigree: showing therein, that he neither was the traitor, nor any kin to him. The reason of his action Dion giveth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur. With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Cross: for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets, betwixt Mont Martre, and St. Denis, though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified. And what troubles the French party here in England have raised, because of that harmless ceremony of the cross; Notius est quam ut stilo egeat, and therefore I omit it. This Church is the seat of a Bishop, who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens, for his Metropolitan. The present Bishop is named Franciscus d' Aubespine, said to be a worthy Scholar, and a sound Politician; though he were never graduated further than the arts. Of his revenue I could learn nothing, but of his privilege this: namely, that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church, he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaol: though their crime be never so mortal. For, the original of this indulgence: we are beholding to St. Aignan, once Bishop here, and who defended the City against Auila the Harm. At his first entrance into the town, (saith the story) after he was invested Bishop, he besought Agrippinus the Governor, that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners, ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos, in sui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos; when the Governor had heard his request, he denied it: and presently a stone falleth upon his head, no man knew from whence: wounded and terrified with this, the Governor granteth his desire, recovereth her health: and ever since the custom hath continued. For the truth of this story, I intent to be no Champion: for I hold it ridiculous and savouring too much of the Legend: but this I am certain of, that every new Bishop maketh a very solemn and majestic entry into the City; and at his entry, releaseth a prisoner.  
Let us follow the Bishop into his Church, and there we shall find him entertained with an high Mass; the ceremonies whereof are very pretty and absurd. To go over them all, would require a volume, I will therefore mention those only wherein they differ from other Masses: and they are two: the one fantastical, the other heathenish. For as soon as the priest at the altar hath read a certain lesson, but what, his voice was not audible enough to tell me: out marcheth the Dean, or in his absence, the signior Canon, out of the Church. Before him two or three torches, and a long cross silvered over, after him all those of the Church, and lastly the lay people, both men and women: so that there is none left to keep possession, but the Priest and the Altar; and such strangers as come thither for curiosity, they go out at one door, and having first circuited the choir, and afterwards the body of the Church; they return to their places: and the Priest proceedeth. I have seen many a dumb show in a play just like it. This only is the difference, that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to show us the mystery of this silent gesticulation. The other addition which I observed here at the Mass (though I have since been told that it is ordinary at high Masses, in the Cathedral Churches) was the censing of the people: which was performed in this manner. Whilst the Priest was busy at the Altar, there entered into the choir at a side door, two boys in their Surplices, bearing wax-tapers in their hands: and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Cross, in the rear there came two of the Priests in their copes, and other stately vestments: between both a young lad with the incense-pot, made full of holes to let out the sum; which he swingeth on all sides of him, with a chain, to which it was fastened: having thus marched through the Church and censed the people, he ascendeth unto the Altar, and there censeth the cross, the relics, the bread, the wine, the chalice, the images: and I know not what not. A custom very much used amongst the Heathen. Omnibus viris factae sunt statuse & ad eas thus & cerei, saith Tully: and, Jane tibi primam thura merumque fero, saith Ovid in his de Fastis. So have we in Marshal, Te primum piathura rogent: and the like in divers other writers of ancient. At what time it crept into the Churches of the Christians, I cannot tell. Sure I am it was not used in the primitive times, nor in the third age after our Saviour: save only in their burials, Sciant Sabaei (saith Tertullian, who at that time lived) pluris & cariores merces suas, Christianis sepeliendis profligari, quam fumigantibus. Arnobius also in the 7 book adversus gentes, disclaimeth the use of it: and yet the Council of Trent in the 22. Session, defineth it to be as boldly, ex Apostolica institutione & traditione, as if the Apostles themselves had told them so. I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 30 chap. and 7. vers. of Exodus: and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale divinorum: but this will not help them. Aaron there is commanded only to burn incense on the Altar: and not to cense men and images, crosses and relics, etc. as the Papists do. So that will they, nill they, they must be counted followers of the Heathen: though I envy them not the honour of being Jews.  
From the history and view of the Church, proceed we to that of the Town: where nothing occurreth more memorable than the great siege laid before it by the English. A siege of great importance to both parties. France having been totally won unto King Henry, if this Town had yielded, and once so nigh it was to submit itself, that the people proffered to yield themselves to Philip Duke of Burgundy, than a great confederate of our Nation: who had not been present in the Camp. But this the English General would not consent to; and it was the resolution of Antigonus i● long time before us. Negavit Antigonus (saith Justine) see in ejus belli praedam socios admittere, in cujus periculum solus descenderat. On this determinate sentence of the General (he was Montacute Earl of Salisbury) the Town purposed to hold out a little longer, and was at the last relieved by Joan D' Arc, a maid of Vaucoleur in Lorrein: whom they called La Pusille: how that excellent soldier the General was slain, and the siege raised, I need not relate. It is extant in all our Chronicles. This only now, that ever since that time the people of Orleans keep a solemn procession on every eighth day of May: on which day anno 1427. their City was delivered from its enemies.  
But the achievements of this brave Virago stayed not here, she thinks it not enough to repulse her enemies unless she also vanquish them: armed therefore, Cap a pe, she went to seek occasion of battle: and was always foremost, and in the head of her troops. 
Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina bellis  
Penthesilea furens: mediisque in millibus ardet.  For her first service she taketh Jargeau, discomfiteth the English, which were within it, and maketh the Earl of Suffolk prisoner. Soon after followed the battle of Poitiers: in which the English were driven out of the field, and the great Talbot taken. This done, she accompanieth Charles the 7. whose Angel Guardian she was, through all Campague unto Rheims: where she saw him solemnly crowned: all the Towns of those Country's yielding upon the approach of her, and the King's Army. Finally, after many acts performed above the nature of her sex, which I will not stand here to particulate, she was taken prisoner at the siege of Campoigne: delivered over unto the Duke of Bedford, by him sent unto Roven, and there burnt for a Witch on the 6. of July, anno 1431. There was also another crime objected against her, as namely that she had abused the nature of her sex, marching up and down in the habit of a man, Et nihil muliebre praeter corpus gerens. Of all accusations the most impotent, for in what other habit could she dress herself, undertaking, the actions of a General? and besides, to have worn her woman's weeds in time of battle, had been to have betrayed her safety; and to have made herself the mark of every arrow. It was therefore requisite that she should array herself in complete harness; and in that habit of complete armour, have those of Orleans erected her Statue all in brass, upon the middle of their bridge.  
As for that other imputation of being a Witch, saving the credit of those which condemned her, and theirs also who in their writings have so reported her: I dare be of the contrary opinion, for dividing her actions into two parts, those which preceded her coming unto Orleans, and those which followed it: I find much in it of cunning, somewhat perhaps of valour: but nothing that is devilish. Her relieving of Orleans, and courage shown at the battles of Poitiers and Gergeau, with her conducting of the King unto Rheims: are not such prodigies, that they need to be ascribed unto witchcraft. She was not the first woman whom the world knew famed in arms, there being no Nation almost of the earth, who have not had a Champion of this sex, to defend their Liberties: to omit the whole Nation of Amazons. To the Jews in the time of their afflictions, the Lord raised up salvation by means of two women, Deborah and Judith: and God is not the God of the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles; amongst the Syrians Zenobia Queen of Pabnira is very famous; the Romans whom she often foiled, never mentioning her without honour. The like commendable testimony they give of Velleda, a Queen amongst the Germans: a woman that much hindered their affairs in that Country. Thus had the Goths their Amalasunta: the Assyrians their Semiramis, the Scythians their Tomyris, the Romans their Fulvia: all brave Captains, and such as posterity hath admired without envy. To come home unto ourselves, the writers of the Romans mention the revolt of Britain, and the slaughter of 70000 Raman Confederates under the conduct of Voaditia: and she in the beginning of her encouragements to the action, telleth the people this, Solitum quidem Britannis foeminarum ductu bellare. Of all these heroical Ladies, I read no accusation of witchcraft: invasive courage and a sense of injury, being the arms they fought withal; neither can I see why the Romans should exceed us in modesty; or that we need envy unto the French this one female warrior, when it is a fortune which hath befallen most Nations. As for her achievements, they are not so much beyond a common being: but that they may be imputed to natural means: for had she been a Witch, it is likely she would have prevented the disgrace which her valour suffered, in the ditches of Paris, though she could not avoid those of Compeigne, who took her prisoner: the Devil at such an exigent only being accustomed to forsake those which he hath entangled. So that she enjoyed not such a perpetuity of felicity, as to entitle her to the Devil's assistance, she being sometimes conqueror, sometimes overthrown, and at last imprisoned. Communia fortunae ludibria, the ordinary sports of fortune. Her actions before her march to Orleans, have somewhat in them of cunning, and perhaps of imposture, as the vision which she reported to have incited her to these attempts, her finding out of the King disguised in the habit of a country man; and her appointing to herself an old Sword hanging in St. Katherine's Church in Tours. The French were at this time merely crest fallen: not to be raised but by miracle. This therefore is invented, and so that which of all the rest must prove her a sorceress, will only prove her an impostor. Gerrard, Seigneur du Hailan, one of the best writers of France, is of opinion that all that plot of her coming to the King, was contrived by three Lords of the Court; to hearten the people; as if God now miraculously intended the restauration of the Kingdom. Add to this, that she never commanded in any battle, without the assistance of the best Captains of the French Nation: and amongst whom was the Bastard of Orleans, who is thought to have put this device into her head. The Lord of Bellay in his discourse of art military, proceedeth further, and maketh her a man: only thus habited, pour fair revenir le courage aux Francois: which, had it been so, would have been discovered at the time of her burning. Others of the later French writers (for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend) make her to be a lusty Lass of Lorrein, trained up by the Bastard of Orleans, and the Seigneur of Baudricourte; only for this service. And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetess, and an Ambassadresse from heaven; admit this, and farewell witchcraft. And for the sentence of her condemnation, and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris; it is with me of no moment: being composed only to humour the Victor. If this could sway me, I had more reason to incline to the other party; for when Charles had settled his estate, the same men, who had condemned her of sorcery, absolved her: and there was also added in defence of her innocency, a Decree from the Court of Rome. Joan then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans: with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times; and be placed in the same throne, equal with the valiantest of all her sex, in time before her. Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth, proclaim her for a sorceress, for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Country to the prejudice of a truth: neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrior, otherwise then of a noble Captain.  

— Audetque viris concurrere virgo.   

Penthesilea did it. Why not she  
Without the stain of spells and sorcery?  
Why should those acts in her be counted sin,  
Which in the other have commended been?   

Nor is it fit that France should be denied  
This female soldier, sin●e all Realms beside,  
Have had the honour of one: and relate  
How much that sex hath reenforced the state  
Of their decaying strengths. Let Scythia spare  
To speak of Tomyris, th' Assyrians care  
Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited  
Of Ninus wife. Nor are the Dutch delighted  
To hear their Valleda extolled: the name  
Of this French warrior hath eclipsed their fame:  
And silenced their achievements. Let the praise,  
That's due to virtue, wait upon her. Raise  
An obelisque unto her, you of Gaul,  
And let her acts live in the mouths of all  
Speak boldly of her, and of her alone,  
That never Lady was as good as Joan.   

She died a virgin: 'twas because the earth  
Held not a man, whose virtues, or whose birth  
Might merit such a blessing. But above,  
The gods provided her a fitting love:  
And gave her to St. Denis, she with him  
Protects the Lilies and their Diadem.  
You then about whose armies she doth watch,  
Give her the honour due unto her match.  
And when in field your standards you advance,  
Cry loud, St. Denis and St. Joan for France.    

CHAP. III.  
The study of the Civil Law revived in Europe. The dead time of learning. The Schools of Law in Orleans. The economy of them. The Chancellor of Oxford anciently appointed by the Diocesan. Their method here, and prodigality in bestowing degrees. Orleans a great conflux of strangers. The language there. The Corporation of Germans there. Their house and privileges. Dutch and Latin. The difference between an Academy and an University.  
I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans, and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it; this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civil Laws was revived in Europe. For immediately after the death of Justinian, who out of no less than 2000 volumes of law-writers had collected that body of the Imperial Laws, which we now call the Digests, or the Pandects: the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts, nor did any for a long time profess or read them; the reason was, because Italy, France, Spain, England and Germany, having received new Lords over them; as the Franks, Lombard's, Saxons, Saracens, and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws. It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperor, wh 〈…〉 'gan his reign, anno 1126. (being 560 years after the death of Justinian) having taken the City of Melphy in Naples, found there an old copy of the Pandects. This he gave to the Pisans his confederates, as a most reverend relic of Learning and Antiquity; whence it is called Littera Pisana. Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia, ordering the Civil Law to be professed there: one Wirner being the first Professor; upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum & juris Schola una & sola: and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire. But it was not the fate only of the Civil Laws, to be thus neglected. All other parts of learning, both Arts and languages, were in the same desperate estates; the Poet's exclamation of O saeclum insipiens & infacetum, never being so appliable as in those times. For it is with the knowledge of good letters, as it was with the effects of nature; they have times of groweth alike, of perfection and of death. Like the sea, it hath its ebbs as well as its floods; and like the earth, it hath its Winter, wherein the seeds of it are deadened and bound up, as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth. Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten, and lost in Europe for 700 years, even until Emanuel Chrysolaras taught it at Venice, being driven out of his Country by the Turks. Thus the Philosophy of Aristotle lay hidden in the moth of dust and libraries, Et nominabatur potius quod legebatur, as Ludovicus Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austin, until the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus. And thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscured, till that Erasmus, More and Reuchlyn, in the several Kingdoms of Germany, England, and France, endeavoured the restauration of it.  
But to return to the Civil Law. After the foundation of the University of Bologne, it pleased Philip le bell King of France to found another here at Orleans, for the same purpose, anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this side the mountains. This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lions in the year 1367. where he giveth it this title, Fructiferum universitatis Aurelianensts intra caetera citramontana studia, prius solennius, antiquius, tam civilis, quam Canonicae facultatis studium. At the first there were instituted eight Professors, now they are reduced to four only; the reason of this decrease, being the increase of Universities. The place in which they read their Lectures, is called Les grand escoles, and part of the City, Lafoy Universite; neither of which attributes it can any way remit. College they have none, either to lodge the students, or entertain the Professors, the former sojourning in divers places of the Town, these last in their several houses. As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escoles, it is only an old barn converted into a School, by the addition of five ranks of forms, and a pew in the middle, you never saw a thing so mock its own name: Lucus not being more properly called so a non lucendo, than this ruinous house is a great School, because it is little. The present professors are Mr. Furner, the Rector at my being there; Mr. Tuillerie, and Mr. Grand. The fourth of them named Mr. Augrand, was newly dead, and his place like a dead pay among Soldiers not supplied; in which estate was the function of Mr. Brodee, whose office it was to read the Book of Institutions, unto such as come newly to the Town. They read each of them an hour, in their turns, every morning in the week, unless Holidays and Thursdays, their hearers taking their Lectures in their tables. Their principal office is that of the Rector, which every three months descends down unto the next, so that once in a year, every one of the professors hath his turn of being Rector. The next in dignity unto him is the Chancellor, whose office is during life, and in whose name all degrees are given, and the Letters Authentical, as they term them, granted. The present Chancellor is named Mr. Bouchier Dr. of Divinity and of both the Laws, and Prebend also of St. Croix; his place is in the gift of the Bishop of Orleans; and so are the Chancellor's places in all France at the bestowing of the Diocesan. Anciently it was thus also with us at Oxford; the Bishop of Lincoln nominating to us our Chancellors, till the year 1370. William of Remington being the first Chancellor elected by the University.  
In the bestowing of their degrees here, they are very liberal, and deny no man that is able to pay his fees. Legem ponere is with them more powerful than legem dicere, and he that hath but his gold ready, shall have a sooner dispatch, than the best Scholar upon ticket. 
Ipse licet v●●ias Musis comitatus Homer,  
Si nihil attuleris, ibis Homere foras.  It is the money which disputeth best with them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, money makes the man; said the Greek, and English proverb. The exercise which is to be performed, before the degree taken, is very little, and as trivially performed. When you have chosen the Law which you mean to defend, they conduct you into an old ruinous chamber. They call it their Library; for my part, I should have thought it to have been the warehouse of some second hand Bookseller. Those few books which were there, were as old as Printing; and could hardly make amongst them one cover, to resist the violence of a rat. They stood not up endlong, but lay one upon the other, and were joined together with cobwebs in stead of strings. He that would ever guess them to have been looked into since the long reign of ignorance, might justly have condemned his own charity; for my part, I was prone to believe that the three last centuries of years had never seen the inside of them; or that the poor paper had been troubled with the disease called N●lime tangere. In this unlucky room do they hold their disputations, unless they be solemn and full of expectation, and after two or three arguments urged, commend the sufficiency of the Respondent, and pronounce him worthy of his degree. That done, they cause his Authentical Letters to be sealed; and in them they tell the Reader with what diligence and pains they fitted the Candidati; that it is necessary to the Commonwealth of learning, that industry should be honoured; and that on that ground they have thought it fitting p●st angustias sulamen, post vigilias requietem, post dolorem gaudia, (for so as I remember goeth the form) to recompense the labours of N. N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate; with a great deal of the like formal foolery, Et ad hunc modum fiunt Doctores.  
From the study of the Law, proceed we unto that of the Language, which is said to be better spoken here, then in any part of France, and certainly the people hereof speak it more distinctly than the rest; I cannot say more elegantly. Yet partly for this reason, partly because of the study of the Law, and partly because of the sweetness of the air; the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations which are in correspondency with the French. But in the greatest measure it is replenished with those of Germany who have here a corporation, and indeed do make amongst themselves a better University, than the University. This Corporation consisteth of a Procutator, a Quaestor, an Assessor, two Bibliothecarii, & 12 Counsellors. They have all of them their distinct jurisdiction, and are solemnly elected by the rest of the company every third month. The Consulship of R●me was never so welcome to Cicero, as the office of Procurator is to a Dutch Gentleman; he for the time of his command ordering the affairs of all his Nation; and to say truth, being much respected by those of the Town. It is his office to admit of the young comers, to receive the moneys due at their admission, and to receive an account of the dispending of it of the Quaestor at the expiting o● his charge. The office of Assessor is like that of a Clerk of the Counsels, and the Secretary mixed. For he registereth the Acts of their Counsels, writeth Letters in the name of the House to each of the French Kings, at their new coming to the Crown; and if any prime or extraordinary Ambassador cometh to the Town, he entertaineth him with a speech. The Bibliothecarii look to the Library, in which they are bound to remain three hours in a day in their several turns. A pretty room it is, very plentifully furnished with choice books, and that at small charge; for it is here the custom, that every one of the Nation at his departure, must leave with them one book, of what kind or price it best pleaseth him. Besides, each of the officers at the resigning up of his charge, giveth unto the new Questor a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet, to be expended according as the necessity of the state requires; which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Library.  
Next unto this citèdes Lettres (as one of the French writers calleth Paris) is their Council house; an handsome square Chamber, and well furnished. In this they hold their Consultations, and in this preserve their Records and Privileges, the keeping of the one, and summoning the other, being merely in the hands of the Procurator. About the Table they have five chairs for the five principal Officers; those of the Council sitting round the Chamber on stools; the arms of the Empire being placed directly over every of the seats. If it happen that any of them die there, they all accompany him to his grave, in a manner mixed so orderly of grief and state, that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnised. And to say truth of them, they are a hearty and a loving Nation, not to one another only, but to strangers, and especially to us of England. Only I would wish that in their speech and compliment, they would not use the Latin tongue, or else speak it more congruously. You shall hardly find a man amongst them, which cannot make a shift to express himself in that language; nor one amongst a hundred that can do it Latinly. Galleriam, Compagniam, Gardinum, and the like, are as usual in their common discourse, as to drink at three of the clock; and as familiar as their sleep. Had they bend their studies that way, I persuade myself they would have been excellent good at the Common Laws; their tongues so naturally falling upon those words which are necessary to a Declaration. But amongst the rest, I took notice of one Mr. Gebour, a man of that various mixture of words, that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amsterdam of languages. Cras main 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nous irons ad magnam Galleriam, was one of his most remarkable speeches, when we were at Paris; but here at Orleans we had them of him thick and threefold. If ever he should chance to die in a strange place where his Country could not be known, but by his tongue, it could not possible be, but that more Nations would strive for him, than ever did for Homer. I had before read of the confusion of Babel; in him I came acquainted with it, yet this use might be made of him and his hodgepodge of languages, that a good Chemical Physician would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone. In a word, to go no more upon the particular, I never knew a people that spoke more words, and less Latin.  
Of thesee ingredients is the University of Orleans, compounded, if at the least it be lawful to call it an University, as I think it be not. The name of Academy would beseem it better, and God grant (as Sanco Panco said of his wife) it be able to discharge that calling. I know that those names are indifferently used, but not properly. For an Academy (the name is derived from a place near Athens, called Academia, where Plato first taught Philosophy) in its strict and proper sense, is such a study, where some one or two Arts are professed; as Law at Orleans and Bononia, and Physic at Montpelier and Milan; an University is so called, Quod Universae ibi traduntur disciplinae, as the name importeth; where learning is professed in the generality, and in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it; the first the Germans call Schola illustris; the latter Generale studium; very opposite titles, and in which there is little of a Germane.   

CHAP. IU.  
Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuits. Their College there by whom built. The Jesuits no singers. Their laudable and exact method of teaching. Their policies in it. Received not without great difficulty into Paris. Their houses in that University. Their strictness unto the rules of their order. Much maliced by the other Priests and Friars. Why not sent into England with the Queen; and of what order they were that came with her. Our return to Paris.  
THe difference between an University and an Academy standing thus, Those which lived in our Father's days could hardly have called Orleans an University; a School of Law being the name most fit for it. At this time since the coming of the Jesuits, that appellation may not misbecome it, they having brought with them those parts of learning, which before were wanting in it: but this hath not been of any long standing, their College being not yet fully finished. By an inscription over the gate, it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Gagliery, one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris, a man of large practice, and by consequence, of great possessions; and who having no child but this College, is said to intend the fastening of his estate upon it. In this house do those of this order apply themselves to the study of good Letters, in the pursuit whereof, as the rest of this fracernity are, they are good proficients, and much exceed all other sorts of Friars, as having better teachers and more leisure to learn. That time which the other spent at high Masses, and at their Canonical hours, these men bestowed upon their books: they being exempted from these duties by their order. Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the crotchets of Music, nor spend their months upon the chanting out of their services. They have other matters to employ their brains upon, such as are the ruin of Kingdoms, and desolation of Countries. It was the saying of Themistocles, being requested to play a lesson on the Lute, That he could not fiddle, but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City. The like we may say of the Jesuits; They are no great singers, but are well skilled in making little Cities great, and great ones little. And certain it is, that they are so far from any ability or desire this way, that upon any of their solemn Festivals, when their Statutes require music, they are fain to hire the singing men of the next Cathedral. As here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius, being the 21 of July, they were compelled to make use of the voices of the Church of St. Croix.  
To this advantage of leisure is added the exact method of their teaching, which is indeed so excellent, that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schools; upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach. To them resort the children of the rich as well as of the poor, and that in such abundance, that wheresoever they settle, other houses become in a manner desolate, or frequented only by those of the more heavy and phlegmatic constitutions. Into their Schools when they have received them, they place them in that forum or Classis into which they are best fitted to enter. Of these Classes, the lowest is for Grammar: the second for Composition, or the making of Themes, as we call it: the third for Poetry: the fourth for Oratory: the fifth for Greek Grammar and compositions: the sixth for the Poesy and Rhetoric of that language: the seventh for Logic: and the eight and last for Philosophy. In each of these Schools there is a several Reader or Institutor, who only mindeth that art, and the perfection of it, which for that year he teacheth. That year ended, he removeth both himself and Scholars with him, into the Classis or Schools next beyond him, till he hath brought them through the whole studies of humanity. In this last form, which is that of Philosophy, he continueth two years, which once expired, his Scholars are made perfect in the University of learning, and themselves manumitted from their labours, and permitted their private studies. Nor do they only teach their Scholars an exactness in those several parts of Learning which they handle, but they also endeavour to breed in them an obstinacy of mind, and a sturdy eagerness of spirit to make them thereby hot prosecutors of their own opinions, and impatient of any contrary consideration. This is it which maketh all those of their education, to affect victory in all the controversies of wit or knowledge, with such a violence, that even in their very Grammatical disputations, you shall find little boys maintain arguments with such a fiery impatience, that you would think it above the nature of their years. And all this they perform freely and for nothing; the poor Paisants son being by them equally instructed, with that of the Noblest.  
By this means they get unto their Society, great honour, and great strength; honour in furnishing their Schools with so many persons of excellent quality or Nobility, of whom afterwards they make their best advantages for their strength also. As for those of the poorer sort, they have also their ends upon them; for by this free and liberal education of their children, the common people do infinitely affect them: besides that, out of that rank of their Scholars they assume such into their fraternity, whom they find to be of a rare wit and excellent spirit, or any other way fitted for their profession. Thus do they make their own purposes out of all conditions, and refuse no fish which either they can draw into their nets, or which will offer itself unto them. Si locuples quis est, avarisunt, si pauper, ambitiosi, quos non oriens, non occidens satiaverit, soli omnium opes atque inopiam pari affectu concupiscunt: Galgacus a British Captain, spoke it of the Soldiers of the Romans Empire: we may as justly verify it of these Soldiers of the Romish Church, they being the men whom neither the West nor East-Indies can satisfy; and who with a like fervency desire the education of the needy and the wealthy. Moreover, by this method of teaching they do not only strengthen themselves in the affections of men a broad, but also fortify themselves within their own walls at home; for by this means, there is not one of their society, who hath not only perfectly concocted in his head the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of knowledge, but hath gained unto himself the true art of speaking, and a readiness of expressing what he knoweth; without the least demur or haesitancie: the greatest happiness of a Scholar. To conclude then and say no more of them, and their rare abilities (for virtus & in host probatur) it is thought by men of wisdom and judgement, that the planting of a College of Jesuits in any place, is the only sure way to re-establish that Religion which they profess, and in time to eat out the contrary.  
This notwithstanding, they were at the first institution of them mightily opposed, and no where more violently then in the University of Paris. An University that standeth much upon its liberty and privileges; to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance: it being lawful for them to take any degree in their own houses, without reference to any public exercise or examination. In the year 1554. at what time they first began to set foot in France, the College of the Sorbonists made a long decree against them, in the end whereof are these words, and they are worth the reading, Uidetur haec societas in negotio fidei periculosa, pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa, monasticae religionis eversiva & magis ad destructionem, quam ad adificationem; a censure too full of vinegar and bitterness. Afterwards in the year 1564. they preferred a Petition to the University, that the College which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them, might be incorporated into the University, and enjoy the immunities of it. Upon the Universities denial of their desire, there arose a suit between them and the University in the high Court of Parliament; Peter Versoris pleading for the Jesuits, and Stephen Pasquier for the other party. In the end they were admitted, though upon terms of wondrous strictness. Anno 1594. John Castell a novice of this order, having wounded King Henry IV. in the mouth, occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France, into which they were not again received till the year 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict than ever. Into Paris they were not readmitted until anno 1606. neither had the liberty of reading Lectures and instructing the youth confirmed unto them till anno 1611. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation. 
Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum,  
As Aeneás and his companions came into Latium.   
In this University they have at this instant three houses, one of the Novices, a second of Institutors, which they call the College; and a third of professed Jesuits, which they style their Monastery, or the professed house of St. Lewis. In their house of Novices they train up all those whom they have culled out of their Schools to be of their order, and therein initiate them in the arts of Jesuitism, and their mysteries of iniquity. They there teach them not Grammatical constructions or composition, but instruct them in the paths of virtue, courage and obedience, according to such examples as their Authors afford them. This they say of themselves and their friends for them. But he that made the funeral Oration for Henry IV. anno 1610. reporteth it otherwise, Latini sermonis obtentu (saith he) impurissime Gallicae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant. Bonarum litterarum praetextu, pessimas edocent arts. Dum ingenia excolunt, animas perdunt, etc. In their College they have the same method of teaching which the others of their company use in Orleans. A College first given unto them by Mr. William Prat Bishop of Clermount, whose house it was; but much beautified by themselves after his decease. For with the money which he gave unto them by his will, which amounted (as it was thought) to 60000 crowns; they added to it the Court called De Langres, in St. James street, anno 1582. Their Monastery or house of profession is that unto which they retire themselves after they have discharged their duties in the College, by reading and studying publicly in their several Classes. When they are here, their studies both for time and quality is ad placitum; though generally their only study in it is Policy, and the advantage of their cause. And indeed out of this Trojan horse it is, that those firebrands and incendiaries are let out to disturb and set in combustion the affairs of Christendom, out of this forge come all those stratagems and tricks of Machiavillianism, which tend to the ruin of the Protestants, and the desolation of their Countries. I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris, either only or principally; wheresoever they settle, they have a house of this nature, out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospel. Being sent once by their Superiors, a necessity is laid upon them of obedience, be the employment never so dangerous. And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order, of any whatsoever, not excepting the Capouchins nor the Carthusians This I am witness to, that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell; one of the Society in the College of Clermont, reading about the fall of the Angels, ended his Lecture with these words, Denique in quibuseunque; for than was the warning given, and he durst not so far trespass upon his rule, as to speak out his sentence.  
But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only, and Universities only to oppose their fortunes: they have also the most accomplished malice, that either the secular Priests or Friars amongst whom they live, can fasten upon them. Some envy them for the greatness of their possessions, some because of the excellency of their learning; some hate them for their power, some for the shrewdness of their brains; all together making good that saying of Paterculus, that Semper eminentis fortune comes est invidia. True indeed it is, that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamour and stomach by their own insolences; for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principal affairs of Court and state; but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can, upon those of the other Orders. The Janissaries of the Turk never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi, than those do of the rest of the Clergy. A great crime in those men, who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their own affections. Neither is the affection born to them abroad, greater than that at home; amongst those I mean of the opposite party; who being so often troubled and crumped by them, have little cause to afford them a liking, and much less a welcome. Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen, although at first they were destinate to that service. It was well known how odious that name was amongst us, and what little countenance the Court or Country would have afforded them. They therefore who had the Governance of that business, sent hither in their places the Oratorians, or the Fratres congregationis Oratorii; a race of men never as yet offensive to the English, further than the general defence of the Romish cause, and so less subject to envy and exception. They were first instituted by Philip Nerius, not long after the Jesuits, and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end, that by their incessant Sermons to the people, of the lives of Saints, and other Ecclesiastical Antiquities, they might get a new reputation; and so divert a little the torrent of the people's affections from the Jesuits. Baronius, that great and excellent Historian, and Bozius that deadly enemy to the Sovereignty of Princes, were of the first foundation of this Order.  
I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits, and must prepare for my return to Paris. Which journey I begun the 23 of July, and ended the day following. We went back the same way that we came, though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in, for in stead of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Nobles, some Gentlemen of Germany, and two Friars of the Order of St. Austin; we had the perpetual vexation of four tradesmen of Paris, two filles de joy, and an old woman; the Artisans so slovenly attired and greasy in their apparel, that a most modest apprehension could have conceived no better of them, then that they had been newly raked out of the scullery. One of them by an Inkhorn that hung at his girdle, would have made us believe that he had been a Notary; but by the thread of his discourse, we found out that he was a Sumner: so full of ribaldry was it, and so rankly did it favour of the French bawdie-courts. The rest of them talked according to their skill, concerning the price of commodities; and who was the most likely man of all the City, to be made one of the next year Eschevins. Of the two wenches, one so extremely impudent, that even any immodest ear would have abhorred her language, and of such a shameless deportment, that her very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man living. Since I first knew mankind and the world, I never observed so much impudence in the general, as I did then in her particular, and I hope shall never be so miserable, as to suffer two days more the torment and hell of her conversation. In a word, she was a wench born to shame all the Friars with whom she had traficked, for she would not be casta, and could not be cauta, and so I leave her, a creature extremely bold, because extremely faulty. And yet having no good property to redeem both these, and other unlovely qualities; but (as Sir Philip Sidney said of the Strumpet Baccha in the Arcadia) a little counterfeit beauty disgraced with wand'ring eyes, and unwayed speeches. The other of the younger females (for as yet I am doubtful whether I may call any of them women) was of the same profession also, but not half so rampant as her companion. 
Haec habitu casto cum non sit, casta videtur,  as Ausonius giveth it one of the two wanton sisters. By her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest; and to that favourable opinion had myself been inclinable, if a French Monsieur had not given me her character at Orleans: besides there was an odd twinkling of her eye, which spoiled the composedness of her countenance; otherwise she might have passed for currant. So that I may safely say of her, in respect of her fellow Harlot, what Tacitus doth of Pompey, in reference to Caesar, viz. Secretior Pompeius, Caesare non melior. They were both equally guilty of the sin; though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it, and avoid the infamy and censure due unto it. And so I come to the old woman, which was the last of our goodly companions. A woman so old, that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no. 'T was well I had read the Scriptures, otherwise I might have been very prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the creation, and that by some mischance or other, she had escaped the flood; her face was for all the world like unto that of Sibylla Erythraea in an old print, or that of Solomon's two harlots in the painted cloth; you could not at the least but have imagined her one of the Relics of the first age after the building of Babel; for her very complexion was a confusion more dreadful than that of languages. As yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our arch-poet Spencer, entitled, The Ruins of time, was not purposely intended on her; sure I am it is very appliable in the title. But I might have saved all this labour: Ovid in his description of Fames, hath most exactly given us her portraiture; and out of him, and the eight book of his Metamorphosis, you may take this view of her.  

Nullus erat crinis, cava lumina, pallor in ore,  
Labra incana situ, scabri ru●igine dentes,  
Dura cutis, per quam spectari viscera possent;  
Ventris erat pro ventre locus: pendere putares  
Pectus, et a spinae tantummodo crate teneri. 

Unhaired, pale-faced, her eyes sunk in her head,  
Lips hoary-white, and teeth most rustie-red,  
Through her course skin, her guts you might espy,  
In what estate and posture they did lie.  
Belly she had none, only there was seen  
The place whereas her belly should have been.  
And with her hips her body did agree,  
As if 'twas fastened by Geometry.     
But of this our companion, as also of the rest of the Coachful, Sunday-night, and our arrival at Paris, hath at the last delivered us. A blessing for which I can never be sufficiently thankful; and thus 
— Dedit Deus his quoque finem.    
The End of the Third Book.   

A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE.  
PICARDY: OR, THE FOURTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I.  
Our return towards England. More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses. The town of Luzarch, and St. Loupae. The Country of Picardy and people. The Picts of Britain not of this Country. Mr. Lee Dignicoes' Governor of Picardy. The office of Constable what it is in France. By whom the place supplied in England. The marble table in France, and causes there handled. Clermount, and the Castle there. The war raised up by the Princes against D'Ancre. What his designs might tend to, etc.  
JUly the 27. having dispatched that business which brought us into France, and surveyed as much of the Country, as that opportunity would permit, we began our journey towards England in a Coach of Amiens. Better accompanied we were then when we came from Orleans, for here we had Gentlemen of the choicest fashion, very ingenious, and in my opinion of finer condition than any I had met withal in all my acquaintance with that Nation. We had no vexation with us in the shape of a French woman, which appeared unto me somewhat miraculous, to torment our ears with her discourse, or punish our eyes with her complexion. Thus associated we began to jog towards St. Loup, where that night we were to be lodged. The Country such as already I have described it in the Isle of France, save that beyond St. Denis it began to be somewhat more hilly. By the way I observed those little crossets erected in the memory of St. Denis, as being vainly supposed to be his resting places, when he ran from Montmartre with his head in his hand, which the zealous madness of the Hugonots had thrown down, and were now re-edified by King Lewis. It could not but call to mind the hate of that Nation unto that harmless monument of Christ's sufferings, the Cross; which is grown it seemeth so exorbitant, that the Papists make use of it to discover an Huguenot. I remember as I passed by water from Amiens to Abbeville, we met in the boat with a levy of French Gentlewomen; to one of them, with that French as I had, I applied myself, and she perceiving me to be English, questioned my Religion. I answered (as I safely might) that I was a Catholic: and she for her better satisfaction proffered me the little cross which was on the top of her beads to kiss, (and rather should I desire to kiss it then many of their lips) whereupon the rest of the company gave of me this verdict, that I was Un urai Christien, & ne point un Huguenot. But to proceed in our journal. The same day we parted from Paris, we passed through the Town of Luzarch, and came to that of St. Loup. The first famous only in its owner, which is the Count of Soissons. The second in an Abbey there situate built in memory of St. Lupus Bishop of Trios in Champagne. These Towns passed, we were entered into Picardy.  
Picardy is divided into the higher, which containeth the Countries of Calais and Boulogne, with the Town Monst●●vill: and the lower, in which are the goodly Cities of Amiens, Abbeville, and many other places of principal note. The higher which is the lesser, and more Northern part is bounded North and West with the English Ocean; and on the East with Flanders and Artoys. The lower, which is the larger, the richer and the more Southern, hath on the East the little Country of Veromandys; on the West Normandy; and on the South the Country of Champagne. In length it comprehendeth all the 51 degree of Latitude, and three parts of the 50; extending from Calais in the North, to Clermont in the South. In breadth it is of a great inequality. For the higher Picardy is like Linea amongst the Logicians, which they desine to be longitudo sine latitudine, it being indeed nothing in a manner, but a mere border. The lower is of a larger breadth, and containeth in it the whole 24 degree of longitude, and a fourth part of the 23; so that by the proportion of degrees, this Province is 105 miles long, and 25 broad.  
Concerning the name of Pieardie, it is a difficulty beyond my reading and my conjecture. All I can do is to overthrow the less probable opinions of other writers, and make myself subject to that scoff which Lactantius bestoweth on Aristotle, Rectè hic sustulit aliorum disciplinas, sed non recte fundavit suam. Some than derive it from Piquon, one forsooth of Alexander the greats Captains, whom they fain to have built Amiens and Piquigni; an absurdity not to be honoured with a consutation: some from the Town of Piquigni itself, of which mind is Mercator; but that Town never was of such note as to name a Province: others derive it from Picardus a fanatical Heretic of these parts, about the year 1300 and after; but the appellation is far older than the man: others fetch it from the Picts of Britain, whom they would have to fly hither after the discomfiture of their Empire and Nation by the Scots; a transmigration of which all Histories are silent: this being the verdict of the best Antiquary ever was nursed up in. Britain, Picti itaque funestissimo praelio debellati, aut penit us fuerunt extincti, aut paulatim in Scotorum nomen & nationem concesserint. Lastly, some others derive the name from Pique, which signifieth a Lance or a Pike, the inventors of which warlike weapon, the fathers of this device would fain make them. In like manner some of Germany have laboured to prove that the Saxons had that name given them from the short swords which they used to wear, called in their language Scaxon; but neither truly. For my part I have consulted Ptolemie for all the Nations; and the Itinerarium of Antonius for all the Towns in this tract, but can find none on which I may fasten any probable Etymology. All therefore that I can say, is, that which Robert Bishop of Auranches in Normandy hath said before me, and that only in the general, Quos itaque aetas nostra Picardos appellat verae Belgae dicendi sunt: qui post modum in Picardorum nomen transmigrarunt.  
This Country is very plentiful of Corn and other grain, with which it abundantly furnisheth Paris; and hath in it more store of pasture and meadow grounds, than I else saw in any part of France. In Vines only it is defective, and that (as it is thought) more by the want of industry in the people, than any inability in the soil. For indeed they are a people that will not labour more than they needs must, standing much upon their state and distance, and in the carriage of their bodies favouring a little of the Spaniard; whence Picard●er, to play the Picard, is usually said of those who are lofty in their looks, or gluttonous at their tables: this last being also one of the symptoms of a Picard. The Governor of this Province is the Duke of Les Diguieres, into which office he succeeded Mr. Luynes, as also he did into that of the Constable. Two preferments which he purchased at a dear rate, having sold or abandoned that religion to-compasse them, which he had processed more than 60 years together; an apostasy most unworthy of the man, who having for so many years supported the cause of religion, hath now forsaken it; and thereby made himself guilty of the cowardice of M. Antonius, Qui cum in desertores saevire debuerat, desertor sui exertilus factus est. But I fear an heavier censure waiteth upon him; the crown of immortality not being promised to all those which run, but to those only which hold out till the end. For the present indeed he hath augmented his honours by this office, which is the principal of all France. He hath place and command before and over all the Peers and Princes of the blood; and at the Coronation of the French Kings, ministereth the oath: when he entereth a City in state, or upon the ●redition of it, he goeth before with the Sword naked; and when the King sitteth in an assembly of the three estates, he is placed at the King's right hand. He hath command over all his Majesty's forces; and he that killeth him is guilty of high treason. He sitteth also as chief Judge at the Table of marble upon all suits, actions, persons, and complaints whatsoever concerning the wars.  
This Table de Marbre was wont to be continually in the great hall of the Palais at Paris; from whence upon the burnning of that hall, it was removed to the Lowre. At this table doth the Admiral of France hold his Sessions, to judge of traffic, prizes, letters of marts, piracy, and business of the like nature. At this table judgeth also Le grand Maistre des eaues et forests; we may call him the Justice in Eire of all his Majesty's Forests and waters. The actions here handled, are Thefts, and abuses committed in the King's Forests, Rivers, Parks, Fishponds, and the like. In the absence of the grand Maistre, the power of sentence resteth in the Les grand Maistres Enquesteurs, et generaux reformateurs, who have under their command no fewer than 300 subordinate officers. Here also sit the Marshals of France, which are ten in number, sometimes in their own power, and sometimes as Assistants to the Constable, under whose direction they are. With us in England the Marshalship is more entire, as that which besides its own jurisdiction, hath now incorporated into itself most of the authority, anciently belonging to the Constables, which office ended in the death of Edward Lord Duke of Buckingham, the last hereditary and proprietary Constable of England. This office of Constable, to note unto you by the way so much, was first instituted by Lewis the gross, who began his reign, anno 1110. and conferred on Mr. Les Diguieres on the 24 of July, 1622. in the Cathedral Church of Grenoble, where he first heard Mass, and where he was installed Knight of both Orders. And so I leave the Constable to take a view of his Province, a man at this time beloved of neither parties; hated by the Protestants as an Apostata, and suspected by the Papists not to be entire.  
To proceed, July the 28. we came unto Clermont, the first Town of any note that we met with in Picardy: a pretty neat Town, and finely seated on the rising of an hill. For the defence of it, it hath on the upper side of it, an indifferent large Castle, and such which were the situation of it somewhat helped by the strength of Art, might be brought to do good service. Towards the Town, it is of an easy access, to the fieldwards more difficult, as being built on the perpendicular fall of a rock. In the year 1615, it was made good by Mr. Harancourt with a Regiment of eight Companies, who kept it in the name of the Prince of Conde, and the rest of that confederacy; but it held not long, for at the Marshal D' Anchors coming before it with his Army, and Artillery, it was presently yielded. This war, which was the second civil war which had happened in the reign of King Lewis, was undertaken by the Princes, chiefly to thwart the designs of the Queen mother, and crush the powerfulness of her grand favourite, the Marshal. The pretence (as in such cases it commonly is) was the good of the Commonwealth: the occasion, the cross marriages then consummated by the Marshal, between the Kings of France and Spain; for by those marriages they seemed to fear the augmentation of the Spaniards greatness; the alienation of the affections of their ancient allies; and by consequence the ruin of the French Empire. But it was not the fate of D' Anire, as yet to persh. Two years more of command and insolences, his destinies allowed him, and then he tumbled. This opportunity of his death ending the third civil war, each of which his faulty greatness had occasioned.  
What the ambition of his designs did tend to, I dare not absolutely determine; though like enough it is, that they aimed further than at a private, or a personal potency; for having under the favour and countenance of the Queen mother made himself master of the King's ear, and of his Council; he made a shift to get into his own hands an authority almost as unlimited, as that of the old Mayor of the Palace. For he had suppressed the liberty of the general estates, and of the sovereign Courts; removed all the officers and Counsellors of the last King; ravished one of the Precedents of the great Chamber, by name Mr. le Jay, out of the Parliament into the prison, and planted Garrisons of his own in most of the good Towns of Normandy, of which Province he was Governor. Add to this, that he had caused the Prince of Conde, being acknowledged the first Prince of the blood, to be imprisoned in the Bastile, and had searched into the continuance of the lives of the King and his brother, by the help of Sorcery and Witchcraft. Besides, he was suspected to have had secret intelligence with some foreign Princes, ill willers to the State; and had disgraced some and neglected others of the King's old confederates. Certainly these actions seem to import some project beyond a private and obedient greatness, though I can hardly believe that he durst be ambitious of the Crown; for being a fellow of a low birth, his heart could not but be too narrow for such an hope, and having no party amongst the Nobility, and being less gracious with the people, he was altogether destitute of means to compass it. I therefore am of an opinion, that the Spanish gold had corrupted him to some project concerning the enlargement of that Empire, upon the French dominion; which the cross marriages, whereof he was the contriver, and which seemed so full of danger to all the best Patriots of France, may seem to demonstrate. And again, at that time when he had put the Realm into his third combustion, the King of Spain had an Army on foot against the Duke of Savoy, and another in the Countries of Cleve and Juliers; which had not the timely fall of this Monster, and the peace ensuing prevented it, might both perhaps have met together in the midst of France. But this only conjectural.   

CHAP. II.  
The fair City of Amiens; and greatness of it. The English feasted within it; and the error of that action; the Town how built, seated and fortified. The Citadel of it, thought to be impregnable. Not permitted to be viewed. The overmuch openness of the English in discovering their strength. The watch and form of Government in the Town. Amiens a Visdamate: to whom it pertaineth. What that honour is in France. And how many there enjoy it, etc.  
THat night we went from Clermont to a Town called Bret●aul, where we were harboured: being from Clermont 6 French leagues; and from Paris 20. Our entertainment there such as in other places: as sluttish, as inconvenient. The next day being the 29, about ten of the clock, we had a sight of the goodly City of Amiens. A City of some four English miles circuit within the walls, which is all the greatness of it: for without the walls it hath houses few or none. A City very capacious, and for that cause hath been many times honoured with the persons and trains of many great Princes: besides that once it entertained almost an whole Army of the English. For King Lewis the 11. having made an advantageous peace with our Edward 4. and perceiving how ungrateful it was amongst the military men, he intended also to give them some manner of satisfaction: He sent therefore unto them 300 carts loaden with the best Wines: and seeing how acceptable a present that had proved; he intended also to feast them in Amiens, within half a league of which their Camp was lodged. This entertainment lasted four days, each street having in it two long tables: and each table being furnished with very plentiful provision. Neither were they denied entrance into any of the Taverns, and Victualling houses, or therein stinted either in meats, or drinks; whatsoever was called for, being defrayed by King Lewis. An action wherein, if mine opinion might carry it, there was little of the politician. For there were permitted to enter into the Town so many at once of the English men, that had they been but so minded, they might easily have made themselves Masters both of the place, and of the King's person. Nine thousand are reckoned by Cumines to have been within it together, and most of them armed: so that they might very easily have surprised the Gates, and let in the rest of the Army. Those of the French Kings Counsel much feared it, and therefore informed both Princes of the danger, the one of his Town, the other of his Honour. But this jealousy was but a French distrust, and might well have been spared: the English being of that General's mind, who scorned to steal a victory, and of that generous disposition, that they would not betray their credits. Nunquam illis adei ulla opportuna visa est victoriae occasio, quam damno pensarent fides: as the Historian of Tiberius. If this City than escaped a sack or a surprisal, it cannot be imputed to the wisdom of the French, but to the modesty and fair dealing of the English. But this was not the only soloecism in point of state, committed by that great politic of his time, King Lewis: there never being man so famed for his brain, that more grossly overreached himself, than that Prince, though perhaps more frequently.  
The buildings of this Town are of divers materials, some built of stone, others of wood, and some again of both. The streets very sweet and clean, and the air not giving place to any for a lively pureness. Of their buildings the principal are their Churches, whereof there are twelve only in number: Churches I mean parochial, and besides those belonging to Religious houses. Next unto them the work of most especial note, is a great and large Hospital; in method and the disposing of the beds much like unto the Hostel Dieu in Paris, but in number much inferior; Et me tamen rapuerant, and yet the decency of them did much delight me. The sweetness and neatness of the Town, proceeded partly as I said from the air, and partly from the conveniency of the River of Some, on which it is seated. For the river running in one entire bank at the further end of the Town, is there divided into six channels, which almost at an equal distance run through the several parts of it. Those channels thus divided, receive into them all the ordure and filth, with which the Town otherwise might be pestered: and affordeth the people a plentiful measure of water wherewith to purge the lanes, and buy corners of it, as often as them listeth. But this is not all the benefit of these Channels: they bestow upon the City matter also of commodity, which is the infinite number of Grist-mils, that are built upon them. At the other end of the Town the Channels are again united into one stream: both those places, as well of the division, as of the union of the Channels being exceeding well fortified with chains and piles, and also with bulwarks and outworks.  
Neither is the Town well fortified and strengthened at those passages only: the other parts of it having enough of strength to enable them to a long resistance. The ditch round about it, save where it meeteth with the Citadel, is exceeding deep, and steepy: the walls of a good height, broad, and composed of earth and stone equally: the one making up the outside of them, and the other the inside. The Gates are very large and strong, as well in the finewie composition of themselves, as in the addition of the Draw-bridge. Suburbs this City hath none, because a Town of war: nor any liberal circuit of territory, because a frontier. Yet the people are indifferently wealthy, and have amongst them good trading; besides the benefit of the Garrison, and the Cathedral. The Garrison consisteth of 250 men, (500 in all they should be) who are continually in pay to guard the Citadel, their pay eight Sols daily. The Governor of them is the Duke of Chaune, who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governor of the whole Province under the Constable: their Captain Mr. Le Noyre, said to be a man of good experience, and worthy his place. This Citadel was built by Henry 4. as soon as he had recovered the Town from the Spaniards, anno 1597. It is seated on the lower part of the City, though somewhat on the advantage of an hill, and seemeth in mine opinion, better situate to command the Town, then to defend it; or rather to recover the Town being taken, then to save it from taking. They who have seen it, and know the arts of fortification, report it to be impregnable. 
— Quod nec Jo●is ira, nec ign●s,  
Nec poterit ferrum, nec edax abolere vetustas.   
Nor am I able to contradict it. For besides that it is a skill beyond my profession, we were not permitted to come within it, or to take a survey of it, but at a distance. As soon as we approached high unto it, one of the Garrison professed us the Musket: a sufficient warning not to be too venturous. So that all which I could observe was this: that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their Gabions, and repair their breaches. With the same jealousy also, are the rest of the Forts and Towns of importance guarded in this and other Country's: no people that ever I heard being so open in showing their places of strength and safety unto strangers, as the English. For a dozen of Ale a foreiner may place over the curtain of Portsmouth, and measure every stone and bulwark of it. For a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other munition. And when that is done, if he will he shall walk the round too. A French crown sathometh the walls of Dover Castle: and for a pint of wine one may see the nakedness of the blockhouses at Gravesend. A negligence which may one day cost us dearly: though we now think it not. For what else do we in it, but commit that prodigal folly, for which Pltarch condemned Pericles: that is, to break open all the pal●s and enclosures of our land, to the end that every man might come in freely, and take away our fruit at his pleasure. Jealousy, though a vice in a man towards his wife, is yet one of the safest virtues in a Governor towards his fortress: and therefore I could wish that an English man, would in this particular borrow a little of the Italian.  
Besides these soldiers which are continually in garrison for the defence of the Citadel, there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City. The watchmen receive no pay of the King, but discharge that duty amongst themselves, and in turns, every house finding one for that service, twelve nights in the year. The weapons which they use, are pikes only, and muskets: there being not one piece of Ordinance all about the Town, or on the walls of it. The Governor of this Town, as it hath reference to the King, is a baily, who hath belonging to him all the authority which belongeth to a siege Presidial. Under him he hath a Lieutenant general, and particular; seven Counsellors, a public Notary, and other inferior Officers and Magistrates. As it is a Corporation, the chief Governor of it is a Mayor, and next to him the E●sohevins, or Sheriffs, as protectors of the inhabitants and their liberties: besides those of the Common-council.  
Another circumstance there is, which 〈◊〉 this Town of Amiens, which is, that it is a Visdamate: or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility, who is called the Visdame of Amiens. This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune, Governor of the Citadel, together with the Lordship of Piquigni: both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens, and Lord of Piquigni, anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes, and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother, who also obtained for him of the King, the title of Duke: his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet, by which name he was known here in England, at such time when he was sent extraordinary Ambassador to King James. This honour of Visdame, is for aught I could ever see, used only in France. True it is that in some old English Charters we meet with this title of Vicedominus. As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lincolnshire, dated in the year 948. there is there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vicedominus: but with us, and at those times, this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord, and not as an honorary attribute, in which sense it is now used in France. Besides that, with us it was frequently, though falsely used for Vice comes. Between which two offices of a Viscount and a Visdame, there are found no small resemblances. For as they which did gerere vicem Comitis, were called Vicecomites or Viscount's: so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini, qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus. And as Viscount's from officers of the Earls became honorary: so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop, and became Signieural or honorary also.  
The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops, in matter of secular administration: for which cause, though they have altered their tenure, they take all of them their denomination from the chieftown of some Bishopric. Neither is there any of them, who holdeth not of some Bishopric or other. Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine. Mr. Glover, otherwise alled Somerset Herald, in his Discourse of Nobility, published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury, putteth it down for absolute, that here are four only, viz. of Amiens, of Chartres, of Chalons, and of Gerberey in Beauvais; but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers, there being, besides those divers others, as of Rheimes, Man's, and the like. But the particular and exact number of them, together with the place denominating, I leave to the French Heralds: unto whose profession it principally belongeth.   

CHAP. III.  
The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens. The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name. More honour performed to her then to her Saviour. The surpassing beauty of this Church on the cutside. The front of it. King Henry the sevenths' Chapel at Westminster. The curiousness of this Church within. By what means it became to be so. The sumptuous masking closerts in it. The excellency of perspective works. Indulgences by whom first founded. The estate of the Bishopric.  
THere is yet one thing which addeth more lustre to the City of Amiens, then either the Vidamate or the Citadel, which is the Church of Nostre Dame. A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France. There have we the Nostre Dame in Roven, a second in Paris, a third in this City, a fou 〈…〉 in Boulogne, all Cathedral: so also a Nostre Dame in Abbeville and another in Estampes: the principal Church in those Towns also: had I seen more of their Towns, I had met with more of her Temples: for of so many I have heard of, that if there be more than two Churches in a Town, one shall be sure to be dedicated unto her, and that one of the fairest: of any temples consecrated to the name and memory of our Saviour, ne gry quidem: there was not so much as a word stirring, neither could I marvel at it, considering the honours done to her, and those to her son; betwixt which there is so great a disproportion, that you would have imagined that Mary, and not Jesus had been our Saviour. For one Pater noster the people are enjoined ten Ave mary's, and to recompense one pilgrimage to Christ's Sepulchre at Jerusalem, you shall hear 200 undertaken to our Lady of Loretto: and whereas in their Calendar they have dedicated only four festivals to our Saviour, which are those of his birth, circumcision, resurrection, and ascension, (all which the English Church also observeth) for the Virgin's sake they have more than doubled the number. Thus do they solemnize the feasts of her purification, and annunciation, at the times which we also do: of her visitation of Elizabeth, in July; of her dedication and assumption in August: of her nativity in September: of her presentation, in November: and of her conception in the womb of her mother, in December. To her have they appropriated set forms of Prayers prescribed in the two books called, one Officium, and the other Rosarium beatae Mariae virgins, whereas her son must be contented with those orisons which are in the common Masse-book. Her shrines and images are more glorious and magnificent, than those of her son. And in her Chapel are more vows paid, then before the Crucifix. But I cannot blame the vulgar, when the great masters of their souls are thus also besotted. The Officium before mentioned, published by the command of Pius 2. saith thus of her. Gaude Maria virgo; tu sola omnes haereses interemisti in universe mundo. Catharinus in the Council of Trent, calleth her fidelissimam dei sociam: and he was modest if comp 〈…〉 with others. In one of their Counsels, Christ's na 〈…〉 quite forgotten, and the name of our Lady put in the place of it. For thus it beginneth: Autoritate Dei patris, & beatae virgins, & omnium sanctorum: but most horrible is that of one of their writers (I am loath to say it was Bernard) Becta virgo monstra te esse matrem, jube filium: which Harding in his confutation of the apology, endeavouring to make good; would needs have it to be only an excess of mind, or a spiritual sport and dalliance. But from all such sports and dalliances, no less then from the plague, pestilence and famine, Good Lord deliver us.  
Leaving our Lady, let us go to see her Church, which questionless is one of the most glorious piles of building under the heavens. What Velleius saith of Augustus, that he was homo qui omnibus omnium gentium viris inducturus erat caliginem: or what Suetonius spoke of Titus, when he called him Delitias humani generis; both those attributes and more too, may I most fitly fasten on this most magnificent Structure. The whole body of it is of most curious and polished stone, every where born up by buttresses of that excellent composure, that they seem to add more of beauty to it then of strength. The Choir of it, as in great Churches commonly it is, is of a fairer fabric than the body, thick set with dainty pillars, and most of them reaching to the top of it, in the fashion of an arch. I am not well able to judge, whether this Choir, or the Chapel of King Henry VII. at Westminster, be the more exquisite piece of Architecture; though I am not ignorant that Leland calleth that of our King Miraculum orbis. I persuade myself, that a most discerning eye could find out but little difference between them, and that difference more subtle than sound: for if such perfection may receive the word of more, it might be said, that there were more majesty in this of Amiens, and more of loveliness in that of Westminster; yet so that the one's majesty did exceed in loveliness, and the others loveliness exceed in majesty. 
Tam bene conveniunt, & in una sede morantur  
Majestas & amor.   
But now we are come unto the divinity of the workmanship; the front, which presenteth itself unto us with two Towers, and three gates, that in the midst being the principal. The front of Welles or Peterborough, which we so much fame in England, deserve not to be named in the same myriad of years, with this of Amiens; for here have you almost all the sacred stories engraven so lively, that you would no longer think the story of Pygmalion's image to be a fable; and indeed at the first sight, you would confidently believe that the histories there presented were not carved, but acted. To say no more of it (for all my abilities will but disgrace it in the description) that of Zeuxis may most fitly he inscribed upon it, Invisurum facilius aliquem, quam imitaturum; so infinitely it is above the ambition of imitation.  
The outside of the Church being admirable, you would have thought that art and treasure had left nothing of themselves to bestow within it: yet herein would such thoughts deceive you; for although the beauty of the Nostre dames in Paris and Roven lay most without, yet here it serveth but as a mask to hide and conceal those most admirable graces which are within. As soon as entered you will suppose that the materials of it are all of gold; such a lustre doth it cast upon the eyes of all those that look upon it. The glory of Solomon's Temple, next unto the description of it in the Scriptures, is best read in this Church, of which it seemeth to have been the pattern. Jupiter's house in heaven described by the Poets, was never half so gorgeous as this on the earth; that therefore which Ovid Poetically spoke concerning that imaginary Palace of the false God, we may positively verify of this real mansion of the true God.  

Hic locus est, quem, si verbis audacia detur,  
Haud time am magni dixisse palatia regis.   
To instance in particulars; the partition between the Choir and the body, is so overlaid with gold, that the acutest sight could apprehend no other substance of it; and yet the art of the workman so fully expressed its power on it, that the cost was much inferior to the workmanship; so curiously was it adorned with excellent Imagery, and what else the hand of man could fashion into portraiture: on the top of it was the Statue of our Lady in the just height and proportion of a woman, all either of gold or gilded; her child in her arms, of the same making. She was there expressed as standing in a round circle, unto every point of which she darted out rays and beams of gold; just as the Sun doth seem to do, when the Painter hath drawn him in his full lustre. The glass of the Church generally, and particularly that about the Choir, and the Virgin's Chapel, is the fullest of life and beauty, of any that I ever yet set eye upon. As much as that of St. Denis exceedeth ours at Canterbury, so much doth this St. Denis. But the largest measure of perfection in it is that of the Pillars, which though full of majesty in their height and compass, have yet an ornament added to them, more majestical than the majesty, for upon each of them (there are four ranks of them in all) are fastened four Tables, which take up their whole circle, every Table being in length two yards or thereabout. In every of these, are the pictures of sundry men and women of the better quality, so exactly limmed, that neither a curious eye could desire, nor a cunning hand discharge it better. These Tables are the Monuments and Tombs of the Burghers of the City, or of the noblest of the Country nigh unto it; who in them have caused their pictures to be drawn with as great art and state as cost could procure them, and in a subscription of golden letters, have eternised their names and that act to all succeeding posterity. So that we may justly say of the sumptuousness of this Church, what the Historian doth of the Temple of Delphos, Multa igitur ibi, & opulenta regum populorumque visuntur munera; quaeque magnificentia sui, reddentium vota gratam voluntatem manifestant. Neither have these sepulchral ornaments been of any great standing; the ancientest of them which I could observe having been erected since the year 1570. Add to these the curious works which the ingraver hath cut in the main walls, and then you perhaps will fall into the same ecstasy that I did, and pick a quarrel with nature and the heavens, that they had not made you all into an eye.  
In this Church, as in others also of this party, besides the high Altar in the midst of the Choir, there are divers others in the private Closets, which are destinate to the mumbling of their low Masses. Of these there are in number 24. all of them seated between the two outermost ranks of pillars and the walls; pretty neat places, and it is pity they should be abused to such Idolatries. Of three of them I took especial notice, they being indeed the chiefest of the rest, either for furniture or use.  
The first of them was that of the Virgin, which was divided from the rest of the Church by a sphere made of wood, which reached unto the tops of the partitition. On the outside the Planets, Stars and Constellations were most artificially set down in their proper orbs, with the times of absolving their several courses. On the inside, those spaces were filled up with a pack of Verses in commendation of our Lady. The Altar there, was for matter and making, the most glorious that ever I yet looked upon; that on the other side in the Choir, and over which is the image of our Saviour, being more despicable than were fit for the credit of a Village. Over this Altar was the Virgins Status, all gilt, and of a full and womanly proportion; two Angels of the same materials attending on her. Finally, this Chapel considering the richness and glory of it, may be styled the Epitome of the Church; that attribute of Immensae opulentiae Templum, being no more deservedly appliable to Solomon's Temple, of which Tacitus spoke it, then to this.  
The second of them, stood as I remember 〈◊〉 the further end of the Church behind the Choir, not directed for aught I could perceive to any particular Saint, yet not to be passed over without a due remembrance. It was separated from the rest of the Church by two ranks of br●sse pillars, one rank above the other. The pillars all curiously casted, and such as would not shame the workman. In this Massing Closet over the Altar there was hanged a tablet, which by the many lines and shadows drawn in it, seemed to represent some piece of building. Moving my hand towards mine eye in the nature and kind of a Perspective glass, I perceived it to be the representation of that Church in which I stood to see it; and it was done with that cunning, that it would almost have persuaded a man out of himself, and made him believe, that he had been in the Church yard. So perfectly did it show the majesty of the Front, the beauty of the Isles, the number of the Pillars, and the glory of the Quire. A kind of work, in mine opinion of all others the most excellent, and such as would infinitely delight an optic. Had not such pieces been vulgar to me, it had more affected me; but in the Gallery of Mr. Crane of Cambridge, once belonging to that humorous Physician Mr. Butler; and in that of Sir Noel Charon, late Leaguer for the States, at Lambeth, I had seen divers of them, whereof some perfector.  
The third of these Massing closerts was that of St. Peter, not so gorgeous as the rest unto the eyes of them that saw it, but more useful to the souls of those, who had a mind to take the benefit of it. For therein hung an indulgence granted by Pope Gregory the fifteenth unto that Church; Dated the 27 of July, anno 1622. and of his Popedom the second. The contents of it were an absolute exemption from the pains and place of Purgatory to those, who upon the Feast of Al-soules (Festum commemorationis defunctorum, the brief calleth it) and the Octaves of it; would come to pay their devotions and monies, in that Temple. Had the extent of it been general, it would quickly have emptied the Pope's Treasury; and in time have put an end to Purgatory. His Holiness therefore did wisely restrain it in his Bull, to the natives of that Diocese. The Author and first founder of this granting of Indulgences (if it be lawful to note so much by the way) was Pope Urban the second, who began his Popedom anno 1088. who conferred them upon all such as would go unto the wars for the recovering of Jerusalem; next they began to be conferred on those, who would side with the Pope, in his unlawful wars against the Emperors. And fastly, about the time of Clement the fifth (he began his reign anno 1306) they began to be merchantable; for to him that gainful invention of the Church Treasury, consisting of the merits of our Saviour and the Saints is imputed. But I return again to the Church of Amiens.  
This glorious Church is the seat of a Bishop, who acknowledgeth for his Metropolitan, the Archbishop of Rheims, Primate of all France; the first Bishop of it was one Firminus, a native of Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre, who suffered Martyrdom under the Emperor Diocletian. To him succeeded another Firminus, to whom the first foundation of the Church is attributed. The present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber, his intrade about 6000 crowns a year. Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty, of whose revenue I could not learn any thing; neither could I be so happy as to see the head of St. John Baptist, whis is said to be here entire; though it cannot be denied that a piece of it is in the holy Chapel at Paris, besides those fractions of it which are in other places.   

CHAP. IU.  
Our Journey down the Some, and Company. The Town and Castle of Piquigni, for what famous. Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies. A farewell to the Church of Amiens. The Town and Castle of Pont D' Army. Abbeville how seated; and the Garrison there. No Governor in it but the Mayor or Provost. The Author's imprudent curiosity; and the courtesy of the Provost to him. The French Post-horses how base and tired. My preferment to the Trunke-horse. The horse of Philip de Comines. The Town and strength of Monstreville. The importance of these three Towns to the French border, etc.  
JUly the 30. we took boat to go down to Abbeville, by the river of Some; a river of no great breadth, but deep and full; the boat which carried us was much of the making of those Lighters which live upon the Thames, but that is was made more wi●ldie and fit for speed. There were in it of us in all, to the number of 30 persons or thereabouts: people of all conditions, and such with whom a man of any humour might have found a companion. Under the tilt we espied a bevie of Lasses, mixed with some young Gentlemen. To them we applied ourselves, and they taking a delight to hear our broken French, made much of our company; for in that little time of our abode there we had learned only so much of the French, as a little child after a years practice hath of his mother's tongue; Linguis dimidiata adhuc verba tentantibus; & loquela ipso offensantis linguae fragmine dulciori. The Gentlewomen next those of Orleans, were the handsomest that I had seen in France, very pleasant and affable; one of them being she which put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the cross of her beads. Thus associated, we passed merrily down the stream, though slowly; the delight which our language gave the company, and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us, beguiling the tediousness of the way.  
The first thing we met with observable, was the Town and Castle of Piquigni. The Town poor and beggarly, and so unlikely to have named the Province; as Mercator would have it; besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names. The Castle situate on the top of the hill, is now a place of more pleasure than strength, as having command over an open and goodly Country, which lieth below it. It belongeth as we have said, to the Vid 〈…〉 te of Amiens; and so doth the Town also. This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth, the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it; but in whose reign, and under whose conduct, they could not tell us. Being thus routed, they fled to this Town, into which their enemies followed with them, intending to put them all to the sword: but at last their fury being allayed, they proposed that mercy to them, which those of G 〈…〉 ad did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures: life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni. It seemeth it was not in those days a word possible for an English mouth; for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni, were all of them put to the sword: thus far the Tradition. The Truth of story, by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations, is an interview here given betwixt our Edward IU. and their Lewis XI. upon the concluding of their nine years' truce. A circumstance of no great moment of itself, had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own observations. Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England, being Bishop of Ely, made an oration to both Kings, beginning with a prophecy; which said, that in this place of Piquigni, an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms: on this ground, which himself also is the only man that relateth, he hath built two observations; the one (I have not the original by me) That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophecies; the other, That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophecies. How far those times were guilty of that humour, I cannot say; though sure I am, that we are not the only men that were so affected. Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories (I remember not the particular) hath vindicated that quarrel for us, and fastened the same imputation on the French. So true is that of the Tragedian, Quod quisque fecit patitur, authorem scelus repetit. And now being past Piquigni, I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens.  

The fairest Fabric, and most rich to see  
That ere was guilty of mortality.  
No present Structure like it, nor can fame  
In all its bed-rols boast an equal name.  
Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease  
So to extol their huge Pyramids;  
Let them grow silent of their Pharus, and  
Conceal the other triumph of their Land.  
And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise  
Their Mausolaea with such endless praise.  
This Church alone doth the 〈…〉 much excel,  
As they the lowest Cottages, where do dwell  
The least of men: as they those urns which keep  
The s 〈…〉 st ashes which are laid to sleep.   

Nor be thou vexed thou glorious Queen of night,  
Nor let a cloud of darkness mesk thy light.  
That renewnd Temple which the Greeks did call  
The world's seventh wonder, and the fairest of all:  
That pile so famous, that the world did see  
Two only great and high, thy same and thee:  
Is neither burnt and perished, Ephesus  
Survives the follies of Erostratus.  
Only thy name in Europe to advance,  
It was transported to the Realm of France.  
And here it stands, not robbed of any grace  
Which there it had; nor altered, save in place.  
Cast thy beams on it, and 'twill soon be proved  
Thy Temple was not ruined but removed.  
Nor are thy rites so changed; but thou'lt aver  
This Christian is thy old Idolater.   

But oh good God how long shall thy decree  
Permit this Temple to Idolatry?  
How long shall they profane this Church, and make  
Those sacred walls and pavements to partake  
Of their loud sins: and here that Doctrine teach,  
'Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach?  
Reduce them Lord unto thee; make them see  
How ill this building and their rites agree:  
Or make them know, though they be still the same,  
This house was purposed only to thy name.   
The next place of note that the water conveied us to, was the Town and Castle of Pont●d ' Arm: a place now scarce visible in the ruins, and belonging to one Mr. Quercy. It took name, as they say, from a bridge here built for the transportation of an Army; but this I cannot justify. Three leagues down the river is the Town of Abbeville; a Town conveniently seated on the Some, which runneth through it. It is of greater circuit within the walls, than the City of Amiens, and hath four Parish Churches more than it; but is not so beautiful, nor so populous. For the houses here are of an older stamp, and there is within the Town no scarcity of waste ground. I went round about the walls, and observed the thinness of the houses, & the largeness of the fields, which are of that capacity and extent, that for aught I could apprehend, the Town need never fear to be compelled by famine, if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages. The walls are of earth within and stone without, of an unequal breadth, and in some places ruinous. A Castle it once had, of which there is now scarce any thing remaining. In stead of which, and in places more convenient, they built out three Bastions, very large and capacious; and such well manned need not yield upon a summons. There are also a couple of mounts raised nigh unto the wall, at that place where the Country is most plain, upon which good Ordinance would have good command; but at this time there were none upon it. Without the walls it is diversely strengthened, having in some places a deep ditch without water, in some a shallower ditch but well filled by the benefit of the river, in others only a moorish and fennie level, more dangerous to the enemy, and secure to the Town, then either of the rest, and therefore never guarded by the Soldiers of the Garrison. But the chief strength of it, is five Companies of Swiss, 100 in a company, proper tall fellows in appearance, and such as one would imagine fit for the service. It was my chance to see them begin their watch; to which employment they advanced with so good order, and such a show of stomach, as if they had not gone to guard a Town, but possess one. Their watch was at Porte de Boys, and Porte St. Valery; the first lying near un- Hesain a frontier Town of Artoys; the other five leagues only from the Sea and Haven of St. Valery. From those places most danger was feared, and therefore there kept most of their Soldiers, and all their Ordinance. Their Captain is named Mr. Aillè a Grison by birth, and reported for a good Soldier. Besides him they have no Military Commander; the Mayor of the Town, contrary to the nature of Towns of war, being there in highest authority. A privilege granted unto the Majors hereof, not long since, as a reward due to one of their integrities, who understanding that the Governor of the Town held intelligence with the Archduke; apprehended him and sent him to the Court, where he received his punishment. This Abbeville (and so I leave it, and in it my bevie of French lasses) is so called quasi Abbatis Villa, as formerly belonging to the Abbot of it.  
And yet before I leave this Town, I must needs take notice of an Adventure, which might have proved prejudicial to me, if my good fortune had not overcome all contrary accidents. My companions had no sooner landed out of the boat which brought us from Amiens, but presently they betook themselves to the Posthouse without the Town, that they might be ready for Bologne the next morning. But I who did not think that I was to make such a gollopping journey thorough France, as the foolish traveller affirmed he had made thorough Venice, resolved to satisfy myself in all those particulars which I found capable of note and observation. Which having done, and thinking I had still day enough for my curiosities, I betook myself to the Corpse du guard, where being soon known to be a Gentleman of England, I easily obtained leave to walk round about the works of the Town, and to observe the situation, strength, and defences of it. But so it happened that before I came to the gate which led towards the Posthouse, I found in newly locked up by the Captain of the watch son that night, and thought I might have found passage at the next gate, had I hastened towards it; yet I was so taken up with the orderly march of the Guards, being all proper follows and well appointed, that before I came to that gate, it was locked up also: which being the two only gates on that side of the River, deprived me of all ordinary mean to come that night to my Companions, who were resolved to be on horse back the next morning by the break of day. I had now liberty enough to traverse and consult the streets, within which I seemed to be imprisoned, but could meet none that could inform me how to free myself out of that restraint; at last I met with and old Burger of a comely presence, who I thought promised better satisfaction than the rest had given me; who being acquainted with my desire of uniting myself with my companions, and the difficulty which my curiosity had brought upon me, directed me to the house of the Provost, who, as he told me, had the keeping of a Water gate under one of the Arches of the wall by which the River passed thorough the Town, by which I might find a way out of it, if I could woo him to make use of his privilege in that point, which he thought hard, if not impossible to be effected. Well, to the Provosts house I went, whom I sound at home, acquainted him that I came with Letters from the Court of England, that I was returning thither with my dispatches, that my companions being less curious than myself, had presently betook themselves to their lodgings without the Town, that it would be a great reproach to me, if I should not be in England as soon as they, and therefore humbly did beseech him (in a● good French as I could) that he would be my means no set me on the other side of the River without the Town, which I understood to be in his power. To this request he yielded with a great de●l of cheerfulness, assuring me that he thought himself exceeding happy in having opportunity of doing any acceptable service to an English Gentleman: which said, he presently dispatched a servant for his Bailiff delleaw, or Water Bailiff (being a sworn officer of the Town) to attend upon him, and in the mean time entertained himself with such discourses as I was able to make him of the Queen's reception. News being brought that the Water Bailiff was coming forwards, he conducted me into a low Parlour very handsomely furnished, where I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me, consisting of cold bake-meats, choice Marmelets, and most excellent Wines, and (which I looked upon as the greater favour) his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment. We had scarce ended this refreshment, when the Bailiff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate; whereupon having had the honour to kiss the hands of the women, I made account to take my leave of the Provost also, who on the other side was resolved to accompany me to the water side, and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorough the gate (whether out of civility to me, or compliance with the trust reposed in him, I determine not) which was done accordingly; one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inn where I was to lodge.  
July the last, we took Post-horse for Bologne; if at the least we may call those Post-horses, which we rid on. As lean they were, as Envy is in the Poet; Macies in corpore toto, being most true of them. Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbered, but the very spur-gals had made such casements through their skins, that it had been no great difficulty to have surveyed their entrails. A strange kind of cattle in my mine opinion, and such as had neither flesh on their bones, nor skin on their flesh, nor hair on their skin; sure I am they were not so ●lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid; neither could we say of them Flammiferis implent hinnitibus auras. All the ●eighing we could hear from the proudest of them, was only an old dry cough, which I'll assure you did much comfort me, for by that noise I first learned there was life in them. Upon such Anatomies of horses, or to speak more properly, upon such several heaps of bones, when I and my Companion mounted; and when we expected, however they seemed outwardly, to see somewhat of the Post in them, my beast began to move after an Alderman's pace, or like Envy in Ovid, 
Surgit humi pigre, passuque incedit inerti.  Out of this gravity no persuasion could work them; the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur, and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disafforested the Country. Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy conveyance; and those that had the happiness of a Wagon were esteemed too blessed, yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches. If good nature, or a sight of their journeys end, did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop, we were sure to have them tyre in the middle way, and so the remainder of the Stage was to be measured by our own feet. Being weary of this trade, I made bold to dismount the Postilion, and ascended the trunk-horse, where I sat in such a magnificent posture, that the best Carrier in Paris might envy my felicity. Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle; before me a bundle of cloaks, a cloak-bag, and a parcel of boots; sure I was if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides, that I could not likely fall backwards nor forwards. Thus preferred, I encouraged my companions, who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity. And certainly there was not any of them, who might not more justly have said of me, Tuas un meilleur temps que le Pape, then poor Lazarello's master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four days. This circumstance I confess might have well been omitted, had I not great example for it. Philip de Comines in the mi●dest of his grave and serious relation of the Battle of Mont? Hierrie, hath a note much about this nature, which gave me encouragement, which is, That himself had an old horse half tired (and this was just my case) who by chance thrust h●s head into a pale of wine and drank it off, which made him lustier and fresher that day, than ever before: but in that, his horse had better luck than I had.  
On the right hand of us, and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne, we left the Town of Monstrueil, which we had not leisure to see. It seemeth daintily seated for command and resistance, as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill. It is well strengthened with Bastions and Ramparts on the outside, & hath within it a Garrison of five Companies of Soldiers; their Governor (as I learned of one of the Paisants) being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneth the King of France to look well to the Town of Monstrueil, as being a border Town, within two miles of Artoys; and especially considering that the taking of it, would cut off all intercourse between the Countries of Bologne and Calais, with the rest of France. Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens; and that the French Kings are not ignorant of. Insomuch that those two only, together with that of St. Quintain, being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy, to draw him from the party of the English; were redeemed again by Lewis XI. for 450000 crowns, an infinite sum of money, according to the standard of those times; and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it. For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns, Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis, by which at the last, he lost his life, and hazarded his estate.   

CHAP. V.  
The County of Boulonnois, and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchised. The present of Salt-butter. Boulogne divided inte two Towns. Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague. The form of it. Procession and the Litany by whom brought into the Church. The high Town Garrisoned. The old man of Boulogne; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him. The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens. The fraternity De la Charite, and inconvenience of it. The costly Journey of Henry VIII. to Boulogne. Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned. The discourtesy of Charles V. towards our Edward VI The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England. Boulogne yielded back to the French; and on what conditions. The courtesy and cunning of my Host of Bovillow.  
WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois, which though a part of Picardy, disdaineth yet to be so accounted, but will be reckoned as a County of itself. It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne, Estaples, and N●uf-Chastell, besides divers Villages; and consisteth much of Hills and Valleys, much after the nature of England; the soil being indifferent fruitful of Corn, and yielding more Grass than any other part of France (which we saw) for the quantity. Neither is it only a County of itself, but it is in a manner also a free County, it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary, who is, no question, a very gracious Landlady. For when King Lewis XI. after the decease of Charles of Burgundy, had taken in Boulogne, anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town (thus John de Serres relateth it) he did homage without Sword or Spurs, bareheaded and on his knee, before the Virgin Mary, offering unto her Image an heart of massy gold, weighing 2000 crowns. He added also this, that he and his successors Kings after him, should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin, and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name, paying at every change of a Vassal an heart of pure gold of the same weight. Since that time, the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady, have enjoyed a perpetual exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes, under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted. Amongst others they have been always freed from the gabelle of Salt; by reason whereof, and by the goodness of their Pastures, they have there the best butter in all the Kingdom. I said partly by reason of their salt, because having it at a low rate, they do liberally season all their Butter with it; whereas they which buy their Salt at the King's price, cannot afford it any of that dear commodity: upon this ground it is the custom of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris, a barrel of Butter seasoned according to their fashion; a present no less ordinary and acceptable, than Turkeys, Capons, and the like, are from our Country Gentlemen to those of London.  
As for the Town of Boulogne, it is divided into two parts, La haute Ville, and La basse Ville, or the high Town, and the low Town, distant one from the other above an hundred paces, and upwards. The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill; the low Town upon the declivity of it, and towards the Haven. Or else we may divide it into other parts, viz. the Town, and the City; the Town that towards the water, and the City that which lieth above it. It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne was totally ruined by the Imperials, and the Bishop's seat was removed hither; the Church of Nostre Dame being made the Cathedral. There came along hither, upon the remove of the Bishop, 20 Canons, which number is here still retained, their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly. As for the present Bishop, his name is Pierre d' Armè, his intrado 2000 Livres, his Metropolitan he of Rheims. The Town, or as they call it, the low Town, is bigger than the City, and better built, the streets larger, and the people richer, most of the Merchants living in it, because it lieth upon the Haven.  
But that which made this low Town most pleasing to me, was a solemn procession that passed through the streets of it, intending to pacify God's anger, and divert the plague, which at that time was in the City. In the first front there was carried the Cross, and after that the holy or sanctified Banner; next unto it followed all the Priests of the Town bareheaded, and in their Surplices, singing as they went the Services destinate to that occasion. After them followed the men, and next to them the women of the Town, by two and two, it being so ordered by the Roman Ritual, U● laici a clericis, foeminae a viris prosequantur se paratae. On the other side of the street went the Brethren De la Charitè, every one of them holding in his hand a little triangular Banner, or a Pennon; after them the boys and wenches. In this method did they measure solemnly every lane and angle of the Town; the Priests singing, and ill the people answering them in the same note. At the Church they began it with prayers, and having visited all the Town, they returned again thither to end it with the same devotion. An action very grave and solemn, and such as I could well allow of, were it not only for one prayer which is always said at the time of this performance, and the addition of the Banners. The Prayer is this: Exaudi nos Deus salutaris noster, & intercedente beata & gloriosa Viigine, & beato Sebastiano Martyre tuo (this Sebastian is their Aesculapius or tutelary Saint against the Sickness) & omnibus Sanctis; populum tuum ab iracundiae tuae terroribus libera, & misericordiae tuae fac largitate securum, Amen. This only excepted, there is nothing in all the liturgy of it, which can be offensive to any conscience, not idly scrupulous.— These Processions were first instituted by Pope Stephanus II. who began his Popedom anno 752. the intent of them, as Platina reporteth it, Ad placandam Dei iram. The first place that ever they went to in procession, was the Church of our Lady in the Shambles; or Ad sanctam Dei genitricem ad praesepe, as the Historiian calleth them. As for the Litany, which is a principal part of it, it was first compiled by Mamercus Bishop of Vienna in Dauphin, in the time of Pope Leo the first, which was 308 years before the time of Stephanus. The motive of it, was the often danger to which France was subject, by reason of the frequency of Earthquakes. Since those beginnings, which were fair and commendable, the Romish Church hath added much to them of magnificence, and somewhat of impiety, and prosanenesse. As for the Brethren De la Charitè, I could not learn any thing of their original, but much of their Office; for they are bound to visit all such as are infected with the Plague, to minister unto them all things necessary, and if they die, to shroud them and carry them to their graves. These duties they perform very willingly, as being possessed with this fancy, that they are privileged from contagion, by virtue of their Order. And to say the truth, they are most of them old, and so less subject to it; and indeed such sapless, thin, unbodied fellows, that one would think almost no disease could catch them. Yet hath their prerogative not always held to them; of 33 of them in Calais, three only surviving the disease, about four years since. But were the danger to which themselves are liable, all the inconveniency of it, I should not much disallow it. There is a greater mischief waiteth upon it, and that is, the infecting of others; they immediately after their return from the Pest house, mixing themselves with any of their neighbours. A most speedy means to spread the Pestilence, where it is once begun; though neither they nor the people will be persuaded to it.  
The City or the high Town, standeth, as we have said, on the top of the hill, environed with deep ditches, a strong wall, and closed with a treble gate and two draw-bridges. A little small Town it is, not much above a flights shot thwart, where it is widest; and hath in it but one Church besides that of Nostre Dame, which is Cathedral. The streets not many, and those narrow, unless it be in the Marketplace, where the Corpus du Guard is kept. What the outworks are, or whether it have any or no, I cannot say. Even in this time of League and Peace, their jealousy will not permit an English man to walk their walls, either within or without the Town. A Castle they said that it hath; but such a one as serveth more for a dwelling then a Fort. The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Companies, 60 in a Company, which amount in all to 300: their Governor being Mr. D' Aumont, son to the Marshal D' Aumont; who so faithfully adhered to Henry IV. in the beginning of his troubles. The cause why this Town being so small, is so strongly Garrisoned; is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it, and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Country. The first of the services it can hardly perform, without much injury to the low Town, which standeth between them: but for the ready discharge of the last, it is daintily seated, for though to spare the low Town, they should permit an enemy to land; yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Country, their Ordinance will tear him into pieces.  
But for the immediate security of the Haven, their Ancestors did use to fortify the old Tower, standing on the top of the hill, called La tour d'ordre. It is said to have been built by Julius Caesar, at the time of his second expedition into Britain; this Haven being then named Portus Gessoriacus. This Tower which we now see, seemeth to be but the remainder of a greater work; and by the height and situation of it, one would guess it to have been the Keep or Watchtower unto the rest. It is built of rude and vulgar stone, but strongly cemented together, the figure of it is six square, every square of it being nine paces in length. A compass too little for a Fortress, and therefore it is long since it was put to that use; it now serving only as a Sea-mark by day, and a Pharos by night; Ubi aecensae noctu faces navigantium cursum dirigunt. The English man calleth it, The old man of Boulogne, and not improperly, for it hath all the signs of age upon it. The Sea by undermining it, hath taken from it all the earth about two squares of the bottom of it; the stones begin to drop out from the top, and upon the least rising of the wind, you would think it were troubled with the Palsy. In a word, two hard Winters, seconded with a violent tempest, maketh it rubbish; what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruin of a Tower, the wisdom of this age hath made good in the Garrison. And here me thinks I might justly accuse the impolitic thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and safety of our Haven Towns: not one of them, Portesm uth only excepted, being Garrisoned. True it is, that Henry VIII. did erect Blockhouses in many of them; but what babbles they are, and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed, is known to every one. I know, indeed, we were sufficiently garrisoned by our Navy, could it either keep a watch on all particular places, or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius' mind in the story, Qui gloriosius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere; neither will I take upon me, to give counsel; only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours, in the greatness of our care; since we are equal to the best of them in the goodness of our Country.  
But though the old man was too old to perform this service, or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven, yet I conceived myself obliged to give him a visit; partly out of the reverend esteem which I had of Antiquity, but principally that I might from thence take a full view of my dearest England, from which for want of wind and Company, I was then restrained. With these desires I made a boy of the Inn acquainted, who told me that there was no way but by the Pest-houses from the Town to the Tower, and that if we were noted to walk that way, we should both be presently shut up as infected persons, or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity, the worst condition of the two. But finding the impatiency of my desires not so easily satisfied, and the temptation of a Quart d' escue, not to be resisted; he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks, as he and other boys of the Town used to do sometimes, he would undertake to bring me thither. This offer I readily accepted, and as soon as the tide was low enough for us, we began our walk upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelled, and presently we began to mount, as if we meant to take the Fortress by Scalado. I found the way more troublesome and dangerous than I had conceived, and myself before I came half way towards the top, which seemed still to be farther of than it was at the first, so vexed and bruised, that I began to be amazed at my own foolhardiness, and was many times in a mind to descend again; and questionless I had done accordingly, if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in, and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town, had not pushed me on. Having breathed ourselves a while, we advanced again. The old cripple who is fabled to have stolen Paul's weathercock, used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty steeple, than we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks; which when we had attained at last, me thought I was much of the same humour with old Tom of Odcombe on the top of the Alps, of whom the Poet hath informed us:  

That to the top at last being got,  
With very much ado god wot;  
He eagerly desired,  
That mighty Jove would take the pains  
To dash out their unworthy brains,  
Who offered to be tired.   
No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffs, but the first sight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not far distant, and some old women drying the insected clothes on a bank adjoining; the sight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more haste than speed. But having overcome the danger of that apprehension, I first saluted the old man, taking full notice of his great stature, old age, and many infirmities. That done, I turned my face toward England, which afforded me a most pleasing object; the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length, that one might easily discern from Dover Castle Eastward, to the West of Sussex: an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations, that I was almost of his mind who said Bonum est nobis esse hic; and certainly I had dwelled there longer, if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain (as indeed it was) and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks, we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatest part of the night till the ebb ensuing. On this advertisement; there was no need to bid me hasten: but then a new humour seized upon me, when I beheld those dreadful precipices, which I was to descend, together with the infinite distance of the Beach from the top of the Rocks; the danger of being shut up by the sea, if we made not haste, and of tumbling into it if we did. But as curiosity had carried me up, so necessity brought me down again, with greater safety, I confess, than I had deserved. This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great, whereof Curtius telleth us that they were, magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam.  
This Town of Boulogne, and the Country about it, was taken by Henry VIII. of England, anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege; a very costly and chargeable victory. The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot, and 3000 Horse; Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making: and for the conveyance of their Ordinance, Baggage and other provision, there were transported into the Continent, above 25000 horses. True it is, that his designs had a further aim, had not Charles the Emperor, with whm he was to join, left the field and made peace without him. So that, judging only by the success of the expedition, we cannot but say, that the winning of Boulonnois was a dear purchase. And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amiss of him; namely, That in his vain and fruitless expeditions abroad, he consumed more treasure, than all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their several Conquests. The other part of his censure concerning that Prince, I know not well what to think of, as merely composed of gall and bitterness. Only I cannot but much marvel, that a man of his wisdom, being raised from almost nothing by the daughter, could be so severely invective against the Father; certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemn him of want of true affection and duty to his Queen: seeing that it is as his late Majesty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A thing monstrous to see a man love the child, and bate the Parents; and therefore he earnestly enjoineth his son Henry, To repress the insolence of such as under pretence to tax a vice in the person seek craftily to slain the race.  
Presently after this taking of Boulogne, the French again endeavoured their gaining of it, even during the life of the Conqueror; but he was strong enough to keep his gettings. After his death, the English being engaged in a war against the Scots, and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolk, they began to hope a Conquest of it, and that more violently than ever. Upon news of their preparations, an Ambassador was dispatched to Charles the fifth, to desire succour of him, and to lay before him the infancy and several necessities of the young King, who was then about the age of ten years. This desire when the Emperor had refused to hearken to, they besought him, that he would at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping, the Town of Boulogne; and that for no longer time, then until King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home. An easy request. Yet did he not only deny to satisfy the King in this, except he would restore the Catholic religion; but he also expressly commanded that neither his men or munition, should go to the assistance of the English. An ingratitude, for which I cannot find a fitting epithet; considering what fast friends the Kings of England had always been to the united houses of Burgundy and Austria; what moneys they have helped them with, and what sundry Wars they have made for them, both in Belgium to maintain their Authority, and in France to augment their potency.  
From the marriage of Maximilian of the family of Austria, with the Lady Mary of Burgundy, which happened in the year 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth, which fell in the year 1548. are just 70 years. In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience, that it cost the Kings of England, at the least six millions of pounds, in the mere quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses. An expense, which might seem to have earned a greater requital, then that now demanded. Upon this denial of the unmindful Emperor, a Treaty followed betwixt England and France. The effect of it was, that Boulogne, and all the Country of it should be restored to the French, they paying unto the English, at two days of payment 800000 Crowns. Other Articles there were, but this the principal. And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning, was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end, Dum clementiam, quam praestiterat, expectat, inca●tus ab ingratis occupatus est.  
I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne, but must first reckon with mine Host, to whom we were grown into arrears since our first coming thither. Our stock was grown so low, when we came from Paris, that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us, it would not have brought us to this Town, so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some moneys to make even with him. After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning, and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England (which alone stood us in three pound) our engagements grew greater than he had any just reason to adventure on us. But being an ingenuous man, and seeing that we fared well, spent freely, and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table, he was the less diffident of payment, as he told me afterwards. Having stayed three days for Company, and none appearing, we were fain to hire a boat express for my companion and myself to pass over in. In order whereunto, I told him of our present condition, assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary (as indeed we had) that having summed up what we owed him, and what he had contracted for our passage over, he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it, and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him. To which he answered, that we had carried ourselves like Gentlemen, which gave him no distrust of a real payment; that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover; and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultry, who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon, the next morning we took boat for England, the Mariners knowing nothing else, but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultry (that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town) though we knew well enough he went on another errand; and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesy and his care taken of our credit, so we had reason to esteem ourselves in a kind of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper. Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindness to us. For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands, but bestowed a reward upon his servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives (commodities much prized in France) to his Wife and Daughters; that he might see we knew as well how to require as receive a courtesy. Which said, I must step back into France again that having taken a brief view already of the Principal Provinces; I may render some account of the Government also in reference to the Courts, the Church and the Civil State.   
The End of the Fourth Book.   

A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE.  
FRANCE GENERAL: OR, THE FIFTH BOOK.  
Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally, in reference to the Court, the Church and the Civil Sat.  

CHAP. I.  
A transition to the Government of France in general. The person, age and marriage of King Lewis XIII. Conjectural reasons of his being issueless. jaqueline Countess of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy. The King's Sisters all married; and his alliances by them. His natural Brethren, and their preferments. His lawful brother. The title of Monseiur in France. Monseiur as yet unmarried; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter. That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons. The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown, in case the line of Navarre fail. How the Lords stand affected in the cause. Whether a child may be born in the 11 month. King Henry IU. a great lover of fair Ladies. Monseiur Barradas the King's favourite, his birth and offices. The omniregency of the Queen Mother; and the Cardinal of Richileiu. The Queen mother a wise and prudent woman.  
HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces, which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France; and having seen in them the temper, humours and conditions of the people of it: We will next take a general view of the Governors and Government thereof, with reference to the Court, the Church and the Civil State.  
First for the Court, we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King, without whose influence and presence, the Court is but a dead ●arkasse, void of life and Majesty. For person he is of the middle stature, and rather well proportioned then large, his face knoweth little yet of a beard, but that which is black and swarthy, his complexion also much of the same hue, carrying in it a certain boisterousness, and that in a farther measure than what a graceful majesty can admit of, so that one can hardly say of him, without a spite of Courtship, which Paterculus did of Tiberius, Quod visus praetulerit principem, that his countenance proclaimed him a King. But questionless his greatest defect is want of utterance, which is very unpleasing, by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering; which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him. At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September, which was his birth day; an age which he beareth not very plaufible; want of beard, and the swarthiness of his complexion, making him seem older. At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain, by whom as yec he hath no children. It is thought by many, and covertly spoken by divers in France, that the principal cause of the Queen's barrenness proceedeth from Spain; that people being loath to fall under the French obedience, which may very well happen, she being the eldest Sister of the King. For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage, there is a clause, that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her (to the King) shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain. And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation, under her own hand-writing, as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old, which was accordingly performed. But this being not sufficient to secure their fears, it is thought, that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the King's embraces. A great crime, I confess, if true; yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius, Novum Crimen Caje Caear, & ante hoc tempus inauditum. jaqueline Countess of Holland, was Cousin to Philip Duke of Burgundy, her fruitfulness would have debarred him from those Estates of Holland, Z●aland and West Friezland; therefore though she had three husbands, there was order taken she should never have child: with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live; and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants, the Duke's Physicians gave him such a potion, that she might have as well married an Eunuch; upon this injury, the poor Lady died, and the Duke succeeded in those Countries: which by his Grandchild Mary, were conveyed over into the house of Austria, together with the rest of his estates. I dare not say that that Family hath inherited his practices with his Lands; and yet I have heard, that the Infanta Isabel had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch Duke Albertus. A Diabolical trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospel, and before; of whom Octavius complaineth, Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant, & paricidium faciunt, antequam pariunt,— Better luck than the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains, I mean his eldest Sister Madam Elizabeth, married to the King of Spain now living, as being (or having been) the mother of two children. His second Sister Madam Christian, is married unto Amadeo Victor principe major, or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy; to whom as yet she hath born no issue. The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly married to his most Excellent Majesty of England, to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitful womb, Et pulcr● faciat te prole parentem. Of these Alliances, the first were very profitable to both Princes, could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms, as well as the Kings. But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains, than their Dominions. The French extremely hating the proud humour and ambition of the Spaniard, and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightness of the French; we may therefore account each of them, in these intermarriages, to have rather intended the perpetuity of their particular houses, than the strength of their Empires; and that they more desired a noble stock wherein to graft posterity, than power. The Alliance with Savoy is more advantageous, though less powerful, then that of Spain: for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party, he need not fear the greatness of the other, or of any of his faction. The continual siding of this house with that of Austria, having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French. It standeth so fitly to countenance the affairs of either King in Italy or Germany, to which it shall incline, that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Milan and Venice, of which Guicciardine saith, that Mantennero le cose d' Italia bilanciate. On this reason Henry IU. earnestly desired to match one of his children into this Country, and left this desire as a Legacy with his Council. But the Alliance of most use to the State of France, is that of England, as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours; an alliance which will make his estate invincible, and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brass.  
As for the King's bastard Brethren, they are four in number, and born of three several beds. The elder is Alexander, made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta, in the life time of his Father. He is now Grand Prior of France, and it is much laboured and hoped by the French, that he shall be the next Master of the Order; a place of great credit and command. The second and most loved of his father, whose lively image and character he is said to be, is Mr. Cesar made Duke of Vendosme by his father, and at this time Governor of Britain, a man of a brave spirit, and one who swayeth much in the affairs of state; his father took a great care for his advancement before his death, and therefore married him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mercuer, a man of great possessions in Britain. It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady, both by her Father's side, and also by the Mothers, who was of the family of Martiques, being a stock of the old ducal tree, is no less than 200000 crowns yearly: both these were borne unto the King by Madam Gabriele, for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle. Duchess of Beauforte; a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gasp, and one who never abused her power with him. So that one may truly say of her, what Velleius flatteringly spoke of Liviae the wife of Augustus, Ejus potentiam nemo sensit, nisi aut levatione periculi, aut accessione dignitatis. The third of the King's natural brethren, is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine, and Abbot of St. Germane in Paris; as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germane, and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden, which make a large revenue. His Bishopric yieldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards, which is the remainder of 6000, the rest being pa●ned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof, who was of that Family. The mother of this Mr. Henry, is the marchioness of Verneville, who before the death of the King, fell out of his favour into the Prison, and was not restored to her liberty, till the beginning of this Queen mother's Regency. The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antony, born unto the King by the Countess of Marret, who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane, and hath as yet not fully out 6000 l. a year, when his mother dyeth he will be richer.  
The King's lawful Brother is named John Baptist Gaston, born the 25 of April, anno 1608; a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect; likely to inherit as large a part of his Father's spirit, as the King doth of his Crown. He is entitled Duke of Anjou, as being the third Son of France; but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood, he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur. This title is different from that of Dauphin, in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent, being the King's eldest Son living, this limited to the Heir Apparent being the King's eldest Brother surviving; if there be neither Son nor Brother, than the next Heir Apparent is styled only Le premier Prince du sang, the first Prince of the blood. This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire, and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted. Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also, but with some addition of place or honour. The King's eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans q●●ne, as the French use to say; that is, simply Monseiur. This young Prince is as yet unmarried, but destinate to the bed of the young Duchess of Montpensier, whose Father died in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived, he had espoused her long ere this; but it is generally believed, that this Prince is not so affected; he seeth his elder Brother as yet childless, himself the next heir to the Crown, and it is likely he will look on a while, and expect the issue of his fortune,— Some that speak of the affairs of the Court, holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons, a Prince of the blood, and a Gentleman of a fine temper; the Lady herself is said not to be averse from the match; neither will the King not be inclinable unto him, as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction, for not performing a Court promise, made unto him, as some say, about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England. As for the Count it cannot but be advantageous to him divers ways, partly to join together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons, both issuing from the house of Bourbon; partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate; and partly by gaining all the friends and allies of that Lady's kindred to his, the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde; the difference between them standeth thus, Lewis the first Prince of Conde, had by two wives, amongst other children two Sons, by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde; by the second Charles Count of Soissons. Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke of Nevers, by whom he had no children. To his second wife he took the Lady Katherine of Tremoville, sister to the Duke of Thovars, anno 1586. Two years after his marriage, he died of an old grief took from a poisoned cup, which was given him, anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battle of Contras, anno 1587. In the 11 month after his decease, his young Princess was brought to bed with a young Son, which is the now Prince of Conde. Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Prince's Legitimation; whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Blood, to belong to the Prince of Conde. And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title, 24 Physicians of good faith and skill, made an open protestation upon oath in the Court, that it was not only possible, but common for women to be delivered in the 11 month. On this it was awarded to the Prince.— This Decree of Parliament notwithstanding, if ever the King and his Brother should die issueless, it is said, that the young Count of Soissons (his father died anno 1614) will not so give over his title. He is Steward of the King's house, as his Father also was before, a place of good credit, and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly. In case it should come to a trial, quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which God prohibit, he is like to make a great party, both within the Realm, and without it. Without it, by means of the house of Savoy, having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomaz● the second son of that Dukedom now living, a brave man of arms, and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree; next heir of his father after the death of Don i Amadeo yet childless. Within the Realm, the Lords have already declared themselves, which happened on this occasion. In the year 1620, the month of March, the King being to wash, the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towel, challenging that honour as first Prince of the blood; and on the other side, the Count of Soissons seized on it, as appertaining to his office of See ward, and Prince of the blood also. The King to decide the controversy for the present, commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother; yet did not this satisfy, for on the morning, the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause. To the Count came in general all the opposites of the Prince of Conde, and of the Duke of Luynes, and Gu●●●; in particular the Duke of Maien, the Duke of Vendosme, the Dukes of Longueville, Espernon, Nemours, the Grand Prior, the Dukes of Thovars, Retz, and Rohan, the Viscount of Aubeterre, etc. who all withdrew themselves from the Court, made themselves masters of the best places in their governments, and were united presently to an open saction, of which the Queen Mother declared herself head. As for the Commons, without whom the Nobility may quarrel, but never fight; they are more zealous in behalf of the Count, as being brought up always a Papist and born of a Catholic kindred, whereas the Prince, though at this instant a Catholic, yet non fuit sic ab initio; he was born, they say, and brought up an Huguenot, and perhaps the alteration is but dissembled.  
Concerning the Prince of Conde, he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side, and a verdict of Physicians, both weak helps to a Sovereignty, unless well backed by the sword. And for the verdict of the Physicians, thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty; Laurentius a professor of Montpellier in Languedoc, in his excellent Treatise of Anatomy, maketh three terms of a woman's delivery: primus, intermedius and ultimus. The first is the seventh month after conception, in each of which the child is vital, and may live if it be borne. To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chair Hypocrates, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh month, if it be well looked to, may live. We read also how in Spain, the women are oftentimes lightened in the end of the seventh month, and commonly in the end of the eight. And further, that Sempronius and Corbulo, both Roman Consuls, were born in the seventh month, Pliny in his Natural History reporteth it as a truth; though perchance the women which told him, either misreckoned their time, or else dissembled it to conceal their honesties. The middle time (terminus intermedius) is in the ninth and tenth months, at which time children do seldom miscarry. In the former two months, they had gathered life; in these latter, they only consummate strength, so said the Physicians generally. Non enim in duobus sequentibus mensibus (they speak it of the intermedii) additur aliquod ad perfectionum partium, sed perfectionem roboris. The last time (terminus ultimus) in the common account of this profession, is the eleaventh month, which some of them hold neither unlikely, nor rare. Massurius recordeth Papirius a Roman Praetor, to have recovered his inheritance in open Court, though his Mother confessed him to be borne in the thirteeenth month. And Avicen a Moor of Corduba relateth (as he is cited in Laurentius) that he had seen a a child born after the fourteenth. But these are but the impostures of women: and yet, indeed, the modern Doctors are more charitable, and refer it to supernatural causes, Et extraordinariam artis considerationem. On the other side, Hypocrates giveth it out definitively, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that in ten months at the furthest (understand ten months complete) the child is borne. And Ulpian, the great Civilian of his times, in the title of the Digests de Testamentis, is of opinion, that a child born after the tenth month (complete) is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father. As for the Common Law of England, as I remember (I have read it in a book written of Wills and Testaments) it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature, and the severity of the Law; leaving it merely to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge.  
But all this must be conceived (as it was afterwards alleged by the party of the Earl of Soissons, taking it in the most favourable construction) of the time after the conception of the mother, and by no means after the death of the Father: and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde. His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death, for the particular, and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the general. They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion, have cunningly, but malicionsly, caused it to be whisppered abroad, that he was one of the by-blows of King Henry IU. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable, they have cast out these conjectures for it; but being but conjectures only, and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project, they were not thought to be convincing, or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartial men. They therefore argued it,  
First, From the King's care of his education, assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Febure, whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis.  
Secondly, From his care to work the Prince, then young, Mollis et ap●us agi, to become a Catholic.  
Thirdly, The infirmity of Henry of Conde, and the privacy of this King with his Lady, being then King of Naugle, in the prime of his strength, and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valois his first wife; add to this that King's love to fair Ladies in the general, and then conclude this probability to be no miracle. For besides the Duchess of Beauforte, the marchioness of Verneville, and the Countess of Morrel already mentioned; he is believed to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis. And certain it is, that the very year before his death, when he was even in the winter of his days, he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife, a very beautiful Lady, and daughter to the Constable, Duke of Montmorencie; that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to fly, together with his Princess, into the Archduke's Country; whence he returned not, till long after the death of King Henry. If Mary de Medici's in her husband's life time, had found herself aggrieved it, I cannot blame her, she only made good that of Quin●ilian, Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata, aut imitari se putat aut vindicore. And yet perhaps a consciousness of some injuries, not only moved her to back the Count of Soissons and his faction against the Prince and his; but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter— From the Princes of the blood, descend we to the Princes of the Court; and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas, the King's present favourite; a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hue, little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for any oppression or misgovernment. Honours, the King hath conferred none upon him, but only pensions and offices; he is the Governor of the King's children of honour, (Pages we call them in England) a place of more trouble than wealth or credit. He is also the Master of the horse, or Le grand Escuire, the esteem of which place recompenseth the emptiness of the other; for by virtue of this office, he carrieth the King's sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Paris. The cloth of estate carried over the King by the Provost and Eschevins, is his ●ee. No man can be the King's spurmaker, his Smith, or have any place in the King's Stables, but from him, and the like. This place (to note so much by the way) was taken out of the Constable's office, (Comes stabuli is the true name) to whom it properly belonged, in the time of Charles VII. Besides this, he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly; and had an office given him, which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money. A good fortune for one, who the other day was but the King's Page.  
And to say truth, he is as yet but a little better, being only removed from his servant to be his playfellow. With the affairs of State he intermeddleth not, if he should, he might expect the Queen mother should say to him, what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid: 
— Tibi quid cum fortibus armis  
Mipuer? ista decent humeros gestamina nostros.  For indeed first during her Son's minority, and after since her reintegration with him, she hath made herself so absolute a mistress of his mind, that he hath entrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affairs. For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business, she hath peeced herself to the strongest side of the State, the Church; having principally (since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre, I mean) assumed to her counsels the Cardinal of Richileiu, a man of no great birth, were Nobility the greatest parentage; but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest. Of a sound reach he is, and a close brain; one exceedingly well mixed of a lay understanding, and a Church habit; one that is completely skilled in the art of men, and a perfect master of his own mind and affections; him the Queen useth as her Counsellor, to keep out frailty; and the King's name as her countenance to keep off envy. She is of a Florentine wit, and hath in her all the virtues of Katherine de Medici's, her Ancestor in her Regency, and some also of her vices; only her designs tend not to the ruin of the Kingdom and her children. Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katherine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince, to spend his most dangerous times, even uncontrolled upon his beads; whilst in the mean time, she usurped the Government of the Realm. Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman, as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his playfellows and the birds, that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion. And to say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her virtue, she hath notably well discharged her ambition; the Realm of France, being never more quietly and evenly governed, than first during her Regency, and now during the time of her favour with the King. For during his minority she carried herself so fairly between the factions of the Court, that she was of all sides honoured; the time of this marquis D' Ancre only excepted; and for the differences in Religion, her most earnest desire was not ●o oppress the Protestants, insomuch that the war raised against them, during the command of Mr. Luynes, was presently after his death, and her restoring into grace ended. An heroical Lady, and worthy the report of posterity; the frailties and weakness of her, as a woman, not being accounted hers, but her sexes.   

CHAP. II.  
Two Religions struggling in France, like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca. The comparison between them two, and those in the general. A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France, in Policy, Privilege and Revenue. The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgement of the French Church to the Pope merely titular. The pragmatic sanction, Maxima tua fatuitas, and Conventui Tridentino, severally written to the Pope and Trent Council. The tedious quarrel about Investitures. Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuits. The French Bishops not to meddle with Friars, their lives and land. The ignorance of the French Priests. The Chanoins Latin in Orleans. The French not hard to be converted, if plausibly bumoured, etc.  
FRom the Court of the King of France, I cannot better provide for myself then to have recourse to the King of heaven; and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius, in that sense, yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so. And even in this, the Church, which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer, without seam; do I find rents and factions: and of the two, these in the Church more dangerous than those in the Lowre. I know the story of Rebecca, and of the children struggling in her, is generally applied to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospel; in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France: for certain it is, that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered. And first she was delivered of Esau, the Popish faith being first after the struggling countenanced by authority; And he came out red all over like an hairy garment, saith the text, which very appositely expresseth the bloody and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation, before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them. And after came his Brother out, which laid hold on Esau's heel, and his name was called Jacob; wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party, which though confirmed by public Edict after the other, yet hath it divers times endeavoured, and will perhaps one day effect, the tripping up of the others heels. And Esau (saith Moses) was a cunning hunter, a man of the field; and Jacob a plain man, dwelling in tents: in which words the comparison is made exact. A cunning hunter, in the Scripture signifieth, a man of art and power mingled; as when N●mr●d in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter. Such is the Papist, a side of greater strength and subtlety, a side of war and of the field; on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men, simple in their actions, without craft and fraudulent behaviours, and dwelling in tents, that is, having no certain abiding place, no Province which they can call theirs; but living dispersed and scattered over the Country; which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents. As for the other words differencing the two brethren, and the elder shall serve the younger, they are rather to be accounted a Prophecy then a Character; we must therefore leave the analogy it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children, to the event and to prayer.  
For a more particular insight into the strength and subtlety of this Esau, we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of it; its Polity, Privileges and Revenue. For the first, so it is that the Popish Church in France is governed like those of the first and purest times, by Archbishops and Bishops. Archbishops it comprehendeth 12, and of Bishops 104; of these the Metropolitan is he of Rheimes, who useth to anoint the Kings, which office and pre-eminence hath been annexed unto this seat ever since the times of St. Remigius Bishop hereof, who converted Clovis King of the Franks unto the Gospel. The present Primate is son unto the Duke of Guise, by name Henry de Lorraine, of the age of 14 years or thereabouts, a burden too unwieldy for his shoulders. 
— Et quae non viribus istis  
Munera conveniunt, n●c tam puerilibus annis.   
For the better government therefore of a charge so weighty, they have appointed him a Coadjutor to discharge that great function till he come to age to take orders. His name is Gifford an English fugitive, said to be a man worthy of a great fortune, and able to bear it. The revenues of this Archbishopric are somewhat of the meanest, not amounting yearly to above 10000 Crowns, whereof Dr. Gifford receiveth only 2000, the remainder going to the Caidet of Lorreine. This trick the French learn of the Protestants in Germany, where the Princes after the Reformation began by Luther, took in the power and Lordships of the Bishops, which together with their functions, they divided into two parts. The lands they bestowed upon some of their younger sons or kinsmen, with the title of Administrator; the office and pains of it they conferred with some annual pension, on one of their Chaplains, whom they styled the Superintendent of the Bishopric. This Archbishop together with the rest of the Bishops have under them their several Chancellors, Commissaries, Archdeacon's, and other officers attending in their Courts; in which their power is not so general as with us in England. Matters of testament never trouble them, as belonging to the Court of Parliament; who also have wrested to their own hands almost all the business of importance; sure I am, all the causes of profit originally belonging to the Church, the affairs merely Episcopal and spiritual are left unto them, as granting Licence for Marriages, punishing whoredom by way of penance and the like; to go beyond this were ultra crepidam, and they should be sure to have a prohibition from the Parliaments. Of their privileges the chiefest of the Clergy/ men is, the little or no dependence upon the Pope, and the little profits they pay unto their King; of the Pope anon; to the King they pay only their Dimes, or Tithes according to the old rate; a small sum if compared unto the payments of their neighbours; it being thought that the King of Spain receiveth yearly one half of the living of the Churches; but this I mean of their livings only, for otherwise they pay the usual gabels and customs, that are paid by the rest of the King's liege people. In the general assembly of the three Estates the Clergy hath authority to elect a set number of Commissioners, to undertake for them and the Church; which Commissioners do make up the first of the three Estates, and do first exhibit their grievances and Petitions to the King. In a word, the French Church is the freest of any in Christendom, that have not yet quitted their subjection to the Pope, as always protesting against the Inquisitions, not submitting themselves to the Council of Trent, and paying very little to his Holiness, of the plentiful revenue, wherewith God and good men have blessed it.  
The number of those which the Church Land maintaineth in France is tantum non infinite, therefore the Intrado and Revenue of it must needs be uncountable. There are numbered in it, as we said before, 12 Archbishops, 104 Bishoprics; to these add 540 Archpriories, 1450 Abbeys, 12320 Priories, 567 Nunneries, 700 Convents of Friars, 259 Commendames of the order of Malta, and 130000 Parish Priests. Yet this is not all, this reckoning was made in the year 1598. Since which time the Jesuits have divers Colleges founded for them, and they are known to be none of the poorest. To maintain this large wilderness of men, the Statistes of France, who have proportioned the Country; do allow unto the Clergy almost a fourth part of the whole. For supposing France to contain 200 millions of Arpens (a measure somewhat bigger than our Acre) they have allotted to the Church for its temporal revenue, 47 of them. In particular of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and Parish Priests, they of Aux, Alby, Cluniac and St. Estiennes in Paris, are said to be the wealthyest; the Archbishopric of Aux in Gascoine is valued at 400000 Livres or 40000 l. English yearly. The Bishop of Alby in Lanquedoc, is prized at 10000 Florins, which is a fourth part of it; a great part of this revenue rising out of Saffron. The Abbot of Cluniac in the Duchy of Burgundy, is said to be worth 50000 Crowns yearly; the present Abbot being Henry of Lorreine, Archbishop of Rheimes, and Abbot of St. Dennis. The Parish Priest of St. Estiennes, is judged to receive yearly no sewer than 8000 Crowns, a good Intrado. As for the vulgar Clergy they have little Tit●e and less Glebe, most part of the revenue being appropriated unto Abbeys and other Religious houses; the greatest part of their means is the Baisse-maine, which is the Church-offerings of the people at Christen, Marriages, Burials, Dirges, Indulgences, and the like; which is thought to amount to almost as much as the temporal estate of the Church, an income able to maintain them in good abundance, were it not for the greatness of their number; for reckoning that there are (as we have said) in France 130000 Perish Priests, and that there are only 27400 Parishes; it must of necessity be, that every Parishone with another must have more than four Priests; too many to be rich.  
But this were one of the least injuries offered to the French thrift, and would little hinder them from rising, if it were not that the goodliest of their preferments were before their faces given unto boys and children. An affront which not only despoileth them of the honours due unto their calling, but disheartneth them in their studies and by consequence draweth them unto debauched and slanderous courses. 
— Quis enim virtutem exquireret ips 〈…〉,  
Premi● si t●llas?—   
The Clergy therefore 〈◊〉 1617. being assembled at the house of Austin Friars in Paris (as every two years they use to do) being to take their leaves of the King, elected the Bishop of Air to be their spokesman; and to certify his Majesty of their grievances. In performing which business, the principal thing of which he spoke was to this purpose; That whereas his Majesty was bound to give them fathers, he gave them children; that the name of Abbot signifieth a Father; and the function of a Bishop is full of fatherly authority: that France notwithstanding was now filled with Bishops and Abbots, which are yet in their Nurse's arms, or else under their Regent's in Colleges; nay more, that the abuse goeth before their being; Children being commonly designed to Bishoprics and Abbacies, before they were born. He made also another complaint, that the Sovereign Courts by their decrees, had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy, even in that which merely concerned Ecclesiastical discipline and government of the Church. To these complaints he gave them, indeed, a very gracious hearing, but it was no further than an hearing, being never followed by redress. The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority, and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility, by the speedy preferring of their children; and so the clergy▪ departed with a great deal of envy, and a little satisfaction. Like enough it were, that the Pope would in part redress this injury, especially in the point of jurisdiction, if he were able. But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this Country▪ neither can be fly at all, but as far as they please to suffer him. For his temporal power they never could be induced to acknowledge it, as we see in their stories, anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of thei●s tendered to the Queen Mother, affirmed the supremacy of the Pope, to be an Erroneous Doctrine, and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings. Anno 1517. when the Council of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporal: the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs, Dated the 12 of March the same year; Les decimus (saith the Apology) in quodame 〈…〉, non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato, contra fide 〈…〉 Catholicam, etc. Sacrum Bisiliense cotholicam da 〈…〉 vit. In which council of Basil, the Supremacy of the Pope was condemned. Neither did the Kings of France forget to maintain their own authority. And therefore when as Pope Boniface VIII. had in a peremptory Letter, written to Philip le Bell King of France, styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus: the King returned him an answer with an Epithet suitable to his arrogancy, Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus alicui non subesse, etc. The like answer, though in modester terms, was sent to another of the Popes, by St. Lewis, a man of a most mild and sweet disposition, yet unwilling to forgo his royalties.  
His spiritual power is always as little in substance, though more in show; for whereas the Council of Trent hath been an especial authorizer of the Pope's spiritual supremacy; the French Church would never receive it. By this means the Bishops keep in their hands, their own full authority; whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Council would deprive them. It was truly said by St. Gregory, and they well knew it, Lib. 7. Epist. 70. Si unus universalis est, restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis. Further the University of Paris in their Declaration, anno 1610 above mentioned, plainly affirm, that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris always maintained, that the Pope hath the power of a Monarch in the spiritual government of the Church. To look upon higher times, when the Council of Constance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Council; John Gerson, Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis, as one calleth him, defended that decree: and entitleth them, ●erniciosos admodum esse adulatores qui tyrannidem istam in Ecclesiam invexere, quasi nullis legum teneatur vinculis, quasi neque parere debeat concilio Pontifex, nec ab eo judicari queat. The Kings themselves also befriend their Clergy in this cause; and therefore not only protested against the Council of Trent, wherein this spiritual tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholic faction. But Henry TWO▪ also would not acknowledge them to be a Council, calling them by another name than Conventus Tridentinus. An indignity which the Fathers took very offensively.  
But the principal thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spiritual Supremacy, is the collation of Benefices and Bishoprics, and the Annats and first fruits thence arising. The first and greatest controversy between the Pope and Princes of Christendom, was about the bestowing the livings of the Church, and giving the investure unto Bishops; the Popes had long thirsted after that authority, as being a great means to advance their followers, and establish their own greatness: for which cause in divers petty Counsels, the receiving of any Ecclesiastical preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony. But this did little edify with such patrons as had good livings. As soon as ever Hildebrande, in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII. came to the Throne of Rome, he set himself entirely to effect this business as well in Germany, now he was Pope, as he had done in France whilst he was Legate; he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperor, Ne deinceps Episc●patus & beneficia (they are Platinas own words) per cupiditatem Simona●cam committat; aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis. To this injustice, when the Emperor would not yield, he called a solemn Council at the Lateran; wherein the Emperor was pronounced to be Simoniacal, and afterwards Excommunicated; neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him, till he had laid him in his grave. After this there followed great struggling for this matter, between the Popes and the Emperors; but in the end the Popes got the victory. In England here, he that first beckoned about it was William Ru●us; the controversy being, whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury. Anselm would receive his investure from none but the Pope, whereupon the King banished him the Realm, into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy, relinquished his right to the Pope, but afterwards repenting himself of it, he revoked his grant; neither did the English Kings wholly lose it, till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John. Edward the first again recovered it, and his successors kept it.  
The Pope's having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands, this privilege of nominating Priests and investing Bishops, they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased; as on the Benefices, first fruits, pensions, subsidies, fifteenths, tenths; and on the Bishoprics for palles, mitres, crosiers, rings, and I know not what babbles. By these means the Churches were so impoverished, that upon complaint made to the Council of Basil, all these cheating tricks, these aucupia & expilandi rationes, were abolished. This decree was called Pragmatica functio, and was confirmed in France by Charles VII. anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdom of France; which yearly before, as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI. had drained the State of a million of Crowns; since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigour of this sanction, and sometimes also exacted it, according as their affairs with the Pope stood; for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum. At last King Francis I. having conquered Milan, fell into this composition with his Holiness; namely, that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishopric, the King should have 6 months' time allowed him to present a fit man unto him, whom the Pope should legally invest. If the King neglected his time limited, the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse, and institute whom he pleased. So is it also with the inferior Benefices, between the Pope and the Patrons; insomuch that any or every Lay-patron, and Bishop together in England, hath for aught I see (at the least in this particular) as great a spiritual Supremacy, as the Pope in France.  
Nay to proceed further, and show how merely titular both his supremacies are, as well the spiritual as the temporal, you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuits, which was thus: In the year 1609 the Jesuits had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colleges of Paris; but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament, the Rector and University opposed them, on the 17 of December, 1611. both parties came to have an hearing, and the University got the day, unless the Jesuits would subscribe unto these four points. viz.  
1. That a Council was above the Pope.  
2. That the Pope had no temporal power over Kings, and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates.  
3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm, or any matter of treason in confession, he was bound to reveal it.  
And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politic Magistrate. It appeared by our former discourse, what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French.  
By these Propositions (to which the Jesuits in the end subscribed, I know not with what mental reservation) it is more than evident, that they have left him no command neither over their consciences, nor their persons; so that all things considered, we may justly say of the Papal power in France, what the Papists said falsely of Erasmus, namely that it is Nomen sine rebus.  
In one thing only his authority here is entire, which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Friars, and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks, who acknowledge very small obedience, if any at all, to the French Bishops: for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocese, was directly under the care and command of the Bishop; yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church, the Abbot's being men of good parts and a sincere life, grew much into the envy of their Diocesan. For this cause, as also to be more at their own command, they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection, Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur; a proposition very plausible to his Holiness ambition, which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height; and therefore without difficulty granted. This gap opened, first the several orders of Friars; and after even the Deans and Chapters, purchased to themselves the like exemptions. In this the Pope's power was wonderfully strengthened, as having such able, and so main props to uphold his authority; it being a true Maxim in State, Quod qui privilegia obtinent; ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri. This continued till the Council of Trent unquestioned. Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority, and imputed all the Schisms and Vices in the Church, unto this, that their hands were tied; hereupon the Pope's Legates thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction, their Deans and Chapters. At that of the Monks and Monasteries, there was more sticking, till at the last Sebastian Pig●inus, one of the Pope's officers, found out for them this satisfaction; that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks, not by any authority of their own, Sed tanquam a sede Apostolica delegate. But as for the Orders of Friars, the Pope would not by any means give way to it. They are his Janissaries, and the strongest bulwark of his Empire, and are therefore called in a good Author, Egr gia Romunae curiae instrumenta. So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do, each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars, subjects only to the great Metropolitan of Rome.  
This mere dependence on his Holiness, maketh this generation a great deal more regardless of their behaviour, than otherwise it would be: though since the growth of the Reformation, shame and fear hath much reform them, they have still howsoever, a spice of their former wantonness, and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship; and to say truth of them, I think them to be the best companions in France for a journey, but not for acquaintance. They live very merrily, and keep a competent table, more I suppose then can stand with their vow; and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them. It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris, where one of the Friars upon the entreaty of our friends, had us into the hall, it being then the time of their refectory; a favour not vulgar; there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side, and every one a pretty distance from the other, their several commons being a dish of pottage, a chop of Mutton, a dish of cherries, and a large glass of water: this provision together with a liberal allowance of ●ase, and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking, and maketh them, having little to take thought for, as I said before, passing good company. As I travailed towards Orleans we had in our Coach with us three of these mortified sinners, two of the Order of St. Austin, and one Franciscan; the merryest crickets that ever chirped, nothing in them but mad tales and compliments; and for music, they would sing like hawks. When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfortable Doctrine, Vivamus ut 〈◊〉 & bibamus ut vivamus. And for courtship and toying with the wenches, you would easily believe ●●at it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted; of all men, when I am married, God keep my wife from them, till then, my neighbours.  
On the other side, the common Priests of France, are so dull and blockish, that you shall hardly meet with a more contemptible people. The meanest of our Curates in England, for spirit and discourse, are very Popes to them; for learning they may safely say with S 〈…〉 atas, Hoc tantum scimus quod ne 〈…〉 us; but you must not look they should say it in Latin. Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Mass book: of which last they can make no use except the book be open, and then also the book is ●ain to read itself. For in the last 〈◊〉 Miss●le, established by Pius V. and recognized by Clement VIII. ann● 1600. every syllable is diversely marked, whether it be sounded long or short; just 〈◊〉 the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar. When I had lost myself in the streets of Paris, and wanted French to 〈…〉 d, I used to apply myself to some of these reverend habit. But O 〈…〉 lum in's 〈…〉 ns & in 〈…〉 tum! you might as easily have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the 〈◊〉, as a word of Latin out of their mouths. Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Mass mumbler only, it hath also infected the right Worshipful of the Clergy. In Orleans I had business with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix, a fellow that wore his Surplice (it was made of Lawn and lace) with as good a credit, as ever I saw any, and for the comeliness and capacity of his Cap, he might have been a Metropolitan: perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue, for it was Latin, he very readily asked me this question, Num potestis loqui Gallia? which when I had denied, at last he broke out into another interrogatory, viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice? To conclude, having read over my Letter, with two or three deadly pangs, and six times rubbing of his temples, he dismissed me with this cordial, and truly it was very comfortable to my humour, Ego negotias vestras curabo. A strange beast, and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance, that I ever met with in man's apparel.  
Such being the Romish Priests, it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more settled and resolute in their Religion. If the eye be blind, the body cannot choose but be darkened. And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to embrace the Reformation, than the blockishness of their own Clergy. An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers, could they but well humour it, and likely to be a fair enlargement to their party, if well husbanded. Besides this, the French Catholics are not over earnest in the cause, and so lie open to the assaults of any politic enemy. To deal with them by main force of argument, and in the servant spirit of zeal, as the Protestants too often do, is not the way; men uncapable of opposition, as this people generally are, and furious if once thwarted; must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus; those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgel, he quickly threw down and mischiefed. Alexander came otherwise prepared, for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow, he spoke kindly to him, and gently clapped him on the back, till he had left his ●linging and wildness, he lightly leapt into the saddle, the horse never making resistance: Plutarch in his life relateth the story, and this is the moral of it.   

CHAP. III.  
The correspondency between the French King and the Pope. This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England. An English Catholics conceit of it. His Holiness Nuncio in Paris. A learned Argument to prove the Pope's universality. A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength. The last War against them justly undertaken; not fairly managed. Their insolences and disobedience to the King's command. Their purpose to have themselves a free estate. The war not a war of Religion. King James in justice could not assist them more than he did. First forsaken by their own party. Their happiness before the war. The Court of the edict. A view of them in their Churches. The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England. Their Discipline and Ministeries, etc.  
WE have seen the strength and subtlety, as also somewhat of his poverties at home: Let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world; in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of B●●ri the Romish hittite, the daughter of whose abominations he hath married. And here I find him to hold good correspondency, as being the eldest son of the Church, and an equal poise to balance the affairs of Italy against the Potency of Spain On this ground the present Pope hath always shown himself very favourable to the French side, well knowing into what perils an unnecessary and impolitic dependence on the Spanish party only; would one day bring the State Ecclesiastic. As in the general, so also in many particulars hath he expressed much affection unto him. As  

1. By taking into his hands the Valtolin, till his Son of France might settle himself in some course to recover it.  
2. His not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard, during the last wars in Italy. And  
3. His speedy and willing grant of the dispensation for Madam's marriage, notwithstanding the Spaniard so earnestly laboured the denial, or at least the delay of it.   
To speak by conjectures, I am of opinion, that his Genius prompted him to see the speedy consummation of this marriage, of which his Papacy was so large an Omen, so far a prognostic. 
Est Deus in nobis, agita●te calescimus illo.   
The Lar or angel guardian of his thoughts hastened him in it; in whose time there was so plausible a Presage, that it must be accomplished. For thus it standeth: Malachi now a Saint, than one of the first Apostles of the Irish, one much reverenced in his memory unto this day by that Nation; left behind him by way of Prophecy a certain number of Mottoes in Latin, telling those that there should follow that certain number of Pope's only, whose conditions successively should be lively expressed in those Mottos, according to that order which he had placed them. M 〈…〉 ngham an Irish Priest, and Master of the College of Irish 〈…〉 es in Paris, collected together the lives of all the Irish Saints; which book himself showed me. In that Volume, and the life of this Saint, are the several Mottos and several Popes set down Column wise one against the other: I compared the lives of them with the Mottos, as far as my memory would carry me, and found many of them very answerable.  
As I remember there are 36 Mottos yet come, and when just so many Popes are joined to them, they are of opinion (for so 〈◊〉 〈…〉 l) th' 〈…〉 either the world should end, or the Popedom be 〈…〉ned. Amongst the others, the Motto of the present Pope was most remarkable, and suitable to the action likely to happen in his time: being this, Lilium & Rosa, which they interpret, and in my mind not unhappily, to be intended to the conjunction of the French Lily and English Ros 〈…〉 To take from me any suspicion of Imposture, he showed an old book, printed almost 200 years ago, written by one Wion a Fleming, and comparing the number of the Mottos with the Catalogue of the Popes; I found the name of urban (the now Pope) to answer it. On this ground an English Catholic, whose acquaintance I gained in France; made a copy of Verses in French, and presented them to the English Ambassadors, the Earls of Carlisle and Holland. Because he is my friend, and the conceit is not to be despised, I begged them of him, and these are they.  

Lilia juncta Rosis. Emblem de bon prefage de l' Alliance de la France, avec 〈◊〉 Angle terre.  
Ce grand dieu qui d'un ocil voit tout ce que les ans.  
Sobs leurs voiles sacrez vont a nous yeux cachans'.  
Decowre quelque fois, anis● qui bon lui semble,  
Et les maux a venir, et les biens tout ensemble,  
Anisi fit-il jades a celui, qui premier.  
Dans l' Ireland porta de la froy le laurier;  
Malachi ●on 〈◊〉 qu' au tymon de leglise  
On verra s 〈…〉 r un jour, cil qui pour sa devise.  
Aura les lys chenus joints aux plus belles fleures,  
Qui dorent le prin-temps, de leurs doubles colours.  
CHARLES' est le ●●curon de la Rose pourpree;  
Henritte est le Lys, que la plus belle pray  
De la France nourrtit: pour estre quelque jour  
Et la Reina des fleurs, et des roses l' amour.  
Adorable banquet, b●en heureuse co●ronne,  
Que la bonte du ciel e parrage nous donne;  
He●reuse ma party, heureuse mille fois,  
Celle qui te fera re●●orier en les roys.   
With these Verses I take my leave of his Holiness, wishing none of his successors would presage worse luck unto England. I go now to see his Nuncio, to whose house the same English Catholic brought me, but he was not at home; his name is Bernardino d'Espada: a man, as he informed me, able to discharge the trust reposed in him by his Master, and one that very well affected the English Nation. He hath the fairest house, and keepeth the largest retinue of any ordinary Ambassador in the Realm; and maketh good his Master's Supremacies, by his own precedency. To honour him against he was to take his charge, his Holiness created him Bishop of Damiata●n ●n Egypt; a place which I am certain never any of them saw but in a map, and for the profits he receiveth thence, they will never be able to pay for his Crozier. But this is one of his Holiness usual policies, to satisfy his followers with empty titles. So he made Bishop, whom he sent to govern for him in England, Bishop of Chal●●don in Asia; and Smith also who is come over about the same business, with the Queen, Bishop of Archidala a City of T●●ce. An old English Doctor used it as an especial argument to prove the universality of power in the Pope, because he could ordain Bishops over all Cities in Christendom; if he could as easily give them also the revenue, this reason (I confess) would much sway me, till than I am sorry that men should still be boys, and play with bubbles. By the same authority he might do well to make all his Courtiers Kings, and then he were sure to have a most royal and beggarly Court of it.  
To proceed a little further in the Allegory, so it is that when Jacob saw Esau to have incurred his fathers and mother's anger, for his heathenish marriage, he set himself to bereave his elder brother of his blessing. Prayers, and the sweet smell of his Venison, the sweet smelling of his sacrifices, obtained of his Lord and Father a blessing for him: for indeed the Lord hath given unto this his French Jacob, as it is in the text, the dew of heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine, Gen. 27. 28. It followeth in the 41. vers. of the Chapter. And Esau hated Jaeob, because of the blessing wherewith his father had blessed him; and Esau said in his heart, The days of mourning for my father are at band, then will I slay my brother Jacob. The event of which his bloody resolution was, that Jacob was ●ain to relinquish all that he had, and fly unto his Uncle. This last part of the story, expresseth very much of the present estate of the French Church. The Papists hated the Protestants to see them thrive and increase so much amongst them. This hatred moved them to a war, by which they hoped to root them out altogether; and this war compelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns, their strong holds, and all their possessions, and to fly to their friends wheresoever they could find them. And indeed, the present estate of the Protestants is not much better than that of Jacob in Mesopot●●ia, nor much different. The blessing which they expect lieth more in the seed then the harvest. For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God: and secondly, in their obedience to their Kings. Within these two fortresses, if they can keep themselves, they need fear none ill; because they shall deserve none. The only outward strengths they have left them, are the two Towns of Montaban and Rochel, the one deemed invincible, the other threatened a speedy destruction. The Duke of Espernon (at my being there) lay round about it, and it was said, that the Town was in very bad terms: all the neighbouring Towns, to whose opposition they much trusted, having yielded at the first fight of the Canon. Rochel, it is thought, cannot be forced by assault, nor compelled by a famine. Some Protestants are glad of, and hope to see the French Church restored to its former powerfulness, by the resistance of that Town merely. I rather think, that the perverse and stubborn condition of it, will at last, drive the young King into a fury, and incite him to revenge their contradiction, on their innocent friends, now disarmed and disabled. Then will they see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions, and begin to believe, that the Heathen Historian was of the two the better Christian, when he gave us this note, Non turpe est ab eo vinci, quem vincere esset nefas, neque 〈…〉 lli ●inhoneste etiam submitti, quem fortuna super omnes ex●ulisset. This weakness and misery which hath now befallen the Protestants, was an● effect, I confess, of the ill-will which the other party bore them; but that they bore them ill will, was a fruit of their own graffing. In this circumstance, they were nothing like Jacob, who in the hatred which his brother Esau had to him, was simply passive; they being active also in the birth of it. And indeed that lamentable and bloody war, which sell upon them, they not only endeavoured not to avoid, but invited, during the reign of Henry IU. who would not see it, and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII. who could not molest them, they had made themselves masters of 99 Towns, well fortified and enabled for a 〈◊〉: a strength too great for any one faction to keep together, under a King which desires to be himself, and rule his people. In the opinion of this their potency, they call Assemblies, Parliaments as it were, when and as often as they pleased. There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion, made new Laws of government, removed and rechanged their general officers; the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded. Had they only been guilty of too much power, that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them, it not standing with the safety and honour of a King, not to be the absolute commander of his own Subjects. But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies, they abused their power into a neglect, and not dissolving them at his Majesty's commandment, they increased their neglect into into a disobedience. The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruin, was that of Rochel, called by the Protestants presently upon the King's journey into Bearn. This general meeting the King prohibited by his especial Edicts, declaring all them to be guilty of treason; which notwithstanding they would not harken to, but very undutifully went on in their purposes. It was said by a Gentleman of their party, and one that had been employed in many of their affairs, That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences, had thrust them into those desperate courses; and I believe him; 
Tantum relligio potuit su●dere malorum.   
Being assembled, they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances, to which the Duke Lesdiguiers, in a Letter to them written, gave them a very fair and plausible answer, wherein also he intreateth them to obey the King's Edict, and break up the Assembly. Upon the receipt of this Letter, those of the Assembly published a Declaration, wherein they verified their meeting to be lawful, and their purpose not to dismiss themselves, till their desires were granted. This affront done to the King, made him gather together his Forces; yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request, he allowed them 24 days of respite; before his Armies should march towards them, he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions, such also as their Deputies had solicited, but far better than those which they were glad to accept, when all their Towns were taken from them. Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis, cujus fortunam mutare constituit, ejus corrumpit consilia. It held very rightly in this people, who turned a deaf ear to all good advice, and were resolved it seemeth, Not to hear the voice of the Charmer, charmed he never so sweetly. In their Assembly therefore they make Laws and Orders to regulate their disobedience, as, That no peace should be made without the consent of the general Convocation, about paying of Soldier's wages, for the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Clergy, and the like. They also there divided France into seven circles or parts, assigning over every circle several Generals and Lieutenants, and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars.  
Thus we see the King's Army levied upon no slight ground, his Regal authority was neglected, his especial Edicts violated, his gracious proffers slighted, and his Revenues forbidden him, and his 〈…〉 m divided before his face, and allotted unto officers not of his own election. Had the prosecution of his action been as fair, as the cause was, just and legal, the Protestants had only deserved the infamy; but hinc illae lachrymae. The King so behaved himself in it, that he suffered the sword to walk at random; as if his main design had been, not to correct his people, but to ruin them. I will instance only in that tyrannical slaughter, which he permitted at the taking of Nigrep●●isse, a Town of Quereu; wherein indeed, the Soldiers showed the very rigour of severity, which either a barbarous victor could inflict, or a vanquished people suffer, Nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genus ●misit i●a & victoria, as Tacitus of the angered Romans. For they spared neither man, nor woman, nor child, all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conqueror. The streets paved with dead carcases, the channels running with the blood of Christians; no noise in the streets, but of such as were welcoming death, or suing for life. Their Churches, which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome, were at this place made the Theatres of lust and blood; neither privilege of Sanctuary, nor fear of God, in whose holy house they were, qualifying their outrage; this in the common places.  

At dom●● interior gemi●u, miser●que 〈◊〉  
Mis●etur; pe 〈…〉 tusque cavae plangoribus ●des  
〈◊〉 ulu 〈…〉.—  
A● Virgil in the ruin of Trey.   
But the calamities which bese●● the men, were merciful and sparing, if computed to those which the women suffered; when the Soldiers had made them the objects of their lust, they made them also the subjects of their 〈◊〉, in that only pitiful to that poor and distressed sex that they did not ●et them survive their honours. Such of them who out of ●ear and faintness had made but little resistance, had the favour to be stabbed; but those whose virtue and courage maintaned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains, had the secrets of nature (procul hinc este castae & misericordes au●es) filled with gunpowder, and so blown into ashes. Whither, O you divine powers! is humanity fled when it is not to be found in Christians? or where shall we look for the effects of a pitiful nature, when men are become so unnatural? It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousness, and offended at it. Offended I persuade myself he could not but be, unless he had totally put off himself, and degenerated into a Tiger. But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Ner●, an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding: Subduxit oculos Nero (saith Tacitus) jussitque se●lera, non spectavil— Though the Protestants deserved affliction for their disobedience; yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment, a misery beyond the condition of the crime. True it is, and I shall never acquit them of it, that in the time of their prosperity, they had done the King many affronts, and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency, which justly occasioned the war against them; for besides those already recited, they themselves first broke those Edicts, the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition. The King by his Edict of pacification, had licenced the free exercise of both Religions, and thereupon permitted the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the Towns of Caution, being then in the hands of the Protestants. On the other side, the Protestants assembled at ●oudun, strictly commanded all their Governors, Majors and Sheriffs, nor to suffer any Jesuits, nor any of any other Order to preach in their Towns, although licenced by the Bishop of the Diocese. When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly the King had declared their meeting to be unlawful, and contrary to his peace; and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliament: they notwithstanding would not separate themselves, but stood still upon terms of capitulation, and the justifiableness of their action again. Whereas it happened, that the Lord of Privas, a Town full of those of the Religion, died in the year 1620▪ and left his daughter and heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane, a Catholic: this new Lord according to law and right, in his own Town changed the former Garrison, putting his own servants and dependants in their places. Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Country round about it, draw themselves in troops, surprise many of the Towns about it, and at last compelled the young Gentleman to fly from his inheritance; an action, which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at Rochel, made the King more doubtful of their sincerity. I could add to these divers others of their undutiful practices, being the effects of too much felicity, and of a fortune which they could not govern. 
Atqui animus meminisse horret, luctuque refugit.   
These their insolences and unruly acts of disobedience, made the King and his Counsel suspect, that their designs tended further than Religion, and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State, after the example of Geneva, and the Low-countreymen. The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations, was a strong argument of their purpose; so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith. At the Synod of Gappe, called by the permission of Henry the fourth, on the first of October, anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadors, and received Letters from foreign Princes; but also importuned his Majesty to have a general liberty of going into any other Countries, and assisting at their Counsels: a matter of especial importance: and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers, wisely prohibited them to go to any Assemblies without a particular Licence, upon pain to be declared Traitors. Since that time growing into greater strength, whensoever they had occasion of business with King Lewis, they would never treat with him, but by their Ambassadors, and upon especial Articles.  
An ambition above the quality of those that profess themselves Subjects, and the only way, as Du Seirres noteth, To make an Estate in the State. But the answers made unto the King by those of Clerac and Montauban, are pregnant proofs of their intent and meaning in this kind; the first being summoned by the King and his Army the 21 of July, Anno 1621. returned thus, That the King should suffer them to enjoy their Lilerties, and leave their Fortifications as they were, for the safety of their lives, and so they would declare themselves to be his Subjects. They of Montauban, made a fuller expression of the general design and disobedience, which was, That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches, had they said for the service of the King, it had been spoken bravely, but now rebelliously.  
This Union and Confederacy of theirs, King Lewis used to call the Commonwealth of Rochel; for the overthrow of which, he always protested, that he had only taken arms, and if we compare circumstances, we shall find it to be no other.  
In the second of April, before he had as yet advanced into the field, he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion, which would contain themselves within duty and obedience. And whereas some of Tours, at the beginning of the wars, had tumultuously molested the Protestants, at the burial of one of their dead; five of them, by the King's commandment, were openly executed. When the war was hottest abroad, those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever, and had their accustomed meetings at Charenton; so had also those of other places. Moreover, when ●idings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayens death, slain before Montauban, the rascal French, according to their hot headed dispositions, breathed out nothing but ruin to the Hugonots. The Duke of Monbazon governor of the City commanded their houses and the streets to be safely guarded. After, when this rabble had burn down their Temple at Charenton, the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained, that it should be built up again in a more beautiful manner, and that at the King's charge. Add to this, that since the ending of the wars, and the reduction of almost all their Towns, we have not seen the least alteration of Religion. Besides that, they have been permitted to hold a national Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine, against the errors of Arminius professor of Leid●n in Holland.  
All things thus considered in their true being, I cannot see for what cause our late Sovereign should suffer so much censure as he then did, for not giving them assistance. I cannot but say, that myself have too often condemned his remissness in that cause, which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in. Had he been a meddler in it further than he was, he had not so much preserved Religion, as supported Rebellion; besides the consequence of the example. He had Subjects of his own more then enough, which were subject to discontent, and prone to an apostasy from their allegiance. To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience, had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence; and to have trod the path of his own hazard. He had not long before denied succour to his own children, when he might have given them on a better ground, and for a fairer purpose; and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another. For that other, denial of his helping hand, I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him, though certainly he was a good Prince, and had been an happy instrument of the peace of Christendom, had not the latter part of his reign happened in a time so full of troubles. So that betwixt the quietness of his nature, and the turbulence of his latter days, he sell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian, Miserrimum est eum alicui, aut natura sua excedenda est, aut minuenda dignitas. Add to this, that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends, of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France; four of them never giving them encouragement. The three which accepted of those unordinate Governments, were the Duke of Rohan, his brother M. Soubise, and the marquis of Lafforce; the four others being the Duke of Tremoville, the Earl of Chastillon, the Duke of Lesdisguier, and the Duke of Bovillon, who should have commanded in chief. So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them, but they to themselves.  
If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majesty's commandments. We must answer, that it was too much happiness: Gausa hujus belli eadem quae omnium, nimia foelicitas, as Florus of the Civil wars between Caesar and Pompey. Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the King's disfavour, they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns, well fortified for their safety; besides beautiful houses and ample possessions in the Villages, they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Figtree; neither fearing, nor needing to fear the least disturbance: with those of the Catholic party, they were grown so intimate and entire, by reason of their intermarriages, that a very few years would have them incorporated, if not into one faith, yet into one family. For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice, it pleased King Henry the fourth, to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris, purposely for them. It consisteth of one Precedent and 16 Counselors; their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion, as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris, as also in Normandy and Britain, till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them. There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Bordeaux and Grenoble, and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza. These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict, because they were established by especial Edict, at the Towns of Nantes in Britain, April the 8. anno 1598. In a word, they lived so secure and happy, that one would have thought their felicities had been immortal. 
O faciles dare summa deos, eademque tueri  
Difficiles—  And yet they are not brought so low, but that they may live happily, if they can be content to live obediently; that which is taken from them, being matter of strength only, and not privilege.  
Let us now look upon them in their Churches, which we shall find as empty of magnificence as ceremony. To talk amongst them of Common-prayers, were to fright them with the second coming of the Mass; and to mention Prayers at the burial of the dead, were to persuade them of a Purgatory. Painted glass in a Church window, is accounted for the flag and ensign of Antichrist: and for Organs, no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes. Show them a Surplice, and they cry out, a rag of the Whore of Babylon; yet a sheet on a woman, when she is in childbed, is a greater abomination than the other. A strange people, that could never think the Masse-book sufficiently reform, till they had taken away Prayers; nor that their Churches could ever be handsome, until they were ragged. This foolish opposition of their first Reformers, hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envy, and been no small disadvantage to the fide. Whereas the Church of England, though it descent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine, is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholics, by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline. When the Liturgy of our Church was translated into Latin by Dr. Morket, once Warden of All-Souls College in Oxford, it was with great approof and applause received here in France, by those whom they call the Catholics royal; as marveling to see such order and regular devotion in them, whom they were taught to condemn for Heretical. An allowance, which with some little help, might have been raised higher, from the practice of our Church, to some points of our judgement, and it is very worthy of our observation, that which the marquis of Rhosny spoke of Canterbury, when he came as extraordinary Ambassador from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England. For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies, he openly said unto his followers, That if the reformed Churches in France, had kept the same orders amongst them which we have, he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there, then now are. But the marquis of Rhosny was not the last that said so, I have heard divers French Papists, who were at the Queen's coming over, and ventured so far upon an excommunication, as to be present at our Church solemn Services, extol them and us for their sakes, even almost unto hyperboles. So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them.  
As are their Churches, such is their Discipline, naked of all Antiquity, and almost as modern as the men which embrace it. The power and calling of Bishops, they abrogated with the Mass, upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it. As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age, and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his ipse dixit, had stood for Oracles. The Hierarchy of Bishops thus cast out, they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders, a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures, or first times of the Gospel. These men leap from the stall to the bench, and there partly sleeping, and partly stroking of their beards; enact laws of Government for the Church, so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satirist, saying, Surgunt nobis e 〈…〉 sterquilinio Magistratus, nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia; yet to these very men, composed equally of ignorance and a trade, are the most weighty matters of the Church committed. In them is the power of ordaining Priests, of conferring places of charge, and even of the severest censure of the Church, Excommunication. When any business which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen, they must be called to council, and you shall find them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons; having blurted out there a little Classical nonsense, and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads, than any other sensible articulation, they hasten to their shops, as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough, Vt ad opus relictum festinasse videatur. Such a platform, though it be, that needeth no further confutation then to know it, yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endeavoured to impose it on all the Reformation. By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zealots here in England, there is none so young, but hath heard some Tragical relations. God be magnified, and our late King praised, by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel.  
As for their Ministry, it is indeed very learned in their studies, and exceeding painful in their calling. By the first they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy; by the second their laziness. And questionless it behoveth them so to be, for living in a Country full of opposition, they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning, to maintain the cause, and being continually as it were beset with spies, they do the oftener frequent the Pulpits, to hold up their. credits. The maintenance which is allotted to them, scarce amounteth to a competency, though by that name they please to call it. With receiving of tithes they never meddle, and therefore in their Schismatical tracts of Divinity, they do hardly allow of the paying of them. Some of them hold that they were Jewish, and abrogated with the Law. Others think them to be merely jure humano, and yet that they may lawfully be accepted, where they are tendered. It is well known yet that there are some amongst them, which will commend grapes, though they cannot reach them. This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly, or a little more. Beza that great and famous Preacher of Geneva, had but 80 l. a year; and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension, when he Preached at Charenton. These stipends are partly paid by the King; and partly raised by way of Collection. So the Ministers of these Churches, are much of the nature with the English Lecturers.  
As for the Tithes, they belong to the several Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due; and they, I'll warrant you, according to the little learning which they have, will maintain them to be jure divino. The Sermons of the French are very plain and homespun, little in them of the Fathers, and less of humane learning; it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe, that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits. They consist much of Exhortation and Use, and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge; a ready way to raise up and edify the Will and Affections, but withal to starve the understanding. For the education of them being children, they have private Schools; when they are better grown, they may have free recourse unto any of the French Academies; besides the new University of Saumur, which is wholly theirs, and is the chief place of their study.   

CHAP. IU.  
The connexion between the Church and Commonwealth in general. A transition to the particular of France. The Government there merely regal. A mixed form of Government most commendable. The King's Patents for Offices. Monopolies above the censure of Parliament. The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes. The King's gifts and expenses. The Chamber of Accounts. France divided into three sorts of people. The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title. The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France. The King's power how much respected by the Princes. The powerablenesse of that rank. The formal execution done on them. The multitude and confusion of Nobility. King James defended. A censure of the French Heralds. The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants. Their privileges, gibbets and other Regalia. They conspire with the King to undo the Commons.  
HAving thus spoken of the Churches; I must now treat a little of the Commonwealth. Religion is as the soul of a State, Policy as the body; we can hardly discourse of the one, without a relation to the other; if we do, we commit a wilful murder, in thus destroying a republic. The Commonwealth without the Church, is but a carcase, a thing inanimate. The Church without the Commonwealth is as it were anima separata, the joining of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body; and therefore as they are in nature, so in my relation, Connutio jung●m stabili. Moreover, such a secret sympathy there is between them, such a necessary dependence of one upon the other, that we may say of them, what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato, Eodem tempore, ●orum morbus gravescit, & eodem levaiur. They grow sick and well at the same time, and commonly run out their races at the same instant. There is besides the general respect of each to other, a more particular band betwixt them here in France, which is a likeness and resemblance. In the Church of France we have found an head and a body; this body again divided into two parts, the Catholic and the Protestant: the head is in his own opinion, and the minds of many others, of a power unlimited; yet the Catholic party hath strongly kerbed it. And of the two parts of the body, we see the Papists flourishing and in triumph, whilst that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction. Thus is it also in the body Politic. The King in his own conceit boundless and omnipotent, is yet affronted by his Nobles; which Nobleses enjoy all the freedom of riches and happiness; the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage.  
For the government of the King is merely, indeed, regal, or to give it the true name despotical; though the Country be his wife, and all the people are his children, yet doth he neither govern as an husband or a father; he accounteth of them all as of his servants, and therefore commandeth them as a Master. In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth about, he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects, nor the approbation of his Council, but concludeth all of them in this form, Car tell est nostre plaisir, Sic volo sic jubeo. A form of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny, if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance. But this is not the vice of the entire and Sovereign Monarchy alone; which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the other two good forms of regiment, being subject also to the same frailty. Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracy, to have been frequently corrupted into an oligarchy; and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or Commonwealth properly so called) into a Democraty. For as in the body natural, the purest complexions are less lasting, but easily broken and subject to alteration; so is it in the body Civil, the pure and unmixed forms of Government, though perfect and absolute in their kinds, are yet of little continuance, and very subject to change into its opposite. They therefore which have written of Republics do most applaud and commend the mixed manner of rule, which is equally compounded of the Kingdom and the Politeia; because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title, without prejudice to the populacy. In these there is referred to the King, absolute Majesty; to the Nobles, convenient authority; to the People, an incorrupted liberty: all in a just and equal proportion. Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome, as it was moderated by Nerva, Qui res ol●m dissociabiles miscuerat, principatum & libertatem; wherein the Sovereignty of one endamaged not the freedom of all. A rare mixture of Government, and such at this time is the Kingdom of England, a Kingdom of a perfect and happy composition; wherein the King hath his full Prerogative, the Nobles all due respects, and the People, amongst other blessings perfect in this, that they are masters of their own purposes, and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws.  
On the otherside, in the Regal government of France, the Subject frameth his life merely as the King's variable Edicts shall please to enjoin him; is ravished of his money as the King's taskmasters think fit; and suffereth many other oppressions, which in their proper place shall be specified. This Aristole in the third book of his Politics calleth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the command of a Master, and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Such an Empire by which a Prince may command, and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes. One of the Prerogatives Royal of the French Kings. For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusal of his Edicts, before they pass for Laws; yet is that but a mere formality. It is the cartel●●est nostre plaifir, which maketh them currant; which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors. Justinian in the book of Institutions, maketh five grounds of the Civil Laws, viz. Lex, (he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables) Plebiscita, Senatusconsulta, Predentum Responsa, & Principum placita; to this last he addeth this general strength, Quod principi plaeverit, legis ●abet valorem; the very foundation of the French Kings powerfulness. True it is, that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees, and to petition him for a reversal of them; but their answer commonly is, Stat pro ratione voluntas. He knoweth his own power, and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly. If a moneyed man can make a friend in Court, he may have an office found for him, of six pence upon every Sword made in France; a Livre, upon the selling of every head of cattle; a brace of Sols, for every pair of boots, and the like. It is the only study of some men to find out such devices of enriching themselves, and undoing the people. The Patent for Inns granted to St. Giles Mo●●pesson, was just one of the French offices.  
As for Monopolies, they are here so common, that the Subject taketh no notice of it; not a scurvy petty book being Printed, but it hath its privilege affixed, Ad imprimendum solum. These being granted by the King, are carried to the Parliament, by them formally perused, and finally verified; after which, they are in force and virtue against all opposition. It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King, for a quart d' escu to be paid unto him/ upon the Christening of every child thoughout all the Kingdom. A very unjust and unconscionable extortion. Had he lived to have presented it to the Court, I much doubt of their denial, though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents, is only intended that they should discuss the justice and convenience of them.  
As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them, of verifying the King's Edicts, his grants of Offices and Monopolics. So hath the Chamber of Accounts, a superficial survey also of his gifts and expenses. For his expenses, they are thought to be as great now as ever, by reason of the several retinues of himself, his Mother, his Queen, and the Monseiur; neither are his gifts lessened. The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer, he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions. As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined, so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified. The titulary power given unto this Chamber, is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation; the officers being solemnly (at the least formally) sworn, not to suffer any thing to pass them, to the detriment of the Kingdom, whatsoever Letters of command they have to the contrary. But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with. To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalisation of Aliens, anciently certain Lords, officers of the Crown, and of the prime counsel were appointed to look unto the accounts. Now it is made an ordinary and sovereign Court, consisting of two Precedents and divers Auditors, and other under Officers. The Chamber wherein it is kept, called La Chambre des compte, is the beautifullest piece of the whole Palais; the great Chamber itself, not being worthy to be named in the same day with it. It was built by Charles VIII. anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII. whose Statue is there standing in his royal robes, and the Sceptre in his hand. He is accomp●aned by the four Cardinal virtues expressed by way of Hieroglyphics, very properly and cunningly; each of them having its particular Motto, to declare its being. The King's portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue, had its word under written, and contained in a couple of Verses, which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading, and are these:  

Quatuor has comites foveo, Coelestia dona,  
Innccuae pacis prospera scep●●a geren●.   
From the King descend we to the Subjects, ab equis (quod aiunt) ad asinos, and the phrase is not much improper; the French commonalty being called the King's asses. These are divided into three ranks or Classes, the Clergy, the Nobles, the Paisants; out of which certain delegates or Committees, chosen upon occasion, and sent to the King, did anciently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France. It was called the Assembly of the three Estates, or the Conventus ordinum; and was just like the Parliament of England. But these meetings are now forgotten, or out of use; neither, indeed, as this time goeth, can they any way advantage the State; for whereas there are three principal, if not sole causes of these conventions, which are, the disposing of the Regency during the nonage or sickness of a King; the granting Aides and Subsidies; and the redressing of Grievances: there is now another course taken in them. The Parliament of Paris, which speaketh, as it is prompted by power and greatness, appointeth the Regent; the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes; and as concerning their Grievances, the King's care is open to private Petitions.  
Thus is that little of a Commonwealth which went to the making up of this Monarchy, escheated, or rather devoured by the King, that name alone containing in it both Clergy, Princes and People. So that some of the French Counsellors, may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar, Doleoque cum respub. immortalis esse debeat, eam unius mortalis anima consistere. Yet I cannot withal but affirm, that the Princes and Nobles of France, do, for as much as concerneth themselves, upon all advantages fly off from the King's obedience; but all this while the poor Peasant is ruined; let the poor Tenant starve, or eat the bread of carefulness, it matters not, so they may have their pleasure, and be counted firm zealots of the common liberty. And certainly this is the issue of it, the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and laziness; the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppress his Tenant by fines and exactions. An equality little answering to the old platforms of Republics. Aristotle, Genius ille naturae, as a learned man calleth him, in his fourth book of Politics hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion. In that Chapter, his project is, to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City, that neither the one might be over rich, nor the other too miserably poor. They, saith he, which are too happy, strong, or rich, or greatly favoured, and the like, can not nor will not obey, with which evil they are infected from their infancy. The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base; so that the one cannot but command, nor the other but serve. And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a City inhabited only by Slaves and Tyrants. That questionless is the most perfect and complete form of Government, Ubi veneratur protentem humilis, non timet; antecedit, non contemnit humiliorem potens, as Velleius. But this is an unhappiness of which France is not capable; their Lords being Kings, and their Commons Villains.  
And not to say less of them then indeed they are, the Princes of this Country, are but little inferior in matter of Royalty, to any King abroad; and by consequence little respective, in matter of obedience, to their own King at home. Upon the least discontent, they withdraw themselves from the Court, or put themselves into arms; and of all other comforts are ever sure of this, that they shall never want partisans. Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully, and at distance, but justify their revolt by public Declaration, and think the King much indebted to them, if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement, they will please to put themselves again into his obedience. Henry IV. was a Prince of as undaunted and uncontrollable a spirit, as ever any of his predecessors, and one that loved to be obeyed; yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets, and at the last died in an affront. The Prince of Conde perceiving the King's affection to his new Lady, began to grow jealous of him, for which reason he retired unto Brussels: the King offended at his retreat, sent after him, and commanded him home. The Prince returned answer, that he was the Kings most humble Subject and servant; but into France he would not come unless he might have a Town for his assurance; withal he protested in public writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence. A stomachful resolution, and misbecoming a Subject; yet in this opposition he persisted, his humour of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted. But these tricks are ordinary here, otherwise a man might have construed this action, by the term of Rebellion. The chief means whereby these Princes become so head strong, are an immunity given them by their Kings, and a liberty which they have taken to themselves. By their Kings they have been absolutely exempted from all Tributes, Tolles, Taxes, Customs, Impositions and Subsidies. By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces, with a power of haute and main Justice (as the Lawyers term it) passed over to them; the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgement of them. To this they have added much for their strength and security, by the insconcing and fortifying of their houses, which both often moveth, and afterwards enableth them to contemn his Majesty. An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville, which in the long Civil wars endured a siege of 5000 shot, and yet was not taken. A very impolitic course (in my conceit) of the French, to bestow honours and immunities upon those, Qui (as the Historian noteth) ea suo arbitrio aut reposituri, aut retenturi videantur; quique modum habent in sua voluntate. For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves, the Princes have been always prone to Civil wars, as having sufficient means for safety and resistance▪ On this ground also they slight the King's authority, and disobey his Justice. In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdom, can seldom be arraigned or executed in person; and therefore the Laws condemn them in their images, and hang them in their pictures. A pretty device to mock Justice. If by chance, or some handsome sleight, any of them are apprehended, they are put under a sure guard, and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietness.  
Neither is it unus & alter, only some two or three, that thus stand upon their distance with the King, but even all the Nobility of the Realm, a rout so disordered, unconfined, and numberless, that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the reckoning. I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse, but of Titulados, men only of titular Nobility, of the degree of Baron and above. Of these there is in this Country a number almost innumerable. Quot Coelum Stellas; take quantity for quantity, and I dare be of the opinion, that heaven hath not more Stars, than France Nobles. You shall meet with them so thick in the King's Court especially, that you would think it almost impossible the Country should bear any other fruit. This, I think, I may safely affirm, and without Hyperbole, that they have there as many Princes, as we in England have Dukes; as many Dukes, as we Earls; as many Earls, as we Barons; and as many Barons as we have Knights; a jolly company, and such as know their own strength too. I cannot therefore but much marvel, that these Kings should be so prodigal in conferring honours; considering this, that every Noble man he createth, is so great a weakening to his power.  
On the other side, I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation, who have murmured against our late Sovereign, and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness, in bestowing the dignities of his Realm, with so full and liberal a hand. Certainly, could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State, I could have been as impatient of it as another. But with us, titles and ennobling in this kind, are only either the King's favour, or the party's merit, and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them, rather reverenced then powerful. Raro eorum honoribus invidetur, quorum vis non timetur, was a good Aphorism in the days of Paterculus; and may for aught I know be as good still. Why should I envy any man that honour, which taketh not from my safety; or repine at my Sovereign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency, when that favour cannot make them exorbitant? Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer, at the occasions of Subsidies, and the glory of the Kingdom, when the Prince is not attended by men merely of the vulgar. Add to this, the few Noble men of any title which he found at his happy coming in amongst us, and the additions of power which his coming brought unto us; and we shall find it proportionable, that he should enlarge our Nobility, with our Empire: neither yet have we, indeed, a number to be talked of, comparing us with our neighbour Nations. We may see all of the three first ranks in the books of Milles, Brooke, and Vincent; and we are promised also a Catalogue of the Creations and successions of all our Barons. Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited. Were this care taken by the Herald in France, perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberless; sure I am not so confused. But this is the main vice of that profession, of ●ix Heralds which they have amongst them, viz. Montjoy, Normandy, Guyenne, Val●ys, Bretagne, and Burgogne, not one of them is reported to be a Genealogist; neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study. Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them, hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families, all ancient and of the blood, in which he hath excellently well discharged himself. But what a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude?  
The Nobles being so populous, it cannot be but the Noblesse, as they call them; that is, the Gentry, must needs be thick set and only not innumerable. Of these Nobles there are some which hold their estates immediately of the Crown, and they have the like immunities with the Princes. Some hold their Feifes (or feuda) of some other of the Lords, and he hath only Basse Justice permitted to him, as to mulct and amerce his Tenants, to imprison them, or give them any other correction under death. All of them have power to raise and enhance up their Rents, to Tax his Subjects on occasion, and to prohibit them such pleasures, as they think fit to be reserved for themselves. By Brettaul in Picardy, I saw a post fastened in the ground, like a race post with us, and therein an inscription; I presently made to it, as hoping to have heard of some memorable battle there fought; but when I came at it, I found it to be nothing but a Declaration of the Prince of Condes pleasure, that no man should hunt in those quarters; afterwards I observed them to be very frequent. But not to wander through all particulars, I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here. The first is Proict de bailli age, power to keep Assize, or to have under him a Bailli, and a Superior seat of Justice, for the decision of such causes as fall under the compass of ordinary jurisdiction. In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons, Robberies, Murders, Protections, Pardons, Fairs, Markets, and other matters of privilege. Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction, and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice, for the decision of smaller business, as Debts, Trespasses, breach of the King's peace, and the like In this the purse is only emptied, the other extendeth to the taking of life also; for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feise, hath also his peculiar Gibbet; nay which is wonderfully methodical, by the criticism of the Gibbet, you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it. For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars, that of the Chastellan three, the Barons four, the Earls six, the Duke's eight; and yet this difference is rather precise then general. The last of their jura regalia, which I will here speak of, is the command they have upon their people, to follow them unto the wars; a command not so advantageous to the Lord, as dangerous, to the Kingdom.  
Thus live the French Princes, thus the Nobles. Those sheep which God, and the Laws hath brought under them, they do not sheer but fleece; and which is worse than this, having themselves taken away the Wool, they give up the naked carcase to the King. Tondi oves meas volo, non deglubi, was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius; but it is not currant here in France. Here the Lords and the King, though otherwise at odds amongst themselves, will be sure to agree in this, the undoing and oppressing of the poor Peasant; Ephraim against Manasseh, and Manasseh against Ephraim, but both against Judah, saith the Scripture.  
The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons, is, as they pretend, the safety of the State, and their own particulars. Were the people once warmed with the feeling of ease and their own riches, they would presently be harkening after the wars; and if no employment were proffered abroad, they would make some at home. Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind; it being impossible for this hotheaded, and harebrained people, not to be doing. Si extraneus deest, domi hostem quaerunt, as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards; a pretty quality, and for which they have often smarted.   

CHAP. V.  
The base and low estate of the French Peasant. The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes. The suppressing of the Subject prejudicial to a State. The wisdom of Henry VII. The French forces all in the cavalry. The cruel impositions laid upon the people by the King. No Demaine in France. Why the trial by twelve men can be used only in England. The gabelle of Salt. The Pope's licence for wenching. The gabelle of whom refused, and why. The Gascoines impatient of Taxes. The taille, and taillion. The Pancarke or Aides. The vain resistance of those of Paris. The Court of Aides. The manner of gathering the King's moneys. The King's revenue. The corruption of the French publicans. King Lewis why called the just. The moneys currant in France. The gold of Spain more Catholic than the King. The happiness of the English Subjects. A congratulation unto England. The conclusion of the first Journey.  
BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles, we may partly guess at the poor estate of the Peasant, or Countrymen; of whom we will not now speak, as subjects to their Lords, and how far they are under their commandment; but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparel and their Houses. For their Apparel it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse, or an outside of that nature. As for Cloth, it is above their purse equally, and their ambition; if they can aspire unto Fustian, they are as happy as their wishes, and he that is so arrayed, will not spare to aim at the best place in the Parish, even unto that of the Churchwarden. When they go to plough or to the Church, they have shoes and stockings; at other times they make bold with nature, and wear their skins. H●ts they will not want, though their bellies pinch for it; and that you may be sure they have them, they will always keep them on their heads: the most impudent custom of a beggarly fortune, that ever I met with, and which already hath had my blessing. As for the women, they know in what degree nature hath created them, and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands; some of them never had above one pair of stockings in all their lives, which they wear every day, for indeed they are very durable. The goodness of their faces tell us, that they have no need of a band, therefore they use none. And as concerning Petticoats, so it is, that all of them have such a garment, but most of them so short, that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket. When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures, and that commonly is till the rottenness of them will save the labour of undressing, they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children. Search into their houses, and you shall find them very wretched, destitute as well of furniture as provision. No Butter salted up against Winter, no powdering tub, no Pullein in the Rick-barten, no flesh in the pot or at the spit, and which is worst, no money to buy them. The description of the poor aged couple Phileman and Bauci● in the eight book of the Metamorphosis, is a perfect character of the French Peasant, in his house-keeping; though I cannot affirm, that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them, they should have so hearty an entertainment; for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes:  

Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bacca Minerva,  
Intybaque, & radix, & lactis massa coacti,  
Ovaque non acri leviter versata favilla,  
Prunaque, & in patulis redolentia mala canistris.  
Hic nux, hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis,  
Et de purpureis collectae vitibus uvae;  
Omnia fictilibus nitide.— 

They on the table set Minerva's fruit,  
The double-coloured Olive, Endive-root;  
Radish and Cheese: and to the board there came  
A dish of Eggs, rear-roasted by the flame.  
Next they had Nuts, course Dates and Lenten-figs,  
And Apples from a basket made of twigs,  
And Plums, and Grapes cut newly from the tree:  
All served in earthen dishes, Housewifely.     
But you must not look for this cheer often. At Wakes or Feasts days, you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty; but at other times, Olus omne patella, the best provision they can show you is a piece of Bacon wherewith they fatten their pottage; and now and then the inwards of Beast's killed for the Gentlemen. But of all miseries, this me thinketh is the greatest, that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year, and gathering in such a plentiful Vintage as they do, they should not yet be so fortunate, as to eat white bread, or drink wine; for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords, and such innumerable taxes to the King, that the profits arising out of those commodities, are only sufficient to pay their duties, and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine. The bread then which they eat, is of the coursest flower, and so black, that it cannot admit the name of brown. And as for their drink, they have recourse to the next Fountain. A people of any, the most unfortunate, not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours; and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospel, This man planted a Vineyard, and doth not drink of the fruit thereof. 
Nec prosunt domino, quae prosunt omnibus, arts.   
Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable, if there were but hopes left to them of a better, if they could but compass certainty, that a painful drudging and a thrifty saving, would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage. In this, questionless, they are entirely miserable, in that they are sensible of the wretchedness of their present fortunes, and dare not labour nor expect an alteration. If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high, that he is but 40 s or 5 l. richer than his neighbour, his Lord immediately enhanceth his Rents, and informeth the King's taskmasters of his riches, by which means he is within two or three years brought again to equal poverty with the rest. A strange course, and much different from that of England, where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them, and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy. On the other side, those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farms; and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants. In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes, who laying hands upon all he met, cast them upon his bed; if they were shorter than it, he racked their joints till he had made them even to it, if they were longer, he cut as much of their bodies from them, as did hang over; so keeping all that fell into his power in an equality. All the French Lords are like that Tyrant.  
How much this course doth depress the military power of this Kingdom is apparent by the true principles of war, and the examples of other Countries. For it hath been held by the general opinion of the best judgements in matters of war, that the main Buttress and Pillar of an Army is the foot, or (as the Martialists term it) the Infantry. Now to make a good Infantry, it requireth that men be brought up not in a slavish and needy fashion of life, but in some free and liberal manner. Therefore it is well observed by the Viscount St. Alban in his History of Henry VII. that if a State run most to Nobles and Gentry, and that the Husbandmen be but as their mere drudges, or else simply Cottagers, that that State may have a good Cavalry, but never good stable bands of foot. Like to Coppice woods, in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles, they run to bushes or briers, and have little clean under-wood. Neither is this in France only, but in Italy also, and some other parts abroad; in so much, that they are enforced to employ mercenary Soldiers for their battalions of foot: whereby it cometh to pass, that in those Countries they have much people, and few men. On this consideration King Henry VII. one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome, for the increase of the military power of his Realm; that though it be much less in territory, yet it should have infinitely more Soldiers of its native forces, than its neighbour Nations. For in the fourth year of his Reign, there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages, and decay of tillage, but purposedly to enable his subjects for the wars. The Act was, That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards, should be maintained and kept up for, together with a competent proportion of Land, to be used and occupied with them, etc. By this means, the houses being kept up, did of necessity enforce a dweller, and that dweller, because of the proportion of Land, not to be a beggar, but a man of some substance, able to keep Hinds and Servants, and to set the plough a going. An order which did wonderfully concern the might and manhood of the Kingdom; these Farms being sufficient to maintain an able body out of penury; and by consequence to prepare them for service, and encourage them to higher honours, for 

Haud facile emergent, quorum virtutibus obstat  
Res angusta domi.—   As the Poet hath it.  
But this Ordinance is not thought of such use in France, where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavalry or the horse; which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battles upon them. As for the French foot, they are quite out of all reputation, and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world.  
Besides, should the French people be enfranchised, as it were, from the tyranny of their Lords, and estated in freeholds and other tenors, after the manner of England, it would much trouble the Council of France, to find out a new way of raising his revenues, which are now merely sucked out of the blood and sweat of the Subject. Anciently the Kings of France had rich and plentiful demeans, such as was sufficient to maintain their greatness and Majesty, without being burdensome unto the Country. Pride in matters of sumptuousness, and the tedious Civil wars, which have lasted in this Country, almost ever since the death of Henry II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and mortgaged; in so much that the people are now become the Demaine, and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown. By the sweat of their brows is the Court said, and the Soldier paid; and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idleness. What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them, it is almost a point of treason not only to deny, but to question. Apud illos vere regnatur, nefasque quantum regi liceat, dubitare; as one of them. The King's hand lieth hard upon them, and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage, the poor Peasant being constrained to make up daily his full tale of bricks, and yet have no straw allowed them. Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people, Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of England, in his book entitled, De Laudibus legum Angliae, concludeth them to be unfit men for Jurors or Judges, should the custom of the Country admit of such trials. For having proved there unto the Prince, (he was son to Henry VI) that the manner of trial according to the Common Law, by 12 Jurates, was more commendable than the practice of the Civil or Imperial Laws, by the deposition only of two witnesses, or the forced confession of the persons, arraigned, the Prince seemed to marvel, Cur ed lex Angliae quae tam fiugi & optabilis est, non sit toti mundo communis. To this he maketh answer, by showing the ●ree condition of the English Subjects, who alone are used at these indictments; men of a fair and large estate, such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed, men that are of ingenuous education, such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted, and afraid of infamy. Then he showeth how in other places all things are contrary, the Husbandman an absolute beggar, easy to be bribed by reason of his poverty; the Gentlemen living far asunder, and so taking no notice of the fact; the Peasant also neither fearing infamy, nor the loss of goods, if he be found faulty, because he hath them not. In the end he concludeth thus, Ne mireris igitur princeps, si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiritur, alias non pervagetur nationes, ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas. The last part of the latin, savoureth somewhat of the Lawyer, the word Juratas being put there to signify a Jury.  
To go over all those impositions, which this miserable people are afflicted withal, were almost as wretched as the payment of them; I wiil therefore speak only of the principal. And here I meet in the first place, with the gabelle or Imposition on Salt. This Gabelle de sell, this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long, who took for it a double (which is half a Solemnising) upon the pound. After whom Philip of Valois, anno 1328. doubled that. Charles the VII. raised it unto three doubles; and Lewis the XI. unto six. Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine, which containeth some 30 bushels English; the rates rising and falling at the King's pleasure. This one commodity were very advantageous to the Exchequer, were it all in the King's hands; but at this time a great part of it is mortgaged. It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly; that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters, being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year. The late Kings since anno 15●1. being entangled in wars, have been constrained to let it out others; in so much that about anno 1599 the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly: and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds, of the Provost of merchand's and the Eschevines, gave unto them a rend charge of 40000 l. yearly, to be issuing out of his Customs of Salt, till their money were repaid them. This gabelle is, indeed, a Monopoly, and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World. For no man in the Kingdom (those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted) can eat any Salt, but he must buy of the King and at his price, which is most unconscionable; that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres, which in the exempted places is sold for one. Therefore that the King's profits might not be diminished, there is diligent watch and ward, that no foreign Salt be brought into the Land, upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment. A search which is made so strictly, that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles, and that not, but upon solemn protestation, that we had none of that commodity. This Salt is of a brown colour, being only such as we in England call Bay salt; and imposed on the Subjects by the King's Officers with great rigour, for though they have some of their last provision in the house, or perchance would be content (through poverty) to eat meat without it, yet will these cruel villains enforce them to take such a quantity of them; or howsoever they will have of them so much money.  
But this Tyranny is not general, the Normans and Picards enduring most of it, and the other Peasant the rest. Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bishops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines. For when such as had the charge of gathering the Pope's Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine, and for that cause made denial of the Tributes; the Collectors would return them this answer, that notwithstanding this, they should pay the money, because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would.  
This gabelle, as it sitteth hard on some, so are there some also which are never troubled with it. Of this sort are the Princes in the general released, and many of the Nobless in particular; in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis, anno 1614 that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesty's Salt, there were 2000 of the Commons. There are also some entire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt, as Bretagne, Gascoine, Poictou, Quer●u, Xaintogne, and the County of Boul●nnois. Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption, as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady (Nostre Dame); of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovillon. The Bretagnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage, and had strength enough to make their own capitulations, when they first entered into the French subjection. Besides, here are yet divers of the ducal family living in that Country, who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdom, should the people be oppressed with this bondage, and they take the protection of them. Poictou and Quercu have compounded for it with the former Kings, and pay a certain rent yearly, which is called the Equivalent. Xaint●gne is under the command of Rochel, of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate. And as for the Gascoynes, the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion. They are a stubborn and churlish people, very impatient of a rigorous yoke, and such which inherit a full measure of the Biscanes liberty and spirits, from whom they are descended. Le droict de fovage, the privilege of levying a certain piece of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh, was in times not long since one of the jura regalia of the French Lords, and the people paid it without grumbling; yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain, for the paying of his Soldiers to whom he was indebted, laid this Fovage upon this people, being then English, they all presently revolted to the French, and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters.  
Next to the gabelle of Salt, we may place the Taille or Taillon, which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England, as being levied both on Goods and Lands. In this again they differ, the Subsidies of England being granted by the people, and the sum of it certain; but this of France being at the pleasure of the King, and in what manner he shall please to impose them. Anciently the Tailles were only levied by way of extraordinary Subsidy, and that but upon four occasions, which were, the Knighting of the King Son, the marriage of his Daughters, a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea, and his Ransom in case he were taken Prisoner; Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire (saith Ragneau) ains ant este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement. Afterwards they were continually levied in times of war; and at length Chales the VII. made them ordinary. Were it extended equally on all, it would amount to a very fair Revenue. For supposing this, that the Kingdom of France containeth 200 millions of Acres (as it doth) and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly, which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them: That income alone, besides that which is levied on Goods personal, would amount to two millions of pounds in a year. But this payment also lieth on the Peasant; the greater Towns, the officers of the King's house, the Officers of War, the Precedent, Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament, the Nobility, the Clergy, and the Scholars of the University being freed from it.  
That which they call the Taillon, was intended for the ease of the Country, though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it. In former times the King's Soldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages, the poor people being ●ain to find them diet, lodging, and all necessaries, for themselves, their horses, and the harlots which they brought with them. If they were not well pleased with their entertainment, they used commonly to beat their Host, abuse his family, and rob him of that small provision, which he had laid up for his children; and all this Cum privilegio. Thus did they move from one Village to another, and at the last again returned to them from whence they came; Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis istius; quae non semel aut bis in anno, hac nefanda pressura depiletur, as Sir John fortescue observed in his time. To redress this mischief, King Henry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon.  
The Pancarte comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts, but especially the Solemnising upon the Livre; that is, the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold, Corn, Salads, and the like only excepted. Upon wine, besides the Solemnising upon the Livre, he hath his several Customs of the entrance of it into any of his Cities, passages by Land, Sea or Rivers. To these Charles the IX. anno 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye (which is the third part of a Tun) and yet when all this is done, the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth. In this Pancarte is also contained the Haut passage, which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and cattle over his bridges, and his City gates, as also for all such commodities as they bring with them: a good round sum considering the largeness of the Kingdom; the thoroughfare of Lions, being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns. Hereunto belong also the Aides, which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre, upon all sorts of Fruits, Provision, Wares, and Merchandise, granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy, when John his father was Prisoner in England, and since made perpetual. For such is the lamentable fate of this Country, that their kindnesses are made duty; and those moneys which they once grant out of love, are always after exacted of them, and paid out of necessity. The Bedroll of all these impositions and Taxes, is called the Pancarte, because it was hanged in a frame, like as the Officers fees are in our Diocesan Courts; the word Pan signifying a frame or a pane of Wainscot. These Impositions time and custom hath now made tolerable, though at first they seemed very burdensome, and moved many Cities to murmuring, some to rebellion; amongst others, the City of Paris, proud of her ancient liberties and immunities, refused to admit of it. This indignity so incensed Charles the VI their King, then young and in hot blood, that he seized into his hands all their privileges, took from them their Provost des merchand's, and the Es●b●vins, as also the Keys of their gates, and the Chains of their streets, and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning, that one might justly have said, 
Haec facies Trojae, cum caperetur, erat.  This happened in the year 1383. and was for five years together continued, which time being expired, and other Cities warned by that example, the Imposition was established, and the privileges restored. For the better regulating of the Profits arising from these Imposts, the French King erected a Court called, Le Cour des Aides; it consisted at the first of the Generals of the Aides, and of any four of the Lords of the Council, whom they would call to their assistance. Afterwards Charles the V. anno 1380 or thereabouts settled it in Paris, and caused it to be numbered as one of the Sovereign Courts. Lewis the XI. dissolved it, and committed the managing of his Aids to his household servants, as loath to have any public officers take notice how he fleeced his people. Anno 1464. it was restored again. And finally, Henry II. anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber composed of two Precedents and eight Counselors; one of which Precedents, named Mr. Chevalier, is said to be the best moneyed man of all France. There are also others of these Courts in the Country, as one at Roven, one at Montferrant in Avergne, one at Bordeaux, and another at Montpelier, established by Charles VII. anno 1437▪  
For the levying and gathering up of these Taxes, you must know that the whole Country of France is divided into 21 Generalities, or Counties as it were, and those again into divers Eslectiones, which are much like our Hundreds. In every of the Generalities, there are 10 or 12 Treasurers, 9 Receivers for the generalty, and as many Comptollers; and in the particular Eslectiones, eight Receivers and as many Comptrollers, besides all under-officers, which are thought to amount in all to 30000 men▪  
When then the King levyeth his Taxes, he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principal Officers of every Generalty, whom they call Les Genereaux des Aides, and they dispatch their Warrant to the Esleus or Commissioners. These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their several divisions at a certain rate, send their receivers to collect it, who give account for it to their Comptrollers. By them it ascendeth to the Esleus, from him to the Receiver general of that Generalty, next to the controller, then to the Treasurer, afterwards to the General des Aides; and so 
Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum  
Tendimus ad Latium.—  By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the King's purse; in which several passages, Necesse est ut aliquid haereat, it cannot be but that it must have many a shrewd snatch. In so much that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France, that there could not be gathered by the several exactions above specified, and other devises of prowling, which I have omitted, less than 85 millions a year, whereof the King receiveth 15 only. A report not altogether to be slighted, considering the Precedent of the Court of Accounts made it evident to the Assembly at Bloys, in the time of King Henry IU. that by the time that every one of the Officers had his share of it, there came not to the King's Coffers one teston (which is 1 s. 2 d.) of a Crown; so that by reckoning 5 testons to a Crown or Escu (as it is but 2 d. over) these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay the King, which amounteth to 75 millions, and is not much short of that proportion which before I spoke of. The King's Revenues then, notwithstanding this infinite oppression of his people, amounteth to 15 millions (some would have it 18.) which is a good improvement in respect of what they were in times asore. Lewis the XI. as good a husband of his Crown, as ever any was in France, gathering but one and a half only. But as you reckon the flood, so also if you may reckon the ebb ofhi Treasures, you will find much wanting of a full sea in his Coffers; it being generally known, that the fees of officers, pensions, garrisons, and the men of arms, draw from him yearly no fewer than 6 of his 15 millions.  
True it is, that his Treasure hath many good helps by way of Escheat, and that most frequently, when he cometh to take an account of his Treasurers and other Officers. A Nation so abominably full of base and unmanly villains in their several charges, that the Publicans of Old-Rome, were milk and white-broth to them. For so miserably do they abuse the poor Peasant, that if he hath in all the world but eight Sols, it shall go hard, but he will extort from him five of them. 
Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirundo.  He is just of the nature of the Horseleech, when he hath once gotten hold of you, he will never let you go till he be filled. And which is most strange, he thinks it a greater clemency that he hath lest the poor man some of his money, than the injury was in wresting from him the rest. Nay they will brag of it, when they have taken but five of the eight Sols, that they have given him three, and expect thanks for it. A kindness of a very thievish nature, it being the condition of Robbers, as Tully hath observed, Ut commemorent iis se dedisse vitam, quibus non ademerint. Were the people but so happy, as to have a certain rate set upon their miseries, it could not but be a greater ●ase to them, and would well defend them from the tyranny of these Thiefs. But (which is not the least part of their wretchedness) their Taxings and Assessments are left arbitrary, and are exacted accordingly as these Publicans will give out of the King's necessities; so that the Countryman hath no other remedy, then to give Cerberus a crust, as the saying is, to kiss his rod and hug his punishment. By this means the Questors thrive abundantly, it being commonly said of them, Heri bouvier aviourdhui chevalier, to day a Swineherd, to morrow a Gentleman; and certainly they grow into great riches. Mr. Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers (Mr. De Vilroy, who slew the marquis D' Ancre, married his only Daughter) having raked unto himself, by the villainous abuse of his place, no less than 22 millions of Livres, as it was commonly reported. But he is not like to carry it to his grave, the King having seized upon a good part of it, and himself being condemned to the gallows by the grand Chambre of Parliament, though as yet he cannot be apprehended and advanced to the Ladder. And this hath been the end of many of them, since the reign of this present King, whom (it may be) for this cause, they call Lewis the just. This fashion of affixing Epithets to the names of their Kings was in great use heretofore with this Nation. Carolus the son of Pepin, was by them surnamed Le Magne: Lewis his son Debonair, and so of the rest. Since the time of Charles VI who was by them surnamed the Beloved, it was discontinued; and now revived again in the persons of King Henry IU. and his son King Lewis. But this by the way. It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation, because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice, (for I wink at his cruel and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse) it may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty, that he may make himself worthy of that attribute; 
Vere imperator sui nominis,—  
As one said of Severus.   
Let us add one more misery to the State and commonalty of France, and that is, the base and corrupt money in it. For besides the Solemnising, which is made of Tin, they have the Double made of Brass, whereof six make a Sol, and the Denier, whereof two make a Double; a coin so vile and small of value, that 120 of them go to an English shilling. These are the common coins of the Country; silver and gold not being to be seen but upon holidays. As for their silver, it is most of it of their own coining, but all exceeding clipped and shaved; their gold being most of it Spanish. In my little being in the Country, though I casually saw much gold, I could only see two pieces of French stamp, the rest coming all from Spain, as Pistolets, Demi pistolets and Double-pistolets. Neither is France alone furnished thus with Castilian coin, it is the happiness also of other Countries, as Italy, Barbary, Brabant, and elsewhere; and indeed it is kindly done of him, that being the sole Monopolist of the mines, he will yet let other nations have a share in the mettle. Were the King as Catholic as his money, I think I should be in some fear of him, till than we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King, and bestow it upon his pictures. The Sovereignty of the Spanish gold is more universally embraced, and more 〈◊〉 acknowledged in most parts of Christendom, then that of him which stamped it. To this he which entitleth himself Catholic is but a prisoner, and never saw half those Provinces, in which this more powerful Monarch hath been heartily welcomed. Yet if he will needs be King, let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen, and confess that his gold doth royally deserve his embraces, whom before the extent of his dominion, the Ancient Poets styled Regina pecunia. True it is, that by the figure and shape of this Empress, you would little think her to be lovely, and less worthy of your embracement. The stones which little boys break into Quoits, are a great deal better proportioned; if a Geometrician were to take the angles of it, I think it would quite put him besides his Euclid; neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it, than a French Cheese; for it is neither long, nor square, nor round, nor thin, nor thick, nor any one of these, but yet all, and yet none of them. No question, but it was the King's desires, by this unsightly dressing of his Lady, to make men out of love with her, that so he might keep her to himself. But in this his hopes have conus●●●d him; for as in other Cuckoldries, so in this; some men will be bold to keep his wife from him, be it only in spite.  
These circumstances thus laid together and considered, we may the clearer and the better see our own felicities, which to express generally and in a word, is to say only this, That the English Subject is in no circumstance a Frenchman. Here have we our money made of the best and purest, that only excepted, which a charitable consideration hath coined into farthings. Here have we our Kings royally, and to the envy of the world, magnificently provided for, without the sweat and blood of the people, no Pillages, no Impositions upon our private wares, no Gabels upon our commodities; Nullum in tam in●enti regno vectigal, non in urbibus pontiumve discriminibus, Publicanorum stationes; as one truly hath observed of us. The moneys which the King wanteth to supply his necessities, are here freely given him. He doth not here compel our bounties, but accept them. The Laws by which we are governed, we in part are makers of, each Peasant of the Country hath a free-voice in the enacting of them; if not in his person, yet in his proxy. We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords, and may therefore say safely, what the Jews spoke factiously, That we have no King but Caesar. The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law, and when we stand before the tribunal of the Judge, we acknowledge no difference. Here do we inhabit our own houses, plough our own Lands, enjoy the fruits of our labour, comfort ourselves with the wives of our youth, and see ourselves grow up in those children, which shall inherit after us the same felicities. But I forget myself. To endeavour the numbering of God's blessings, may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as David's numbering the people. I conclude with the Poet,  

O fortunati minium, bona si sua norint▪  
Agricolae nostri.—   
And so I take my leave of France, and prepare for England, towards which (having stayed 3 days for wind and company) we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August, the day exceeding fair, the Sea as quiet, and the wind so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails, and betake themselves unto their Oars. Yet at the last with much endeavour on their side, and no less patience on ours, we were brought into the midst of the channel, when suddenly—  

But soft, what white is that which I espy,  
Which with its ●●stre doth eclipse mine eye;  
That which doth N●ptunes fury so disdain,  
And beats the Billow back into the main?  
Is it some dreadful Scylla fastened there,  
To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear?  
Or is 't some Island floating on the wave,  
Of which in writers we the story have?  
'tis England, ha! 'tis so! clap, clap your hands,  
That the full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands  
Into a Pallie. Doth not that loved name  
Move you to ecstasy? O were the same  
As dear to you as me, that very word  
Would make you dance and caper over board.  
Dull shipmen! how they move not, how their houses  
Grow to the planks; yet stay, here's sport enough.  
For see, the sea Nymphs foo● it, and the fish  
Leap their high measures equal to my wish.  
Triton doth sound his shell, and to delight me  
Old Nereus hobleth with his Amphitrite.  
Excellent triumphs! But (cursed fates!) the main  
Quickly divides and takes them in again;  
And leaves me dying, till I come to land,  
And kiss my dearest Mother in her sand.   

Hail happy England! hail thou sweetest Isle,  
Within whose bounds, no Pagan rites defile  
The purer faith: Christ is by Saints not mated,  
And he alone is worshipped that created.  
In thee the labouring man enjoys his wealth,  
Not subject to his Lord's rape, or the stealth  
Of hungry Publicans. In thee thy King  
Fears not the power of any underling;  
But is himself, and by his awful word,  
Commands not more the beggar then the Lord.  
In thee those heavenly beauties live, would make  
Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake.  
Such as outgo report, and make ●ame see  
They stand above her hig'st Hyperbale.  
And yet to strangers will not gr●te● the bliss  
Of salutation, and an harmless kiss.   

Hail then sweet England! may I 〈◊〉 my last,  
In thy lo●'d arms, and when my days are past,  
And to the silence of the gr 〈…〉 I must;  
All I desire is, thou wouldst keep my ●ust.    
The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey.   

THE SECOND JOURNEY: CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two LAND'S Guernzey and Jarsey, With the ISLES appending.  
According to their Polity, and Forms of Government, both Ecclesiastical and Civil.  
THE six BOOK.  
LONDON, Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet, 1656.   

A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey, etc.  

The Entrance.  
(1) The occasion of, etc. (2) Introduction to this Work. (3) The Dedication, (4) and Method of the whole. The beginning, continuance of our Voyage; with the most remarkable passages which happened in it. The mercenary falseness of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of war.  
WHen first I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey; besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship, I resolved also to do somewhat for myself: and, if possible, unto the places. For myself, in bettering▪ what I could my understanding, if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing, to which I was a stranger. At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity, as being not a little emulous of this kind of living, Multorum mores hominum qui vidit & urbes; which had seen so much of men and of their manners. It was also not the last part of mine intention, to do something in the honour of the Island, by committing to memory their Antiquities, by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government, by representing, as in a Tablet, the choicest of their beauties; and in a word, by reducing these and the Achievements of the people, as far as the light of Authors could direct me, into the body of an History. But when I had a little made myself acquainted with the place and people, I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble. The Churches naked of all Monuments, and not so much as the blazon of an Arms permitted in a window, for fear, as I conjecture, of Idolatry. No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends, in their remembrancers; whereby to ennoble them in time to come, unless perhaps some slight alarms from France, may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles. The Country, indeed, exceeding pleasant and delightsome, but yet so small in the extent and circuit, that to speak much of them, wereto put the shoe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant. For being in themselves, an abridgement only of the greater works of nature, how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume? Having thus failed in the most of my designs, I applied myself to make enquiry after their form of Government, in which, I must needs confess, I met with much which did exceedingly affect me. Their Laws, little beholding in the composition of them, to Justinian; and of no great affinity with the laws of England, which we call Municipal or common. The grand Customary of Normandy, is of most credit with them; and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed, save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince, for the conveniency of this people.  
Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli boves? But what had I, a Priest of the Church of England, to do with the Laws and Customs of the Normans? Had I gone forward in my purpose, I deny not, but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws, amongst other my Collections; but failing in the main of my intent, I must only make such use of them, as shall be necessary for this present argument. An Argument not so much as in my thoughts, when first I resolved upon the Journey; as little dreaming that any alterations had lately happened in the Churches of those Islands, or that those alterations could afford one such variety. An Argument more suitable to my profession, as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy; and such as in itself may justly be entitled to your Lordship's patronage. God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel, a principal pillar in the glorious structure of the Church. An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England, your most indulgent, and in you most happy mother. No marvel therefore, if those little Chapels, even those two Tribes and a half, which are on the other side of the flood, most humbly cast themselves at your Lordship's feet, and by me lay open their estate unto you.  
Which that I may the better do, in discharge of the trust reposed in me, and for your Lordships, more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following.  
First, I shall lay before your Lordship, the full success and course of our Navigation, till we were settled in those Islands; that so the rest of this discourse being more material, may receive no interruption in the process of it.  
Next, I shall briefly, as in a map, present your Lordship with the situation, quality and story of the Islands; with somewhat also of their Customs, of their Government; but this (as the great Cardinal acknowledgeth the Pope's power in temporal affairs) in ordine tantum ad spiritualia: the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their Churches.  
That done, I shall draw down the success of their affairs from the beginning of the Reformation in matters of Religion, to the accomplishment of that innovation which they had made in point of discipline; and therein, the full platform or discipline itself, according as by Snape and Cartwright it was established in their Synods.  
In the third place, I shall show your Lordship, by what degrees and means the Ministers and Church of Jersey, were persuaded to conform unto the discipline of England; together with a copy of those Canons and constitutions Ecclesiastical, whereby the Church and Ministry of that Island is now governed.  
Last of all, I shall commence a suit unto your Lordship in the name of those of Guernzey for their little sister which hath no breasts; that by your Lordship's place and power the one Island may conform unto the other, and both to England. In which I shall exhibit unto your Lordship a just survey of such motives, which may have most sway with you in the furthering of a work so commendable; and shall adventure also upon such particulars, as may conduce to the advancing of the business. Not that therein I shall presume positively to advise your Lordship, or to direct you in the readiest way for the accomplishment of this design; but that by this propounding of mine own conceits, I may excite your Lordship to have recourse unto the excellent treasures of your own mind, and thence to fashion such particulars for this purpose, as may be most agreeable to your Lordship's wisdom.  
In order whereunto your Lordship may be pleased to call to mind that on provocation given unto the French at the Isle of the, the King received advertisement of some reciprocal affront intended by the French on the Isl●s of Jarsey and Guernzey, with others thereupon appendent, the only remainders of the Dukedom of Normandy in the power of the English; and that for the preventing of such inconveniences as might follow on it, it was thought good to send the Earl of Danby (than Governor of the Isle of Guernzey) with a considerable supply of Men, and Arms, and Ammunition to make good those Islands, by fortifying and assuring them against all invasions. This order signified to his Lordship about the beginning of December, anno 1628. he cheerfully embraced the service, and prepared accordingly. But being deserted by his own Chaplains in regard of the extremity of the season, and the visible danger of the enterprise, he proposed the business of that attendance unto me (not otherwise relating to him then as to an honourable friend) in whom he found as great a readiness and resolution, as he found coldness in the other. According to his Lordship's summons, I attended him in his Majesty's house of St. James, a little before the Feast of Christmas; but neither the Ships, money, nor other necessaries being at that time brought together, I was dismissed again at the end of the Holidays, until a further intimation of his Lordship's pleasure. Toward the latter end of February I received a positive command to attend his Lordship on Friday the 20 of that month, at the house of Mr. Arthur Brumfeild, in the Parish of Tichfeild near the Sea, situate between Portsmouth and South●ampton; whither accordingly I went, and where I found a very cheerful entertainment. It was a full week after that, before we heard of his Lordships coming, and yet his Lordship was fain to tarry two or three days before he had any advertisement that his Ships, Men and Ammunition (which he thought to have found there in readiness) were Anchored in the road of Portsmouth. News whereof being brought unto us on the Monday morning, we spent the remainder of that day in preparations for our Journey, and taking leave of those good friends by whom we were so kindly entertained and welcomed.  
On Tuesday March the 3. about ten in the morning, we went aboard his Majesty's Ship called the Assurance, being a Ship of 800 tun, furnished with 42 pieces of Ordinance, and very well manned with valiant and expert Sailors; welcomed aboard (after the fashion of the Sea) with all the thunder and lightning which the whole Navy could afford from their several Ships. Our whole Navy consisted of five Vessels, that is to say, the Assurance spoken of before, two of his Majesty's Pinnaces called the Whelps, a Catch of his Majesties called the Minikin, and a Merchant's ship called the Charles, which carried the Arms and Ammunition for the use of the Islands. Aboard the Ships were stowed about 400 foot with their several Officers, two Companies whereof under the command of Colonel Pipernell (if I remember his name aright) and Lieutenant Colonel Francis Connisby were intended for the Isle of Guernzey; the other two under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Francis Rainford, and Captain William Killegre for the Isle of Jarsey. The Admiral of our Navy (but in subordination to his Lordship when he was at Sea) was Sir Henry Palmer one of the Admirals or the Narrow-seas. All of them men of note in their several ways, and most of them of as much gallantry and ingenuity, as either their own birth or education in the School of war could invest them with. The Sea was very calm and quiet, and the little breath of wind we had, made us move so slowly, that the afternoon was almost spent before we had passed through the Needles, a dangerous passage at all times, except to such only who being well skilled in these sharp points, and those dreadful fragments of the Rocks, which so entitled them, could steer a steady course between them: Scylla and Charybdis in old times, nothing more terrible to the unskilled Mariners of those days, than those Rocks to ours. Being got beyond them at the last, though we had got more Sea room, we had little more wind, which made us move as slowly as before we did, so that we spent the greatest part of the night with no swifter motion, than what was given us by the tide. About 3 of the clock in the morning we had wind enough, but we had it directly in our teeth, which would have quickly brought us to the place we had parted from, if a great Mist arising together with the Sun, had not induced our Mariners to keep themselves aloof in the open Sea for fear of falling on those Rocks wherewith the Southside of the Wight is made unaccessable. About 2 of the clock in the afternoon, the winds turning somewhat Eastward, we made on again, but with so little speed, and to so little purpose, that all that night we were fain to lie at Hull (as the Mariners phrase it) without any sensible moving either backward or forward, but so uneasily withal, that it must be a very great tempest indeed, which gives a passenger a more sickly and unpleasing motion. For my part I had found myself good Sea-proof in my Voyage to France, and was not much troubled with those disturbances to which the greatest part of our Land-men were so sensibly subject. On Thursday morning about daybreak being within sight of Portland, and the wind serving very fitly, we made again for the Islands. At 11 of the clock we discovered the main Land of Normandy, called by the Mariners Le Haggs. About 2 in the afternoon, we fell even with Aldernie or Aurnie; and about 3 discerned the Isle of Jarzey to which we were bound, at which we aimed, and to which we might have come much sooner than we did had we not found a special entertainment by the way to retard our haste. For we were hardly got within sight of Jarsey but we descried a sail of French consisting of ten barks laden with very good Gascoy●ne Wines, and good choice of Linen (as they told us afterwards) bound from St. Malloes' to New-Haven for the trade of Paris, and convoyed by a Holland-man of war, for their safer passage. These being looked on as good prize, our two Whelps and the Catch gave chase unto them, a great shot being first made from our Admiral's Ship to call them in. The second shot brought in the Holland man of war, who very sordidly and basely betrayed his charge before he came within reach of danger; the rest for the greatest part of the afternoon, spun before the wind, sometimes so near to their pursuers, that we thought them ours, but presently tacking about, when our Whelps were ready to seize on them, and the Catch to lay fast hold upon them, they gained more way than our light Vessels could recover in a long time after. Never did Duck by frequent diving so escape the Spaniel, or Hare by often turning so avoid the Hounds, as these poor Barks did quit themselves by their dexterity in sailing from the present danger. For my part I may justly say that I never spent an afternoon with greater pleasure, the greater in regard that I knew his Lordship's resolution to deal favourably with those poor men if they chanced to fall into his power. Certain I am, that the description made by Ovid of the Hare and Hound, was here fully verified, but far more excellently in the application than the first original; of which thus the Poet:  

Ut canis in vacuo leporem cum Gallicus arvo  
Vidit, & hic praedam pedibus petit, ille salutem;  
Alter inhaesuro similis jam jamque tenere  
Sperat, & obiento stringit vestigia collo;  
Alter in ambiguo est, an sit compressus, & ipsis  
Morsibus eripitur, tangentiaque ora relinquit. 

Which I find thus Englished by G. Sandi●.  
As when the Hare the speedy Greyhound spies;  
His feet for prey, she hers for safety plies.  
Now bears he up, now, now he hopes to fetch her;  
And with his snout extended strains to catch her.  
Not knowing whether caught or no, she slips  
Out of his wide-stretcht-jawes and touching lips.     
But at the last a little before the close of the evening, three of them being boarded and brought under Lee of our Admiral, the rest were put to a necessity of yielding, or venturing themselves between our two great ships and the shore of Jarsey, to which we were now come as near as we could with safety. Resolved upon the last course and favoured with a strong leading gale, they passed by us with such speed and so good success, (the duskiness of the evening contributing not a little to a fair escape) that though we gave them 30 shot, yet we were not able to affirm that they received any hurt or damage by that encounter; with as much joy unto myself (I dare boldly say) as to any of those poor men who were so much interessed in it. This Chase being over, and our whole Fleet come together, we Anchored that night in the Port of St. Oenone, one of the principal Ports of that Island; the Inhabitants whereof (but those especially which dwelled in the inland parts) standing all night upon their guard, conceiving by the thunder of so many great shot, that the whole powers of France and the Devil to boot were now falling upon them; not fully satisfied in their fears, till by the next rising of the Sun they descried our colours.  
On Friday March the 6. about nine in the morning (having first landed our foot in the long boats) we went aboard his Majesties Catch called the Minikin, and doubling the points of Le Corbiere and of Normoint, we went on shore in the Bay of St. Heliers, near unto Mount St. Albin in the Parish of St. Peter. The greatest part of which day we spent in accommodations and refreshments, and receiving the visits of the Gentry which came in very frequently to attend his Lordship. You need not think, but that sleep and a good bed were welcome to us, after so long and ill a passage; so that it was very near high noon before his Lordship was capable to receive our services, or we to give him our attendance; after dinner his Lordship went to view the Fort Elizabeth (the chief strength of the Island) and to take order for the fortifying and repair thereof. Which having done he first secured the Man of War and the three French Barks, under the command of that Castle; and then gave leave to Sir Henry Palmer and the rest of the sea Captains to take their pleasures in Foraging and soowring all the Coasts of France, which day near the Islands, commanding them to attend him on the Saturday following. Next he gave liberty to all the French which he had taken the day before, whom he caused to be landed in their own Country, to their great rejoicing, as appeared by the great shout they made when they were put into some long boats at their own disposing. The three Barks still re 〈…〉ing untouched in the state they were, save that some wines were taken out of them for his Lordship's spending. On Sunday March 8. it was ordered, that the people of the Town of St. Hel●ers should have their divine offices in that Church performed so early, that it might be left wholly for the use of the English by nine of the clock, about which time his Lordship attended by the Officers and Soldiers in a solemn Military pomp (accompanied with the Governors of the Town and chief men of the Island) went toward the Church, where I officiated Divine Service according to the prescript form of the Church of England, and after preached on those words of David, Psal. 31. 51. viz. Offer unto God thanksgiving, etc. with reference to the good success of our Voyage past, and hopes of the like mercies for the time to come. The next day, we made a Journey to Mount Orgueil, where we were entertained by the Lady Carteret (a Daughter of Sir Francis Douse of Hampshire) And after Dinner his Lordship went to take a view of the Regiment of Mr. Josuah de Carteret, Seignieur de la Trinity, mustering upon the Green upon Ha●re de Bowl in the Parish of St. Trinity. On Tuesday, March the 10. his Lordship took a view of the Regiment of Mr. Aron Misservie Col. and on Wednesday, March the 11. went unto St. Oenone, where we were feasted by Sir Philip de Carteret, whose Regiment we likewise viewed in the afternoon. The Soldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed, and not unpractised in their Arms; but such, as never saw more danger than a Training came to. On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall, attended by Sir John Palmer the Deputy Governor, Sir Philip de Carteret, the Justices, Clergy, and Jurors of the Island, with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging; where being set, as in a Parliament or Sessions, and having given order for redress of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people, he declared to them in a grave and eloquent speech the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sending Men, Money, Arms, and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and consciences; assuring them that if the noise of those preparations did not keep the French from looking towards them, his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping, as should make that Island more impregnable than a wall of Brass; in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue faithful to his Majesty's service, or to behave themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen, Officers, and common Soldiers, who were resolved to expose themselves (for defence of them, their Wives and Children) to the utmost dangers. And finally, advising the common Soldiers to carry themselves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Country, (for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question) as to give no offence or scandal by their conversation. This said, the Assembly was dissolved, to the great satisfaction of all parties present; the night ensuing and the day following being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures.  
The only business of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey, the goods whereof having before been inventoried and apprized by some Commissioners of the Town, and now exposed to open sale, were for the most part, bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of war, whom they had hired to be their Convoy: Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people, that of all men living, I should never desire to have any thing to do with them, unless they might be made use of (as the Gibeonites were) in hewing wood, and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle; I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under.  
On Saturday, March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Fleet, which found better employment in the Seas than they could in the Haven, we went aboard the Merchant's ship, which before I spoke of, not made much lighter by the unlading of the one half of the Ammunition which was left at Jarsey, in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships, were all stowed in her. Before night, being met by the rest of our Fleet, we came to Anchor near St. Pier port or St. Peter's Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet, where we presently landed. The Castle divided from the Town and Haven, by the inter-currency of the Sea; in which respect we were ●ain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chapel. The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that, and the Castle yielding no place else of a fit capacity for the receiving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Religious exercises.  
On Monday, March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea again, taking the Charles with them for their greater strength, which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island.  
The whole time of our stay here was spent in visiting the Forts, and Ports, and other places of importance, taking a view of the several Musters of the natural Islanders, distributing the new come Soldiers in their several quarters, receiving the services of the Gentry, Clergy and principal Citizens; and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island, as had before been held in Jarsey.  
Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay, but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday, March 25. which happened very fitly to complete the triumph of the Friday following, being the day of his Majesty's most happy inauguration; celebrated in the Castle, by the Divine Service for that day, and after by a noble Feast, made by him for the chief men of the Island; and solemnised without the Castle by 150 great shot, made from the Castle, the Fleet, the Town of St. Peter's Port, and the several Islands, all following one another in so good an order, that never Bells were rung more closely, nor with less confusion.  
Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage; I shall next present you with the sight of such observations, as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leisure; and that being done, hoist sail for England.   

CHAP. I.  
(1) Of the convenient situation, and (2) condition of these Islands in the general. (3) Alderney, (4) and Serk●. (5) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French. (6) Of Guernzey, (7) and the smaller Isles near unto it. (8) Our Lady of Lehu. (9) The road, and (10) the Castle of Cornet. (11) The Trade, and (12) Privileges of this people. (13) Of Jarsey, and (14) the strengths about it. (15) The Island why so poor and populous. (16) Gavelkind, and the nature of it. (17) The Governors and other the King's Officers. The (18) Polity, and (19) administration of Justice in both Islands. (20) The Assembly of the Three Estates. (21) Courts presidial in France what they are. (22) The election of the Justices, (23) and the Oath taken at their admission. (24) Of their Advocates or Pleaders, and the number of them. (25) The number of Attorneys once limited in England. (26) A Catalogue of the Governors and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey.  
TO begin then with the places themselves, the Scene and Stage of our discourse, they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy; unto which Dukedom they did once belong. Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert, these Islands as a part of Normandy, were annexed unto the English Crown, and have ever since with great testimony of ●aith and loyalty, continued in that subjection. The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France against King John, nor the surprisal of Normandy by the French forces, could be no persuasion unto them to change their Masters. Nay when the French had twice seized on them, during the Reign of that unhappy Prince, and the state of England was embroiled at home, the people valiantly made good their own, and faithfully returned unto their first obedience. In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French, these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy, and sometimes also were attempted by them, but with ill success. And certainly, it could not be but an eye sore to the French, to have these Isles within their sight, and not within their power; to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English; a Nation strong in shipping, and likely by the opportunity of these places to annoy their trade. For if we look upon them in their situation, we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean. The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern parts unto the West, and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine, the only traffic of the Normans and Parisians. At this St. Malos, as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities; the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles; which if well aided by a small power from the King's Navy, would quickly bring that intercourse to nothing. An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation, at not being then so powerful on the Seas as now they are, but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage, if the French hereafter stir against us. Sure I am, that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest, for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French; and accordingly made proposition by his Letters to the Council, that a squadron of eight Ships (viz five of the Whelps, the Assurance, the Adventure and the Catch) might be employed about these Islands for that purpose. An advice which had this Summer took effect, had not the Peace between both Realms, been so suddenly concluded.  
Of these, four only are inhabited, and those reduced only unto two Governments; Jarsey an entire Province as it were within itself; but that of Gueruzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it. Hence it is, that in our Histories, and in our Acts of Parliament, we have mention only of Jarsey and of Guernzey, this last comprehending under it the two other. The people of them all live as it were in libera custodia, in a kind of free subjection; not any way acquainted with Taxes, or with any levies either of men or money. In so much, that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes, there is always a proviso in the Act, That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained, extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey, or any of them, of, for or concerning any Manors, Lands, and Tenements, or other possessions, Goods, Chattels, or other movable substance, which they the said Inhabitants, or any other to their uses, have within Jarsey and Guernzey, or in any of them, etc. These privileges and immunities (together with divers others) seconded of late days with the more powerful band of Religion, have been a principal occasion of that constancy, wherewith they have persisted faithfully in their allegiance, and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France. For howsoever the language which they speak is French, and that in their original, they either were of Normandy or Britagne; yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French, but call themselves by the names of English-Normans. So much doth liberty, or at the worst a gentle yoke, prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people.  
To proceed unto particulars, we will take them as they lie in order, beginning first with that of Alderney, an Island called by Antonine, Arica, but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney. It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 & 52 minutes of that degree, just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii, called at this time by the Mariners the Hague. Distant from this Cape or Promontory three leagues only, but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England. The air healthy, though sometimes thickened with the vapours arising from the Sea. The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and gra●ing. A Town it hath of well-near an hundred families, and not far off, an haven made in the manner of a semicircle, which they call Crabbie. The principal strength of it, are the high rocks, with which it is on every side environed, but especially upon the South; and on the East side an old Block house, which time hath made almost unserviceable. The chief house herein belongeth unto the Chamberlains, as also the dominion or Fee-farm of all the Island, it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain, than Governor of Guernzey, by whose valour it was recovered from the French, who in Queen Mary's days had seized upon it. Near unto the Fort or Block-house afore mentioned, a great quantity of this little Island is overlaid with sand, driven thither by the ●ury of the Northwest-winde. If we believe their Legends, it proceeded from the just judgement of God upon the owner of those grounds, who once (but when I know not) had made booty and put unto the Sword some certain Spaniards, there shipwracked.  
Four leagues from hence, and to the South-west and by west, lieth another of the smaller Islands, called Serke; six miles in circuit at the least, which yet is two miles lesser in the whole compass than that of Alderney. An Isle not known at all by any name amongst the Ancients, and no marvel, for till the 〈…〉 h of Queen Elizabeth or thereabouts, it was not peopled. But then, it pleased her Majesty to grant it for ever in Fee farm to Helier de Carteret, vulgarly called Seigneur de St. Oenone, a principal Gentleman of the Isle of Jarsey, and Grandfather to Sir Philip de Carteret now living. By him it was divided into several estates, and leased out unto divers Tenants, collected from the neighbour Islands, so that at this day it may contain some forty households; whereas before it contained only a poor hermitage, together with a little Chapel appertaining to it; the rest of the ground serving as a Common unto those of Guernzey for the breeding of their cattle. For strength it is beholding most to nature, who hath walled it in a manner round with mighty rocks, there being but one way or ascent unto it, and that with small forces easy to be defended against the strongest power in Christendom. A passage lately fortified by the Farmers here, with a new platform on the top of it, and thereupon some four pieces of Ordinance continually mounted. In this Island, as also in the other, there is a Bailiff and a Minister, but both of them subordinate in matter of appeal unto the Courts and Colloquies of Guernzey.  
During the reign of the late Queen Mary, who for her husband Philip's sake, had engaged herself in a war against the French; this Island than not peopled, was suddenly surprised by those of that Nation, but by a Gentleman of the Netherlands, a subject of King Philip's thus regained, as the story much to this purpose is related by Sir Wal. Raleigh. The Flemish Gentleman with a small Bark came to Anchor in the road, and pretending the death of his Merchant, besought the French that they might bury him in the Chapel of that Island, offering a present to them of such commodity as they had aboard. To this request the French were easily entreated, but yet upon condition that they should not come on shore with any weapon, no not so much as with a knife. This leave obtained, the Fleming rowed unto the shore with a Coffin in their Skiffe for that use purposely provided, and manned with Swords and Arcubuishes. Upon their landing, and a search so strict and narrow, that it was impossible to hide a penknife; they were permitted to draw their Coffin up the Rocks, some of the French rowing back unto the Ship to fetch the present, where they were soon made fast enough and laid in hold. The Flemings in the mean time which were on land, had carried their Coffin into the Chapel, and having taken thence their weapons, gave an alarm upon the French, who taken thus upon the sudden, and seeing no hopes of succour from their fellows, yielded themselves, and abandoned the possession of that place. A stratagem to be compared, if not preferred, unto any of the Ancients; did not that fatal folly reprehended once by Tacitus, still reign amongst us, Quod vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi; that we extol the former days, and are careless of the present.  
Two leagues from Serke directly Westward, lieth the chief Island of this Government, by Antonine called Sarnia; by Us and the French known now by the name of Garnzey, or of Guernzey. Situate in the 49 degree of Latitude, between the 39 and 46 minutes of that degree, eight leagues or thereabouts from the coast of Normandy, and well-neer in an equal distance from Alderney and Jarsey. The form of it, is much after the fashion of the Isle of Sicily, every side of the triangle being about nine miles in length, and 28 in the whole compass. In this circuit are comprehended ten Parishes, whereof the principal is that of St. Peter's on the Sea, as having a fair and safe peer adjoining to it for the benefit of their Merchants, and being honoured also with a Market, and the Plaidery or Court of Justice. The number of the Inhabitants is reckoned near about twenty thousand, out of which there may be raised some two thousand able men; although their trained Band consists only of twelve hundred, and those, God knows, but poorly weaponed. The air hereof is very healthful, as may be well seen in the long lives both of men and women; and the earth said to be of the same nature with Crete and Ireland, not apt to foster any venomous creature in it. Out of which general affirmation, we may do well to except Witches, of whom the people here have strange reports, and if an Ox or Horse perhaps miscarry, they presently impute it to Witchcraft, and the next old woman shall strait be haled to Prison. The ground itself, in the opinion of the Natives, more rich and battle than that of Jarsey; yet not so fruitful in the harvest, because the people addict themselves to merchandise especially, leaving the care of husbandry unto their hinds. Yet Bread they have sufficient for their use; enough of cattle both for themselves and for their ships; plenty of Fish continually brought in from the neighbour seas, and a Lake on the Northwest part of it, near unto the sea, of about a mile or more in compass, exceeding well stored with Carp, the best that ever mortal eye beheld, for ●ast and bigness.  
Some other Isles yet there be pertaining unto this Government of Guernzey, but not many nor much famous. Two of them lie along betwixt it and Serke, viz. Arvie, and Jet how, whereof this last serveth only as a Park unto the Governor, and hath in it a few fallow Deer, and good plenty of Coneys. The other of them is well-neer three miles in circuit, a solitary dwelling once of Canons regular, and afterwards of some Friars of the Order of St. Francis, but now only inhabited by Pheasants, of which amongst the shrubs and bushes, there is said to be no scarcity. The least of them, but yet of most note, is the little Islet called Le●u, situate on the North side of the Eastern corner, and near unto those scattered rocks, which are called Les Hanwaux, appertaining once unto the Dean, but now unto the Governor. Famous for a little Oratory of Cha●tery there once erected and dedicated to the honour of the Virgin Mary, who by the people in those times, was much sued to by the name of our Lady of Lehu. A place long since demolished in the ruin of it, Sed jam periere ruinae, but now the ruins of it are scarce visible, there being almost nothing left of it but the steeple, which serveth only as a sea-mark, and to which as any of that party sail along, they strike their top sail. Tantum religio potuit suadere, such a Religious opinion have they harboured of the place, that though the Saint be gone, the walls yet shall still be honoured.  
But indeed, the principal honour and glory of this Island, I mean of Guernzey, is the large capaciousness of the harbour, and the flourishing beauty of the Castle; I say the Castle, as it may so be called by way of eminency, that in the vale, and those poorer trifles all along the Coasts, not any way deserving to be spoken of. Situate it is upon a little Islet just opposite unto Pierport or the Town of St. Peter, on the Sea; to which, and to the peer there it is a good assurance, and takes up the whole circuit of that Islet whereupon it standeth. At the first it was built upon the higher part of the ground only, broad at the one end, and at the other, and bending in the fashion of an horn, whence it had the name of Cornet. By Sir Leonard Chamberlain Governor here in the time of Queen Mary, and by Sir Thomas Leighton his successor in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was improved to that majesty and beauty that now, it hath, excellently fortified according to the modern art of war, and furnished with almost an hundred piece of Ordinance, whereof about sixty are of Brass. Add to this, that it is continually environed with the Sea, unless sometimes at a dead-low water, whereby there is so little possibility of making any approaches near unto it, that one might justly think him mad, that would attempt it. And certainly it is more than necessary that this place should be thus fortified, if not for the safety of the Island, yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour. An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever failed upon the Ocean; fenced from the fury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey, Jet-how, Serke and Arvie, by which it is almost encompassed; and of so sure an anchorage, that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March, yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchor. Other Havens they have about the Island, viz. Bazon, L' Aucresse, Fermines and others; but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy, than any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people. A place not to be neglected in the defence of it; and full of danger to the English State and Traffic, were it in the hands of any enemy.  
Upon the notable advantage of this harbour, and the conveniency of the Peer so near unto it, which is also warranted with six piece of good Canon from the Town; it is no marvel if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise. Nor do they traffic only in small boats between St Malos and the Islands, as those of Jarsey; but are Masters of good stout Barks, and venture unto all these nearer Ports of Christendom. The principal commodity which they use to send abroad, are the works and labours of the poorer sort, as Waistcoats, Stockings, and other manufactures made of wool, wherein they are exceeding cunning; of which wool to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion, they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes. But there accrueth a further benefit unto this people, from their harbour then their own traffic, which is the continual concourse and resort of Merchants thither, especially upon the noise or being of a War. For by an ancient privilege of the Kings of England, there is with them in a manner a continual truce; and lawful it is both for French men and for others, how hot soever the war be followed in other parts, to repair hither without danger, and here to trade in all security. A privilege founded upon a Bull of Pope Sixtus IU. the 10 year, as I remember, of his Popedom; Edward IU. then reigning in England, and Lewis XI. over the French: by virtue of which Bull, all those stand ipso facto excommunicate, which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guerazey, or any which resort unto their Island, either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever. A Bull first published in the City of Constance, unto whose Diocese these Islands once belonged, afterwards verified by the Parliament of Paris, and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day. The copy of this Bull myself have seen, and somewhat also in the practice of it on record; by which it doth appear, that a man of war of France having taken an English ship, and therein some passengers and goods of Guernzey; made prize and prisoners of the English, but restored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own.  
And now at last after a long passage, and through many difficulties, we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey; known in the former ages, and to Antonine the Emperor, by the name of Caesarea. An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude, between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree; distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy, 40 or thereabouts from the nearest parts of England, and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey. The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square, which the Geometricians call Oblongum; the length of it from West to East 11 miles, the breadth 6 and upwards, the whole circuit about 33. The air very healthy and little disposed unto diseases, unless it be unto a kind of Ague in the end of Harvest, which they call Les Settembers. The soil sufficiently fertile in itself, but most curiously manured, and of a plentiful increase unto the Barn; not only yielding Corn enough for the people of the Island, but sometimes also an ample surplusage, which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants. The Country generally swelling up in pretty hillocks, under which lie pleasant Valleys, and those plentifully watered with dainty Ril● or Riverets; in which watery commodity, it hath questionless the precedency of Guernzey.  
Both Islands consist very much of small Enclosure, every man in each of them, having somewhat to live on of his own. Only the difference is, that here the mounds are made with ditches & banks of earth cast up, well fenced and planted with several sorts of apples, out of which they make a pleasing kind of Cider, which is their ordinary drink; whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones, about the height and fashion of a Parapet. A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy, who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these encumbrances, and shall be forced to pay dear for every foot of ground which there he purchaseth.  
For other strengths this Island is in part beholding unto Nature, and somewhat also unto Art. To Nature which hath guarded it with Rocks, and Shelves, and other shallow places very dangerous; but neither these, nor those of Art, so serviceable and full of safety, as they be in Guernzey. Besides the landing places, here are more, and more accessible, as namely the Bay of St. Owen, and the Havens of St. Burlade, Boule, St. Katherine's, with divers others. There is, indeed, one of them, and that the principal, sufficiently assured; on the one side by a little Blockhouse, which they call Mount St. Aubin; and on the other by a fair Castle, called the Fort Elizabeth. The Harbour itself is of a good capacity, in figure like a semicircle or a crescent, and by reason of the Town adjoining, known by the name of the Haven of St. Hilaries. On that side o● it next the Town, and in a little Islet of itself is situate the Castle, environed with the Sea at high water, but at an ebb easily accessible by land; but yet so naturally defended with sharp Rocks and craggy cliffs, that though the access unto it may be easy, yet the surprisal would be difficult. It was built not long since by our late Queen of famous memory, at such times as the Civil wars were hot in France about Religion, and the King's Forces drawn downwards towards Narmandy. Furnished with 30 pieces of Ordinance and upwards; and now, upon the preparations of the French, there are some new works begun about it, for the assurance of that well▪ On the East side, just opposite and in the view of the City of Constantia, there is seated on an high and craggy rock, a most strong Castle, and called by an haughty name Mount Orgueil; of whose founder I could learn nothing, nor any other thing which might concern it in matter of antiquity, save that it was repaired and beautified by Henry V. It is for the most part the inhabitatiou of the Governor, who is Captain of it; stored with about some forty pieces of Ordinance, and guarded by some five and twenty wardours. A place of good service for the safety of the Island; if perhaps it may not be commanded, or annoyed by an hill adjoining, which doth equal, if not overtop it.  
This Island, as before we noted, is some 33 miles in compass, comprehending in it▪ 12. Parishes, whereof the principal is that of S. Hilaries. A● Town so called from an ancient Father of that name, and Bishop of Poitiers in France, whose body they suppose to be interred in a little Chapel near unto the Fort Elizabeth, and consecrated to his memory. But of his burial here, they have nothing further than tradition, and that unjustifiable; for St▪ Jerome telleth us, that after his return from Phrygia, whereunto he had been confined, he died in his own City, and we learn in the Roman Martyrclogie, that his Obits is there celebrated on the 13 of January. The chief name the which this Town now hath, is for the convenioncy of the Haven, the Market there every Saturday, and that it is honoured with the Cohu or Sessions house for the whole Island. The other Villages lie scattered up and down, like those of Guernzey, and give habitation to a people very painful and laborious; but by reason of their continual toil and labour, not a little affected to a kind of melancholy 〈…〉 surliness incident to plough men. Those of Gue●nzey on the other side, by continual converse with strangers in their own haven, and by travailing abroad being much more sociable and generous. Add to this, that the people here are more poor, and therefore more destitute of humanity; the children here continually craving alms of every stranger; whereas in all Guernzey I did not see one beggar.  
A principal reason of which poverty, I suppose to be their exceeding populousness, there being reckoned in so small a quantity of ground, near upon thirty thousand living souls. A matter which gave us no small cause of admiration; and when my Lord of Danby seemed to wonder, how such a span of earth could contain such multitudes of people, I remember that Sir John Payton the Lieutenant Governor, made him this answer, viz. That the people married within themselves like Coneys in a burrow; and further, that for more than thirty years they never had been molested either with Sword, Pestilence, or Famine.  
A second reason of their poverty (add also of their numbers) may be the little liking they have to Traffic; whereby as they might have advantage to improve themselves, and employ their poor; so also might that service casually diminish their huge multitudes, by the loss of some men, and diverting others from the thought of marriage.  
But the main cause, as I conceive it, is the tenure of their Lands, which are equally to be divided amongst all the Sons of every Father, and those parcels also to be subdivided even ad infinitnm. Hence is it, that in all the Countries you shall hardly find a field of Corn of larger compass than an ordinary Garden; every one now having a little to himself, and that little made less to his posterity. This Tenure our Lawyers call by the name of Gavelkinde; that is, as some of them expound it, Give all-kinne, because it is amongst them all to be divided. For thus the Law speaking of the customs of Kent, in the 16 Chap. De praerogatlva Regis. Ibidem omnes haetedes masculi participabant haereditatem ●orum, & similiter soeminae; sed soemine non participabunt cum viri●. A tenure which on the one side hath many privileges, and on the other side as many inconveniences.  
For first, they which hold in this Tenure, are free from all customary services, exempt from wardship, at full age when they come to 15 years, and if they please, they may alienate their estates either by gift or sale, without the assent or knowledge of the Lord. But which is most of all, in case the Father be attaint of Felony or Murder, there is no Escheat of it to the Lord; the whole Estate, after the King hath had Diem annum & vastum, descending on the Heirs. Et post annum & diem terrae & tenementa reddentur, & revertentur porximo haeredi cui debuerant descendisse, si felonia facta non fuisset; so the Lawyers.  
On the other side, by this means their estates are infinitely distracted, their houses impoverished, the King's profits in his Subsidies diminished, and no little disadvantage to the public service, in the finding of Armours for the Wars. Whereupon, as many Gentlemen of Kent have altered by especial Acts of Parliament, the ancient Tenure of their Lands, and reduced it unto Knights-service; so is it wished by the better sort of this people, and intended by some of them, that their Tenure may be also altered and brought into the same condition. A matter of no little profit and advantage to the King, and therefore without difficulty to be compassed.  
By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Islands, except 6 only which are held in Capite; whereof 4 in Jarsey, and 2 in Guetnzey, and those called by the names of Signeuries. The Signeuries in Jarsey are first, that of St Oenone, anciently belonging to the Carter●ts; and that of rossel, bought lately of Mr. Daminick Perin, by Sir Philip de Carteret now living. 3. That of Trinity, descended upon Mr. Jeshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother, the heir general of the L' Emprieres. And 4 That of St. Marry, vulgarly called Lammarez, descended from the Pains unto the Family of the Duke Maresque who now enjoy it. Those of Guernzey, as before I said, are two only; viz. that of Anneville, and that of De Sammarez; both which have passed by way of sale through divers hands, and now at last are even worn out almost to nothing. The present owners, Fashion and Androes, both of them English in their parentage.  
The chief Magistrates in both these Isles, for as much as concerns the defence and safety of them, are the Governors; whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England, according as it was established by King Alfred, revived by Henry III. and so continueth at this day. These Governors are appointed by the King, and by him in times of war, rewarded with an annual pension payable out of the Exchequer; but since the increase of the domain by the ruin of Religious houses, that charge hath been deducted; the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Islands for the support of their estate. In Civil matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates; the Bailiffs and other the King's Officers in Guernzey, being appointed by the Governor; those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King.  
The names of which Officers, from the highest to the lowest, behold here as in a Tablet, according as they are called in each Island.  

GUERNZEY.  The Governor the Earl of Danby. The Lieutenant Nath. Darcell. The Bailiff Aims de Carteret. The Provost  The Kings Advocate Pet. Beauvoir. The controller De la Morsh. The Receiver Carey.  

JARSEY.  The Governor Sir John Peyton, Sen. The Lieutenant Sir John Peyton, Jun. The Bailiff Sir Philip de Cart●r●t. The Vicompt Hampton. Le Procurer Helier de Carteres. The Advocate Messerney. The Receiver Diss●●.  
By those men, accompanied with the Justices or Jurates, is his Majesty served, and his Island governed; the places in each Island being of the same nature, though somewhat different in name. Of these in matters merely Civil, and appertaining unto public justice, the Bailiff is the principal; as being the chief Judge in all actions both criminal and real. In matter of life and death, if they proceed to sentence of condemnation, there is requisite a concurrence of seven Jurates together with the Bailiff; under which number so concurring, the Offender is acquitted. Nor can the Country find one guilty, not take●, as we call it, in the matter; except that 18 voices of 24 (for of that number is their Grand Enquest) agree together in the verdict. Personal actions, such as are Debt and Trespass, may be determined by the Bailiff, and two only are sufficient; but if a trial come in right of Land and of Inheritance, there must be three at least, and they decide it. For the dispatch of these businesses, they have their Term●●, about the same time as we in London; their Writ● of Arrest Appearance and the like, directed to the Vicompt or Provest; and for the trial of their several causes, three several Courts or Jurisdictions, viz. the Court Criminal, the Court of Chattel, and the Court of Heritage. If any find himself aggrieved with their proceedings, his way is to appeal unto the Council-table. Much like this form of Government, but of later stamp, are those Courts in France, which they call Les Seiges Presideaux, instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings, in divers Cities of the Realm, and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts. Wherein there is a Bailiff, attended by twelve Assistants (for the most part) two Lieutenants, the one criminal and the other civil, and other officers; the office of the Bailiff being to preserve the people from wrong, to take notice of Treasons, Robberies, Murders, unlawful assemblies, etc. and the like.  
In this order, and by these men, are all such affairs transacted which concern only private and particular persons; but if a business arise which toucheth at the public, there is summoned by the Governor a Parliament, or Convention of the three Estates. For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politics, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that a great household nothing differs from a little City, yet certainly we may affirm that in the art of Government, a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater; whereupon it is, that even these little Islands, in imitation of the greater Kingdoms have also their Conventus ordinum, or assembly of the States; viz. of the Governor as chief, the Bailiff and Jurates representing the nobility, the Ministers for the Church, and the several Constables of each Parish for the Commons. In this assembly general, as also in all private meetings, the Governor takes precedence of the Bailiff but in the Civil Courts and pleas of law, the Bailiff hath it of the Governor.  
In this Assembly they rectify such abuses as are grown among them, appoint Deputies to solicit their affairs at Court, resolve on public contributions, etc. and among other things, determine the election of the Justices. For on the vacancy of any of those places, there is notice given unto the people in their several Parishes on the next Sunday, after the morning exercise; and there the people, or the major part of them, agree upon a man. This nomination at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village, out of whom so named, the whole body chooseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy. This done, the new Jurate either then immediately, or at the next sitting of the Justices, shall be admitted to his place and office; having first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himself, in the discharge of his duty, and the trust reposed in him. The tenor of which Oath, is as followeth.  YOU Mr. N. N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge, shall swear and promise by the faith and troth which you owe to God, well and truly to discharge the Office of a Jurate or Justiciar, in the Court Royal of our Sovereign Lord the King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, etc. in this Isle of Jarsey; whose Majesty, next under God, you acknowledge to be supreme Governor in all his Realms, Provinces, and Dominions, renouncing all strange and foreign powers. You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects. You shall uphold the honour and glory of God, and of his pure and holy word. You shall administer true and equal Justice, as well to the poor as to the rich, without respect of persons; according to our Laws, Usages and Customs, confirmed unto us by our privileges, maintaining them together with our Liberties and Franchises, and opposing yourself against such as labour to infringe them. You shall also punish and chastise all Traitors, Murderers, Felons, Blasphemers of Gods holy name, Drunkards and other scandalous livers, every one according to his desert; opposing yourself against all seditious persons in the defence of the King's Authority, and of his Justice. You shall be frequently assistant in the Court, and as often as you shall be desired, having no lawful excuse to the contrary, in which case you shall give your proxy to some other. Justice, giving your advice, counsel, and opinion according to the sincerity of your conscience. You shall give reverence and due respect unto the Court. And shall defend, or cause to be defended, the rights of Widows, Orphans, Strangers, and all other persons unable to help themselves. Finally, in your verdict (or the giving your opinion) you shall regulate and conform yourself to the better and more wholesome counsel of the Bailiff and Justices. All which you promise to make good upon your conscience. 
A way more compendious than ours in England, where the Justices are said to take three Oaths, and those founded upon three several Statutes, as viz. that concerning the discharge of their office, which seemeth to be founded on the 13. of Richard II. Cap. 7. That of the King's Supremacy, grounded on the first of Queen Elazabeth Cap. 1. And lastly, that of AVegiance, in force by virtue of the Stature 3 Jac. Cap. 4. Of these Justices there are twelve in all in each Island; of whose names and titles in the next Chapter.  
The other members of the Bailiffs Court, are the Advocates or Pleaders, whereof there be six only in each Island; this people conceiving rightly, that multitudes of Lawyer's occasion multitudes of business; or according to that merry saying of old Haywood, The more Spaniels in the field, the more game. Of these advocate, two of them which are (as we call them here in England) the King's Attorney or Solicitor, are called Advocati stipulantes, the others Advocati postulantes. Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number, but may enlarge them according to occasion, though it had not been a Solecism or a novelty, were the number limited. For it appeareth in the Parliament Records, that Edward the first restrained the number both of Counsellors and Attorneys unto 140 for all England, though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it, as appear in the said Records, Anno 20. Rotul. 5. in dorso de apprenticiis & attornatis, in these words following. D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham (he was made chief Justice of the Common Pleas in the 18 of this King) & ●oci is suis quod ipsi per eorum dis●retionem provideant & ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu, de melioribus & legalioribus, & libentius addiscentibus, sec. quod intellexe●int quod curiae suae & populo de regno melius valere poterit, etc. Et videtur regi & ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint. Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plures, si viderint esse faciendum, vel numerum anticipent, etc. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many inconveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Laws, and carefully providing for the remedy.  
But of this, as also of these Islands, and of their manner of Govenment, I have now said sufficient; yet no more than what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument, viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches.  
I shall here only add a Catalogue of the Governors and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey (for of those of Guernzey, notwithstanding all my pains and diligence I could find no such certain constat) which is this that followeth.  

A Catalogue of the Governors and Bailiffs of Jarsey.   Bailiffs. Governors. 1301 Pierre Vig●ure. Edw. II. O 〈…〉 o de Grandison Sr. des Isles. 1389 Geofr. la Hague. Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gardiner des Isles. 1345 Guill. Hastings. Thom. de Ferrer. Capt. des Isles. 1352 Rog. Powderham.  1363 Raoul L. Empriere.  1367 Richardo de St. Martin.  1368 jean de St. Martin.   Rich le Pe●i●.  1370 Jean de St. Martin.   Jean Cokerill.  1382 Tho Brasdefer. Hen. IU. Edw. D. of York. 1396 Geofr. Brasdefer. V. Jean D. of Bedford. 1414. 1405 Guill. de Laic.  1408 Tho. Daniel. VI Hum. D. of Gloucester. 1439. 1414 Jean Poingt dexter.  1433 Jean Bernard Kt.  1436 Jean l' Empriere.  1444 Jean pain.  1446 Regin. de Carteret.  1453 Jean Poingt dexter. Edw IU. Sir Rich. Harliston. 1462 Nicol. Mourin.  1485 Guill. de Harvy Angl. Hen. VII. Matthew Baker Esq 1488 Clem. le Hardy. Tho. Overcy Esq 1494 Jean Nicols. David Philip's Esq 1496 Jean l' Empriere.  1515 Hell de Carteret. Hen. VIII. Sir Hugh Vaugha●. 1524 Helier de la Recq. Sir Antony Urterell. 1526 Rich Mabon.  1528 Jasper Penn. Angl.  1562 Hosts Nicolle. Edw. VI Edw. D of Somers. L Protect.  Jean du Maresque Cornish.  Geo. Pawlet, Angl. Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet. 1516 Jean Herald Kt. Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet. 1622 Guill. Park●urst. Sir Anth●. Pawlett. 16 Philip de Carteret Kt. Sir Walt. Raleigh.  now living ann. 1644. Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton. S. a Cross ingrailed O.   Car. Sir Tho. Jermin, now living.  
Further than this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Natural or Civil Concernments. This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure, which I am now to raise upon it.   

CHAP. II.  
(1) The City and Diocese of Constance. (2) The condition of these Islands under that Government. (3) Churches appropriated what they were. (4) The Black Book of Constance. (5) That called Domes day. (6) The suppression of Priours Aliens. (7) Priours Dative, how they differed from the Conventualls. (8) The condition of these Churches after the suppression. (9) A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each several Parish, together with the Ministers and Justices now being. (10) What is meant by Champarte deserts and French querrui. (11) The alteration of Religion in these Islands. (12) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary. The Author's indignation at it, expressed in a Poetical rapture. (13) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton, and for what reasons.  
BUt before we enter on that Argument, The estate and 
(1) The City  condition of their Churches, a little must be said of their Mother-City, to whom they once did owe Canonical obedience. A City, in the opinion of some, once called Augusta Romanduorum, and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great, who repaired and beautified it. Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing camp, and that this is it which is called Constantia castra in Ammian. Marcellinus, Meantesque protinus prope 
and  ●astra Constantia funduntur in Mare, lib. 15. To leave this controversy to the French, certain it is, that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute; the County of Constantine (one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a name.)  
As for the Town itself, 〈◊〉 at this day accounted for a 
Diocese of Constance.  V●cutè, but more famous for the Bishopric; the first Bishop of it, as the Roman martyrology (and on the 23, if my memory fail not, of September) doth instruct us, being one Paternus. Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities, attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus; the man, as he conjectures, that first converted it into the saith: his next successors being St. Exuperance, St. Leonard, and St. Lo; which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age; yet not so old but that it still continues beautiful. The Cathedral here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy, and yielding a fair prospect even as far as to ●hese Islands. The Church, it may be, raised to that magnificent height, that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his Diocese. A Diocese containing anciently a good part of Country Constantine, and these Islands where now we are.  
For the better executing of his Episcopal jurisdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his 
(2) The condition of these Islands under that Government.  charge, he had a Surrogate or Substitute, whom they called a Dean, in each Island one. His office consisting, as I guess at it by the jurisdiction, of that of a Chancellor and an Archdeacon, mixed; it being in his faculty to give institution and induction, to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiastical cognisance, to approve of Wills, and withal to hold his visitations. The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition; viz. the best benefice in each Island, the profits ariseing from the Court, and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes. He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this, the little Islet of Le●u, of which in the last Chapter; and when the houses of Religion, as they called them, were suppressed, an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat, Guernzey measure, paid him by the King's receiver for his Tithes. I say Guernzey measure, because it is a measure different from ours; their quarter being no more than five of our bushels or thereabouts. The Ministry at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes, and those few very wealthy; the Religious houses having all the predial▪ tithes appropriated unto them; and they serving many of the Cures, by some one of their own body licenced for that purpose.  
Now those Churches, or Tithes rather, were called 
(3) Churches appropriated what they were.  Appropriated (to dignesse a little by the way) by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente, etc. the Pope's authority intervening, and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained, were for ever annexed, and as it were incorporated into such Colleges, Monasteries, and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed. At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church; we call them by as fit a name, Impropriations.  
For the rating of these Benefices, in the payment of 
(4) The black book of Constance.  their first fruits and tenths or Annats, there was a note or tax in the Bishop's Register, which they called the Black book of Constance; like as we in England, the Black book of the Exchequer. A Tax which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoining from that Diocese, as the rule of their payments and the Bishop's deuce. And as your Lordship well knowee, not much unlike that course there is always a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergy; That the rate, taxation, valuation, and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesty's Court of Exchequer, for the payment of a perpetual Disine or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII. of worthy memory, in the 26 year of his Reign, concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergy, shall only be followed and observed. A course learned by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergy, from the example of Augustus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in his taxing of the World. For it is reported of him by Ca Tacitus, that he had written a book with his own hand, in quo opes publicae continebantur, wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire; what Tributes and Imposts they brought in, what Armies they maintained, etc. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the public finances.  
This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman 
(5) That of Doomsday.  Conqueror, who had taken such a special survey of his new purchase, that there was not one hide of Land in all the Realm, but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it; how many plowlands, what Pastures, Fens and Marshes; what Woods, Parkes, Farms and Tenements were in every shire, and what every one was worth.  
This censual Roll, the English generally call Doomsday book, and that as some suppose, because the judgement and sentence of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doom. Sic cum orta fuerit contentio de his rebus quae illic continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum, ejus sententia infatuari non potest, vel impune declinari; so mine Author. Others conceive it to be corruptly called the Book of Doomsday, for the Book of Domus dei, or the Domus-dei book, as being by the Conqueror laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester. A book carefully preserved, and that under three Keys in his Majesty's Exchequer, not to be looked into under the price of a Noble; nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a groat. Tanta; est authorit as vetustatis; So great respect do we yield unto antiquity.  
But to return again to my Churches whom I left in 
(6) The suppression of Prior's Aliens.  bondage under their several Priories, and other the Religious houses. I will first free them from that yoke which the superstition of their Patrons had put upon them. So it was, that those Houses of Religion in these Islands, were not absolute foundations of themselves; but dependent on, and as it were the appurtenances of, some greater Abbey or Monastery in France. In this condition they continued till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the V. who purposing a war against the French, thought fit to cut of all helps and succours as they had from England, at that time full of Prior's Aliens, and strangers possessed of Benefices. To this end it was enacted, viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbeys within this Realm, whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported, and the counsels of the King, and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the King's enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm; that therefore all Prior's Aliens, and other French men beneficed, should avoid the Realm, except only Prior's Conventuals, such as have institution and induction: and this also with a Proviso, that they be Catholic, and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm; so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Virgil ad Reip. commodum sanc●tum est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullius Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur. Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager, the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne, were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament, 3 Hen. 5. cap. 3. By this means the Prior's Aliens being banished, their possessions fell into the King's hands, as in England so also in these Islands; and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royal, the demaine, as our Lawyers call it, of the Crown.  
These Prior's Aliens thus exiled, were properly called 
(7) Priors dative, how they differed from Conventuals.  Prior's Dative, and removable; but never such Aliens never so removable, as they were now made by this Statute. What the condition of these Priors was, and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Prior's Conventuals; I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes, that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap.  
The Parliament had given unto the King, all Abbeys, Priories and Religious houses whatsoever, not being above the value 200 l. in the old rent. Provided always (saith the letter of the Law) that this Act, etc. shall not extend nor be prejudicial to any Abbots or Priors of any Monastery or Priory, etc. for or concerning such Cells of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories; in which Cells the Priors or other chief Governors thereof, be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cells belong. As the Monk or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories, and cannot be sued by the Laws of this Realm, or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cells, whereof they be Priors▪ and Governors; but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient, and to whom such Cells belong, and be also Priors or Governors dative or removable from time to time, and accomptez of the profits of such Cells, at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors, to whom such Cells belong, etc. This once the difference between them, but now the criticism may be thought unnecessary.  
To proceed, upon this suppression of the Priors and 
(8) The condition of these Churches after that suppression.  others the Religious houses in these Islands, and their Revenue falling unto the Crown; there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governors about their tithes, which hath continued hitherto unaltered, except in the addition of the Deserts, of which more hereafter. Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount, I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme, together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now being.  

JARSEY. 
(9) The Diagram.   Parishes. Ministers. Revenues. Justices. St. Martin's Mr. Bandinell sen. the Dean. The 3 of the king's tithe. Josuah de Carteret Seign. de trinity. St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Subdean or Commissary. The 10 of the king's tithe. Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez. St. Saviour's. Mr. Effart. The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb. Ph. L' Empriere Sr. de Delament. St. Clements. Mr. Paris. The 8 and 9 of the king's tithe. Ph. de Carletet Sr. de Vinchiles de haut. St. Grovilles. Mr. de la Place. The 8 and 9, etc. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles abas. St. Trinities. Mr. Molles. The Deserts and the 10 of the king's tithe. Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne. St. john's. Mr. Brevin. The Deserts, etc. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace. S. Lawrences. Mr. Prinde. The Deserts, etc. Aron Messervie. St. mary's. Mr. Blandivell, jun. The 3 sheaf of the King's tithe. Ben. lafoy cloche Sr. de Longueville. St. owen's. Mr. Lafoy cloche. The Deserts, etc. Jo. Hard. St. Burlads.  The 8 and 9, etc. Abr. Herod. St. Peter. Mr. Grueby. The Deserts, etc. Ph. Marret.  
Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheaf is called French querrui; as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth, every Perch being 21 foot.  

GUERNZEY.  Parishes. Ministers. Revenues. Justices. 
* St. Pierreporte.  St. Peter's on the Sea. M. de la March The 7 of tithe and champarte. Tho. Andrew's Sr. de Sammarez. St. martin's. Mr. de la Place The like. Pet. Carey sen. La Forest. Mr. Picote. The 9 of tithe and champarte. John Fautrat Sr. ●de Coq. Tortevall Mr. Fautrat. The 3 of tithe and champarte. Joh. Bonamy. S. Andrews The 4 of, etc. Joh. Ketville. 
† St. Pierre du boys.  St. Peter's in the Wood Mr. Perchard. The 3 of the tithe only. James Guile Sr. des Rohais. St. Saviour's  The Desert and the tenths in all 600 sheaves. Tho. blundel. chastel. Mr. Panisee. The 9 of the tithe only. Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet. The 4 of the King's tithe only. Pet. Gosselin. St. Samson The like. Josias Merchant. Serke. Mr. Brevin. 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn. Pet. Carey jun. Alderney. Mr. Mason. 20 l. stipend.   
Note that the Parish called in this Diagram, La Forest, is dedicated as some say, to the holy Trinity; as other to St. Margaret, that which is here called Tortevall, as some suppose unto St. Philip, others will have it to St. Martha; but that of chastel to the hand of the blessed Virgin, which is therefore called in the Records, our Lady's Castle. Note also, that the Justices or Jurates are here placed, as near as I could learn, according to their Seniority, not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed.  
For the better understanding of this Diagram, there are 
(10) What is meant by Deserts,  three words which need a commentary, as being merely Aliens to the English tongue, and hardly Denizens in French. Of these, that in the Diagrams called the Deserts, is the first. A word which properly signifieth a Wilderness, or any waste ground from which ariseth little profit. As it is taken at this present and on this occasion, it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste, and is now made arable. The case this: At the suppression of the Prior's Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governors, there was in either Island much ground of small advantage to the Church or to the owner, which they called Les Deserts. But the Countries after growing populous, and many mouths requiring much provision, these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage. Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes, as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition. The Governors on the other side alleging custom, that those grounds had never paid the Tithe, and therefore should not. Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights until the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms. A Prince of all others a most indulgent father to the Church. By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsel, it was adjudged in favour of the Ministry; the Letter bearing date at Greenwich June the last, anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere Canc. R. Salisbury, H. Northampton, E. Worcester, T. Suffolk, Exeter Zeuch, Wotton, Cesar, Herbert. A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence, as making known unto your Lordship how easy a thing it is in the authority royal to free the Church from that tyranny of custom and prescription under which it groaneth.  
The next of these three words to be explained, is in the 
French Querrui,  note French Querrui, which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf; by which account or way of tithing, the Minister in 50 sheaves receiveth 6, which is one sheaf more than the ordinary tithe. The word corrupted, as I 
and by  conceive, from the French word Charrue, which signifieth a Plough, and then French querrui is as much as Plough-right, alluding to the custom of some Lords in France, who used to give their husbandmen or villains, as a guerdon for their toil, the 8 and 9 of their increase.  
As for the last, that, viz. which the Diagram calleth Champart, it intimates in the origination of the word, a part or 
Champart.  portion of the field, that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself.  
In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf of the whole crop, the Farmer in the counting of his sheaves casting aside the 10 for the King, and the 12 which is the Champart, for the Lord.  
Now here in Guernzey (for those of the other Isle have no such custom) there is a double Champart, that namely Du Roy, belonging to the King, whereof the Clergy have the tithe, and that of St. Michael en leval, not titheable. The reason is, because at the suppression of the Priory of St. Michael, which was the only Religious house in these Islands, which subsisted of itself; the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart, and so it lay amongst concealments. At the last, Sir Thomas Leighton the Governor here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law, and at his own charges; whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it, to his best advantage, which accordingly he did.  
For the Religion in these Islands, it hath been generally such as that professed with us in England, and as 
(11) The alteration of Religion in these Islands.  much varied. When the Prior's Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence. Upon the demolition of our Abbeys; the Priory of St. Michael, and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu, became a ruin. The Mass was here also trodden down whilst King Edward stood, and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary. Nay even that fiery trial, which so many of God's servants underwent in the short Reign of that misguided Lady, extended even unto these poor Islanders; and that, as I conceive, in a more fearful tragedy, than any, all that time presented on the Stage of England. The story in the brief is this;  
Katherine Gowches a poor widow of St. Peters-parte in 
(12) Persecution here in the days of Q. Mary.  Guernzey, was noted to be much absent from the Church, and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect. Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island, who finding in them, that they held opinions contrary unto those then allowed, about the Sacrament of the Altar, pronounced them Heretics and condemned them to the fire. The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves, that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward; but if the Queen was otherwise disposed, they were content to be of her Religion. This was fair, but this would not serve; for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiff, and by him unto the fire, July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daughters, Perotine Massey she was called, was at that time great with child; her husband, which was a Minister, being, in those dangerous times, fled the Island; in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments, her belly broke in sunder, and her child, a goodly boy, fell down into the fire, but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the bystanders. Upon the noise of this strange accident, the cruel Bailiff returned command, that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames; which was accordingly performed; and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr, and added to the number of the Holy Innocents'. A cruelty not paralleled in any story, not heard of amongst the Nations. But such was the pleasure of the Magistrate, as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus, viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum; that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretic Parent.  
The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poetical Fancies (or Furies rather) which having long lain dormant, did break out at last, indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions.  

Si natura negar, dabit indignatio versum.   

Holla ye pampered Sires of Rome, forbear  
To act such murders, as a Christian ear  
Hears with more horror, than the Jews relate  
The dire effects of Herod's fear and hate,  
When that vild Butcher, caused to cut in sunder  
Every Male child of two years old and under.   

These Martyrs in their cradles, from the womb  
This passed directly to the fiery tomb;  
Baptised in Flames and Blood, a Martyr born,  
A setting sun in the first dawn of morn:  
Yet shining with more heat, and brighter glory  
Than all Burnt-offerings in the Church's story.   

Holla ye pampered Rabines of the West,  
Where learned you thus to furnish out a Feast  
With Lambs of the first minute? What disguise  
Find you to mask this horrid Sacrifice?  
When the old Law so meekly did forbid,  
In the Dam's milk to boil the tender Kid.   

What Riddles have we here? an unborn birth,  
Hurried to Heaven, when not made ripe for Earth;  
Condemned to die before it lived, a twin  
To its own mother; not impeached of sin,  
Yet doomed to death, that breathed but to expire,  
That scaped the flames to perish in the fire.   

Rejoice ye Tyrants of old times, your name  
Is made less odious on the breath of fame,  
By our most monstrous cruelties; the Males  
Slaughtered in Egypt, weigh not down these scales.  
A Fod to equal this no former age  
Hath given in Books, or fancy on the Stage.   
This fit of indignation being thus passed over, I can proceed with greater patience to the rest of the story of this Island, which in brief is this:  
That after the death of Queen Many, Religion was 
(3) The Islands annexed for ever unto the Diocese of Wint 〈…〉, and for what Reasons.  again restored in the reformation of it to these Islands. In which state it hath ever since continued in the main and substance of it; but not without some alteration in the circumstance and form of Government. For whereas notwithstanding the alteration of Religion in these Islands they still continued under the Diocese of Constance, during the whole Empire of King Henry the VIII. and Edward the VI yet it seemed good to Queen Elizabeth upon some reasons of State, to annex them unto that of Winton.  
The first motive of it was, because that Bishop refused to abjure the pretended power which the Pope challengeth in Kingdoms, as other of the English Prelates did; but this displeasure held not long. For presently upon a consideration of much service and intelligence which might reasonably be expected from that Prelate, as having such a necessary dependence on this Crown, they were again permitted to his jurisdiction.  
At the last, and if I well remember, about the 12 year of that excellent Lady's Reign, at the persuasion of Sir Amias Paulet, and Sir Tho. Leighton then Governors, they were for ever united unto Winchester. The pretences that so there might a fairer way be opened to the reformation of Religion; to which that Bishop was an enemy, and that the secrets of the State might not be carried over into France, by reason of that intercourse which needs must be between a Bishop and his Ministers. The truth is, they were both resolved to settle the Geneva discipline in every Parish in each Island; for which cause they had sent for Snape and Cartwright, those great incendiaries of the English Church to lay the groundwork of that building. Add to this that there was some glimmering also of a Confiscation in the ruin of the Deaneries; with the spoils whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments. Matters not possible to be effected, had he of Constance continued in his place and power. But of this more in the next Chapter.   

CHAP. III.  
(1) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop. (2) The alteration there both in Polity, and (3) in Religion. (4) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither. (5) The conception, (6) birth, and (7) growth of the New Discipline. (8) The quality of Lay-elders. (9) The different proceedings of Calvin, (10) and Beza in the propagation of that cause. (11) Both of them enemies to the Church of England. (12) The first entrance of this platform into the Islands. (13) A permission of it by the Queen and the Council in St. Peter's and St. Hilaries. (14) The letters of the Council to that purpose. (15) The tumults raised in England by the brethren. (16) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands.  
THus having showed unto your Lordship the affairs 
(1) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop.  and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion; I come next in the course of my design, unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline. For the more happy dispatch of which business, I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change, than the introduction of it into those little Islands. So doing, I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction, then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument; the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contrivers of the Discipline. To begin then with the first original and commencement of it; so it is that it took the first beginning at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards, called Geneva, and by that name mentioned in the first of Caesar's Commentaries. A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus, and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts. Belonging formerly in the Sovereignty of it to the Duke of Savoy; but in the profits and possession to their Bishop and homager of that Dukedom. To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as Governor of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna, in Daulphinoys his Metropolitan; but a jurisdiction also temporal, as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy. This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinal Sadolet, dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane (saith he) jus gladii, & alias civilis jurisdictionis parts; but as he conceived, I know not on what grounds, Magistratui ereptas, fraudulently taken from the Civil Magistrate.  
In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when 
(2) The alteration there both in Religion,  those of Berne, after a public disputation held, had made an alteration in Religion. At that time Viret and Farellus, men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva, and diligently there solicited the cause and entertainment of it. But this proposal not plausibly accepted by the Bishop, they dealt with those of the lower rank, amongst whom they had gotten most credit, and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne, they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town, and after proceeded to the reforming of his 
and  Church. This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinal, viz. That the Church had been reform and settled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus, and that he only had approved of their proceedings, Sed quia quae a Vireto & Farello facta essent, suffragio meo comprobavi, etc. as he there hath it.  
Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and 
(〈◊〉) in Polity.  orders of the Church, but changed also the Government of the Town, disclaiming all allegiance either to their Bishop or their Duke, and standing on their own liberty as a free City. And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Fare●●us. For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich, dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum hic nuper esset frater noster Farellus, cui se totos debent, etc. and anon after, Sed deploranda est senatus nostri caecitas, quod libertatis suae patrem, etc. speaking of their ingratitude to this Farellus.  
The power and dominion of that City thus put into the 
(4) The estate of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither.  hands of the common people, and all things left at liberty and random, it could not be expected that there should any discipline [be] observed, or good order in the Church. The Common-council of the Town disposed of it as they pleased; and if any crime which anciently belonged to Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, did h●p to be committed, it was punished by order from that Council. No censures Ecclesiastical, no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time, either here at Geneva, or in any other of the popular Churches. Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus, as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin. And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich affirms no less in these words, viz. Nec me latet pies & doctos esse homines, quibus sub principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio; so he.  
Thus was it with the Church and City of Geneva at the 
(5) The conception.  first coming of Calvin to them; a man of excellent abilities, and one that had attained a good repute in many places of the French dominions. Not finding that assurance in the Realm of France, he resolved to place himself at Basil or at Strasbure. But taking Geneva in his way, upon the importunity of Farellus, he condescended to make that place the scene of his endeavours, and his assent once known, he was admitted strait to be one of their ordinary preachers and their Divinity reader. Mens. Aug. anno 1536. This done he presently negotiates with the people, publicly to abjure the Papacy: nor so only, but (as Beza hath it in his life) Quod doctrinam & disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent; that they also should give way to such a discipline, which he and his associates had agreed on. A matter at the last effected, but not without much difficulty, and on the 20 of July, anno 1537. the whole City bound themselves by oath accordingly; which discipline of what quality it was I cannot learn: sure I am, it had no affinity with that in use amongst the ancients. For thus himself in his Epistle above mentioned unto Sadolet, Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse [dicis]; neque nos diffitemur.  
The Discipline hitherto was only in conception, before it came unto maturity, and ready for the birth, the people weary of this new yoke began to murmur, and he resolutely bent not to vary from his first purpose, was in that discontentment banished the Town, together with Farellus and Coraldus his colleagues, anno 1538. Three years, or thereabouts 
(6) The Birth  he continued in this exile, being bountifully entertained at Strasburg; from whence with unresistible importunity he was again recalled by that unconstant multitude. A desire to which by no means he would hearken, unless both they and all their Ministers would take a solemn oath to admit a complete form of discipline, not arbitrary, not changeable; but to remain in force for ever after. Upon assurance of their conformity herein, he returns unto them 
and  like an other Tully unto Rome; and certainly we may say of him as the Historian of the other, Nec quisquam aut expulsus est invid 〈…〉, aut receptus letius. On the 13 of September, 1541. he is admitted into the Town; and now (there being strength enough to deliver) the Discipline such as he had contrived it, was established on the 20 of November following.  
This new Discipline thus borne into the world, was yet 
(7) Growth of the new Discipline.  crushed almost in the growth of it, by the faction of Perinus at that time Captain of the people, and of great power among the many. Twelve years together, but yet with many luoid intervals, did it struggle with that opposition, and at the last was in a manner ruined and oppressed by it. For whereas the Consistory had given sentence against one 〈◊〉, even in the highest censure of Excommunication, the Common-council not only absolved him from that censure, but foolishly decreed, That Excommunication and Absolution did properly belong to them. Upon this he is again resolved to quit the Town; but at last the Controversy is by joint consent referred unto the judgement of four Cities of the Swissers. Then did he labour in particular to consider of it, not as a matter of ordinary consequence, but (as in his said Epistle to those in Zurich) De toto Ecclesiae hujus statu, etc. such as on which the whole being of that Church depended. In the end he so contrived it, that the answer was returned to Geneva, Nil contra tentandum; that they should not seek to alter what was so well established; and hereupon they were all contented to obey. By which means this Infant discipline, with such variety of troubles born and nursed, attained unto a fair and manly growth, and in short space so well improved, that it durst bid defiance unto Kings and Princes.  
The chief means by which this new Platform was admitted 
(8) The quality of Lay-Elders.  in Geneva, and afterwards desired in other places, was principally that parity and equallty, which it seemed to carry, the people being as it were a double part in it, and so advanced into the highest Magistracy. For so the cunning Architect had contrived it, that for every pillar of the Church, there should be also two Pilasters, or rather underproppers of the people. Non solos verbi Ministros sedere judices in consistorio; sed numerum duplo majorem, partim ex minori senatu, partim ex majori delige; so he in his Remonstrance unto them of Zurich, affixed to his Epistle. These men they honour with the name of Elders, and to them the charge is specially committed of enquiring into the lives of those within their division, viz. Sitne domus pacata & recte composita, etc. as the Epistle to Gasp. Olevianus doth instruct us. By which device there is not only a kind of satisfaction given to the multitude, but a great deal of envy is declined by the Ministry; which that curious and unneighbourly inquisition would otherwise derive upon them. And certainly, were there in these Elders, as they call them, a power only of information, the device might be so much the more allowable. But that such simple wretches should caper from the shopboard upon the Bench, and there be interessed in the weightiest causes of the Church. Censure and Ordination is a monster never known among the Ancients. Especially considering, that the mind of these poor Laics, is all the while intent upon their penny; and when the Court is risen they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator did in Flarus to his plough, Ut ad opus re●ictum festinasse videantur.  
The business thus happily succeeding at Geneva, and his name continually growing into higher credit; his 
(9) The different proceeding of Calvin.  next endeavour was to plant that government in all places which with such trouble had been fitted unto one. Certainly we do as much affect the issue of our brains as of our bodies, and labour with no less vehemency to advance them. And so it was with him in this particular, his after-writings tending mainly to this end, that his new Platform might have found an universal entertainment. But this modestly enough, and chiefly by way of commendation. Two examples only shall be sufficient, because I will not be too great a trouble to your Lordship in the collection of a tedious Catalogue. Gasper Olevianus a Minister of the Church of Tryers, by his Letters bearing date the 12 of April, anno 1560. giveth notice unto Calvin of the State of their affairs; and withal that he found the people willing to condescend unto a Discipline. Calvin in his answer presents him with a summary of that platform, raised lately at Geneva, and then closeth with him thus, Compendium hoc satis putavi fore ex quo formam aliquam conciperes, quam praescribere non debut. Tu quod putabis utile istic fore, etc. In this he doth sufficiently express his desire to have his project entertained; in that which followeth he doth signify his joy that the world had made it welcome. An epistle written to a certain Quidam of Polonia, dated the year 1561. Wherein he doth congratulate the admission of the Gospel (as he calls it) in that Kingdom. And then, Haec etiam non poenitenda gaudii accessio, cum audio disciplinam cum Evangelii professione conjunctam, etc. thus he.  
But Eeza his successor goeth more plainly to the 
(10) Beza in the propagation of that cause  business, and will not commend this project to the Churches, but impose it on them. This it was, that made him with such violence cry down the Hierarchy of the Church, the plague of Bishops, as he calls it. Hanc pestem caveant qui Ecclisiam salvam cupiunt, etc. Et ne illam quaeso unquam admittas (he speaketh it unto Cnoxe) quantumvis unitatis retinendae specie, etc. blandiatur. This was it which made him reckon it as a note essential of the Church 
* V. cap. 5. n▪  without which it was not possible to subsist; a point so necessary, Ut ab ea recedere non magis quam ab religionis ipsius placitis, liceat. Epist, 83. that it was as dangerous to depart from this, as from the weightiest mysteries of Religion. This in a word was it which made him countenance those turbulent spirits, who had so dangerously embroiled our Churches, and prepared it unto ruin; but of them and their proceedings more anon.  
And certainly it was a matter of no small grief and 
(11) Both of these enemies to the Church of England.  discontent unto them both, that when so many Churches had applauded their invention, the Church of England only should be found untractable. Hereupon it was that Calvin tells the English Church in Frankford (in his Epistle to them anno 1555) how he had noted in their public Liturgy, Multas tolerabiles ineptias, many tolerable vanities; faecis Papisticae reliquias, the relics of the filth of Popery▪ and that there was not in it ea puritas quae optanda foret, such piety as was expected. Hereupon it was that Beza being demanded by the brethren, what he conceived of some chief matters then in question; returned a Non probamus to them all. The particulars are too many to be now recited, and easy to be seen in the 12 of his Epistles, the Epistle dated from Geneva, anno 1567. and superscribed, Ad quosdam Anglicarum ecclesiarum fratres super nonnullis in Ecclesiastica polit●ia controversis.  
Yet at the last they got some footing, though not in 
(12) The first entrance of this Platform into the Islands.  England, in these Islands which are members of it, and as it were the Suburbs of that City. The means by which it entered, the resort hither of such French Ministers as came hither for support in the times of persecution and the Civil wars, anno 1561. and 62. Before their coming that form of prayer was here in use which was allowed with us in England. But being as all others are, desirous of change, and being also well encouraged by the Governors, who by this means hoped to have the spoil of the poor Deaneries; both Islands joined together in alliance or confederacy to petition the Queen's Majesty for an approbation of this Discipline, anno 1563.  
The next year following, the Seignieur de St. Oenone, and 
(13) A permission of it by the Queen, etc.  Nich. de Soulmont were delegated to the Court, to solicit this affair; and there they found such favour, that their desire received a gracious answer, and full of hope they returned unto their homes. In the mean time the Queen being strongly persuaded that this design would much advance the Reformation in those Islands, was contented to give way unto it in the Towns of St. Peters-port, and of St. Hilaries, but no further. To which purpose there were Letters Decretory from the Council directed to the Bailiff, the Jurates, and others of each Island; the tenor whereof was as followeth.  AFter our very hearty commendations unto you. 
(14) The Letters of the Council to that purpose.  Where the Queens most excellent Majesty understandeth that the Isles of Guernzey and Jarsey have antienly depended on the Diocese of Constance, and that there be certain Churches in the same Diocese well reform, agreeably throughout in Doctrine as is set forth in this Realm; knowing therewith that they have a Minister which ever since his arrival in Jarsey, hath used the like order of Preaching and administration, as in the said Reform Churches, or as it is used in the French Church at London; her Majesty for divers respects and considerations moving her Highness is well pleased to admit the same order of Preaching and Administration to be continued at St. Heliers, as hath been hitherto accustomed by the said Minister. Provided always that the residue of the Parishes in the said Isle, shall diligently put apart all superstitions used in the said Diocese; and so continue there the order of Service ordained and set forth within this Realm, with the injunctions necessary for that purpose; wherein you may not fail diligently to give your aides and assistance, as best may serve for the advancement of God's glory. And so fare you well. From Richmond the 7 day of August, Anno 1565. Subscribed, 


N. Bacon.  
Will. Northamp.  
R. Leo●ster.  
Gul. Clinton.  
R. Rogers.  
Fr. Knols.  
William Cecil.    
Where note, that the same Letter, the names only of the places being changed, and subscribed by the same men, was sent also unto those of Guernzey for the permission of the said Discipline in the haven of St. Peter's. And thus fortified by authority they held their first Synod according to the constitutions of that platform on the 22. of September, and at St. Peters-porte in Guernzey, anno 1567.  
By this means, by this improvident assent (if I may so 
(15) The tumults raised in England by the Brethren.  call it) to this new discipline in these Islands; her Majesty did infinitely prejudice her own affairs, and opened that gap unto the Brethren, by which they had almost made entrance unto mere confusion in this state and Kingdom. For wherea● during the Empire of Queen Mary, Goodman, Whittingham, Gilbie and divers others of our Nation, h●d betook themselves unto Geneva, and there been taught the Consistorian practices; they yet retained themselves within the bounds of peace and duty. But no sooner had the Queen made known by this assent that she might possibly be drawn to like the Platform of Geneva; but presently the Brethren set themselves on work to impose those new inventions on our Churches. By Genebrard we learn in his Chronologie, ortos Puritanoes anno 1566. and that their first Bell-wether was called Samson; a puissant Champion doubtless in the cause of Israel. By our own Antiquary in his Annals it is referred ad Annum 68 and their Leaders were Collman, Buttan, Bellingham and Benson. By both it doth appear that the brethren stirred 〈◊〉 there, till the approbation of their Discipline in those Islands, or till the execution of it, in their first Synod. No sooner had they this encouragement, but they presently mustered up their forces, betook themselves unto the quarrel, and the whole Realm was on the sudden in an uproar. The Parliaaments continually troubled with their Supplications, Admonitions and the like; and when they found not there that favour which they looked for, they denounce this dreadful curse against them, That there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper to be a Parliament man, or bear rule in England any more. The Queen exclaimed upon in many of their Pamphlets, her honourable Counsel scandalously censured as opposers of the Gospel. The Prelates every were cried down as Antichristian, Petty-popes', Bishops of the Devil, cogging and cozening knaves, dumb dogs, enemies of God, etc. and their Courts and Chanceries the Synagogues of Satan. After this they erected privately their Presbyteries in divers places of the Land, and contoned the whole Kingdom into their several Classes and divisions; and in a time when the Spaniards were expected, they threaten to petition the Queen's Majesty with 100000 hands. In conclusion what dangerous counsels were concluded on by Hacket and his Apostles, with the assent and approbation of the Brethren, is extant in the Chronicles. A strange and peevish generation of men, that having public enemies unto the faith abroad, would rather turn the edge of their Swords upon their Mother and her children. But such it seemeth was the holy pleasure of Geneva; and such their stomach not to brook a private opposition. 
Cumque superba foret Babylon spolianda trophaeis,  
Bella geri placuit, nullos habitura triumphos.  Yet was it questionless some comfort to their souls, that their devices, however it succeeded ill in England, had spread itself abroad in Guernzey and in Jarsey, where it had now possession of the whole Islands. For not content with that allowance her Majesty had given unto it, in the Towns of St. Peter's and St. hilaries; the Governors having first got these Isles to be dissevered from the Diocese of Constance, permit it unto all the other Parishes. The better to establish it, the great supporters of the cause in England, Snape and Cartwright are sent for to the Islands; the one of them being made the tributary Pastor of the Castle of Cornet, the other of that of Mont-orguel. Thus qualified forsooth they convene the Churches of each Island, and in a Synod held in Guernzey, anno 1576. the whole body of the Discipline is drawn into a form. Which form of Discipline. I here present unto your Lordship, faithfully translated according to an authentic copy, given unto me by Mr. Painsee Curate of our Lady's Church of chastel in the Isle of Guernzey.   

CHAP. IU.  
The Discipline Ecclesiastical, according as it hath been in practice of the Church after the Reformation of the same, by the Ministers, Elders, and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey, Jarsey, Serke, and Alderney; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governors of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders, and confirmed by the said Governors in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 17 days of October 1597.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the Church in General.  

Article I.  
1. THe Church is the whole company of the faithful, comprehending as well those that bear public office in the same, as the rest of the people.   

II.  
2. No one Church shall pretend any superiority or dominion over another; all of them being equal in power, and having one only head CHRIST JESUS.   

III.  
3. The Governors of the Christian Church where the Magistrates profess the Gospel, are the Magistrates which profess it, as bearing chief stroke in the Civil Government; and the Pastors and Overseers [or Superintendents] as principal in the Government Ecclesiastical.   

IV.  
4. Both these jurisdictions are established by the law of God, as necessary to the Government and welfare of his Church; the one having principally the care and charge of men's bodies and of their goods; to govern them according to the Laws, and with the temporal Sword; the other having cure of souls and consciences, to discharge their duties according to the Canons of the Church, and with the sword of God's word. Which jurisdiction ought so to be united, that there be no confusion, and so to be divided, that there be no contrariety; but jointly to sustain and defend each other, as the arms of the same body.    

CHAP. II.  
Of the Magistrate.  
THe Magistrate ought so to watch over men's persons and their goods, as above all things to provide that the honour and true worship of God may be preserved. And as it is his duty to punish such as offend in Murder, Theft, and other sins against the second Table; so ought he also to correct Blasphemers, Atheists and Idolaters, which offend against the first; as also all those which contrary to good order and the common peace, addict themselves to riot and unlawful games; and on the other side he ought to cherish those which are well affected, and to advance them both to wealth and honours.   

CHAP. III.  
Of Ecclesiastical functions in general.  

Article I.  
1. OF Officers Ecclesiastical, some have the charge to teach or instruct, which are the Pastors and Doctors; others are as it were the eye to oversee the life and manners of Christ's flock, which are the Elders; and to others there is committed the disposing of the treasures of the Church, and of the poor man's Box, which are the Deacons.   

II.  
2. The Church officers shall be elected by the Ministers and Elders, without depriving the people of their right; and by the same authority shall be discharged, suspended and deposed, according as it is set down in the Chapter of Censures.   

III.  
3. None ought to take upon him any function in the Church without being lawfully called unto it.   

IV.  
4. No Church-officer shall or aught to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions, viz. neither a Minister over a Minister, nor an Elder over an Elder, nor a Deacon over a Deacon; yet so, that they give reverence and respect unto each other, either according to their age, or according to those gifts and graces which God hath vouchsafed to one more than another.   

V.  
5. No man shall be admitted to any office in the Church, unless he be endowed with gifts fit for the discharge of that office unto which he is called; nor unless there be good testimony of his life and conversation; of which diligent enquiry shall be made before his being called.   

VI  
6. All these which shall enter upon any public charge in the Church, shall first subscribe to the confession of the faith used in the reformed Churches, and to the Discipline Ecclesiastical.   

VII.  
7. All those which are designed for the administration of any public office in the Church, shall be first nominated by the Governors, or their Lieutenants; after whose approbation they shall be proposed unto the people, and if they meet not any opposition, they shall be admitted to their charge within fifteen days after.   

VIII.  
8. Before the nomination and admission of such as are called unto employment in the Church, they shall be first admonished of their duty; as well that which concerneth them in particular, as to be exemplary unto the people, the better to induce them to live justly and religiously before God and man.   

IX.  
9 Although it appertain to all in general to provide that due honour and obedience be done unto the Queen's most excellent Majesty, to the Governors, to their Lieutenants, and to all the officers of Justice; yet notwithstanding they which bear office in the Church, ought chiefly to bestir themselves in that behalf, as an example unto others.   

X.  
10. Those that bear office in the Church, shall not forsake their charge without the privity and knowledge of the Consistory, and that they shall not be dismissed, but by the same order by which they were admitted.   

XI.  
11. Those that bear office in the Church, shall employ themselves in visiting the sick, and such as are in prison, to administer a word of comfort to them, as also to all such as have need of consolation.   

XII.  
12. They shall not publish that which hath been treated in the Consistory, Colloquies, or Synods, either unto the parties whom it may concern, or to any others, unless they be commanded so to do.   

XIII.  
13. They which bear office in the Church, if they abstain from the Lords Supper, and refuse to be reconciled, having been admonished of it, and persisting in their error, shall be deposed, and the causes of their deposition manifested to the people.    

CHAP. IU.  
Of the Ministers.  

Article I.  
1. THose which aspire unto the Ministry, shall not be admitted to propose the word of God, unless they be endued with learning, and have attained unto the knowledge of the Greek and Hebrew tongues, if it be possible.   

II.  
2. The Ministers shall censure the proponents, having first diligently examined them in the principal points of learning requisite unto a Minister. And having heard them handle the holy Scriptures, as much as they think necessary, if they be thought fit for the Ministry, they shall be sent unto the Churches then being void, to propose the Word of God three or four times, and that bareheaded. And if the Churches approve them, and desire them for their Pastors, the Colloquy shall depute a Minister, to give them institution by the imposition of Hands.   

III.  
3. The Ministers sent hither or resorting for refuge to these Isles, and bringing with them a good testimony from the places whence they came, shall be employed in those Churches which have most need of them, giving and receiving the hand of association.   

IV.  
4. They which are elected and admitted into the Ministry, shall continue in it all their lives, unless they be deposed for some fault by them committed. And as for those which shall be hindered from the increasing of their Ministry, either by sickness or by age, the honour and respect due unto it, notwithstanding shall be theirs.   

V.  
5. The Ministers which fly hither as for refuge, and are employed in any Parish during the persecution, shall not depart from hence until six months after leave demanded; to the end, the Church be not unprovided of a Pastor.   

VI  
6. The Ministers shall visit every household of their flocks, once in the year at the least; but this at their discretion.   

VII.  
7. The Ministers shall propose the Word of God, every one in his rank, and that once every month; in such a place and on such a day as shall be judged most convenient.   

VIII.  
8. If there be any which is offended at the Preaching of any Minister, he shall repair unto the said Minister within four and twenty hours for satisfaction. And if he cannot receive it from the Ministers, he shall address himself within eight days to the Consistory; in default whereof his information shall not be admitted. If any difference arise, the Ministers shall determine of it at their next conference.    

CHAP. V.  
Of Doctors and of Schoolmasters.  

Article I.  
1. THe office of a Doctor in the Church is next unto the Pastors. His charge is to expound the Scripture in his Lectures, without applying it by way of Exhortation. They are to be elected by the Colloquy.   

II.  
2. The Schoolmasters shall be first nominated by them, to whom the right of nomination doth belong, and shall be afterwards examined by the Ministers; who taking examination of their learning, shall also inform themselves of their behaviour; as viz. whether they be modest, and not debauched; to the end, that may be an example to their Scholars, and that they by their ill Doctrine, they bring not any Sect into the Church. After which examination if they are found fit for the institution of youth, they shall be presented to the people.   

III.  
3. They shall instruct their Scholars in the fear of God, and in good learning, in modesty and civility, that so their Schools may bring forth able men, both for the Church and Commonwealth.   

IV.  
4. They shall instruct them in Grammar, Rhetoric and Logic, and of Classicke authors, in the most pure both for learning and language; for fear lest children reading lascivious and immodest writings, should be infected with their venom.   

V.  
5. If they perceive any of their Scholars to betowardly and of good hope, they shall advise their Parents to bring them up to the attainment of good learning; or else shall obtain for them of the Governors and Magistrates, that they maintain them at the public charge.   

VI  
6. They shall cause their Scholars to come to Sermons and to Catechisms, there to answer to the Minister; and they shall take their places near the chair, to be seen of all, that so they may demean themselves orderly in the Church of God.   

VII.  
7. The Ministers shall oversee the Schoolmasters, to the end that the youth be well instructed; and for this cause shall hold their Visitations twice a year, the better to understand how they profit. If it be thought expedient, they may take with them some one or two of the neighbour Ministers.    

CHAP. VI  
Of the Elders.  

Article I.  
1. THe Elders ought to preserve the Church in good order, together with the Ministers; and shall take care especially that the Church be not destitute of Pastors, of whom the care shall appertain to them to see that they be honestly provided for. They shall watch also over all the flock, especially over that part of it committed to them by the Consistory; diligently employing themselves to admonish and reprehend such as are faulty, to confirm the good, and reconcile such as are at difference.   

II.  
2. They shall certify all scandals to the Consistory.   

III.  
3. They shall visit (as much as in them 〈◊〉) all the households in their division, before every communion; and once yearly with the Minister, to know the better how they behave themselves in their several families. And if they find among them any refractory and contentious persons which will not be reconciled, to make a report of it to the Consistory.   

IV.  
4. They shall assemble in the Consistory with the Ministers; which Consistory shall be holden, if it may be, every Sunday, or any other day convenient, to handle causes of the Church. And those of them which are elected to go unto the Colloquies and Synods with the Ministers, shall not fail to go at the day appointed.    

CHAP. VII.  
Of the deacons.  

Article I.  
1. THe Deacons shall be appointed in the Church to gather the benevolence of the people, and to distribute it according to the necessities of the poor, by the directions of the Consistory.   

II.  
2. They shall gather these benevolences after Sermons, faithfully endeavouring the good and welfare of the poor; and if need require, they shall go unto the houses of those men which are more charitably inclined, to collect their bounties.   

III.  
3. They shall distribute nothing without direction from the Consistory, but in case of urgent necessity.   

IV.  
4. The alms shall be principally distributed unto those of the faithful, which are natural Inhabitants; and if there be a surplusage, they may dispose it to the relief of strangers.   

V.  
5. For the avoiding of suspicion, the Deacons shall keep a register both of their Receipts and their disbursements, and shall cast up his accouncs in the presence of the Minister, and one of the Elders.   

VI  
6. The Deacons shall give up their accounts every Communion day, after the evening Sermon, in the presence of the Ministers, the Elders, and as many of the people as will be assistant; who therefore shall have warning to be there.   

VII.  
7. They shall take order that the poor may be relieved without begging; and shall take care that young men fit for labour be set unto some occupation; of which they shall give notice to the officers of Justice, that so no person be permitted to go begging from door to door.   

VIII.  
8. They shall provide for those of the poor which are sick or in prison, to comfort and assist them in their necessity.   

IX.  
9 The shall be assistant in the Consistory with the Ministers and Elders, there to propose unto them the necessities of the poor, and to receive their directions; as also in the election of other Deacons.   

X.  
10. There aught to be Deacons in every Parish, unless the Elders will take upon them the charge of collecting the alms, and distributing thereof amongst the poor.  
The Liturgy of the Church, wherein there is contained the preaching of the Gospel, the administration of the Sacraments, the Laws of Marriage, the Visitation of the Sick, and somewhat also of Burial.    

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the Preaching of the Gospel.  

Article I.  
1. THe people shall be assembled twice every Sunday in the Church, to hear the Preaching of the Gospel, and to be assistant at the public prayers. They shall also meet together once or twice a week, on those days which shall be thought most convenient for the several Parishes; the Master of every household bringing with him those of his family.   

II.  
2. The people being assembled before Sermon, there shall be read a Chapter out of the Canonical books of Scripture only, and not of the Apocrypha; and it shall be read by one which beareth office in the Church, or at the least, by one of honest conversation.   

III.  
3. During the prayer, every one shall be upon his knees, with his head uncovered. Also during the singing of the Psalms, the administration of the Sacraments; and whilst the Minister is reading of his text, every one shall be uncovered, and shall attentively observe all that is done and said.   

IV.  
4. The Ministers every Sunday after dinner shall Catechise, and shall choose some text of Scripture suitable to that section which they are to handle; and shall read in the beginning of that exercise the said text, as the foundation of the Doctrine contained in that Section.   

V.  
5. The Church shall be locked immediately after Sermon and the public prayers, to avoid superstition; and the benches shall be orderly disposed, that every one may hear the voice of the Preacher.   

VI  
6. The Churches being dedicated to God's service, shall not be employed to profane uses; and therefore entreaty shall be made to the Magistrate, that no Civil Courts be there holden.    

CHAP. IX.  
Of Baptism.  

Article I.  
1. THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be administered in the Church, after the Preaching of the Word, and before the Benediction.   

II.  
2. The Parents of the Infants, if they are not in some journey, shall be near the Infant, together with the Sureties, to present it unto God; and shall jointly promise to instruct it, according as they are obliged.   

III.  
3. No man shall be admitted to be a Surety in holy Baptism, which hath not formerly received the Communion, or which is not fit to receive it, and doth promise so to do upon the next conveniency, whereof he shall bring an attestation if he be a stranger.   

IV.  
4. They which intent to bring an Infant unto holy Baptism, shall give competent warning unto the Minister.   

V.  
5. The Minister shall not admit of such names as were used in the time of Paganism, the names of Idols, the names attributed to God in Scripture, or names of office, as Angel, Baptist, Apostle.   

VI  
6. In every Parish there shall be kept a Register of such as are Baptised, their Fathers, Mothers, Sureties, and the day of it; as also of Marriages and Funerals, which shall be carefully preserved.    

CHAP. X.  
Of the Lord's Supper.  

Article I.  
1. THe holy Supper of our Lord Jesus Christ shall be celebrated four times a year, viz. at Easter or the first Sunday of April, the first Sunday of July, the first Sunday of October, and the first Sunday of January, and that after the Sermon, in which express mention shall be made of the business then in hand, or at least a touch of it in the end.   

II.  
2. The manner of it shall be this, The Table shall be set in some convenient place near the Pulpit; the people shall communicate in order, and that sitting, as is most conformable to the first institution; or else standing, as is accustomed in some places; the men first, and afterwards the women; none shall depart the place until after Thanksgiving and the Benediction.   

III.  
3. They which intent to be communicants, shall first be catechised by the Minister, that so they may be able to render a reason of their faith. They ought also to understand the Lords▪ Prayer the Articles of their belief, the Ten Commandments, or at the least the substance of them. They shall also abjure the Pope, the Mass, and all superstition and Idolatry.   

IV.  
4. No man shall be admitted to the Lords Supper, which is not of the years of discretion, and which hath not a good testimony of his life and conversation, and which will not promise to submit himself unto the Discipline.   

V.  
5. If any be accused before the Justice to have committed any crime, he shall be admonished to forbear the Supper until he be acquitted.   

VI  
6. The Minister shall not receive any of another Parish without a testimony from the Pastor, or if there be no Pastor, from one of the Elders.   

VII.  
7. They which refuse to be reconciled, shall be debarred the Communion.   

VIII.  
8. The people shall have warning fifteen days at the least before the Communion, to the end they may be prepared for it.   

IX.  
9 Besides the first examination which they undergo, before they are partakers of the Lords Supper, every one shall again be Catechised, at the least once a year, at the best conveniency of the Minister, and of his people.    

CHAP. XI.  
Of Fasts and Thanksgiving.  

Article I.  
1. THe public Fasts shall be celebrated in the Church when the Colloquy or the Synod think it most expedient, as a day of rest; in which there shall be a Sermon both in the morning and the afternoon, accompanied with Prayers, reading of the Scripture, and singing of Psalms; all this to be disposed according to the occasions and causes of the Fast, and by the authority of the Magistrate.   

II.  
2. Solemn Thanksgiving also shall be celebrated after the same manner as the Fast, the whole exercise being suitable to the occasion of the same.    

CHAP. XII.  
Of Marriage.  

Article I.  
1. ALL contracts of Marriage shall be made in the presence of Parents, Friends, Guardians, or the Masters of the parties, and with their consent, as also in the presence of the Minister, or of an Elder, or a Deacon, before whom the contract shall be made, with invocation on the name of God, without which it is no contract. And as for those which are sui juris, the presence of the Minister, or of the Elders, or of the Deacons, shall be also necessary for good orders sake. And from a promise thus made, there shall be no departing.   

II.  
2. Children and such as are in Wardship, shall not make any promise of Marriage, without the consent of their Fathers and Mothers, or of their Guardians in whose power they are.   

III.  
3. If the Parents are so unreasonable as not to agree unto a thing so holy, the Consistory shall give them such advice as is expedient; to which advice if they not hearken, they shall have recourse unto the Magistrate.   

IV.  
4. They also which have been Married shall owe so much respect unto their Parents, as not to marry again without their leave; in default whereof▪ they shall incut the censures of the Church.   

V.  
5. No stranger shall be affianced without licence from the Governors or their Lieutenants.   

VI  
6. The degrees of consanguinity and of affinity prohibited in the word of God, shall be carefully looked into, by such as purpose to be married.   

VII.  
7. Those which are affianced, shall promise, and their Parents with them, that they will be married within 3 months after the contract, or within 6 months in case either of them have occasion of a Journey; if they obey not, they shall incur the censures of the Church.   

VIII.  
8. The Banes shall be asked successively three Sundays in the Church, where the parties do inhabit; and if they marry in another Parish, they shall carry with them a testimony from the Minister by whom their Banes were published; without which they shall not marry.   

IX.  
9 For the avoiding of the abuse and profanation of the Lordsday, and the manifest prejudice done unto the Word of God, on those day●● wherein Marriage hath been solemnised; it is fo●●d expedient, that it be no longer solemnised upon the Sunday, but upon some Lecture days which happen in the week only.   

X.  
10. If any purpose to forbid the Banes, he shall first address himself ●●to the Minister, or two of the Elders, by whom he shall be appointed to appear in the next Consistory, there to allege the reasons of his so doing, whereof the Consistory shall be judge. If he appeal from thence, the cause shall be referred unto the next Colloquy.   

XI.  
11. Those which have too familiarly conversed together before their espousals, shall not be permitted to marry before they have made confession of their fault: if the crime be notoriously public, before the whole congregation; if less known, the Consistory shall determine of it.   

XII.  
12. Widows which are minded to remarry, shall not be permitted to contract themselves until six months after the decease of their dead husbands; as well for honesties sake, and their own good report, as to avoid divers inconveniences. And as for men, they also shall be admonished to attend some certain time, but without constraint.    

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the Visitation of the sick.  

Article I.  
1. THose which are afflicted with sickness, shall in due time advertise them which bear office in the Church; to the end, that by they them may be visited and comforted.   

II.  
2. Those which are sick shall in due time be admonished to make their Wills, while as yet they be in perfect memory, and that in the presence of their Minister or Overseer, or other honest and sufficient persons, which shall witness to the said Wills or Testaments, that so they may be approved and stand in force.    

CHAP. XIV.  
Of Burial.  

Article I.  
1. THe Corpse shall not be carried, nor interred within the Church, but in the Churchyard only, appointed for the burial of the faithful.   

II.  
2. The Parents, Friends and Neighbours of the deceased, and all such whom the Parents shall entreat, as also the Ministers, if they may conveniently (as members of the Church and Brethren, but not in relation to their charge no more than the Elders and the Deacons) shall accompany the body in good fashion unto the grave. In which action there shall neither be a Sermon, nor Prayers, nor sound of Bell, nor any other ceremony whatsoever.   

III.  
3. The bodies of the dead shall not be interred without notice given unto the Minister.   

IV.  
4. The bodies of those which die excommunicate, shall not be interred among the faithful without the appointment of the Magistrate.    

CHAP. XV.  
Of the Church censures.  

Article I.  
1. ALL those which are of the Church, shall be subject unto the censures of the same; as well they which bear office in it, as they which have none.   

II.  
2. The sentence of Abstention from the Lords Supper, shall be published only in case of Heresy, Schism, or other such notorious crime, whereof the Consistory shall be judge.   

III.  
3. Those which receive not the Admonitions and Reprebensions made unto them in the word of God, which continue hardened without hope of returning into the right way, after many exhortations; if otherwise they may not be reclaimed, shall be excommunicate: wherein the proceeding shall be for three Sundays together, after this ensuing manner.   

IV.  
4. The first Sunday the people shall be exhorted to pray for the offender, without naming the person or the crime.   

V.  
5. The second Sunday the person shall be named, but not the crime. The third, the person shall be named, his offence published, and himself be excommunicate. Which sentence shall stand in force as long as he continueth in his obstinacy.   

VI  
6. Those which are excommunicate, are to be cast out of the bosom of the Church, that they may neither be admitted unto public Prayer, nor to the Preaching of the Gospel.   

VII.  
7. They which bearing public office in the Church, become guilty of any crime, which in a private person might deserve an Abstention from the Lords table, shall be suspended from their charge; and they which are found guilty of any crime, which in a private person might merit excommunication, shall be deposed.   

VIII.  
8. In like manner, those which are convict d of such a fault, by reason whereof they be thought unfit to exercise their functions to the edification of the Church, shall be deposed.   

IX.  
9 If the offender repent him of his sin, and demand absolution of the Consistory, they shall diligently inform themselves of his conversation; whereupon there shall be notice of it given unto the people the Sunday before he be admitted, and shall make acknowledgement, to be restored unto the peace of the Church.   

X.  
10. The second Sunday he shall be brought before the Pulpit, and in some eminent place, where he shall make confession of his ●in; demanding pardon of God, and of the Church with his own mouth, in confirmation of that which the Minister shall say of his repentance.    

CHAP. XVI.  
Of Ecclesiastical Assemblies for the rule and government of the Church.  

Article I.  
1. IN all Ecclesiastical Assemblies, the Ministers shall preside as well to collect the suffrages as to command silence, to pro●ounge sentence according to the plurality of voices, as also to denounce the censures; unto which himself as well as others shall be subject.   

II.  
2. The censures shall be denounced with all meekness of spirit.   

III.  
3. The Ecclesiastical Assemblies shall commence and end with prayer and thanksgiving; this is to be done by him that is then Precedent.   

IV.  
4. All they which are there assembled, shall speak every one in his own order, without interrupting one another.   

V.  
5. None shall depart the place without licence.   

VI  
6. All matters of Ecclesiastical cognisance shall be there treated and decided according to the word of God, without encroaching upon the civil jurisdiction.   

VII.  
7. If there happen any business of importance, which cannot be dispatched in the lesser Assemblies, they shall be referred unto the greater. In like manner, if any think himself aggrieved by the lesser Assemblies, he may appeal unto the greater. Provided, that nothing be handled in the greater Assemblies, which hath not been formerly treated in the lesser, unless in case only of remission.   

VIII.  
8. There shall be kept a Register of all things memorable done in the Assemblies; and a Scribe appointed in each of them for that purpose.   

IX.  
9 The Ecclesiastical Assemblies in the main body of them shall not intermeddle with business appertaining to the Civil Courts; notwithstanding that, they may be members of the same as private persons, but this not often, viz. when there is a business of great consequence to be determined.   

X.  
10. He that is banished from the Lords table, or suspended from his office by one Assembly, shall be readmitted only by the same.    

CHAP. XVII.  
Of the simple or unmixed Assembly, which is the Consistory.  

Article I.  
1. THe Consistory is an Assembly of the Ministers and Elders of every Church, for the government of the same, for superintendency over men's manners, and their doctrine; for the correction of vices, and the encouragement of the good. In this there may be assistants both the Deacons and the Proponents, those viz. which are nominated to be Ministers, the better to fashion them unto the Discipline and guidance of the Church.   

TWO  
2. The Consistory shall be assembled every Sunday, or any other day and 〈◊〉 convenient, to consult about the business of the Church.   

III.  
3. No man shall be called unto the Church without the advice of the Minister and two Elders at the least, in case of necessity; and every Elder or Sexton shall give notice unto those of his division, according as he is appointed.   

IV.  
4. The Elders shall not make report unto the Consistory of any secret faults, but shall observe the order commanded by our Saviour, Mat. 18. Reproving in secret such faults as are secret.   

V.  
5. Neither the Minister nor the Elder shall name unto the Consistory those men of whose faults they make report, without direction from the Consistory.   

VI  
6. The censures of the Consistory shall be denounced on some convenient day before every Communion; at which time they shall also pass their opinions on the School master.   

VII.  
7. The Consistory shall make choice of those which go to the Colloquy.   

VIII.  
8. The correction of crimes and scandals appertains unto the Consistory, so far as to excommunication.   

IX.  
9 In Ecclesiastical business the Consistory shall make enquiry into such crimes as are brought before them, and shall adjure the parties in the name of God to speak the truth.    

CHAP. XVIII.  
Of Assemblies compound, viz. the Colloquies and the Synods.  

Article I.  
1. IN the beginning of the Assembly, the Ministers and Elders which ought to be assistant, shall be called by name.   

II.  
2. The persons appointed to be there, shall not fail to make their appearance, upon pain of being censured by the next Assembly, unto which they shall be summoned.   

III.  
3. The Articles of the precedent Assembly shall be read before they enter upon any business, to know the better how they have been put in execution. And at the end of every Assembly, the Elders shall take a copy of that which is there enacted, that so they may all direct themselves by the same rule.   

IV.  
4. In every Assembly there shall be one appointed for the Scribe, to register the acts of the Assembly.   

V.  
5. In the end of every Assembly, there shall a favourable censure pass, of the Consistories in general, of the Ministers and Elders which shall be there assistant; and principally of that which hath been done in the Assembly, during the Sessions.   

VI  
6. The sentence of Excommunication shall be awarded only in these Assemblies.   

VII.  
7. The Justices shall be entreated to intermit the course of pleading, both ordinary and extraordinary, during the Colloquies and the Synods; to the end, that those which ought to be assistant, may not be hindered.    

CHAP. XIX  
〈◊〉 Of the Colloquy.  

Article I.  
1. THe Colloquy is an Assembly of the Ministers and Elders delegated from each several Church in either Istand, for the governance of those Churches, and the advancement of the Discipline.   

II.  
2. The Colloquies shall be assembled four times a year, viz. ten days before every Communion; upon which day the word of God shall be proposed, according to the form before established, Chap. Of Ministers.   

III.  
3. The Ministers of Alderney and Serke shall make their appearance once yearly at the least, at the Colloquy of Guernzey; but for that one time it may be such as shall most stand with their convenience.   

IV.  
4. The Colloquy shall make choice of those which are to go unto the Synod, and shall give unto them Letters of credence.    

CHAP. XX.  
Of the Synod.  

Article I.  
1. THe Synod is an Assembly of Ministers and Elders delegated from the Colloquies of both Islands.   

II.  
2. The Synod shall be assembled from two years to two years in Jarsey and Gu●rnzey by turns, if there be no necessity to exact them oftener; in which case those of that Isle where the Synod is thought necessary, shall set forwards the business by the advice of both Colloquies.   

III.  
3. There shall be chosen in every Synod, a Minister to moderate in the Assembly, and a Clerk to register the acts.   

IV.  
4. The Minister of the place where the Assembly shall be holden, shall conceive a prayer in the beginning of the first Session.   

V.  
5. The Colloquies shall in convenient time, mutually advertise each other in general of those things, which they have to motion in the Synod; to the end that every one may consider of them more advisedly. Which said advertisement shall be given before the Colloquy, which precedeth the Synod, in as much as possible it may. And as for matters of the lesser consequence, they shall be imparted on the first day of the Session.   

The Conclusion.  
Those Articles which concern the Discipline, are so established, that for as much as they are founded upon the word of God, they are adjudged immutable. And as for those which are merely Ecclesiastical, i. e. framed and confirmed for the commodity of the Church, according to the circumstance of persons, time and place; they may be altered by the same authority, by which they were contrived and ratifyed.    
THE END.   

CHAP. V.  
(1) Annotations on the Discipline. (2) No place in it for the King's Supremacy. (3) Their love to Parity, as well in the State as in the Church. (4) The covering of the head a sign of liberty. (5) The right hands of fellowship. (6) Agenda what it is, in the notion of the Church; The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs. (7) Millets case. (8) The brethren superstitious in giving names to children. (9) Ambling Communions. (10) The holy Discipline made a a third note of the Church. (11) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline. (12) Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities. (13) The Baptism of Bels. (14) The brethren under pretence of scandal, usurp upon the civil Courts. (15) The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth. (16) A caution to the Prelates.  
SIc nata Romana superstitio; quorum ritus si percens●s, ridenda quam multa, multa etiam miseranda sunt: as in an equal case, Minutius. This is that Helena which lately had almost occasioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to put all the cities of our Greece into combustion: This that Lemanian Idol, before which all the Churches of the world, were commanded to fall down and worship: this that so holy Discipline, so essential to the constitution of a Church, that without it, Faith and the Sacraments were to be judged unprofitable. Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla. How infinitely are we obliged to those most excellent contrivers, that first exhibited unto the world so neat a model of Church Government! with what praises must we celebrate the memory of those, which with such violent industry endeavoured to impose upon the world, these trim inventions! But this I leave unto your Lordship to determine: proceeding to some scattered Annnotations on the precedent text; wherein I shall not censure their devices, but expound them.  
Cap. 1. 3. As bearing chief stroke in the Civil Government.] For in the Government Ecclesiastical, they decline his judgement as incompetent: An excellent instance whereof we have in the particular of David Black, a Minister of Scotland, who having in a Sermon traduced the person and government of the King: was by the King commanded to appear before him. But on the other side, the Church revoked the cause unto their tribunal, & jussit eum judicium illud declinare, saith mine Author. True it is, that in the next chapter they afford him power to correct Blasphemers, Atheists, and Idolaters: but this only as the executioners of their decrees; and in the punishment of such whom their assemblies have condemned. On the other side, they take unto themselves, the designation of all those, which bear public office in the Church: Chap. 3 7. The appointing and proclaiming all public fasts: Chap. 11. 1. The presidency in their Assemblies: Chap. 16. 1. The calling of their Counsels: Chap. 19 20. Matters in which consists the life of Sovereignty. No marvel then if that party so much dislike the Supremacy of Princes in causes Ecclesiastical: as being ex diametro opposed to the Consistorian Monarchy. A lesson taught them by their first Patriarch in his Commentaries on the 7. chapter of the Prophet Amos, vers. 13. in these words, and in this particular. Qui tantopere extulerunt Henricum Angliae (understand the 8. of the name) certe fuerunt homines inconsiderati: dederunt enim illi summam rerum omnium potestatem; & hoc me graviter s●mper vulneravit. Afterwards he is content to permit them so much power as is granted them in the 2. chapter of this Book of Discipline: but yet will not have then deal too much in spiritualities. Hoc (saith he) summopere requiritur a regibus, ut gladio quo praediti sunt, utantur, ad cultum dei asserendum. Sed interea sunt homines inconsiderati, qui fac●unt eos, nimis spirituales. So he, and so his followers since.  
Chap. 3. 4. No Church officer shall or aught to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions.] And in the chapt. 1. 2. No one Church shall pretend, etc. And this indeed, this parity is that which all their projects did so mainly drive at: these men conceiving of Religion as Philosophers of friendship; cum amicitia semper pares aut inveniat, aut faciat: as in Minutius. A parity by those of this party so earnestly affected in the Church: the better to introduce it also into the State. This was it which principally occasioned G. Buchanan in the Epistle before his libellous Book De jure regne, to reckon those common titles of Majesty and Highness, usually attributed unto Princes, inter barbarismos Aulicos, amongst the solecisms and absurdities of Courtship. This was it, which taught Paraeus and the rest that there was a power in the inferior Magistrates to restrain the person of the Prince; and in some cases to depose him. This was it, which often moved the Scottish Ministry to put the sword into the hands of the multitude: and I am verily persuaded that there is no one thing which maketh the brethren so affected to our Parliaments, as this, that it is a body, wherein the Commons have so much sway.  
Chap. 3. 6. Shall first subscribe to the confession of the Faith used in the reformed Churches] But the reformed Churches are very many, and their confessions in some points very different. The Lutheran Confessions are for consubstantiation and ubiquity: the English is for Homilies, for Bishops, for the King's Supremacy: and so not likely to be intended. The confession then here intended, must be that only of Geneva, which Church alone is thought by some of them to have been rightly and perfectly reform.  
Chap. 4. 1. To propose the Word of God.] The fashion of it, this; such as by study have enabled themselves for the holy Ministry; upon the vacancy of any Church, have by the Collequie, some time appointed, to make trial (as they call it) of their gilt. The day come, and the Colloquy assembled, they design him a particular place of Scripture, for the ground of his discourse: which done, and the proponent (for so they term him) commanded to withdraw, they pass their censures on him, every one of them in their order: if they approve of him, they then send him also to propose unto the people, as in the second Article.  
Chap. 4. 〈◊〉. And that bareheaded] And this it may be, because Candidates; p 〈…〉 venture, because not yet initiated. For themselves having once attained the honour to be Masters in Israel; they permit their heads to be warmly covered: a thing not in use only by the Ministers of the Geneva way; but (as myself have seen it) among the Priests and Jesuits. I know the putting on of the hat is a sign of liberty; that the Laconians being made free Denizens of Lacedaemon, would never go into the battle, nisi pileati, without their hats: and that the Gent. of Rome did use to manumit their slaves, by giving them a cap; whereupon ad pileum vocare, is as much as to set one free. Yet on the other side, I think it little prejudicial to that liberty, not to make such full use of it, in the performance of those pious duti 〈…〉 True it is, that by this book of Discipline the people are commanded to be uncovered, during the Prayers, the reading of the Text, the ●inging of the Psalms, and the administration of the Sacraments. Chap. 8. 3. But when I call to mind, that S. Paul hath told us this, 1 Cor. 11. That every man praying or prophesying with his head covered dishonoureth his head: I shall applaud the pious modesty of the English ministry; who keep their heads uncovered, as well when they prophesy as when they pray.  
To give them institution by imposition of hands.] A ceremony not used only in the Ordination (if I may so call it) of their Ministers, but in that also of the Elder and of the Deacons: persons merely Laical. But this in mine opinion very improperly: for when the Minister whose duty it is, installs them in their charge; with this solemn form of words he doth perform it! Je t' impose les mains, etc. viz. I lay mine hands upon you in the name of the Consistory; by which imposition of hands you are advertised, that you are set apart from the affairs of the world etc. and if so, how then can these men receive this imposition, who for the whole year of their charge, employ themselves in their former occupations, at times; and that expired, return again unto them altogether? A mere mockage of a reverend ceremony.  
Chap. 4. 3. Giving and receiving the hand of Association] An ordinance founded on that in the 2. to the Gal. 5. viz. They gave unto me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship: An emblem, as it is noted by Theod. Beza, on the place, of a perfect agreement and consent in the holy faith; Quod Symbolum esset nostrae in Evangelii doctrina summae cousensionis: and much also to this purpose that of learned chrysostom; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: This phrase of speech borrowed, no question, from the customs of those times; wherein the giving of the hand, was a most certain pledge of faith and amity. So Anchises in the third book of Aeneids Dextram dat juveni, atque animum praesenti pignore firmat: so in another place of the same author; Jungimus hospitio dextras. Commissaque dextera dextrae, in the Epistle of Phillis to Demophoon. Whereupon it is the note of the Grammarians, that as the front or forehead is sacred to the Genius; and the knees to mercy: so is the right hand consecrated unto faith. But here in Guernzey there is a further use made of this ceremony; which is an abjuration of all other arts of preaching, or of government, to which the party was before accustomed: and an absolute devoting of himself to them, their ordinances and constitutions whatsoever. So that if a Minister of the Church of England should be perchance received among them: by this hand of association, he must in a manner condemn that Church of which he was.  
Chap. 5. 5. That they maintain them at the public charge.] A bounty very common in both Islands: and ordered in this manner; the business is by one of the Assembly expounded to the three Estates, viz. that N. N. may be sent abroad to the Universities of France or England, and desrayed upon the common purse. If it be granted, then must the party bring in sufficient sureties to be bound for him; that at the end of the time limited, he shall repair into the Islands, and make a proffer of his service in such places, as they think fit for him; if they accept it, he is provided for at home: if not, he is at liberty to seek his fortune.  
Chap. 6. 3 How they behave themselves in their several families] By which clause the Elders authorised to make enquiry into the lives and conversations of all about them: not only aiming at it by the voice of fame, but by tampering with their neighbours, and examining their servants. It is also given them in charge, at their admission into office; to make diligent enquiry, whether those in their division, have private prayers both morning and evening in their houses; whether they constantly say grace, both before meat and after it; if not, to make report of it to the Consistory. A diligence, in my mind, both dangerous and saucy.  
Chap. 8. 1. To be assistant at the public prayers] The public prayers here intended, are those which the Minister conceives according to the present occasion: beginning with a short confession, and so descending to crave the assistance of God's Spirit in the exercise, or Sermon then in hand. For the form, the Geneva Psalter telleth us, that it shall be left alla discretion du Ministre, to the Ministers discretion: the form of Prayers, and of Marriage, and of administration of the Sacraments, there put down; being types only and examples, whereby the Minister may be directed in the general. The learned Architect which took such great pains in making the Altar Damascenum, tells us in that piece of his, that in the Church of Scotland there is also an Agenda, or form of prayer and of ceremony: but for his part having been 13 years a Minister, he never used it. Totos ego tredecem annos quibus functus sum Ministerio, sive in Sacramentis, & iis quae extant in agenda, nunquam usus sum: and this he speaks as he conceives it, to his commendation. Where by the way, Agenda, (it is a word of the latter times) is to be understood for a set form in the performance of those ministerial duties, quae statis temporibus agenda sunt, as mine Author hath it. In the Capitular of Charles the great, we have mention of this word Agenda, in divers places: once for all, let that suffice in the 6 book, Can. 234. viz. Si quiis Presbyter in consult● Episcopo, Agendam in quolibet loco voluerint celebrare; ipse honori suo contrarius extitit.  
Chap. 8. 5. The Churches shall be locked immediately after Sermon] The pretence is as it followeth in the next words, to avoid superstition: but having nothing in their Churches to provoke superstition; the caution is unnecessary. So destitute are they all both of ornament and beauty. The true cause is, that those of that party are offended with the ancient custom of stepping aside into the Temples, and their pouring out the soul in private prayer unto God: because for soothe it may imply, that there is some secret virtue in those places more than in rooms of ordinary use; which they are peremptory not to give them.  
Chap. 9 1. After the preaching of the word] And there are two reasons why the Sacrament of Baptism should be long delayed: the one because they falsely think, that without the preaching of the word there is no▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other to take away the opinion of the necessity of holy Baptism; and the administration of it in private houses in case of such necessity. In this strictness very resolute, and not to be bended with persuasions, scarce with power. As our being in the Isle of Gue●●ay, the Ministers presented unto his Lordship a catalogue of grievances against the civil Magistrate. And this among the rest, that they had intermeddled with the administration of the Sacraments. This certainly was novum orimen O. Caesar, & ante hoc temp●● inauditum: but upon examination it proved only to be thus. A poor man of the Vale had a child born unto him weak and ●ickly; not like to live till the public exercise; whereupon he desires Millet the Incumbent there, that he would Baptise it: but after two or three denials made, the poor man complained unto the Bailiff; by whom the Minister was commanded to do his duty. This was all, & crimine ab un● disce omnes.  
Chap. 9 5. Names used in Paganism] Nor mean they here, such names as occur in Poets, as Hector, Hercules, etc. though names of this sort occur frequently in S. Paul's Epistles: but even such names as formerly have been in use amongst our ancestors; as Richard, Edmund, William, and the like. But concerning this behold a story wherein our great contriver Snape was a chief party, as I find in the book called Dangerous positions, etc. verified upon the oath of one of the brotherhood. Hodkinson of Northampton, having a child to be baptised, repaired to Snape to do it for him: and he consented to the motion, but with promise, that he should give it some name allowed in Scripture. The child being brought, and that holy action so far forwards, that they were come to the naming of the child, they named it Richard: which was the name of the Infant's Grandfather by the Mother's side. Upon this a stop was made, nor would he be persuaded to baptise the child; unless the name of it were altered: which when the Godfather refused to do, he forsook the place, and the child was carried back unchristned. To this purpose, but not in the same words, the whole history. But if the name of Richard be so Paganish, what then shall we conceive of these; The Lord is near, More-tryall, Joy-again, Free-gift, From-above, and others of that stamp? are they also extant in the Scripture?  
Chap. 10. 2. And that sitting etc. or standing &c] In this our Synodists▪ more moderate, than those of the Netherlands, who have licenced it to be administered unto men, even when they are walking. For thus Angelocrator in his Epitome of the Dutch Synods, cap. 13. art. 8. viz. Liberum est stando, sedendo, vel eundo, coenam celebrare, non autem geniculando: and the reason, questionless, the same in both; ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculum; for fear of bread-worship. I had before heard sometimes of ambling Communions; but till I met with that Epitome, I could not slumble on the meaning. A strange and stubborn generation; and stiffer in the hams, than any Elephant: such as will neither bow the knee to the Name of Jesus, nor kneel to him in his Sacraments.  
Chap. 10. 4. which will not promise to submit himself unto the Discipline] A thing before enjoined in the subscription to it, upon all such as take upon them any public office in the Church: but here exacted in the submission to it of all such as desire to be Communicants. The reason is, because about that time it seemed good unto the brethren to make the holy Discipline, as essential to the being of a Church, as the preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments; and so essential, that no Church could possibly subsist without it. For thus Beza in his Epistle unto Cixxe, Anno 1572 Magnum est Dei munus quod unam & religionem pu●am, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (doctrinae viz: retinendae vinculum) in Scotiam intulistis. Sicobsecro & obtestor, haec duo simul retinete, ut uno amisso alterum diu permanere non posse, semper memineritis. So he Epist. 79. According unto which Doctrine Mr. Dela-Marshe, in his new Catechism, which lately by the authority of the Colloquy, he imposed upon the Churches in the Isle of Gu●inzy: hath joined this holy Discipline, as a chief note, together with the others.  
Chap. 12. 9 That it be no longer solemnised upon the Sunday] Wherein (so scarcely did the same Spirit rule them both) the Dutch Synodists have showed themselves more moderate, than these contrivers, they having licenced marriage on all days equally; except such as are destinate to the Lords Supper, and to solemn fasts; Quovis die matrimonia confermari & celebrari poterunt, modo concio ad populum habeatur: exceptis c 〈…〉 diebus, & jejunio sacratis. Cap. ult. art. 8. By both of them it is agreed that marriage be celebrated on such days only, on which there is a Sermon: and if the Sermon be any thing to the purpose, I am content they should expect it. Only I needs must note with what little reason these men and their abettors have so often quarrelled our Church, for the restraint of marriage, at some certain seasons: whereas they think it fit, at some times to restrain it in their own. Well fare therefore our neighbours of the Church of Scotland: men very indifferent both for the time, and for the place. For the time; Nu●●um tempus tam sacrum quod ejus celebratione polluatur: and ●or the place, immo & in praetor●o vel quovis loco publico▪ etc. & extra sacra & publicum conventum totius ecclesiae. So they, that made the Altar Damascenum. p. 872. 865. 866.  
Chap. 14. 1. The Corpse shall not be carried ●r interred within the Church] Which prohibition, whether it hath more in it of the Jew or of the Gentile, is not easy to determine. Amongst the Jews it was not lawful for the Priest to be present at a Funeral; or for the dead corpse to be interred within the camp: and on the other side, it was by law in Athens and in Rome forbidden, either to burn their dead, or to bury them within their Cities. In urbe nesipelito neve u●ito, saith the Law of the 12 Tables; nor do I see for what cause this generation should prohibit the dead body's entrance into the Church, and to permit it in the Churchyards. If for the avoiding of superstition, it is well known that not the Church only, but the Churchyards are also consecrated. The reason why they will not bury in the Church is only their desire and love of parity; the Church will hardly be capacious enough to bury all: and since by death and nature all are equal, why should that honour be vouchsafed unto the rich, and not unto the poor? Out of this love of parity it is, that in the next article, they have forbidden Funeral Sermons; wherein the Dutch Synods, and those men most perfectly concur▪ as appeareth in that collection, cap. 11. 5. For if such Sermons be permitted, the common people will be forsooth aggrieved, and think themselves neglected: Ditiores enim hoc officio cobonestabuntur, neglect is pauperibus.  
Chap. 14. 2. Nor any prayers, nor sound of bell] The last for love of parity; but this for fear of superstition. For prayers at the burial of the dead, may possibly be mistake, for prayers for the dead; and so the world may dream perhaps of Purgatory Thesilencing of bells is somewhat juster, because that music hath been superstitiously and foolishly employed in former times, and in this very case at Funerals. It is well known with what variety of ceremonies they were baptised and consecrated (as in the Church of Rome they still are) by the Bishops. Whereby the people did conceive a power inherent in them, not only for the scattering of tempests, in which cases they are also rung amongst them: but for the repulsing of the Devil and his Ministers. Blessings which are intreared of the Lord for them, as appear by one of those many prayers, prescribed in that form of consecration; by the Roman Pontifical, viz. ut per factum illorum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici, fragor grandinum, procella turbinum, etc. Whilst therefore the people was superstitious in the use of bells, the restraint of them was allowable: but being now a matter only of solemnity, it argueth no little superstition to restrain them.  
Chap. 16. 6. Without encroaching on the civil jurisdiction] And well indeed it were, if this clause were intended to be observed: for in the 17. chap. and 8. art. it is decreed, that the correction of crimes and scandals appertaineth unto the Consistory. What store of grist, the word Crime, will bring unto their mills, I leave unto your Lordship to interpret: sure I am, that by this of seandal, they draw almost all causes within their cognizance. A matter testified by his late most excellent Majesty in a Remonstrance to the Parliament: viz. that the Puritan Ministers in Scotland had brought all causes within their jurisdiction; saying, that it was the Church's office to judge of scandal, and there could be no kind of fault or crime committed, but there was a scandal in it, either against God, the King, or their neighbour. Two instances of this, that counterfeit Eusebius, Philadelphus in his late Pamphlet against my Lord of St. Andrew's, doth freely give us. Earl Huntley upon a private quarrel had inhumanely killed the Earl of Murray. For this offence his Majesty upon a great suit, was content to grant his-pardon: Ecclesiae tamen Huntileum jussit sub dirorum poenis, ecclesiae satisfacere; but yet the Church (in relation to the scandal) commanded him under the pain of Excommunication, to do penance. Not long after the said Earl Huntly and others of the Romish faction, had enterprised against the peace and safety of the Kingdom. The King resolved to pardon them for this also: Ecclesia autem excommunication is censura pronuntiavit: but the Church pronounced against them the dreadful sentence of Anathema; so little use is there of the civil Magistrate, when once the Church pretends a scandal.  
Chap. 17. 9 And shall adjure the parties in the Name of God] And shall adjure, i. e. They shall provoke them, or induce them to confession, by using or interposing of the Name of God: for thus adjuration is defined to us by Aquinas Secunda secundae qu. 9 in Axiom. Adjurare, nihil aliud est (saith he) nisi creaturam aliquam divini nominis, out alterius cujuspiam sacrae rei interpositione, ad agendum aliquid impellere: the parties, and those not such as give in the informations, for that is done in private by the Elders: but such of whose ill same intelligence is given unto the Consistory. If so, then would I fain demand of the contrivers, with what reason they so much exclaim against the oath ex officio judicis, used by our Prelates in their Chancellaries: since they themselves allow it in their Consistories. But thus of old, as it is in Horace, de Arte. 
Cacilio Plautoq▪ dedit Romanus, ademptum  
Virgi●o Varioque.   
Conclus. They are adjudged to be immutable] And no marvel, if as the brethren and their Beza think, it be so essential to the Church, that no Church can possibly subsist without it: if so essential, that we may as warrantably deny the written Word, as these inventions. But certainly, what ever these think of it; the founder of this platform thought not so: when thus he was persuaded, that the ordering of the Church of God, for as much as concerns the form of it, was le●t to the discretion of the Ministers. For thus himself in his Epistle ad Neocomen●es, dated 1544. viz. Substantiam disciplinae ecclesiae exprimit disertis verbis Scriptura: forma autem ejus exercendae, quoniam a Domino praescripta non est, a ministris constitui debet pro aedificatione. Thus he: and how d●re they control him? Will they also dare to teach their Master?  
Thus have I brought to end those Annotations, which I counted most convenient, for to express their meaning in some few passages of this new platform; and to exemplify their proceedings. A larger Commentary on this Text had been unnecessary: considering both of what I write, and unto whom. Only I needs must note, that as the erecting of these fabrics in these Islands was founded on the ruin of the Deaneries: so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishoprics. No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church, so busily bestir themselves in the destroying of this viper: which by no other means can come into the world, then by the death and ruin of his mother. Yet so it is, I know not whether by destiny, or some other means; I would not think; but so it is: that much of this new platform hath of late found favour with us; and may in time make entrance to the rest. Their Lecturers permitted in so many places, what are they, but the Doctors of Geneva? save only that they are more factious and sustain a party. And what the purpose and design of this, but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such days as are appointed holy by the Church; and fasten all opinion to their days of preaching? By whose authority stand the Churchwardens at the Temple doors (as I have seen it oft in London) to collect the bounty of the hearers: but only by some of their appointments, who find that duty (or the like) prescribed here unto the Deacons, cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts, how much they are neglected every where: and no Fast now approved of, but the solemn. Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us; in the practice at the least: that now no common business must begin without it. Too many such as these I fear, I could point out unto your Lordship, did I not think that these already noted were too many. A matter certainly worthy of your Lordship's care, and of the care of those your Lordship's partners in the Hierarchy: that as you suffer not these new inventions, to usurp upon our Churches by violence; so that they neither grow upon us, by cunning or connivance.   

CHAP. VI  
(1) King James how affected to this Platform. (2) He confirms the Discipline in both Islands. (3) And for what reasons. (4) Sir John Peyton sent Governor into Jarzey. (5) His Articles against the Ministers there. (6) And the proceedings thereupon. (7) The distracted estate of the Church and Ministry in that Island. (8) They refer themselves unto the King. (9) The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline. (10) A reference of both parties to the Council. (11) The restitution of the Dean. (12) The Interim of Germany what it was. (13) The Interim of Jarzey. (14) The exceptions of the Ministry against the Book of Common-prayer. (15) The establishment of the new Canons.  
IN this state and under this Government continued those Islands till the happy entrance of King James upon the Monarchy of England. A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes, as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction: and had so oft confirmed their much desired Presbyteries. But when once he had set foot in England, where he was sure to meet with quiet men, and more obedience: he quickly made them see, that of his favour to that party, they had made themselves too large a promise. For in the conference at Hampton Court, he publicly professed, that howsoever he lived among Puritans, and was kept for the most part as a ward under them; yet ever since he was of the age of ten years old, he ever disliked their opinions: and as the Saviour of the world had said, though he lived among them, he was not of them. In this conference also, that so memorised Apophthegm of his Majesty: No Bishop, no King: and anon after, My Lords the Bishops (faith he) I may thank ye, that these men (the Puritans) plead thus for my Supremacy. Add to this, that his Majesty had always fostered in himself a pious purpose, not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline; which thing himself avoweth, in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey: but also to establish in all the reformed Churches, if possibly it might be done; together with unity of Religion, and uniformity of devotion. For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgy to be translated into the Latin, and also into most of the national Languages round about us: by that and other more private means, to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government: which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself. A heroic purpose, and worthy of the Prince from whom it came.  
This notwithstanding, that he was inclined the other way; yet upon suit made by those of these Islands, he confirmed unto them their present orders, by a Letter under his private Seal, dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England; which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September, 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue; but the tenor of them was as followeth:  James by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, etc. unto all those whom these presents shall concern, greeting: Whereas we ourselves and the Lords of our Council have been given to understand, that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister, to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Duchy of Normandy, the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Duchy, whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown: for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf, as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God, as for the edification of his Church; do will, and ordain, that cur said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established: forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment, as long as they contain themselves in our obedience, and attempt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God. Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August, Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first. 
Signed above James R.  
The reasons which moved this Prince to assent unto a form of Government, which he liked not; was partly an ancient rule and precept of his own, viz. That Princes at their first entrance to a Grown ought not to innovate the government presently established. But the principal cause indeed, was desire not to discourage the Scots in their beginnings: or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them. For since the year 1595. his Majesty wearied with the confusions of the Discipline in that Church established; had much busied himself in restoring their ancient place and power unto the Bishops. He had already brought that work so forwards, that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners (which was the ancient number of the Bishops) to have suffrage in the Parliament; and to represent in that Assembly the body of the Clergy: and that their place should be perpetual. Thus far with some trouble, but much art, he had prevailed on that unquiet and unruly company: and therefore had he denied the Islanders an allowance of their Discipline; he had only taught the Scottish Ministry what to trust to. An allowance whereof he after made especial use in his proceedings with that people. For thus his Majesty in a Declaration concerning such of the Scottish Ministers, as lay attainted of High Treason, Anno 1606. viz. And as we have ever regarded carefully how convenient it is to maintain every Country in that form of Government which is fittest and can best agree with the constitution thereof; and how dangerous alterations are without good advice and mature deliberation; and that even in matters of order of the Church, in some small Island under our Dominions, we have ●abstained from suffering any alteration; So we doubt not, &c as it there followeth in the words of the Declaration.  
On these reasons, or on some other not within the power of my conjecture; this Discipline was permitted in these Islands: though long it did not continue with them. For presently upon his Majesty's coming to the Crown, Sir Walter Raleigh then Governor of Jarzey was attaint of Treason: on which attaindure this with others of his places, fell actually into the King's disposing: upon this variancy, it pleased his Majesty to depute the present Governor Sir John Peiton, to that office: A Gentleman not over forward in himself, to pursue the projects of the Powlets his predecessors, (for Sir W. Raleigh had but a little while possessed the place) and it may well be furnished also with some secret instructions from the King, not to be too indulgent to that party. Whether that so it was or not, I cannot say: Sure I am that he omitted no opportunity of abating in the Consistorians the pride and stomach of their jurisdiction. But long it was not before he found a fit occasion to place his battery against those works; which in the Island there they thought impregnable. For as in the ancient proverb, Facile est invenire baculum ut caedas canem: it is an easy thing to quarrel one, whom before hand we are resolved to baffle. The occasion this. The Curate of S. John's being lately dead, it pleased the Colloquy of that Island, according to their former method; to appoint one Brevin to succeed him: against which course, the Governor, the King's Attorney and other the officers of the Crown protested; as prejudicial to the rights and profits of the King. Howbeit, the case was overruled; and the Colloquy for that time carried it: hereupon a bill of Articles was exhibited unto the Council against the Ministers, by Peiton the Governor, Marret the Attorney, now one of the Jurates, and the rest: as viz. that they had usurped the Patronage of all benefices in the Island; that thereby they admitted men to livings without any form of pretentation; that thereby they deprived his Majesty of Vacancies and first-fruits; that by connivance (to say no worse of it) of the former Governors, they exercised a kind of arbitrary jurisdiction, making and disannulling laws at their own uncertain liberty; whereupon they most humbly besought his Majesty to grant them such a discipline, as might be fittest to the nature of the place, and less derogatory to the Royal Prerogative.  
This Bill exhibited unto the Council, found there such approbation, that presently Sir Robert Gardiner, once chief Justice, (as I take it) in the Realm of Ireland; and James Hussey Doctor of the Laws; though not without some former business; were sent into the Islands. Against their coming into Jarzey, the Ministers of that Island had prepared their Answer; which in the general may be reduced to these two heads; viz. That their appointment of men into the Ministry, and the exercise of Jurisdiction being principal parts of the Church Discipline; had been confirmed unto them by his Majesty. And for the matter of First-fruits, it was a payment which had never been exacted from them; since their discharge from him at Constance; unto whom in former times they had been due. Upon this answer the business was again remitted unto the King, and to his Council; by them to be determined upon the coming of their Deputies: the Committees not having (as they said) a power to determine it; but only to instruct themselves in the whole cause, and accordingly to make report. Other matters within the compass of their Commission, and about which they were said principally to be sent over, were then concluded: all which happened in the year 1608. Immediately upon the departure of these Commissioners; and long before their Deputies had any faculty to repair unto the Court: a foul deformity of confusion and distraction had overgrown the Church and Discipline. In former times all such as took upon them any public charge either in Church or Commonwealth, had bound themselves by oath to cherish and maintain the Discipline: that oath is now disclaimed as dangerous and unwarrantable. Before it was their custom to exact subscription to their platform, of all such as purposed to receive the Sacrament: but now the King's Attorney, and others of that party, chose rather to abstain from the Communion; nay even the very Elders silly souls, that thought themselves as Sacrosancti as a Roman Tribune: were drown with process into the civil courts; and there reputed with the vulgar. Nor was the case much better with the Consistory: the Jurates in their Cohu or Town-hall, relieving such by their authority, whom that Tribunal had condemned or censured. A pravis ad praecipitia. Such is the inhumanity of the world, that when once a man is cast upon his knees, every one-lends a hand to lay him prostrate. No sooner had those of the lower rank, observed the Ministers to stagger in their chairs; but they instantly begin to wrangle for the Tithes: and if the Curate will exact his due; the Law is open, let them try the Title. Their Benefices, where before accounted as excempt and privileged, are brought to reckon for first-fruits and tenths: and those not rated by the book of Constance, but by the will and pleasure of the Governor. Add unto this, that one of the Constables preferred a Bill against them in the Cohu: wherein the Ministers themselves were indicted of hypocrisy; and their government of tyranny. And which of all the rest was the greatest of their miseries; it was objected that they held secret meetings and private practices against the Governor: yea such as reflected also on the King.  
In thy confusion and distress they were almost uncapable of counsel. They applied themselves in the next Colloquy unto the Governor, that he would please to intercede for them to his Majesty: but him they had so far exasperated by their clamours, that he utterly refused to meddle for them. Nor did the Ministers, as I conjecture, propound it farther to him, then by way of due respect: as little hoping that he should bend himself for their relief; whom they so often had accused to be the cause of all this trouble. At last they are resolved to cast themselves upon the grace and savour of the King; and for that cause addressed themselves and their desires unto the Earl of Salisbury, a man, at that time of special credit with the King, being also Lord High Treasurer, and chief Secretary. This their address as he took in special good regard; so did he also seem to advise them for the best: his counsel, that they should join unto them those of Guernzey, in the perusing of their Discipline, and the correcting of such things most stomached by the Civil Magistrates: and after, both together to refer themselves unto his Majesty. A counsel not to be despised in the appearance: but yet (as certainly he was of a fine and subtle wit) of exceeding cunning. For by this means the business not yet ripe, and the King scarce master of his purposes in Scotland; he gains time farther to consider of the main: and by engaging those of Guernzey in the cause, they also had been subject to the same conclusion: But subtle as he was, he found no art to protract the fatal and inevitable blow of death; for whilst his Clients busily pursued this project, in reviewing of their platform, he yielded up himself unto the grave, March 24. anno 1612. upon report whereof, they laid by the prosecution of that business; referring of it to the mercy of some better times.  
This comfort yet they found in their address unto the Court, that things at home were carried on in a more fair and quiet course: but long they would not suffer themselves to enjoy that happiness. The Parish of S. Peter's being void, Messerny was presented to it by the Governor: one that had spent his time in Oxenford, and had received the Orders of the Priesthood from the Right Reverend Doctor Bridges, than Bishop of that Diocese. A matter so infinitely stomached by the Colloquy, that they would by no means yield to his admission: not so much because of his presentation from the Governor, as of his ordination from the Bishop. For now they thought Annibalem ad portas, that Popery began again to creep upon them: and therefore they resolved to fight it out, tanquam de summa rerum, as if the whole cause of Religion were in danger. Messerny howsoever enjoyed the profits of the living; and a new complaint was made against them to the Council: In which complaint, there also was intelligence given unto their Lordships, that the inhabitants generally of the Isle, were discontented with the Discipline● and guidance of the Church: and that the most of them would easily admit the form of English Government; that some of them did desire it. The matter thus grown ready for an issue, and his Majesty desirous to bring all things to the most peaceable and quiet end; both parties were commanded to attend at Court: the Governor and secular states, to prosecute their suit, and make good their intelligence; the Ministers to answer the complaints, and tender their proposals. Hereupon the Governor and those of the laity delegated to the Court, Marret the Attorney, and Messervy the new Parson of St. Peter's: by whom the people sent a formal Petition to his Majesty, signed by many of their hands; and to this purpose, viz. that he would be pleased to establish in their Island, the book of Common-prayers; and to settle there among them some Ecclesiastical Officer, with Episcopal jurisdiction. On the other side, there were deputed, for the Ministers, Mr. Bandinell, the now Dean; Oliveis, the now Sub●dean; Effart, the Curate of St. Saviour's; and De la place, then Curate of St. Mary's. To whom this also was specially given in charge, that with all industry they should oppose whatsoever innovation (as they called it) might be proposed unto them: and resolutely bear up for the present Discipline.  
Immediately upon their appearance at the Court, both parties by his Majesty were referred to the Council: and by them again to my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Zouche, and Sir John Herbert, then principal Secretary. Before them the cause was privately argued by the Deputies of both parties: and the desires of the Governor and of the people, constantly impugned by the Ministers. But as it always happeneth that there is no confederacy so well joined, but one member of it may be severed from the rest; and thereby the whole practice overthrown: so was it also in this business. For those which there solicited some private business of the Governors, had finely wrought upon the weakness or ambition of De la place; bearing him in hand, that if the Government of the Church were altered, and the office of the Dean restored; he was for certain resolved upon to be the man. Being fashioned into this hope, he speedily betrayed the counsels of his fellows; and furnished their opponents at all their interviews, with such intelligence as might make most for their advantage. At last the Ministers not well agreeing in their own demands, and having little to say in the defence of their proper cause, whereto their answers were not provided beforehand; my Lord of Canterbury at the Councel-table thus declared unto them the pleasure of the King and Council: viz. that for the speedy redress of their disorders, it was reputed most convenient to establish among them, the authority and office of the Dean; that the book of Common-prayer being again printed in the French should be received into their Churches; but the Ministers not tied to the strict observance of it in all particulars: that Messerny should be admitted to his benefice; and that so they might return unto their charges.  
This said, they were commanded to depart, and to signify to those from whom the came, they full scope of his Majesty's resolution; and so they did. But being somewhat backward in obeying this decree, the Council intimated to them by Sir Phil. de Carteret their Agent for the Estates of the Island; that the Ministers from among themselves, should make choice of three learned and grave persons, whose names they should return unto the board: out of which his Majesty would resolve on one to be their Dean. A proposition which found among them little entertainment. Not so much out of dislike unto the dignity, for they were most of them well contented with the change: but because every one of them conceived hopefully of himself to be the man, and all of them could not be elected; they were not willing to prejudice their own hopes, by the naming of another. In the mean time, Mr. David Band●●ell then Curate of St. Mary's, either having or pretending some business unto London; was recommended by the Governor as a man most fit to sustain that place and dignity. And being also approved by my Lord of Canterbury (a● certainly he is a man of good abilities) as a person answerable to the Governor's commendations; he was established in that office by Letters Patents from his Majesty, dated the 8. of March, anno 1619. and was invested with all such rights as formerly had been inherent in that dignity: and that both in point of profit; and also in point of jurisdiction. For whereas formerly the Dean was settled in the best benefice in the Island, that viz. of Saint Martin's; and had divers portions of tithes out of every of the Parishes: the said St. Martin's was allotted to him, upon the next avoidance; and the whole tithes of St. Saviour's allowed him, in consideration of his several parcels. And whereas also at the suppression of the Deanery, the Governor had taken into his hands the probate of Testaments, and appointed unto civil Courts the cognizance of Matrimonial causes and of tithes: all these again were restored unto him, and forever united to this office.  
For the executing of this place, there were some certain Articles, or rather Canons drawn and ratified to be in force till a perfect draught of Ecclesiastical constitutions could be agreed on: which it pleased his Majesty to call the Interim. And this he did in imitation of Charles the 5. which Prince, desirous to establish peace and quietness in the Church of Germany; and little hoping that any Council would be summoned soon enough to determine of the differences then on foot: composed a certain mixture of opinions, in favour of each party; which he endeavoured to obtrude upon that people: the compilers of it, Julius Pflugi●●, Michael Sido●●us, and Islebius: the time when, anno 1594, the name of it the Interim: a name given unto it by the Emperor, eo quod praescriberet formulam doctrinae & ceremoniarum in religione in terra tenendam, quoad de universa re religionis concilio publico definitum esset: so the historian of the Council. In like manner, did it please his Majesty as himself tells us in the next chapter: in the interim, until he might be fully informed what Laws, etc. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiastical, etc. to grant commission, etc. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cer●aid instructions signed with our royal hand, to continue only until we might establish, etc. as it followeth in the Original. By this Interim there was a clause in force, whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holidays, or use the Cross in Baptism, or wear the Surplice, or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion. In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established, and now in being in that Island.  
Thus fortified with power, and furnished with instructions, home cometh the new Dean into his Country: and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates, takes full possession of his place, and office. Nor found he any opposition, till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction; At what time Sir John Herald, than Bailiff of the Island, and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour; not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal, made head against him. But this disgust was quickly overblown; and the Bailiff for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office. This done, his fellow Ministers were called together, and he imparted unto them his instructions. All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction (De la place▪ excepted) who much impatient (as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us, as the loss of a possession) to see himself deluded, forsook the Country. But to the Liturgy they thought they had no cause to give admission; nay that they had good cause unto the contrary: viz. as not being desired by them in their address; and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands: a thing also much stomached and opposed by many learned men in England; and not imposed as yet upon the Scots, which people in so many other particulars, had been brought unto conformity with the English. In the end, having fix months allowed them to deliberate, frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt; they were content to bend and yield unto it, upon such qualifications of it, as in the instructions were permitted. A duty carelessly discharged and as it were by halfs, by many of them; those viz of the ancient breed, which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabric of devotion: but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing, as having good acquaintance with it here in England; and not possessed with any contrary opinion, whereby it might be prejudiced. And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of ●his Majesty; and to restore unto the Island, the ancient face and being of a Church: but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon. But long it was not, ere this also was effected: and a fixed Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical. Which what it is, by what means it was agreed on, how crossed, and how established; his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us: and to them wholly I refer the honour of the relation.   

CHAP. VII.  
The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical for the Church Discipline of Jarsey: together with the King's Letters Patents for the authorising of the same.  
JAMES by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. To our right trusty and well beloved Counsellor the reverend father in God Lancelot Bishop of Winton, and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight, Governor of the Isle of Jarsey; and to the Governor of the said Isle for the time being, and to the Bailiff and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being; to whom it shall or may appertain, Greeting. Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place, in the interim, until we might be fully informed what Laws, Canons, or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiastical, appertaining to Ecclesiastical jurisdiction; to command the said Bishop of Winton, Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David Bandinell now Dean of the same Island, to exercise the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction there according to certain instructions signed with our royal hand, to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions, Rules, Canons and Ordinances, as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiastical causes, conformed to the Ecclesiastical government established in our Realm of England, as near as conveniently might be. And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was, that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might, after such authority given unto him as aforesaid, and after his arrival into that Island, and the public notice given of that his admission unto the said office, should together with the Ministers of this our Island, consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accommodated to the circumstances of time, and place, and persons whom they concern; and that the same should be put in good order, and intimated by the Governor, Bailiff and Jurates of that our Island; that they might offer to us and our Council such acceptions, and give such reformations touching the same, as they should think good. And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons, and presented the same unto us on the one part, and on the other part the said Bailiff and Jurates excepting against the same, did send and depute Sir Philip de Carteret Knight, Jeshuah de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires, three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle; all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellors, the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincoln Lord Keeper of the Gait Seal of England, and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton, to whom we granted commission to examine the same; who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large, read and examined, corrected and amended the said Canons, and have now made report unto us under their hands, that by a mutual consent of the said Deputies and Dean of our Island, they have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical, into such order, as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island.  
Know ye therefore, that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions, especially affecting the peace of the Church, and the establishment of true Religion, and Ecclesiastical discipline, in one uniform order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions, so happily united under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all causes, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil: Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as aforesaid, do by these deputies ratify, confirm and approve thereof.  
And farther, we out of our Princely power and regal authority, do by these Patents signed and sealed with our royal Signet, for us, our heirs and successors, will with our royal hand, and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following, shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle, for the perpetual government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiastical; unless the same, or some part or parts thereof, upon further experience and trial thereof by the mutual consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being, the Governor, Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle, and of the Dean, and Ministers, and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being, representing the body of our said Isle, and by the royal authority of us, our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require. And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton, that he do forthwith, by his Commission under his Episcopal seal, as Ordinary of the place, give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in our said Isle, according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established, as followeth.  

Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical, treated, agreed on, and established for the Isle of Jarsey.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the King's Supremacy, and of the Church.  

Article I.  
1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth, it is first ordained, That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls, shall to the utmost of their power, knowledge and learning, purely and sincerely, without any backwardness or dissimulation, teach, publish and declare, as often as they may, and as occasion shall present itself; that all strange, usurped and foreign power (for as much as it hath no ground by the law of God) is wholly, as for just and good causes taken away and abolished; and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesty's Realms and Dominions, is due unto any such foreign power; but that the King's power within his Realms of England, Scotland and Ireland, and all other his Dominions and Countries, is the highest power under God, to whom all men, as well inhabitants, as born within the same, do by God's Law owe most loyalty and obedience, afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth.   

II.  
2. Whosoever shall affirm and maintain that the King's Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiastical, that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperors in the Church primitive, or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes.   

III. IU.  
3. Also whosoever shall affirm that the Church of England as it is established under the King's Majesty is not a true and Apostolical Church, purely teaching the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles. 4. Or shall impugn the Government of the said Church by Archbishops, Bishops and Deans, affirming it to be Antichristian, shall be ipso facto Excommunicated, and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court, after his repentance and public recantation of his error.    

CHAP. II.  
Of Divine Service.  

Article I.  
1. IT is enjoined unto all sorts of people that they submit themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Common prayers of the Church of England. And for as much as concerns the Ministers, that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgy without addition or alteration; and that they fu●ler not any Conventicle or Congregation to make a sect apart by themselves, or to distract the Government Ecclesiastical established in the Church.   

II.  
2. The Lord's day shall be sanctified by the exercises of public prayer, and the hearing of God's word. Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient, and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite; being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word; kneeling on their knees during the Prayers, and standing up at the Belief; and shall also 〈◊〉 their consent in saying Amen. And further, during any part of Divine service the Churchwardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person, either in the Church or Church-yard.   

III.  
3. There shall be public exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning, by reading the Common prayers.   

IV.  
4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast, the Dean with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governor and Civil Magistrate; to the end, that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed, for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance.    

CHAP. III.  
Of Baptism.  
THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be administered in the Church with fair water according to the institution of Jesus Christ, and without the limitation of any days. No man shall delay the bringing of his child to Baptism longer than the next Sunday or public Assembly, if it may conveniently be done. No person shall be admitted to be a Godfather, unless he hath received the Lord's Supper; nor shall women alone (viz. without the presence of a man among them) be admitted to be Godmothers.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of the Lord's Supper.  

Article I.  
1. THe Lord's Supper shall be administered in every Church four times a year; whereof one to be at Easter, and the other at Christmas; and every Minister in the administration of it, shall receive the Sacrament himself, and after give the Bread and wine to each of the Communicants, using the words of the institution of it.   

II.  
2. The Masters and Mistresses of Families shall be admonished and enjoined to cause their children and Servants to be instructed in the knowledge of their salvation; and to this end shall take care to send them to the ordinary Catechising.    

CHAP. V.  
Of Marriage.  

Article I.  
1. NO man shall marry contrary to the degrees prohibited in the word of God, according as they are expressed in a table made for that purpose in the Church of England, on pain of nullity and censure.   

II.  
2. The Banes of the parties shall be asked three Sundays successively in the Churches of both parties; and they of the Parish where the Marriage is not celebrated, shall bring an attestation of the bidding of their Banes in their own Parish. Nevertheless in lawful cases there may be a Licence or dispensation of the said Banes, granted by the authority of the Dean, and that upon good caution taken, that the parties are at liberty.   

III.  
3. No separation shall be made a thoro & mensa, unless in case of Adultery, cruelty, and danger of life duly proved; and this at the sole instance of the parties. As for the maintenance of the woman during her divorce, he shall have recourse to the Secular power.    

CHAP. VI  
Of Ministers.  

Article I.  
1. NO man that is unfit to teach, or not able to preach the word of God shall be admitted to any Benefice within the Isle, or which hath not received imposition of hands, and been ordained according to the form used in the Church of England.   

II.  
2. None of them, either Dean or Minister, shall at the same time hold two Benefices, unless it be in time of vacancy; and only the Natives of the Isle shall be advanced to these preferments.   

III.  
3. The Ministers every Sunday after morning prayer, shall expound some place of holy Scripture; and in the afternoon, shall handle some of the points of Christian Religion, contained in the Catechism in the Book of Common-prayers.   

IV.  
4▪ In their Prayers they shall observe the titles due unto the King, acknowledging him the Supreme governor under Christ, in all causes, and over all persons as well Ecclesiastical as Civil: recommending unto God the prosperity of his person and royal posterity.   

V.  
5. Every Minister shall carefully regard that modesty and gravity of apparel which belongs unto his function; and may preserve the honour due unto his person; and shall be also circumspect in the whole carriage of their lives to keep themselves from such company, actions and haunts, which may bring unto them any blame or blemish. Nor shall they dishonour their calling by Gaming, Alehouses, Usuries, guilds, or occupations not convenient for their function; but shall endeavour to excel all others in purity of life, in gravity and virtue.   

VI  
6. They shall keep carefully a Register of Christen, Marriages and Burials, and shall duly publish upon the day appointed to them the Ordinances of the Courts, such as are sent unto them, signed by the Dean, and have been delivered to them fifteen days before the publication.   

VII.  
7. The Ministers shall have notice in convenient time of such Funerals as shall be in their Parishes; at which they shall assist, and shall observe the form prescribed in the book of Common-prayers. No man shall be interred within the Church, without the leave of the Minister, who shall have regard unto the quality and condition of the persons, as also unto those which are benefactors unto the Church.    

CHAP. VII.  
Of the Dean.  

Article I.  
1. THe Dean shall be a Minister of the word, being a Master of the Arts or Graduate at the least in the Civil Laws, having ability to exercise that office; of good life and conversation, as also well affected to Religion, and the service of God.   

II.  
2. The Dean in all causes handled at the Court, shall demand the advice and opinion of the Ministers which shall then be present.   

III.  
3. There shall appertain unto him the cognisance of all matters which concern the service of God, the preaching of the Word, the administration of the Sacraments, Matrimonial causes, the examination and censure of all Papists, Recusants, Heretics, Idolaters, and Schismatics, persons perjured in causes Ecclesiastical; Blasphemers, those which have recourse to Wizards, incestuous persons, Adulterers, Fornicators, ordinary drunkards, and public profaners of the Lords day; as also the profanation of the Churches and Churchyards, misprisions and offences committed in the Court, or against any officers thereof in the execution of the mandates of the Court; and also of Divorces and separations a thoro & mensa; together with a power to censure and punish them according unto the Laws Ecclesiastical, without any hindrance to the power of the Civil Magistrate in regard of temporal correction for the said crimes.   

IV.  
4. The Dean accompanied with two or three of the Ministers, once in two years shall visit every Parish in his own person, and shall take order, that there be a Sermon every visitation day, either by himself, or some other by high 〈…〉 appointed. Which Visitation shall be made for the ordering of all things appertaining to the Churches, in the service of God, and the administration of the Sacraments; as also that they be provided of Churchwardens, that the Church and Churchyards, and dwellings of the Ministers be kept in reparations. And farther, he shall then receive information of the said Churchwardens, or in their default of the Ministers, of all offences and abuses which need to be reform; whether in the Minister, the officers of the Church, or any other of the Parish. And the said Dean in li●● of the said visitation, shall receive 4 s. pay out of the Treasures of the Church for every time.   

V.  
5. In the vacancy of any Benefice either by death or otherwise, the Dean shall give present order, that the profits of it be sequestered; to the end, that out of the revenue of it, the Cure may be supplied; as also that the widow and children of the deceased may be satisfied according to the time of his service, and the custom of the Isle; excepting such necessary deductions as must be made for dilapidations in case any be. He shall also give convenient time to the widow of the deceased, to provide her of an house, and shall dispose the residue unto the next Incumbent; for which the Sequestrator shall be accountant.   

VI  
6. In the same case of vacancy, if within six months the Governor do not present a Clerk unto the Reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton, or if that See be void, to the most Reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury, to be admitted and instituted to the said Benefice; then shall the Dean give notice of the time of the vacancy unto the said Lords the Bishop and Archbishop, whereby it is in the lapse, that so it may be by them collated. And then if any one be offered to them, the Dean shall give a testimony of the Demeanour and sufficiency of the party to be approved by them, before he put him into actual possession of the said Benefice.   

VII.  
7. The Dean shall have the Registering and Probate of Testaments; which be approved by the seal of his office, and afterwards enregistered. He shall also have the registering of the Inventories of the movable goods of Orphans, which he shall carefully record, to give copies of them at all times, and as often as he is required. Also he shall give letters of administration of the goods of Intestates, dying without heirs of their body to the next of kindred.   

VIII.  
8. They which have the keeping of the Will, whether he be Heir, Executor, or any other, shall transcribe and bring it unto the Dean within one month; in default whereof he shall be brought by process into the Court, and be constrained to pay double charges. And the said Dean for the said Testaments, Inventories and Letters of administration, shall have such fees, as are specified in a Table for this purpose.   

IX.  
9 All legaoys movable, made unto the Church, the Ministers, Schools, or to the poor, shall be of the cognisance of the Dean, but upon any opposition made concerning the validity of the Will, the Civil Courts shall determine of it between parties.   

X.  
10. It shall appertain unto the Dean to take cognisance of all detention of tithes consecrated to the Church, of what kind so ever they be, which have been paid unto the Ministers, and which they have enjoyed or had in possession for the space of forty years; and every person convicted of withholding or fraudulently detaining the said tithes, shall be adjudged to make restitution, and shall pay the cost and charges of the party. And for the preservation of all rights, tithes, rents, lands and possessions belonging to the Church, there shall be a Terrice made by the Bailiff and Justices assisted by the Dean and the King's Attorney.   

XI.  
11. The Dean shall have also power to make a Deputy or Commissary which shall supply the place and office of the Dean, as far as his Commission shall extend; whereof there shall be an authentic copy in the rails of the said Court.    

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the Overseers or Church wardens.  

Article I.  
1. THe next week after Easter, the Minister and people of every parish shall make choice of two to be Churchwardens, discreet men, of good life and understanding, able to read and write, if such may be had. But if the people cannot agree on such a choice, then shall the Minister name one and the Parishioners another, by the major part of their voices; which two shall be after sworn in the next Court, and there advertised of their duties.   

II.  
2. Their duty shall be to see that the Churches and Churchyards be not abused by any profane and unlawful actions; as also not to suffer any excommunicated person to come into the Church, after the sentence hath been published in that Parish; they shall also carefully present from time to time those which neglect the public exercises of Divine service, and the administration of the Sacraments; and genenerally all crimes of Ecclesiastical cognisance; which said presentations they shall exhibit under their hands; nor shall they be constrained to present above twice a year.   

III.  
3. They shall have care particularly that the Churches be well repaired, and the Churchyard well fenced; and shall see that all things appertaining to the Church, the administration of the word and Sacraments, from time to time may be provided. As viz. a Bible of the best translation, and the largest letter; the book of Common-prayers both for the Minister, as also for the Clerk or Sexton of the Parish; one Parchment book to Register the Christen, Marriages and Burials; a decent Communion table, with a Carpet to cover it during Divine service; the Fonts for Baptism, cups and vessels dedicated to that use, together with a fair linen cloth, and a coffer wherein to put the said utensils; also a trunk or chest for the people's alms, a cloth and cushion for the pulpit. They shall also provide bread and wine for the the Communion; and shall see that the seats and benches be well fitted for the conveniency of the Minister and of the people, with the advice and counsel of the Ministers, and shall look to the ●ents and revenues of the Church's treasure.   

IV.  
4. The said Churchwardens shall be enjoined to keep a good and true account both of their disbursments or receipts, and of the employment which they have made of the money issuing out of the Church treasury, which shall from time to time be published according to the custom, and of that also which is remaining in the hands of them, or of the Overseers of the poor. They shall employ the said treasure in things necessary and fitting for the Church and the common good, guiding themselves by the direction of their Minister, and the principal of the parish in such extraordinary matters as concern the Parish. In case of public business, the assembly of the Estates shall prescribe them, what they think expedient for the common profit; and before they quit their charge, they shall give notice to the Parishioners in the Easter week to hear their accounts, which shall pass under the hands of the Minister and the chief of the Parish; if any of the said Parishioners or others shall refuse to pay the moneys which they owe to the said treasury; the said Churchwardens and Overseers or any of them, shall prosecute the law against them. In case of any controversy about the said accounts or abuse to be reform, the Dean and Minister of the Parish where the said controversy or abuse shall be, together with the Bailiff and Justices shall determine of it as is most convenient.   

V.  
5. The said Churchwardens on the Sunday during Divine service shall search in places suspected for games or riot, and having the Constables for their assistants, shall search also into Alehouses, and houses of misdemeanour.   

VI  
6. They shall be careful, that there be no detention or concealment of any thing appertaining to the Church, and shall also seize into their hands all goods and legacies movable given unto the Church, or to the poor, according to the custom of the Country.    

CHAP. IX.  
Of the Collectors and Sides-men.  
THere shall be two Collectors for the poor appointed in every Parish, which also shall discharge the place of Sides-men or Assistants; who shall be chosen as the Churchwardens are, and shall take an oath to carry themselves well in the said office, and to give an account of their Stewardship twice a year, before the Minister and the Parishioners, viz. at Easter and at Michaelmas.   

CHAP. X.  
Of Clerks and Sextons.  

Article I.  
1. THe Clerks and Sextons of Parishes shall be chosen by the Minister and the principal of the Parish; men of the age of twenty years at the least, of good life and conversation, able to read fairly, distinctly, and understandingly, and to write also, and fitted somewhat for the singing of the Psalms, if it may be.   

II.  
2. Their charge is, by the ringing of a Bell, to call the people to Divine service, and the hearing of the Word, at the proper and ordinary hours; to keep the Church locked and clean, as also the Pulpit and the seats, to lay up the Books and other things belonging to the Church committed to their trust, to provide water against the Christen, to make such proclamations as are enjoined them by the Court or by the Minister. And shall receive their stipend and wages by the contribution of the Parishioners, be it in Corn or money, according to the custom of the place.    

CHAP. XI.  
Of School masters.  

Article I.  
1. THere shall be a School master in every Parish, chosen by the Minister, Church wardens, and other principal persons therein, and afterwards presented unto the Dean to be licenced thereunto. Nor shall it be lawful for any one to take upon him this charge, not being in this manner called unto it. The Ministers shall have the charge of visiting the Schools, to exhort the Masters to their duty.   

II.  
2. They shall accustom themselves with diligence and painfulness to teach the children to read and to write, to say their prayers and to answer in the Catechisms; they shall instruct them in good manners, they shall bring them unto Sermons, and to Common-prayers, and there see them quietly and orderly demean themselves.    

CHAP. XII.  
Of the Court Ecclesiastical.  

Article I.  
1. THe Court shall be holden every Monday in the year, observing the same vacations as the Courts Civil.   

II.  
2. At every Session, in the beginning of it, the names of the Assessors shall be enrolled, the day, the month and the year, and the decrees perused.   

III.  
3. After judgement and sentence given in the main matter, the costs of the parties, and the wages of the officers shall be awarded by censure Ecclesiastic.   

IV.  
4. There shall be two Proctors duly sworn unto the Court, to the end, the people may proceed formally and juridically, without any confusion or surprise. And the Register (being also sworn) shall faithfully record the sentences pronounced, and give copies of the Acts to such as do require it.   

V.  
5. The King's Attorney, or in his absence the Solicitor, shall be assistant in the Court from time to time in the awarding of punishment, or censure upon all causes of crime and scandal.   

VI  
6. For the serving of citation and summons, the Dean shall swear the Sextons of every Parish, together with an Apparitor, which shall truly discharge themselves in giving copies of the original process and citation unto those whom it concerns, or in the absence of the party, to his servants. In which process and citations, the causes of their appearance shall be expressed.   

VII.  
7. If the party will not be found, as either hiding himself, or using any other collusion, the citation shall be affixed (in case that he have never an house) on the Church door of the Parish where he dwelleth, and that upon a Sunday.   

VIII.  
8. If it come unto the notice of the Dean by the report of honest men, that any one hath doth live notoriously scandalous, he shall advertise the Minister and Churchwardens of the Parish, to the end, that being thus informed, they may present such persons as merit to be punished, or censured.   

IX.  
9 Upon good notice of a crime committed by any of the Ministers, the Dean after two warnings or admonitions, shall proceed to the reforming of him, by the advice and consent of two of his brethren, even unto suspension and sequestration. And in case he continue refractory, the Dean by the consent of the major part of Ministers, shall proceed to deprivation.   

X.  
10. No commutation shall be made in lieu of penance, without great circumspection, and regard had unto the quality of the persons and circumstances of the crime. And the commutation shall be enrolled in the Acts of the Court, to be employed upon the poor, and in pious uses; whereof an account shall be given according to the Register.   

XI.  
11. After the first default, the non-appearance of the party again cited shall be reputed as a contempt; if being after perens ptorily cited he doth not appear, then shall they proceed against him by excommunication; and if before the next Court day he endeavour not to obtain absolution, they shall proceed to the publishing of the sentence of the minor excommunication, which shall be delivered to the Minister of the Parish to be read upon some solemn day and in the hearing of the greater part of the Parishioners. The party still continuing in his contumacy, they shall then proceed unto the major excommunication; whereby he shall be excluded a sacris & societate fidelium. If this bring him not unto obedience and acknowledgement within the space of forty days, then shall the Dean by his certificate authentic give notice unto the Bailiff and Justices of the said contumacy, requiring their assistance to seize on him, and commit him prisoner to some sure place till he be humbled, and shall give surety that he will submit unto the ordinance of the Church; and before that he be absolved, he shall be bound to defray the costs and charges of the suit.   

XII.  
12 In cases of incontinency upon presentment of the Churchwardens, together with the probabilities of a common fame, scandal and presumptions in this case requisite, the party shall undergo the purgation upon oath, or else shall be reputed as convict.   

XIII.  
13. In causes of Adultery, at the instance of the party, the proceedings shall go on advisedly by good proofs and informations, even to evidence of the crime objected; and if the matter or evidence of fact be clear, they may proceed to separation a thoro & mensa.   

XIV.  
14. He that shall offend in point of calumny and diffamation, shall make acknowledgement of the injury according to the exigence of the case, provided that the business be followed within the compass of the year, and that the matter of it be of Ecclesiastical cognisance in the crimes above recited.    

CHAP. XIII.  
Of Appeals.  

Article I.  
1. Appeals in causes Ecclesiastical shall be heard and determined by the reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton in person, and if that See be void, by the most reverend father in God, the Archbishop of Canterbury in person.   

II.  
2. All Appeals shall be exhibited within fifteen days after notice taken of the sentence, and the party shall be constrained to take or write out the whole process, at it is upon the Register or Rolls of Court; which Acts of the said Court shall be delivered to him in form and time convenient, under the seal of the office, and the Appellant shall pursue the action within a year and a day, aut sententiae latae stare compellitur.   

III.  
3. It shall not be lawful to appeal until after the definitive sentence, unless in these two cases, viz. either when the Interlocutory is such as puts an end unto the business, or else when the said interlocutory being obeyed brings such irreparable damage to the party, that he cannot help himself by his Appeal.     


A Table of the Fees appertaining to the Dean and his Officers in all causes Ecclesiastical.  
FOr the proving of a Will where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of five pound. To the Dean o.  
To the Register for writing and recording it 6 d.  
For the approving of a Will above the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register or Notary 1 s.  
For a Letter of administration where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of 5 l. de elaro. To the Dean o. To the Register for writing it 6 d.  
For a Letter of administration above that value. To the Dean 1 s. To the Register 1 s.  
For the registering an Inventory of the goods of minors, where the said inventory exceedeth not the value of 5 l. To the Dean o. To the Register 4 d.  
For the registering of Inventories exceeding the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register 1 s.  
For an authentic copy of the said Wills, Inventories or Letters of administration. To the Dean for his seal 6 d. To the Register 6 d.  
For process compulsory to bring in the Wills 1 s.  
For Licences of marriage. To the Dean 3 s.  
For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice. To the Dean 6 s.  
For the induction of a Minister. To the Dean 3 s.  
For process and citations. To the Dean 2 d. ob. To the Notary 1 d. d. To the Apparitor for serving the Process and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. d.  
For absolution from the minor excommunication. To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d ob. To the Apparitor 2 d. ●b.  
For absolution from the major excommunication. To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob. To the Apparitor 6 d.  
In causes Litigious, the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers, and for the authentic writing. To the party 4 d. as also to every witness produced in Court 4 d.  
To the Proctors of the Court for every cause they plead 6 d.  
To the Notary for every instrument entered in the Court 1 d qa.  
To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa.  
To him in case of contumacy 4 d.   According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors, nor any of his officers, either directly or indirectly, shall demand, exact, or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle, any other fees or duties, than such as are specified in the table above written. And it is further ordained, that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle, on any causes, and by virtue of any Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, shall be forthwith abrogated; to the end, that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean, or any of his successors in the times to come, contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established; but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical. Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civil Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons, as being nothing prejudicial to the privileges and customs of the said Isle, from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate. Given (as before said) under our signet at our Court at Greenwich, on the last day of June, in the year of our Reign of England, France and Ireland, the one and twentieth, and of Scotland the six and fiftieth.   

CHAP. VIII.  
(1) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey. (2) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey. (3) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England. (4) The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible. (5) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration. (6) The grievances of the Ministry against the Magistrates. (7) Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design. (8) The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship. The conclusion of the whole. Our return to England.  
I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse, intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship, in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva. But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow; I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration. My scope and project, to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may incite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attained to with his Majesty, in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that ancient order by which it formerly was guided, and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England. Before I enter on with argument, I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this business; as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Majesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island, not in both; and being resolved to try his forces on the one only; why he should rather sort out Jarsey. A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared. For had his Majesty attempted both at once, the Ministers of both Islands had then communicated counsels, banded themselves in a league, and by a mutual encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus. It is an ancient principle in the arts of Empire, Divide & impera; and well noted by the State-historian, that nothing more advantaged the affairs of Rome in Britain, then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger. Ita dum singuli pugnabant, universi vincebantur. And on the other side his Majesty soresaw for certain, that if one Island once were taken off, the other might with greater ease be persuaded to conform. Being resolved then to attempt them single, there was good reason why he should begin with Jarsey first, as unto which he was to send a new Governor, not yet engaged unto a party, and pliable to his instructions. Whereas Sir Tho. Leighton still continued in his charge at Guernzey, who having had so main a hand in the introduction of the Platform, could not be brought with any stomach to intend an alteration of his own counsels.  
But not to lose myself in the search of Prince's counsels, which commonly are too far removed from vulgar eyes, let us content ourselves with knowing the event; which was, that by his means the Isle of Jarsey was reduced unto a Discipline conformable to that of England, and thereby an easy way for the reforming also that in Guernzey. For the accomplishment of which design, may it please your Lordship to take notice of these reasons following, by which it is within my hopes, your Lordship possibly may be persuaded to deal in it. A Jove principium.  
And here (as in a Christian duty I am bound) I propose unto your Lordship in the first place, the honour which will redound unto the Lord in this particular, by the restoring of a Discipline unto the smallest Oratory of his Church, which you assure yourself to be most answerable to his holy word, and to the practice of those blessed spirits the Apostles. For why may not I say unto your Lordship, as Mardochaus once to Hester, though the case be somewhat different, Who knoweth whether you be come unto these dignities, for such a time as this? And why may it not be said of you even in the application unto this particular designment, That unto whom so much is given, of him also shall much be required? Private exploits and undertake are expected even from private persons. But God hath raised up you to public honours, and therefore looks that you should honour him in the advancement and undertaking of such counsels as may concern his Church in public. And certainly, if (as I verily persuade myself) your counsels tend unto the peace and glory of the Chureh; the Church, I mean, whereof you are so principal a member: You shall not easily encounter with an object, whereon your counsels may be better busied. So strangely do these men disgrace your blessed Mother, and lay her glory in the dust. Two instances hereof I shall present unto your Lordship to set the better edge on your proceedings, though otherwise I had forborn to meddle with particulars. It pleased his Majesty for the assurance of these Islands, to send into each of them two Companies of Soldiers, which were equally distributed. But such was the peevish obstinacy of one of the Ministers of this Guernzey, that he would not allow their Minister to read prayers unto them in his Church, at such times when himself and people did not use it. At last on much entreaty he was contented to permit it, but with express condition, that he should not either read the Litany, or administer the Communion. Since when, as often as they purpose to receive the Sacrament, they have been compelled to ferry over to the Castle, and in the great hall there celebrate the holy Supper. As little is our Church beholding to them in her Festivals, as in her Liturgy. For whereas, at the Town of St. Peter's on the Sea, they have a Lecture every Thursday, upon which day the Feast of Christ's Nativity was solemnised with us in England, anno 1623. the same party chose rather to put off the Sermon for that time, then that any the small lest honour might reflect upon the day. O curvae in terris animae, & coelestium inanes. An opposition far more superstitious than any ceremony, observation of a day, though merely Jewish.  
Next to the honour due to God and to his Church, is that which all of us are obliged to tender to our Princes, as being Gods by office, and nursing fathers of that Church whereof they are. Therefore I represent in the next rank unto your Lordship a consideration of the honour which you shall here in do unto your Kings. To the one, your late Master of happy memory, who gave you first his hand to guide you unto greatness, in the pursuit of his intendments. So glorious were the purposes of that Heroic Prince, for the secure and flourishing tranquillity of God's holy Church, that certainly it were impiety if any of them be permitted to miscarry. To the other our now gracious Sovereign, who hath doubled the promotions conferred upon you by his father; in being an author to him of those thoughts which may so much redound unto his glory; the rather, because, in case his Majesty should find a time convenient to go forward in his Father's project, of reducing all the Church's Protestant unto one Discipline and Liturgy; there might not an objection thwart him, drawn from home. Otherwise it may perhaps be unto him by some of those which do not fan●● the proposal as Demades once to Philip, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That first he might do well to compose the differences in his own dominions, b 〈…〉 re he motion a consormity to others. At the least, he may be sure to look for this reply from Scotland, when ever he proposeth to them the same business. The Ministers of Jarsey, a before I have shown your Lordship, denied admission to the book of Common-prayer, as not imposed upon the Scots; 〈◊〉 better reason may the Scots refuse to entertain it, as not imposed on those of Gu●●zey.  
Besides the honour due to God, the Church, and to the King, there is an honour next in order to the calling of the Priest. A calling, as much stomached in general by all that party, so most especially reviled by those amongst ourselves for Antichristian, tyrannous, a devilish ordinance a bastardly government, and the like. Nor do I think that those of Guernzey are better affected to it, though more moderate in professing their dislike: for did they but approve the hierarchy of Bishops, they would not then proceed so unwarrantably as now they do, in the ordination of their Ministers. I call it unwarrantable proceeding, because the lawful and ordinary door of entrance unto the Ministry, was never shut unto this people; and therefore their preposterous entry upon this sacred calling, either by the backdoor or by the window, the more unanswerable. Whereas it may be pleaded in the behalf of those in some parts beyond the seas, that they could not meet with any Bishops which would give them ordination, unless they would abjure the Gospel as they then professed it, and therefore that necessity compelled them to the private way of imposing hands on one another. In which particular, the case of some reformed Churches, may not unfitly be resembled unto that of Scipio, as it is related to us in the third book of Valerius Max. cap. 7. upon some want of money for the furtherance of the necessary affairs of state, he demanded a supply from the common treasury. But when the Quaestor pretending that it was against the Laws, refused to open it, himself a private person, seized the Keys, Patefacto aerario legem utilitati cedere coegit; and overruled the Law by the advancement of the Weal public. In like manner (which is I think the most and best that can be said in this behalf) to promote the reformation of Religion, many good men made suit to be supplied out of the common treasury, to be admitted to the preaching of the word according to the ordinary course of ordination; which when it was denied them by the Questors or Prelates of those days; they chose rather to receive it at the hands of private and inferior Priests, then that the Church should be unfurnished. This may be said for them, which in excuse of those of Guernzey can never be alleged; whose continual recourse unto these private keys is done upon no other reason then a dislike of that high calling to which your Lordship is advanced; which therefore you are bound, if not to punish in them, yet to rectify.  
Two other reasons yet there are which may invite your Lordship to this undertaking, though not so weighty or of that importance as the former. The one, that the remainders of that party here at home, may not be hardened in their obstinacy; the other, that those of Jarsey, be not discouraged in their submission and conformity. I have already shown unto your Lordship, that the brethren here in England, never made head against the Church, till the permission of platform in these Islands. After which, with what violence they did assail the hierarchy, what clamorus they continually raised against the Prelates, what superstitions and impieties they imputed to our Liturgy; notius est quam ut stylo egeat, is too well known to be related. If so, then questionless it cannot but confirm them in their new devices, to see them still permitted to this Isle. Nor can they think themselves but wronged, that still they are controlled and censured for the maintenance of that discipline, which is by Sovereign authority allowed and licenced; though in other places, yet in the same dominions. And on the other side, your Lordship may conceive how just a cause of discontent and of repining it may be to those of Jarsey; when they shall daily hear it thundered from the Coasts of France, that faintly they have sold themselves to bondage; whereas the faithful zealots in the Isle of Guernzey, do still preserve themselves in liberty. Vel ne●trum flammis ure, velure duos, as the Lover in Ausonius.  
From my first rank of motives here presented to your Lordship, which I may most properly call motives necessary, and in respect unto the cause; I come next to those of an other quality, which I call motives of conveniency, and in relation to the time. For questionless the time is at this present more convenient for the accomplishment of this work, than ever we may hope to see hereafter; whether we consider it in reference unto our Kingdom, or to the Discipline itself, or to the Governor, or to the people of both sorts, the Clergy and the Magistrates.  
For first, there is at this instant, an established peace between it and France, concluded on while we were in these Islands, and published immediately on our coming home; which Realm only carrieth a covetous and watchful eye upon those Islands. Were it between us, as it lately was, nothing but wars and depredations; ●he alteration then perhaps might be unsafe, it being always dangerous to discontent or charge that Nation, upon whose loyalty we must rely. Nor can I tell unto what desperate and undutiful practices, the furious heat of some few Preachers may possibly excite a multitude; when come the worst that can, there is an enemy at hand that will subscribe to any articles. But now 'tis peace, and how long peace will hold, is not easy to determine, depending as it doth, upon the will and pleasure of another.  
If, in the second place, we look upon the Discipline itself, we shall find it well prepared, and ready for a change. For whereas it is ordered in their Canons (if I so may call them) that the errors of the Consistory shall be corrected by the Colloquy those of the Colloquy, by the Synod; by the departure of Jarsey from them, they have no way of further Synods, and therefore no redress of grivances. So then either the sentence of the Colloquy must be unalterable, which is expressly contrary to the platform; or else there must be granted some other jurisdiction to have power above them, whereby their censures may be moderated. The first of these would estate their Colloquies in a tyranny more prevalent and binding, than the chair of Rome so much complained of. The other openeth a way for the entrance of Episcopal authority, for the admission of Appeals, for the directions of their proceedings. Add hereunto, that at this time they have a noble Governor, no friend I am assured to any of that party; and such a one which gladly would resign those rights of old belonging to the Deanery, when ever it shall please his Majesty to restore that dignity unto the Island. A Peer so perfectly known unto your Lordship and to all the Kingdom, that I need not say more of him, then that which once Velleius did of Junius Blaesus, Vir nescias an utilior Castris, vel melior toga. It were a matter of no ordinary study to determine, whether he be more able in the Camp or Senate.  
But in alterations, such as these, the fancy and affection of the people is principally to be attended, as those whom such mutations most properly concern; wherein I find all things made ready to your Lordship's hand, if you vouchsafe to set it forwards. The Magistrates and more understanding people of the Isle, offended with the severe and unsociable carriage of the Consistories, especially of late, since the unlimited Empire of the Colloquy hath made that government unsufferable. Before they had enough to keep themselves from censure, and their houses from the diligence of consistorial spies; when yet there was an higher Court wherein there was some hope of remedy. But there being none to appeal from in the Consistory, but those which will condemn them in the Colloquy, they undergo the yoke with much clamour, but with more stomach. A stomach which eftsoons they spare not to disgorge upon them, as often, viz. as they come within the compass of their Courts, either in way of punishment or censure. On the other side the Ministers exclaim against the Magistrates, as presuming too far above their latchet; pretending that by them their Discipline hath been infringed, their privileges violated, and their Ministry interrupted. Matters that have not been repined at only in a corner, but publicly presented as on the Theatre, and complained of to their Governors. For at my Lord of Danbies being there, they articled against the Magistrates for invading the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction; as viz. that they take upon them to dissolve contracts made in the presence of the Minister, and with an invocation of the name of God, which in judgement of the Discipline (Chap. 12. 1.) are undissoluble. That they had intermeddled with the administration of holy Baptism, a duty merely spiritual. That they had seized upon the treasures of the Church in some places, and disposed of them at their pleasure. That they had caused the Ministers to be imprisoned, and there detained them for a long time, to their great discomfort, and the hazard of their flooks. And lastly that they had deprived them of the liberty of Natives in denying them their suffrages for the election of the Curates. Other grievances there were, but these the principal. True it is, that upon due examination of particulars, it did appear that the Magistrates had more reason in their actions, than the Ministers in their complaints. But not having been accustomed to the like usage, they do esteem it a thraldom so incompetent and unsupportable, that I persuade myself they sooner would resolve to yield to any course, then have their doings croft by that tribunal. Sure I am, when they found so small redress for these (as they conceived) great oppressions, they made petition to his Lordship to bethink himself on some other way for their relief, and laboured to procure me to be their Mediator to his Lordship in it.  
These circumstances also happily concurring, portend, in my opinion, as great an alteration in this state Ecclesiastical, as the conjunction of some powerful Planets doth sometimes upon the temporal. And if your Lordship should be wanting now unto present opportunity, it may be such a confluence of preparatives and helps may hardly be met withal hereafter. Presuming therefore, that your Lordship will not neglect the advantage offered, I should next proceed unto those means which might best be used in the effecting of this work; but what were this but to read a lecture of the wars to Hannibal, to play a part on the Stage in the sight of Roscius? For whether your Lordship shall think most fit to treat first of it with my Lord the Governor, that he may make plain the way before you, and facilitate the business; or whether it may be thought most proper, that some negotiate with the people and the Jurates, to commence a suit in this behalf unto the Council; or whether that the Ministers themselves, in this conjuncture of time, oppressed, as they conceive it, by the Civil Magistrates encroaching on them, may not with great facility be persuaded to solicit for a change; who can so well determine as your Lordship, whom long experience and natural abilities have made perfect in these arts? Only let me beseech your Lordship's leave to enjoy mine own folly, and for a while to act my part, to read my lecture, though Hannibal and Roscius be in presence.  
At such time as by the Ministers his Lordship was petitioned to resolve upon some course for their relief; they made request to me to solicit for them their desires, to be a remembrancer for them to his Lordship. To which I answered, that I could direct them in a way which should for ever free them from that yoke which so much they feared, and if they would vouchsafe to see my Chamber, I would there impart it. A motion not made unto the walls, or lost in the proposal; for down unto my Lodging they descended, and there we joined ourselves in Council. The Petitioners were five in number, viz. De la March, Millet, Perchard, Picote, and De la Place; myself alone, and not provided (save in Wine and Cider) for their entertainment. But as Lactantius in an equal case, Necesse est, ut me causae bonitas fac●at eloquentem; presuming on the goodness of my cause, but more upon their ignorance, I was resolved to bid them battle. Immediately upon the opening of the Counsel, I was importuned my opinion; whereto I freely made them answer, the only course whereby they might subsist entire and free from bondage, was to address themselves to his Majesty for the restitution of the Dean. But this say they is Physic worse than the disease; and thereupon the battles began to join with greater violence; with violence it was, and therefore (as we are instructed in Philosophy) of no long continuance; for presently upon the first encounter their ranks were broken, and their forces disunited. Picote for his part protested, that he had always been an enemy to Lay Elders, and that he could not see by what authority of Scripture they were permitted in the Churches. Perchard was well enough content, that the dispensing of the poor man's box might be committed unto others, and that the Deacons as being a degree or step unto the Ministry, might be employed about the treasures of salvation. Millet stood silent all the while, and as I think reserved himself to try the fortune of another day. De la March and De la Place (this De la Place is he who abandoned Jarsey upon his failing of the Deanship) what they could not make good by reason, supplied by obstinacy. In my life I never knew men more willing to betray a cause, or less able to maintain it. My inference hereupon is this, that if his Majesty should signify unto them, that it is his royal pleasure to admit a Dean among them, or else repair unto the Court to give a reason of their refusal; they sooner would forsake and quit their cause, then either be resolved to agree about it, or venture to defend it. If I were sure to make no use of Logic, till these men shall run the hazard of a disputation, I would presently go and burn my Aristotle.  
To draw unto an end, for I have been too tedious to your Lordship. Before I pluck off my disguise and leave the stage whereon I act, I could me thinks add somewhat here about the choicing of a man most fit for this authority. In which particular, as I stand well affected to Perchard, for a moderate and quiet man, so hath he also a good repute in all the Island, both for his vein of Preaching, his liberal hospitality, and plausible demeanour. Or if your Lordship think a foreigner more fit, there being now the Parish of St. Saviour's void, and so full room for that induction, I durst propose to you Olivier of Jarsey; a man which I persuade myself, I may say safely, not inferior unto any of both Islands in point of Scholarship, and well affected to the English form of Government. Add to this that already he is acquainted with the nature of the place, as having executed the office of the Commissary or Subdean, ever since the introduction of the charge, and therefore not to seek in the managing and carriage of his jurisdiction. But good God what follies do we daily run into, when we conceive ourselves to be disguised, and that our actions are not noted? It is therefore high time for me to unmask myself, and humbly crave your Lordship's pardon, that under any habit I should take upon me to advise. A further plaudite than this I do not seek for, then that you will vouchsafe to excuse my boldness, though not allow it: the rather because a zeal unto the beauteous uniformity of the Church did prompt me to it. But this, and this discourse, such as it is, I consecreate unto your Lordship; for whose honour, next under Gods, I have principally pursued this argument. For myself, it will be unto me sufficient glory, that I had any, though the least, hand in such a pious work; and shall be happy, if in this, or in any other your Lordship's counsels for the Church's peace, I may be worthy of employment. Nor need your Lordship fear, that in the prosecution of this project, you may be charged with an innovation. To pursue this purpose is not to introduce a novelty but to restore a Discipline, to revive the perfect service of God, which so long hath been, to say the best of it, in a Lethargy, and to make the Jerusalem of the English Empire, like a City which is at unity within itself.  

Sic nova dum condis, revocas (vir sum) priord;  
Debentur quae sunt, quaeque fuere tibi.  
Si priscis servatur honos te Praeside, templis;  
Et casa tam culto sub Jove numen habet. 

Thus (Reverend Lord) to you,  
Churches both old and new  
Do owe themselves; since by your pious care.  
New ones are built, and old ones in repair.  
Thus by your careful zeal  
Unto the Church's weal,  
As the old Temples do preserve their glories,  
So private houses have their Oratories.     
It is now time to acquaint your Lordship with the success and safety of our return; all things being done and fully settled for the peace and security of those Islands, which was the only cause of our voyage thither. Concerning which, your Lordship may be pleased to know in a word, that the crossness of the winds and roughness of the water, detained us some days longer in Castle Cornet, than we had intended; but at the last, on Thursday April 2. being Maundy Thursday, anno 1629. we went aboard our Ships, and hoist sail for England. It was full noon before we were under sail, and yet we made such good way, that at my waking the next morning, we were come near the Town of Peal, and landed safely the same day in the Bay of Teichfeild, where we first took Ship; his Lordship being desirous to repose himself with the said Mr. Bromfeild, till the Feast of Easter being passed over might render him more capable to pursue his Journey.  
And now I am safely come into my Country, where according to the custom of the Ancients, I offer up my thanksgiving to the God of the waters, and testify before his Altars the grateful acknowledgement of a safe voyage and a prosperous return, blessings which I never merited.  

— Me tabula sacer  
Votiva paries indicat uvida  
Suspendisse potenti  
Vestimenta maris Deo. 

My Votive Table on the Sacred wall  
Doth plainly testify to all,  
That I those grateful vows have paid,  
Which in the tumults of the deep I made,  
To him that doth the Seas command,  
And holds the waters in his hand.      
The End of the Last Book, and the Second Journey.