THE HISTORY OF CATILINE'S Conspiracy:  
Faithfully related out of the Classical Authors.  
WITH SOME General OBSERVATIONS For assisting the Interests of PEACE and VIRTUE.  
Historia testis temporum, lux veritatis, vita memoriae, Magistra vitae, nuncia vetustatis.  Cicer. de Orat. Lib. 2. Cap. 9 
LONDON, Printed by Hen. Hills Jun. for Robert Boulter, at the Turks-head in Cornhill, 1683.   

THE EPISTLE To the READER.  
IT may be some satisfaction to the Reader, to have an account of the Method and Design of this little History, before he engages in it; which has indeed been written with such pure Love to all Men, that nothing need be concealed from a Public view: He may therefore be pleased to know in the first place, that the Author hereof has pursued the directions of that Oracle of Learning, the Lord Bacon, in his advancement of it: A Work worthy such a Noble Pen as his, and such a Royal Patron, as the first most Learned Monarch of Great Britain.  
There he gives us both invitation and advice: 
* Lord Bacon's advancement of Learning: Book 1. Pag. 88  For if the invention of the Ship was thought so Noble, which carrieth Riches and Commodities from place to place, and consociateth the most remote Regions in participation of their Fruits: How much more are Letters to be magnified, which, as Ships, pass through; the vast Seas of Time, and make Ages so distant, to participate of the Wisdom, Illuminations and Inventions, the one of the other?  
In his advice for accomplishing this, he tells us: 
* Advan. Learn. Book 2. Pag. 282.  It hath much greater Life for Practice, when the Discourse attendeth upon the Example, than when the Example attendeth upon the Discourse. For this is no Point of Order (as it seemeth at first) but of Substance: For when the Example is the ground, being set down in an History at large, it is set down with all circumstances; which may sometimes control the Discourse thereupon made, and sometimes supply it, as a very pattern for Action: Whereas the Examples alleged for the Discourses sake, are cited succinctly, and without particularity, and carry a servile aspect towards the Discourse, which they are brought in to make good.  
Though this may be of most Public use, yet certainly 'tis much more desirable not to pursue any particular History at all; for fear of any mischievous, though undesigned, reflection: Especially in an Age so very factious. It would be more safe to give only some general Theorems, of excellent Virtue and sordid Vice; of sweet Peace, strong Unity, harmonious Charity; and on the other hand of consuming War, desolating Divisions, murdering Hatred. But this, our Noble Author, tells us will not be so effectual: For generally Men taste those knowledges best, which are drenched in Flesh and Blood. When the Virtues recommended, and the Vices disgraced are embodied in the reality of Persons and Actions.  
This History of Catiline's Conspiracy is chosen, as most fit to attain such an advantage, and yet to avoid the danger: It will awaken our attention, as being one of the most considerable and elaborate Treasons that ever was; acted by the greatest Men, controlled by the wisest Politicians, written by the best Authors that ever lived. It is also foreign as to all those Circumstances, which may in any wise seem to reflect; Christianity itself was then unborn; so that no Party of Men amongst us can suppose their Religion concerned here, otherwise than in what is said to favour Moral and Eternal Truth: Then, the Roman Polity was so vastly different from the modern Government of any Nation, that no remarks can be made, but such as are common to every Man, as Citizen of the World.  
Yet is there (as our excellent Adviser warns us) 
* Advanc. Learn. Book 2. Pag. 244.  A Gigantic State of Mind, which possesseth the Troublers of the World, such as was Lucius, Sylla, and infinite other in smaller Model, who would have all men happy or unhappy as they were their Friends or Enemies, and would give form to the World according to their own Humours (which is the true Theomachy,) this pretendeth and aspireth to Active good, though it recedeth farthest from good of Society, which we have determined to be the greater.  
From those, who are possessed with this Spirit, who are tied up close to particular Designs and Junctures, and so grown fierce with dark keeping, any Design for Universal Good must needs expect a cast of Buffoon Raillery; but as 'tis really an Honour to be hated by the Vile and Factious, so, to preserve that Honour and our own Peace, it will be necessary to pass by (as men usually do when they are upon business) and scorn the raving of such Animals.  
If any serious good Man shall fancy a reflection, more than the general Nature of Virtue and Vice does influence; the Author protests his innocence, and flies to the Royal Motto, viz. Evil be to him, that Evil thinks; he thought none.  
Nor can it be any, to recount the Ancient Examples of Divine Vengeance: 'Tis Piety to God, and Charity to our innocent Neighbour, when we glorify the interpositions of Providence to support the Governments it has established, when we give instances of impious Rebels brought to distress, of villainous Incendiaries consumed in those Flames they kindled; of Prodigals, Adulterers, Drunkards, and such like laid fast in that destruction, which their Debaucheries first made way for, and then by oppressing wants drove them into with a rash speed.  
When ever we see this, 'tis a piece of Natural devotion, to lift up our Eyes to Heaven, and acknowledge, There is a God that governs the World! And though he is not pleased always to appear with an immediate stroke, such as would compel the Wills of sensual Men (the Methods of his Government being agreeable to that Liberty, which is proper to the Humane Nature) yet has his Sovereign Justice been ever confessed, as we have one of their own Poets testifying: 

* Horat. Carm. Lib. 2 Ode 2.  Rarò antecedentem scelestum  
Deseruit pede Poena claudo.   
The Primitive Apologists for Christianity have always exclaimed against devilish Idolatry and bloody Superstition, as creating the most barbarous inhumanities', destructive Wars and fatal Treasons, the World was oppressed with: Which on the other hand, Atheists, ancient and modern, do most nonsensically attribute to true Religion (for what is more contrary them? The Sun may as well be reputed a cause of darkness; and the fat Clouds of Heaven to beget Famine.) I shall therefore add the observation of Minucius Felix, as well for confirming this Truth as a particular passage in the ensuing History: 
* Hodiè ab ipsis [Romans] Latiaris Jupiter homicidio colitur: Et, quod Saturni filio dignum est, mali & noxii hominis Sanguine saginatur. Ipsum credo docuisse Sanguinis foedere conjurare Catilinam. Minuc. Fel. Pag. 99 Edit. O●●. 1636.  That the Romans did in his time worship the Italian Jupiter by Homicide, as was very agreeable to the Son of Saturn (who devoured all his Male-childrens, and eat up (as 'twas said) a great Stone leapt in Blankets when he was cheated of Jupiter) to be battened with the Blood of a Vicious, Villainous Man: He it was, I believe, that taught Catiline, to frame his Conspiracy in a Covenant of Blood.  
'Twas also mischievous Superstition, that instigated Cornelius Lentulus, to such a Tyrannical ambition, and such execrable Erterprises: And what this History discovers of his the Histories of the World prove to be general.  
But true Religion abets the Government of Heaven, and keeps Men in that excellent Order, wherein the Divine Providence places them. The whole Creation subsists by an inviolable Observance of those Decrees the Supreme Lord hath established; he hath also given in the Sacred Records of Christianity as strict Laws, and requires as strict an Obedience for the support of Kingdoms and Nations; That Infinite Wisdom which framed the Earth, and overrules the annual Circulation of Blessings, hath not in the least neglected the Government of Men, hath not left them to injure and destroy one another. But he has there with Eternal Rewards and Punishments secured our submission to Political Ordinances; all his excellent Precepts are to persuade our affections into the kindest influence upon the Actions of our Lives.  
This the Divine Oracles, which may be read by all, sufficiently testify; inquire of them: I shall add no more but the assertion of One, who in the first Age of Christianity thus wrote to the very Rich, but very Factious City of Corinth; 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clemens Roman. ad Corinth. Edit. Oxon. 1633. Pag. 4. & 5.  Let all Sedition, and all Schism be abominable to you.— Hence it is that Righteousness and Peace keep at such a distance from you, because every one is so defective in the fear of God, so purblind in the Divine Faith; not walking according to the Laws of his Government, nor acting agreeably to Christ; but each pursues his own wicked Lusts, cherishing an unjust and impious Concupiscence, by which Death itself entered into the World.  
To that Architype, the Divine Law (whether Natural or revealed, for both are fundamentally the same) do the most illuminated Sentiments of Heathens, and the most Noble Actions of their Virtuosos, agree; amongst them may we find such vigorous irradiancies of the Humane Nature, as will joyfully refresh the Interests of Christian Piety, such Schemes of generous Actions as most advantageously join forces with true Religion; for all solid Policy is built upon Eternal Righteousness: And upon this account are these great Agents of the World here called, in, that they may serve the present Generation, and pay the just Tribute of their Testimony, to the Supreme illuminator of Mankind.  
'Twould too much undervalue the Reader, and those excellent Authors, which are here principally made use of, to suppose that they need any recommendation. The most Judicious Plutarch, and most Accurate Dio, the two renowned Grecians we are so obliged to, have been ever valued at the highest Rate: The Latin Historian 
* Crispus Romanâ Primus in Historiâ. Martial Epigr.  Crispus Sallust (whose particular History upon this Subject required a continual attendance) obtained the Dignity of Primate amongst the Romans: But whether it was out of affection and complaisance to Caesar, or some invidious unkindness to the most deserving Consul Cicero, he hath left it so, that 'tis necessary to insert the Catilinarian Orations at large: Which indeed deserve their place, and challenge such a Glory, as nothing, but the too eager pursuit of it in them, is able to obscure.  
It may seem a rash attempt to venture upon Translating those incomparable pieces of Roman Oratory, and the Author here is sensible how their great Spirit often languishes in the Interpretation; but this must not be imputed to the defects either of our Age or Language, which are now able to equal any thing, the Soul of Man ever produced: And that the Imperfections here may not too much reflect, this Author acknowledges and begs Pardon that he has allowed himself to be sometimes weary of this, which is the more drudging sort of study, as being too intent upon the real History, and the usefulness of Remarks: Yet it may possibly appear by some places, that others might have been rendered with advantage enough.  
However were there nothing here but the defaced remains of Antiquity, Monuments of Venerable Rust, yet we have amongst us, those English Heroes, who, both for Learning and Virtue, for raised and excellent Spirits, do equal if not exceed the Roman greatness: 'Twas their Honour to have riffled Greece, and 'twas justly acknowledged to them to have done so; we must not therefore be so injurious to the present Age as to suppress that Glory which is due to it in the Spoils of Rome.  

* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plutarchi Cicero.  As Cicero returned home from the foreign Nurseries of Learning, he stayed at Rhodes, where lived the famous Orator Apollonius, who, having received some reports of his much applauded Eloquence, longed to partake thereof, but not well understanding the Latin Tongue, entreated him to declaim in Greek, this Cicero readily yielded to, as supposing he might thereby, more fully receive the advantage of his censure: When he had done the Company were all amazed, and strove with the highest Encomiums to express his worth; but Apollonius sat sad and silent: which, when he observed, that Cicero took amiss, he said, ‛ I value and admire you, O Cicero, but in the mean time I must pity the fortune of Greece; since those excellent Goods, Learning and Eloquence (which were all that was left) are now by you brought over to the Romans.  
'Tis long ago that Rome lost all its dominion over us, but now are the last spoils of Learning and Eloquence most apparent; her own Language amongst us, under the present happy Peace we enjoy, is at the same height it was under the felicity of Augustus; our Britannic Academies perfectly triumph over all the Schools of Modern Italy; We have also had such of late, who have merited and obtained the Name of Cicero.  
It was necessary for a full understanding of this History, sometimes to insert the Original Constitutions of Rome, which a little interrupts the Narrative, and creates some trouble to the Reader especially at first; and then keeping strictly to the reports of so many Classical Authors will not allow such a continued currency, as might have been maintained, if only that had been arbitrarily picked out, which made to the present purpose.  
But this Author designing the entire Truth and full account of the History, that it might not be contaminated (as the excellent 
* Mihi cujusquam salus tanti esset, ut meam negligerem? Per me Ego veritatem patefactam contaminarem aliquo mendacio? Cicer. Orat. pro P. Syllâ. Cap. 16.  Cicero took care) with one falsity, and that the Reader might have the satisfaction of knowing so, or else correcting it all along, as he goes; 'tis not to be despaired of, that the inconveniencies acknowledged should obtain a favourable allowance with those, who chief aim at a solid advantage in what they read, and to whom the principal regard is due.  
Coenae fercula nostrae  
Mallem convivis, quàm placuisse cocis.  
The Two chief supports of History are Geography and Chronology, which fix the Reader's Memory, and much enliven his apprehensions: Here is therefore an account of each place, inserted out of Strabo, who lived in that Age, and was best able to describe, how the World was, when these things were transacted. The timing of it, is according to the Tables of learned Helvicus, and the most vulgar Computation in them; it not being of a Farthing concernment, whether the World was Two Years Older or Younger, when Catiline was overtaken by the Divine Vengeance: So long as the particular affairs have a due distance, and proper consistency among themselves.  
There might have been also annexed, the story of Cicero's Banishment, the disgrace and misfortune of his Friends after they had been so very instrumental in the preservation of their Country; and (when the Storm was blown over) their happy Restauration: But these, not being of such Moral influence for preserving Virtue, Peace and Government, may well stay and expect the success of what is thus far attempted.   

THE CONTENTS.  

CAtiline's Character 1 

His association 3  
He murdered his Son, that he might marry Aurelia Orestilla 5    
Ann. ab urbe condita 686. Ante Christ. 65. Piso and Glabrio Consuls 6 

Care for good Magistrates and moderate Laws 7    
Ann. ab urbe condita 687. Ante Christ. 64. Lepidus and Tullus Consuls 8 

Petus and Sylla Consuls elect found guilty of Bribery; their accusers Cotta and Torquatus declared Consuls in their stead ibid.  
Catiline is prohibited to canvas for the Consulship 9  
The former Conspiracy between Autronius, Catiline, and Piso 10    
Ann. ab urbe conditâ 688. Ante Christ. 63. Cotta and Torquatus Consuls 11 

The Plot discovered and suspended from New-years-day to Feb. 5.  
Catiline's haste, and the Consul's Guards disappoint the design ibid.  
The Tribune of the People stops the prosecution of the Treason 12  
An account of the Roman Government by Kings, Consuls, and Tribunes 13  
The restless ambition of the People. ibid.  
Piso preferred out of the way and murdered in Spain 15  
Different accounts of this Conspiracy given by Dio and Suetonius 16    
Ann. ab urbe conditâ 689. Ante Christ. 62. Lucius Caesar and Caius Figulus Consuls 19 

The Plot stifled for a year or two 20  
The principal Conspirator's names, both of the Senatorian and Equestrian Order 21  
Catiline sacrifices a Boy, as the Sacrament of the Conspiracy 22  
Catiline's Speech to the Conspirators 23  
Their hopes and interest 25  
The additional penalty of ten years' banishment, for bribery in Elections. 26  
Fulvia Miss to Q. Curius, discovers the Conspiracy 27  
Catiline lost the Consulship for suspicion of the Plot; C. Antonius; obtains it; with whom M. Tullius Cicero is preferred, as the security of the Commonwealth 28    
Ann. ab urbe conditâ 690. Ante Christ. 61. M. Tullius Cicero and Caius Antonius 30 

The State of the Commonwealth ibid.  
Cicero's happy correspondence with Antonius 31  
Catiline proceeds in the Conspiracy, makes Manlius Commander in chief at Faesulae 32  
Sempronia made chief of the female interest 34  
The Consul Antonius designed for a tool 35  
The Praetor Lentulus, Catiline's friend ibid.  
Cicero countermines all by Fulvia 36  
Catiline plots the murder of Cicero at the Consular election, and to make himself Consul 37  
Cicero makes a discovery to the Senate: Catiline owns himself Head of the Party 38  
The Catilinarian Massacre discovered by Crassus to Cicero, then to the Senate 41  
A Decree passed that the Commonwealth be secured by the Consuls ibid.  
Senius reveals his intelligence from Faesulae. Q. Marcius Rex sent thither with an Army 43  
A Reward decreed to discoverers of the Plot 44  
The Consult at Lecca's House for the assassination of Cicero 46  
Cicero's first Oration against Catiline 47  
Catiline's defence 63  
He forsakes the City and goes toward the Rendezvouz at Faesulae 64  
The Remonstrance of C. Manlius 65  
The answer of Q. Marcius Rex 66  
The Sham-account of Catiline's retirement 67  
Cicero's second Oration against Catiline 68  
Catiline's Letter to Q. Luctatius Catulus, read by him in the Senate 83  
Catiline and Manlius declared enemies 84  
The Consul Antonius to command the Army, the Consul Cicero to guard the City 85  
The reason of the present distempers 87  
A. Fulvius executes his Son 89  
The contest between Cato and the chief Roman Patriots upon the bribery of Muraena Consul elect 91  
Cornelius Lentulus animated by the Fortune-tellers 93  
Lentulus designs to destroy all, but the Children of Pompey, who was now returning from the Conquest of the furthest parts of the Earth 96  
L. Bestia Tribune of the People designs to transpose the envy of all upon Cicero 97  
The assassination of Cicero as a signal for the Conspirators to fire the City, divided into several allotments for that purpose 98  
The time of the Rising 99  
The drawing in of the Allobroges overdoes the Plot and spoils all ibid.  
Fabius Sanga Patron of the Allobroges acquaints Cicero with the proposal: who bids him conceal his does covery and get all the evidence possible 103  
Titus of Crotona pitched upon by the Conspirators for Letter-carrier 104  
The Letters seized at the Milvian-bridge and brought to Cicero 105  
Cicero's third Oration against Catiline 106  
The good Omen of Jupiter's Image then erected, and of the Vestal flame 123  
Crassus impeached by a new Evidence, L. Tarqvinius, but he committed as suborned 125  
Endeavours, that Cicero would get C. Caesar accused 127  
The Discoverers rewarded 130  
The Conspirators endeavour a rescue 131  
The Senate meets to pass judgement upon the Conspirators 132  
Caesar's Oration, and Sentence of confiscation and perpetual imprisonment 133  
Cato's Oration, and Sentence for capital punishments 139  
Cicero's fourth Oration against Catiline, discussing both Sentences 147  
The Conspirators executed that Night in the Tullianum 162  
Encomiums of Cicero 165  
Cicero's troubles from the new Tribunes 167    
Ann. ab urbe conditâ 691. Ante Christ. 60. Didius Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Muraena Consuls 171 

Catiline hearing the Conspirators were discovered at Rome, endeavours to march into Gaul 173  
He is prevented by Metellus Celer, and marches against C. Antonius 174  
Catiline's Speech to his Soldiers 176  
Petreius the Lieutenant General (Antonius being indisposed) engages Catiline 179  
Catiline defeated and slain 181      

ERRATA.  
PAge 11. Line 9 Read, adjourn the execution. 20. 16. Cicero and Antonius. 22. 4. translated by Xylander. 23. 23. become homagers. 30. 2. 691. 47. 24. upon the Consciences. 58. 22. ungovernable fury. 72. 31. They have spent. 105. 15. A full Assembly. 129. ult. Safety lay groaning. 165. 12. the Consul wait. 167. 14. to the Consul Antonius.  15. marching against Catiline. 171. 7. Cassiodore. 175. 10. in the front. 176. ult. But if on   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
THe Errata in the Quotations are not here collected, as being easily observed and corrected by the learned Reader as he goes along: Nor need they be very nicely looked into, since the Authorities were added only for collateral security to the credit of the History, lest any thing should be imagined in it, either Romantic or Modern.  
It may also deserve Advertisement, that whereas many have of late sought an understanding of this Conspiracy out of Sallust alone; He, though an excellent Historian, full of succinct and nervous Sentences of the greatest advantage as well as delight to a judicious Reader, yet cannot be depended upon for an entire and impartial account: Since he was wholly devoted to the Caesarean party, and all along most unjustly suppresses the Merits of Cicero. As has been made appear by the learned Rivius in a Corollary written for that purpose, and added to the Leiden Edition of Sallust.   

THE HISTORY OF Catiline's Conspiracy.  

(a) L. Catilina, Nobili genere Natus, fuit magna vi & animi, & corporis, sed ingenio malo, pravoque. Huic ab Adolescentia, bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis, grata fuere: Corpus; patience inediae, algoris, vigiliae, supra quam cuiquam credibile est. Animus audax, subdolus, varius, cujuslibet rei simulator, ac dissimulator; alieni appeteris, sui profusus; arden's in cupiditatibus. Satis elóquentiae; sapientiae parum: Vastu● animus; immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc post dominationem L. Sullae lubido maxuma invaserat reipublicae capiundae: Neque id quibus modis assequeretur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap: 5.  Lucius' 
(†) L. Sergius Catilina; Nobilissimi generis vir, sed ingenii pravissimi, ad delendam patriam conjuravit, cum quibusdam claris quidem, sed audacibus viris. E●trop. Lib. 6.  Sergius Catiline was Nobly Born; had great Endowments both of Body and Mind, but a very Corrupt and Mischievous Ingeny: Civil War, Slaughter, and Rapine, so soon as ever his Age was capable of them, were grateful to him; they were his Youthful Exercises. His Body could endure Want, Cold, and Watching in an incredible manner. His Mind was Bold, Subtle, Perfidious; Covetous of what was another's, profuse of his own; all his Affections Ardent.  
He had also a great share of Eloquence and as little Wisdom. His Mind was so insatiable, as to be filled, not only with the most immoderate desires, but those that to common Reason seem incredible. From the time of Sylla's Tyranny, (
(*) Lucius Sylla perfringi crura, erui oculos, amputari manus jussit; & quasi toties occideret, quoties vulnerabat, paulatim & per singulos artus laceravit. Quis erat hujus Imperii minister? Quis, nisi Catilina, jam in omne facinus manus exercens? Dignus erat Marius qui illa pateretur, Sylla qui juberet; Catilina qui faceret: Sed indigna Resp. quae in corpus suum pariter & hostium & civium gladios reciperet. Senec. de Ira. Lib. 3. Cap. 18.  in whose Cruel Massacres he was a great Instrument,) a vast Ambition of seizing upon the Commonwealth possessed him. Nor cared he how, so he might prevail.  
Upon this Character of another, every wise Man would look into himself and consider his own Nature, that as we are made capable of Divine perfections, of the Blessedness of Heaven, upon which account we are but little lower than the Angels: So if these Excellent Faculties be enslaved by the Dominion of Vice, we do not only become more vile than the Beasts that perish, but hateful, and mischievous like the Devils: Every Accomplishment promotes our Ruin; by how much more Excellent we might be, by so much more miserable do we make ourselves and others; a consideration which can never enough possess us, that so we may maintain the Interest of our Excellent Being's against the destructive Inroads of Vice.  

(†) Imperium facile iis artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est, verum, ubi pro labore desidia, pro continentia & equitat● lubido atque superbia invasere; fortuna simul cum moribus immutatur. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 2.  The Roman Empire had its rise and growth from an Extraordinary Valour, Temperance, and Parsimony, and those same Virtues by which it so Gloriously began, would have been its perpetual support. But Industry being laid asleep, Ambition and Pride succeeding in the room of Modesty and Justice, the Fortunes and Manners of the Empire were lost together.  
Avarice and Luxury (those two most contrary, but usually Companion-vices) now so seized its Vitals, that 
(*) Quibus id nefas sociis aggressus est? Ipse Patricius, sed hoc minus est. Curii, Porcii, Sullae, Cethegi, Autronii, Varguntei, atque Longini, quae familiae? Quae Senatus insignia●? L. Florus, Lib. 4. Cap. 1.  those who by Noble Birth, and Honourable Employments, were Obliged to secure its Glory, would readily become the vile Instruments of its Ruin.  

(b) In tantâ tamque corrupta civitàte, Catilina, id quod factu facillimum erat, omnium flagitiosorum atque facinorosorum circum se, tanquam stipatorum, catervas habebat. Name, quiounque impudicus, adulter, ganeo, manu, ventre, pene bona patriae laceraverat; ad hoc, quos manus, atque lingua, perjurio, & sanguine civili alebat, postremo omnes quos flagitium, egestas, conscius animus agitabat, high Catilinae proxumi, familiaresque erant. Quod si quis etiam à culpa vacuus, in amicitiam ejus inciderat; quotidiano usu, atque illecebris, facile par similisque caeteris efficiebatur. Sall. Bell Cat. Cap. 14.  Catiline Headed all the Debauchees of the Town, and in so great and corrupt a City he was easily surrounded with numerous Troops of Flagitious Persons, most agreeable to himself. Whosoever had Played, or Drunk, or Whored away his Estate; whoever had his Tongue well hung for Perjury, or his Hand ready to shed Blood: All whom Villainy, Want, or Fear of deserved Punishment, had brought into a restless disquiet, became his Comrades, the fit Associates of his Conspiracy: And when any one that was free from Vice, fell into his Friendship, their daily Debaucheries, and continual Solicitations, reduced him to a sad likeness.  
That he might augment the Numbers of his Party, 
(c) Sed maxime adolescentium familiaritates appetebat: eorum animi molles, aetate fluxi, dolis haud difficulter capiebantur. Name, uti cujusque studium, ex aetate flagrabat, aliis scorta praebere, aliis Canes, atque equos mercari: Postremo neque sumptui, neque modestiae suae parcere, dum illos obnoxios, fidosque sibi faceret. Ibid.  Catiline chief affected the Familiarity of Young Men, whose Minds were softest, their Age most unsteady, and so most easily ensnared: These he gratified according to their several Inclinations; some he laid fast in that deep Ditch of Whoredom, for others he bought Dogs, and Horses, giving them the more Airy Divertisements of the Field. He spared neither his Estate nor Modesty, that he might render them Faithful and Obnoxious to him.  
As likeness of Vice and guiltiness of Crimes, make the Flagitious fly to those who are the greatest Protectors of them, so none at present more notoriously deserved the Pre-eminence, than Catiline. 
(d) Jam primum adolescens Catilinae, multa nefanda stupra fecerat, cum virgine nobili, cum sacerdote Vestae, & alia hujuscemodi contra jus, fasque. Postremo, captus amore Aureliae Orestillae, cujus, praeter formam nihil unquam bonus laudavit: quod ea nubere illi dubitabat, timens privignum adultum aetate; pro certo creditur, necato filio, vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse. Ibid. Cap. 15.  When he was very Young, he was known to have Perpetrated many the most nefarious Debaucheries: He is said to have Vitiated a Noble Virgin, a Vessal Nun, violating all the Obligations of Religion and Honesty. At last, falling in Love with Aurelia Orestilla, (in whom, besides Beauty, there was nothing well.) He resolves to Marry her, which he was forced to accomplish by the greatest Villainy: For she refusing to come into a Family, where there was a Son grown up, who would not only Heir the Estate, but be continually troublesome to a Mother-in-law: Catiline (as is certainly believed) Murdered this Son, to make way for his Wicked Nuptials.  

(e) Quae quidem res mihi imprimis videtur, causa fuisse facinoris maturandi, namque animus impurus, diis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis, neque quietibus sedari potuit; ita conscientia mentem excitam vexabat. Ibid.  This our Judicious Historian, Crispus salustius, thinks to have been the great Occasion that drew him into the present Villainous Conspiracy; for his Mind being so horribly impure, so maliciously contrary both to God and Man, he could neither sleeping, nor waking take any rest, but was driven on to the Execution of the most dire designs.  
Here we have not only the Fatal Progeny of Vice, what Monsters it is big of, and brings forth at last, but of what Public Mischief it is to the World. For though it be at first shut up in a private Breast, or Family, it will (if not carefully suppressed by condign Punishment) rage like an Epidemic Plague, to the Ruin of that Government which neglected it. But oh, Virtue! thou art the Glorious and steady support of a Nation, thou ever Liberally Rewardest that Protection thou receivest.  

The Year from the Building of Rome 686. Before the Nativity of Christ 65. Caius Calpurnius Piso, and Marcus Acilius Glabrio, Consuls.  
THE first thing taken care of by the Patrons of the Commonwealth, was an unbribed Election of good Magistrates, the Prosperity of Affairs depending upon their just management of them. But of late, all things were Saleable at Rome; the worst Men by Treats, and Money, got into the greatest Trust, and then by private Advantages, repaid their Original charge.  

(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cassius, Lib. 36 Edit. Steph. pag. 20.  To prevent this, the Senate prevailed upon the Consuls, Acilius, and Piso, to pass a Law against Bribery in Elections; and this they the more earnestly and carefully promoted, because Caius Cornelius, Tribune of the People, had framed another with such over-severe Punishments, that it was not likely any Body should be found either to Accuse or Condemn the Guilty; for nothing but the just temper of a Law can prevail, for a lasting Execution, the Penalty therefore was made, only to become uncapable of the Magistracy, and the Senatorian Dignity, and to suffer a Pecuniary Fine.   

The Year from the Building of Rome 687. Before the Nativity of Christ. 64. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and Lucius Volcatius Tullus, Consuls.  
THIS Year, Tullus the Consul holding the Consular Election, 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cassius. Lib. 36. p. 24.  Publius Autronius Petus, and Publius Cornelius Sylla, Nephew of the great Dictator Sylla, were declared Consuls Elect, but both of them Accused, and proved Guilty of Bribery, by Lucius Aurelius Cotta, and Lucius Manlius Torquatus; who were so far Rewarded for their Accusation, as to be declared Consuls in their stead.  
The two first Elected Consuls, Publius Autronius, and Publius Sylla, deprived of that High and Honourable Employment, to which they were once designed, did each of them hear and receive their Sentence with very different Resentments. 
(h) Quae enim Autronii fuit causa? quae Sullae est? Ille ambitus judicium tollere, & disturbare, primùm conflato voluit gladiatorum, ac fugitivorum tumultu: Deinde, id quod vidimus omnes, lapidatione, atque concursu. Silvius, si sibi suus pudor, ac dignitas non prodesset nullum Auxilium requisivit. Ille damnatus ita se gerebat, non solum consiliis, & sermonibus, verum etiam adspectu, atque v●●tu, ut inimicus esse amplissimis ordinibus, infestus bonis omnibus, hostis patriae videretur. Hic se ita fractum illa calamitate, atque afflatum putavit, ut nihil sibi ex pristina dignitate superesse arbitraretur, nisi quod modestia retinuisset. Cicer. Orat. pro P. Sull. Cap. 5.  Autronius got together a Company of Hector's, and other of the Rabble, who Tumultuously endeavoured to disturb the Court of Judicature; Invading it, not only by Crowding, but also by throwing stones into it. Sylla sought no other Aid, but what his own Modesty and Worth procured him. When Autronius was Condemned, he Caballed, Talked, and Looked as one enraged at the most Honourable States of the Empire; Angry with all good Men, and as an Enemy to his Country. Sylla was so Afflicted with the Public Censure, that nothing of all his former Honours seemed remaining to him, except that Excellent Behaviour, which could not but still Powerfully retain them.  
Catiline had at this time quitted his Province of Africa, that he might Capacitate himself to stand for the Consulship; but 
(i) Catilina pecuniarum repetundarum reus, prohibitus erat petere consulatum; quod intra legitimos dies profiteri nequiverat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 18.  being Accused and Condemned for Extortion in his late Government, he was prohibited to put up his Name: Nor was there then so many days remaining before the Election as the Law required for every Candidate to make profession of his Suit.  

(k) Erat eodem tempore Cn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus; cum hoc Catilina & Autronius, circiter Nonas Decemb. consilio communicato, parabant in Capitolio Kalendis Januar. L. Cottam, & L. Torquatum Coss. interficere: ipsi, fascibus correptis, Pisonem cum exercitu ad obtinendas duas Hispanias mittere. Ibid.  There was also in the City another Person of Quality, Cneus Piso, Young, but of the boldest Resolutions, very Necessitous, and Factious; him did Want and Debauchery, continually stir up to trouble the Commonwealth.  

(k) Erat eodem tempore Cn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus; cum hoc Catilina & Autronius, circiter Nonas Decemb. consilio communicato, parabant in Capitolio Kalendis Januar. L. Cottam, & L. Torquatum Coss. interficere: ipsi, fascibus correptis, Pisonem cum exercitu ad obtinendas duas Hispanias mittere. Ibid.  These three, Autronius, Catiline, and Piso, agreed together at a Consult, upon the Nones (which is our fifth of December) this Year, that they would provide a Force in the Capitol, upon the Kalends (which are our first day of January) next ensuing, when the new Consuls, Cotta and Torquatus, entered upon their Office, which might Murder the Consuls, and seize upon their Ensigns: That then they would Govern the City, and Piso should be sent with an Army to possess himself of the two Spain's: These two, were the Northern part, being then distinguished by the name of Tarraconensis, and the Southern, then called Boetica: 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarchi Caesar. Edit. Franc. pag. 713.  But that part which was called Lusitania, now Portugal, being not reduced to the Roman Empire till six Years after, when it was Subjected by Julius Caesar, (from whence he came to Court both a Triumph and a Consulship,) is not here reckoned.   

The Year from the Building of Rome 688. Before the Nativity of Christ 63. Lucius Aurelius Cotta, and Lucius Manlius Torquatus, Consuls.  

(m) Eâ re cognitâ, rursus in Nonas Febr. Consilium caedis transtulerunt; Jam tum non consulibus modo, sed plerisque Senatoribus perniciem machinabantur. Quod ni Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare; eo die, post conditam urbem Romam, pessumum facinus patratum foret. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 18.  SOme Discovery being made of the Plot, designed upon the Kalends of January, which is our New-years-day, the Conspirators were forced to adjour the Execution, to the Nones, [which are our fifth] of February, and by that time they were grown so strong, as to design, not only the Destruction of the Consuls, but of most of the Senators.  

(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cassius. Lib. 36. pag 24.  Catiline was to give the Sign when they should fall on, which he did over-eagerly, before the Court was met, and the Armed Assistants ready: So that the Consuls, Cotta and Torquatus, having a strong Guard about them by Order of the Senate, they durst not stir, and the Design was disappointed.  

(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  So much of the Treason being apparent, the Senators presently proceeded to make an Edict against the Conspirators; but it was stopped by one of the Tribunes of the People, interceding with his irresistible Negative.  
For understanding of this passage, it will be necessary to look back into the Constitutions of the Roman Government, And therein we find that at first this Imperial City was Ruled by Kings, with the Advice of a Senate. 
(p) Auctis brevi viribus, hunc Rex sapientissimus statum reip. imposuit.— Concilium reip. penes senes esset, qui ex auctoritate patres, ab aetate Senatus vocabantur. L. Flor. de gest. Rom. Lib. 1. Cap. 1.  The most Wise Romulus, so soon as ever he found his Commonwealth grown to some greatness, appointing an hundred Ancient Men for its Council, who, for their Authority, were called Fathers; for their Age, Senators.  
In the 245th. Year from Building the City, which was the five hundred and sixth before Christ, succeeded the Consular Government, 
(q) Libertatis autem originem inde magis, quia annuum Imperium Consulare factum est, quam quod diminutum, quidquam sit ex regia potestate, numerés. T. Liv. Lib. 2. Cap. 1.  in which nothing of Supreme Regal Power was diminished; for the first Consuls had all the Royal Prerogatives and Ensigns.  

(r) Quip ex perpetuo annuum placuit ex singulari duplex, ne potestas solitudine vel morâ corrumperetur. Flor. Lib. 1. Cap 9  And the Reason why the Romans thus changed from Perpetual, to Annual Magistrates, from a single Person, to a Magistracy of two Colleagues, was, lest long Possession, or private Design should Corrupt the Authority.  

(s) In sacrum montem plebs armata secessit, aegreque nec nisi. Tribunos plebis impetrasset, revocata est. Ibid. Cap. 23.  But the People were not long contented so, for within Twenty Years after, their Monarchy ceased; they Armed themselves, and withdrew into the Holy Mount, nor could be prevailed upon to return, till they had obtained Tribunes of their own; 
(t) Concessumque est in conditiones, ut plebi sui Magistratus essent sacrosancti. Quibus Concilii latio adversus Consules esset. Liv. Lib. 2. Cap. 33.  Whose Persons were to be held Sacred; and by this one word, 
(u) Vid. Liv. Lib. 6. Cap. 35.  Veto, might control the proceed of the Consuls and Senate.  

(w) Anno trecentesimo decimo, quam urbs Roma condita erat, primum Tribuni militum, pro Consulibus Magistratum ineunt. Liv. Lib. 4. Cap. 7.  Nor did they rest here, for in the three hundred and tenth Year after the City was Built, which was the four hundred and thirtieth before Christ, they got Tribunes, (Military, as they called them,) Elected, who entered upon the Supreme Magistracy instead of Consuls. Not that these continued all along from thence to the time of Catiline, but were now and then clapped into the Consul's place, as the Popular Faction happened to be uneasy and Powerful. At present they had only their own places, interceding with the Tribunitian Negative, yet so much had they stretched their Authority, that notwithstanding what all the Fathers Consulted, the most Supreme Legislative Power was got into the Assemblies of the People.  
This review, and this present juncture may inform any considerate Person, that Popular Power, as well as any other, may prove Destructive to the Common Safety. For who was it here that raked up the Embers of this Treason, but the Tribune of the People? And we shall find, that two Years after, when it broke out again, and raged, very near to the utter Destruction of the Commonwealth, this same Power did all along clog and prevent its suppression; nay, ungratefully punished the most Meritorious preserver of the Empire.  
What would the impatient World have? Doth not History, Reason, and our continual Experience assure us, that there never are Changes in the Supreme Power, without being attended with certain and present Miseries? Who but Madmen and Vicious would undertake at any time, to violate that, which by the Divine Providence is the Lawful Established Government?  

(x) 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio, Cassius. Lib. 36. pag. 24.  
Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam Quaestor pro praetore missus est, adnitente Crasso; quod eum infestum Cn. Pompeio cognoverat, neque tamen Senatus Provinciam invitus dederat. Quip foedum hominem à repub. procul abesse volebat: simul, quia boni complures praesidium in eo putabant, & jam tum potentia, Cn. Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso in Provinciam, ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens, occisus est. Sunt qui ita dicant, imperia ejus injusta, superba, crudelia barbaros nequivisse pati: Alii autem, equites illos, Cn. Pompeii veteres, fidosque clientes, voluntate ejus Pisonem agressos: Nunquam Hispanos praeterea tale facinus fecisse, sed imperia saeva multa antea perpessos. Nos eam rem in medio relinquimus. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 19   The Senate being not able to Decree any thing against the Conspirators, and seeing Piso still as bold as ever, was glad to accept of the motion which Crassus made, that he should, under the specious Title of a Government, be sent Quaestor into the hither Spain, as well to prevent any present disturbance, as to deliver the Commonwealth from the Influence of a Person so vile and wicked.  
There was also another Design in it: The Interest of Cneus Pompeius then began to be formidable to the Commonwealth, which was very much abetted by the great Affection that Province of Spain retained for him. Piso therefore being a known Enemy to Pompey, was sent thither to destroy the too great Power he had there: Which however he effected, at last he was himself destroyed, (which was as well) either by the Natives, who were not able to bear his Proud and Cruel Government, or by the Faithful Clients of Pompey, out of Love to their old Master.  

(y) 
De superiori conjuratione satis dictum. Ibid.  
Vide Dio Cassium, ut supra, cit. Lib. 36. pag 24.   This which by some is called the former Conspiracy, is by Authors a little otherwise represented; but as this appears the most probable truth, so neither shall the rest be kept from the Readers knowledge.  
Dio Cassius Reports positively, that Publius Autronius Paetus, and Publius Cornelius Sylla, the Great Sylla's Brother's Son, the Elected Consuls, who were Convicted of Bribery, did both of them Conspire to kill Cotto and Torquatus, who Accused them, and succeeded in their places. But the Excellent, and unsuspected Behaviour of Publius Sylla afterwards, attested by Cicero himself, is a great Evidence to prove him Innocent: And 'tis reasonable to believe, that Autronius and Catiline were to have been Consuls after the Plot had succeeded, for otherwise we find no Preferment assigned for that Arch-traitor, which without doubt he did in the first place take care of.  

(z) Siquidem ante paucos dies, quam Aedilitatem iniret, venit in suspicionem conspirasse, cum M. Crasso Consulari, item P. Silvius, & L. Autronio, post designationem Consulatus, ambitus condemnatis, ut principio anni Senatum adorirentur: Et trucidatis, quos placitum ●ffe●, dictaturam Crassus invaderet, ipse ab eo Magister Equitum diceretur, constitutaque ad arbitrium repub. Sull●e & Autronio Consulatus restitueretur, Suet. Tranq. Lib. 1. Cap. 9  Suetonius Tranquillus, in the Life of Julius Caesar, represents other Great Persons concerned in it. That a few days before Caesar entered upon the Office of Aedile, 
(a) Suntoque Aediles curatores Urbis, annonae, ludorumque Solennium; ollisque ad honoris amplioris gradum, is primus adscensus esto. Cicer. De Legib. Lib. 3. Cap. 3.  (Which contained the care of all Public Edifices, (from whence the name of it was derived) of keeping the Granaries, and management of all Public Shows made for the Entertainment of the People,) he Was suspected to Conspire with Marcus Crassus, who was of Consular Dignity; and with Publius Sylla, and Lucius Autronius, designed Consuls, but Condemned of Bribery, to have set upon the Senate in the beginning of the Year, and having Massacred whom they thought fit, Crassus should be made Dictator, Caesar Master of the Horse; and the Commonwealth being Arbitrarily Modelled by them, the Consulships should be restored to Sylla and Autronius.  

(b) Suetonio Tranquillo Epistolarum Magistro, multisque aliis qui apud Sabinam uxorem, injussu ejus, familiarius se tunc egerant quam reverentia domus aulica postulabat, successores dedit. Aelii Spartiani Adrianus Caesar; Cap. 11.  But Suetonius Living in the time of the Emperor Hadrian, who began his Reign in the 117th. Year after Christ, which was the 180th. after this present Year of the Conspiracy, (under whom he was Secretary, though behaving himself too unrespectfully towards the Empress Sabina, the Emperor turned him out of his Place) could have nothing of this of his own knowledge, and 
(c) Meminerunt hujus conjurationis, Tanusius Geminus in Historia, M. Bibulus in Edictis,— de hac significare videtur & Cicero in quadam ad Actium Epistola, referens Caesarem in Consulatu confirmasse regnum, de quo Aedilis cogitarat. Suet. ubi supra.  therefore quotes his Authors for it, Tanusius Geminus' History, Bibulus his Edicts, with others: And Cicero in a certain Epistle to Actius, relating that Caesar did confirm to himself in his Consulship that Absoluteness which he proposed when Aedile.  
This last (who is much the best Author) may well be understood of his giving new life to the suppressed Faction of Marius, whose Triumphal Effigies and Victories, Caesar in Public Shows exposed to the admiring City; 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Caes. pag. 710.  and upon which the Eminent Luctatius Catulus told him, that he did not so much undermine, as openly batter down the Government. 
(e) Siquidem ante paucos dies quàm Aedilitatem iniret. Suet. ut supra.  Besides, Suetonius himself says, that this Conspiracy happened a few days before he was Aedile. And therefore Cicero's Testimony is not to be stretched to it, since it relates to the time when he held that Office.  

(f) Tanusius adjicit, Crassum, paenitentia vel metu, diem caedi destinatum non obiisse, & idcirco ne Caesarem quidem signum, quod ab eo dari convenerat, dedisse. Convenisse autem Curio ait, ut togam de humero dejiceret. Suet. Jul. Caes, Cap. 9  Tanusius affirms, that Crassus' Heart misgave him, either through pity, or fear, and so he appeared not on the day appointed for the Massacre; and therefore Caesar, who (as he says) was to give the sign, omitted to do it. Curio adds, that the sign was to have been the letting his Gown off his shoulder.  

(g) Omnes hos Caesaris inimicos fuisse, nemo est in illorum temporum H●storia vel leviter versatus quin sciat. Edicta Bibuli, illa ipsa sunt quorum in Pompeio Plutarch meminit & vocat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Causab. in loc  But these Authors were all Caesar's known Enemies; Bibulus, his nameless Colleague in the Consulship, most eminently; whose Edicts Plutarch affirms were full of spite and scandal: Now, when Writers betray their slanderous resentments, they cannot be depended upon.  
The Common Judgement of Men will not accept the Evidence of an Interested Party, nor common Reason regard it further than it is supported by a concurrent probability. Now, that Caesar (who afterwards proved such a Generous Conqueror, and took such care that his Victories might not be stained by one drop of needless Blood) should Conspire in that most Barbarous way of Massacring the Principal Senators, was both contrary to his own Nature, and the greatest contradiction to that Glory he designed.   

The Year from the Building of Rome 689. Before the Nativity of Christ. 62. Lucius Julius Caesar, and Caius Martius' Figulus, Consuls.  
THE Conspiracy had been smothered for above the compass of a twelve month, no Punishment inflicted upon the Plotters, and 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. lib. 37. pag. 38.  Catiline himself so far from Suffering for his late Treason, that he was Acquitted of those old Murders and Cruelties he had committed under the Tyranny of Sylla, and was this Year Impeached for: But Villainy is never Cured with Kindness, he continually grew worse, and prosecuted his Attempts, till they ended in his own (though not (as he designed) the Commonwealths) Destruction.  
Favour is indeed due to the Virtuous and Peaceable, they are Obliged thereby, and with Gratitude repay what they receive; but Mercy bestowed upon the base and vicious, cherishes their Venom, till like the Viperous Brood, they become ready for the Birth, and eat the way through those Bowels which gave them Life. This is confirmed as much by Reason as Experience; for since it is the disposition of the Receiver that modifieth the Reception, that which makes the good better, makes the bad worse. The same Influences of Heaven nourish those Plants which sustain our Lives, and those Poisonous Weeds which have a Fatal contrariety to them.  

(i) 
Duae conjurationes abs te, Torquate, constituuntur; una, quae Lepido, & L. Tullo Coss. patre tuo Consule designato, facta esse dicitur: altera quae me Consul. Cicer. Orat. pro Silvius. Cap. 4.  
Furorem incredibilem biennio ante conceptum, erupisse in meo Consulatu scripsi. Ibid. Cap. 24.   Some Author's account two distinct Conspiracies, one in the Consulship of Lepidus and Tullus, the other when Cicero and Autronius enjoyed that Dignity; but Cicero himself looks upon the latter only as the breaking out of their old Treason, which was conceived two Years before. Actors, Designs, and Circumstances may be changed, and yet the same Mischief go on; we call it the same Plague, though the first infected be all dead, and it rages every Month upon new Persons; which is the present Case.  

(k) Igitur circiter Kal. Jun.— in unum omneis convocat, quibus maxuma necessitudo, & plurimum audaciae inerat. Eò convenere Senatorii ordinis, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. & Ser. Sullae Servii filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius. Praeterea, ex Equestri ordine, M. Fulvius Nobilior, L Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius, ad hoc multi ex Coloniis, & municipiis, domi nobiles. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 17.  For about the Kalends of June (which are our first day of the Month) Catiline calls together all those, of whose Resolutions, and daring Courage he was well assured. There were of the Senatorian Order, Publius Lentulus Sura, Publius Autronius, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Caius Cethegus, Servius, and Publius (as was suspected) the Sons of Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, Quintus Annius, Marcus Porcius Leca, Lucius Bestia, and Quintus Curius. Of the Equestrian Order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Publius Gabinius Capito, Caius Cornelius. Besides many other Persons of the Free Towns and Colonies, who were very considerable at home.  

(l) In abditam partem aedium secessit, atque ibi, omnibus arbitris procul amotis, orationem hujuscemodi habuit. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 20.  These he conveyed into the most retired part of his House, and taking care that none else might come near the Apartment, he proceeded to give them the Oath of Secrecy in a dreadful manner. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib 27. Cap. 48.  'tis said, Caius Antonius, (who was then aiming at the Consulship, and obtained it for the ensuing Year) was among them, and partaker of the direful Ceremony, which was thus performed.  
Catiline killed a Boy, and all Swearing over the reeking Entrails to be true to one another, they (if they did not together eat them up, as the words Translated by Zylander, affirm) 
(n) Additum est pignus conjurationis, sanguis humanus, quem circumlatum pateris bibere: summum nesas, nisi amplius esset; propter quod biberunt. Flor. Lib. 4. Cap. 1.  drank the Humane Blood carried round in Bowls. An Infernal Health, agreeable to such a Devilish Design, the most horrid Impiety, except that for the sake whereof they drank it. In which this seems to have been their Barbarous Policy, that the Conspirators once dipped in such an execrable Wickedness, might never after shrink at any thing that should be proposed to them.  

(o) Senatum confodere, consuls trucidare, distringere incendiis urbem; diripere aerarium, totam denique rempub. funditùs tollere & quicquid nec Annibal videretur optâsse. Ibid.  The general Agreement was, to Massacre the Senate, to Assassinate the present Consuls, to set the City on fire, rifle the Treasure-Chamber, and utterly to subvert the whole Commonwealth, perpetrating what never came into the Heart of Hannibal to wish.  

(p) Nonnulli ficta & haec, & multa praeterea existumabant ab iis, qui Ciceronis invidiam quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res pro magnitudine parum comperta est. sal Bell. Cat. Cap. 22.  Sallust doth indeed say, that he could not come by any sufficient assurance of the truth of this horrid Humane Sacrifice, and that it was suspected to be an invention of Cicero's Friends, when he was overloaded with Envy for too severe a prosecution of this Conspiracy. It must therefore rest upon the Credit of the two forecited Authors, Lucius Florus, and Dio Cassius. But 
(q) Omnibus arbitris procul amotis orationem hujuscemodi habuit. Ibid. Cap. 20.  Sallust himself adds this ensuing Oration of Catiline to the Conspirators at their secret Consult.  
IF your Valour and Fidelity had not been sufficiently known to me, this Opportunity had in vain presented itself, and we had in vain conceived any hope of Rule; for I would never trust Sloth and Vanity so far, as to exchange certain Possessions for Expectations built upon unsure Foundations: But by long Experience I am satisfied that you are Valiant and Faithful to my Designs, the assurance of which hath caused me to undertake the highest and most Noble Action: Your Fortunes and mine are embarked in the same Bottom, and, (which makes the most indissoluble Friendship) our Hate and Love have both the same Objects. What my Design is, you have all severally known; but that which daily most inflames my mind, is, the consideration of what sort of Life we are like to lead unless we vindicate our Liberty: For since the Government of the Commonwealth is fallen into a few mighty men's hands, to them the subjected States are become Homages, to them the Provincial Governors pay their Tribute, to these Men the rest of the Nobles are but as the common sort, without any Authority, destitute of all Grandeur, and obnoxious to those Persons, to whom, if the Commonwealth were rightly ordered, we should be a Terror. These engross all Offices of Place and Power to themselves, or their dependants, and have left us nothing but Hazards and Repulses, Executions and Distresses. How long, my Valiant Friends, will ye suffer thus? Is it not better to die gloriously, than to draw out an Ignominious and dishonourable Life amidst the Pride and scorn of our Enemies, and at length die miserable? 'Tis but giving the onset, and all is our own; our Age and Courage are vigorous, but they are grown old in Years, and Riches: Let us then begin, and we may be assured Victory is within our reach. What Person that is not destitute of an Humane Soul, can patiently see them abound in all manner of Wealth, which they wantonly expend in making Seas, and turning Mountains into Valleys, while we want Necessaries? They enjoy their City and Country Houses, whilst we have scarce a Cottage to dwell in; they have their Statues and Embroidered Beds, lavishing out their Money upon every gay and costly Trifle; they possess bottomless stores of Riches, which all the inventions of Expense are not able to exhaust. We have nothing but want at home, and debts abroad; at present miserable, and hereafter like to be much more: What have we left, but our poor Souls? Why do we not then awaken them out of this Servile Lethargy? Behold that, that Liberty, which we have so often wished for, besides Riches, Renown, Glory, all these are set before your Eyes, these are the Rewards which Fortune proposes to the Victorious. The smallness of our Estates, the dangers we are continually exposed to, the Neediness of our Condition, and the abundant Spoils, and great Treasure we shall gain by War, are certainly more powerful to prevail than any thing I can say.  
Take me either for your General, or your Fellow-soldier, I will not fail to seek your welfare with the utmost endeavours both of my Mind and Body. I cannot but still hope to be Consul, and to enjoy all these good things together with you, and nothing can deceive me, unless you are more inclined to Serve than to Command.  

(r) Opprimundae reip. Consilium coepit, in Italia nullus exe●citus: Cn. Pompeius in extremis terris bellum gerebat; ipsi consulatum petundi magna spes; Senatus nihil sane intentus: tutae, tranquillaeque res omnes.— Tum Catilina polliceri tabulas novas, proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, Sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia quae bellum atque lubido victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Pisonem, in Mauritania cum exercitu P. Sitium Nucerinum, consilii sui participes: petere consulatum C. Antonium quem sibi Collegam fore speraret, cum eo consulem se initium agendi facturum. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 18. & 21.  He also gave them several other Encouragements, that the Commonwealth was altogether unprovided to oppose them; there was no Army in Italy, Pompey at the farthest extent of the Earth: That he himself had great hope of attaining the Consulship, and that the Senate was very careless and secure.  
Then were the state and Rewards of the War proposed; That all Debts should be Canceled, the Richest Persons proscribed, that Preferment, Plunder, and whatsoever conquerors could desire, would fall into their hands. That their Assistance and Opportunities were very considerable. There was then in the hither Spain their great Friend Piso, (who was Murdered about this time, but the News thereof not yet arrived at Rome.) In Mauritania, there was Publius Sitius Nucerinus, with an Army, who was a Partner in the Counsels of the Conspiracy: And that if the next Year, Caius Antonius and he obtained the Consulship, they should have the greatest Advantage to begin.  
Wherefore Catiline and Antonius canvased for it to the utmost, not only with all the Lawful Interest they could make, but to the most apparent violation of those Laws, which were so lately enacted against Bribery. Moderate Punishments will not serve, for Persons that have such grand Designs afoot; then a probability of success is too weighty for an ordinary Penalty to overbalance.  

(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. lib. 37. p. 48.  The Senate discerning this, made an additional Penalty of ten Years Banishment, to be undergone by every Person convicted of Bribing his Electors. 
(t) Vid. Pragmenta hujus orationis in togâ candidâ habitae apud Ascon.  Which was principally promoted, and effected by Cicero in his white Gown, being at that time himself a Candidate.  
While these things were transacting, 
(u) 
Sed in ea conjuratione, fuit Q. Curius, natus haud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus: quem Censores Senatu probri gratiâ moverant. Huic homini non minor vanitas inerat, quam audacia; neque reticere, quae audierat, neque suamet ipse scelera occultare; prorsus neque dicere, neque facere, quicquam pensi habebat.  
Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, stupri vetus consuetudo. Cui cum minus gratus esset, quod inopia minus largiri poterat, repent glorians, maria, montesque pollicere, minari interdum ferro, ni sibi obnoxia foret: Postremo, ferocius agitare, quàm solitus erat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 23.   Quintus Curius, a Conspirator, of the Senatorian Order, but for his Debaucheries lately turned out by the Censors from that High Dignity, made an happy, though undesigned Discovery of the Plot. He was a Man that could not well keep secret any thing that he either heard or did, being tickled with a certain pleasure of Glorying in all his Villainies. He Had a great while kept for his Miss, one Madam Fulvia, a Person of good Quality, though an infamous Whore. This Lady of late very much insulted over her Gallant, and began to scorn him, because his Estate failed, and his Presents were mean, but on a sudden she found him begin to promise Mountains of Gold, and to Hector at a much greater rate than he had ever done before.  

(w) At Fulvia, insolentiae Curii causâ cognitâ tale periculum reip. haud occultum habuit; sed, sublato auctore, de Catilinae conjuratione, quae quomodo audierat, compluribus narravit, Ibid.  Fulvia admired what should be the cause of this change, and therefore wheadled him to reveal the whole Conspiracy to her; but whether it were that the Bloody and Barbarous Design was not agreeable to the softness of her temper, or that some little remainder of Nobility still Lived under the Tyranny of Vice, or some hopes of Profit might tempt her to it, 
(x) Tanti sceleris indicium per Fulviam emersit, vilissimum scortum, sed paracidii innocens. Flor. lib. 4. cap. 1.  she resolved not to be guilty of Treason, by concealing so great a danger intended to the Commonwealth: Wherefore (suppressing the Name of her Author) she told to several what she had heard of Catiline's Conspiracy.  
Thus do the Vicious entrap themselves, and by the repugnancy of their Lusts, necessitate their own Destruction. Treasons and Murders require Secrecy; Wine and Women betray them: Besides the overruling Providence of God to hasten it, Villainy hath a Natural tendency to Ruin.  
The Discourse of this Conspiracy quickly flew about the City, and made an happy alteration in the sentiment of many with respect to the Consular Election, which drew very near: They would by no means trust Catiline in that High Authority; for though there was then no Proof, but only common Rumour of a Plot, yet it had such a Foundation of probability, that they put by a Person so very much suspected.  
Caius Antonius was Chosen, being a more Masquerade Conspirator, and so less liable to the Exceptions of undiscerning Men; but that which saved all, was, the preferring so excellent a Person as Marcus Tullius Cicero to be his Colleague. And this was brought to pass merely by the glimmering daybreak of the Conspiracy, as our Excellent Historian, Sallust, tells us.  

(y) Ea res in primis studia hominum accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio Ciceroni. Namque antea pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat, & quasi pollui consulatum credebat, si eum, quamvis egregius, homo novus adeptus foret. Sed ubi periculum advenit, invidia, atque superbia post fuere. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 23.  This was the cause that first stirred up the Minds of Men to confer the Consulship upon Marcus Tullius Cicero, for most of the Nobility were inflamed with an Envy against him, as if a Person, though Eminent, yet of so late appearance in the Commonwealth, would debase so high an Honour by the enjoyment of it: But now that danger came so near, Pride and Envy were laid aside.  
The Honour which was thus conferred upon Cicero in this Consulship, is by himself thus expressed in one of his Orations to the People.  

(z) Est illud amplissimum Quirites, quod hoc honore, ex novis hominibus primum me, multis post annis, affecistis: Quod prima petitione, quod anno meo (viz. 43. aetatis) sed tamen magnificentius, atque ornatius esse illo nihil potest, quod meis comitiis non tabellam vindicem tacitae libertatis, sed vocem vivam prae vobis indicem vestrarum erga me voluntatum, ac studiorum tulistis. Itaque me non extrema tribus suffragiorum, sed primi illi vestri concursus, neque singulae voces praeconum, sed unâ voce universus populus Romanus, Consulem declaravit. Cicer. Orat. de leg. Agrar. Secund. Cap. Secund.  This was exceeding great (O Quirites) that I should be the first of those that were lately risen, who for these many Years have been dignified with the Supreme Honour. That the first time I stood for it, you were pleased to confer it in the most Glorious and Magnificent manner: For at my Election, 'twas not the written Roll that silently discovered your Choice, but your loud Acclamations testified your desire and affections to me. Not the summing up the Poll, but the view gave it; not the Report of Officers, but the whole Roman People with one Voice Proclaimed me Consul.   

The Year from the Building of Rome 690. Before the Birth of Christ 61. Marcus Tullius Cicero, and Caius Antonius, Consuls.  

(a) Ego qualem Calendis Januarii acceperim rempub. Quirites, intelligo: Plenam sollicitudinis, plenam timoris: in quâ nihil erat mali, nihil adversi quod non boni metuerent, improbi expectarent. Omnia turbulenta consilia contra hunc reipublicae statum, & contra vestrum otium partim iniri, partim nobis consulibus designatis inita esse dicebantur. Sublata erat de foro fides, non ictu aliquo novae calamitatis, sed suspicion, ac perturbatione judiciorum, infirmatione rerum judicatarum: novae dominationes; extraordinariae; non imperia sed regna quaeri putabantur. Cicer. de lege Agrar. Secund. Cap. Tertio.  WHAT the state of the Commonwealth was, when these Consuls at New-years-day entered upon the Government, Cicero himself tells us; that it was full of Care and Fear, that there was nothing bad or dangerous, but good Men dreaded, and ill Men were in hopes would come to pass: Counsels contrary to the Established Government, repugnant to the Public Peace, were continually entered upon. Fidelity taken from Courts of Judicature, not by the blow of any present Calamity, but by Trouble and Suspicion: New Authorities sought after, such as were both extraordinary and illegal.  
To prevent all dangers, nothing could be more prevalent than a great and virtuous behaviour of those entrusted with the Lawful Power: Cicero was acted by a generous thirst after Glory and the Public Good, which made him sufficiently vigilant and courageous: But Antonius, a private favourer of the Conspiracy, could not be expected to promote, if he would tolerate the endeavours of his fellow Consul. And here the Commonwealth had been ruined if those two Colleagues had clashed at this time in so high a Magistracy: 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch. Cicero. pag. 866.  For though Antonius had no great abilities of his own to do either good or hurt, yet he must needs give a great access of strength to which soever side he took.  
There is therefore perpetual Honour due to Cicero, not only for the great Service he himself did, 
(c) In quo collega sustinendo, atque moderando, si meam in illum indulgentiam, conjunctam cum summa custodia reip. laudare verè solebatis. Cicer. Orat. pro Sextio, cap. 3.  but for that Prudent Correspondence he held all along with Antonius, by which that other Consul (being partly overcome with the Honour and Trust the Commonwealth had reposed in him, and 
(d) Ad hoc collegam suum Antonium pactione provinciae perpulerat, ne contra remp. sentiret. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 26.  partly hired by Cicero's resigning his great Province of Macedonia to him) was moderated and sustained in so good a temper, that he went quietly along with him in the preservation of the Public Interest.  

(e) Quaestor hic C. Antonii, collegae mei, judices, fuit sort; sed societate consiliorum meus. Idem, venit cum excercitu Capuam, & inde M. Aulanum, Tribunum militum Antonii, Capua praecipitem ejecit. Idemque C. Marcellum exterminandum ex illa urbe curavit. Cicer. Orat. pro P. Sextio. Cap. 3. & 4.  Another great happiness was, that Publius Sextius, who was Quaestor, or Principal Officer under Antonius, Faithfully assisted Cicero in all his Counsels; and Cashiered Marcus Aulanus a Tribune, or Colonel of a Regiment, Caius Marcellus, with several others, who were of Catiline's Party, but had got Commissions under Antony; thereby preserving Capua, which had otherwise fallen into their hands.  

(f) Quod factum primo populares conjurationis concusserat: neque tamen Catilinae furor minuebatur; sed indies plura agitare. Eâ tempestate plurimos cujusque generis homines adscivisse sibi dicitur, mulieres etiam aliquot. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 24.  This Settlement of the Magistracy stunned the Conspirators, especially the Populace, who now knew not how to stir: However Catiline's Rage was not in the least assuaged, but by all means he promotes his Designs, and strengthens his Interest. To this purpose he calls in the Assistance of both Sexes, makes Manlius General of one, as Sempronia was his Principal Agent among the other.  

(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. lib. 37. pag. 49.  Manlius was an Old Expert Commander in Sylla's Army, and had profusely spent a very large Estate, which made him long for a return of like Troubles, that he might repair his decayed Fortunes.  
Him Catiline sends into Hetruria, which is the most Western part of Italy, to a Colony called Faesulae, very near the place where the City of Florence now stands, and 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo. Lib. 5. pag. 227.  where the Apennine Mountains and Rubicon Anciently Separated Italy from the Cisulpine Gaul.  

(i) Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem solicitare, egestate simul, ●c dolore injuriae, novarum rerum cupidam; quod Sullae dominatione, agros, bonaque omnia amiserat; praeterea, latrones cujusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat, nonnullos ex Sullanis colonis, quibus lubido atque luxuria ex maginis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 28.  The Inhabitants of this Country had been brought to great Poverty by Sequestrations and Plunderings in the time of Sylla, and now the wants they were at present under, and the Injuries they had formerly sustained, made them very desirous of a Change. The Old Soldiers of Sylla had been planted among them, who by Lust and Luxury having spent all that by Rapine they had got together, were no less eager than they; so that Manlius his Solicitations had great success among them, as might be well expected among Soldiers of Fortune, and an Oppressed People: Both Enemies, yet both Friends in any Cause that offers them common Advantage.  

(k) Igitur C. Manlium Faesulas, atque in eam partem Etruriae, Septimium quendam Camertem in agrum Picenum, C. Julium in Apuliam dimisit, praeterea alium alio, quem ubique opportunum sibi fore credebat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 27.  Septimius, another Military Officer, was sent into the Country of the Piceni, in the Neighbourhood of Faesulae, extended upon the Adriatic Sea; its Cities lay between Ariminum & 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo. Lib. 5. pag. 240.  Ancona, the latter of which gives the present Name of Marca Anconitana to it.  
Caius Julius was also dispatched into Apulia, which lay next upon the Adriatic, and still retains much of its Old Name, being the Modern Puglia. Many more were dispersed into other places, as every Man's Interest led him.  

(m) Pecuniam, sua, aut amicorum fide sumptam mutuam, Faesulas ad Manlium quendam portare, qui postea princips fuit belli faciundi. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 24.  But Faesulae was the Principal Rendezvouz; and therefore all the Money that Catiline and his Friends either had, or could be Trusted for, was sent thither to Manlius the Commander in Chief.  
Nor did the Grand Conspirator think fit to neglect the Feminine Intrigues, their Power might enfeeble more than Force could subdue. 
(n) Mulieres etiam aliquot, quae primo ingentes sumptus stupro corporis toleraverant: post, ubi aetas tantummodo quaestui, neque luxuriae modum fecerant, aes alienum grande conflaverant. Ibid.  Accordingly, he insinuates into all those Ladies, who by making themselves common, had got too great an Influence upon the Public Interest, but especially those who by the decay of Beauty, and continuance of Luxury, were brought into a Necessity of Advancing his Designs.  

(o) Per eas se Catilina tredebat posse servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adjungerè sibi, vel interficere. Ibid.  By these did Catiline hope to draw in all of the Rascal Party that had not yet been retainers to him; to get the City Fired, to have their Husbands brought over to him, or killed out of the way.  

(p) Sed in iis erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audacia facinora commisorat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea viro atque liberis satis fortunata fuit: Literis Graecis & Latinis doctà; psallere, saltare elegantius quam necesse est probae: multa alia, quae instrumenta luxuriae sunt, sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus, atque pudicitia fuit. Pecuniae, an famae minus parceret, haud facile discerneres.— Luxuria atque inopia praeceps abierat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 25.  The most Eminent of these was Sempronia, of good Birth and Beauty, Happy enough at home in her Husband and Children, accomplished both in Greek and Latin Learning: She could sing well, and dance better than was necessary for a Modest Woman; but nothing was less valued by her than Virtue and Reputation. She was equally Prodigal of her Fame and Money, till she at length arrived at a most pernicious Impudence, fit for the present execrable purposes.  

(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. pag. 48, 49.  But his most esteemed City-strength lay in the Consul Antonius, 
(r) Catilina nihilominus in proximum annum Consulatum petebat; sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 26.  whom he did not doubt, but (if he could get himself Elected to the Consulship for the ensuing Year) he should be able to make an easy tool of. He had also Publius Lentulus the Praetor his fast Friend, having been turned out of the Senate after he had born the Consular Office, and was now got to be Praetor, in hopes of being restored again; 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutar. Cicer. pag. 868.  as was the Custom for those who designed to be re-elected into that Honourable Assembly.  
To Countermine all these Intrigues, the Vigilant Cicero kept continual Correspondence with the Lady Fulvia, and by many Rich Presents engaged her to reveal to him all the Counsels of the Conspiracy. Some have suspected that the Consul did condescend to the Familiarity of her Vices, but as to that, neither Plutarch the Excellent and Impartial Writer of his Life, nor any other of our Authors mention the least suspicion of it. Others may admire that Quintus Curius giving her such constant and speedy Intelligence, 
(*) Cicer. Orat. in Cat. prima. cap. 2, 3.  so Publicly bragged of by Cicero, was not suspected to betray them: But then if we consider that they had all of them their Fulvia's, and that their Vicious intercourses gave every one of them the same private Opportunities of Discovery, they could not well trace it out; and it would have dissolved their mutual Trust, vainly to Impeach one another.  

(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. pag. 48.  The Consular Election for the following Year approached, and Catiline again professes himself a Candidate for it. Wherefore Cicero, to encumber him with the greater Difficulties, Enacts (if it were not completed the Year before) or at least Proclaims the Penalty of Ten Years Banishment if any Person were guilty of Bribery in Elections; which sufficiently prevented him: For the Vicious having nothing desirable in themselves, People will not without a great deal of Money and Debauchery be persuaded to choose those, that are like to cut their Throats who chose them.  

(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  Catiline finding this so particularly designed against him, and so probable to take effect, provides a Party to be ready at the time and place of the Election, that should Murder Cicero and the Principal Persons present, and immediately Create him Consul.  
But this was not effected, for Cicero's constant Intelligencer quickly acquainted him with the Design, however the Consul was in great difficulty what to do; His own particular Care could no longer preserve the City, now the Conspirators came on so fast; and to lay open all to the Senate, before he had any Evidence that he could handsomely and advantageously produce against so considerable a party of the greatest Citizens, he thought might prove only a matter of Envy to him, and an Occasion for them to shame it off.  

(w) Cicer. in Cat. Orat. primâ. cap 3.  However, the Necessity of Affairs so requiring, he doth just before the day of Election, which was appointed to be XII Cal. Nou. our 21st. of October, acquaint the Senate, that to his knowledge there were not only private Designs laid at home, but that before VI Cal. Nou. our 27th. of October, Caius Manlius would openly appear in Arms: 
(x) Tum igitur his rebus auditis, meministis fieri Senatus eonsultum, referente me, ne postero die comitia haberentur, ut de his rebus in Senatu agere possemus. Cicer. Orat. pro L. Muraena. cap. 25.  Upon which, the Decree passed for putting off the Election, that these things might be first Treated of in the Senate.  

(y) Itaque postridiè, frequenti Senatu, Catilinam excitavi, atque eum de his rebus jussi, si quid vellet, quae ad me allatae essent, dicere. Atque ille, ut semper fuit apertissimus, non se purgavit, sed indicavit atque induit. Tum enim dixit, duo corpora esse reipublicae, unum debile, infirmo capite: Alterum firmum, sine capite: huic, cum ita de se meritum esset, caput, se vivo, non defuturum. Cicer. pro L. Muraena. cap. 25.  The day after, in a full House, Cicero urged Catiline with an Accusation of his whole Conspiracy, and commanded him to Answer what was alleged against him.  
Catiline was so far from being concerned to clear himself, that he boldly affirmed there were two several Bodies in the Commonwealth, one weak with a crazy Head, the other strong without any Head at all; but that this latter, which had well deserved of him, should never want an Head whilst he lived. 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. pag. 867.  which cunningly tending to raise a distinct Interest between the Senate and the People, exceedingly perplexed Cicero.  

(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. pag. 48.  Nor could he get those things to pass which he proposed to the Senate; there being a general suspicion that the Accusations were not true, and that the Conspirators were for some private grudges falsely Impeached.  
The Election therefore was not put off any longer, 
(b) His rebus commotus, & quod homines jam tum conspiratos cum gladiis in campum deduci à Catilina sciebam, descendi in campum cum firmissimo praesidio fortissimorum virorum, & tum illa lata, insignique lorica, non quae me tegeret (etenim sciebam Catilinam non latus, non ventrem, sed caput, & collum solere petere) verum ut omnes boni animadverterent, & cum in metu, & periculo Consulem viderent, id quod est factum, ad opem, praesidiumque meum concurrerent. Cicer. pro L. Muraena. cap. 20.  but Cicero knowing what a design there was upon him, came attended into the Field with a strong Guard of Faithful and Valiant Men, covering his Breast and Belly with a piece of broad conspicuous Armour, not so much to prevent Catiline (who would rather aim at his Head or Throat) as to make the People know in what fear and danger their Consul was; that they might, as they Honestly did, get together for his Defence and Assistance.  

(c) Ego tectus praesidio firmo amicorum, Catilinae tum & Autronii copias, & conatum repressi. Cicer. pro. P. Silvius. cap. ●8.  Thus he repressed all those Forces which Catiline and Autronius brought along with them, and stifled all their Endeavours; for the 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer pag. 86●.  People with great concern surrounded him, and at last by a Majority of Suffrages, putting by Catiline, chose Decius Julius Silanus, and Caius Muraena, who were presently declared Consuls Elect.  

(e) Interea Romae multa simul moliri: Consuli insidias tendere: parare incendia: opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere: ipse cum telo esse, item alios jubere, hortari, uti semper intenti, paratique essent: dies, noctesque festinare, vigilare, neque insomniis, neque labore fatigari. Sall. Bell. Cat. cap. 27.  Catiline was so enraged at this Repulse from the Consulship, that he never left prosecuting his Conspiracy with the greatest diligence; turns every stone to make some Mischief in the City, provides for Firing it, lays wait for the Consul, distributes Armed Men into the most Advantageous places, carries about with him a desperate Weapon, exhorts all his Associates to be in continual readiness, and to the greatest fatigue exercised all those endowments which Nature had bestowed either upon his Body or Mind.  

(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. pag. 868.  The Soldiers in Etruria now began to draw together in a Body, and the appointed time of their rising upon VI Kal. Nou. our 27th. of October, approached; but in the interim one Night very late, the most Principal Persons of the City came to Cicero's House, they were Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, Scipio Metellus. The Porter being knocked up, and commanded to tell the Consul who were there, they presently had admission: Crassus informed Cicero that there was a Letter sent to him from an unknown Person, which he received since Supper, acquainting him of a great Massacre intended by Catiline, and therefore Advising him immediately to retire out of the City. That there were several Letters to other Persons in the same Packet, all which he brought unopened along with him; for being struck with an apprehension of so great a danger, he was desirous to repair to him, and deliver the rest into his Hands; which he did both to clear himself from all that suspicion his former Acquaintance with Catiline might have raised, and to make the best Provision against the designed Treason.  
Cicero having Advised with them, Summoned the Senate to appear next Morning by break of day, and there delivering the Letters to every Person, as they were particularly directed, Commanded that they should be read publicly; which being done, they were all found to contain Advice of the same Design.  

(g) Itaque quod plerumque in atroci negotio solet, Senatus decrevit, ut darent operam consuls, ne quid respub. Detrimenti caperet. Ea potestas per Senatum, more Romano, Magistratui maxima permittitur, exercitum parare, bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios, atque cives: domi, militiaeque imperium, atque judicium summum habere, aliter, sine populi jussu, nulli earum rerum Consali jus est. Sall. Bell. Cat. cap. 29.  Then, as was usual upon great Emergencies, a Decree passed, that the Consuls take care the Commonwealth should receive no hurt, which did imply the greatest Power (according to the Roman Custom) given by the Senate to them: To raise an Army, to wage War, by all means to restrain Allies or Citizens: To have Sovereign Command, and Judicature both Foreign and Domestic: Otherwise none of these were in the Consul's Power without an Edict from the People.  

(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. lib. 37. pag. 49.  Presently there was such strict Watch and Ward kept throughout the whole City, that the Conspirators could not get the least Opportunity either to Fire any part of it, or to make any disturbance, which necessitated them to so great a quiet, that they began again to make the People believe it was only a Plot of Cicero's own inventing to destroy some of the Ancient Nobility, which he could not pretend to, and ever bore a grudge against.  

(i) Post paucos dies L. Senius Senator in Senatu literas recitavit, quas Faesulis allatas sibi dicebat; in quibus scriptum erat, C. Manlium arma cepisse, cum magna multitudine ante diem VI Kal. Nou. simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque prodigia nunciabant: alii conventus fieri, arma portari. Capuae, atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 30.  But than it happened that Lucius Senius, a Senator, received Letters from Faesulae, which he recited Publicly in the Senate, importing that Caius Manlius had with a great Multitude taken up Arms upon VI Cal. Nou. our 27th. of October. There were also many other Informations brought, as is usual at such a time; some gave an Account of Arms carried to them, and Musters which they held, that in Capua, and Apulia a new Servile War was beginning to be stirred up. Others related several Prodigies and Portentous Occurrences, by which 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. pag. 867.  (saith the Judicious Plutarch) the Divinity was pleased to discover those things which were a doing: They are true Indications in respect of Men, though not of so particular application as to Convict such an Eminent and Powerful a Person as Catiline.  

(l) Igitur Senati decreto Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus in Apuliam, circumque ea loca missi sunt. Hi utrique ad urbem imperatores erant impediti, ne triumpharent, calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta, atque inhonesta, vendere mos erat. Sed Praetores Q. Pompeius Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum: hisque permissum est, uti pro tempore, atque periculo exercitum compararent. Sall. Bell. Cat. cap. 30.  Upon this, another Decree of the Senate passed, that Q. Marcius Rex should be sent with an Army to Faesulae, Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia; Persons of great Worth, but by the Interest of some few, who exposed to Sale both the Honours and dishonours of the Commonwealth, denied Solemnising those Triumphs which were due to them.  
The Praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus was sent to Capua, Q. Metellus Celer into the Picene Country, each of them permitted to raise Men, and provide every thing as Occasion should require.  

(m) Ad hoc, si quis indicasset de conjuratione, quae contra remp. facta erat, praemium decreverant, servo libertatem & H. S. C. Libero impunitatem ejus rei, & H. S. C. C. Ibid.  'Twas also Decreed, That if any Person would come in, and make Discovery of this Conspiracy against the Commonwealth, if he was a Servant, he should have his Freedom, and an hundred Sestertia (
* Dr. Hackwel's Value of the Roman Sesterces, compared to the English Coin; prefixed to his Apology.  which of our Money are seven hundred eighty one pounds five shillings) if he were already a Freeman, he should have his Pardon and two hundred Sestertia, being 1562 l. 5 s.  

(n) Itemque decrevere, uti familiae gladiatoriae Capuam, & in caetera municipia distribuerentur pro cujusque opibus; Romae per totam urbem Vigiliae haberentur, eisque minores magistratus praeessent. Quibus rebus permota civitas, atque immutata facies urbis erat: ex summa laetitia, atque lascivia, quae diuturna quies pepererat, repent omnes tristitia invaesit, festinare, trepidare: Neque loco, neque homini cuiquam satis credere: neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere: suo quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc, mulieres, quibus pro reip. magnitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, afflictare sese; manus supplices ad Coelum tendere; miserari parvos liberos, rogitare; omnia pavere: superbia, atque deliciis omissis, sibi patriaeque diffidere. Sall. Bell. Cat. cap. 30, 31.  That all the Schools of Gladiators should break up, and be dispersed about the Free Towns of Italy, according as they were best able to maintain them: That the strictest Guards should be kept through the City, and the lesser Magistrates be themselves upon the Watch.  
By these Transactions were the People filled with the dread of the Plot, and the face of the City was changed, from the highest Jollity and Wantonness which a serene Peace had fostered, they fell into a sudden consternation; they did not know what place or what Man to trust, they could neither tell how to think of War, nor could they expect Peace. Every one took measure of the dangers by his own Fears: But especially the Women, (who in the present greatness of the Roman Empire, were wont only to hear of Wars in the farthest distant Nations, and see the Triumphs at home) were now possessed with the greatest Amazement: They lifted up their Hands to Heaven, wept over their Young Children, prayed and trembled, forsook their Ornaments and delicacies, as being suddenly to be destroyed with their Ruined Country.  
For all this, Catiline's Cruel Rage was not in the least abated, he thought to brazen out all by the most hardened Impudence and Dissimulation: 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. pag. 49.  Notwithstanding all the Accusations that were against him, he (as most Innocent) was willing to appear before any Tribunal, he was ready for a Trial, he would deliver himself up to the Custody of Cicero himself (which the Consul refusing) he went and dwelled with Metellus, than Praetor, and of good Reputation, that none might think he affected the least disturbance. 
* Cicer. Orat. in Cat. 1. Cap. 8.  Though Cicero says, that Metellus also denied him, and he was at last received by Marcus Marcellus.  
Which of them soever it was, without being miss, he 
(p) Quid tandem de illa nocte dicet cum inter falcarios ad M. Leccam, nocte ea, quae consecuta est posterum diem Nonarum Novemb. me Consul, Catilinae denunciatione convenio? Cicer. pro P. Silvius. cap. 18.  meets the Principal Conspirators upon the day after the Nones, being our sixth of November, at the House of Porcius Lecca very late in the Night: 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. pag. 49, 50.  And there chides them for their sloth and Cowardice; sets before them the danger of more Discoveries, which would continually be made if they did delay any longer, and what success they were like to have by a speedy execution: That all things were ready, and he 
(r) Seque ad exercitum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset: eum suis consiliis multum officere. Igitur, perterritis ac dubitantibus caeteris, C. Cornelius, Eques Romanus, operam suam pollicitus. & cum eo L. Vargunteius Senator, constituere ea nocte paulo post, cum armatis hominibus, sicuti salutatum introire ad Ciceronem, & de improviso domi suae imparatum confodere. Curius, ubi intelligit, quantum periculum Consuli impendebat, propere per Fulviam Ciceroni dolum, qui parabatur enunciat. Ita illi janua prohibiti, tantum facinus frustra susceparant. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 27, 28.  very much desired to be gone to the Army: That if Cicero was but removed out of the way, there would be nothing else to stop their proceed. Being all at a stand, filled both with Rage and Fear, Lucius Vargunteius, a Senator, and Caius Cornelius, a Roman Knight, promise that Night (which then grew very near Morning) with some Armed Men, they would, under pretence of a Visit, get Access to Cicero, and stab him in his own House; but Quintus Curius did by Fulvia presently discover the Treachery to Cicero, whereupon Admittance was denied them, and so base an Assassination in vain undertaken.  
For all this, Catiline ventures the next day into the Senate, which was held 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. pag. 868.  in the Temple of Jupiter Stator, whom the Consul M. Tullius Cicero 
(t) Tum M. Tullius Consul orationem habuit luculentam, atque utìlem reipub. quam postea scriptam edidit. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 31.  received with this Excellent Oration, the first of those that were written, and are still extant against Catiline.  

HOW long, Catiline, will you abuse our Patience? How long shall this your boldness beat us off? Whither at length will your unbridled Impudence arrive? Are the extraordinary Guards of the Palace nothing to you? The strict Watch of the City, nothing? The Fears of the People, nothing? Doth the concourse of all good Men, this strong and Sacred place in which the Senate is met, the Presence of this Assembly, nothing move you? Do not you see that your Counsels are detected? Don't you perceive that the belief of your Conspiracy is written upon the Countenances of most here? Do you think us ignorant of what you did last Night? What the Night before? Where you met? Whom you called together? What Result you came to? O Times! O Manners! The Senate knows all this, the Consul sees it, and yet the Traitor lives. Lives! Ay, and comes into the Senate, partakes of the Public Counsel, Observes, and Marks out with his Eye which of us he designs to Murder. But we think ourselves Courageous enough, and to have given sufficient Satisfaction to the Commonwealth, if we can but avoid his Rage and Weapons. No, this must not be all: You deserved, Catiline, long ago to have been put to death by the Consular Command, to have fallen into the destruction which you had been so diligently preparing for us all. Did that Excellent Person, Publius Scipio the Chief Priest, being yet a Private Man, kill Tiberius Gracchus, who made but a small disturbance? And shall we Consuls permit Catiline who designed to fill the whole Earth with slaughter and destruction, to go unpunished? I need not insist on that Ancient Precedent of Quintus Servilius Ahala, who slew with his own Hand Sp. Melius, for but designing to alter the Government. This, this was the Ancient Valour in the Common wealth, that our Heroic Ancestors would suppress a pernicious Citizen with more severe Punishments than the fiercest Enemy. We have a Decree forcible and weighty, already made against you, Catiline: The Commonwealth doth not want Counsel, nor this State Authority: No, no, I speak plainly, we the Consuls are deficient.  
2. It was formerly Decreed by the Senate, that Lucius Opimius the Consul should take care that the Commonwealth might be Preserved; immediately upon which he caused Caius Gracchus, descended of a good Family, to be Executed, being but suspected of Seditious Practices: So also M. Fulvius, who was of Consular Dignity, with his Children, were put to death. Another precedent for this we have, when by a like Decree, the Commonwealth was committed to Caius Marius, and Lucius Valerius the Consuls; and was there one Day passed, before death and the just vengeance of the Commonwealth overtook Lucius Saturninus Tribune of the People, and Caius Servilius the Praetor: Yet is this the Twentieth Day that we have permitted the Power of these Laws and Examples to languish. We have a Decree conformable to these precedents upon Record, which yet lies dormant in the Rolls rusting in its own Sheath, by which 'tis requisite for you Catiline to die: Yet you still live, and live, not to repent of, but to increase your impudence. I desire, O Conscript Fathers, to be merciful, but not slothful in so great dangers of the Commonwealth: And now it is that I condemn myself of backwardness and neglect. A Rebellion is raised in Italy upon the Confines of Etruria, against the State; the Number of the Enemies increase daily: Yet doth the Commander of all these Rebel-forces, the Head of their Conspiracy, remain within the City Walls, and contrive our destruction in the very Senate. If I should now seize you Catiline, and command you to be put to death, I doubt not but all good men would look upon my proceed as too slow, not as too severe and cruel. But I will not do it yet; I will stay a little longer, and will then deliver you to execution, (and not till then) when there shall be no Man however corrupt, extravagant, and like yourself, that will not acknowledge it a just deed. As long as there is any so stupid or impudent; as to stand up for your defence you may live: But it shall be so as you now live, compassed about with such Guards, as you may not be able to effect any thing against the public Safety. Many Eyes will be upon you, many Ears employed to hearken out your designs, and not a few (as they have always done) will still continue to observe your most secret machinations.  
3. What is it O Catiline that you can expect, seeing neither the darkness of the Night can obscure your horrid Designs, or keep your Seditious meetings secret; neither the most retired place of your Houses conceal your Consultations, and traitorous agreements? Seeing all of them are plainly detected; all discovered: For once be advised by me; change your Mind, take other Measures; blot the black Characters of Ruin, Murder, and Rapine out of your Mind: We have you every way: Your Counsels, and intents are all perfectly disclosed; which if you please you might now with me recognize: Don't you remember that upon XII Cal. Novem. I informed the Senate that on a certain Day, viz. before the VI Cal. Nou. C. Manlius that Prodigy of Impudence, and your Creature, would be in Arms: Did that intelligence fail me, Catiline? I did not only discover so great, so cruel, so incredible an enterprise, but that which is more to be admired, I exactly told the very Day. I said the same in the Senate, that you intended the Massacre of the Nobility upon V Kal. Nou. when many of the chief men of the City should be gone from Rome, not so much for their own safety as to defeat your Designs. Can you deny that when you saw yourself hemmed in with Guards, by my appointment, set to observe you; so that you could effect nothing against the public safety, and perceiving that many were gone out of the City, you said to some of your fellow Conspirators, that you would be content with the slaughter of us who stayed behind. What? when you expected that Praeneste should on the Calends of November be surprised in the Night time, did you then know that it was fortified and defended with strength sufficient by my care? There is none of your debates, resolutions, and most secret intentions, which I am not punctually informed of, and do not perfectly understand.  
4. Call to mind with me what was done t'other Night, and you will soon perceive that I am more diligent and watchful to preserve than you are to destroy the State. I say that the night before last, you went with a Company of armed Ruffians (for I will discover all) into the House of M. Lecca, that there were also congregated several of your Associates in this wickedness; dare you deny this? Or will you say nothing? I will prove every Tittle, if you have the Confidence to contradict it. For I see several in the Senate who were there with you. O immortal Powers! What an Age do we live in? How is the Commonwealth governed? In what City are we. Here, even here among ourselves, O Conscript Fathers, in this most Sacred, most Grave, and most Wise Assembly of the whole Earth, are those now sitting who Plot my death and the destruction of us all, intent to raze this City, and in it the Empire of the whole World. These I the Consul behold here, and ask their Counsel for the Commonwealth: Those who deserved Death long ago I have not yet impeached. You were, O Catiline, at Lecca's that Night; you then distributed Italy among yourselves, allotted to every one some place over which he should praeside; chose out some to leave behind at Rome, others to take with you; divided the City into several Parts for carrying on the Fire: Determined immediately to go hence; and declared that nothing remained to be effected in order to your departure, but my Death. For which, you soon found two Roman Knights, who to ease you of that care, offered themselves, undertaking to murder me the same Night in my Bed. Your consult was scarce broken up, before I was made acquainted with these resolves: Whereupon I put myself into a posture of defence and fortified my House: refused those entrance who came thither about break of Day, to give me the good morrow from you: Having told several very considerable Persons what time such would come, and what their Errand was.  
5. Therefore I will thus advise you, Catiline, go on as you have begun; but you must withdraw from the City: The Gates are open: None will compel your stay. The Manlian Forces have too long wanted their General; go to them, but, be sure, carry your whole party, (at least as many as you can) with you, purge the City. If I once get these Walls between us, I shall be freed of my greatest fears. I will allow you so much advantage, but that you should be any longer with us, I cannot bear, cannot suffer, cannot endure. Let us give our most hearty thanks to the immortal Gods, especially to Jupiter Stator the Defender and Patron of this most ancient City, for that we have so often escaped so dreadful, so horrible, so dangerous, and so pestilent a Conspiracy. The whole safety of the Commonwealth ought not to be often hazarded upon the account of one Man. ' As long as your designs were laid against me being only Consul Elect, I did not defend myself with the public Arms, but by my own private care. When at this last Consular Election you plotted to kill me being then Consul, together with your competitors I defeated all your nefarious endeavours by the help and assistance of my Friends without any Public stirs; as often as you made attempts upon my Life, so often I opposed you with my own Strength: Although I foresaw that my fall would give a great blow to the Commonwealth. But now you openly seek the ruin of the whole State, design to destroy the Temples of the immortal Gods, demolish this City, murder the Citizens, and lay waste all Italy: Therefore seeing I cannot at present act according as (by ancient precedents of the Empire) I might justly do; I will do that which has less of severity, but is far more conducing to the Public good. If I cause you to be executed, the Seeds of your Sedition will yet remain in the midst of us; but if (as I have often exhorted you) you go away, your Comrades, the great and noisome Sink of the Commonwealth, will be drained out of the City. What is it that you stick at, Catiline? Are you unwilling to do what you had before determined, now I command it? The Consul requires an Enemy to withdraw out of the City: Do you inquire whether I command you into Exile? I enjoin it not, but I would persuade you to it.  
6. For what is it, O Catiline, that you can now delight in at Rome? Where there is not one Person except such profligate Wretches as are of your own Gang, but avoid and hate you. What Mark of private Wickedness is there which is not conspicuously branded on you? Doth not all infamy cleave to your Name? What Lust ever escaped your Eye? What Villainy your Hand? What Vice is there that hath not seized your whole Body? What Youth, by you drawn into Vice, whom you have not hardened in impudence, drenched in Lust, and inur'd to Murder? And even lately upon the Death of your first Wife, did not you slay your own Son, and heap one incredible Villainy upon another to make way for your second Nuptials? But I shall pass by this, lest I should disgrace this City by mentioning such an horrid Impiety to have been in it, and not to have been sufficiently punished: I omit to mention the ruins of your Estate, which now hang over you, and will quite crush you by the next Ideses. I will only insist upon such things as concern, not your own private Debaucheries, and filthiness, not your straits and wants, but the safety and welfare of the Commonwealth, and every one here present. Can you take any content in living here? Can this Air be pleasant to you, when you know that there is none of us ignorant, that you came to the Election upon the Day before the Calends of January, when Lepidus and Tullus were Consuls, armed with a Dart, ready to slay the Consuls and Chief men of the City? And that you were not prevented by any fear, or terror occasioned by the horridness of the Fact, (no, there was no room for that in your desperate Breast,) but by the good fortune of the Commonwealth? But I shall insist no longer on these actions, they are known publicly and are still fresh in every one's Memory. How many times did you endeavour to take away my Life when I was Consul Elect? How often when I was actually in that Office? How many of your attempts which seemed inevitable, have I frustrated, how often have I put by the very fatal thrust? There are none of your contrivances, purposes, or machinations, of which I have not a perfect knowledge; yet will you not cease to meditate and endeavour our destruction. How often hath your Dagger been wrested out of your Hands? How often hath it fallen, as it were slipped out of your Hands by chance? Yet can you not be without it: What Ceremonies you have used in the Consecration of it I know not, but sure I am, you esteem yourself under a necessity to murder the Consul therewith.  
7. Now what sort of life do you think to lead? For I speak now not as inflamed with hatred which you have deserved, but as moved with pity, which you have no way merited. You came just now into the Senate: Who was there, in so great a Company, among so many of your Friends and intimate Acquaintance, that afforded you a Salutation? If the like never happened in the memory of Man; what need is there of an open reprimand, seeing you are already condemned by great silence? What was the cause that at your entrance, these Seats were left empty? That all those of consular Dignity, marked out for destruction by you, as soon as you sat down removed from the places which were near you, as infectious? How do you think to bear this? Certainly if my servants did thus avoid me, as all these worthy Citizens do you, I should believe it high time to leave my House: and do you think the City a place for you? If I were so shrewdly suspected and attainted by my Countrymen as you are, I should choose rather to go into a voluntary Exile, than abide the hateful and estranged looks of my fellow-Citizens. How can you be so bold as to continue in the presence of those to whom you are so offensive, who are so disturbed at your sight; and whose hate your own Conscience tells you is most justly fixed upon you? If your Parents shunned and hated you, and would be reconciled upon no Terms, I believe you would hasten out of their sight: Now your Country the common Parent of us all abhors you, and looks upon you as designing nothing, but unnaturally to destroy her, yet will you neither stand in awe of their Authority, obey their commands, nor fear their force. And now, Catiline, she thus seems silently to plead with you: No Crime hath been publicly committed of late years in which you have not had an Hand; no wickedness, but of your contriving: You have been continually murdering your fellow Citizens, ruining and destroying your Companions, yet are you unpunished; you have not only set yourself to neglect, but also to break and overthrow the Laws. All your past offences, though scarce tolerable, I bore as well as possibly I could; but now I am wholly endangered for your sake alone; No designs laid against me, but what have their rise from Catiline; this is not to be endured. Depart therefore and set me free, from my fears; that if they have a just Foundation, I may not be oppressed, if they are only groundless Suspicions I may be eased of them.  
8. Now than that your Country doth thus expostulate with you, ought she not to obtain her request although she use no force? What? will you plead, that to avoid Suspicion you proffered to reside in the House of M. Lepidus? by whom being refused, you had the impudence to come to me, and desire that I would keep you in my House. When I had told you that I could not be safe under the Roof of the same House with you, seeing I was in such great danger from your being within the Walls of the same City; you went to Q. Metellus the Praetor, who also rejected you: Then did you resort to your old Friend, honest M. Marcellus, whom you could not but think could diligently keep, carefully observe, very courageously punish you. But how far can he be from Bonds, and Imprisonment, who being conscious of his own guilt seeks to be taken into Custody? Seeing affairs stand thus, and you cannot with any content remain here, is it not your best way, Catiline, to go to some other Country, and devote that life which is thus delivered from condign Punishment, to Exile and Solitude? Move it you say, to the Senate, and if they command you into Exile, than you declare you will be gone. I will not propose that, it being contrary to my manner, yet will I do so much, that you may perceive what their judgement is: Go out of the City, Catiline, deliver the Commonwealth from their fears: if you expect I should speak plainer, depart into Exile: What think you now, Catiline? Do you take notice of, do you consider the silence of all present? They are of the same mind, none contradict the proposal Why do you expect that they should speak to you, when you may perceive their Minds by their silence? Should I speak thus to this brave Youth P. Sextius or to the excellent M. Marcellus, the Senate would certainly, and might justly lay hands on Me, though Consul, in this very place. But by not contradicting they approve of what I advise you to; by suffering, they desire it, by silence they proclaim their assent. Neither are the Senators, (whose judgement you pretend to value, but whose lives you cheaply devote to ruin) only of this Mind, the Roman Knights also, honest and brave men, the whole Body of the Citizens who attend the Senate discover themselves: They get together, advise, threaten: As you may have observed. These I can scarce withhold from assaulting, and tearing you in pieces, yet can I persuade them to bring you on your way when you depart from this place (which you once thought to destroy and ruin,) unto the City Gates.  
9 But what is it I am arguing? as if any thing could move you! as if you could be brought to take better courses: is it possible to persuade you to think of departing hence? Would the gods gave you such a Mind! Yet I foresee that, if moved by my word, you should go into Exile, how great a Tempest of Envy is like to fall upon us, which, though it be at present diverted by a sense of your wickedness, may, when Posterity hath forgot that, fall upon my head. Yet doth this private calamity nothing move me, so it be not accompanied with public loss. It is in vain to exhort you to consider the heinousness of your Vices, to fear the just punishments of the Laws, and yield to the necessities of the Commonwealth; for you are such an one, Catiline, as neither shame can withhold from filthy deeds, nor fear deter from desperate undertake, neither can Reason moderate your unreasonable fury. Therefore (as I have oft advised you) depart; and if you will fasten your envy upon me, whom you account, your most mortal Enemy, go into Exile, then shall I be scarce able to stem the common censures; if you do go; and if it be by the command of the Consul alone, I shall very hardly support the weight of that envy. But if you had rather make an accession to my glory, go forth with the rest of your debauched, bloody Associates; convey yourself to Maulius; encourage those miserable Citizens; separate yourself from all good men; raise War in the Heart of your own Country; triumph in your Plunderings, and Robberies, that you may not be accounted thrust out by me among Strangers, but may seem willingly to have retired to your own party. But why do I thus persuade? When I know you have sent all things requisite before hand, and how many armed men stay for you at the Aurelian forum? When I know the Day is agreed upon between you and Manlius, and by you the Silver Eagle (which I trust shall be fatal both to you, and your accomplices, which at your House, the Sanctuary of all your Wickedness was consecrated) is also sent? Would you any longer want that which you were wont to adore, when you went forth to your Murders? Before whose Altars you were wont to lift up your right Hand, ready to be imbrued in the Blood of the Citizens?  
10. At length go thither, where your unbridled fury hath been long hurrying you; yet are you not at all grieved but much delighted. This madness you imbibed with your Nature, nourished by consenting to it, and fortune by favouring you in it hath made it much greater; Peace was never like to please you, nor could you love War except it were wicked and unjust. You have got together a Rout of desperate miscreants, vile Persons, who have not only lost their Estates, but are deprived of all hopes of a recruit. Among these in what complete joys and pleasures may you carouse, when in all your number you shall not have so much as the restraining look of one good Man? To this sort of life you have inur'd yourself, by your continual laborious Villainies: You have taken up your Lodging upon the Ground, not merely to intrigue an Adultery, but to perpetrate a Murder: You are accustomed to watch, not only to descry the security of abused Husbands, but also to pray upon their Goods, when you have slain them. You have an opportunity to show your great fortitude in enduring Hunger, Cold, and Want, which you may sufficiently feel in a short time: I did by putting you beside the Consulship gain this Point, that all your fury will be spent in Banishment to contrive our ruin; but you will never have those opportunities to effect it, which you must have enjoyed, had you carried the Election: And that your rising will be rather termed Plundering than War.  
11. Now, O Conscript Fathers! consider diligently, and revolve in your minds what I say, while I endeavour to answer an Objection my Country might make against me; if my Country (which is ever dearer to me then my life) if all Italy, if the whole Commonwealth should thus accost me: What hast thou done O M. Tullius? Him whom thou hast found the public Enemy, the Head of the Conspiracy, who thou knowest, hath Listed broken Citizens and the meanest Vassals; and is the Author of all our Dangers; hast thou thus sent him away out of the City, that he might be the better enabled to come against it? Why did you not secure him in the strongest Fetters? Deliver him to be put to Death, and inflict the justest, that is, the greatest punishment upon him? What could hinder you? not want of precedents; for how often have Traitorous Citizens been killed by private men? Did the Laws concerning punishment of Roman Citizens obstruct it? Never was any suffered to enjoy the Privilege of a Roman Citizen, being convicted of Treason. Do you stand in fear of the envy of Posterity? You do very worthily indeed, and gratefully requite the Roman People who raised you, a private Man of mean Quality of a sudden through all the Degrees of Honour to the top of Government, if for fear of Envy or Danger, you neglect the public safety of the Citizens? But if you have any reason to fear Envy, is that which ariseth from fortitude, and strictness, or that from sloth and timorousness most formidable? When Italy is wasted, and destroyed with War, the Houses demolished and Cities burnt, Do you think you will not then be more hated?  
12. Give me leave now to answer in a few words that Sacred Voice and those who are of this Opinion. If I thought, O Conscript Fathers, that it were best for the Commonwealth, the Traitor should not live an Hour; for if the bravest men, and most famous Citizens, were so far from defiling themselves with the Blood of Saturninus, of the Gracchis, of Flaccus and several others, that they got reputation by destroying them; certainly I have no cause to fear the Censure of Posterity for putting to Death this grand parricide. But granting that I should incur their utmost Envy; it hath always been my Maxim, that Envy procured by Virtue, is Glory and not Envy. But there are many among us, who either do not see our Dangers, or else dissemble what they see; who by soft Censures nourish the hopes of Catiline, and by not believing, feed the Infant Conspiracy: Who, followed by many well meaning, but unobserving men, if I should have acted severely against Catiline would cry out of Cruel, and Arbitrary proceed. But if he go to the Camp of Manlius, as he did intent, none will be so foolish as not evidently to perceive a Conspiracy, none so wicked as to deny it. So that if we now cut off this one Head, it will be no more but only a short suppression, not an utter extirpation of the mischief. But if he departs, and takes his packed Company of profligate, necessitous Villains along with him, not only this so ripe a Plot will he defeated, but the very Stock and Original of all public evils will be eradicated and destroyed.  
13. We have been a long time, O Conscript Fathers, perplexed with these treasonable Designs, and lurking Snares, but (however it comes to pass) all these old Intrigues, Impieties, and Treasons, are now come to Maturity in the time of my Consulship. If we take off this chief of the Conspiracy only, we may indeed flatter ourselves with a temporary cure of it, but the poisonous infection will still remain, as it were in the Veins and Bowels of the Commonwealth. As Persons in an high Fever, seem at first refreshed with a draught of cooling Water, but the Disease doth by and by rage, and burn the more, so this distemper in the Commonwealth may seem a little abated by his punishment, but soon recovering strength, will break forth more violently in those who yet remain. Therefore, O Conscript Fathers, let these infected Persons, withdraw from the Society of those who are yet sound, let the City Walls, as I have oft desired, be once between us, let all the Traitor's herd together, that they may at length cease to attempt the Murder of the Consul in his own House, may no longer beset the Praetor's Judicature, or with their Swords surround the Senate, nor prepare Fire-balls for burning the City. Let it now appear, as if it were written in his Forehead, what every Citizen thinks of the Commonwealth. ' Methinks, I can promise myself, and you, O Conscript Fathers, such an indefatigable diligence in us Consuls, so prevalent Authority in you, so great a Virtue and Valour in the Roman Knights, and so unanimous an Agreement of all good men, that Catiline being once gone, all his designs will appear unmasked, defeated, and revenged. With these Omens, go Catiline to that impious and horrid War; go, and may it be to the safety of the Commonwealth, but to thy ruin, and to the ruin of all those who have united themselves to thee in this Treason. And now O Jupiter, whose Temple as well as this City was Consecrated by Romulus, and whom we truly call the Saviour of this Place and Empire; exclude him and his Associates, from thy Altars, and all other Temples, from the Houses, and Walls of this City, from the lives and fortunes of the Citizens: All the Enemies of good men, Traitors to their Country, destroyers of Italy, Covenanted and Associated among themselves by their Villainies, do thou prosecute Living and Dead with thine eternal punishments.  

(u) Sed ubi ille assedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso vultu, voce supplici, postulare a patribus, nequid de se temerè crederent; Eâ familia ortum, ita se ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, ut omnia bona in spe haberent: ne existumarent, sibi Patricio homini, cujus i●sius, atque majojorum plurima beneficia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita republica opus esse, cum cam servaret M. Tullus, inquilinus civis urbis Romae. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Appian. Alexan. Lib. 2. de Bell Civil.  So soon as the Consul was sat down, Catiline gins (as he was well accomplished for the purpose) to palliate and dissemble all that had been spoken against him; he with a submissive Voice and Countenance humbly entreats the Fathers, that they would not too rashly credit whatsoever had been said of him; that it was by no means probable; he, who was Born of so ancient a Family, so well educated, had such fair hopes before him; that he, a Patrician, who by himself and his Ancestors had deserved so much of the Roman People, should now want the destruction of the Commonwealth; while M. Tullius a stranger an Inmate of t'other day, pretended so zealously to preserve it.  
(w) Proceeding to revile the Consul, many of the Fathers cried out, He was an Enemy and a Traitor: Whereupon Catiline said as in an heat, that he was circumvented by his Enemies, and if there was a flame he would extinguish it with his own ruin. Then returning to his House, he considered how unsuccessful his attempts had been against the Consul, how well guarded the City was, so that it would be impossible to Fire any part of it: And therefore resolves before the Consular Forces were increased to unite with his Army in the Tents of Manlius. 
(u) Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet obstrepere omnes; hostem, atque parricidam vocare, tum ille furibundus: quoniam quidem circumventus, (inquit) ab inimicis praeceps agor, incendium meum ruinâ extinguam. Dein se ex curiâ domum proripuit, ibi multa secum ipse volvens, quod neque insidiae Consull procedebant, & ab incendio intelligebat urbem vigiliis munitam, optimum factu credens exercitum augens ac priusquam legiones scriberentur, multa ante capere, quae bello usui forent, nocte intempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est; Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 32.   

(x) Sed Cethego atque Lentulo caeterisque, quorum cognoverat promptam audaciam, mandat; quibus rebus possent, opes factionis confirment, insidias Consuli maturent; caedem, inc●ndia aliaque belli facinora parent: seize propedièm cum magno exercitu, ad urbem accessurum, Ibid.  In the City he left Cethegus, Lentulus, and others, to whom (being assured of their resolutions) he recommends all his Affairs, particularly that they would strengthen the Interests of the Party, perfect some Plot against the Consul, have things in readiness for Massacre and Firing: Promising as soon as possible, to draw towards them with a great Army.  

(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pluto. Cicer. Pag. 868.  Having got together about Three hundred Armed men, he, accompanied with them, left the City about Midnight; and as if he had been an authorized General, carried his Lictors, and his Axes with him, that arriving at the Rendezvouz of Faesulae, he might display the imperial Ensigns.  

(z) Dum haec Romae geruntur, C Manlius ex suo numero legatos ad Q Marcium Regem mittit, cum mandatis hujuscemodi▪ Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 33.  But before this, C. Manlius finding that the Forces of Q. Marcius Rex drew near, sends some of his Company to him, with this or the like following Remonstrance.  

(*) Deos hominésque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam c●pisse, neque quò periculum aliis faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta forent, etc. Ibid.  WE call God and Man to witness, O General! that we have taken up Arms, neither against our Country, nor to do mischief to any Person, but to defend ourselves from injuries; who being made poor and miserable by the cruelty of Usurers, are most of us deprived of our Country, all of us of our Goods and Reputation. Nor is there left to any of us, that which is every one's Birthright, the benefit of the Law, nor freedom for our Persons when we have lost our Estates, such are the exactions of the Creditors, and the severity of the Praetor. Our Ancestors, being compassionate to the Roman People, have often succoured their necessities, by favourable Decrees. And of late, even in our Memory, when Debts were grown oppressive, then by the advice of all good men a fourth part was deemed satisfactory, a Farthing to be paid for a Penny. Oftentimes Common People either stirred up with a desire of Government, or driven to it by the pride of Magistrates, withdrew their obedience from the Fathers; but we neither seek Empire nor Riches: (which among Mortal men are the only causes of War and contention:) all we ask for is our Liberty which no good Man would lose, except he lose his life also; we conjure you and the Senate, now to consult the good of undone Citizens, restore us the Protection of Law, which the injustice of the Praetor hath deprived us of; and that you would not reduce us to a necessity, that we should seek by what means we may best avenge our Blood, and perish.  

(a) Ad haec Q. Marcius respondit; si quid ab Senatu petere vellent, ab armis discedant; Romam supplices proficiscantur: Ea mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo unquam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 34.  To this Marcius answered, That if they had any thing to desire of the Senate they should lay down their Arms, and go as Supplicants to Rome; that the Senate and Roman People were of such mercy and goodness, as none ever in vain implored their favour.  

(b) At Catilina ex itinere plerisque Consularibus, praeterea optumo cuique literas mittit, etc. falsis criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunis cedere, Massiliam in exilium proficisci. Ibid.  Catiline, so soon as ever he had left the City, does upon the Road writ back Letters to several Persons of Consular Dignity, and those that were most Eminent, assuring them the Crimes were utterly false that had been laid to his charge; and because he was not able to resist the factious power of his Enemies, therefore was he resolved to live an Exile at Massilia, a Town situated upon the  Bay, in the Mediterranean Sea; that and Narbo being two most Eminent Cities there; still going much by the same name of Marseilles and Narbonne.  

(d) Septima, (Orat. Consul.) quo Catilinam emisi; Octava, quam habui ad populum postridiè, quàm Catilina profugit. Cicer. ad Attic. Lib. 2. Epist. 1.  The very next Morning when the news of Catiline's nocturnal expedition, and the shame account of his retirement began to fill the City, Cicero comes into the public Assembly of the Roman People, and relates to them the whole Affair in this following Oration. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo. Lib. 2. Pag. 528.    

Cicero's Second Oration against Catiline.  
1. WE have now at length, O Quirites, expelled L. Catiline, foaming with rage, breathing forth Treason, inhumanely plotting his country's ruin, threatening you, and this whole City with Fire and Sword; or at least we have let him out, and driven him on by our importunities; he is gone, (what ever you please to call it) either withdrawn, or escaped, or broken away. This City now no longer contains within her own Bowels this Monster, this Prodigy, the busy Actor of perpetual mischief. Certain 'tis, we have prevailed against him, who is the only Leader of this intestine War. The treacherous Poniard will not now be so conversant about our Breast; we may now come to an Election, a Trial, a Senate, nay, (what was more than formerly we could) we may now enjoy our own Houses, without continual Terrors. Being driven from the City, he has lost that advantageous Spot upon which he stood; he is now an open Enemy, and none can deny but the War against him is just. No doubt but we undid the Man and obtained a brave Victory, when we drove him out of his lurking Treachery into apparent Treason. But that he was forced to carry away with him (so contrary to his wishes) his Dagger unstained with our Blood. That he left us alive behind him. That we have wrested the Sword out of his Hand, that the Citizens are saved, and the City standing; you cannot imagine how great his Sorrows are, how he is broken and subdued by them. Now, O Quirites, he lies, as it were, prostrate at your Feet; he feels the blow and the fall, casts back his envious Eyes and weeps over this City for having been rescued out of his devouring Jaws. But she seems to me refreshed and to rejoice having eased her Stomach of such a destructive Poison.  
2. But if there be any of you (as indeed you ought all to be) concerned, that I should now glory and triumph in this for which I ought to be severely censured, as not seizing upon, but promoting the escape of such a Capital Enemy; Know, O Quirites, that it is not my fault, the times won't bear it. Catiline ought long ago to have been executed to have been brought to condign punishment. This, I must confess, the customs of our Ancestors, the exact Justice of this Empire, the Public Interest have required at my hands: But how many think you, would have discredited all that I had related? how many by a stupid easiness would have remained unapprehensive of the Treason? How many would have favoured it? How many corrupted with wicked Principles, would have even justified it? But for all this could I have thought that the taking him off, would have sufficiently seemed you from all danger; I had long ago, not only ventured the envy of it, but readily offered my own Life to the opportunities of Sacrificing his, But when I saw that notwithstanding there was such clear proof made before you all, yet if I had punished him (as he deserved) with Death, I should have been so oppressed with Envy, that I had not been able to prosecute his Complices; I brought it to such a Head that you needed not openly engage, before he appeared, an open Enemy. This Enemy of ours, O Quirites, how much he is to be feared now he is abroad, you may apprehend by this, that nothing, troubles me more than his quitting the City with so small a Company: Would he had led out all his Forces with him. He carried away Tongillus, whose very Childhood became infamous by his love. He took also Publicius and Munatius, whose pitiful Debts in every Tavern did so oppress them that there was no fear, they could make any stir to the mischief of the Commonwealth. But then, what considerable Persons has he left behind him? Indeed deeply engaged in Debt; but withal, both how powerful and how noble they are, you yourselves know.  
3. As therefore for that Army of his, which he has collected, consisting of some old Desperadoes, debauched Rustics and broken Tenants; such, who choose to follow his Camp, merely to avoid the process of Law; who are ready to run away not only at the appearance of our Forces, but even at the Praetor's Edict; these are very contemptible in respect of our Gallicane Legions of those that Q. Metellus has listed in the Picenian and  Country, of those that we continually Muster at home. But the Gentlemen I see running up and down the Forum, standing in the Court, sitting in the very Senate, perfumed with Odours, adorned in Purple; these I could also wish he had carried out for his Soldiers with him. Who if they continue here, know for certain, are much more to be dreaded, though absent from the Army, than the Army is, which he has with him. And this proves how much they are to be feared; they are sensible I know their Intrigues, yet care not for all that. I know, to whom Apulia is assigned, who is to have Etruria, who the Picene Country, who the , who it was that begged for his part the City-management of the Massacre and Fire. They are sensible, that all the resolves of the Night before last have been brought to me; that I yesterday discovered them in the Senate; Catiline himself trembled, and fled upon it, What do these Men presume upon? I'll assure them they are much mistaken, if they suppose my former Lenity must be perpetual.  
4. That which I have all along laboured for, I have now obtained, that all of you might behold this Plot against the Government made apparent: Unless any of you can imagine that these who are so like Catiline are not of Catiline's Mind. And if you do think so, yet know however there can now be no allowance to such favourable Surmises, the affair itself importunes us to be severe: Yet one thing will I still grant them; that they may be gone; Oh! let them go; and not suffer poor Catiline to languish for them. I'll tell them the way, he is gone the Aurelia Road, if they will but make haste, they'll reach him before Night. Oh blessed state, if the sink of this City was but once well drained! Since the emptying it only of Catiline has given so great ease and refreshment. For what mischief and villainy can be invented or contrived that he did not design upon us? What poisoning Artist is there in Italy, what desperate Fencer, what Hector, what Assassin, what Murderer, what Forger, what Cheat, what Bully, what Whoremaster, what Bawd, what Pimp, what Prostitute, what ruin'd Wretch can be found who does not presently profess himself of Catiline's Club? What Murder has there been of late, and he not concerned in it? What villainous rape without his contrivance? Was there ever such another Artist in debauchery? Sometimes he was Master of the unnatural Amours, sometimes Mistress; to some he promised the enjoyment of a Lust, to others the Death of a Father, which was accomplished not only by his persuasion, but assistance. And now, what a Number of the vilest Rogues has he got together both from City and Country? There was not one Bankrupt in Rome, not one necessitous Rascal in any Corner of Italy, but what he hath drawn into the Confederacy of this incredible Treason.  
5. But to pursue his various Methods; you mayobserve how he hits each inclination with a proper difference: If in the Fencing School any one be more than ordinarily daring, he shall presently boast himself Catiline's Crony; if the Stage produces any one extremely soft and lecherous, he brags of Catiline's most agreeable Acquaintance. And this brave Patron of theirs long accustomed to the exercise of Whoring and Rapine, being inur'd to Cold and Hunger, to Thirst and Watching is still cried up by them as hardy and valiant; though in truth these supports of Valour and advantages for Virtue, are long ago consumed by his rage and intemperance. Such as he is, had all his Associates attended him; had all the scandalous crowd of Debauches quitted the Town when he did: Oh blessed People! Oh happy Government! Oh the unparallelled Glory of my Consulship! For as the World now goes, there is no such thing as a restrained Lust, a humane and tolerable Intrigue: Nothing now, but Massacre, and Fire, and Rapine: The have spent their Patrimonies, treated away their Estates; their Stock has been long consumed, and of late their Credit has been quite cracked, yet their Lusts are the same they were in their greatest affluence. If after all they desired nothing but to Drink and Game, to Guttle, and Wench, we might esteem them wretched, but possibly not intolerable: Whereas now, who can bear it, that these slothful Cowards should continually plot against the most Valiant men? the most Senseless against the most Prudent, the Sots against the Sober, the Sluggards against the Vigilant? Who sit at a Banquet embracing their impudent Misses, with heavy Heads and loaded Stomaches, crowned with Garlands, smeered with Ointments, enfeebled with Lechery, and then in the midst of their Discourse do they belch out the Massacre of good Men, and the firing of the City. I cannot but assure myself, there is some present judgement hanging over their Heads; and that those punishments, which have been long due to their Villainy and Treason, to their Lust and Debauchery, are either now treading upon their Heels, or not far from them. These, if my Consulship (being not able to reform) shall root out; it will prolong this Empire, not for a little uncertain time, but to a steady succession of many Ages. There is no Nation, that we need dread, no King that dare make War upon the Roman People: All things abroad, Sea and Land are secured by the Virtue of one General. But there is a War at our own Doors, Treachery at Home, Danger enclosing us on every side, the Enemy within us: We are now to engage against Luxury, Rage, Rebellion. This is the War, O Quirites, in which I now declare myself your General; I willingly load myself with the enmity of every mischievous Villain. What can be cured, I will by any means restore: But what must be cut off, I will not suffer to spread to our public ruin. Wherefore let them be gone, or be quiet: Or, if they will still stay in the City and retain their former Principles; let them expect to suffer, what they so much deserve.  
6. But some there are, O Quirites, who report that Catiline has been by me driven into Banishment. If speaking would do it, I would presently send them after him. For he, certainly, is a very timorous and extremely modest Man, not able to bear a Consular reprimand; so that so soon as ever he was but bid to go into Exile, he immediately obeyed and acquiesced, Yesterday when I was just upon being stabbed in my own House, I called a Senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator; I informed the Conscript Fathers of the whole Affair. Whither, when Catiline came, what Senator was there, that so much as spoke to him? Who saluted him? Who looked upon him otherwise than a most mischievous Citizen, or rather a most dangerous Enemy? Nay, those Noble Persons who were of his Quality, left that Bench empty and naked, upon which he sat. And now, I am the cruel Consul that banish Men with a word: I did but ask Catiline, whether he had a Nocturnal Consult at Lecca's, or No. When he (whose Forehead never failed him before) was so convinced in Conscience that he at first stood mute: Then I proceeded to discover; what he had done that Night, where he had been, what he had resolved upon for the next. Then I gave a plain Description of the whole Design and Method of the War. When he went to reply, he faltered and was plainly baffled: I than asked him, what made him so unresolved in that Expedition, which he had so long provided for? I told him I knew well enough, he had sent before his Arms, his Rods and Axes, his Trumpets, his Military Ensigns, and that Silver Eagle, to which, he had a his House, a Chapel of Villainy consecrated. Yet I have banished him, who has thus begun a War! Is it likely that Manlius, the Centurion, who is already encamped in the Fesulane Country, should proclaim War, against the Romans in his own Name? And so that Camp has no manner of expectations in Catiline? He (poor Man) is driven into Exile, withdrawn not to these Forces (as 'tis said) but to an obscure retirement at Marseilles.  
7. A miserable Province it is, not only to govern, but even to preserve the Commonwealth. Now, if it had so happened that L. Catiline, circumvented and defeated by my Councils, Labours, hazards, should in a sudden fright have changed his resolution, deserted his Party, cast away the Thoughts of War, quitted his intentions of Treason and Rebellion, betaking himself to Flight and Exile: It would not have been said, that he was by me disarmed of his impudence, that he was stunned and terrified by my diligence, that he was driven from his hopes and designs; but that an uncondemned innocent Person was by the Consul, his power and threats, forced into banishment: And there are those, who (if he had done so) would have esteemed him not mischievous, but unfortunate; and me not a most vigilant Consul, but a most cruel Tyrant. Yet 'tis worth the while, O Quirites, to bear the tempest of this false and unjust envy whilst I may shelter you from the danger of this dreadful and bloody War. Let it be said, he was cast out by me: may it but be true that he is gone into banishment: But, I am certain, you will not find it so. I'll assure you, I'll never desire the Immortal God's, that L. Catiline may lead an Army of Rebels, and you receive Intelligence of his braving it in the Head of them, whereby the Envy, I have contracted, may be appeased: But within three Days you will know it too well. And then I fear, it will be more invidiously censured, that I let him go, than that I cast him out. Such men, as because he is withdrawn, cry out, he is banished; what would they have said, if he had been executed? Though, I must say, those that make such a clamour of his retiring to Marseilles, fear nothing more, than that it should be so: There is none of these commiserating Creatures, but had much rather he should be gone to Manlius than the Massilians. And I know him so well, that had he not been at all engaged in the present designs, his Genius inclines him to die, rather in a Rebellion than an Exile. However since nothing has happened to him, besides what proceeded from his own intentions and resolutions (I must except that he went away and left us alive at Rome) Let us rather wish it true, than complain that he is gone into banishment.  
8. But why do we insist so long upon one Enemy? an Enemy that is now confessedly so: and whom, because, as I have ever wished, the City Walls do separate, I no longer fear. But why do we say nothing of those that are left in Masquerade at Rome, and are amongst us? Whom I (if by any means possible I could) would endeavour not to be revenged of, but to restore: And why they may not be restored to the Commonwealth if they would take my advice I cannot understand: I will tell you, O Quirites, of what sort of men they consist, then as well as I am able I will afford to each of them the remedy of my advice, and counsel. One sort is of those who are much in Debt, but of great Estates, and are so possessed with the love of them, that they will by no means sell any part of them: These I look upon as the most honourable, for they are indeed Rich, but their resolutions and humour, are most inexcusable. You are possessed of Lands, Houses, Goods, Chattels, and every thing else about you, and you cannot persuade yourselves to diminish your possessions, to augment your Credit. Well, what do you expect? a War? What then? do you think that in a common ruin your possessions will be so Sacred, as not to be touched? do you expect Proposals for cancelling old Debts? They are much mistaken that expect this from Catiline. You shall have new Proposals, by my advice, but such as must put you upon Selling, nor is there any other way possible, that those who have Estates should quietly enjoy them. Which if they would have done sooner, nor have (as is most vain) continued struggling with encumbrances upon their Farms, we might have enjoyed them, much better and much richer Citizens. But I think these men are least of all to be dreaded, because they may either be won over from their intentions, or if they will persist in them, seem more likely to put up Prayers, than to bear Arms against the Commonwealth.  
9 There is another sort of those who are oppressed with Debt and yet desire to Rule, would have the Government in their hands, think those Honours which they cannot enjoy in a quiet state, would in the troubles of it fall into their Laps. To these this seems advisable, which I offer to all the rest, that they would despair for ever obtaining what they labour for: First, let them know that I ever watch, am present, and provide for the Commonwealth; then, that there is a great courage in all good men; a great Concord, a vast multitude, and mighty Military Forces: Last of all, that the Immortal Gods, are ever ready to help this invincible People, this most renowned Empire, this most famous City, against all the violence of Wickedness. But if they had accomplished what with the greatest madness they desire, can they hope in the Ashes of the City, and the Blood of the Citizens, (which with impious and cruel Affections they thirst after that they shall be Consuls, or Dictator's, or Kings? Do they not see, they desire that which, if obtained, must necessarily give the reward to some Vagabond or Gladiator? The third sort is of those whose Age is almost spent, yet strong in Experience, of whom is Manlius, to whom Catiline now succeeds. These men are of those Colonies which Silvius planted at Faesulae, which I apprehend to have been of the best Citizens, and most Valiant men, but such who exalted with sudden and unexpected Riches, have lived sumptuously and extravagantly. They build as if they should be ever happy, and whilst they delight themselves with their Manors, their Coaches, their great Retinues, their splendid Feasts, they fall into such Debts, as if ever they would get out of, Silvius must be raised from the Dead. These have drawn some other Country, mean, needy Fellows into the same hopes of their old Rapines. Both of which, O Quirites, I reckon as Robbers, and Plunderers, but I admonish them to leave off being mad, and fancying Sequestrations, and Dictatorships. For the scars of those times are so deeply imprinted upon the Citizens, that not only Men, but even Beasts would be unwilling to undergo them again.  
10. The fourth sort is very various, mixed, and turbulent, who have been a great while sunk, and will never rise, who partly by their sloth, partly by their imprudence, partly by their expensiveness, stagger in their old Debts. Who being wearied out, with Suits, Judgements, Prosecutions driven out of the City, and Country, are retired into that Rendezvouz. Whom I do not look so much upon, to be bold Soldiers as Idle Cheats. If these cannot stand, e'en let them fall, but so fall, that neither the City, nor even their next Neighbour's, feel them. But I do not understand this, why if they cannot live honestly, they must needs desire to perish so basely, or why they should think it a less trouble to destroy so many with them than to perish alone. The fifth sort is of Traitors, Assassins, and of all the most villainous whom I do not recall from Catiline, nor indeed can they ever be parted from him; but let them perish in the Treason, for they are too many for a Prison to secure. The last sort is not only of Catiline's number, but his own way and course of Life, his proper choice, whom he hugs, whom he lays in his Bosom; these you may see well Combed and Powdered, either with no Beard, or a very neat one, clothed in their wide long Coats, with Mantles, not Gowns, the industry of whose life, and laborious watchfulness, is entirely spent in the Revels of the Night. In these Clubs are conversantall the Gamesters, the Pimps, the Adulterers, the Immodest; these fine jolly Lads have learned, not only to make love, and receive it, to Sing, and Dance, but to Stab and Poison; now unless these be driven out, and destroyed, although Catiline did perish, yet know there would remain a Catilinarian Seminary in the Commonwealth. But what would those Wretches do? would they carry their Wenches along with them into the Tents? or can they be without them these long cold Nights? How will they be able to endure the Apennineses, the Frost and Snow there: unless perhaps they fancy they shall be better able to endure the Winter, because they have learned to Dance Naked in their Banquets.  
11. A War sure much to be dreaded, when Catiline hath with him such a Praetorian Troop of Drabs. Now Quirites rank the Guards, and Armies, against these such famous Forces of Catiline: First, to the Gladiator himself baffled and broken oppose your Consuls and Commanders: Then, against that feeble and refuse handful of undone Wretches, draw forth the Flower and Strength of all Italy. Our Colonies, and free Towns shall be set against the rude and country Garrisons of Catiline. Nor is it necessary that I should compare the rest of our Forces, Ammunition, Provision, with the Wants and Necessities of that Rebel. But if all these things were omitted which we are supplied with, and he wants; set aside the Senate, the Roman Knights and People, the City, the Treasury, the Customs, all Italy, all the Provinces, and Foreign Nations, if, I say, all these were omitted, let us but compare the causes together and so engage; from thence alone we may be assured how miserably they must fall. For on our side Justice fights, on theirs, Peevishness; on ours Chastity, on theirs Debauchery; on ours Fidelity, on theirs Fraud; on ours Piety, on theirs Wickedness; on ours Constancy, on theirs Rashness; on ours Honour, on theirs Baseness; on ours Continence, on theirs Lust; in a word Equity, Temperance, Fortitude, Prudence, all the Virtues contend with Injury, Luxury, Sloth, Rage, and all the Vices: Lastly, Plenty with Wants, good Reason with depraved, a sound Mind with Madness, a well grounded hope, with a most improbable Presumption. Now in such an engagement and conflict as this, would not (if the endeavours of men were wanting) the Immortal Gods themselves force, so many and so great Vices, to submit to such excellent Virtues.  
12. Since things are so, O Quirites, go as I said before, keep Watch and Ward in your own Houses, I have taken sufficient care, and provided that the City shall be guarded without your Rising or any Tumult. The Country and Towns about shall quickly know of Catiline's excursion last Night, and put themselves into a posture of defence; the Gladiators, (a great part of whom he thought assured to himself) have not only better resolutions than many Patricians, but are besides all safe within our power. Q. Metellus whom (foreseeing what came to pass) I sent before into the Gallicane and Picene Country will either suppress the Rebel, or else stop all his designs, and proceed. As to the management of all other Affairs, the ripening, and transacting of them, we will refer them to the Senate, which you now know is summoned. But as to those who have tarried in the City, and were left here by Catiline, that they might plot against the safety of it, and of all you, though they be Enemies, yet because they were born Citizens I cannot but again and again admonish them. If my lenity hath seemed to any one too far extended, let him know 'twas upon this account; that what was hid might have time to break out. But for what's to come, I am not able to forget that this is my Country, that I am your Consul, That I must either live with you, or die for you. If there be any that would be gone they may take their course, no body will stop them at the Gates, there is no Ambush in the way; but if any one stirs within the City, whom I shall apprehend not only in the Fact, but in any attempt or design against his Country, he shall quickly find that there are in this City vigilant Consuls, Excellent Magistrates, a valiant Senate, Arms, and Prisons, which our Ancestors designed as punishments for impious villainies.  
13. All these things, Quirites, shall be so managed that the greatest Affairs may be appealed with the least trouble, the greatest dangers with no stir, an Intestine War; since the Memory of Man most cruel, and potent, by the Conduct of one Gown-man for the General. Which, O Quirites, if possible I would so bring to pass, that no one how ever mischievous may suffer the punishment of his wickedness in this City. But if any open violence, any danger imminently threatening my Country shall, necessarily drive me from this lenity of Affection; I will then aim at that, which can hardly be expected in so great and treacherous a War, that not one good Man may perish, and that by the punishment of a very few, you may all be saved. Which I do not pretend, O Quirites, to be able to accomplish by my own prudence or humane Counsels, but by the many and plain intimations of the Immortal Gods: who being my Guides I am arrived at this hope, this opinion: Who are not now at that distance they were wont to be when we engaged with a foreign, remote Enemy, but with a more concerned presence, and assistance, are ready to save their Temples, and the Houses of this City: whom you now aught, O Quirites, to adore, to pray, and beseech, that since it hath been their pleasure to make this City the most beautiful, the most flourishing, the most powerful, they would now preserve her (whose foreign Enemies are subdued by Sea and Land,) from the destructive villainies of most pernicious Citizens.  

(e) Ab his long diversas literat Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit; quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat; earum exemplum infra scriptum est. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 34.  Soon after this a Letter was sent from Catiline, to the excellent Q. Luctatius Catulus very different, from those former by which he had endeavoured to possess the City with a belief that he was only retired to Massilia; not as Conscious to himself of any ill designs, but only for the sake of the public quiet, and that no disturbance might arise from engaging with his adversaries. In this he acquainted the noble Catulus, (of whose goodness he had been formerly a partaker) with the injuries he had sustained, the public defence of the Oppressed which he had undertaken, recommending to him the care of his Family in this time of his distress; upon the receipt whereof, this faithful Patriot; valuing the Public safety before any particular friendship, and knowing the duty he owed to his Country was ever to be preferred before all private Obligations, read the Letter to the Senate, a Copy whereof is here annexed:  

(*) Catilina, Catulo S. Egregia tua fides recognita, mihi-magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationis meae tribuit, etc.  L. Catiline, to Q. Catulus health. Your Eminent Fidelity which I have had such Experience of, in my greatest dangers, gives me assurance that I may recommend my Affairs into your hands. Wherefore I think it less necessary to make any defence for my proceed: But to give you the satisfaction of pleading my Innocence; which upon my Conscience you must submit unto. But thus much I shall say, that being driven about with injuries and disgraces, deprived of the Fruits of my Labour and Industry, and of that just Degree of Dignity I had deserved of the Commonwealth; therefore have I (as my practice hath been) undertaken the public cause of the miserable. Not but that I was able to pay my own Debts with my own Revenues, especially since the liberality of Aurelia Orestilla by her own, and her Daughter's fortunes, could have given abundant satisfaction. But because I saw unworthy men promoted to Honour, and myself oppressed with false suspicions; for this cause have I pursued my hopes (honest enough as the case stands) of preserving the remainders of my Honour. I was about to write more, but 'tis just now told me that there is a force preparing; I only recommend to you and your fidelity my Orestilla, I beg of you, as you love your own Children, defend her from injury; Adieu.  

(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo. Lib. 5. Pag. 229.  Catiline tarrying some few days with C. Flaminius in the Reatine Country, (which was about Thirty English Miles from Rome) and is now called Sabinia, from the Sabini, People that anciently inhabited it, whose principal City was Reate, with little alteration at present named Rieti; 
(g) Sed ipse, paucos dies commoratus apud C. Flaminium in agro Reatino, tum vicinitatem ante solicitatam armis exornat, cum fascibus, atque aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manlium contendit. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 35.  did there Arm the People who were before solicited to his Interest, and then displaying his Imperial Ensigns marched forward to the Tents of Manlius.  

(h) Hec ubi Romae comperta sunt, senatus Catilinam, & Manlium hosts judicant; caeterae multitudini diem statuit, antequam 〈◊〉 et sine fraude ab armis discedere, Praeter rerum capitalium condemnatis. Ibid. Cap. 36.  The News of this was quickly brought to Rome, Catiline and Manlius by Decree of the Senate adjudged public Enemies, and a Day appointed, by which, if the rest would lay down their Arms, they should be all pardoned; except those who for some former Crimes had been condemned to die.  

(i) 
Praeterea, decernit uti consules delectum habeant; Antonius cum exercitu Catilinam persequi maturet; Cicero urbi prasidio sit. Ibid.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. P. 50.   'Twas decreed also the Consuls should raise an Army as their manner was, by Electing so many Citizens out of every Company as the occasion required; that Antonius (whose inclinations to the Conspirarcy were not then known) should lead them against Catiline, that Cicero should stay at home and guard Rome, which was the employment that this vigilant Consul did above all desire; for when the brave Province of Macedon was assigned him, he willingly quitted it to his Colleague; afterward receiving Gallia in lieu thereof, he still chose to stay at home and watch over the City, sending Metellus thither, that Catiline might not get possession of it. At this time also did the Senate lay aside their Robes of Honour, and put on (as was usual in public dangers and calamities) a mourning habit.  

(k) Ea tempestate mihi imperium populi Romani multo maxumè miserabile visum est: cull cum ad occasum ab ortu solis omnia domita armis parerent, domi otium, atque divitiae quae prima mortales putant, affluerent, fuere tamen cives qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent namque duobus senati decretis ex tanta multitudine neque praemio inducto conjurationem patefecerat neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium discesserat. Tanta vis morbi, atque utì tabes plerosque civium animos invaserat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 36.  And now indeed the State of the Roman Empire appeared very miserable, that when their Armies abroad had from East to West subdued all those Nations which the Sun in his daily Circuit discovered to them, when they had Peace and Riches at home, which Mortals are most apt to dote upon: Then their own Citizens should with obstinate resolutions proceed to ruin both themselves and the Commonwealth! For notwithstanding two Decrees of the Senate, yet out of to great a Number of the Conspirators none could be induced even by hopes of reward, to make any farther discovery; not one could be persuaded to desert the Tents of Catiline; such was the power of the Disease, such an inveterate malignity had seized the generality of Citizens'.  
But this could not be without some proportionable cause: The Nobles, and the Commons too had given themselves up to pursue distinct interests, and such as were most prejudicial to the Common safety. 
(l) Nam postquam Cneo Pompeio & M. Crasso Coss. tribunitia potestas restituta est; homines adolescentes summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas, animusque ferox erat, coepere, senatum criminando, plebem exagitare; dein largiendo, atque pollicitando magis incenderent; ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas, senatus sub specie pro sua magitudine. Namque, utì paucis verum absolvam, per illa tempora quicunque rempub. agitavere honestis nominibus, alii, sicuti jura populi defenderent, pars quo senatus auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro sua quisque potentià certabat. Neque illis modestia, neque modus censentionis erat: utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant: Ibid. Cap. 38.  For since the last Seven years, that the Tribunitian power (which had been almost quite taken away by Sylla) was fully restored by the Consuls, Pompey, and Crassus, some young men, (whose heat and age were over vigorous) obtaining that  Authority, made it their business to traduce the Senate, and to stir up the People, then by gifts and promises so to inflame them, that they might thereby become eminent and powerful. On the other side, the Nobility seemed but to stand their ground, and struggle to maintain their just greatness. But, to speak a mighty Truth in few Words, Those who had then the Government in their Hands, did some of them with fair pretences defend the People's rights, some of them stand up for the Senate's Authority, but all of them counterfeiting the public good, did really contend for the enlargement of their own particular power, and this without any temper, for when either side got a Victory, it was pursued to the greatest excess.  
Thus, the Empire having contracted so great an indisposition, its Spirits raised to an immoderate height, than agitated by discontent, envy, ambition, seemed to be arrived at the critical Moment of its ruin. 
(m) Sed ubi primùm dubiis rebus novandis spes oblata est, vetus certamen animos eorum arrexit. Quod si primo praelio Catilina superior aut aequâ manu discessisset; profecto magna clades, atque calamitas rempub. oppressisset; neque illis, qui victoriam adepti forent, diutius eâ uti licuisset, quin defessis & exanguibus, qui plus possit, imperium atque libertatem extorqueret. Ibid. Cap 31.  The first opportunities of a change awakened the sleeping disease, and began to set all into an Hectic rage. Had Catiline been Conqueror at the first engagement, or had he but gone off with equal advantages, vast slaughter, and calamity had oppressed the Commonwealth: Nor could those that had got the Victory have long enjoyed it; when they had spent their Blood and fainted, than some one more powerful would have stepped in and wrested Dominion and Liberty out of their Hands.  
If the sense and experience of Ages could make us wise, how would all that are embarked in one Government, seek its entire undisturbed preservation! 'Tis prodigious folly for men in a sinking ship to quarrel who should command, to scuffle for Goods to furnish their private Cabins; but 'tis the most extreme madness to endeavour its loss, that they may enrich themselves by their own wrecks: Which every one must be guilty of, who enjoys either Goods or life under the protection of any state, and doth not sincerely endeavour its support.  

(n) 
Fuere tamen extra conjurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam intitio profecti sunt: in his erat Fulvius, Senatoris filius: quem retractum ex itinere parens necari jussit. Ibid.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. Pa. 52.   Many there were, besides those engaged in Catiline's private Conspiracy who upon his public appearance joined themselves to his Forces: among others, Aulus Fulvius, a Senators Son; but that truly Roman Father caused him to be brought back again, and put to death; thereby demonstrating that the affections of a Patriot might be stronger than those of a Parent: Nor is this any rare Example among the Roman People, private Persons as well as those in Authority exercising this severe Jurisdiction over their Children.  

(o) jisdem fere temporibus, in Gallia citeriore, atque ulteriore, item in agro Piceno, Bruttio, Apulio, motus erat, namque illi, quos ante Catilina dimiserat, inconsultè, ac veluti per dementiam cuncta simul agere: nocturnis conciliis, armorum, atque telorum portationibus, festinando, adjutando omnia plus timoris quam periculi effecerant, ex eo numero complures Q. Metellus Celer Praetor ex S. C. causa cognita, in vincula conjecerat; item in citeriore Gallia C. Muraena, qui ei provinciae Legatus praeerat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 42.  The Insurrections which were breaking out in both the Gallia's, and appeared in those several parts of Italy, where Catiline had scattered his Emissaries, were very much suppressed by the Commanders, whom the Senate had sent into the several Provinces for that purpose: For most of the Rebels acted madly and rashly, making a great Tumult and Hurry, but with much greater appearance than danger to the Commonwealth. Q. Metellus Celer in Apulia apprehended many and committed them to Prison; which was done also by C. Muraena, who was Lieutenant of the higher Gallia; 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo, Lib. 5. Pag. 217.  this is that Country which was particularly called the Cisalpine Gaul, separated from the further Gallia by the Alps (from whence the distinction had its denomination) and from the rest of Italy (whereof it is now a part) by Mount Apennine, which is the great Bank of Etruria, and by the River Aesis at first, afterward by the River Rubicon, both running into the Adriatic Sea.  

(q) Dii faxint, ut meus Collega, vir fortissimus, hoc Catilinae nefarium latrocinium armatus opprimat: ego togatus, vobis, bonisque omnibus adjutoribus, hoc, quod conceptum Respubls. periculum parturit, concilio discutiam & comprimam. Cicer. Orat. pro Muraen. Cap. 29.  At this time whilst Catiline was in Arms, and C. Antonius leading the Consular Forces against him, an unhappy Controversy fell out, which might have proved of very ill consequence to the Commonwealth, it being of public concern, and contested between the most sincere Patriots, whose disagreements must needs be extremely dangerous, since the safety of all depends upon their unanimity.  

(*) Vid. Cicer. Orationem pro Muraena.  Servius Sulpitius late Competitor for the Consulship accuses L. Licinius Muraena Consul Elect, of Bribery in his canvasing for that high Dignity: 
(r) Quod ad Catonem pertinet, summam, illi faelicitatem contigisse, consensus hominum fatebitur. Quem sibi rerum natura delegit, cum quo metuenda collideret. Seneca, Lib. de provide. Cap. 3.  M. Porcius Cato the Oracle of Rome, and Elected by Nature as the most eminent instance of invincible Virtue, becomes also one of his accusers. 
(s) Si L. Catilina cum suo consilio nefariorum hominum, quos secum eduxit, hac de re possit judicare, condemnaret L. Muraenam: si interficere possit, occideret. Cicer. Orat. pro Mur. Cap. 39  for though this was much to the advantage of Catiline, who would gladly (had it been in his power) not only have put by Muraena but cut his Throat; yet 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarchi Cato minor. Pag. 769.  that inflexible Stoic, having sworn to accuse any Person whatsoever who should give Money to carry the Election, doth with great fierceness prosecute the cause.  
The eloquent Hortensius, the powerful Crassus, and the learned Cicero defended him; 
(u) Quis mihi in republica potest, aut debet esse conjunctior, quàm is, cui respub. à me unà traditur sustinenda, magnis meis laboribus & periculis sustentata? Cicer. pro Mur. Cap. 2.  the Consul professed it his greatest duty and concern, to put the Commonwealth, so happily preserved by him, into the Hands of Muraena. 
(w) Nec minus vellent, Cato, te quoque aliqua ratione, si possent, tollere: Sed cum consulari Authoritate, & auxilio spoliatum vim tribunitiam viderint, tum se facilius inermem, & debilitatum te oppressuros arbitrantur. Ibid. Cap. 38.  Cato Tribune Elect for the ensuing year was bid to consider the storm that would come upon him, who was raised up by good men to stop the fury of his pernicious Colleagues: That his Enemies did by all means endeavour to destroy him, and when his Tribunitian power was bereft of the Consular assistance, they would easily suppress him, as he should then be weak and desolate. 
(x) Invidiam verò his temporibus habere consulatus ipse nullam potest. Objicitur enim concionibus Seditiosorum insidiit conjuratorum, telis Catilinae, ad omne denique periculum, atque ad omnem invidiam Solus opponitur. Ibid. Cap. 39  That in these times no Man need envy Muraena the Consulship, 'twould expose him to the slanderous raillery of the Seditious, to the snares of the Conspirators, to the Darts of Catiline: He must be the Principal Person on whom all the hatred and danger was like to fall.  
This with a great deal more that had been said to the advantage of his reputation, prevailed upon the Judges, and the Old Election was confirmed.  
Now the Conspirators came to lay their last design, in which the entire Treason might be consummated 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  the Principal of them left at Rome was, Cornelius Lentulus, whose discontented and aspiring Genius was mightily raised by the Fortune-tellers of those times: Singing many Poetic Prophecies, and Oracles which they pretended to have out of the Sibyllin Records: That three Cornelius' should be Monarches of Rome, which had been already accomplished in two, Cinna and Sylla, that now the Fates were offering to him (the Third Cornelius) the Supreme Power, he ought not to neglect the acceptance and spoil the opportunity by delay.  

(z) Praeterea, ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vigesimum annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices respondissent bello civili cruentum fore. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 47.  Besides, the 
(a) Veteri lege sancitum erat, ut priusquam augurandi scientia Romanis innotuisset, haec ad Etruscot deferentur; verba legis sunt: PRODIGIA. ET. PORTENTA. AD. HETRUSCOS. HARUSPICES. SI. SENATUS. JUSSERIT. DEFERUNTO. HETRURIAEQUE. PRINCIPES. DISCIPLINAM. DISCUNTO. QUIBUS. DIVIS. DECREVERINT PROCURANTO. JISDEM. FULGURA. ET. OSTENTA. PIANTA. AUSPICIA. SERVANTO. AUGURI. PARENTO. Ex hac lege decreto senatûs sex optimatum filios Hetruscis in disciplinam tradi solitos, ut augurandi artem addiscerent, proditum est. Qua quidem arte, Faesulae claruerunt, ubi & domicilium & collegium Augurum fuit. Peucer. de di vinat.  Hetrurian Prophets, to whom the ancient Laws of Rome committed the Authority of Divination, and whose Principal College was at Faesulae, often foretold that this Twentieth Year from the burning of the Capitol 
(b) Capitolium interjecto CCCCXV. annorum spacio, L. Scipione, C. Norbano Coss. Flagraverat. curam Vict. Silvius suscepit, neque tamen dedicavit; hoc solum faelicitati ejus negatum. Lutalis Catuli nomen, inter tanta Caesarum opera; usque ad Vitellium mansit. Cor. Tacit. Hist. Lib. 3. Cap. 72.  which was in the Consulship of Scipio and Norbanus, but again rebuilt by Sylla, and dedicated in the Name of the Noble Lutatius Catulus should be very Bloody by a Civil War.  

* Cicer. Orat. in Cat. 3. Cap. 4.  This was also the Tenth Year since the Vestal Virgins were acquitted from that Accusation which Catiline and his acquaintance, too much frequenting their Company, had drawn them into; among which was Fabia, Sister to Terentia, the Wife of Cicero, who therefore told Catiline in that Oration he made against him when he was Candidate: You have lived after such a manner, that there is no place so Holy, but your very access to it, though there be nothing but Innocence, confers a Crime.  

(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  These Prophetic encouragements, drove Lentulus to such resolutions, that no small ordinary Villainies would serve his turn, nothing less than murdering the whole Senate, and as many more Citizens as he was able, nothing less than burning down the City itself.  
Thus superstition, service invented and managed by the Devil is generally made use of to promote the most horrid Villainies, and to sublimate humane corruption into the destructive fineness of his own Spiritual wickedness: If at any time it be accommodated by Politicians to the uses of Government, it may serve a present turn, but then afterwards discovers so much of trick and imposture, that it cannot be long serviceable to them. 
(c) Fabia virgo Vestalis causam incesti dixerat cum ei Catilina objiceretur; eratque absoluta haec Fabia, quia soror erat Terentiae Ciceronis. Ideo sic dixit, ita vixisti ut non esset locus tam Sanctus, quò non adventus tuus, etiam cum culpa nulla subesset, crimen afferret. Ascan. Ped. in Ora. Cicer. in tog. cand. contra C. Anton. & L. Catil.   
Those alone which are truly Divine Oracles can guide our Designs in Virtue and Happiness, give us sure direction and steady repose in all dangers, teach infallibly what to revere and what to expect, and on them may we ever rely as a Foundation unshaken by the succession of all Ages.  

(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  Lentulus' resolves to snatch none but Pompey's Children out of the destruction, whom it was necessary to keep as Pledges of Security against the return of that great Conqueror; 
(f) Fines vestri imperii, non terrae, sed coeli regionibus terminaret. Cicer. in Cat. 3. Cap. 11.  who had now terminated the Bounds of the Roman Empire, not so much by the Coasts of Earth, as the Regions of Heaven. For it was the Notion of that and the former Ages, that as the Heavens did encircle this lower World 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo. Lib. 1. Pag. 11.  (acknowledged as a Principle by them to be Spherical,) 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Pag. 2.  so did the great external Ocean encompass the habitable Land, and that again surrounded the Mediterranean, (or as they called it the internal) Sea.  

(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Pomp. Pag. 689.  Pompey therefore having extended his Victorious Conquests to the external Ocean, through all the utmost opposite parts of the Earth, was supposed to have made them conterminous with the Heavens: He had reached the South-west shores of the African Ocean: In Spain he had brought the Bounds of the Roman Empire to the Atlantic Sea (which were the farthest Northwest parts that were known to them, till Caesar afterwards visited the Shores of Gaul and Britain:) Then in the Eastern World in the pursuit of the Albani, he almost touched the Hyrcanian or Caspian Sea (which omitting the unknown parts of Tartary and China, were esteemed the utmost North-east bounds:) And this last expedition (from whence he was now returning) reached to Arabia, and the Red Sea, the great inlet of the Southeast Indian Ocean.  
It was therefore very necessary to provide for his Friendship who had thus conquered the World, and might very justly be supposed the Master of his own City when he came back.  

(k) At Romae Lentulus cum caeteris, qui principes conjurationis erant, paratis, uti videbatur, magnis copiis, constituerat, utì, cum Catilina in agrum Faesulanum cum exercitu venisset, L. Bestia, Tribunus plebis concione habita, quaereretur de actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissimi invidiam, optumo Consuli imponeret. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 43.  The great appointment which Lentulus and the Conspirators made, was, that when Catiline had taken the Field with his Army at Faesulae; the City should presently to correspond with his Motion, be exposed to Fire and Sword.  
It was particularly contrived that L. Bestia Tribune of the People should in a public Assembly complain of Cicero's actions, and transpose the Envy of the worst War upon the best Consul.  

(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, App. Alex. de Bell. Civil. lib. 2.  Appian gives us an account that so soon as intelligence came of Catiline's arrival at Faesulae, Lentulus, and Cethegus were to attend about Cicero's Gate, who upon the account of their quality being admitted into his Conversation; should as it were by a prolonged discourse draw him from his Company, and murder him: That then L. Sextius Tribune of the People should Summon an Assembly, and accuse Cicero as a Man timorous and turbulent, always alarming the City when there was not the least cause of fear.  

(m) Eo signo, proxuma nocte, caetera multitudo conjurationis suum quisque negotium exsequeretur. Sed ea divisa hoc modo dicebantur: Statilius & Gabinius uti cum magna manu duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tumultu facilior aditus ad Consulem, caeterósque quibus insidiae parabantur, fieret. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 43.  This Transaction was to be the great signal, that upon the next Night after, the whole Multitude of the Conspiracy should break out; and every one commit his assigned Treason. Sallust tells us it was appointed that Statilius and Gabinius, should with a great Company assisting them, at once set on Fire Twelve the most opportune places of the City. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  Plutarch affirms that the City was distributed into an Hundred parts; to these, an Hundred Persons were by Lot appointed, each Man particularly superintendent to his own Ward that all being set on Fire together, the whole might be one universal conflagration: Others should then attend upon the Conduits, and cut the Throats of all those who came to fetch Water.  

(o) Hoc tempore, cum arderet acerrimè, conjuratio: cùm Catilina egrederetur ad exercitum: Lentulus in urbe relinqueretur: Cassius incendiis, Cethegus caedi praeponeretur: Autronio ut occuparet Etruriam, praescriberetur. Cicer. Orat. pro Silvius Cap. 19  Cicero himself gives us this distribution, that Lentulus was left as Principal in the City, Cassius was to manage the Fire, Cethegus the Massacre: That Autronius was particularly to Head the Rebellion in Etruria, 
(†) Cicer. Orat. in Cat. 3.  Ceperius in Apulia. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Ccer. Pag. 869.  Lentulus' being the grand Orderer of Affairs at Rome, determines the time of Catilines advance and the City's destruction to be upon one of the Saturnalia, a great Festival which lasted for Five days, and 
* Gassendi Roman. Calend.  began upon XVI Cal. of January, our Seventeenth of December. 
(q) Inter haec parata, atque decreta, Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum, illos dubitando, & dies prolatando magnas opportunitates corrumpere; facto, non consulto, in tali periculo opus esse: Séque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, impetum in curiam facturum, Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 43.  Cethegus complained very much of this delay, that his Company thus Spun out the time and lost their opportunities, that he placing the greatest advantage in expedition, if any few would help him, was ready presently to set upon the Senate. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  In the mean time his House was made the Magazine of Arms and Fireworks, particularly of Swords, Tow, and Brimstone.  

(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  But whilst these things were transacting, another design was attempted by them, which over-did the Plot, and happily ruined the whole Affair: They were desirous not only to strengthen themselves, by drawing in Citizens at home, but would add (if possible) some foreign Assistance to Catiline: And it happened that there were then two Ambassadors of the Allobroges, residing at Rome; a Nation much oppressed by the Roman Government, and which above all hated it. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo. Lib. 4. Pag. 186.  They were anciently a People who with their Thousands, came down in torrent expeditions upon the parts of Europe, but at the time of this Conspiracy, inhabited the Plains and Valleys under the Alps; the most considerable of them built the City Vienna, formerly a Village, by them made the Metropolis of the Country: This Gallicane Vienna was situated upon the Banks of Rhodanus which flowing violently from the Alps into a great Lake, and then running through the Champaign part of the Allobroges and Segusians mingles its streams with the Araxis at Lugdunum: Which places are now known by the modern Names of Daulpine, Piedmont, Savoy, and the Lake Lemane.  
The  Nation had ever been most fell and fatal to Rome, but the Conspirators designing her destruction, these were embraced as the most proper instruments 
(u) Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat; utì legatos Allobrogum requirat; cosque, si possit, impellat ad societatem belli, existumans publicè, privatímque aere alieno oppressos, praeterea quod naturâ gens Gallica bellicosa esset; faciliùs ad tale consilium adduci posse. Umbrenus quòd in Gallia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus civitatum notus erat, atque eos noverat: itaque sine mora, ubi primum legatos in foro conspexit, percunctatus pauca de statu civitatis, & quasi dolens ejus casum, requirere coepit, quem exitum tantis malis sperarent; postquam illos videt queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare senatum, quod in eo auxilii nihil esset; miseriis suis remedium mortem expectare: At ego (inquit) vobis si modo viri esse vultis, rationem ostendam, quâ tanta mala ista effugiatis. Haec ubi dixit; Allobroges, in spem maxumam adducti, Umbrenum orare, utì sui misereretur: nihil tam asperum, neque tam difficile esse, quod non cupidissumè facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret: Ille eos in domum D. Bruti perducit; quòd foro propinqua erat; neque aliena consilii propter Semproniam; nam tum Brutus ab Roma aberat. Praeterea, Gabbinium accersit, quò major auctoritas sermoni inesset; Eo praesente conjurationem aperit. nominat socios, praeterea multos cujusque generis innoxios; quò legatis animus amplior esset: Dein eos, pollicitos operam suam domu m dimittit. Sall. Bell. Cat.. 40.  for this purpose P. Umbrenus, one who had formerly negotiated in their City, and was well known to the Principal Persons among them, was employed to draw them into the Conspiracy; he asked them something of their concerns, pitied their oppression, and demanded of them what end they could expect of their sufferings? After he had heard them complain of the Covetousness of their Magistrates, the negligence of the Senate, and that they could expect nothing but death as a remedy to their miseries, I know, (says he,) if you would acquit yourselves like men, by what you may yet be delivered.  
This raised great hopes in the Allobroges, they beseeched him to have Mercy on them; that nothing should be so dreadful or difficult, but they would most readily undertake it, to free their City from the Debts wherewith it was encumbered.  
He led them into the House of D. Brutus, which stood near the Forum, and (Brutus himself being out of Town) was by the interest of Sempronia, at the service of the Conspirators. Besides, to add greater Authority to the Proposals he called in Gabinius and then opens the whole Plot, names all that were really engaged in it, besides many more of every quality, who knew nothing of it, that he might enlarge the hopes and resolutions of the Ambassadors; they promised their aid, and so were at present dismissed.  

(w) Sed Allobroges diu in incertum habuere, quidnam concilii caperent: in altera parte erat aes alienum, studium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae: At in altera majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe certa praemia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna reipublicae; itaque Q. Fabio Sangae cujus patrocinio civitas plurimùm utebatur; rem omnem, utì cognoverant, aperiunt: Cicero, per Sangam consilio cognito, legatis praecipit, ut studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, caeteros adeant; bene polliceantur, dontque operam, utì eos quàm maxumè manifestos habeant. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 41.  But upon farther considerations the Allobrogians became very unresolved what to do: On one side their oppressing Debts, their love of War, the great rewards of Victory, much inclined them; on the other, greater alliance, safer Councils, certain recompense instead of uncertain hopes, offered themselves: amidst these Thoughts at length the good fortune of the Commonwealth prevailed 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Appian. de Bell. Civil. Lib. 2.  They communicate the whole design to Fabius Sanga, the Patron of their City, (as it was the manner of all the Cities abroad to have their particular Defensors at Rome.) Sanga goes presently and opens all to Cicero, who directs, him to command the Ambassadors that they should conceal their discovery, pretend a vast desire to execute the Plot, visit each Conspirator, promise their utmost assistance, and above all endeavour to get as much evidence as possible.  

(y) Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium caeteros conveniunt: ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio postulant jusjurandum, quod signatum ad cives perferant, aliter haud facilè eos ad tantum negotium impelliposse. Caeteri nihil suspicantes daunt. Cassius semet eo brevì venturum pollicetur, ac paulo ante legatos exurbe proficiscitur. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 44.  To this purpose the Allobrogians by Cicero's command get Gabinius to call all the Conspirators together, and then demanded of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, a formal Oath to be made by them, which should be signed and sealed, and so sent to their Citizens; otherwise they could not possibly draw them in to undertake so great an affair. This was consented to, by all but Cassius, who suspecting the intrigue, withdrew a little, promising to return again presently, but from thence went out of Town before the Ambassadors.  

(z) Lentulus' cum his Titum Vulturtium quendam Crotoniensem mittit; utì Allobroges, priùs quàm domum pergerent cum Catilina, data atque accepta fide, societatem confirmarent. Ibid.  Lentulus' thought fit afterwards that one from among themselves should be sent home with the Ambassadors, who might by the way carry Letters to Catiline, and see them give mutual assurance of their fidelity 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  the Person pitched upon was Titus of Crotona, to whom were committed such Letters as were then sent.  

(b) His rebus ita acts, constituta nocte, quâ proficiscerentur, Cicero, per legatos cuncta edoctus, L. Valerio Flacco, & C. Pomptino Praetoribus imperat ut in ponte Milvio per insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehendant. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 45.  Things having proceeded thus far it was appointed that upon IU. Non. Dec. which is our Second of December, the Allobrogians should in the Night as privately as possible begin their Journey; which Cicero being advised of by the Ambassadors did provide for before hand, by sending Flaccus and Pomptinus two Praetors to lie in wait for them at the Milvian Bridge: 
(c) Cicer. Orat. in Cat. 3.  The Company arrived there by that the third Watch of the Night was almost expired (which with us is near Three a Clock in the Morning) and were presently beset by two Parties that lay on each side the Bridge, 
(d) Galli citò cognito concilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt: Vulturtius primo cohortatus caeteros gladio se à multitu●ine defendit; dein ubi à legatis desertus est, multa priùs de salute sua Pomptinum obtestatus, quod ei notus erat; postremò, timidus, ac vitae diffidens velut hostibus, sese praetoribus dedit. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 45.  As soon as the Praetors came in, the Gallicanes knowing the design, surrendered themselves: Titus Vulturtius the Letter-carrier begged of them to stand upon their defence, he drew his Sword, and for a while defended himself from the Multitude, but at last being deserted by the Ambassadors, he conjured Pomtinus to whom he was well known, to preserve him; at last fearful and distrusting his Life he submitted to the Praetors as Enemies.  

(*) Cicer. Orat, in Cat. 3.  An account of this was presently dispatched to the Consul; the Ambassadors and the Letter-carrier brought to his House at Rome; Cicero immediately sends for the Conspirators and 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 869.  Summons the Senate by break of day to meet in the Temple of Concord: Taking a good Omen from the place, 
(f) 

Furias antiquus populi superator Hetrusci  
Voverat, & voti solverat ille fidem.  
Causa, quod à patribus sumptis secesserat omne  
Vulgus, & ipsa suas, Roma timebat opes.   Ovid.  it being built by Furius Camillus, upon reconciling a dissension between the Senate and People. Then 
(g) Consul Lentulum, quod Praetor erat; ipse manu tenens in senatum perducit, reliquos cum custodibus in aedem concordiae venire jubet. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 46.  leading in the Praetor Lentulus in his own Hand, he read the Letters, Examined the Evidence, impeached the Conspirators: 
(h) Quos sciebam memoriâ; scientiâ, consuetudine, & celeritate scribendi, facillime, quae dicerentur, persequi posse C. Cosconium, qui tunc erat Praetor. M. Messalam, qui tum Praeturam petebat: P. Nigidium, App. Claudium. Cicer. Orat. pro Silvius, cap. 14.  And having provided three Persons of very good Reputation, and excellency in writing, C. Cosconius a Praetor, M. Messala a Candidate for the Praetorship, and App. Claudius who took Notes of all that passed, he did in the afternoon in a fully Assembly of the People give them a most particular account of the whole affair in the following Oration.   

Cicero's Third Oration against Catiline.  
1. 
(*) Rempublicam, Quirites, vitamque omnium vestrûm, etc.  YOu see now, O Quirites, this Commonwealth, your Lives, your Goods, your Estates, your Wives, your Children, this Seat of the most renowned Empire, this flourishing and glorious City, this Day by the infinite goodness of the Immortal Gods towards you, and by my Labours, Counsels, Hazards, rescued from the Flame, from the Sword, and from the very Jaws of Destruction, preserved and restored to you. And if those Days in which we are preserved, are no less memorable, and happy, to us, than those in which we were Born; since the condition into which we are Born is uncertain, but a present deliverance is matter of certain joy; since we are Born inapprehensive, but when, preserved are able to recount the Pleasures of our enjoyments: And if with thankfulness and glory, we placed Romulus the Founder of this City among the Immortal Gods; then surely he who saved this same City so built, so augmented, so beautified deserves to be had in Honour with you and your Posterity. For we have restrained those Flames which were just kindling, and surrounding the Temples, the Shrines, the Houses, and Walls of the whole City; we have repelled those Swords that were drawn upon the Commonwealth, we have put by their points from your Throats. Which having been discovered, examined, and proved by me in the Senate, I will now briefly recount to you also, O Quirites, that those of you who are not yet acquainted therewith, but are in expectation, may apprehend how great and manifest they are, by what means they were found out and obtained by us. First, Since Catiline a few Days ago hurried out of the City, and left the Associates of his Villainy, the fierce Captains of this horrid War at Rome, I continually watched and provided, O Quirites, that we might be safe amidst so great and hidden treacheries.  
2. For when I cast Catiline out of the City (a word of envy I am not now afraid of, I rather fear the letting him have gone alive) then, when I sought to root him out, I was confident either the whole Band of Conspirators would go along with him, or those that tarried behind must without him be impotent and ineffective; and when I saw many, whom I knew inflamed with the greatest rage and wickededness, still left among us at Rome; I so spent all my Days, and Nights, as I might best pry into both what they did and designed: That since the incredible greatness of this Treason, must needs diminish the credit of my Oration, I might so possess myself of the Affair, as not to put you upon providing for your safety, till with your own Eyes, you beheld the destructive danger. Therefore, so soon as I found the Allobrogian Ambassadors were Solicited by P. Lentulus, to stir up a Transalpine War, and a  Sedition; that they were sent to their own Citizens, and in the same Journey were to deliver Letters, and instructions to Catiline; that Titus Vulturtius was joined Agent with them, and to him were the Letters to Catiline committed; I reckoned I had got the greatest opportunity, to compass that which seemed most difficult, and which above all I ever begged of the Immortal Gods: that this Conspiracy might not only be made manifest to me, but to the Senate and you. To this purpose I yesterday sent for to me L. Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus, valiant Praetors, and great lovers of the Commonwealth; I told them the whole Affair, and shown them what I would have done. They, (whose designs were ever generous, and advantageous for the Public) without any scruple, or delay, undertook the business, and so soon as it began to be dark, went privately to the Milvian Bridge; so posting themselves in two Parties about the Neighbouring Villages, that Tiber and the Bridge were between them, Thither also, without any suspicion, they drew many Valiant men; and several choice young Gentlemen taken out of the Reatine praefecture, (whose assistance I continually make use of in preserving the Commonwealth,) I sent thither with their Swords. As the third Watch of the Night was almost expired, the Allobrogian Ambassadors with a great retinue, and T. Vulturcius with them, began to enter upon the Bridge; an on set was made upon them, and Swords drawn on both sides; the two Praetors only knew the design, the rest acted merely upon their direction.  
3. Then Pomptinus, and Flaccus coming in, presently appeased the fight; all Letters whatsoever were delivered as sealed to the Praetors; and every one of them that were taken, brought before me about break of Day. Presently I sent for that Cimbrian Gabinius, the impious contriver of all these Villainies (while he suspected nothing) to appear before me. Then I called for P. Statilius, and after him C. Cethegus: but last of all, and much indisposed came Lentulus; I believe he had sat up very late the Night before, to write Letters more than ordinary. In the Morning there came to me the greatest and most eminent Persons of the City, who hearing the news were mightily of the Opinion that I should open the Letters before I brought them into the Senate; lest they not answering expectation I should seem to have raised too great an hurry in the City: But I was positive, not to do any thing in such a public danger, without referring it to the public Council. For in my Opinion, O Quirites, if those things which had been discovered to me, had not been found out, yet I think in so great dangers of the Commonwealth, I could not fear the using of too much diligence. I presently summoned (as you all know) a full Senate: And in the mean time, by the advice of the Allobrogians, I sent C. Sulpicius a Praetor, and very trusty, to search the House of C. Cethegus for Arms, and to bring with him, what he found there: From whence he hath now brought me a very great number of Daggers, and Swords.  
4. I introduced T. Vulturtius without the Gallicanes, and by command of the Senate, promised him the public Faith: exhorting him without any fear to speak plainly what he knew. At length, when he had recovered himself out of a panic fear, he confessed he was sent by P. Lentulus with Letters, and instructions to Catiline, to advise him that he would use even all the servile assistance he could get, and as soon as possible draw towards the City with an Army. And with this design, that so soon as they had fired every part of it, as it had been divided and distributed among them; so soon as they had accomplished their Massacre of the Citizens, he might be at hand to snap those that fled, and then join himself with these City-Captains. Then were the Gallicane Ambassadors introduced, who declared, that they had an Oath administered to them, and Letters from P. Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, addressing to their Country; that they were directed by L. Cassius to bring their Horse as soon as they could into Italy, and not to be too slow with their Foot Forces: That Lentulus did very much assure himself our of the Sybilline Prophecies and Divinations of the Augurs, he should be the Third Cornelius, who must needs come to the Government of this City and Empire, the two before him having been Cinna, and Sylla; that this Year must be fatal to the City and Empire, as being the Tenth since the Virgin's absolution, the Twentieth since the burning of the Capitol: But this they said was the only dispute between Cethegus, and the rest, they would have the Massacre, and firing of the City to be upon the Saturnalia; Cethegus thought that too long a delay.  
5. Not to be tedious, O Quirites, we commanded the Letters to be produced, as they were said to have been delivered to them, by any Person; First, We shown Cethegus his Seal, he acknowledged it; then we broke it open, and read it written in his own hand, that he would perform to the Senate, and People of the Allobroges whatsoever he had undertaken to their Ambassadors; and prayed them to observe those instructions their Ambassadors now brought them. Then Cethegus who a little before had made some evasions to those Swords and Daggers that were taken in his House, saying, That he was ever a lover of good Arms; upon reading the Letter was so strangely dejected and amazed that restrained by Conscience he spoke not a word more: Statilius being brought in, acknowledged both his Hand and Seal: then were his Lettets read of the same import with the former, which without more ado he confessed. Then I shown Lentulus his Letter, and asked him whether he would acknowledge his Seal, which he did: I told him 'twas very well known, the Effigies of his Grandfather, an eminent Person one who most entirely loved his Country and his fellow Citizens; I told him the very silent appearance thereof, might have been sufficient to recall him from such a villainous enterprise. The Letters also to the Senate, and People of the Allobroges were read, and I gave him liberty to speak if he had any thing in relation to them: At first he denied all, than the whole Evidence being given and opened, he risen up, and asked the Gallicanes, what he ever had to do with them, or to what purpose they should ever come to his House: The same he also demanded of Vulturtius. They answered with brevity, and constancy, who it was that brought them thither and how often they had been there; and they asked him, whether he had never spoken to them of the Sybilline Oracle; But then immediately confoundded with the Treason (such is the power of Conscience!) he declared, 'twas so. He might have denied the whole, but to the amazement of all present he made a surprising confession. Thus not only his Wit and Eloquence for which he was always so eminent, failed him; but such was the conviction of his discovered and exposed Treason, that his very impudence and equivocation, wherein he had no equal, were at an utter loss. Vulturtius then presently demanded that the Letters which were given to him from Lentulus to Catiline, might be produced and opened: At which Lentulus, was in an extreme disturbance, yet he acknowledged his Hand and Seal: They had no Name to them, but the words were these, Who I am you will know by him whom I have sent to you, consider well in what necessity you are, and remember to be valiant: Consider what the Estate of your Affairs requires; ask aid of all even the meanest.— Gabinius being then brought in began to answer with a great deal of impudence but at last denied nothing of what the Gallicanes had accused him. And though O Quirites, the Letters, the Hands, and Seals, lastly every Man's own confession seemed to me undeniable Arguments, and Evidences of the Treason; yet their Colours, their Eyes, their Countenances, their silence, gave me much greater Assurance of their Gild. So were they amazed, so did they look down, so did they sometimes steal a look from one another that they seemed, not to have been discovered by others but by themselves.  
6. The Evidences being thus given and opened, I did then, O Quirites, ask the Senate what was best to be done, for preservation of the Commonwealth. Many brave and important Proposals were offered by the principal Members, which the Senate very unanimously followed. And because in our Memory, O Quirites, the Votes have not been enroled, I will give you an account what was the sense of the House. First, Thanks were given me in the largest expressions, for that by my Virtue, Counsel, and Care, the Commonwealth had been delivered from the greatest dangers. Then were L. Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus the Praetors, whose faithful and valiant assistance I made use of most deservedly honoured. And also that excellent Person my Colleague, had thanks imparted to him, for removing from his own and the public Counsels, all the Abettors of this Conspiracy. Then it was resolved that P. Lentulus' renouncing the Praetorship, should be committed. That C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius, who were all present, should be also committed. The same Decree passed against L. Cassius, who took upon himself the management of burning the City; against M. Caeparius, to whom, as it was discovered, Apulia was assigned, that he might raise the Shepherds of that Country: Against P. Furius, a principal Person of those Colonies which L. Silvius planted at Faesulae: Against Q. Manlius Chilo, who all along assisted Furius in soliciting the Allobrogians: Against P. Umbrenus a Freeman, by whom as it appeared, those Gallicanes were first brought to Gabinius. And the Senate used such moderation, O Quirites, that out of so great a Conspiracy, so great an Interest, so great a Multitude of Domestic Enemies, only by the punishment of Nine most profligate Wretches, it was their Opinion the Commonwealth might be preserved, the Minds of all the rest that were disaffected restored to a temper. There was also, O Quirites, a public Thanksgiving to the Immortal Gods for their especial goodness to us, decreed in my Name; which no Gown-man ever yet obtained since this City was built; the Words of the Decree were these: That I had delivered the City from burning, the Citizens from Massacre, Italy from War. Which Thanksgiving, O Quirites, compared with others, hath this difference; they were appointed for a good management of the Commonwealth, this alone for its preservation. That which was first requisite to be done was accordingly transacted; For P. Lentulus' convict by the Evidence, by his own confession, by the judgement of the Senate, did not only lose the right of a Praetor, but of a Citizen, and laid down his Magistracy: That (though respect to the Authority, did not restrain the renowned. C. Marius, from killing C. Glaucias Praetor, of whom nothing was by Name decreed) we might be delivered even from the Religious awe of that, by now punishing P. Lentulus as a private Person.  
7. Now, Quirites, these impious Leaders of the most horrid and dangerous War are taken and commited, you may conclude, that all the Forces of Catiline, all his hopes, all his strength are ruined in the suppression of these. Whom when I had driven out of the City, I foresaw so far gone, O Quirites, that neither the drowsiness of P. Lentulus, nor the fat of L. Cassius, nor the furious rashness of Cethegus, was any more to be dreaded. He alone was to be feared, and that only so long as he was harboured within the City Walls. Then, he knew every thing, had access to every Man; then, could, and dared send about, solicit, suborn: He had advice for every enterprise, nor was his Tongue, or his Hand wanting to the Execution of his Counsels. Now he hath some men chosen, and appointed for accomplishing his designs; but he was wont never to think any thing done when he had given Orders for it, there was no thing but what he himself would undertake, he would set upon it, watch over it, labour in it; he could bear Cold, and Thirst, and Hunger. And therefore this Man, so eager, so provided, so bold, so cunning, so watchful in villainy, so active in Treason, if I had not driven him out of his Domestic lurk, into his Rendezvouz of Rogues abroad (I tell you truly, O Quirites, what I think) I could not easily have lifted this vast burden of mischief off your Necks. If he had been here, he would never have appointed the Saturnalia for you, nor would he have so long declared the destruction and fatal Day to the Commonwealth; nor would he ever have committed such an oversight, that his Seal, and his Letters should be produced as Evidences of his manifest Treason. Which now in his absence are so managed that there never was any Robbery of a private House so plainly found out, as this Conspiracy against the Commonwealth is evidently detected and apprehended. But, if Catiline had continued in the City to this Day, though I had as much as possible, met and resisted his designs; yet, to speak the least, we must have engaged with him; nor could we ever whilst he continued an Enemy in the City have freed the Commonwealth from so great hazards with such Peace, such Quiet, such Silence.  
8. Though I must confess, O Quirites, all these things were so managed by me, that they seem to have been both laid and performed by the direction and counsel of the Immortal Gods. This we may very well conclude of, because humane Counsels can hardly seem to sway so great Transactions; then, at each nick of time they afforded such present relief and assistance that we have had almost an ocular demonstration of them. For if I should pass over those blazing Stars seen in the West, the Heavens burning, the Thunderbolts, the Earthquakes, and many other such things, which in the time of our Consulship have been so numerous, that the Immortal Gods seem themselves to have proclaimed what hath now been done. Yet this, O Quirites, which I am now about to say, must by no means he passed over or left out. You cannot but remember that when Cotta and Torquatus were Consuls, a great deal of the Capitol was destroyed by Lightning, the Images of the Immortal Gods beaten down, the Statues of our Ancestors broken, the Brass upon which our Laws were Engraven, melted: And particularly, Romulus the Founder of this City was struck; there (as you know,) he lay, a golden Infant sucking, and gaping after the Teats of the Wolf. At which time the Augurs flocked together out of all Hetruria, and declared that there were Massacres and Fires, Eversion of Laws, Civil and Domestic Wars, destruction of the whole City, and Empire, approaching; unless the Immortal Gods being appeased should through their Divinity change as it were the very course of Fate. By their advice a Jubilee was held for Ten Days, nor was any thing omitted which appertained to mitigate the displeasure of the Gods: 'Twas also by the same Persons enjoined, that Jupiter should have a greater Image, placed on high and (contrary to what formerly it was) the Face turned towards the East: And so they gave us hopes, if that Image (which you behold,) looked toward the rising of the Sun, the Forum, and the Curia; then would all the Counsels, which were privately entered upon, against the safety of this City, and Empire, be so detected that the Senate and whole Roman People might see thoroughly into them. And thus those Consuls Decreed it to be placed: But so slowly was it carried on, that neither by the former Consuls, nor by us hath it been accomplished before this Day.  
9 Here, O Quirites, who can be so averse from Truth, so mad, so stupid, as to deny all these things which we see, especially, this City to be managed by the direction and power of the Immortal Gods? For when it was then interpreted, that there was a Massacre, a Fire, an overthrow of the Commonwealth preparing, and all by mischievous Citizens, which yet for the greatness of the Villainies seemed incredible, you now find that such things were not only intended but attempted. Did it not fall out just so as to appear to be effected by the Providence of the best, and greatest Jove; that when yesterday Morning the Conspirators, and their discoverers were by my order led through the Forum, at that very time, the Statue should be erected? Which by its situation being turned towards you and the Senate, the Senate and you have now beheld, all those things that were contrived against the safety of the Commonwealth, cleared, and proved. Of how much greater hatred then, and punishment are they worthy, who have endeavoured to throw their impious Fires not only into your Houses, and Lodgings, but into the Shrines and Temples of the Gods: Which if I should say I had restrained it would be intolerable presumption. 'Twas he, 'twas Jupiter that withstood them: He saved the Capitol, these Temples, this City; he preserved you all. From the Immortal Gods, O Quirites, I received my understanding, my will, by them was I led to these so great discoveries. And for the solicitation of the Allobrogians, by Lentulus, and the rest of our domestic Enemies, so great an Affair had never been trusted to Persons so unknown and foreign, those Letters had certainly never been Committed to them, unless by the Immortal Gods, they had been infatuated and all Counsel snatched away from so bold an enterprise. Then that the Gallicane People of a discontented City, the only remaining People that seem able to make War upon the Romans, and yet not do it; that these should neglect the hopes of Empire, and the greatest advantages proffered to them even by Patricians, and prefer your safety before their own profit: Do you think that this was not eminently the Divine work? Especially when they needed not have used force, but only have kept silence and overcome us.  
10. Wherefore, O Quirites, since Prayers are decreed at every Altar, go, and celebrate these Days with your Wives and Children; many Honour's just and due have been given to the Immortal Gods, but more just than these were never any: For, snatched from the most cruel, and miserable destruction, (and snatched you were, without Slaughter, without Blood, without an Army, without the least Affray, (in your Gowns have you overcome under the conduct and command of one Gown-man. Now do but call to mind, O Quirites, those Seditions, not only which you have heard of, but those which you yourselves remember, and have seen; L. Silvius suppressed P. Sulpicius; cast C. Marius Keeper of the City out of it: And of many other brave men, some he banished, some he put to death. Cn. Octavius the Consul, by force of Arms drove his own Colleague out of the City. Then was this place heaped with the Bodies, and flowing with the Blood of the Citizens. Afterwards Cinna with Marius overcame, and then so many Eminent men were slain, that the Lights of the City seemed extinguished. At length Sylla revenged the cruelty of this Victory. But there is no need to tell you with what destruction of Citizens, with how great Calamity to the whole Commonwealth, M. Lepidus opposed that most worthy and brave Man, Q. Catulus; but his fall gave not such occasion to the Commonwealth to mourn, as it did to those Persons that were concerned with him. Such as these, O Quirites, were the  Seditions; yet were they not designed for subversion, but only for alteration of the Government: They did not desire to have no Commonwealth, but only to be chief in that which was; they did not wish to burn down the City, but only to be advanced in it; yet all these Seditions, (none of which aimed at the destruction of the Commonwealth,) were at last determined, not by a peaceful Reconciliation but by a Bloody Slaughter of the Citizens. This one, alone, since the Memory of Man, the greatest and most cruel War, such a War as the worst Savages never attempted upon their own People, in which was the Law made by Lentulus, Catiline, Cassius, Cethegus, that all those who were safe, while the City was safe, should be accounted among the number of Enemies: I have so managed Affairs, O Quirites, that you are all preserved in safety, that when your Enemies intended there should be no more Citizens left than a boundless Massacre could not devour, so much only of the City as the Flames could not consume, I have kept both the City and the Citizens, entire, untouched.  
11. For all which eminent Service, O Quirites, I ask of you no reward of Virtue, no Ensign of Honour, no Monument of Praise, but only the perpepetual Memory of this Day. I would have all my Triumphs, all Ornaments of Honour, all Monuments of Glory, all Ensigns of Praise, to be placed and treasured up in your affections, None of those dumb shows and pictured Honours which the less worthy can attain, delight me: Our Affairs are cherished in your Memory, O Quirites, they grow by your Discourses, they shall be strengthened and perpetuated by the Monuments of History: That Day I mean, which I hope will be eternally Commemorated, which was created for the preservation of of this City, and Glory of my Consulship. When at the same time, there were two Citizens in this Commonwealth, one of which terminated the Bounds of your Empire, not by the extent of Earth, but the Regions of Heaven; the other saved the House and Seat of the same Empire.  
12. But because the state and condition of those Affairs I have managed, make my Circumstances very different from those Persons who wage the foreign Wars; for I must live among those I have conquered and subdued; they either destroy their Enemies or quit them, when reduced; it lies upon you, O Quirites, to provide that if their good actions advantage them, mine may not prejudice me. I have taken care that the impious and cruel designs of these most audacious Men have done you no hurt, now you must take care that they hurt not me. Though for my own part, O Quirites, I can not be much hurt by them; there is the greatest Guard in good men, whom I am now for ever assured of: There is a great reverence to the Commonwealth, which will always, even when silent, defend me: There is a great power of Conscience, which, when those that neglect it, would destroy me, shall make them betray themselves. There is also such a resolved mind in you, O Quirites, that we shall not only not give place to any Man's audaciousness, but we shall ever freely provoke all the base and villainous. What if all the rage of our domestic Enemies was removed from you, and turned upon me alone? Then must you provide, O Quirites, as considering in what condition you would hereafter have those to be, who for your sakes have offered up themselves to envy and all hazards. What more is there that I can add to the enjoyments of my life especially since as to the Honour and the Praise of Virtue, I can see nothing higher to which I may ascend? This only would I aim at, O Quirites, that what I have done in my Consulship I may, when a private Person, defend and adorn: That if there be any envy to be sustained for preserving the Commonwealth, it may hurt the envious, and turn to my glory. Lastly, I will ever so behave myself in the Commonwealth, as always remembering what I have already performed and that so agreeably, that it may appear all my performances have been directed by Virtue, not by chance. And now, O Quirites, because the Night approaches, worship Jupiter, the Keeper of this City, and of you: Depart to your own Houses, and (although the danger seems to be over) yet with the same guard and watchfulness defend them, as you did the Night before. That you may not long be put to this trouble, but that you may be established in perpetual Peace, shall be my care.  

(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cassi. Lib. 37. Pag. 50. & 51.  This Oration took extremely with the People, but chief upon this account, that while Cicero was speaking, the Image of Jupiter was placed in the Capitol, looking (as the Diviners had directed) towards the rising Sun and the great Forum; for since the Conspiracy had been foretold by the ruin of the former Image, and the seizing of the Conspirators fell out just at the erecting this, the Populace adored the Divinity, and grew much more enraged at those who had provoked the wrath of Heaven against them.  

(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Pluto. Cicer. Pag. 870.  That Night were the Vestal Solemnities kept in Cicero's House, to which it was esteemed the highest profaneness for any but Women to have access; the principal Person at the celebration was usually the Consul's Wife or Mother: Cicero therefore with two or three Friends retiring into a Neighbour's House, sat Melancholy, and musing in great doubt what to do. He could not resolve to be severe and execute punishments proportionable to the crimes, not only from his own inclinations to lenity, but because he would not seem too much exalted with Authority, as he must, it he did according to the measures of Justice proceed against so many noble Persons, who were surrounded with the friendship of the most potent men in the City. Yet he dreaded the danger of determining more mildly, for should they suffer any thing less than death, they would not love him for his Mercy, but break out into greater excesses, their old anger would be inflamed with new rage. He also would incur the imputations of softness and fear, whose courage was already by many very much disputed.  
Amidst these perplexities in came his Wife Terentia, commanded by the Vestal Virgins to entreat his prosecution of those Affairs which he had undertaken for the sake of his Country: Their Goddess having exhibited a miraculous light as a token of his ensuing safety and glory: for as the Fire lay sleeping upon the Altar in the Brands-ends and Embers, on a sudden a bright flame risen from them, 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Cass. Lib. 37. Pa. 51.  and extended itself to an extraordinary height.  
That all these Religious Observations, and the many public Prodigies then so much insisted upon, should be supposed nothing but mistake & imposture, too much reflects upon the judgement and fidelity of our great Authors, either that they could not discern, or would not give us an account of the Truth; and on the other side that the Divinity should so evidently appear in such Worship as was a notorious lie, and dishonour to the Majesty of Heaven, is as hard to conceive. But then how far God will pass by these failures, where he hath not offered the opportunities of better information, and men do substantially adore (as 
(m) 
Talis igitur mens mundi cum sit, ob eámque causam vel prudentia, vel providentia appellari rectè possit, (Graecè enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur) haec potissimum pro videt & in his maximè est occupata, primum ut mundus quàm aptissimus sit ad permanendum, deinde ut nulla re egeat, maximè autèm ut in eo eximia pulchritudo sit, atque omnis ornatus. Cicer. de Nat. Deor. Lib. 2. Cap. 22.  
Mihi videtur Epicurus vester de diis immortalibus non magnopere pugnare tantummodo negare deos esse non audet, nequid invidiae subeat aut criminis. Cum vero deos nihil agere, nihil curare confirmat, membrisque humanis esse praeditos, sed eorum membrorum usum nullum habere, ludere videtur. Ibid. Lib. 3. Cap. 1,   Cicero did) a vigilant active overruling providence: How far besides the common Witness of rain from Heaven and fruitful Seasons, He will interpose with extraordinary and preternatural occurences; how far he will appear concerned for maintaining the Interest of Moral Virtues and all those lawful Governments he hath established in the World, against Traitors and Villains who design most babarously to subvert them, doth not admit of a short determination.  

(n) 
Post eum diem quidam L. Tarqvinius ad senatum adductus erat: quem, ad Catilinam proficiscentem, ex itinere retractum aiebant: is cùm se diceret de conjuratione indicaturum, si fides publica data esset; jussus a Consul, quae sciret, edicere, eadem ferè, quae Vulturtius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de itinere hostium, senatum edocet: Praeterea, se missum a M. Crasso, qui Catilinae nunciaret, ne eum Lentulus, & Cethegus, aliíque ex conjuratione deprehensi terrerent; Eóque magis properarent ad urbem accedere, quò & caeterorum animos reficeret, & illi facilius è periculo eriperentur.  
Sed, ubi Tarqvinius Crassum nominavit, hominem nobilem, maximis divitiis, summa potentia; alii rem incredibilem rati; pars, tamet si verum existumabant, tamen, quia in tali tempore tanta vis hominis magis leniunda, quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii, conclamant, indicem falsum esse; Déque ea re postulant, utì referatur. Itaque, consulente Cicerone, frequens senatus decernit, Tarquinii indicium falsum videri, eúmque in vinculis retinendum; neque amplius potestatem faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam rem esset mentitus.  
Erant eo tempore, qui existumarent, indicium illud a P. Autronio machinatum; quo facilius appellato Crasso, per societatem periculi, reliquos illius potentia tegeret: Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone immissum aiebant, ne Crassus, more suo, suscepto malorum patrocimio, remp. conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem audivi, tantam illam contumeliam sibi a Cicerone impositam. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 48.   The next day one Lucius Tarqvinius going to join with Catiline was apprehended upon the Road, and brought before the Senate: He than promised to discover the Conspiracy if they would give him a public assurance of his Pardon; after which, the Consul bidding him tell what he knew, he related the very same that Titus Vulturcius had done as to the intended Fire, Massacre, and March of the Enemy: But then added, that he was sent by M. Crassus with this Message to Catiline, that he should not be terrified with the seizure of Lentulus, and Cethegus, and the rest of the Conspiracy, but make more haste to come upon the City, whereby he would raise the Spirits of his Party, and they might be easily rescued out of danger.  
But so soon as ever Tarqvinius named Crassus, a Person Noble, vastly rich, and powerful, some looked upon it as a thing incredible; others, though they thought it might possibly be true, yet to them, at such a time it seemed necessary rather to engage, then exasperated the power of so great a Man: Many that lay under private Obligations to him cried out more impatiently that the Evidence was false, and demanded that the Question might be put to know the Sense of the House; accordingly the Consul Cicero proposing it, a resolve passed in full Senate that Tarquin was suborned, and that he should be committed till he discovered by whose advice he had framed so great a Lie.  
There were then several opinions, some thought it devised by P. Autronius, that joining Crassus in the danger, the Conspirators might cover themselves under his power. Others said that it was contrived by Cicero, that Crassus himself being aspersed might not by taking upon him (as he used to do) the Patronage of the corrupt party, disturb the settlement of the Commonwealth. Certain 'tis he himself did publicly accuse Cicero, as the Author of so great a calumny 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Crassus. Pag. 551.  and ever was his adversary; but his Son Publius Crassus a great Philosopher, and lover of Learning, stood always between them, and with great affection so far sympathised in Cicero's troubles, (which afterwards happened) that he and his Companions, (persuaded by him,) put on mourning for him, and at length prevailed upon his Father so far as to effect a reconciliation.  

(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  Cicero did on the other hand in one of his Orations blot Crassus and Caesar too with a mark of Infamy in this Affair, but it was not published till after they were both dead. At this time certainly he produced nothing against Caesar which might impeach him as guilty of the horrid design: What the Consul's united fear and prudence might stifle, is suggested rather than asserted.  

(q) Sed iisdem temporibus Q. Catulus, & C. Piso neque gratia, neque precibus, neque pretio, Ciceronem impellere quivere, utì per Allobroges, aut alium indicem C Caesar falsò nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo graves inimicitias exercebant; Piso, oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum, propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum: Catulus, ex petitione pontificatûs odio incensus; quòd, extrema aetate,, maxumis honoribus usus ab adolescentulo Cesare victus discesserat; res autem opportuna videbatur; quoth is, privatim egregia liberalitate, public● maxumis muneribus, grandem pecuniam debebat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 49.  'Tis also said that then Q. Catulus (whose constant Virtue, and universal esteem, must be acknowledged to render the story suspected) and C. Piso did never cease importuning Cicero both by entreaties and promises, that he would either by the Allobrogians, or some other discoverer get C. Caesar falsely accused. For they both had a great grudge against him, he being Piso's accuser, in an action of cruel extortion, and Catulus' victorious Antagonist for the High-priesthood. And indeed Caesar's circumstances would have rendered his impeachment probably true, he being both by his private generosity and public munificence fallen under very heavy Debts.  

(r) Sed ubi Consulem ad tantum facinus impellere nequeunt; ipsi sigillatim circumeundo atque ementiendo, quae se ex Vulturtio, Allobrogibus, audisse dicerent, magnam illi invidiam conflaverant; usque adeo, utì nonnulli equites R. qui praesidii causâ cum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine, seu animi mobilitate impulsi, quò studium; suum in remp. clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu Caesari gladio minitarentur. Ibid.  But the Consul could by no means be prevailed upon to undertake so vile an enterprise, and therefore they are said to have gone about and scattered stories which they pretended to have heard from Vulturcius and the Allobroges, whereby they raised a very great storm of envy against Caesar, insomuch that some of the Roman Knights who stood as a Guard about the Temple of Concord (where the Senate was assembled) either out of a sense of their danger, or an impulse of affection to show their zeal for the Commonwealth, were like to have assassinated him, as he came out of the Senate.  

(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutar. Caesar. Pag. 711.  But Cicero himself was so far from assisting the attempt, that being looked upon for a little countenance he shown the greatest dislike, knowing how much the People would resent it; or rather he esteemed it an unjust and illegal Murder. Yet In aftertimes some would needs blame the Consul for not taking that opportunity of suppressing Caesar, as if he then only chose to endear himself to the People, by preserving their Favourite. So that then there was nothing considerable alleged by Cicero against Caesar, and if there was any thing afterward it must be either from some evidence not extant, or from that favour he shown the Conspirators in acting so strenuously against their Capital punishments. Shapeless and boundless are the intrigues of a Plot, which being always laid in the dark, becomes manageable, according to the various affections, interests, and designs of men: 'Twas necessary for P. Autronius by shams and subornations to overload Justice, that he might rescue himself and his fellow Conspirators from a due prosecution: 'Twas as necessary for Cicero by a prudential, rather than a severe management of it, to drive on the safety of the Commonwealth as it was able to go. Crassus' may well be supposed for the corrupt Party, but not for sinking that state wherein he enjoyed the vastest Treasures: Caesar had no doubt the most ambitious designs, but then they must be agreeable to himself, noble and glorious; he could not entertain thoughts of seeing his Country in Blood and Ashes, or of calling in barbarous Foreigners to destroy his fellow Citizens; his Empire afterwards was equally a demonstration of his Valour and Mercy.  
C. Piso (though not Q. Catulus) might also have a turn to serve, and make use of public Justice for a private revenge; might squeeze accusations into the shape he would have them, whilst Truth and safety groaning under the oppression; thus are men of different concerns and sizes, nor will Interest ever suffer them all to take the same measures; the cruel and indigent draw the Arrow to the Head, the discontented half way, the generously ambitious only take aim and opportunity. But amidst all these, how great necessity is there that the God of Heaven should be ever superintending Empires, and Kingdoms, and Nations! The four fight Elements may as well be left to themselves, as the interests and affections of men. Nothing in Nature wants a more particular regard of Heaven than the Intrigues of State; none have more need to implore the Succours of the Al●●ghty than those that bear his Authority, but want his infinite perfections; which humane nature being not capable of, lies under a necessity of having continual recourse to the one Omnipotent and Omniscient Power.  

(t) Cicer. Orat. in Cat. 4. Cap. 5.  The same Day that the Evidence of Lucius Tarqvinius was voted false, Titus Vulturtius and the Allobrogian Ambassadors (whose discovery, even those who were not for the Capital punishment of the Conspirators, acknowledged true) received the greatest rewards. Which being not particularly mentioned here may be supposed the greatest of those that had been before offered, 
(u) Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 30.  being above Fifteen hundred Pound a Man.  

(w) Igitur, perlectis literis, cùm priùs omnes signa suo cognovissent Senatus decernit, ut, abdicato magistratu, Lentulus, itémque caeteri in liberis custodiis habeantur. Itaque Lentulus, P. Lentulo, Spintheri, qui tum Aedilis erat, Cethegus, Q. Cornificio, Statilius, C. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Caeparius (name is paulo ante fuga retractus erat) Cn. Terentio Senatori, traduntur. Ibid. Cap. 47.  It had been decreed by the Senate the Day before this, upon the reading the Letters, and producing the Seals which the Conspirators could not but acknowledge, that Lentulus (being deprived of his Magistracy) and the rest of them should be committed, not to the confinement of a Prison, but secured by some particular Magistrate or eminent Person. Accordingly, Lentulus was delivered to P. Lentulus Spinther, who was then Aedile; C. Cethegus, to Q. Cornificius; Statilius, to C. Caesar; Gabinius, to M. Crassus; and Ceparius (having been taken a little while after he made his escape) to Cn. Terentius a Senator.  

(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Lib. 37. Pag. 51.  And this Night many both of the Servants and Freemen, partly out of fear as to their own concerns, partly out of pity to Lentulus and the rest, got together with a design to rescue them, fearing the Sentence might at last prove Capital.  

(y) Cethegus autem per nuncios familiam, atque liberos suos, lectos, & exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, utì, grege facto, cum telis ad se irrumperent. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 52.  Cethegus sent to all his Retainers, Gladiators and Gentlemen, and whosoever had any courage left, that they would make a Tumult and break in to him.  

(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Lib. 37. Pag. 51.  Cicero, having intelligence of this, secures the Capitol and Forum that Night with a strong Guard, 
(a) Nona in concione, quo die Allobroges involgarunt, decima in senatu nonis Decemb. Cicer. ad Attic. Lib.. Epist. 1.  and next Morning, being the Nones, [our Fifth] of December, 
(b) Consul, ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis praesidiis, uti res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu refert, quid de his fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 50.  calls together the Senate, and proposes to them what they would please to have done with those that were in custody.  

(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. App. de Bell. Civ. Lib. 2.  The first Person required according to custom to declare his Opinion was, D. Junius Silanus Consul Elect, for since the Execution of Decrees most nearly concerned those that were designed to the highest Authority, their resolves were supposed most advisable and beneficial. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pa. 870.  His Sentence was that they should be clapped into Prison, and there suffer the utmost punishment: 
(e) Et Praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio. P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumendum decreverant. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 51.  This also he proposed for L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, and Q. Amnius, when they should be apprehended.  

(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. App. de Bell. Civil. Lib. 2.  To this many assented till it came to T. Nero, who judged that they should he kept in Custody till Catiline was overcome, and the Conspiracy more exactly discovered: This took but faintly till it came to 
(g) Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum est, rogatus sententiam à Consule hujuscemodi verba locutus est. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 50.  Caesar, who being asked his Opinion by the Consul, made the following Speech.  

* Omnis homines, P. C. qui de rebus dubiis consultant, ab odio amicitia, irâ, atque misericordiâ, vacuos esse decet, etc. Sall. Bell▪ Cat. Cap. 51.  IT becomes, O Conscript Fathers, all Persons who consult in such difficult Affairs, to be very free both from hatred, and friendship, both from anger and pity: The Mind cannot judge impartially where these sway: nor can affection and public good be easily gratified together. When you act according to the dictates of the understanding the effects thereof will be agreeable, if affection possesseth you, that tyrannizeth and the Mind becomes useless under the oppression. I could offer you, O Conscript Fathers, many precedents of Kingdoms and Nations which have been ruined by the results of Passion, but I had rather produce the examples of our Ancestors, who by decreeing what became themselves, more than what their Enemies deserved, reduced them into a well composed and lasting Obedience; in that Macedonian War which we waged with King Perses, the great and rich City of Rhodes, (grown so by the favour of the Roman People) became perfidious and adverse to our Interests; yet when the War was concluded and a Consultation held what should be done with those Rhodians, our Ancestors dismissed them unpunished, that none might afterwards say the War was begun rather to enrich ourselves then to repel injuries in all the Punic Wars, the Carthaginians would often in times of Truce and Cessation of Arms, practice the basest Villainies against us, but we never took the opportunites of like requitals: We ever more tenderly regarded the demands of Honour than the exactions of Justice. This is that, O Conscript Fathers, which I would have you consult in the present Affair of Lentulus and the rest, what will be most agreeable to your Reputation and Government rather than to your indignation. If indeed a punishment be requisite which bears a just proportion to their Treason, we must find out some thing new, but if that exceeds all humane Invention, then let us be contented to follow the most usual Methods of Law.  
Those that spoke before me have excellently commiserated the Commonwealth, have considered the cruelty of War, have recounted the miseries of the conquered: The ravishing of Virgins, the haling Children from the Embraces of their Parents, the Matrons exposed to the Victor's fury; Temples, and Houses demolished; Fire and Sword raging; in a word, every place filled with Blood and Confusion, with the heaps of the dead and the groans of the dying.  
But what I wonder can be the design of such an Oration? Is it to make us more enraged at the Conspiracy? This is needless, those who have not been moved by the horrid Nature of it, will never be stirred up by an Oration. No, 'tis needless: We want it not; no Mortal Men were ever apt to esteem the injuries intended them too small, they have often judged them greater than indeed they were.  
Above all, O Conscript Fathers, we should be afraid of an excess of Indignation; when those who live obscurely, err in undue heats of Passion, but few take notice of it, their Fortune and their Fame are equals; but we who are raised to so great an Empire, have all Mankind for the Censurers of our actions; so that the greatest power hath the least liberty to transgress its just bounds: We cannot honourably allow ourselves to be partial to any, to hate any, no, nor so much as to be angry with any. What in others is only called Anger, in us will be Pride and Cruelty; I do indeed believe, O Conscript Fathers, that no torments are too great for their deserts; but People are always inclined more to remember what was last, and to consider the Cruelties of punishment than the Merits of the Cause. I am certain what the excellent Silanus spoke was from a sincere affection to the Commonwealth, that in so great an Affair he would not interpose either private love or hatred; I am well acquainted both with his worth and modesty; but what should lead him to such an Opinion? Cruel I can't say (for what can be cruel against such offenders?) But very different from our Polity. 'Tis idle to suppose, fear should be the cause of it, since by the diligence of the most renowned Consul, we are abundantly secured from dangers. As to the Nature of the punishment, Death is not so much a torment itself as the end of others; it dissoves all the Miseries of Mortality, and beyond that is neither care nor joy. But why (let Heaven judge) was it not proposed in the Senate that they should be first beaten with Rods? Was it not because you know the Porcian Law forbids it? And other Laws command the Penalty of Banishment, not that of Death, for condemned Citizens. And now, is it more grievous to be Whipped than to be put to Death? If it be then, why is not that most heavy and severe punishment inflicted upon Persons guilty (as these are) of the highest Crimes? But if Whipping be the more gentle and moderate, how comes the Law to restrain you in that which is the less, if you are not to be restrained from that which is the utmost severity.  
But you will say, who shall ever blame us for such a Decree against the manifest Traitors of the Commonwealth? Yes, time and chance brings all things about, and every Nation is subject to their Tyranny. These men will deserve what they have: But consider well, O Conscript Fathers what you do; the worst Precedents have good Originals; when the Government comes into the hands of ignorant or less good men, this new Example will be transferred from these who have deserved to die, to those who have not.  
The Lacaedemonians, upon the Conquest of Athens, appointed Thirty Persons to manage the Government; at first these began to put to Death without Trial every one that was notoriously mischievous and hated; the People rejoiced at this they said it was very well done; after a while, that the Tyranny was grown strong they were wont with the like Arbitrary Power to kill good and bad, that all might be kept in awe. Thus the City being slavishly oppressed suffered the severe rewards of its foolish joy.  
In our Memory, when Sylla executed Damasippus and some other vile Persons, who did not rejoice and applaud it? Ill and Factious men who disturbed the Government deserved (as 'twas said) to be put to death, but that was only an entrance; afterwards whoever had an House or Farm, or any Goods and Chattels, which were worth coveting, was brought into the Number of the proscribed till those that rejoiced at the Death of Damasippus, were forced to follow that fate which they so unwarily admired: Nor did Sylla ever leave cutting Throats, till his whole Party was well replenished with the spoil.  
This I do not fear from M. Tullius, nor the present times; but in our great City we may expect variety of Successors, at another time, there may be another Consul with an Army at his command, who may think that true, which is indeed false: Now if he hath this example, and by Decree of the Senate the Sword be put into the Consul's hands; who shall put a stop to him or oblige him to moderation.  
Our Ancestors, O Conscript Fathers, never wanted either Council or Courage; nor hath Pride hindered them from imitating the Customs of foreign Nations, when they were honourable and advantageous; their Arms and Military Exercises they learned of the Samnites; the Ensigns of Magistracy they took up from the Hetrusci; Lastly, whatsoever seemed well either among Allies or Enemies they practised with the greatest emulation at home: They were always for imitating rather then envying the good: Then also they followed the Customs of Greece, corrected their Citizens with Rods, punished the Condemned with Death; but afterwards, when the Commonwealth was come to its full growth, and by the Multitude of Citizen's Factions began to reign, the Innocent to be circumvented and other such mischiefs; then were the Porcian and other Laws enacted, whereby banishment was granted to the Condemned.  
This under favour, O Conscript Fathers, I look upon as great Reason why we should not aim at new Counsels; their Virtue and their Wisdom which raised so great an Empire out of such small beginnings, are much more to be valued than ours who hardly keep what they left us.  
What do I desire then? That they should be dismissed and augment the Forces of Catiline? No: I I would have all their Estates confiscated, I would have them kept Prisoners up and down in the strongest Free Towns of Italy; That hereafter no one intercede either to the Senate, or the People for them; whoever shall, let the Senate judge him an Enemy to the common safety.  

(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cato. Min. Pag. 770.  This Oration so much swayed the House which was then in some dread of the People, that Silanus did afterwards retract the Sentence he had proposed, or at least to explain himself, that by the utmost Penalty he did not intent Death but imprisonment, which was the utmost a Roman might suffer.  

(i) M. Cato, princeps familiae Porciae, homo virtuti simillimus, & per omnia ingenio diis, quam hominibus, propior, qui nunquam recte fecit, ut facere videretur, sed quia aliter facere non poterat; cuique id solum visum est rationem habere, quod haberet justitiam; omnibus humanis vitiis immunis, semper fortunam in sua potestate habuit: Hic, tribunus plebis designatus, adhuc admodum adolescens, cùm alii suaderent, ut per municipia Lentulus, conjuratique custodirentur, pene inter ultimas interrogatus sententiam, tanta vi animi atque ingenii invectus est in conjurationem, ut universus senatus in ejus sententiam transiret. Vel. Pater. Lib. 2.  But then Marcus Cato Head of the Porcian Family a Person who was the very likeness of Virtue, and had more of the Divine than the Humane Nature in him, who never did well that he might seem to do so, but because he could not do otherwise; to whom that always seemed most reasonable that was most just; who was free from Vice (and therefore had dominion over Fortune:) Being then Tribune Elect, though a very young Man, and his Opinion asked one of the last, spoke with such force both of Wit, and reason, that he restored the wavering Senate by this following Oration.  

* Long mihi alia mens est P. C. cum res atque pericula nostra considero; & cum sententias nonnullorum mecum ipso reputo, etc. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 52.  WHen I consider our Affairs and Dangers, O Conscript Fathers, and weigh with them those Sentences some have proposed, I must declare myself of a far different Opinion: They seem to have been debating the Punishment of those who have raised War against their Country, and their Parents, the Houses where they were Born, the Temples where (if they had any Religion) they were wont to adore; but after what manner? Doth not the thing itself require us to consult, how we shall be most certainly delivered from these men, rather than what gentle punishments we inflict upon them?  
You may punish other Crimes when they are committed, this unless you take care to prevent, no Tribunal can signify any thing; the City once taken, nothing is left to the Conquered.  
Let me now (by the Immortal Gods) appeal, not to the generous Lovers of their Country, but even to those who love their Houses, Gardens, and Pictures better the Commonwealth; if you desire to enjoy these, and a serene course of Pleasure, rouse up yourselves and lay hold on the sinking Empire: We are not now about Taxes and Alliances; Life and Liberty lie at Stake.  
I have very often, O Conscript Fathers, in this place complained of the Luxury and Avarice of of our Citizens, and I have many Enemies upon that account; and if I would never for my own repose, favour the Commission of a Crime, I will not now pardon the Lusts of those who have almost perpetrated our utter ruin. You took indeed but little notice of my reprimands, and yet the Commonwealth stood; the excellency of the establishment supplied the wants of diligence and virtue: But now the Question is not whether we will live virtuously, or viciously, not how great and magnificent the Roman Empire shall be, but (whatever other thoughts you may) now 'tis whether we and all ours shall not fall into the power of the Enemy. Here shall any Man call moderate proceed gentleness, and pity? We have long ago lost the right use of words; to lavish other men's Goods is named Liberality; a frontless impudence in Vice is assurance; to this pass is the Commonwealth come! Well; since 'tis so, let men be esteemed liberal with borrowed Estates; let them be merciful to Thiefs and Rogues; but let them not be profuse with our Blood, and whilst they save a few Villains destroy every good Man in the City.  
C. Caesar hath indeed spoken very accurately; something he said of Life and Death, (as much as I can understand) supposing those things false, which are related of the Infernal state; that there is a different Journey and different Habitation, that the wicked are separated from the good, into dark places full of disorder, nastiness, and horror. Therefore he proposed for them only the miseries of Life, to have their Estates confiscated, and their Bodies kept in perpetual Imprisonment: Very well. But he would not have them at Rome, left the Multitude should be hired to rescue them; as if they could be more safe in the Towns of Italy, where there is less power to secure them. So that if he be sensible of danger his Counsel is insufficient, if he be not, there is the greater necessity that I should fear both for myself and you.  
Be assured that whatsoever measures you take concerning Lentulus and the rest, they will have an influence upon Catiline's Army and the whole Conspiracy; if you be resolute here, their courage will fail, if you flag they'll grow bold.  
Don't think that our Ancestors did by Arms alone raise this Commonwealth from so mean an Original to its present greatness: If that had been all, surely we should now be much more flourishing than ever they were; we have more Allies and Citizens, greater Forces both of Foot and Horse, than ever they had: But other things made them great which are lost by us: Their government was supported by Industry at home, by Justice abroad; their consultations were generous, free from the influence of Vice and all Affection to it; Instead of which we have nothing but Luxury and Avarice; the Public is oppressed with Debt; private men enjoy the greatest abundance; We admire Riches and follow Sloth; there is now no distinction observed between the good and bad, but Ambition seizes upon all the rewards of Virtues; nor can it be otherwise when every Man acts separately for his own Interest; whilst you are domestic Slaves to your Pleasures, Riches, Relations; every attempt that is made will be ready to sink such an helpless Commonwealth; but I pass by these things.  
What are we now to do? The greatest Citizens have conspired to ruin their Country; they called in the  Nation, ever most fatal to the Roman Name; their General with his Army is just coming upon us. And now you are at a stand what to do with those of them whom you have apprehended within the very Walls! Now nothing but pity, compassion to some ambitious, rash young Gentlemen that have taken up Arms! Yes, let them go, armed as they are! What sloth and softness of mind is this? Surely such Mercy it is as (if they be armed) must at length end in our misery: But 'tis acknowledged dangerous; yet you will not fear it! Nay, though you profess the greatest fears, yet with sloth & negligence you look upon one another, and expect the Divine assistance to preserve the Commonwealth (as it hath often done) in the most eminent dangers: But that assistance is not to be expected by faint Wishes and feminine Prayers; success is always given to sober Counsels, to vigilant and active endeavours. If you give up yourselves to security and negligence, you do in vain implore the Powers of Heaven; they are angry and averse to you.  
To speak of our Ancestors; A. Manlius Torquatus in the  War, commanded his Son to be killed because he sought the Enemy contrary to Order; thus that Noble Gentleman had Death for a reward of unseasonable, though Victorious Valour. Yet we are in doubt what shall be done with the most Bloody Traitors? The other circumstances of their lives (it seems) are more to be considered then their present Villainy! Spare the Dignity of Lentulus; yes, so we would, if Lentulus would have spared himself, would have spared either God or Man. Pity the Youth of Cethegus; Yes! that he may inflame his Country in a new Rebellion. Yes, and Gabinius, Statilius, Ceparius, who if they ever had the least love for their Country, would never have entered into those Consults.  
And now I protest, O Conscript Fathers, if this present Affair would admit of an Error, that could ever be retrieved, I would for once contentedly suffer you that experience might convince you, since no persuasions will prevail; but repentance here will be too late, we are beset both within and without: Catiline with his Army is ready to devour us, these are within the Walls, Enemies in our own Bosom; we cannot consult, we cannot prepare but all is presently discovered; we must therefore come to a resolution.  
Wherefore 'tis my Opinion that since by the nefarious designs of the most Villainous Citizens, the Commonwealth is fallen into the greatest dangers, since by the discoveries of Titus Vulturtius and the Ambassadors, as well as by their own confessions they are convicted, to have designed the most cruel murders and barbarous destruction both of their own fellow Citizens and their Country, let them suffer, (as in the time of our Ancestors) according to the manifest guilt of their Capital Crimes.  

(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cato Min. Pag. 770.  This is said to be the only Oration of that brave Cato which was preserved and left extant to the World; and for it we are entirely obliged to the Consul Cicero, who having beforehand taught some of the best Scribes in Rome; certain marks containing in little short Characters, the power of many Letters, placed them for this purpose up and down the Senate House. Nor were there any Shorthand Writers among them before; the first Footsteps of that Art arising from the present occasion.  

(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  There happened also one little Intrigue amidst this grave Debate, which being between such eminent Persons, and containing something of Divertisement, may also be inserted here. Whilst Caesar and Cato were in the heat of this Dispute, and the Senate very intent upon them, there was a small three corner'd Letter conveyed to Caesar from without Doors; Cato raised a suspicion, and made a great stir about it, upon which some moved that it should be read; Caesar standing not far from Cato delivered it into his Hands; he looking it over, and finding it only to be a Billet-deux from his own Sister Servilia (who had been formerly debauched by Caesar, and continued her base Amours) threw it down at his Feet, saying only, Take it Drunkard, and so went on again with his Oration.  

(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicero. Pag. 871.  To conclude the Debate, the Consul Cicero stood up and discussed both the Sentences which had been proposed: His Friends were of Opinion that it was very much the Interest of Cicero to comply with Caesar, that he would undergo a great deal less envy if the Conspirators were not put to death: But that faithful Consul above all valuing the safety of the Commonwealth, without regard to himself proposed his Sentiments in the following Oration.   

Cicero's Fourth Oration against Catiline.  

(*) Video, P. C. in me omnium vestrûm ora atque Oculos esse conversos, etc.  1. I See, O Conscript Fathers, the Eyes and Expectations of all here fixed upon me; I see you concerned not only for your own and the dangers of the Commonwealth (if they are put by) but for mine also. Your affection to me is indeed delightful in my miseries, pleasant in my grief; but I beg of you by the Immortal Gods, lay it aside; forget my safety, think of your own and your children's. If this place of the Consulship be given me, that I should undergo all trouble, sorrow, torment; I will bear them resolutely, I will endure them willingly, whilst by my Labours, Honour and Safety redound to you and the Roman People, I am that Consul, O Conscript Fathers, to whom neither the Forum, that place of Universal Justice, nor the Field designed for Consular Business: Nor the Senate House that Supreme refuge of all Nations: Nor my own House the place for ordinary retirement; nor my Bed was ever given for rest: No; neither was this Seat of Honour, this Ivory Chair ever empty of the most pernicious dangers and snares. Many things have I concealed, many have I born, many have I yielded: Many of your fears have I healed with my own pain. And now if the Immortal Gods have thus designed my Consulship to expire, in the deliverance of you, O Conscript Fathers, and the Roman Empire from a dismal Massacre, your Wives, your Children, and the Vestal Virgins from the most dreadful violence; the Temples, the Shrines, this our dearest Country from the consuming Flame; If I have now snatched all Italy out of War, and ruin, whatever my Fate be, I joyfully embrace it. For if P. Lentulus could like his Name by the Fates declared destructive to the Commonwealth; why should not I amidst all, rejoice in my Consulship by the Fates plainly demonstrated Eminent in its preservation.  
2. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, consult your own Interest, regard your Country, preserve yourselves, your Wives, your Children, your Estates: Stand up for the Safety and Glory of the Roman People, let me alone, cease thinking of me; for I ought to believe that all the Gods who preside over this City, will reward me for what I have done: Or if it be their Pleasure, with a serene prepared mind I am ready to die. For Death cannot be dishonourable to the Virtuous, nor untimely to a Consul, nor miserable to a wise Man. Nor am I yet so stupid as not to be moved with the grief of my dearest and kindest Brother here, with the Tears of all those you see surround me; nor can my Mind be so estranged from home as to forget my fainting Wife, my dejected Daughter, my little Son, whom the Commonwealth seems to embrace as the Pledge of my Consulship: Nor am I unconcerned for my Son in Law, who stands there expecting the event of this Day. I am moved by all these, but so, that they may be all safe with you though I be destroyed, rather than that they and we both perish with the Commonwealth. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, push on the safety of the Com-wealth, look about you upon those storms which unless you well provide against, are ready to discharge upon your Heads. 'Tis not Ti. Gracchus who wanted to be mad●●●●ond time Tribune of the People, 'tis not C. 〈…〉 who endeavoured to stir up the Levellers, 'tis 〈◊〉. Saturninus who slew C. Memmius, that is brought to Trial and to receive the Sentence of your Justice: But those are apprehended who stayed behind at Rome to receive Catiline, to Burn the City, to Massacre you all. Their Letters, their Hands, their Seals, their own particular confessions are before us; the Allobrogians were solicited, the Apprentices raised, Catiline called in; 'Twas designed that in so general a destruction, none should be left to weep for the Name of this Commonwealth, or lament the fall of so great an Empire.  
3. All this the discoverers have evidenced, the guilty confessed, you yourselves adjudged by several Sentences: First, That you returned me thanks in particular words, and voted that by my courage and diligence the Conspiracy of most pernicious Men was brought to light: Then, that you compelled P. Lentulus to renounce the Praetorship; that you ordered him, and the rest of whom you passed judgement, to be taken into custody; and chief that you Decreed a Thanksgiving in my Name, an Honour, that was never before conferred upon a Gown-man. Lastly, You did but Yesterday give most liberal Rewards to Titus Vulturtius, and the Allobrogian Ambassadors; all which demonstrates that the Persons who stand committed, are with full satisfaction condemned by you. But I am resolved, O Conscript Fathers, now to refer the whole to you, both what you will please to judge of the Crime, and what you will determine as to the Punishment, I will only premise what is proper for the Consul; I have long ago observed a great rage fermenting in the Commonwealth, new mischiefs continually invented and attempted: But I never thought so execrate 〈◊〉 Conspiracy could have been undertaken 〈…〉 izens'. Now whatsoever it be, however your 〈◊〉 ●ns and Opinions incline, you must come to a resolution before Night. How great a Treason hath been discovered you all know; if in this you think but a few concerned, you are greatly mistaken. The mischief is more widely spread than your apprehension of it can be; It hath not only overflowed Italy, but found a passage over the Alps, and so creeping on with, a silent stream is diffused through many of the Provinces. Nor can it possibly be suppressed by connivance or delay: Whatsoever be adjudged must be put into speedy execution.  
4. I find two Sentences proposed, one by D. Silanus, that the Plotters should be punished with Death; the other by C. Caesar, who (abating Death) offers all the severity of other punishments: Both of them, as the honour and greatness of the concern requires, have been managed with the highest exactness. One is of the Opinion that those who have endeavoured to deprive all us, and the whole Roman People of Life, to destroy the Empire, to blot out the very Roman Name, ought not to live and breathe one Moment longer: And the Records testify, that this sort of punishment hath often been inflicted upon pernicious Citizens. The other apprehends that Death was never designed by the Immortal Gods for a punishment; but either as the necessity of Nature, or the relief of Labours and miseries. And therefore wise men were never unwilling, the Valiant were always desirous of it. But there are Bonds in Death, and they sempiternal too, for the particular punishment of every heinous Crime. He would have them secured up and down in the Free Towns; this seems unjust for you to command, and difficult to bring to pass if you do enact it. Yet if you please, let it be so decreed. I will under take it, and hope I shall prove the Man who will think it not agreeable to his Honour, to refuse any thing that hath been determined for the Public safety. He annexeth a great Penalty upon the Townsmen if any one of them get away; he would confine them in dreadful Prisons fit for the wickedness of such pernicious men. He resolves that no one either by the Senate or People should endeavour to alleviate the punishment of those he condemns: And so deprives them of hope, which is alone able to comfort men in misery; he commands besides, that their goods should be confiscated; he leaves Life only to these wretched men; which if he had also deprived them of, he might (it seems) with one pain have extinguished those many miseries both of Body and Mind, he might have at once delivered them from all the punishments of wickedness! That therefore there might be some restraining Terror upon wicked men in this life, it hath been long acknowledged that in the state of the Dead, there are punishments appointed for the Impious: For were there none such, it must be confessed, Death is not of itself terrible.  
5. Now, O Conscript Fathers, I see what would be my Interest. If you pursue the Sentence of C. Caesar, who hath ever taken that course in the Commonwealth which hath been most Popular, I may perhaps (he being the Author and Patron) less fear the Popular rage. If the other, I know not what it may draw upon me. But let the advantage of the Commonwealth swallow up all the thoughts of my dangers: We have indeed from C. Caesar a Sentence very worthy of himself, and his Ancestors, such an one as may be a Pledge of his perpetual Affection to the Commonwealth. But 'tis easy to discern between the smoothness of an harangue, and an intention truly Popular, ● in reality consulting the Safety of the People. I see a considerable Person that affects to be accounted an advocate for the Commons absent himself, that he may not Decree Capital punishments upon Roman Citizens. The Day before Yesterday he would have them committed, he voted thanks to me, Yesterday he would have the Discoverers receive the greatest rewards: Now it cannot be doubted, but he that Decrees the guilty to Prison, the Prosecutor to be congratulated, the Discoverer to be rewarded, hath given judgement both as to the Fact and Crime. However C. Caesar considers the Sempronian Law was made for Roman Citizens: But how can he be esteemed a Citizen who is a Traitor to the Commonwealth? Lastly, The Author of the Sempronian Law, did by the People's appointment make satisfaction to the Commonwealth, by his own punishment. He is pleased to think P. Lentulus (guilty of such Bribery and profuseness, nay, of having so fiercely, so cruelly designed the ruin of the Commonwealth, the Roman People, and the destruction of this City,) not fit to be esteemed a Friend to the People. He is certainly a most moderate and favourable Person! And yet he makes no difficulty to condemn P. Lentulus to perpetual darkness and imprisonment, he Decrees that hereafter no one should move for the easing of their punishment, that none might affect to be popular by a mischief to the Roman People; he adds also the Sale of their Goods, that every torment both of Body and Mind, even want and beggary might ensue: Wherefore if you enact this, you give me an Author, an Assistant, dear, and acceptable to the People: If you rather choose Silanus' Sentence you will easily defend me and yourselves from the reproach of cruelty, I shall have it granted that this was by much the most favourable Sentence.  
6. Although, O Conscript Fathers, what cruelty can there be in punishing such a barbarous Treason? I speak my own judgement: I would so enjoy with you the preserved Commonwealth, that I being thus earnest in this cause, am not moved by severity of Mind, (for whose affections can be milder than mine?) but a certain proper Humanity and Mercy. For I seem to have before mine Eyes this City, this joy of the whole World, this support of all Nations perishing in one sudden conflagration: I have before me deplorable unburied heaps of Citizens, in their buried Country: There I see the rage of Cethegus carousing in your Blood. When I propose to myself Lentulus' tyrannising, as he confesseth the Fates once put him in hopes, Gabinius in his Purple Robes, and Catiline at the Head of his Army, then have I a dread upon me, to consider the miserable moans of Matrons, the amazement of Virgins, and Children, the distress of ravished Vestals: And because these seem so horrible, so dreadful, therefore doth Mercy compel me to be Zealous, Humanity to be severe, against those that would perpetrate these things. For I would ask of any one, if the Master of a Family should inflict the severest punishments upon a Servant that had killed his Children, murdered his Wife, burnt his House, would such an one seem cruel and inhuman, or fatherly and compassionate: To me he would seem barbarous and stupid if he did not endeavour to appease his own pain and torture by the pain and torture of the Assassin. Thus, if against these men who would have murdered us, our Wives and Children, would have destroyed every one of our Houses, and this Mansion-house of the Commonwealth, who had contrived to place the Nation of the Allobroges in the ruins of this City, in the Ashes of this confumed Empire, if against these men we be zealous we shall be accounted merciful: But if towards these we will be remiss, the reproach of the highest cruelty in the destruction of our Country, and Citizens will be imputed to us. Unless L. Caesar, that most valiant Man, that most faithful lover of the Commonwealth, should seem to any one more cruel, who but two Days ago, said that the Husband of his own Sister an excellent Woman, (when he was by and heard it) ought to be put to death: He said also that his Grandfather had been slain by command of the Consul, and his Son under Age who was but employed by him: Now what had these done? Had they entered into any Conspiracy of destroying the Commonwealth? No, there was only some pensionarying in the Government, some contention of Parties. And at that time the Grandfather of this Lentulus a Person of Eminent worth, armed himself, pursued Gracchus, and was glad to be loaden with Wounds that the Commonwealth might not lose any thing of its Grandeur. But this Lentulus hath called in the Galli to subvert the Foundations of the Commonwealth, raised the rebellious Multitude, sent for Catiline, given us to be assassinated by Cethegus, the Citizens to be massacred by Gabinius, the City to be burnt down by Cassius, all Italy to be ransacked and destroyed by Catiline. And now methinks you are afraid lest in such an horrid Villainy, so matchless and unspeakable, you should seem to have determined any thing too severe: Whereas 'tis much more to be feared, that by the remissness of Punishment you should seem cruel to your Country, than by the exactness of Justice too severe upon the worst Enemies. But those things which I hear, O Conscript Fathers, I cannot dissemble. There are words cast out by some, and they are come to my Ear as if they feared I had not Guards enough to execute what you this day Decree.  
7. All things are provided for, ordered, settled, O Conscript Fathers, as well by my utmost care and diligence, as the great affection of the People of Rome to retain their Supreme Empire, to preserve their lives and fortunes. Men of every quality, of every Age are flocked together, the Forum's full, all the Temples, all the Avenues to this place are full. This is that only thing in which (since this City was built) all have agreed in one and the same sentiment, except those who knowing they must perish, had rather perish with a Multitude than by themselves alone. These men indeed I do willingly except and separate from the rest: For I do not look upon them in the Number of bad Citizens but of the most implacable Enemies. O Immortal Gods! with what Numbers, with what Affection, with what Valour, do all the rest conspire to maintain the public Honour and Safety! Why should I particularly mention the Roman Knights? These do ever so submit to the Supremacy of your Order and Counsel, that they may still vie with you in love to the Commonwealth: Whom after many Years dispute this Day, this Cause, joins to you in perfect Friendship and Concord: Which Union if fixed in my Consulship and perpetuated in the Commonwealth, I assure you no domestic mischief will ever assault any part of it. With the same affection of defending the Commonwealth are all the Officers of the Treasury, stout men got together, all the Clerks who being upon business brought to the Office, leave their assignations to attend upon the public Safety. The whole Multitude of the Freeborn are here, even the meanest. For who is there to whom these Temples, the Aspect of this City, the enjoyment of Liberty, the Light they see, and the Air they have ever breathed in, are not dear, sweet, pleasant?  
8. 'Tis worth the while, O Conscript Fathers, to consider the affections of our Freemen, who have obtained the Rights of this City, and truly esteem it their own Country: Which those who were Born here, and of the highest Quality have not considered as their Country, but as a City of mortal Enemies. But why do I insist upon this Order of Men, whom Estates, Privileges, and above all, Liberty, have stirred up to defend the Safety of their Country? There is no Servant who lives in any tolerable condition of Servitude, that doth not tremble at the Villainy of these Citizens: That doth not only desire to maintain the present State of Government, but as far as he dares, and is able, sets his Shoulders to the common Safety. And therefore if any be concerned that 'tis reported Lentulus hath his Pander to run from one Tavern to another, hoping to hire some indigent, rascally Fellows: 'Tis true, that hath been tried and attempted; but there are none found so miserable in their condition, so pernicious in their desires, who had not rather heave the Sedan, carry their Packs, ply their Fare, and have their quiet course of life preserved to them. By much the greatest part of those who attend upon Shops and Inns (I may say all of them) do above any thing desire Peace. All their attendance, their work, their hire, depends upon the Trade and quiet of the Citizens: Whose gain, if the Shops be shut, is gone; and where is it if they be burnt? Since things are thus, O Conscript Fathers, the assistance of the Roman People is not wanting, now see that you be not wanting to them.  
9 You have a Consul preserved from the greatest Dangers, Treacheries, the very point of Death, not so much for his own Life as for your Safety: All degrees and ranks of Men conspire to defend the Commonwealth with their Judgements, Affections, Desires, Valour, and Votes: Our Country surrounded with the Firebrands and Darts of this impious Conspiracy, stretcheth forth her supplicating hands to you; to you she commits herself; to you the lives of all her Citizens, the Tower and the Capitol; to you the Altars of our tutelary Angels, the perpetual and sempiternal Fire of Vesta; to you all the Temples of the Gods, the Shrines, the Walls, and Houses of the City are recommended. Besides, this Day are you to decide the case for your own lives, the lives of your Wives and Children, you Goods, your Estates, your dwellings. You have a Leader mindful of you, forgetful of himself (which doth not always happen,) you have all Men the whole Roman People (which never before was seen in a domestic cause) agreeing in one and the same resolution. Think with yourselves by how great labours this Empire was founded, with what Valour our Liberty was obtained, with how great bounty of the Gods these have been increased, our Estates heaped; all these, one Night had very nigh utterly ruined. That this may never be done, no nor thought of again by Citizens, you are this Day to take care. And this I do not speak so much to stir up those who are ready to run before me, as that my Voice which ought to be principal in the Commonwealth, may be heard to have performed the Consular Office.  
10. But before I return to the Sentence, I must add a little as to myself. By how great the Band of Conspirators is, which you know to be considerable, such a multitude of Enemies have I undertaken: Yet I cannot but think them base weak, low, contemptible. But if ever any Power raised up by their rage and wickedness should prevail over you and the Commonwealth's Dignity, I shall never repent, O Conscript Fathers, of my Actions and Counsels. For Death, which they perhaps threaten me with, is before us all, but to that Glory of Life which you by your Decrees have honoured me with, none else hath attained. You have given to others the congratulation of well managing, to me only of preserving the Commonwealth. Let Scipio be renow'nd by whose Counsel and Valour, Hannibal was driven out of Italy, glad to return again into his own Africa: Or let that other Africanus who subverted Carthage, and Numantia, two Cities most mischievous to this Empire be advanced with eminent Praise. Let that L. Paulus, whose Triumphant Chariot the most noble and potent King Perseus adorned, be esteemed Honourable: Let Marius be in Eternal Glory who twice delivered Italy from being environed with Enemies and from the danger of servitude: Before them all place Pompey, whose Valour and success have run through so many Countries and Regions, that they are Parallel with the Travels of the Sun. Yet among the Praises of all these, shall place be found for our Glory; unless perhaps it be judged greater to open a way for entering into Provinces, then 'tis to preserve that place into which the Conquerors are to return Triumphant. Though in one respect foreign Victory is much more desirable than domestic: When Enemies abroad are subdued they either serve us, or being received into Friendship acknowledge themselves obliged: But when once those, who being in the Number of Citizens are possessed with a Rebellious Frenzy, commence Enemies to their Country, they, if you go to drive them from the destruction of the Commonwealth, will neither be restrained by force, nor appeased by kindness. Wherefore I see myself engaged in an eternal War with mischievous Citizens; which I assure myself by the assistance of you, and all good men, by the Memory of so great dangers, (which shall have a being, not only among the People preserved, but in the Hearts and Tongues of all Nations) will be easily diverted from me and mine. Nor can there any force be found so great as may either subvert or shake the union of you and the Roman Knights, or the unanimity of all good men.  
11. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, instead of that command, that Army, that Province, which I have quitted; instead of that Triumph, those Ensigns of Glory which have been cast aside by me that I might effect yours, and the City's safety; for those Retinues and provincial Guests, whom I do at no less charge maintain, than I did at first procure; for all these things, and my most eminent affections towards you; for this my utmost diligence in preserving the Commonwealth (the Fruits of which you all now behold) I ask nothing else of you, but the Memory of this time, and of my whole Consulship, which being imprinted upon your minds, I esteem my irrefragable defence. But if the violence of Villains shall deceive and baffle my hopes, I recommend to you my little Son whose Safety and Honour shall be sufficiently guarded if you will but remember, he is the Son of him, who preserved all by his own dangers. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, for the Supreme safety of yourselves, and the Roman People, for the sake of your Wives and Children, for your Houses and Altars, your Images and Temples for this City, this Empire for the liberty and security of Italy, for the whole Commonwealth, determine, as you began, with care, and valour. You have a Consul, that is most ready to obey your Decrees, and whatsoever you resolve, will, whilst he lives, maintain to the utmost of his Power.  

(n) Postquam Cato assedit consulares omnes, itémque Senatûs magna pars, sententiam ejus laudant, virtutem animi ad coelum ferunt: alii alios increpantes timidos vocant: Cato clarus atque magnus habetur: Senati decretum fit sicut ille censuerat: Mihi, multa agitanti, constabat paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse; eóque factum, utì divitías paupertas, multitudinem paucitas superaret. Sed postquam luxu atque desidia civitas corrupta est; rursus resp. magnitudine sua imperatorum, atque Magistratuum vitia sustentabat. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 53.  After all, Cato's Judgement was applauded to the Skies; his eminent Virtue, then supported the Commonwealth, as the extrordinary merit of some Ancestors had raised it: for by them it was that the Poverty of Rome conquered the Riches of her Neighbours, her handfuls overcame their Multitudes: Indeed for some Years before this Conspiracy, the City had been corrupted with Sloth and Luxury, the Empire supported the Magistrates, not the Magistrates the Empire; but Cato was now valued as the reviving Power both of Virtue and Wisdom, so that all who were of Consular Dignity, and much the greater part of the Senate approved his Sentence, many of them reproaching one another as basely timorous: 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 871.  So a Decree passed that the Conspirators should suffer death Caesar then stood up and opposed the confiscation of their goods entreating that if the milder part of his Sentence was rejected, the rest of it, which was more severe, might not be taken. But many insisting upon it, he called in the Tribunes of the People: They not interceding as was expected Cicero himself undertook so much in their Favour, that the loss of Goods and Chattels was remitted.  

(p) Consul optumum, factu ratus noctem quae instabat, ante capere, nequid eo spatio novaretur, triumviros, quae supplicium postulabat, parare jubet. Sall. Bell. Cat. 55.  The Consul Thought it best by a speedy execution to prevent the Night; lest any disturbance should happen, and therefore commanded the Triumvirs 
(q) Triumviros, scilicet capitales: Qui postquam Curius Dertatus de Samnitibus triumphavit, tunc primum Romae creati sunt, qui de criminibus pariter cognoscerent; & in facinorosos, si quid scelere ac perfidia deliquissent animadverterent. Zan. in loc.  who were in the Nature of Sheriffs to oversee the punishments of Malefactors) that they should get all ready: He himself went out, attended with great part of the Senate, and had the Conspirators delivered up to him, and first he received Lentulus, brought forth out of the Palace whom he lead through the Via Sacra, and middle of the great Forum to the public Prison, 
(s) Carcer ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe, imminens foro aedificatur. Liv. Lib. 1. Cap. 33.  which was placed at the head of it as being the very centre of the City, and a more Eminent restraint of audacious Vice. 
(t) Est in carcere locus, quod Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum ascenderis ad laevam, circiter XII. pedes humi depressus, eum muniunt undeque parietes, atque insuper cumera, lapideis fornicibus vincta se incultu, tenebris, odour, faedaatque terribilis ejus facies. In eum locum postquam demissus Lentulus, vindices rerum capitalium quibus praeceptum erat, laqueo gulam fregere. Ita ille patricius, ex gente clarissima Corneliorum, qui Consulare imperium Romae habuerat, dignum moribus factisque suis exitium vitae invenit. De Cethego, Statillo, Gabinio, Cepario, eodem modo supplicium sumptum est. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 55.  In it there was a Dungeon called Tullianum, near Twelve Foot deep, walled about and covered with a Stone Arch, but dismally dark, and stinking: Into this place was Lentulus 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cic. Pag. 87.  let down, and strangled by the Executioners: Thus that Patrician of the most renowned Cornelian Family found such a Death, as the manners and the actions of his Life had merited: Then Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, Ceparius, were lead thither by the Praetors, and put to Death after the same manner.  

(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cicer. Pag. 871, & 872.  As the Consul returned he observed many of the Conspiracy stand crowding in the Forum, not knowing of the Execution, and hoping when Night came they might be able to rescue their Friends: He therefore a loud (in a Tense which signified the time passed) said, They lived. By the easiness of such an expression, the Romans were wont to allay the Odium of Capital Punishments. 'Twas Night before Cicero got to his House, to which he was accompanied, not with a silent orderly Pomp, but with Crowds and Shouts of all the honest Citizens, calling him Saviour and Father of his Country.  
An artificial Day, than enlightened Rome, for Celebrating the Glory of her ever renowned Consul: The lesser Streets shone with Lights hung out at the Door of every House, in the greater the Balconies blazed with Torches, and were filled with Ladies admiring and honouring their blessed Preserver. But the unparallelled Glory of all proceeded from those that followed him: They were the greatest Persons of the Roman Commonwealth who had been Victorious in their Wars, renowned by their Triumphs, eminent for preserving the Empire both by Sea and Land: These went along confessing to one another, that the Roman People owed the acknowledgement of Power, Riches, Spoils, to many Generals and Commanders, but their Safety and Preservation to Cicero alone; who had defeated the greatest danger, and that with the most extraordinary felicity; not as if it were so much to punish the Villains and suppress their attempts, but that so deep and inveterate a Conspiracy, should be extinguished with so little Tumult and Mischief.  

(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. App. Alex. de Bell. Civil. Lib. 2.  But three particular Encomiums ought not to be omitted; for since the value of a Testimony hath its Price from the worth of the Persons that give it, these may be esteemed of the first Rate; I begin with M. Porcius. Cato who followed and saluted him with that glorious Title of Father of his Country, echoed back again by the Acclamamations of the People: An appellation that thence had its Original, and was afterwards conferred upon Emperors of the highest Merits: An appellation that was not Hereditary as other Titles of Honour, but then particularly decreed when a Testimony of the most consummated Virtue made it due.  

(x) Mihi quidem arte vir abundans bellicis laudibus Cn. Pompeius multis audientibus hoc tribuit, ut diceret, frustra. se triumphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in remp. beneficio, ubi triumpharet esset habiturus. Cicer. de Offi. Lib. 1 Cap. 22.  Then the renowned Cn. Pompeius, at his return from Syria, did in a public audience make this acknowledgement to him, That he should in vain have sought the Honour of a Third Triumph; if Cicero had not preserved that Commonwealth in which he was to Triumph.  
At last we have this Reputation Immortalised by these following Verses of Juvenal: 

Quis, Catilina, tuis natalibus, atque Cethegi.  
Inveniet quicquam sublimius? arma tamen vos.  
Nocturna, & flammas domibus templisque parastis.  
Ut Brachatorum, pueri, Senonumque Minores,  
Ausi, quod Liceat tunicâ punire molestâ.  
Sed vigilât Consul, vexillaque vestra, coercet,  
Hic novus Arpinas ignobilis, & modo Romae  
Municipalis eques, galeatum ponit ubique  
Praesidium attonitis, & in omni gente laborat.  
Tantum igitur muros intra toga contulit illi.  
Nominis & tituli quantum non Leucade, quantum  
Thessaliae campis Octavius abstulit udo  
Caedibus assiduis gladio: Sed Roma parentem.  
Roma Patrem Patriae, Ciceronem Libera dixit.  
Juvenal. Satyr. 8.   

Who any thing finds higher than thy Line  
Cethegus reaches, Catiline or thine;  
Yet you took Arms, and did by Might conspire  
To set our Houses, and our gods on Fire:  
Like Sons of Gauls or Rogues at Lions Born,  
For which you ought pitched Doublets to have worn:  
But on your Motion did the Consult wait:  
This New Man Tully, this poor Arpinate,  
Late made at Rome a Country Gentleman  
Set Guards wherever the line of danger ran  
Unmazed us and took Pains for all the Town;  
And therefore even within the Walls the Gown,  
A greater Title upon him bestowed  
Than any Name Caesar to Actium owed  
To Thessaly, or to those weapons kept  
Moist with the Blood which they so often wept  
For Rome, freed Rome did call herself his Child,  
And Cicero his country's Father styled.    
But how vain is the Glory of his Life; how vain are even the Merits that procure it: The foregoing Solemnity was but upon the Nones, that is our Fifth of December, yet the Year could not expire before the Consular Power staggered, and its brightness was darkened in the very last flash.  

(y) Atque illìs temporibus iisdem, cum jam Capuam metu Sextius liberasset, ego literis eum Capua accersivi cum illo excercitu quem tum secum habebat. Hoc adventu P. Sextii, tribunorum pleb. novorum quitum extremis riebus. Consulatus mei. res eas, quas gesseram ucxare cupiebant, reliquique conjurationis impetus, & conatus, sunt retadati. Ac, postea quam est intellectum, Catone tribuno pleb. fortissimo, atque optimo cive, rempub. defendente, per seipsum S. P. Q. R. sine militum praesidio tueri facilè majestatem suam, Sextius cum illo suo exercitu summâ celeritate est Antonium consecutus. Cicer. pro. P. Sextio. Cap. 5.  For such was the turbulence and interest of the New Tribunes in favour of the opposite Party, not only perplexing Cicero's affairs, but retarding even the suppression of Catiline, (who was then in Arms) that he was necessitated to send for P. Sextus, with his forces from Capua, to protect the City, and support him in the remaining Days of his Consulship.  
But it happened well for the Commonwealth, that the most Virtuous and Valiant Cato was one of those who at that time entered upon the Office of Tribune; who needed not a Guard of Soldiers to defend the Majesty and Honour of the Roman People, he was ready and able to support the public Affairs by his personal Interest, and therefore Sextius was sent away with the Consul Antonius, who was then marching to join against Catiline.  

(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plut. Cat. min. Pag. 768.  And this was the time that Cato thought fit to accept of the Tribuneship: He had been formerly solicited to it, but would not take upon him such eminent Power and Authority, without a greater exigence: A strong Medicine is not requisite till the Disease be so: A great Command he then thought most desirable, when the posture of public Affairs was most in want of it.  

(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Pag. 769.  This Year therefore his Friends came and importuned him that he would accept of it, not as a kindness to himself, but to his Country, and all the most moderate Citizens entreated him that now (though he was formerly pleased to refuse) he would seek it, to preserve, the public Liberty and Safety by the hazard of his own.  

(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Cat. Min. Pag. 768.  Thus was he persuaded to canvas for the Office, and particularly as Antagonist to Metellus Nepos, whose Factious attempts he very well understood, and knew that (though they were both chosen) he should be able to clog and defeat them: For the Tribunitian Power consisted more in Intercession than in Action, nor could all of the Tribunes Decree any thing if any one of their Colleagues were averse, and opposite.  

(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Cass. Lib. 37. Pa. 52. & 53.  Notwithstanding Cato observed and prevented the more considerable mischiefs, yet some of the People got Metellus Nepos, upon the Day that Cicero was to lay down his Office, and intended an Oration relating all the Affairs of his Consulship, to impose silence upon him, only suffering him to take his Oath of a Faithful discharge (as the custom was) and so march off. However the Consul would add one Clause to his Oath, swearing that the City had been preserved by him.  

(d) Quod te audisse credo, pridie Kal. Januar. qua injuria nemo unquam in aliquo magistratu improbiss●mus civis affectus est, ea me consulem affecit cum remp. conservassem: at que abeuntem magistratu concionis habenda potestate privavit Cicer. Epist. ad. Metell. 2.  Of this he complained to his Friend Mettellus Celer, the Tribunes Brother who was Proconsul of Gallia, telling him he could not but hear what disgrace had been cast upon him at the laying down of his Magistracy, such as the most villainous Citizens never met with; that when he had been Consul and saved the Commonwealth, the Liberty of a parting Oration was denied him.  
And is it thus? Then, what Principles must generous Spirits move by? Surely not by a mere thirst of Glory? (which seems to have had the highest ascendant over Cicero's actions, since he so eagerly received not only such as was given to him by others, but was so sordidly lavish in his own expressions. For how soon is that glaring Meteor darkened? We must look higher and pursue the more Divine Notions both of 
* Cicer. in Cat. 4.  him and 
* Cato in Caesar. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 52.  Cato, who affirmed that there was an Eternal Life, distinct Habitations for the Virtuous and Vicious, that there shall be Torments enough to punish the one and Happiness sufficient to reward the others. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Cass. Lib. 37. Pag. 52.     

The Year from the Building of Rome 691. Before the Birth of Christ. 60. Didius Junius Silanus, and L. Licinius Muraena, Consuls.  

(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cast. Lib. 37. Pag. 53.  AT the very beginning of this Year Catiline him-himself perished, (though Cassiodare, strangely different from other Authors, and the current of History itself places it a Twelvemonth farther under the Consulship of 
(g) M. Pupio & M. Valerio Coss. Catilina in agro Pistoriensi a C. Antonio bello peremptus est Cassiodor: in chronico.  Pupius and Valerius.) He had very considerable Forces with him, but lay all this while in expectation of what Lentulus should accomplish in the City: Still hoping that Cicero and his Friends might be assassinated, and then he did not doubt but his success would be easy. Instead of which, at length the News of their discovery and punishment, the revolt of many, who had took their part, arrives: So that now C. Antonius marching towards him from Rome, and Mettellus Celer watching his Motions about Faesule, that he could not tell which way to stir, he had no hopes left but in the Forces with him, 
(h) Duas legiones instituit,—. Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa, ceteri uti quemque casus a maverat, sparos, aut lanceas, alii praeacutas sudes portabunt.— Catilina permontes iter facere; modo ad urbem, modo in Galliam versus castra movere; hostibus occasionem pug●andi non dare. Sall. Bell. Cat. Pag. 56.  which were Two Legions, being 
(i) Vid. Sigonium & Vegetium.  (according to the most common account) Twelve thousand, or as 
(k) Vid. Appian. Lib. 2. de bell. Civil.  Appian saith Twenty thousand men, but not above a quarter of them well armed, the rest only had such Weapons as they accidentally laid Hands on.  
At first he lead his Army up and down the Mountainous passages, sometimes towards the City, sometimes towards Gallia, avoiding all the opportunities of an engagement, 
(l) 
Sed postquam— plerique quos ad bellum spes rapinarum, aut novarum rerum studium illexerat dilabuntur; reliquos Catilina, per montes asperos magnis itineribus in agrum Pistoriensem abducit, eo consilio, uti pertramites occulte perfugeret in Galliam Transalpinam. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 57  
At Q. Mettellus Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat, ex difficultate rerum eadem illa existumans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare. Igitur, ut iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movit, ac sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti. Neque tamen Antonius long aberat; utpote qui magno exercitu locis aequioribus expeditos in fugam sequeretur. Ibid.   but finding that many who followed him only in hopes of Plunder, and for the love of innovations, began continually to forsake him, he lead them into the Pistorian Country (which Antonine calls ad Pistores, whose City was placed at the root of the Apennine between Florence and Luca, still known by the Name of Pistoia) intending to steal away into Gaul.  
But Q. Metellus Celer, presiding with three Legions over the Picene Country, and supposing by Catiline's difficulties, what his attempts would be, marches thither first; and being well informed by Scouts, of the Enemy's motion, posts himself under those very Mountains by which they were to pass: Nor was Antonius with his Army far off, following them by the more even and open ways.  

(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio Cass. Lib. 37. Pag. 53.  Catiline was now forced to venture all upon a Battle, and having his choice of two Enemies, turns towards Antonius. For though the Forces which Mettellus had with him were much the inferior, and so might have best been ventured upon; yet Catiline considering that Antonius was once a well willer to, and promoter of the Conspiracy, resolves to try his Fortune with him, hoping that the Victory might some way or other be betrayed to him.  

(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  But Antonius having escaped the discovery when their designs were great and hopeful did not now care for coming in to support a broken piece of Villainy, (such a sort of People ever measuring Friendship and Enmity by the success of Affairs) and fearing least when they came to a close Engagement, Catiline might revile him with some of their horrid Secrets, he pretended to be 
(o) C. Antonius, pedibus aeger, quod praelio adesse nequibat M. Pretreo legato exercitum permittit. Sall. Bell. Cat. 59  sick of the Gout, and committed the Fight to his Lieutenant General M. Petreius.  

(p) Instructos ordines in locum aequum deduci t: dein remotis omnibus equis, quo militibus exaequato periculo, animus amplior esset. ipse pedes exercitum & pro loco atque copits instruit. Namuti planities erat inter sinistros montsses & ab dextera rupes aspera, octo cohortes in front constituit: reliqua signa insubsidiís arctrius collocat. Ab his centuriones omnes selectos evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit. C. Manlium in dextra, Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare jubet, ipse cum liberis & colonibus propter Aquilam adsistit; quam bello Cimbrico C. Marius in exercitu habuisse dicebatur. Ibid.  Catiline drew up his Army in the plain of Pistoria, between the Mountains on one hand, and a sharp Rock upon the other: He commanded all the Horses to be quitted, that every one's danger being equal, their courage might be more generally enlarged; he himself walked before them on foot, disposing them in such Order as the place would best allow. Eight Cohorts or Companies, usually consisting of Four hundred and twenty men apiece, he placed in the Fort, strengthening them with all the most experienced Captains, and chosen Soldiers he had in his Army: The rest stood closer together, only as it were in reserve to them, in whom he placed all his Hopes. C. Manlius lead the right Wing, an old Officer of Faesulae the left, Catiline himself with his most faithful Servants and Followers surrounded that famous Eagle, which was said to have been the Standard of C. Marius in the Cimbrian War.  
Just before the Trumpet sounded to the Engagement he spoke to them in this manner:  

* Compertum ego habeo Milites, verba viris virtutem non addere; Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 58. etc.  I Know very well, Soldiers, that words cannot create Valour, a dissolute Army never became strong, nor were Cowards ever made resolute by the Oratory of their General: That courage which Nature and Experience have already given you possession of, that and no more can be expected in the Exigences of War. If the Glory we aim at, if the dangers which surround us do not prevail, all other Exhortations must needs be fruitless: A timorous Mind, ever stops the Ear against the advice it dreads. I have therefore called you only to give a little account of our present circumstances and of what I further design. You know how great a mischief the sloth and negligence of Lentulus hath caused both to himself and us, that waiting so long for aid out of the City, I could not march into Gallia: And now in what posture our Affairs are, you yourselves understand as well as I. There are two Armies of the Enemy, one is between the City, the other between Gallia and us; here, if we would never so fain, we can no longer continue, the want of all Provisions is so pressing.  you go, your Swords must open the way, I can therefore only exhort you to be courageous and resolute; when you begin to fight, remember, that you carry not only Riches, Reputation, and Glory, but even your Liberty and your Country in your hands. If we Conquer, all things will be secure to us, Provision enough will be brought in, the free Towns and Colonies will set open their Gates. But if you the other side fear should make us withdraw, we shall find all things as destructive: No Place, no Friend will be able to save him whom his own Arms have not protected: Besides, fellow Soldiers, the case is not the same with them and us: We fight for the enjoyment of our Country, Our Liberties, and our Lives: They only to maintain the needless grandeur of a few powerful men. That you may now the more courageously engage, remember your former resolutions; if you had pleased, you might have spent your Lives in a sordid Exile, some of you might have dwelled at Rome, cashiered of your Estates and Depending upon others; but because this was base, and intolerable to the generous, therefore have you pursued the present enterprise. Certain 'tis, no ordinary Valour can bring us off; and none but the Conqueror doth by War arrive at the happy rewards of Peace. For to expect safety in flight, and that your Bodies should be secured when you have laid down your Arms, is the greatest madness that ever was. In a Battle, those who are most afraid, are always in the greatest danger, boldness is the strongest Rampart. When I recollect who you are, my fellow Soldiers, and take an estimate of your Actions, I am possessed with the greatest hopes of Victory. Your Birth, your Youth, your Valour, commands me thus to assure myself of the utmost success: especially since such necessities drive us on as are sufficient to make the greatest Cowards become courageous. We need not fear being enclosed by the Enemy, the straitness of this place sufficiently secures us from that. But if Fortune should envy the Merits of our Valour, be sure not to die unrevenged. Which do you think is better? to be taken and butchered like so many Beasts, or fight like men to sell our Enemies a dear and mournful Victory?  

(q) Ille cohortes Veteranas'.— in front, post eas caeterum exercitum in subsidiis locat. Ipse equo circumiens unumquemque nominans, appellat, hortatur, rogat, utì meminerint, se contra latrones inermes, pro patria, pro-libertate pro aris atque focis suis certare. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 59  Petreius placed also (as Catiline had done) all his Veterane Cohorts in the Front, than the rest of his Army as their reserve; he rid about them, called each by their Names, exhorted, encouraged, asked them if they did not remember they were to fight for their Country, their Children, their Houses and Temples against a Company of undisciplined Rogues.  

(r) Homo militaris, quod ampliùs annos triginta tribunus, aut praefectus, aut legatus, aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat, plerosque ipsos, factáque eorum fortia noverat, ea commemorando, militum animos accendebat. Ibid.  He was a very good Soldier, had been either Colonel or Lieutenant for above Thirty years; he Personally knew most of his Army, and was able by reciting their former Valiant actions to inflame their Courage anew.  

(s) Sed, ubi omnibus rebus exploratis, Petr●ius tubâ signum dat, cohortes paulatim incedere jubet, idem facit hostium exercitus. Postquam eò ventum est, unde à ferentari is praelium committi posset, maxumo clamore, infestis signis concurrunt; pila omittunt; gladiis res geritur. Veterani, pristinae virtutis memores, cominus acriter instare, illi haud timidi resistunt: maxumâ vi certatur. Ibid. Cap. 60.  So soon as all things were ready, Petreius commanded the Trumpet to sound, and the Cohorts to march a little forwards: The same was done also by the Enemy. After some light harnessed Soldiers had skirmished alittle, they came to a close Engagement, and laying aside their Darts, they with a great shout and rage, came to acting all by the Sword: The Veteranes mindful of their former Vaour, resolutely thrust forwards; their Enemies no less courageously stood their ground, that there was for a great while a most fierce contest. 
(t) Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie versari; laborantibus succurrere; integros pro sauciis accersere: omnia providere; multum ipse pugnare, saepe hostem ferire; strenui militis & boni imperatoris officia simul exsequebatur. Petreius ubi videt Catilinam contra, ac ratus erat, magnâ vi contendere: cohortem praetoriam in medios hostis inducit; eósque perturbatoes, atque alios alibi resistentes, interficit. deinde utrinque ex lateribus caeteros aggreditur. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 60.  Catiline laboured chief to maintain that select Company he had placed in the Front of the Battle, he relieved them who began to faint, he called for fresh men in the place of those who were wounded: He had his Eye every where, he fought the Enemy hand to hand, he at once performed the duty of a stout Soldier and good Commander. When Petreius saw Catiline fight thus with a Valour so much above expectation, he led the Praetorian Cohort, 
(u) Talis fuit apud Macedonas Cohors regia. Lips. in loc.  which was in nature of a Lifeguard to the General) into the midst of the Enemy, beating down those that were disordered, and killing all that made any resistance, having thus routed the Body, he falls upon the Wings; 
(w) Manlius & Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt. Postquam fasas copias séque cum paucis relictum videt Catilina, memor generis, atque pristinae dignitatis suae, in confertissimos hostes incurrit, ibique pugnans confoditur. Ibid.  Manlius and the other Commander of Faesulae, were slain among the foremost after which, Catiline seeing his Forces scattered and himself left with a very few about him, mindful of his Noble 
(*) 
Sergestúsque, domus tenet à quo Sergia nomen,  
Centauro invehitur magnâ.  Virgil. 5. Aeneid.  Sergian Family and his former Honours, rushed in among the thickest Enemies, and there died fight.  

(x) 
Sed confecto praelio, tum vero cerneres quanta audacia, quantáque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. Name fere, quem quisque vivus pugnando locum ceperat, eum, amissâ anima, corpore tegebat, Pauci autem, quos medios Cohors Praetoria disjecerat, paulò diversiùs, sed omnes tamen adversis vulneribus conciderant.  
Catilina verò longe à suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans, ferociámque animi quam habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 61.   The great courage and resolution of his Army appeared even after the Battle was over, for that same place each Soldier had taken possession of to fight upon, he lay in, when dead: Except some few whom the Praetorian Cohort had overborne; but all of them had such wounds as testified they fell facing their Enemies.  
Catiline was found far from any of his own men amidst the heaps of the slain, fetching almost his last breath, but in his dying looks still retaining the fury of his life. 
(y) Catilina long à suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, pulcherrima morte, si pro patria sic concidisset. L. Flo. Lib. 4. Cap. 1.  Had he performed all this in seeking to save his Country, his Death had been glorious enough; 
(*) Catilina non segniùs notâ obiit, quam sceleris conandi concilia inierat; quip fortissimè dimicans, quem spiritum supplicio debuerat, supplicio reddidit. Vell. Patercu. Lib. 2.  but now 'twas only the closing Scene of Villainy: That Soul which had been long due to avenging Justice was but surrendered to it.  

(z) Postremo ex omni copia, neque in proelio neque in fuga quisquam civis ingenuus captus est. Ita cuncti suae hostiúmque vitae juxta pepercerant. Neque tamen exercitus populi R. laetam, aut incruentam victoriam adeptus erat. Nam strenuissimus quisque, aut occiderat in proelio, aut graviter vulneratus discesserat. Multi autem qui se è castris visundi, aut spoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, amicum alii, pars hospitem, aut cognatum reperiebant. Fuere item qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. Ita variè per omnem exercitum laetitia, maror, luctus, atque gaudia agitabantur. Sall. Bell. Cat. Cap. 61.  Of all the Multitude there was not one Freeborn Citizen taken alive, either flying or fight, they sold their lives at the dearest rate, sparing, themselves not more than their Enemies. The Conquering Army had no great comfort neither in their Victory, the most Valiant of them, being either slain or wounded, and when they came to turn over the Bodies of the dead, one found a Friend, another his relation, some also saw their particular Enemies, which afforded a confused medley of joy and grief, the best event that can be supposed in a Civil War.  

(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cass. Lib. 37. Pag. 52.  After the Battle was over, Antonius sent the Head of Catiline to Rome, that the People being assured of his Death might acquiesce from their fears; for this Service he was styled Imperator, public Sacrifices were also decreed, and that the dreaded dangers being now over, they should change their Mourning Attire for the Garments of Joy.  

(b) Consulatui Ciceronis non mediocre adjecit decus natus eo anno D. Augustus, omnibus omnium gentium viris magnitudine suâ inducturus caliginem. Vell. Pater. Lib. 2.  In the height of this destructive Treason, in the Consulship of Cicero was Born the most Illustrious, Octavius afterwards Augustus Caesar; 
(c) Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere, qui cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa, nomine principis imperium accessit. Tacit. Annal. Lib. 1. Cap. 1.  who gave a lasting Peace to the World, when it had been long tired out with War and Discord: Under whose peaceful Empire was Born the Prince of Peace himself, the Redeemer and Saviour of men; who hath done more to make us happy, than any can do to make us miserable: And hath that blessedness to give, which the World can no way equal nor destroy. If we therefore amidst the greatest dangers and difficulties continue in the ways of Virtue, we may reasonably expect to be both safe and successful: Virtue is stronger in its own Nature than Vice, more generally taking, most commonly prevalent: But however, if Vice should be come rampant, and Rebellion, Oppression and Cruelty, be let lose in the World, still may Virtuous Persons enjoy a serene pleasure in their own Breasts; and (expecting with a little patience, till the Volumes of Divine goodness, unroll themselves) shall certainly either here receive a joyful return and establishment of Peace, or else be received into the greater Blessedness of Eternal, undisturbed Glory.   
FINIS.