MEMOIRS OF DENZIL Lord HOLLES.   


The Right Honble. Denzel Baron Holles of Ifield. Aetat. 78. Anc. 1676. Ob. 1679.    

MEMOIRS OF DENZIL Lord HOLLES, Baron of Ifield in Sussex, From the Year 1641, to 1648.  
LONDON, Printed for Tim. Goodwin at the Queen's Head against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. M. DC.XC.IX.   

To His Grace JOHN Duke of Newcastle, etc.  
May it please your Grace;  
WHEN the following Papers of the famous Lord Holles, Your Great Uncle, happened to fall into my Hands, I could not long deliberat whether they deserved a public View, and therefore intended to get them printed without any further Ceremony; for the large share he had in the Transactions of those Time's will as much engage others to read these Memoirs, as the Defence he was obliged to make for himself are a sufficient Reason for his writing them. But when I understood that Your Grace (out of the Love You bear to virtuous Actions, and Your Piety towards so near a Relation) did order a stately Monument to be erected at Dorchester for this Illustrious Person, I was of opinion, that as well for that Reason, as because in his Life-time he entertained an extraordinary Affection and Esteem for You, Your Name should in like manner be inscribed on this Monument which he has left of Himself to Posterity. The Justice of the thing, and the Sincerity of my Intentions, must be all my Apology to Your Grace for this Presumption: for the Public (of whom You deserved so well, and particularly in appearing early, like Your Noble Ancestors, for the Liberty of these Nations) will acknowledge it an Obligation; nor, if any thing should chance to be amiss, can I doubt but an easy Pardon will be granted to one who is, though unknown, my Lord, with so profound a Respect, Your Grace's most humble Servant.  
March 28. 1699.   

THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.  
SUch as really desire to know the naked Truth, and propose for their chiefest aim the common good (which are certainly the best, though not the greatest part of Mankind) have ever expressed a desire in their Writings of seeing the Memoirs of all parties made public, as the most effectual means of framing a true General History: For in those places where nothing is licenced to appear but what visibly tends to the advantage of one side, there can be no sincere representation of Affairs, the basest Cowards must pass for the bravest Heroes, the worst of Villains for the greatest Saints, the most Ignorant and Vicious for Men of Learning and Virtue, and the Enemies of their Country for its Preservers and Friends. Without consulting therefore the particular interest or reputation of any Faction, but only the benefit of England in general, these Memoirs of the Great Lord Holles are communicated to the World, that by comparing them with those of Ludlow, and such as appeared before, or will be published hereafter relating to the same times, they may afford mutual Light to each other; and, after distinguishing the personal resentments or private biasses of every one of 'em, the Truth wherein they are all found to agree (though dressed by them in different Garbs) may by some impartial and skilful hand be related with more candour, clearness, and uniformity. What figure our Author made in the Parliament and in the Wars, at home and abroad, in his private and public Capacities, is generally known, and needs not therefore be mentioned in this place. The account he gives of himself in the following Papers is confirmed by many living Witnesses, as well as in the greatest part by other Writers of the same Transactions. But whether the vehemence of his Style, the barbarous Usage he received, his concern for the Presbyterian Party, and his Displeasure at the King's misfortunes (to whom he was then an adherent and a friend) have not guided his Pencil to draw the lines of Cromwel's Face too strong, and the shadows too many, I refer to the judgement of the disinterested Reader, desiring him to allow all that is reasonably due to one in these or the like Circumstances. This caution justice has obliged me to insert: For as to that tyrannical Usurper of the Supreme Administration, who proved so ungrateful to the Commonwealth, so treacherous to the King, and so fatal toboth, I think him bad enough painted in his own true Colours, without standing in need of exaggerating Rhetoric to make him look more odious or deformed. I should write something here likewise with relation to General Fairfax, but that the properest place for it seems to be in a Preface to his own MEMORIAL, which is in good hands, and, it's hoped, may be shortly exposed to public view. How far soever King Charles the First's Enemy's in England may look on themselves disobliged, or any of his Friends neglected by my Lord Holles, the Scots are surely beholding to him; for in his long Panegyric on that Nation, he has said more in their behalf than their own Historians have ever been able to offer. But in this and other matters of the like nature we shall not anticipate the Readers Curiosity or judgement: I shall therefore only acquaint him, that though this Piece be entitled Memorials from the History it contains, yet in substance it is an Apology for that Party who took up Arms, not to destroy the King, or alter the Constitution, but to restore the last, and oblige the former to rule according to Law.   

To the Unparallelled Couple, Mr. Oliver St. john his Majesty's Solicitor General, and Mr. Oliver Cromwell the Parliament's Lieutenant General, the two grand Designers of the Ruin of three Kingdoms.  
GENTLEMEN,  
AS You have been principal in ministering the matter of this Discourse, and giving me the leisure of making it, by banishing me from my Country and Business, so is it reason I should particularly address it to You. You will find in it some representation of the grosser Lines of your Features, those outward and notorious Enormities that make You remarkable, and Your Pictures easy to be known; which cannot be expected here so fully to the Life as I could wish. He only can do that, whose Eye and Hand have been with You in Your secret Counsels, who has seen You at Your Meetings, Your Sabbaths, where You have laid by Your assumed Shapes (with which You cozened the World) and resumed Your own; imparting each to other, and both of You to Your fellow Witches, the bottom of Your Designs, the policy of Your Actings, the turns of Your Contrivances, all Your Falsehoods, Cozen, Villainies, and Cruelties, with Your full intentions to ruin the three Kingdoms. All I will say to You is no more than what St. Peter said to Simon the Sorcerer, Repent therefore of this Your wickedness, and pray God, if perhaps the thoughts of Your Hearts may be forgiven You. And if you have not Grace to pray for Yourselves (as it may be You have not) I have the Charity to do it for You, but not Faith enough to trust You. So I remain, I thank God, not in Your Power, and as little at Your Service.  
Denzil Holles. At St. Mere Eglide in Normandy, this 14th of February, 1648. S. V.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 15. line 22. read Cromwell. P. 39 l. 22. r. written. P. 43. l. 27. r. public. P. 89. l. 7. deal Comma. L. 4. r. Many in. P. 96. l. 15. f. the r. their. P. 100, l. 18. l. as to say. P. 161. l. 8. deal not.   

MEMOIRS OF DENZIL Lord HOLLIS.  
1. THE wisest of Men saw it to be a great Evil, that Servants should ride on Horses, and Princes walk as Servants on the Earth: An Evil now both seen and felt in our unhappy Kingdom. The meanest of Men, the basest and vilest of the Nation, the lowest of the People have got the Power into their Hands; trampled upon the Crown; baffled and misused the Parliament; violated the Laws; destroyed or suppressed the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom; oppressed the Liberties of the People in general; broke in sunder all Bands and Ties of Religion, Conscience, Duty, Loyalty, Faith, common Honesty, and good Manners; cast off all fear of God and Man; and now lord it over the Persons and Estates of all sorts and ranks of Men from the King on his Throne, to the Beggar in his Cottage: making their Will their Law; their Power their Rule; their hairbrained giddy fanatical humour, and the setting up of a Babel of Confusion, the end of all their Actions. But how this misery is befallen us, the Kingdom brought so low, and so unworthily, unhappily, inconsiderately delivered over into such base and ignoble hands, the Parliament abused, betrayed, and now become in show and in name the Instrument of their Tyranny, but in truth itself made nothing; and (if the presence of the right Speaker be so essential to the being and acting of a Parliament, and so necessary, that Sir Edward Cook says in his Institutes the House cannot sit without him) then is there clearly at this present no Parliament but an Assembly of Men, acted and moved by the Art and Malice of some few sitting among them, by the means of an Army, which those few, those Vipers of the Parliament, that have eaten out the Bowels of their Parent and destroyed her, raised (that is, abused the Parliament, making them raise it) under colour of necessity for the preservation of the Parliament and Kingdom; when in truth it was out of a design to make themselves Masters of both, that neither of them might ever enjoy Peace and Liberty more, to blast our Hopes, nip all the fair Blossoms of Reformation, dash in sunder all our preparations and endeavours for the establishing of a happy Peace; and so a glorious promising Morning became a Day of darkness, a Day of treading down and perplexity: this, I say, will be worth the enquiry, and perhaps be no difficult thing to discover, and make so plain, that he who runs may read.  
2. Yet I would not be conceived to attribute so much of Wisdom and Foresight to these Men, as to believe they had laid this whole Design, with the several Circumstances and Steps of proceeding from the beginning; which not the Devil himself was so politic and foreknowing as to have done. But I am persuaded that they had it in their general Aim, and laid it as a foundation for all their Superstructures, to do as much mischief as they could, make the Disorder as great, the Change as universal as was possible, and still to improve all opportunities, and occasions ex re natâ, putting on for more as they prevailed in any thing, till at last even beyond what either they could hope, or we could fear, their Design was brought to this perfection, as will appear by the sequel of this Discourse.  
3. When in the beginning of this Parliament, in the Year 1642. after some progress in a Parliamentary way to the relieving of many of our Grievances, and reforming many Abuses both in Church and State (for which we were not sufficiently thankful) it pleased God, in his just Judgement, for the punishment of our Sins, to send a Spirit of Division between the King and the Parliament, and things grew to that height, as both of them appealed to the Sword to plead their Cause, and decide their Quarrel; the Members of Parliament, who then engaged, declared themselves to desire nothing but the settlement of the Kingdom, in the honour and greatness of the King, and in the happiness and safety of the People: And whensoever that could be obtained, to lay down the Sword, and submit again to the King's Sceptre of Peace more willingly than ever they resisted his Force and Power. This I am sure was the ultimate end of many, I may say, of the chiefest of those who at that time appeared: upon which principle they first moved, and from which they never departed; which made them at that time resolve to put their Lives into their hands, and offer them a Sacrifice to the welfare and happiness of their Prince and Country. I say Prince as well as Country, though he perhaps looked on them as his greatest Enemies; but they considered him as their Prince, whom Nature, Duty, the Command of God, and the Laws of Men, obliged them to reverence, and to love as the Head and Father of the People; whose greatness consisted in his People's, and his People's in his; and therefore neither could be great, nor happy, one without the other, which made those faithful ones put them both in the same Balance, and rather adventure his displeasure by promoting the public Cause, than (as they thought) his ruin by deserting it.  
4. Whilst these Men acted in the simplicity of their Hearts, there was another Generation of Men, which, like the frozen Snake that lay in their Bosoms, seemed to desire but the same things with them, and that the same should have contented them, when it was nothing so; but they had further Designs, to destroy and cut off not a few, to make the Land an Aceldama, ruin the King, and as many of the Nobility and Gentry as they could, alter the Government, have no order in the Church, nor power in the State over them. This was the Venom they harboured, which at first they were not warm enough to put forth: But it soon appeared by some evident Symtoms, which discovered it to discerning Eyes, though many were very long abused. For as the Devil can transform himself into an Angel of Light; so they pretended Zeal in Religion, and to be public Spirits, as if none were so holy and selfdenying as they: and so insinuated themselves into the good Opinion of Men; and, being bold and forward, got into all Employments, engrossed the whole managing of the War (that is, the directive part of it, not the fight) whilst others, who meant plainly, and honestly, went into their several Countries, desirous to see the business soon at an end; and, either by showing the Sword, to have kept it in on both sides, or else, if God had otherwise determined that some Blood must be drawn, to adventure their own for speedy stopping the issue of it in the Kingdom.  
5. This was the first step of those unworthy men's getting into power. When other Gentlemen of the House of Commons unluckily left it upon these occasions, they then undertook the business, put themselves and their Creatures into all Committees, persons most of them before only known by their Faces, and esteemed for their Silence and Modesty. But they soon grew Bold and Impudent, domineering not only over the rest of the House, but much more over others abroad, and by their Pride and Insolency contracting Envy and Hatred to the Parliament.  
6. By this means they had power over all the Money of the Kingdom, pleasured and recompensed whom they would, which were none, be sure, but their Creatures, or such as would be theirs; and so made many Proselytes both within doors and without, increasing their Party exceedingly, which made them carry the business of the House as they would themselves: and made it easy to them, in all Debates concerning applications for Peace, to drive us to extremities, demanding unreasonable things, laying upon the King the Conditions of Naash, to thrust out his right Eye for a reproach; or, as the Devil did to our Saviour, to have him fall down and worship them, lay his Honour at their Feet, his Life at their Mercy; while they, upon all occasions, revile and reproach him, give countenance and encouragement to all the bitter, scurrilous and unseemly Expressions against him, impeach the Queen, give her the usage (both in words and actions) one would not have done to the meanest Handmaid of the Kingdom, though the Wife, Daughter, and Sister of a King, the Mother of our Prince, who is to sit upon the Throne, if these Men hinder him not▪ and all this, to make the distance wide, the wound deep, that there might be no closing, no binding up. Then was there nothing but expelling Members out of the House on the least information. If any of those Whelps did but bark against any one, and could but say he was busy in the Country, nothing but sequestering, impeaching of Treason, turning Men and their Families, turning Wife and Children to starve: so many Committees and Sub-Committees of Examinations, Sequestrations, fifth and twentieth part, etc. made in City and Country, and some of the most factious, busy, beggarly men put in, as fittest Tools for such Masters to work by, to rake Men to the Bones, and take all advantages to ruin them.  
7. This was a great breaking of heart to all honest Men, especially to those in the House, who being present and Eye-witnesses of the management of Affairs, easily discovered the drift of these persons, and opposed it all they could: which made those Bloodsuckers conceive a mortal hatred against them, and in truth against all Gentlemen, as those who had too great an interest, and too large a stake of their own in the Kingdom, to engage with them in their Design of perpetuating the War to an absolute confusion.  
8. This made them look with a jealous Eye upon my Lord of Essex, who was General of the Army, finding him not fit for their turn, as too desirous of Peace, and of maintaining Monarchy; and therefore they resolve to lay him aside, beginning to draw Supplies from him, neither providing Recruits, nor furnishing him with Money or Arms, (except sometimes for a pinch, when the necessity of their own preservation required it) clogging him all they could, countenancing and supporting who ever did oppose him: In the mean time carrying on the business of the House in a wild madness, making Ordinances, like Draco's Laws, written in Blood, that no Man could be safe whom they had a mind to destroy, and their mind was to destroy all they could, by making so many desperate, to render things more irreconcilable, and cut off all hopes of Peace, which they were resolved to put by upon any terms, per fas aut nefas, if not by art and cunning, rather to use force than fail, and where the Fox's Skin would not reach, to take the Lion's; as to give one Instance for all.  
9 The House of Lords in the Summer after the beginning of our Troubles in 1643, having resolved to deliver themselves and the Kingdom from this Egyptian Slavery, had prepared a Message to the King, with Overtures for an Accommodation, and sent it down to the House of Commons on a Saturday, where the major part seemed to be of the same mind, and after a long dispute and much opposition prevailed to take it into consideration, made an entrance into it, agreed to some particulars, and it growing late, adjourned the further debate till Monday morning; against which time these Firebrands had set the City in a flame, as if there were a resolution to betray all to the King; and thereupon brought down a Rabble of their party, some thousands to the House of Commons door, who gave out threatening Speeches, and named among themselves (but so as they might be heard) some Members of the House, whom they said they looked upon as Enemies, and would pull out of the House; which did so terrify many honest timorous Men, and gave that boldness to the others, as contrary to all order they resumed the Question that was settled on Saturday for going on with the business, and at last carried it by some Voices to have it laid aside: which was the highest strain of Insolency, the greatest violation of the Authority and Freedom (the two essential Ingredients) of a Parliament that before that time was ever known. Since, I confess, the Army has far outstriped it.  
10. This made some persons cast about how a stop might be given to such violent proceedings, and to have other Counsels admitted, which probably would give some allay to those sharp and implacable Spirits: It appearing to be altogether impossible ever to obtain a Peace, whilst they were Rulers, who Phaeton like, were able to set the whole World on fire. It was therefore proposed that our Brethren of Scotland might be called in, who were known to be a wise People, lovers of Order, firm to Monarchy: who had twice before gone through the misfortune of taking up Arms, and wisely had laid them down; still contenting themselves with that which was necessary for their security, avoiding extremities. Their wisdom and moderation, as was presumed, might then have delivered us from that precipice of misery and confusion, into which our Charioteers were hurrying us amain.  
11. But these Men would none of it at that time; they hoped to be able to carry on the Work themselves, and meant to divide all the Spoil: which they had done if it had not pleased God to give them that check in the West, when their Army there was beaten through Sir Arthur Haslerig's default, one of their invincible Champions. First, his ignorant foolhardiness, afterwards his baseness and cowardice, who then found himself to be mortal (for before he thought himself invincible, and absolutely Stick-free and Shot-free, having had the good Fortune to be in a gallant Regiment, under Sir William Balfore, at Kenton-Field, and so not to run away) but, as himself did afterwards relate it, wink and strike, and bear down all before him. This made him so absolute a Soldier, as he thought Christendom had not his fellow, and therefore would not be governed by his Commander in chief, in that Western Brigade, a gallant and discreet Gentleman; but would charge contrary to order, without sense or reason: and, finding that resistance which he did not expect, ran away as basely with all the Horse, leaving the Foot engaged. Presently afterwards the Town of Bristol was lost by the like Gallantry and good Soldiery of another of their Champions, who for it was condemned to die by a Council of War, and pardoned by my Lord of Essex, who was well requited for it afterwards both by this Gentleman and his Father.  
12. Then our Masters, finding themselves to be mortal too, began to be afraid; and now the Scots must be called in. So in all hast they send to them to come and help, with open Cry, Save us, or we perish. They promise any thing, offer any thing, do any thing for the present that the Scots would have them do: The Honour of England not thought of, Liberty of Conscience and the godly Party not mentioned: But all that was heard was the Covenant, Uniformity in Church-Government, uniting the Nations, never to make Peace without them, and a solemn Treaty for all this closed there, and presently ratified by the Parliament here.  
13. But they meant afterwards to be even with them, to perform nothing of what was the futuro to be done, to serve their turns by them, to make them instrumental for their deliverance at that plunge, and then pick quarrels with them and send them home again with scorn and discontent, which they have since sufficiently laboured to do, and went far towards it, and to the engaging of the two Kingdoms in Blood; if some persons had not interposed with more ingenuous and more moderate Counsels, to the happy success of whose Endeavours the piety, honesty, and moderation of the Scots themselves did very much contribute, concurring with them, and cooperating in all things which might promote a Peace, as shall be afterwards showed in its due place: for this is but by the way.  
14. Those Creatures of theirs whom they sent Commissioners into Scotland for that business, represented the state of Affairs to that Parliament clear otherwise than it was, endearing their own Party to them as the only sincere public spirited Men, who desired such a Reformation as was agreeable to their Government, and such a Peace as might be a joint safety and security to both Kingdoms, giving Characters of all others as Malignants, ill affected, averse to the Scotish Nation, opposers of a good understanding between the Kingdoms, and of their mutual assistance of each other.  
15. With which prejudice of us the Scots were strongly possessed, at their coming in about january, 1643. and were in England some time before they were disabused. They were first made believe nothing should be done without them, or their advice and consent. To that purpose a Committee of the two Kingdoms must be appointed for uniting the Councils, to order and direct the prosecution of the War, and for communicating and transacting all Affairs between the Kingdoms: In packing whereof, and keeping out some persons whom our Masters did disaffect, they used such juggling, as never was heard of before in Parliament, and none but such Hocus-pocus's could have the Face to have done.  
16. Well, they carried it, and to work they go, bearing it very fair to the Scots, till they were got aloft again, and that with their help they had recovered and cleared the North, obtained that great Victory at Marston-Moor, in july 1644, which without them they had never done. And however Lieutenant General Cromwell had the impudence and boldness to assume much of the honour of it to himself, or rather, Herod like, to suffer others to magnify him and adore him for it (for I can scarce believe he should be so impudent to give it out himself, so conscious as he must be of his own base cowardliness) those who did the principal Service that day, were Major General Lesley, who commanded the Scots Horse, Major General Crawford who was Major General to the Earl of Manchester's Brigade, and Sir Thomas Fairfax, who, under his Father, commanded the Northern Brigade. But my friend Comwel had neither part nor lot in the business: For I have several times heard it from Crawford's own mouth (and I think I shall not be mistaken if I say Cromwell himself has heard it from him; for he once said it aloud in Westminster-Hall, when Cromwell passed by him, with a design he might hear him) that when the whole Army at Marston-Moor was in a fair possibility to be utterly routed, and a great part of it running, he saw the Body of Horse of that Brigade standing still, and to his seeming doubtful which way to charge, backward or forward, when he came up to them in a great passion, reviling them with the name of Poltroons and Cowards, and asked them if they would stand still and see the Day lost? Whereupon Cromwell showed himself, and in a pitiful Voice said, Major General, what shall I do? he (begging pardon for what he said, not knowing he was there, towards whom he knew his distance as to his Superior Officer) told him, Sir, if you charge not all is lost; Cromwell answered, he was wounded, and was not able to charge (his great wound being a little bourn in the Neck by the accidental going off behind him of one of his Soldiers Pistols) than Crawford desired him to go off the Field, and sending one away with him (who very readily followed wholesome advice) led them on himself, which was not the duty of his Place, and as little for Cromwel's Honour, as it proved to be much for the advancement of his and his Parties pernicious Designs. This I have but by relation, yet I easily believe it upon the Credit of the Reporter, who was a Man of Honour, that was not ashamed nor afraid to publish it in all places. Besides, I have heard a parallel Story of his Valour from another person (Colonel Dalbier) not inferior, neither in quality nor reputation, to Major General Crawford, who told me, That when Basing-House was stormed, Cromwell, instead of leading on his Men, stood a good distance off, out of Gun-shot behind a Hedge. And something I can deliver of him upon my own knowledge, which makes passage for the easier belief of both these Relations, and assures me that that Man is as errand a Coward, as he is notoriously perfidious, ambitious, and hypocritical. This was his base keeping out of the Field at Keinton Battle; where he with his Troop of Horse came not in, impudently and ridiculously affirming, the day after, That he had been all that day seeking the Army and place of Fight, though his Quarters were but at a Village near hand, whence he could not find his way, nor be directed by his Ear, when the Ordnance was heard, as I have been credibly informed, 20 or 30 Miles off▪ so that certainly he is far from the Man he is taken for.  
17. That day's work at Marston-Moor turned the Scales, and raised again the fortune of the Parliament, which till that day had very much declined: And these Men (who all this while stalked under the sides of the Parliament, and did but pretend the business of Reformation, and the People's Liberties, thereby to break the power of the King first, that afterwards they might, either by artifice or force, lay as low the Authority of Parliament, unless it would betray its truth, and yield to be instrumental to them) did, after this, begin to put out their Horns, appear in their Colours, and, as they warmed more and more, to spit out their Venom against Monarchy, against Nobility and Gentry, against that Reformation with which they had formerly held forth to the Scots, against the very Covenant, their Vows and Declarations wherewith they had abused God and the World.  
18. Then did Cromwell declare himself to the Lord of Manchester, and indeed revealed the whole Design. First, His rancour against the Scots, as that he would as soon draw his Sword against them as against any of the King's Party. Then his hatred of the Nobility and House of Peers, wishing there was never a Lord in England, and saying, he loved such and such because they loved not Lords, and that it would not be well till he was but Mr. Montague. Thirdly, His intentions to hinder Peace, and that therefore he desired none to be of that Army, but such as were of the Independent judgement, to interpose if a Peace were like to be made which agreed not with their humours. All this remains upon Record in both Houses, being the Earl of Manchester's Charge against him. And let any one judge if this be not the very Plot which was then laid and since practised. Has not every particular been attempted by them? have they not fully completed that which was chiefly aimed at? As that which will, and must certainly (if not prevented) bring on all the rest the hindering of Peace, that no ease nor quietness might be restored to the Kingdom. For when the Parliament was ready to disband the only Army then left, and so to free the Subject from all Payments and Taxes, that every one might return to his Vocation, and all differences between King and Parliament might be ended and reconciled in a parliamentary way; then did the Cadmean Brood turn their Swords against their fellow Subjects, and their Masters the Parliament, which by open force they assault, make void, and unvote what they had voted concerning their Disbanding, put by all thoughts of Peace, and throw back the Kingdom, which was entering into the desired Haven of Peace and Happiness, into the deep Seas of Storms and Misery and Confusion, where I beseech God it perish not: But of all this anon.  
19 Things were not yet ripe; though the Serpent's Eggs were laid by him in the Earl of Manchester's bosom, it was not time to hatch the Cockatrice. Therefore when it was by the Earl made known to the Houses, their Party in the House of Commons did (more solito) with all the violence and injustice in the world smother and suppress it, quarrelling that the Lords had infringed their Privileges, in desiring that might be examined by a Committee in both Houses, saying, The Lords ought not to meddle in it, because it concerned a Commoner; whereas nothing was more ordinary throughout the whole proceeding of this Parliament in all their inquisitions. Yet by that means this was then stifled, the breach of Privilege referred to a Committee of the House of Commons, and there the business died.  
20. After this the Scots saw how they were cheated, and it came to be, though not an open breach, yet a great coldness between them, a withdrawing of confidence, of familiarity, of Counsels. And the Scots then found that the other party had been misrepresented, being the Men who, in truth, did agree with them in Principles and in Design: Which was only to reform, not to alter; to regulate, and so to save, not to destroy. That they still carried about with them the sense of their Allegiance and Duty to the person of the King, whom they did desire to see reinvested into his Throne and Kingly Government, with such a power, and in such a way, as might be good both for Him and the People, that thereby confusion, misery, and that disorder which the Poet describes to have been in the first Chaos, and which we now see (not in a Fiction, but really feel and smart under) might be avoided.  
21. By little and little the Scots and these latter came to a better understanding; at last they discover the horrid Practices and the whole Design of the others, who, in the mean time, drove it on, jehu like, violently bearing down, and destroying all that opposed them; for some opposition they found. They saw there was a strong Party in the House against them, between whom and the Soldiers who were under Command of my Lord of Essex, there was a good Correspondency; and these two, together with the Scots, were as a threefold Cord not to be broken by them: therefore they would untwist it, and so destroy them one after another.  
22. The Earl of Essex must be the first who they found would not bow, and therefore must break; for many applications had been made to see if he would stoop to their Lure. Great offers, large promises, all the glory of the Kingdom should be his, if he would but worship them, be (as they termed it) true to the Godly Party: but he was true to his Principles. Therefore they do what they can to make him odious, not paying his Army, to make it a Burden to the Country, and infamous; not giving him means of acting by Supplies and Provisions, so to be looked upon as a Drone or worse, or putting him upon such Actions as should break him, so to make him come off with dishonour.  
23. As when he was about Oxford in the Summer 1644, he on one side of the River, and Sir William Waller with his Brigade on the other; the King having then but a small force within the Town, and either not provided for a Siege, or not willing to be shut in with a light body of Horse, and I think some mounted Men, held them play and distracted them, being sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other; which was easy for him to do, going through the Town, as he saw occasion, by the conveniency of the Gates: It being then known that he waited but his opportunity and advantage to slip by, or break through, our Grand Masters ordered my Lord of Essex, with a heavy body of an Army and a great train of Artillery, to attend his Majesty's motion, and Sir William Waller to go into the West, which they conceived would be an easy Task at that time to reduce the King's Party brought low, and so not able to send any Forces into those parts for their relief and encouragement.  
24. This they knew would absolutely break my Lord of Essex, who must harass his Army to follow a light and moving Body; and if the King, which was probable enough, should chance to give him the slip, and get from him into the West, than was he ruined in his Reputation, and liable to a Question, and perhaps a further Prosecution. It proved that his Majesty did get by them, and passed by Sir William Waller's Quarters on the other side, who, as soon as he knew it, marched after him, and gave notice to my Lord of Essex thereof; so as before he knew any thing, Sir William Waller was got a days march before after the King. Then was it impossible for him to overtake them; and, being so much nearer the West, Sir William Waller engaged in the other Service, he, upon the Advice of his Council of War, resolved to bend that way, yet not to make such speed, but that he should receive other Orders from our Governors above, that he might comply with them. Accordingly he gave that Account to the Parliament and Committee of the two Kingdoms, with his desire of their Directions.  
They were so mad to see themselves defeated of their Plot, that they would not for many days return him any answer at all; his disobedience was blown up, and trumpeted about by them and their Agents: Some of whom did not stick to say, It were better my Lord of Essex and his whole Army were lost and ruined, than the Parliament not obeyed, and, that by their consents, he nor his Army should be looked after or cared for more: A Maxim they have forgotten now in the case of Sir Thomas Fairfax and his Army's, not Disobedience but open Rebellion; but they were as good as their words then, and did most maliciously, wilfully, and treacherously (as to the Parliaments Cause, which they seemed to be zealous in) suffer General and Army to be lost, and the whole West left further out of the Parliaments reach than before.  
25. Sir Arthur Haslerig posted up to London, breathing out nothing but ruin and destruction to the Earl of Essex, spoke it out in the hearing of several persons, That he would ruin him, or be ruined himself. His malice and violence was so great at the Committee of the two Kingdoms, where he and his Party were prevalent, that a report was thence brought down to the House of Commons, by which Sir William Waller was taken off from following the King, and by that means the King was left at liberty to bend his whole force for the West after my Lord of Essex, which he presently did. At last they left my Lord of Essex at liberty to proceed in that Western Expedition, but with a resolution to let him perish. He takes in Weymouth and some other Towns, goes on as far as Cornwall, whither the King's Forces follow him at the heels, cut off all provision from him, press upon him exceedingly, and put him to very great straits. He engaged in a Country enclosed with deep Ditches and strong Fences, that he could neither break through, nor march away; but sends Letter upon Letter, Messenger upon Messenger to the Parliament, representing his Condition, and how easy it was with a small force sent upon the back of the King's Army, if but only a good Party of Horse, to stop their Provisions, and turn the Tables, straighten them and free him, than which certainly nothing had been more easy, and would have saved the Kingdom a Mass of Treasure, and thousands of good men's lives, which the continuance of the War after that time did cost.  
26. But our Masters did not desire then to see the War at an end; they had not the Sword in those hands they would have it for to break the King's forces, well knowing they must then have had a Peace, and such a Peace as had carried with it an establishment of the King's Government, a keeping up the Nobility and Gentry; all things must have returned into their proper Channel, and (the security of the Parliament and Kingdom being provided for) the Law of the Land must have taken place, their Arbitrary Empire been at an end, and their Design wholly defeated.  
27. Therefore my Lord of Essex must not be relieved, but sacrificed to their Ambition, the King's Army must be yet preserved, to give them a colour to new model theirs, and put the Power into the base hands of their Creatures which should keep the Kingdom in a perpetual Bondage; and though they ended the War with the King, yet never made Peace, but continued to grind the Faces and break the Backs of the People with Taxes and Freequarter, to maintain an Army when no Enemy was left; in a word, they govern by the Sword, the height of all Misery and Slavery that any Land can undergo.  
28. My Lord of Essex and his Army were by this means broken in Cornwall in the latter end of that Summer, and the King seemed to gain a great Advantage, recover a great deal of Strength; but to nip that, they soon provided Force sufficient, it suiting with their Ends, that his Majesty should seem strong, but not be so. Therefore the Soldiers of that Army which had lost their Arms in Cornwall are presently armed again, and two other Armies joined to them, the Earl of Manchester's and Sir W. Waller's, who gave the King's Forces a ruffle at Dennington, gaining some of the Works: Yet, when the King came with the remainder of his Strength, they did not think it convenient to put it to the trial of a Day, but suffered him to march away, when it had been a most easy thing to have prevented it: And even there, in all likelihood, have made an end of the business, which was that they feared; and Sir Arthur Haslerig could come up to London, and into the House of Commons, all in beaten Buff, cross girt with Sword and Pistols as if he had been killing his thousands, when 'tis more probable, if there was any danger, that he had been crying under a Hedge, as he did at Cherrington Fight, bellowing out, Ah woe is me, all is lost! we are all undone! insomuch that a great Officer, a Scotchman, finding him in that tune, wished him to go off the Field, and not stand gudding there (a Scotch term for crying) to dishearten the Soldiers: but in the House of Commons he feared nothing, none so fierce and valiant, without fear or wit; and there, like a great Soldier in that habit, gave a Relation of what had passed, highly extolling the gallantry and conduct of all the Commanders, the valour of the Soldiers, that no mortal Men could do more, that the best Soldiers in the world could not have hindered the King's marching off, and that it had been no wisdom to have adventured to fight, for that the King would be King still, and would soon have had another Army, though they had gotten the better, but if he had beaten them, they had been utterly lost. This served the turn for that time, to cast a mist before the people's eyes, and stop their mouths. Yet within very few Weeks after, this worthy Knight forgot all he had said: for it is by Cromwell laid as a Crime to the Earl of Manchester's Charge (whom they then meant to lay aside) that he was the cause they sought not with the King, and Sir Arthur is a principal Witness to make it good. But on the other side, the Earl of Manchester returns the Bill, charging Cromwell, that it was his not obeying Orders, who being commanded as Lieutenant General of the Horse, to be ready at such a place by such an hour early in the Morning, came not till the Afternoon, and by many particulars makes it clear to have been only his fault.  
29. And to say the truth, they could not else have carried on their Design of new modelling their Army, of which then there had been no need, and preventing a Peace which they feared might else have followed. For if the King had been too sore pressed at that time, it was in their apprehensions probably he might have laid hold upon the Propositions for Peace, which were then ready, and sent to him to Oxford immediately after.  
30. Therefore now they set upon their great Work, projected long before, and which Cromwell had broken to my Lord of Manchester in the time of his greatness with him, when he thought him to be one of their own, that was to have an Army composed of those of the Independent Judgement, to interpose if there were like to be a Peace; only their Presumption and Impudence was swelled to be so much higher, as now, they would have no other Army but of them. Because they saw the danger was over; there being no Enemy to take the Field against them, but such an one as they had willingly set up and given time and means to get together: so as there would be no great need of fight, that part having been acted by others; for they were never good at it, but excellent to assume the praise and reap the benefit, when others had done the work.  
31. Therefore the whole force of the Kingdom must be theirs, in the hands of their Creatures; all the Noblemen and Gentlemen who had engaged in the beginning, and born the heat of the day, must be laid by, all these gallant Officers who had done the Parliament the best Service, indeed all, must be cashiered: The Earl of Essex, the Earl of Manchester, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Waller, and the rest must be reduced, cast by as old Almanacs, in truth not fitted to their Meridian.  
32. For this Feat the Juggle of a Selfdenying Ordinance is found out, whereby it is ordained, that no Member of either House shall bear any Office Martial or Civil; which strikes them all out of Employment and Cromwell too, but for him they will soon find a Starting-hole.  
33. Then there must be one body of an Army composed of so many thousand Horse and Foot out of the several Armies, which were to be reduced (as I remember some 20 or 21 thousand, which number they have since doubled or trebled for the ease of the Kingdom) the Officers to be named by the House, and a Committee appointed under the specious name of a Committee of Reformation for this Work, by which they tear in sunder all their Forces, discontent all their best Officers and Soldiers, utterly disjoint the whole Frame of the Martial part of their Affairs, and, I dare say, put the King's Party in greater hopes of being able to make it good by the Sword, and less to apprehend the Consequence of not making a Peace at that time, than the gaining of a Battle would have done: nor in truth could it have any other Operation with rational Men.  
24. So to work they go, and find difficulties enough. The Soldiers bore an affection to their old Officers, which made them unwilling to be reduced: Money there was not to give any reasonable satisfaction out of their Arrears to those who were to be cashiered: But a fortnight's pay was ordered, where many months were owing. Yet such was the obedience of those Officers (gallant Men, old Soldiers most of them) to the authority of Parliament (so unlike to the late rebellious Carriage and Insolency of our new Model, as shall be hereafter showed) that they submit to it, are content to sit down themselves, and (which is more) use their interest to persuade the Soldiers to a Conformity. Some of the Horse who had served under my Lord of Essex were a little stiff, and made some show of standing out in Hertfordshire, which our violent bloody new Modellers would have made advantage of presently to have fallen on them, and put them to the Sword; but the Parliament followed more moderate Counsels, endeavouring to gain them through fair means, by sending down some of their old Officers to dispose them to a submission, which employment they declined not, but went and prevailed: to which my Lord of Essex himself contributed very much, an Example that this present young General Sir Thomas Fairfax would not follow when his Army was to be disbanded.  
35. Yet such was the wickedness and desperate madness of those Men, who thirsted after nothing but blood, mischief and confusion, that at the very same time when the Parliament was going a gentle way, Mr. St. john the King's Solicitor (one who I think has as much of the Blood of this Kingdom to answer for, and has dipped as deep in all cunning pernicious Counsels, as any one man alive) wrote a Letter underhand to the Committee of Hertfordshire (which is yet extant) that they should raise the Country and fall upon these men, to put all into blood, contrary to the desire and endeavour of the Parliament. A Villainy never to be forgotten nor forgiven in any man, much less a Man of Law, who should better know what price the Law sets upon the life of every Subject, much more of many together, and of a whole County, which, if he had been obeyed, had run a great hazard.  
36. But I wonder not at this or any other such passage from him, who could have the face to say in his Argument against my Lord of Strafford, That some persons were not to have Law given them, but be knocked on the head, no matter how: though he knows it, or should know it, to be against the Laws both of God and Man, that any should be put to death before a legal Conviction, however he may have practised the contrary since the beginning of these unhappy troubles: his composition being, it seems, like that Monster Emperor's Lutum Sanguine maceratum. And to less than an Emperor I would not parallel him, whose vast thoughts have carried him above King and Parliament, to frame, new mould, alter, and destroy as he thinks good. This mixture in his nature makes his actings so fierce and cruel. I appeal to all who have seen and observed him this whole Parliament, if, on all occasions, his Opinion did not still conclude in severiorem partem; if he ever stopped where there was any way to it before he came to blood, or to the destruction of Estate and Fortune: But let him pass.  
37. To return to our business: Those Soldiers were by these means persuaded, and the new Army framed, Colonels and other new Officers appointed, and for a Commander in chief Sir Thomas Fairfax is found out; one, as Sir Arthur Haslerig said, as if he had been hewed out of the Block for them, sit for their turns to do whatever they will have him, without considering or being able to judge whether honourable or honest. In the passing his Commission they made the first plain discovery of their Intentions concerning the Person of the King: for with a great deal of violence and earnestness they pressed it, and carried it, that the care of the preservation of his Person should be lest out, and that this Army should go out in the name of the Parliament alone, and not of King and Parliament, as it was before under my Lord of Essex, who otherwise would not have meddled with it. But this General made no Bones, took it, and thanked them, resolved (as it seems) to do whatsoever those his Masters should bid him: for I'm sure he has, at their command, led his Army since against the Parliament, which he seemed to adore above all things upon Earth.  
38. The next work was how again to get in my friend Cromwell; for he was to have the power, Sir Thomas Fairfax only the name of General; he to be the Figure, the other the cipher. This was so gross and diametrically against the letter of the Selfdenying Ordinance, that it put them to some trouble how to bring it about. For this Cromwel's Soldiers, forsooth, must mutiny, and say they will have their Cromwell or they will not stir. Hereupon he must be sent down; no word then of cutting or hewing, or of forcing them to a submission, as in the case of the Earl of Essex's Soldiers; but they must have their wills. Yet for these very men had Cromwell undertaken before, when upon debate the inconveniency was objected which might follow by discontenting the common Soldiers, who would hardly be drawn to leave their old Officers and go under new, he could say, that his Soldiers had learned to obey the Parliament, to go or stay, fight or lay by the Sword upon their command; which I know prevailed with a great many to give their Vote with that Ordinance.  
39 By this trick a little beginning was made towards the breach of it, which was soon made greater. For they caused a report to be spread, That the King was bending with his Forces towards the Isle of Ely, but none could save but Cromwell, who must be sent in all haste for that Service, and an Order of dispensation is made for a very few Months, two or three (I remember not well wh●ther) but with such protestations of that Party, that this was only for that Exigency, and that for the World they would not have the Ordinance impeached, as Mr. Solicitor said; and that if no body would move for the calling him home at the expiration of that time, he would. But all this was to gull the House. Mr. Solicitor had forgot his Protestation, and before that was out there is another Order for more Months, and so renewed from time to time, that at last this great Commander is riveted in the Army, and so fast riveted, as after all his Orders of continuance were at an end, he would keep his Command still, which he has done for several Months, and does yet, notwithstanding that Ordinance, without any Order at all of the House for it.  
40. There, now they have the Sword where they would have it, and resolve with it to cut all Knots they cannot untie; yet they desire to keep that Resolution behind the Curtain as long as they could, and would be thought very obedient to the Parliament, hoping they should be always able to have it carried there according to their mind; and partly by the awe of their Power, partly by hopes of reward and advantage, still to have the major Vote. Which was easy for them, having both Sword and Purse, and withal an impudence and boldness to reward all those who would sell their Consciences. For all such Members of the House, and others were sure to be preferred, have large Gifts given them out of the Commonwealth's Money, Arrears paid, Offices conferred upon them, countenanced and protected against all Complaints and Prosecutions, had they done never so unworthy, unjust, horrid actions, to the oppression of the Subject, and dishonour of the Parliament. All others discountenanced, opposed, inquisitions set upon them, questioned, imprisoned upon the least occasion, colours of Crimes many times for doing real good Service, and no favour nor justice for them: Only that the World might see which was the way to rise, and which to be sure to meet with contrary Winds and Storms, and so to make all men at least to hold Candles to these visible Saints.  
41. But a Party in the House still troubled them, which saw their Juggle, their under hand dealings, suspected their Designs, found what they drove at, and countermined them, opposed them, sometimes crossed and defeated their Practices, always vexed them, and did, in a great measure, divert and keep off Evil, though the stream was so strong they could not attain and effect the Good they desired.  
42. This knot must be broken, and some of the persons removed, who are represented to the Kingdom by these Men and their Agents, as those who were rotten at heart, not faithful to the Parliament, holding correspondence and intelligence with the King. This was upon Generals, only to prepare men's minds to make passage for an approbation of any attempts to their prejudice, and give credit to such Lies and false Accusations as they should be able to set on foot: and all means are used to procure Witnesses to testify any thing against them, Prisoners examined and encouraged to say something, any scandalous desperate Rogues received and harkened to, Spies set to watch them, their goings out and come in, what places they went to, what persons they visited or that visited them. Some of their Agents confessed they have been two years together watching about some of our Houses, yet it pleased God to protect the Innocent, and, notwithstanding all these endeavours, it was never in their power to do any great mischief in this base unworthy way.  
43. They came nearest to their Mark, when they had gotten the Lord Savil, a known infamous Impostor, to accuse me with keeping correspondence with my Lord Digby (of which he said he had notice given him by a Letter in cipher from the Duchess of Buckingham) and for what I did and said at Oxford, when I was amongst others sent thither to present Propositions to the King, where they had a sit Instrument to act for them, and say and swear any thing they would have him, who was at that very time employed by some of their principal ones, to truck and drive a Treaty underhand with some great persons at Oxford. For the chief among them had always Grace to try more ways than one to the Wood, and commonly not to row the way they looked, willing enough to have made a good bargain for themselves at Court, and then have left their Whelps, their Zealots, to have mended themselves as they could, perhaps not despairing but to have persuaded them it was for their good, and the advancement of their Catholic Cause, so to have quieted them, and some little thing should have been done for their satisfaction. I did with my own Eyes see Letters, and so did several persons, Members of both Houses, some yet alive, some dead, witten by Savil to divers of great quality at Oxford, one to L. D. some to others, with only one Letter for their Names, where intelligence was given of the proceedings and intentions of the Parliament and their Army, many Propositions made in the name of that Party and their Undertake, and in the Close my Lord Savil to be Lord Treasurer, Mr. Solicitor to be Lord Keeper, and others of their Faction to have several Offices of Honourand Trust. These Letters were seen likewise by my Lord Willoughby and Mr. Whitlock, who are yet alive, and can testify it, and by the Earl of Essex, Sir Philip Stapleton, and Sir Christopher Wray, who are dead. Some of them were written by Savil's own hand, some copied out by a person of Honour, who was employed by him, and is yet alive to make it good: And when they played this Game themselves, and pretended, forsooth, a designupon Oxford, and to have the King's Army in the West delivered to them (which was all but collusion and deceit, to abuse the World, and colour their Correspondencies) then did they make Savil play the Villain and accuse me, whom they prosecuted with that height of malice and violence, with so much injustice and partiality, especially that Man of Law Mr. Solicitor, who tho Mr. Whitlock had not only consented to, but joined in, and advised all that I had done at Oxford, and that Savil himself had laid it equally upon us both in his Information (it seems either not so wicked as his setters on, or not fully instructed by them) yet such was the Justice of that Man, as he would needs sever our Cases, and was not a shamed not only so to declare his Judgement, but pressed it and solicited it, that the proceedings might be singly against me: whereby the eyes of many indifferent persons, Members of the House, were opened, and their Spirits raised to an Indignation, insomuch that in spite of the Solicitor and his Party, I was acquitted by the House.  
44. This made them bethink themselves, begin to mistrust the House, and doubt if they should be able to carry things as formerly: And thereupon resolve on a course, which some amongst them had formerly still opposed or declined, as Mr. Solicitor by name, which was to have the vacant places of those they had thrust out filled up by a new Election, issuing out Writs for it under their new Great Seal. This they hoped would alter the Constitution of the House, and give them infallibly a majority of Votes. Accordingly in the long Summer Vacation of the year 1645, when very many of the Members were gone into their several Countries, they fall upon that point of recruiting the House; and notwithstanding the thinness thereof, and its being surprised with that Debate, their Creatures most of them there (as they were always sure of some fifty Voices, persons whose only Employment was there to drudge and carry on their Master's work, having thereby a greatness far above the Sphere they had formerly moved in; whereas the others were Gentlemen, who had Estates which required their looking after and all of them some Vocations, either for their particular business or pleasure, which made them less diligent, and many of them, as at other times, so then away) yet they carried it but by three Voices.  
45. Then to work they go to canvas for Elections in all places, for the bringing in of such as should be wholly theirs. First, they did all they could to stop Writs from going any whither but where they were sure to have fit Men chosen for their turns, and many an unjust thing was done by them in that kind: Sometimes denying Writs, sometimes delaying till they had prepared all things, and made it, as they thought, cocksure: Many times Committee-men in the Country, such as were their Creatures, appearing grossly, and bandying to carry Elections for them; sometimes they did it fairly by the power of the Army, causing Soldiers to be sent and quartered in the Towns where Elections were to be, awing and terrifying, sometimes abusing and offering violence to the Electors. And when these undue Elections were complained of, and questioned at the Committee of Privileges, there appeared such palpable partiality, so much injustice, such delays and tricks to vex Parties grieved and their Witnesses, such countenancing and defending those who had done the wrong, as it disheartened every body, and made many even sit down and give over prosecution.  
46. Notwithstanding all this, and that by this means some persons unduly chosen were brought in, yet it proved, that far the greater part of those new Members deceived the expectation of these Men. For though they came into the House with as much prejudice as was possible against the other moderate Party, who had always been represented to them as persons ill affected, not faithful to the Parliament, obstructing all businesses that were for the good of the Kingdom, having Self-ends and ambitious designs of their own; when they came to sit in the House themselves, to see with their own eyes the carriage of things, understand the ways and drift both of the one and the other Party, discern the tricks and violent proceedings of the one, and plainness and reality of the other; that all these aimed at was but to get a good Peace, see the Government settled both in Church and State, and make no advantages to themselves, have no share, nor desired none of the Moneys, look after no Offices nor Preferments; in a word, not seek themselves but the pulick; and those on the other side hinder and oppose the settling of the Government, and keep things in a distraction and confusion, not willing to put up the Sword, but continue the burdens and pressures of the Country, countenance the insolences of Soldiers, bear them out in their abusing of Ministers, and other honest Men, who were for Church-Government, keep up factions and drive on interests in the House, put themselves, their Kindred and Friends into all places of power and profit, share and divide among them the Commonwealth's Money, by Gifts and Rewards, and paying pretended Arrears; in a word, seek the ruin of the Kingdom, and the advancement of themselves and their Party; this made them change their Minds, and many of them to confess and acknowledge they had been abused.  
47. But this was not the work of one day: Some time passed before they could make these clear discoveries and disabuse themselves; our grand Impostors kept them a good while at gaze, with putting jealousies into their heads against the Scots, as if the Scots had a design of making good their footing in this Kingdom, and that we who were of the other Party from them did carry on the Scotch Interest, and designed to betray the Rights and Liberties of England; with which Engine they battered a long time, and made no small impression in many men's Minds.  
48. For the next step they meant to make, was to fall foul with the Scots, and engage the Kingdoms one against another in Blood, which was the return they would give the Scots, as a reward of the good Service they had done them, coming to their help in time of need, when they were so low, so despairing of carrying on their work, and effecting what they had projected to themselves, as that the chief of them a little before were ready to run away, Ships prepared, good store of Treasure which they had sharked, packed up to carry with them, or returned beyond Sea by Bills of Exchange, and all things in a readiness for their remove, so well were they resolved to hazard, and (if need were) sacrifice themselves for their Country, though they would be thought to be the only Patriots; but they had certainly left it in the lurch, if first my Lord of Essex had not done that memorable piece of Service in relieving Gloucester (which was so gallantly defended by Major General Massey) and fight the great Battle of Newbury. And a little before that the Kingdom of Scotland engaging in the Cause, sent in their Army to their assistance. My Lord of Essex, as has been showed already, had his reward; he was cashiered, and so was Major General Massey, who since likewise is turned out of the House (being one of the eleven Members) and voted to be impeached of High Treason. And next the Scots must have theirs. The quarrelling with them, and endeavouring to destroy their Army, is what I must now speak of, as the Subject of the next Act in this Tragedy. The first endeavour is to break the Scotish Army, by not paying it, which before, whilst they had need of it, or hopes that the Kingdom of Scotland might cooperate to the working of their Designs, they could be careful to do their utmost to satisfy, and to provide for it fitting Accommodations. But now they can let many months pass without sending them any Money, or taking any care for their supply, or so much as affording them good words. One of these two effects they thought this would certainly produce, either the Soldiers to run away, perhaps mutiny, so the Army disband and fall to pieces, or else live upon Free-quarters, so by oppressing the Country to become odious, and the people rise against them. Nor were they wanting to give all encouragement so to do; Emissaries were sent out, and Agents employed in all places to stir up and embitter men's Spirits. Many Complaints were, by their procurements, sent up to the Parliament, and all means used to get hands to those Complaints, and strange things were suggested, vast Sums to be levied by them, so many thousand Pounds a week to be levied upon a County, unheard of Insolences to be committed, Robbing, Killing, Ravishing, Riots, all manner of Villainies. This would come up with open cry, make a great noise, be received and heightened in the House of Commons with railing Speeches, bitter Invectives, blown over the City and Kingdom to the disadvantage and reproach not only of the Army, but the Nation; in a word, all done that could be imagined to set Man, Woman and Child, and even the very Stones against them. The Commissioners of Scotland that were in London would many times send in their Papers to the Houses of Parliament, to show the falsehoods of those Reports, and desire that Committees might be sent down to join with theirs to examine these things; pressing that it ought to be so done by the Treaty between the two Kingdoms, and that there should always be a Committee of both Kingdoms with the Army to govern it, to provide what was sit for the Soldiers, and prevent both disorders and misunderstandings: but it was not that which our Masters desired, and therefore they would send none.  
49. The Members of the House who disliked those Courses, and saw the endeavours that were used to cause a breach between the two Nations, did yet desire, that if those relations were true, it might so appear, and be represented not only to the General of the Army, and to that part of the Committee of Estates of Scotland which was in England (both those with the Parliament and those with the Army) but even to the Kingdom of Scotland, that there might be redress, the Offenders punished, and the Kingdom of England righted and satisfied: If false, that the raisers and contrivers of those Reports might be punished, and the Kingdom of Scotland repaired, which was the way to keep Peace between the Nations. And so sometimes they prevailed, and got it ordered for an Examination, but never any thing could be made of it. Only at a Market-Town in Yorkshire there had been a Riot, and some Men killed; for which a Council of War had passed on the Offenders, and some (as I remember) were executed, some cashiered. And for the raising those great Sums of Money, it is true, Money they did raise, or else their Soldiers must have starved: But for that exorbitancy of raising so many thousand Pounds a Week upon one County, it was a Scandal and false Lie, grounded upon notable Cheat and Collusion. For the Scots drawing their Quarters near together, which they did, as well for the better governing of their Army, as for the safety of it, knowing they had many back-friends, this made them lie heavy upon places, and exact the more Money and Provisions from those several Townships. Then did these Men who were employed to blow the Coals, and put all into a flame (if possible) between the Country and the Scots, take the highest rate that was set upon any one of these Towns, and make a computation what it would come to upon the whole County at that proportion, which Sum they informed to be the charge upon that County for the payment of the Scotish Army; and this must be made a great business and past for a truth, as if the Scots had raised so much Money, when in truth there was no such thing.  
50. Yet let me not be thought to excuse and justify all that the Soldiers of that Army have done upon the Country, and not to pity with a very tender Sense, the deep Sufferings of those Northern parts, the Scotish Army lying so long upon them on Freequarter. I must be very ignorant of the carriage of an unpaid Army, if I did not believe that many disorders were committed, many a poor Countryman exceedingly oppressed and abused by the unruly Soldiers, and more by half taken and spoiled by them, than would have sufficed for their Pay and Entertainment, if it had been orderly raised and provided by the authority and care of the State which was to pay them. And so should I likewise have very small bowels towards my Country, England in general, and particularly those poor Counties, in one of which I received my being, if I did not grieve and mourn from the bottom of my Soul for the sad condition which did then overspread them, the poverty to which they are reduced, the ruin of so many Houses and Families, the Land lying in many places an uninhabited Wilderness, all over a face of misery and desolation. But then the more I am raised to an indignation against them who were the cause of this, those who had rather suffer not one County or two, but all the Counties in England, and two Kingdoms besides to perish and ruin, than they to fail of their Ends. So must all the North be made a Sacrifice to their malice and revenge upon the Scotish Nation, and rather than not enforce the Scots to oppress those parts, hoping at last they would fall one upon another, they will suffer the Country to endure any Misery; and not only so, but impudently and perfidiously wrest and misinterpret the Treaty themselves had made, and so put a great scorn thereon, to give greater provocations to the Scots: and thus they make themselves ridiculous and infamous to the World, and to all posterity, by a gross and palpable collusion.  
51. For when the Commissioners of Scotland and the General of the Army did so often and earnestly move for Pay for the Soldiers, representing that on the monthly Pay which was conditioned for and promised, they have not of so many Months received any thing, and that it was impossible to observe that Discipline in the Army which was requisite for the ease of the County, because the Soldiers were unpaid, they had the face to say, that by the Treaty the Scots could not receive their Pay at present, because there was a Clause, that if any part thereof were behind, they should be allowed Interest for forbearance (which Interest was not to be presently paid neither, but afterwards when the Peace was settled and the Kingdom more able) upon which these conscionable Logicians inferred, that allowing Interest nothing could be demanded. So that which the Scots gave way to out of friendliness and confidence, to show they would not exact upon our necessities, if at any time through the great occasions of expense we were not able to give them their full Pay, is now made use of, and ungratefully turned upon them, to defer the payment of any part: And this only to affront them, and make them desperate.  
52. And as they deal with the Army, so did they with the State and Kingdom of Scotland, by putting neglects and indignities upon their Ministers, raising jealousies of them and of the whole Nation. For this they had their Robert Wright, and their unknown Knight to give intelligence of Correspondencies held by them with the Queen, of undertaking to do great matters for the King, Treaties with France, strange designs and practices against the Parliament, and every foot Letters of Information from some wellwishers abroad to Mr. Solicitor, or Sir Henry Mildmay, or some other of that Gang, upon this strain. Then this is whispered about, and these Letters go from hand to hand, and told as a secret in every body's Ears, to make people afraid and mistrust even their own Shadows, as if all were in danger. Sometimes the House must be acquainted with some of these things, or some person or other brought to the Bar to make some relation, as Sir Thomas Hanmore. Then the doors are shut, long wound Speeches made to set out our dangers, and great expectations raised of strange discoveries, and all but a parturiunt montes. Yet this serves to make a noise, and they had Instruments abroad to improve it, and many hones well meaning men were cozened and stood at gaze, knew not what to think of their Brethren of Scotland, nor yet of the Members of either House, and desired to have things more fairly carried towards them; and as they had had experience of their faithfulness formerly so could they not be brought by such artifices to have an ill opinion of them without better grounds for it, and therefore differed in the entertainment they gave to those alarms, judging them false and causeless, accordingly expressing themselves, diverting and breaking the desperate thrusts which these men made, and were therefore decried as Scotish, malignant, and prejudged in all they did or said.  
53. The malice against the Scots rests not here, it carries them to discover and manifest slighting and neglecting, and (that not sufficiently provoking) a violent injuring and affronting of them. First, they vouchsafe not to answer the Papers they put into the House, some not at all, none presently (as formerly they were wont to do) nor in any convenient time: but make them wait days, and weeks, and months, for a return to what the Commissioners present from the Kingdom of Scotland, or from themselves in the name of that Kingdom.  
54. The Committee of the two Kingdoms is now no more in esteem, than (as they say) a Saint without a Holiday: That which before did manage all the great business, which was looked upon with so much reverence, even as a sacred thing, prayed for in the Churches like the Lords in the Council, had all the `trust, all the power, not only in matters of War, which were wholly left to them by the ordinance of their Constitution; but all other business of consequence, as framing propositions for Peace, and all Addresses to his Majesty, all Negotiations with foreign States, whatsoever did in any high degree concern the Parliament or Kingdom, was still referred to them, and what they did, passed for Law, was seldom or never altered in the House. But now the Tide was turned, they had nothing to do. Sir Thomas Fairfax was discharged of his subordination to them, and left to himself, to do as he saw cause with his Army. They of the Committee, who were of that Faction, seldom or never came to it; so that the Commissioners of Scotland, and the other Members of it, did come and attend three or four days one after another, sometimes oftener, to no purpose, and no Committee could sit for want of a number: nay, they prevailed so far, as now to vilify and show their neglect or jealousy of the Scotish Commissioners. They would sometimes get business referred to the Members of both Houses that were of that Committee, with their Exclusion.  
55. To provoke them yet more, they Break through the Law of Nations, which in all places in the World give protection to public Ministers employed by any Prince or State, so as neither their Servants or Goods, and especially not their Letters, which are of greater consequence, and more immediately concern the Honour and Interest both of their Masters and them, aught to be in any sort touched or stopped; yet the Packets of the Commissioners of Scotland must be intercepted, and their Letters broke open. This done several times in a secret and private manner, the Letters suppressed and never heard of more, which was a great wrong and injury to that Kingdom; yet cannot be said to be an affront, because it was not avowed. But they have likewise done it openly and avowedly in a most inselent way: Once they set a Captain, one Massey, at the Guards by London, knowing the Commissioners were sending an Express into Scotland; and this Captain (who deserves to be made an Example for it, and his Masters too who set him to work) stops the Gentleman who was sent with the Packet, takes the very Letters they had written to the Committee of Estates, reads them, and keeps the Messenger Prisoner upon the Guard, which was the highest affront, the greatest violation of the public Faith, the greatest scandal to all Princes, States, and even Societies of Men, the basest unworthiest dealing with a Nation, to whom we were engaged by Amity, League, Covenant, common Interest, and all Bonds of Gratitude for the good we had received from them, that ever was heard of, or read in any Story, or I think ever will be again. Yet was this fellow, by the power and interest of these Men, protected in the House of Commons: So far from being punished, when the Scotish Commissioners made their Complaint, that when the Lords had committed him for it, they made the House set him at liberty, and quarrel with the Lords for breaking their Privileges, in committing one who was under examination of their Committee: for they had referred the business to a Committee, in truth not to do the Kingdom of Scotland any right in punishing the Offender, but affront it the more in protecting him.  
56. One would think now these had bid fair for an absolute breach with Scotland, but they are not satisfied yet; one thing more they will do which they are confident will do the feat. It is this; At the coming in of the Scots, they had born them in hand, they desired nothing but the uniting of the Nations: That therefore they would never make Peace without their advice and consent; and that as they desired a conjunction of Forces and Counsels for prosecution of the War, so whensoever a Peace was made, they desired a conjunction of Counsels and Interests for the preservation thereof, that so the Kingdoms, interwoven one with another, might be a mutual strength and security one to another. Therefore in framing the propositions for Peace presented to the King at Oxford, and treated on at uxbridg, which was done at the Committee of the two Kingdoms, they make it one proposition, That some Commissioners from Scotland should be joined with ours in the power of the Militia of this Kingdom, and converse some of ours with theirs in their Kingdom, and so bring it to the House. Where myself, and many more, who truly desired the joining of the Nations in love and good understanding to perpetuity, opposed it, fearing that joining them in that power would prove a dividing of affection, which should be best set, and so preserved by keeping several their several Interests. But those carried it, and what we feared proved true: it being afterward made an occasion of great endeavours to set the two Kingdoms farther asunder, and certainly was first done by them out of that design.  
57 For now when the propositions were to be sent again to the King to Newcastle, that Party took their rise upon that proposition to have them all reviewed, and changed almost all in them that looked towards the Scots, and gave themselves liberty, as they had a large Field, to show the inconveniencies of admitting another Kingdom to share power in this. And much was done and said reflecting upon Scotland, and against all such intermixtures. Then those who showed their dislike of it before, and would not have had it done when it was to do, being now done, did not desire at that time to have it undone, in truth, unwilling there should be any altering of the propositions at all; not knowing where these Men would stop, if once they began to change any part: And therefore offered this consideration, that though before it had been no wrong or unkindness to our Brethren not to have admitted them to such a Copartnership, which they apprehended would prove rather a prejudice than otherwise, but being now in, they thought it might be ill taken to thrust them out, and argue a jealousy and change of Affection, according to the Rule, Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur, etc. But for that very reason were these Men the more earnest for it, that it might be ill taken, that it might argue a jealousy, that the Scots might see by it, that the countenance, of the Parliament was not to them as before, and that the Ligament being untied, by which the two Kingdoms did seem to be bound up together, they might fall in sunder, and the breach be the greater. O the wickedness of these Men, that thirsted after nothing but to see the two Kingdoms weltering in that blood which they must let out of one another's Veins! But that does the more commend the goodness, piety, wisdom, and moderation of our Brethren of Scotland, which prevented it; for notwithstanding all these provocations, all these injuries and affronts, they were steadfast, they were unmoveable in their resolutions to promote the Peace of England. They said they came in to help it, they will not be made Instruments to destroy it: They had bound themselves in a Covenant before God, and in a Treaty with their Brethren of England, to endeavour by all good ways and means a happy Settlement and Reformation both in Church and State: The art and malice of their Enemies, and the Enemies of Peace, shall not engage them to become in any sort an occasion of hindering it. Therefore they deny themselves, they renounce their own interest, they quit all pretensions, and agree with the Parliament in those alterations, and thereby defeat the expectation of those who hoped to see, not only the propositions of Peace laid aside upon that occasion, but that Scotland should have born the blame, both of not making Peace with the King, and also of all the Miseries which must have followed upon both Kingdoms by a rupture and breach between 'em.  
58. When they saw they could not by Art and underhand-dealing compass this Breach, that neither the Scots would be provoked to declare against the Parliament, and so the War begin on that side; nor could they engage the Northern Counties to fall upon them: If either of which had taken, they had still kept themselves behind the Curtain, and hid the Arm which had thrown the Stone; they had seemed, alas, innocent well-meaning Men, and yet the mischief befallen which they had contrived. But rather than fail they will throw of the Vizard, and come downright with open face, to the executing their Design. They set on their Teazers, as Haslerig, Mildmay, Martin, and many others, to move, That Sir Thomas Fairfax might go down with his Army to protect those Northern Counties, and relieve them from the oppression of the Scots, a pretty way of protection and giving ease, to send an Army into a Country. We see how this Army eases the Country now, to the breaking both of their backs and hearts. But, could they have gotten a Vote for this, their work had been done, and we should soon have heard of mischief and felt it: The animosity between those two Armies had instantly put them and the Kingdoms into blood, for which, no question, Sir Thomas Fairfax had his Instructions, but the House would never give way to it, though with earnestness pressed many times by that Party. And when they saw they could not prevail, the presumptions are very strong, that they would have had the Army to have marched thither without the Parliament's order: for the Scots had an alarm of the Army's moving towards them, and their Commissioners so informed the House, with a protestation against it, upon which there was a stop, with a denial and disavowment of their having any such intention. Yet certainly there was an attempt, and it is said, orders out for part of the Army to move that way; but God be thanked it went no further, for that would have been a sad business.  
59 Before I go off this matter, I must do that right to Col. Pointz, who commanded the Northern Forces, as to attribute to his care and vigilancy, and his discreet ordering of his business, a great part of our happiness, that all that mischief was prevented which was so earnestly endeavoured to be pulled on us, by engaging the Country and Scotish Army in quarrel and bloodshed; and that was his Crime with these Men to be for it, since so unjustly put out of his Command, after they had stirred up the unruly Rabble of the Agitators, to take him by violence out of his House at York, being as absolutely in his Command as Fairfax was in his: Merely doing it by an act of power, force, and violence, breaking through all Rules of Justice, Equity, and Honesty, bringing him a Prisoner to the Army, not suffering him so much as to put on his Clothes, or speak to his Wife, or any Friend, but use him as if he had been the greatest Traitor in the world, when Sir Thomas Fairfax could not pretend to the least jurisdiction over him, not any thing could be laid to his charge. Such is their hatred of every honest Man, who stands in their way to their pernicious designs.  
60. Their next hope was, that the Scotish Army would not go out of the Kingdom at the desire of the Parliament; so bloody Noses would be upon that occasion: and I must give them their due, there was no failure in them, to do all that was possible to have kept them in still only to quarrel with them, but with a seeming to desire nothing so much as their going. Very forward they were to get the Vote of the Parliament that they should be gone; but to enable them to go they would not help, rather hinder, and hang on all the weights they could. To say the truth, they had some ground to believe, First, That they would not go, Secondly, That they could not, if they would; for the Scots had a colour, if not just reason to have refused.  
61. By the Covenant and Treaty, the two Kingdoms had bound themselves before God and one to another, as one entire Body, to prosecute the Cause (these are the very words of the Declaration of both Houses to the State of the united Provinces, which Declaration Mr. Solicitor himself penned, therefore they must hold it Canonical) and that neither Kingdom should lay down Arms till the Ends mentioned in the Covenant and Treaty were obtained. If then in this Cause the Forces of both Kingdoms made but one entire Body, the Scots had a good Plea, Why will you send us away and disband us wholly? This proceeding is not equal, the Body must suffer, and cannot act as an entire Body if one whole Member be cut off; or if there be no more need of acting, if the Ends be obtained for which the Body was constituted, and therefore you send us away, then why do you keep up your own Army, the other part of this Body? This had certainly been strong reason, which Mr. Solicitor would have been puzzled to answer.  
62. Besides, the Scots had cause enough to have their jealousy prompt them, that it was not safe for them to depart with their Army, lay by their Swords, and leave standing in this Kingdom so great a Force, which they knew to be so ill affected to them, and might act to their prejudice; and the King being in their power, perhaps force both him and the Parliament to a Peace disadvantageous to Scotland, and differing from those grounds upon which, by the Kingdom of England, they were engaged in this Quarrel: or else make no Peace at all, but interpose (as Cromwell to the Earl of Manchester) to hinder it, and themselves govern by the Sword, not only to the prejudice of Scotland, but also ruin of England. One may swear there was ground enough for such a fear; for since it hath proved so to purpose. But according to the old Rule, they who mean well themselves, are not suspicious of others. The Scots had no thoughts but of settling a Peace, laying down of Arms, calling the People, and all things to revert into their old Channel; therefore they were willing to be gone and return into their own Country, in confidence that after their departure, the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax should likewise presently be disbanded, since there was no more need of any Army at all, so they were willing to go.  
63. But then the question was if they would go or not, and how the Soldiers would be disposed to march out, who had not been paid of so many Months, insomuch as the Scotish Commissioners gave in an account of some 800000 l. Arrears. Here our Gallants hoped they had them upon the Hip, and should surely give them a fall. Then they thrust on some of their little Northern Beagles, as Mr. Blaxton, and others, to inform what high Sums they had raised upon the Country; upon which they conclude the Scotish Army was in their debt, and therefore they would come to an account with them, which had been a sure way to have kept them in the Kingdom five or six months longer. But to help that, our just Paymasters said the Army should march away, and some persons be left behind to see all accounts adjusted: which had required very good Rhetoric to have made it Justice, especially to have appeared so to the Scotish Soldiers: for to have sent them away without Money, and then ask the Countryman what the Soldiers had taken, when he might say what he thought ● good, the Soldier not there to answer for himself▪ and yet his Pay to be thereby determined, would have been but hard measure. But the Rhetoric had been, Sir Thomas Fairfax to have gone down with his Army, which should have made it just, and easy, and every thing; for this was it they desired to bring it to, as it was often moved and pressed by them.  
64. At last the wellwishers to Peace with much ado prevailed in the House, and it was carried to offer the Scots a gross Sum for all, so to part fair, and avoid the delay and disputes of an account, to which they presently agreed. Then the question was what Sum. Hear again we had a strong debate: For our Incendiaries hung by every twig, sticking fast to their Principles to dissatisfy the Scots, and break with them (if possible) upon any point; pretending the poverty of the Kingdom, and the great Sums the Scots had raised, and therefore they would give but 100000 l. which they knew was all one with a hundred Shillings, as to the satisfying of the Soldiers for marching away. In the end, after many debates in the House, and passages to and again with the Scotch Commissioners, the lowest Sum that could be agreed unto by the Commissioners was 400000 l. two in hand, and the other two after some time, with a protestation of theirs, that the Army would not be satisfied with less, nor enabled to march, which was motive enough for these Men to deny it; for if they could have wrought the dissatisfaction of the Army, so as to have refused to go, it was where they would have it. Whereupon 'twas opposed by them with all the power they had, but in the end the better part, that is the moderate Party, who were the Peacemakers, those that laboured to keep things even and fair between the two Kingdoms, carried it: And the sum was voted, and all things agreed upon, though with difficulty (for they fought it out and lost it by Inches) than the Scots declared they would march out by such a day.  
65. Yet had our Boutefeus' one hope left, which was to quarrel at last about the person of the King▪ believing the Scots would certainly have taken his Majesty with them into Scotland. This they knew had been ground sufficient, and would have engaged all England against them, giving a confirmation to all the jealousies formerly raised, and occasioned a thousand more: And had certainly more advantaged the designs of those who thirsted after the destruction of the King first, the Scots next, and then all such as desired Peace within this Kingdom, and have made them a smother way to their damnable Ends, the altering of the Government, and bringing in a confusion both in Church and State, than any thing that could have happened: And the two Kingdoms had been together in blood, the author of the mischief undiscovered, masked over with the glorious pretences of zealously vindicating the honesty and interest of England, and every breach of Covenant and Treaty in this Cause, which made them with so much peremptoriness and incivility, and in truth injustice▪ demand that the Scots would deliver up his Majesty, who had an equal interest in his Royal Person with the Kingdom of England, he being equally King of both, and an equal interest in the closing and binding up the unhappy differences which were between him and both his Kingdoms, they having been engaged in that Quarrel at the entreaty of England, and made up together with an entire Body with England (as is before showed) for the prosecution of it. Therefore they had no more reason to trust us with the King than we had them; and as much were they concerned in all that related to his Majesty's Person, so as they had ground enough to have disputed it, and out of that hope was it pressed by the others. But the wisdom of the Scotish Nation foresaw the inconveniencies which must have necessarily followed, had they been positive at that time, how they had played their Enemy's game to their own ruin, and even ruin to his Majesty. Therefore they made for him the best conditions they could, that is for the safety and honour of his Person, and to avoid greater mischiefs, were necessitated to leave him in England, and so march away. Which they did in February 1646.  
66. Here then the very mouth of Iniquity was stopped, Malice itself had nothing to say to give the least blemish to the faithfulness and reality of the Kingdom of Scotland, the clearness of their Proceedings, their zeal for Peace, without self-seeking and self-ends, to make advantage of the miseries and misfortunes of England. This gave such a reputation to them, and to those that appeared for them (that is, so far for them, as to endeavour the doing of them right, and prevent the practices of those who sought all means of doing them wrong) and gave such a blow to the other violent Party, so broke their power, and lessened their authority in the Parliament, as it made way for obtaining those resolutions which were presently taken for disbanding Sir Thomas Fairfax's Army. Till when, by the fomenting jealousies against the Scots, and against all moderate and well affected persons, as if their designs were to betray the Cause, deliver over the Honour, and Interest, and Strength of England, into the hands of the Scots, they prevailed so far, generally upon the affection of the people, and especially upon many well-meaning (but not so well discerning) persons, Members of Parliament, as they were able to suppress all good motions tending towards Peace, all endeavours of smoothing those rugged ways that their violence had put all things in, and to swell up that Independent Army, like the Spleen in the Body by the concourse of all ill humours, to the ruin and consumption of the Body itself: And yet other Forces cashiered, as Major General Massey's Brigade, which had done all the Service in the West, of which those Drones robbed the sweet, getting the honour and advantage of it to themselves. That though that Army was composed for the most part of factious Sectaries, except some few gallant Men that were scattered here and there amongst them, as Colonel Greves, Colonel Thomas Sheffield, Sir Robert Pie, Colonel Herbert, Colonel Butler, Quartermaster General Fincher, and other Officers of Quality, and Gentlemen of the Lifeguard, who had formerly served under my L●●d of Essex, and Sir William Waller, and in other parts of the Kingdom, to whom they did the honour of letting them perform all the Action which that Army had to do, and who every one of them afterward left it, when it left its obedience to the Parliament and fidelity to the Kingdom, and that they grew to be not only an unnecessary grievous burden in respect of charge, but also a let and hindrance to the settling all Government both civil and ecclesiastical, neither submitting themselves to order of Parliament, nor permitting others where they could hinder it; but giving countenance to all disorders, especially in the Church, as breaking open the Church doors, doing most unseemly barbarous things, indeed not fit to be related either to modest or Christian Ears, and in time of Divine Service interrupting Ministers as they were preaching, miscalling, reviling them, sometimes pulling them down by violence, beating and abusing them, getting into the Pulpits themselves, and venting either ridiculous or scandalous things, false and pernicious Doctrines, countenancing and publishing seditious Pamphlets (for which they had a Press that followed the Army) decrying both King and Parliament and all Authority, infusing a rebellious Spirit into the people, under the pretence of Liberty and Freedom. All this notwithstanding while the Scotish Army was in the Kingdom. Such things were whispered, such jealousies and fears raised, as these inconveniencies were not only dispensed with, but the Army supported and cherished as if they had been tutelary Gods, those who must have protected and delivered us from all danger, and all that the Parliament and Kingdom could do, little enough to feed and maintain them, though an excrescence that drew away the whole nourishment of the Body, and starved it.  
67. But afterwards when the Kingdom saw how they had been abused, made to fear where no fear was, and were come to themselves, they soon grew to feel the weight of that which lay upon them, and seek for ease. Then City and Country could petition the Parliament for disbanding the Army, complain of their intolerable disorders and irregularities, and the Parliament was well disposed for it, who now likewise discovered the art and malice of the Independent Party, a Spirit they had raised which they would gladly lay, and considered, that as such an Army was dangerous, so none at all was needful, that Ireland wanted what we had too much of, Soldiers.  
68 Besides, they well saw that whilst that Army stood, they should never be able to relieve Ireland to any purpose, the stock of the Kingdom was swallowed up in their maintenance; and though for the space of a whole year there had not been an Enemy in the Field, nor Town possessed by any to find them employment, yet they recruited daily, all care being taken for sending them Pay, Arms, Provision, Clothes, with all other necessaries, as if they were every day upon hard and dangerous Service, when they did nothing but trouble and oppress the Country ● so as notwithstanding their glorious pretences of fight for Conscience, not Pay, sacrificing themselves to God and the Kingdom's 'Cause, none of them would stir to help the poor Protestants in that Kingdom, but even hindered what they could all others from going.  
69. Which appeared by Colonel Hammond's Capitulation, being designed for the Service of Dublin, who though he were but an Ensign to Sir Simon Harcourt in the beginning of those Wars, now a Colonel of the new Model, stood upon his pantoufles, That he would not be obliged for longer than two or three Months, have all his Pay before hand, Victuals for six Months though he would stay but two, be absolute Commander of all the Forces there, have a proportion of Money over and above for contingent occasions put into what hands he would appoint, a Fleet of Ships to transport him, wait upon him, and be at his disposing, not to stir without his leave, in truth he must be Admiral and General; such Terms as no Prince or foreign State that had but given an assistance could have stood upon higher. This was the obedient conscientious Army; but most Men were satisfied if it was not disbanded Ireland must be lost, and England undone.  
70. The Parliament therefore taking into their consideration the necessity of relieving that dying Kingdom, after long debate, and much opposition from all that Party, came at last to a resolution in May 1647, and vote, that a certain proportion of Foot and Horse should forthwith be transported into Ireland (as I remember seven Regiments of Foot, of which four I am certain were to be taken out of the Army) they further vote, that no Foot should be continued in England, but those that were to be for the necessary defence of the Garrisons, and that about five thousand Horse and Dragoons should remain under Pay in this Kingdom, for quieting and preventing any stir or trouble, either within or from abroad, to interrupt proceedings till a settlement of Affairs: Peoples Minds after such Commotions being, like the Sea after a Storm, unquiet for some time though the wind be abated. Those Men would have had a far greater number, and pressed it earnestly, saying, We laid by our strength that all might be delivered back into the King's hands; and though even this proportion seemed very great to discreet and moderate Men, yet they pitched upon it, partly to stop the mouths of these Railers, and give satisfaction to all indifferent persons, who looked not so far into business, and were apt enough to be misled into jealousies and suspicions, and partly because they well hoped it would be but for some short time that this charge should be continued upon the Kingdom.  
71. Here then is the Axe first laid to the root of this broad spreading Tree, the Army; a dismal Cypress, the shadow and dropping whereof were so pernicious as to darken all the comfortable beams of our Sunshine of Peace, and suffer no good thing to prosper near it; this vexed the Children of darkness, who now must cast about, shake Heaven and Earth, raise all the black Spirits of Hell, confound Sea and Land, and all the Elements, rather than permit this to take place.  
72. The Parliament goes on with this work, refers it to the Committee of Lords and Commons at Derby-house, to see those Votes concerning Ireland put in execution. The eleven Members were almost all of them of that Committee, who may say Hinc illae Lacrimae. For doing their parts, together with the rest, in discharge of the duty and trust which lay upon them to take care of that poor Kingdom, and discovering the designs of the Army to frustrate all the good designs of the Parliament, they incur the mortal hatred of the Party and Army which have driven them from their Homes, and Country, and City of London, without the privity or consent of the House of Parliament. The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Dacres, Sir William Waller, Sir john Clotworthy, Major General Massey, and Mr. Salloway, are the persons employed. These labour to dispose Officers and Soldiers to a compliance with the necessities of Ireland; but at the very first were received with a mutinous acclamation amongst the Officers whom they had called together, some of them crying out, One and all, and the whole Company disturbed and distempered. So as finding it not convenient to deal with them together in a body, they desired, that such as had a sense of the miserable condition of that Kingdom, and a will to engage for the relief of it, would repair to them to their Lodgings, which very many did, Colonels and Lieutenant Colonels, and other Officers, and undertook for themselves, and a very considerable number of their Soldiers, about 1500, or 2000, casting themselves wholly upon the Parliament for their conditions. The rest of the Officers and Soldiers of the Army doing all that was possible to obstruct the Service, decrying the Employment, railing upon, misusing, threatening, and thereby discourage those who engaged, calling them deserters of the Army and of their General, and by great offers and assurance of better conditions to stay with them keeping of others.  
73. And at that very time did some of the Officers meet and prepare a Petition, together with a Representation, in the name of the whole Army, That before disbanding there might be an Act of Indemnity with the King's royal Assent to it; that Auditors might speedily repair to the Army to cas● up their Accounts for their Service from the beginning; that none who had served voluntarily in that Army should be compelled to go out of the Kingdom; that till disbanded, Money might be sent down for their supply. This was a fair beginning of the godly Army's taking care for Ireland, and of those good Officers proceedings, so obedient to the Parliament, as merely for that they had been made choice of and put into the rooms of far better Men than themselves; now forsooth, when the Parliament would have some of them go for Ireland, they will put the whole Army into a Mutiny.  
74. For an Army, or any part of it, to join in a Petition, though but for Pay, when their Superiors (that Authority which they are to obey) require any Duty to be performed, or Service to be done by them, as the present relieving of Ireland was, this, I think, by the Rules of War, has in all Armies been held a Mutiny, and the Authors, at least, punished with death. Here to be sure it shall mutiny to purpose, and not disband according to the resolutions of Parliament; they put them not only to petition in this mutinous way, but to desire impossibilities, as Tacitus says, Non ut assequerentur sed causam seditioni, not to rest satisfied with former Ordinances, and the general care taken for all who had served in these unhappy Wars, but to demand a particular Act of Indemnity with his Majesty's approbation, not that they cared for him, or meant ever to see him again in power to enact any thing, which their proceedings since have made clear to all men's understandings (though some discerned it very well to be their principle and their drift from the beginning) but they knew this would take up time, could not possibly be so soon done, and would elude all endeavours of disbanding. So for Auditors to go and cast up their Accounts was the work of many Months, and a strange demand for this godly obedient Army to make, who, by their own sayings, were not Mercenary, but had taken up Arms in judgement and conscience, and out of love and duty to the Parliament, not for their Pay. Their other demand is as good, and is as much as to say, as that the Parliament should send none of them for Ireland, they who were the Parliaments Army, who, as Mr. Cromwell made us believe, would go with a word to any part of the World, whither the Parliament would please to send them; and therefore the other Armies and Major General Massey's Forces must be cashiered (those who certainly would have gone) to make way for their entertainment. These now who had received the Pay of the Kingdom so long, the sole Army, which, like Pharaoh's lean Kine, had eaten all the rest, and had the Sword of the Parliament singly and wholly in their hands, stand upon terms, and will not be compelled to go, that is, will not go; for they know none is compelled for Ireland, nor was there any thought of it, since many were willing to engage in that War who were not so in this; but this was enough to possess the Army with a prejudice against the employment, and against the intentions and proceedings of Parliament.  
75. This Petition and other of their practices so interrupted the business, that our Commissioners at their return informed both Houses of it, who yet were so tender of conceiving or expressing any great dislike of the contrivers and promoters of the Petition for obstructing the Service of Ireland, and distempering the Army, and that those who had but been drawn in it should not find themselves lessened in their good Opinion, who resolved to pass by all, and punish none, except such as should mutinously persist in the promoting of it. They sent likewise up for some of the Officers that had more notoriously appeared therein, and in discouraging and abusing them who offered themselves in the Irish Service: Whose miscarriage, though it was very gross, and the answers of some of them at the House of Commons Bar mere collusion and equivocation (as by name Lieutenant Colonel Pride's, who being charged with causing the Petition to be read at the head of his Regiment, denied it stoutly, because, it seems, it was but at the head of every Company, the Regiment not being drawn up together) notwithstanding all this, the House willing to bury what was past, and hoping it would have gained them to a better obedience for the future, sent them down again, rather with respect than otherwise, acquiescing with their denial. And this very act of Clemency was turned against them; and afterwards when the Army came to do their work barefaced, no longer to excuse but justify that Petition, nay, make the Parliament criminous for questioning it, they upbraided the House with sending up for the Officers from their Charge, when they had nothing to say to them.  
76. The necessity of disbanding more and more appearing, it hastens the resolutions for it; whereupon it was ordered, that Officers and Soldiers should have six weeks Pay of their Arrears, and so be disbanded, those that would be taken in for Ireland to have six weeks more advance. The Parliament at first pitched upon no greater Sum, it being the highest that had yet been given to any. Major General Massey's Brigade, which had been much longer without Pay, and had done better Service, had no more. The other Armies under my Lord of Essex, and Sir William Waller, which had likewise done more work, the chief and main of it all, as having had a stronger Force to grapple with, and yet had received less Wages, were put off with a fortnight's Pay. This made the Parliament think this proportion sufficient; yet afterwards they of themselves increased it to two months, which was more than any had before. Supposing then there would be no question of a compliance, they proceed to perfect what was further necessary for the supply of Ireland, and safety of England.  
77. For England they appointed what Regiments of Horse and Dragoons shall stand, settle the Garrisons, name Sir Thomas Fairfax General of all the Forces under Pay, which was sufficient Honour for him for the Service he had done; and showed that they had no meaning to dismiss those with reproach who had served them, as they were falsely scandalised.  
78. For Ireland, they make Sergeant Major General Skippon Commander in Chief, with the Title of Field Marshal, and Major General Massey Lieutenant General of the Horse; recommended it to the care of the Committee at Derby house, to prepare all things necessary for the forwarding of that Service, and draw off such of the Army as were willing to go: for the distempers there continued, those who had declared themselves being affronted, discouraged, and many of them debauched from that Service.  
79. This was faithfully performed by the Committee (that is, by part of it) for some of them, as the Solicitor, Cromwell, Sir Arthur Haslerig, and those of that gang would not attend, but the others did. And if I may speak it without vanity, it being one of the great Crimes with which the eleven Members stand charged, by their care and industry, they put the whole business into such a way, not only doing their best endeavours to have sent over the Forces that should have gone out of the Army, but sending over others also, as Colonel jones, and those Regiments which went to Dublin, and supplying the best they could my Lord Inchiqueen, and those Forces which were there before, with such necessaries as they could provide, that by the blessing of God the foundation was laid for all the good which has since befallen that Kingdom, and for the great advantages which those gallant Men have gotten upon the Rebels, notwithstanding the little assistance they have since received, having, in truth, been rather hindered than helped; for every body knows the malice which is born them by that Party which now bears sway, what discouragements my Lord Inchiqueen has laboured under, and the small regard had of Colonel jones. Yet they have subsisted, and not only preserved but advanced very much the English Interest, with Honour to themselves, and shame to these unworthy Men who are so little sensible of the conditions of the poor Protestants there, preferring their particular revenge and prosecution of their damnable End before all that is of Honour and Justice, and either of duty to God and their Country, or compassion to their distressed Brethren.  
80. The Officers in the mean time play their parts below in the Army, they had already engaged the Soldiers to stand upon Pay, an Act of Indemnity, and some other Immunities, plausible things to make them all of a piece, enter into a kind of a league and combination one with another, and so become fit to receive any other impression, and unite upon it. Therefore now they go a step further, to incense them against the Parliament, misrepresenting all passages and proceedings to them, as if the intention were to force them for Ireland, and therefore starve them or dismiss them with shame, and expose them to question and trouble for what they had done in the Wars; so engaging them to persist upon their demands in that Petition, and ask reparation of the Parliament for wrong done them by the Commissioners sent down for the business of Ireland, and other Members of the House, whom they had characterised to be Enemies to the Army, whereby they put them into such a distemper, as all thoughts of duty and obedience were cast off, nothing so odious as the Parliament, nothing would satisfy but revenge.  
81. When they had wrought the Feat, Sir Thomas Fairfax himself came to London upon pretence of taking Physic; Cromwell, Ireton, Fleetwood, Rainsborough, who were Members of the House of Commons as well as principal Officers of the Army, keep the House, that the Soldiers might be left to themselves to fire the more, run up to extremes, and put themselves into a posture to carry on their work of Rebellion with a high and violent hand, which had been so handsomely done: for either they must have appeared in it and joined with the Soldiers, which had been too gross, or have stopped it in the beginning, crushed the Serpent in the Egg, which had been most easy, but was contrary to their design. So now they give the business time to foment, and the Rebellion to grow to some head, that afterwards when they should come amongst them (for they could not but expect the Parliament would send them down) they might seem to be carried with the violence, and to give some way for preventing greater inconveniences, and to keep them from extremities till the Monster was formed, and got to that strength as to protect itself and them, when they might without danger declare for it, which they afterwards did. In the mean time disclaiming it, blaming the Soldiers at that distance (as Cromwell did openly in the House, protesting, for his part, he would stick to the Parliament) whilst underhand they sent them encouragements and directions; for nothing was done there, but by advice and countenance from London, where the whole business was so laid, the Rebellion resolved upon, and the Officers that were in town so deeply engaged, that when the full time was come for putting things in execution, my friend Cromwell, who had been sent down by the Parliament to do good Offices, was come up again without doing any, and he who had made those solemn public Protestations with some great Imprecations on himself if he failed in his performance, did, notwithstanding, privily convey thence his Goods (which many of the Independents likewise did, leaving City and Parliament as marked out for destruction) and then without leave of the House (after some Members missing him and fearing him gone, had moved to have him sent for; whereupon he being, as it seems, not yet gone, and having notice of it, came and showed himself a little in the House) did steal away that evening, I may say run away post down to the Army, and presently join in the Subscription of a rebellious Letter, whereof I shall speak anon. But let him take heed those Imprecations fall not upon him, which many times God remembers, and takes Men at their word, meeting with them in their dissembling wishes, when themselves lest think of them, perhaps have forgot that ever they made them. This by the way.  
82. For the present the thing pitched upon was to set up a kind of Council (like the supreme Council of the Irish Rebels, but that those were most of them persons of birth and degree, these ex faece populi) under the name of Agitators. Two (as I take it) were chosen out of every Regiment, at first, I think, but common Soldiers (though afterwards some Officers were added) to transact this business. These now, forsooth, seem to acknowledge no Officer, but to rule and dispose of all things as they think good. They take into consideration what is fit to be done, what not, and give their orders accordingly, examine and censure the Orders and Votes of Parliament, receive all Complaints, give the redress, send out their Warrants and Commands, write their Letters, exercise a general power over all, set up a new form of Government in the Army, and in the end are instrumental to their Masters to possess themselves of his Majesty's Person, subdue Parliament, City, and Kingdom, and be revenged upon all those who had formerly given any disturbance to the carrying on of their design, till such time as the work was done which they had set them to do. But then Mr. Cromwell and his Officers could give a stop to their proceedings. And when the Agitators thought to do as formerly, and finished what they were made to believ●● should be the Catastrophe of their Tragedy, which was the destruction of the King, and alteration of the Government, Counsels not being at that time so disposed, nor the time ripe for the execution, they soon found their Locks were cut, and (the influence of their Superiors ceasing) their strength failed, so as they brought but confusion to themselves; three of the chief were condemned to die for mutiny, but Cromwell being a merciful Prince would take but one, who was shot to death, the rest reduced to subjection and obedience, their Council Table dissolved, and their Castles in the Air Vanished to smoke. But these things fell out long after, for a time they triumph, act all, drive on the design; Cromwell and his fellows standing behind the Curtain, laughed in their sleeves, and pleased themselves to see the Game which they had packed, play so well.  
83. The first Act of these new Rulers, was a Letter sent to their three principal Officers, who were then in London, and innocent persons, God knows, knew nothing of all this, Sir Thomas Fairfax, Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Sergeant Major General Skippon. For this last, to do him right, I think that at that time he was innocent indeed; but afterwards I must avow it, he, together with the help of Mr. Marshal a Min●●●er, contributed more to the success of their Villainies, betraying the Parliament and City into their hands, than all that Cromwell, the Solicitor, Ireton, and the rest of the Crew did or could do, and no question will be sufficiently rewarded for it by them; for they are good at it to pay dear out of the public Store for any man's Conscience that will be sold, and may be useful to them.  
84. This Letter was an exclamation against the Parliament, false and untrue Complaints of wrongs done to the Soldiers at Assizes in the Counties, a protestation against the Irish Expedition, call it a design to break the Army, declaring if any of these three Commanders should engage, their averseness to it (though one of them, Skippon, was by the Parliament appointed, and had accepted it) in plain English saying they would not disband, nor receive any other propositions from the Parliament till their expectations were satisfied. Three of the Agitators brought it, and Skippon acquainted the House with it; they were sent for, and carried themselves at the Bar in a slighting braving manner, refusing to answer such questions as the Speaker, by order of the House, asked them; saying they were employed by the Army, and could not without leave from thence discover any thing. Many the House resenting this high affront, were earnest to have them severely punished; but that Party stood as stiffly for them, insomuch that the worthy Burgess of Newcastle, Mr. Warmworth, stood up and said he would have them committed indeed, but it should be to the best Inn of the Town, and good Sack and Sugar provided them, which was as ridiculous, as 'twas a bold and insolent scorn put upon the Parliament; at last even Mr. Skippon himself excused them, said they were honest Men, and wished they might not be too severely dealt with: whereupon the House flatted, let them go without punishment, and by tameness increased their madness and presumption. Where as had they served them as Mr. Cromwell after wards did their fellows, hanged one of them (they all well deserving it) it might probably have given a stop to their Career, and prevented a great deal of mischief, which has since befallen the Kingdom by their means.  
85. All that we did (whether it was Fate or Design I know not, but it proved our Ruin) was to command down to the Army the Officers that were Members of the House, such as were in town, and the General himself. I say, I know not if there were a design in it; because afterwards upon just such another occasion, we sent Sir Henry Vane the younger, Mr. Scawen, and some others, which I am sure was a thing laid; and this wrought the same effect as that did, even put them together the better to contrive and lay their business, joining the counsels of the Officers to the actings of the Agitators, so to hatch that horrid Rebellion which soon after broke out, to the utter ruin (if God's hand of mercy interpose not) of Parliament and Kingdom. They were sent to allay the distempers, and to prevent inconveniencies, but how they discharged that trust will soon appear.  
86. Instead of discountenancing, reproving, and suppressing that disposition to mutiny, that standing upon terms with the Parliament, those Meetings and Consultations by which the ill humour was nourished, and instead of persuading them to a fitting obedience and submission, and laying the Regiments farther asunder to lessen and abate the contagion, they gave them occasion to increase their distempers and vent them, by ask them what they will have, calling the Officers together, and sending them to their several Regiments to be informed of their designs; and by drawing them together already so indisposed and inflamed, inflame them the more. A strange way of quieting an Army that was in a way to Rebellion, and had begun to set up a new Government amongst themselves by their Agitators, which sped accordingly, and produced the effect that they desired, a representation of Grievances, in which the whole Army now joined and engaged, except some few gallant Men, both Officers and Soldiers, who detested those proceedings.  
87. This Representation is brought up to the House by Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Colonel Fleetwood, who had the faces to say (just as the Representation begins) That the Army was quiet and free from any visible distemper, which was only to amuse us. But than it expostulates with the Parliament the making of the forementioned Declaration, sending for up and questioning those persons who had been complained of for obstructing the Service of Ireland, justifies them, taxes the Commissioners of Parliament, and other Members of the House, for doing ill offices to the Army, stands upon all the particulars of the first Petition.  
88 The House was very much dissatisfied with these proceedings, and if ever it denied itself, did it then: for it was willing to give the Army satisfaction in all things possible, to free the Kingdom of that burden, even dispensing with their own Honours.  
89. They pass several Ordinances for Indemnity, freeing from pressing the relief of maimed Soldiers, Widows, and Orphans, with such alterations and amendments as the Army desired. Concerning the proposition of Pay upon disbanding, which was eight weeks, they conceived it could not be enlarged, in regard of the great present expense to which they were necessitated for the supply of Ireland; That the two hundred thousand Pounds, which for those two occasions were then borrowed of the City of London, would scarce serve.  
90. Therefore upon these terms both Houses concluded the disbanding, begin with the Foot, and appoint to every Regiment, as they lay quartered, a Rendezvous at some Town near, where they were to lay down their Arms, receive their Money, and have Passes to their several homes. Those that would engage for Ireland to march to some other place near hand, there to receive Advance-money and further Orders.  
91. The several Ordinances and Orders were sent to Sir Thomas Fairfax, who then had his head quarters at Bury; and two Lords and four Commoners were appointed Commissioners to repair to the several places appointed for disbanding, with Money, and directions to see the Service performed, and assist Sir Thomas Fairfax in it, who was desired to issue out his Orders for the Regiments drawing to those places.  
92. Then it was referred to a Committee of the Army to put into a way, the stating of the Accounts, both of Officers and Soldiers; and where more than two Months appeared to be due, the Commission Officer was to receive his Debenter from the Committee and Treasurer of the Army, it being appointed where he should be paid. The inferior Officer and common Soldier was to have his security upon the Excise. Let any Man now judge if the Army had any cause to complain, if all was not done that with any colour of reason and modesty could be expected.  
93. Our Commissioners, who were the Earl of Warwick, the Lord De la Ware, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Mr. Grinston, and two others, went to Chelmsford the first of june, the Rendezvous appointed for the General's Regiment, whither the Lieutenant Colonel came, Lieutenant Colonel jackson, an honest and gallant Man, with a resolution to conform to the Order of Parliament; but a Command comes from the General to the Regiment to march another way for drawing the Quarter near together.  
94. For upon the 29 th' of May, when the Votes were sending down for disbanding, Sir Thomas Fairfax had called a Council of War of the factious Officers (the honest Officers who were for submitting to the Parliament, and a quiet disbanding, having before been most of them abused, and forced away by the violence of the Soldiers and commands of the Agitators, he conniving at it) where they resolve upon an humble Advice to his Excellency, That since their Grievances were not at all satisfied, and Jealousies were very great, it would not be safe to disband, but rather draw the Army into a close posture (there being a great propensity in the Soldiers to a general Rendezvous) and then resume the consideration of their Grievances, and of the Votes for disbanding, suspending, for the present any proceedings upon these Votes; which advice his Excellency follows. So the Parliament commands to disband, Sir Thomas to march away, and draw to a Rendezvous: Fit he should be obeyed.  
95. At the very same time Colonel Rainsborough does the like with his Regiment which was at Petersfield in Hampshire, designed for jersey, and so far upon the way, himself being attending the House of Commons, of which he was a Member, and pretending to prepare for that Employment which had been entrusted to him; but in truth to give his Soldiers opportunity to mutiny, as the rest of the Army did; who, to give them more time for it, would not presently acquaint the House with the Intelligence he had received of their disorder, but having it in the morning kept it to himself till towards the evening, even denying his knowledge of any such thing, when Sir William Lewis informed the House of it, and about five or six a Clock in the Afternoon (the House then by accident sitting, as these deportments of the Army gave them cause sufficient) spoke of it, said they were in a great distemper, resolved not to march to the Sea side, but return to Oxford; whereupon being sent down to quiet them, and reduce them to obedience, he went immediately, but put himself at the head of them, and instead of taking care for jersey, marched to Oxford first, so to the Army; and none more violent in the Rebellion than he: for which good Service, and joining with the Agitators in their highest exorbitancies for the destruction of the King and altering of Government, and particularly in a Petition for taking away the House of Lords, the House of Commons since made him Vice Admiral. And the Lords, to the eternising the honour for their gentle tame dispositions, consented.  
96. But one thing was yet wanting (as they thought) for the carrying on their design, and amusing the poor people of England with an expectation of their settling a Peace, so to make them sit still and look on, whilst they trampled upon Parliament, City and Kingdom, which was to be possessed of the King's P●rson, and make the world believe they would bring him up to his Parliament, and set him on his Throne. For this it seems a meeting was appointed at Lieutenant General Cromwel's, upon the thirtieth of May, where it is resolved, That Cornet joice should, with a Party of Horse, go to Holmby and seize upon his Majesty, which is presently executed, and given out, that others had the like design, which they had prevented. At first it must seem only to be the act of Mr. joice, Cromwell protested he knew nothing of it (though he was the Man appointed it to be done, as appears by what has been recited, taken out of some of their own Authors, one that calls himself Sirrah Niho, and others) Sir Thomas Fairfax writes a Letter to the House, professes the same for himself as in the presence of God, with a large undertaking for the rest of his Officers, and the body of the Army. And perhaps he said true, I would fain be so charitable as to believe it; nor indeed do I think the good Man is privy to all their Plots, he must have no more than what they are pleased to carve and chew for him, but must swallow all, and own them when they come abroad. Here than they have the King, joice drives away the Guards, forced Colonel Greaves to fly, whom else they threatened to kill, for no man's life must stand in their way (Murder being no Sin in the visible Saints) carries away his Majesty and the Commissioners that attend him Prisoners, and immediately sends up a Letter to certify what he had done, with directions it should be delivered to Cromwell, and he absent, to Sir Arthur Haslerig, or Colonel Fleetwood, which was given to Colonel Fleetwood, as one Lieutenant Markham informed the House, saying, the Messenger that brought it told him so: nor did Sir Arthur Haslerig make a clear answer when he was asked concerning it in the House, Colonel Fleetwood being at that time gone to the Army, so as he could not be examined.  
97. By this trick they hope to catch the people, and so find no resistance to their traitorous proceedings; yet they will not trust only to Juggling, they will play a sure Game, and have power in their hands to go through the work, and make their way if it will not be given. Therefore the Army must be put into a posture for it, they have the Soldiers already, they must have Artillery and Ammunition; so at the same meeting Cromwell likewise appoints joice (as the same Authors relate) to repair to Oxford, secure that Garrison, the Magazine and Train of Artillery which had there lain many Months, the Army having had nothing to do, and so no use for it, which therefore the Parliament had then ordered to be removed and brought back to the Tower, the place where all Stores are kept. But those who were sent down by the Parliament for that purpose, were by these Mutineers beaten and wounded, the Magazine and Train kept away by force, and besides, some 3 or 4000 l. in Money taken from them, which they had carried down for disbanding of the Regiment there in Garrison. And now they think they have all in their own hands, the Fish is catcht, they may throw away the Net. They begin thereforre to appear in their own Colours; Cromwell, Ireton, with the rest of the Cabal, and Sir Thomas Fairfax in the last place (who, though he be General, is not to lead, but will be sure to follow close) may not lay aside their innocency and their ignorance (for all this while they knew nothing) and put themselves in the head of the Agitators, own all they have done, and at Triploe Heath, near Cambridg, appoint a general Rendezvous, there to declare themselves, and avowedly enter into the Confederacy.  
96. At this Rendezvous was framed that solemn Engagement, wherein, they say, they look upon the resolutions of the Parliament for their disbanding, as proceeding from malicious and mischievous Principles and Intentions, and not without carnal and bloody purposes. That therefore they are resolved not to appear at the places thereto appointed, and then declare, agree, and promise to and with each other, That till they have such satisfaction in all their Grievances, and such security for the future as shall be agreed on at a Council, consisting of the general Officers, with two Commission Officers and two Soldiers to be chosen for each Regiment, they will not disband or divide, nor suffer themselves to be disbanded or divided. And this is one result of that meeting of the godly obedient Army, this the fruit of the new Model, and of all the great undertake of that man of God (as his Disciples called him) Lieutenant General Cromwell in their behalf.  
99 They likewise frame there another submissive business, which they called an humble. Representation of the dissatisfaction of the Army, in relation to the late resolution for so sudden disbanding, where they are more large in their humble cudgeling of the Parliament, and do it to that purpose, with a scorn of all that had been offered to their satisfaction, say, The private Soldiers will not regard what is behind of Pay after disbanding, implying all must be had, require further security for the Officers Arrears, as Forest Lands, and the revenues of Cathedrals, quarrel with the ordinances passed for Indemnity, exemption form Pressing, etc. expostulate about the Declaration against their seditious Petition yet standing in force, demand reparation for questioning their mutinous Officers, and will have it against those Members of the House who had done but their duty, and discharged their Consciences in that particular, declare plainly, That though all their Grievances were duly considered, it were nothing except those persons were censured, calling them Men of desperate Principles, Incendiaries, that must not continue to be their Judges, that is, must not sit in Parliament, and much more of this nature, which in contempt they send up to the House. These are they that fight for privilege of Parliament, who have made a Covenant with God and Man so to do, and well they perform it; those they mislike must be thrust out by head and shoulders, and such as remain, if they be not obedient to them, shall be served with the same sauce: And this is to make a free Parliament. Was there ever a more perfidious breach of Duty, did Rebellion itself ever outdo it, can any Man think? Yet let us go a little further with them, and we shall see greater abominations than these.  
100 All this while they seemed to desire only things concerning themselves, though very unfittingly and wickedly, both for matter and manner; yet not to meddle with any thing else concerning settling the business of the Kingdom, which in many Messages and Declarations they still protested against, saying (as Sir Thomas Fairfax wrote up from Cambridg) That whatever was suggested or suspected, they would leave all such matters to the wisdom of the Parliament. But now Tempora mutantur, they have power in their hands, and the Kingdom shall feel it; the Parliament shall not only give them what they will have, but do what they will have done, or smart for it. They make the world believe they will set the King on his Throne and in his Rights, the People in their Liberties, the Parliament in its Duty, and a Golden Age is like to follow.  
101. To this end they march up in a hostile way towards London, bring his Majesty along with them from Royston. Sir Thomas Fairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, and the rest of the Officers, write a Letter to the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common Council, telling them, That the sum of what they have desired of the Parliament, is a satisfaction to their demands as Soldiers, a reparation upon those that have improved advantages (as they falsely say) by false suggestions and misrepresentations to the destruction of the Army, and endeavoured to engage the Kingdom in a new War. That the things they insist upon as English Men, are a settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom, and of the Liberties of the Subject, which they say they have as much right to demand as their Money, or other common Interest of Soldiers, and that the honest People of England are full of the sense of Ruin and Misery, should they disband before. That for the obtaining of these things, they are drawing near the City, and declare, That if the City appear not against them, nor provoke them, they will give no offence; but if they do, they call God to witness they are free, and have washed off the Ruin which will befall it: that they will lose all rather than not be righted of the Men they aim at, therefore desire, that like fellow Subjects and Brethren, the Citizens would follicite the Parliament in their behaf.  
102. Here they first take upon them openly to intermeddle with the business of the Kingdom, contrary to all the former Declarations and Protestations; but their words nor yet their vows were ever any rule to know their meaning by: as Hammond told the King concerning Cromwell, so is it with all those visible Saints, have they promised, vowed, sworn never so much, called God and Man to witness, if the condition of their Catholic Cause so alter, that what they have so promised and sworn be no longer expedient for them, a pretended Enthusiasm, a new Light shall give a dispensation, and they will do clean contrary, yet all out of tenderness of Conscience; well, they are now in strength and power, and will make use of it to turn all upside down.  
103. The poor Parliament all this while is sitting upon addle Eggs, take a great deal of pains, like Children, to build Castles of Cards, a puff from their faithful Army blows it all down. It is true, that at first, upon return of their Commissioners, who were sent down to disband, and had brought them an account of the scorn put upon them, how instead of the Regiments coming to the Rendezvous appointed, a Command from Sir Thomas Fairfax fetched them clear another away; how the train of Artillery was seized upon at Oxford, the Money which should have disbanded a Regiment taken away by force, and the Servants whom they had employed, beaten and wounded; this did with good reason startle them; many of the Members expressed a sharp and severe Sense of it; the House was taking vigorous and honourable Resolutions, though opposed with might and main by all the Independent Party, who prevailed but little, being now a known engaged Faction, till Sergeant Major General Skippon stood up, a Presbyterian, one who had seemed to dislike those factious ways before his last going down to the Army, who was nominated Commander in chief for the Irish Expedition, had received a gift of a thousand Pounds by way of encouragement to go, but now was willing enough to stay at home with it; he, forsooth, in a grave way, with a doleful Countenance, and lamentable Voice, makes a long Speech to exhort to moderation, and to bear with the Infirmities of a zealous conscientious Army which had done so much good Service. Therefore it was his opinion we should humble ourselves before God, appoint a day of Fasting, and do those things which the Army desired, give them their full Pay, alter the Ordinance according as they proposed, and he was persuaded in his Conscience they would then be satisfied; however they were not to be provoked, for they were a formed Body which would be upon us before we were aware. This knocked us on the head, especially his last Argument, a demonstration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; so it is, they are strong, they will fall upon you; timorous Men, as he knew many of those were he had to deal with, could make no reply to it.  
104. But had he done his duty, given warning of those preparations and intentions sooner, when he was below with the Army so long, and could not choose but discern it, the House would not have been so surprised, would have provided against it in time, but now fear took away the use of reason. They looked upon the Army as even at their doors, Hannibal ad portas, and all of them Children of Anak, armed Giants not to be resisted.  
105. Whereas in truth there was no such cause of fear. As they in the Army had more 'Cause carrying about them so much guilt, as I am confident they had as great a share of apprehension. But they presumed upon their Agents among us, they knew we had them with us both in Parliament and City who would betray us, possessed with the like evil Spirit as Ahab's Prophets were; we should prevail, otherwise we were not in so despicable a condition. The Parliament had not yet utterly lost their reputation, the Image of Authority was not wholly defaced in them, they had a stock entire and untouched of 200000 l. provided for disbanding the Army, and service of Ireland, multitude of Officers and gallant Soldiers about the Town, who had always fought gallantly, and obeyed readily, had little reason to be in love with the Army which had unhorsed them, so it is likely would have engaged cheerfully and done good service. The City was high in the opinion of the People for courage and resolution, firmness to the Parliament, zeal in the Cause, hatred of Independency, dislike of the Army, and a Purse to make all good, give Sinews and Strength to that side with which they should close, and had particularly presented many Petitions to the House for those very things which they were doing, and the Army only came to undo; which were in order to a Peace, restoring the King, settling the Government both in Church and State, and giving ease and quietness to the Kingdom, so as they were in truth already engaged with us, and waited but a Summons to declare themselves, when by this unfortunate Man's interposition at that time (to whom chiefly and to his Chaplain Marshal, we must attribute all the Evil that has since befallen King and Kingdom) all was dashed; instead of a generous resistance to the insolences of perfidious Servants, vindicating the honour of the Parliament, discharging the trust that lay upon them to preserve a poor People from being ruined and enslaved to a rebellious Army, they deliver up themselves and Kingdom to the will of their Enemies, prostitute all to the Lust of heady and violent Men, suffer Mr. Cromwell to saddle, ride, switch, and spur them at his pleasure.  
106. For we instantly fell as low as dirt, vote the common Soldier his full Pay, the Officers a Month more (that is in all three Months) upon disbanding or engaging for Ireland, take all our Ordinances in pieces, change and alter them according to their minds, and (which is worst of all) expunge our Declaration against that mutinous Petition, cry Peccavimus to save a whipping, but all would not do.  
107. In so much that when our Commissioners were sent down to the Army at Triplo Heath, to give an account of our dutiful compliance, they would not vouchsafe to hear them, but when they offered to read the Votes, cry out, Justice, Justice, a Note that Cromwell and Ireton had taught them to sing, being done by their directions, as some of their own Disciples falling our with them, have since discovered; which was by Mr. Scawen, who was one of those were sent, reported back to the House, in such a ghastly fearful manner (only to terrify us and make us more supple) he saying, the Army was so strong, so unanimous, so resolved, as the poor Presbyterians hearts fell an Inch lower, and the Independents made themselves merry with it. Then forsooth the Houses must send down Members to abide with the Army as with a Power independent, or a third Estate, improve all advantages and opportunities, to give good impressions of the actions and intentions of the poor Parliament, and, like Benhadad's Servants, catch at any thing of comfort which might fall; these were Sir Henry Vane the younger, Sergeant Major General Skippon, Mr. Scawen, and Mr. Povey.  
108. In the mean time the Army is marching, draws nearer and nearer to the City, where, as well as in the Parliament, Men were between hopes and fears; looking upon what was done sufficient to appease them, what then offered, what they always intended for doing right to the Army; and in truth to all persons, they could not but hope as well. But seeing the postures and proceedings of the other side, there was more cause of fear, till at last that Letter came to the City of which I spoke before, which satisfied our doubtings; and when the Citizens who were sent from the Common Council brought it to the Parliament, the horror and indignation of such an Impiety, so great a Presumption, so manifest a Rebellion, awakened us to see our danger, and mastered those fears which had been given us to awe us from resistance, so as both Houses and City resolved to put themselves in a posture of defence, appointed a Committee of Lords and Commons to go into the City, call the Committee of the Militia of London to them, and jointly and severally do what was necessary for our common safety.  
109. The Committee went and did their parts, but they found Ioab's hand every where; the Army had so played Absalon, pretending an intention to settle Peace immediately, correct the exorbitances with which the people had been oppressed and abused, restore the King, with such other plausible things; and their Agents had so industriously improved their Interests, some false Brothers in the City, as Alderman Foulks, and Alderman Gibbs, so cunningly wrought upon men's Minds, sometimes upon their Fears, setting out the strength and power of the Army, which threatened nothing but ruin; sometimes upon their hopes and desires of Peace, gilding over their proceedings, as all done in order to it; sometimes upon the dislike of the present condition, assuring them all Taxes and Payments would by this means be taken off; sometimes upon their credulity, making them believe, that those Persons whom the Army had in their eyes to remove, were not so well affected to the public, but had particular Ends and Designs of their own, to arm Reformadoes, and set up the power of another Sword to rule and govern by, so to continue the Miseries and Burdens of the People: by which Falsehoods and Juggle, those two chiefly, like jannes' and jambres, had generally bewitched the City, and lulled it into a security, withstanding those who had no other thought than to deliver their Brethren and themselves from that subjection and vassalage to which they were then designed, and are since brought. As the Citizens resolved not to stir, but looked on to see what this Army would do; some few did appear, rather to make objection and hinder the business than help it; and though many good orders were made for putting the City into a posture to defend itself, none were obeyed: so on all hands the poor Parliament, and Kingdom, and City itself were betrayed, and left to the mercy of the Army, whose mercy we shall soon see was Cruelty itself, Injustice, Oppression, Violence, and Rebellion in the highest degree.  
110. They now thunder upon us with Remonstrances, Declarations, Letters, and Messages every day, commanding one day one thing, next day another, making us vote and unvote, do and undo; and when they had made us do some ugly thing, jeer us, and say, our doing justifies their desiring it, as they served us concerning all we had granted for Pay, expunging our Declaration, passing the Ordinances for Indemnity against Pressing, and the like. They tell us in their Representation of the 14 th' of june, That our resuming the consideration of these things, as to their further satisfaction, does much justify their desires and proceedings so far; and therefore they then proceed further, and say, They desire full and equal satisfaction, not only for themselves, but for all the Soldiery throughout the Kingdom, who have concurred or will concur with them; so engage all against the Parliament, and contract such a debt as has broken the back of the Commonwealth, and now say they are not a mercenary Army to serve the arbitrary power of the State, but that they took up Arms in Judgement and Conscience (notwithstanding they have received more Pay than all the Armies in the Kingdom, and yet lived most of Spoil and free Quarter) therefore they are resolved to assert and vindicate the power and rights of the Kingdom, and say, That what they do is short of the proceedings of other Nations, to things of a higher nature than as yet they had pretended to, instancing in the Netherlands and Scotland. For the present they require, that the Houses be purged, those who have appeared against them not to be theirs and the Kingdom's Judges, whose names they say they will speedily give in; they tell the Parliament what kind of Men they will have preferred to power and trust in the Commonwealth; then (which was a Crime some six weeks before, to move in Parliament and in a Parliamentary way, so as that sagacious Gentleman Mr Gurden, stood up in a rage, and said it smelled of Oxford, and it was much decried by all the Crew, but is now of public merit, and very pious, coming from their Masters the Army) they will have a determinate period of time set to this Parliament, some provision to be made for the continuance of future Parliaments. And when his Majesty shall have given his Concurrence to these and all other things that shall be proposed for the liberties of the People, the Militia, and peace of the Kingdom, than his Rights and of his Posterity to be considered. They will have the Rights of the People cleared for freedom of Petitioning, and such as are imprisoned for pretended Misdemeanours to be speedily tried, and have reparations if they have suffered wrongfully; the power given to Committees, and deputy Lieutenants to be taken into consideration. The Kingdom to be publicly satisfied in point of Accounts, and after public Justice done upon some of the excepted Persons, that there be an Act of Oblivion. Then they conclude that these things done, though there be many other particulars, yet (which certainly was merely out of their great goodness and grace, like that of the modest Spaniard with his no quiero mas) they will ask no more, but leave the rest to the wisdom and justice of the Parliament; and this they say they find to be the concurrent sense of the People, by their Petitions presented to the General, wherein (as in all the rest) they play the arrant Impostors and Mountebanks, being as impudent, false, cunning, bloody, proud, and ambitious as the Devil himself, their grand Master. They will have us believe the Sense of the People joined with them, and that they petitioned for these things; when their own fellow Witches have since discovered how Cromwell himself drew those Petitions, sent them about into the Countries, had his Agents to promote them with mellifluous enamouring promises (as the expression is) so got some Independents to subscribe them, and perhaps some few more that they had cozened; which served the turn, and made their wise General engage himself with them, saying, That what he wanted in expression of his devotion to their Service, should be supplied in action, as Mr. john Lawmind informs in his Putney Projects.  
111. The Parliament is now brought to a fine pass, made a notable free Parliament, but we must believe it to be so, because Cromwel's Army says it, and speed as well as our first Parents believing the Serpent, that told them eating the Apple would make them as Gods, wise, and happy. The Army on the other side triumphs, drives on like jehu, bears down all before it, carries about the King as a Prisoner to show him, and make that use of him, which the Philistines would have done with the Ark, prevail against all opposition; and truly that and their power together did make them prevail.  
112. Their next work is, charging eleven Persons, Members of the House of Commons, particularly by name, but with general things; for particulars they were not provided with, as their friend john Lawmind says, who uses these words, the particular matter of their Charge was to seek after they had in general charged them: And another of their Disciples, Sirrah Nico▪ says, That Cromwell confessed at Colebrook, he had nothing against Sir john Maynard, yet he must be put in amongst the rest, only because he was a busy Man against him and his faction; so you see these Thiefs falling out some truth comes to light.  
113. With this general Charge there comes another Paper from his Excellency and the Army under his Command, requiring the Members impeached may be forthwith suspended sitting in the House, and a months Pay to be immediately sent down to the Army for a present supply; and of these things to know the resolution by the next Thursday at the furthest, which was within two days. They require further▪ That the Officers who had deserted the Army (as they called it, but in truth who had left them for their Rebellion, and engaged for Ireland) should have no more of their Arrears paid them till the Army was first satisfied: And to be sure the Parliament should have none to defend them, They command them to raise no new Forces within the Kingdom, nor invite, nor admit any from other parts; the reason, or at least the colour for this was, because the Committee of Safety, at such a time as in obedience to the Order of Parliament they had endeavoured to have put the City in a condition to defend the Parliament and itself, had considered of raising some Force, but never any thing was put in execution, nor one Man listed: And though the Parliament and City did assure them there was no proceeding in it, which they might then very likely believe, and in good manners have acquiesced, yet such was either their fear, by reason of guilt, or their scorn of the Parliament, and petulancy to show how they slighted what they said or declared, as they would not believe them, but threap them down that there was listing still, and quarrel with them about it, to such a height were they then grown, and others to that tameness.  
114. This passed about the 15 th' of june. The Hou●e took these things into consideration, obeyed in all but that concerning the Members; wherein they came to a resolution, That upon such a general Charge they could not in Justice proceed against them, nor suspend them, therefore desire to know what they could charge them with in particular. They further considered how unhandsome it was, the King should be so hurried up and down with the Army, and that if he were at some of his own Houses near London, application might be made to him jointly by them and the Scotish Commissioners, in order to Peace; whereupon, though it was mightily opposed by the Independent Party, yet they voted his Majesty should be desired to come to his Manor House at Richmond.  
115. Here the Scholars had broken out a little into rebellion against their Schoolmasters the Army, and soon they were lashed for it. For on the 23 d of June comes a rattling Lesson, a Remonstrance from his Excellency, full of sharp and scoffing Expressions, and ends with a lusty Menace, tells them, The voting of the King to Richmond is but in pursuance of the former design upon him at Holmby, and to put his Majesty within the reach of those Men, who had already listed considerable numbers of Horse and Foot about London; therefore wishes them, as they tender the welfare of the Kingdom, and the avoiding of jealousies and other inconveniencies in the Army, to resume again the consideration of that business, and not propose any place for him nearer London than they would have the head Quarters of the Army: then to ingratiate themselves with the King and his Party, and make him willing to stay with them (till their design was ripe to dispose of him otherwise, as it was afterwards) they take notice of some scandalous information, by the procurement forsooth of eleven Members and others of their Party, as if his Majesty were kept a Prisoner among them, which they say is most false and contrary to their Principles (as has appeared since by what Sir Thomas Fairfax commanded to be done to the King in the Isle of Wight, upon his Majesty's answer to the four Bills, without order of Parliament, like a great Prince, Ex mero motu & certa scientia, though it was afterwards approved of and justified Ex parte post) but as yet they are harmless Saints and good Subjects, all for the King. Therefore they take occasion to declare there, That they desire a just freedom for his Majesty and those of his Party, and profess they do not see how there can be a firm Peace, without a due consideration of and provision for the Rights of himself, his Royal Family and late Partakers. O ye Hypocrites, then with Honey for him in their Mouths, and War in their Hearts!  
116. For the expunging of the Declaration, they say, they acknowledge the Justice of the House in it, but should rather have been satisfied with the Parliaments declaring how and by whom they had been misinformed and surprised, and that it is an apparent dishonour to them to pass such a Declaration, and soon after without alteration in the pretended ground and cause of it (for shame of the world) to expunge it: I confess they say true in this, but the old Proverb is, true Jests are bitter Jests.  
117. Then for the Members, they insist to have them forthwith suspended upon the general Charge, saying, they would willingly proceed to particulars, if they might be encouraged by the Justice of the House for suspending them for what itself knows, as having been done there, which they say they cannot prove without breaking the privileges of Parliament: Therefore they advise a necessary expedient for prevention of the like for the future, That in the House of Commons dissenting Members may enter their Dissent, as they do in the House of Peers, with a Protestation, and say, They offer these things from their good wishes to the privileges of Parliament, to render them more lasting by being more innocent.  
118. Was ever Parliament so abused? First, they must, because the Army will have it so, give a Judgement upon persons before they know any fault by them, only to encougrage their accusers to tell the fault, for which that Judgement is already given; first punish, then inquire; Hallifax Law, and Army Justice. And this no less than of suspension, where not only the Parties themselves have a mark of ignominy put upon'em, are dispossessed of the execution of that Trust which their Country has reposed in them, but the places they serve for, Towns and Counties are punished, deprived of their Representatives in Parliament, and consequently of their suffrages there which they give by them. Then what must this be for? even for what was done and said in the House (for so it is laid) contrary to all proceedings and privileges of Parliament, which will have no man questioned for that afterwards; upon this ground, That if he had done amiss, the House would at that time have checked it; and they not finding fault then, for any other to do it, must needs reflect upon their Wisdom and Integrity, as if they approved of what was ill, or could not discern it. And lastly, for my young Masters to jeer them with their good wishes to have their privileges less nocent, and then dare to propound so great an alteration in the very fundamental constitution of the House of Commons, where the minor part is involved in the major, and both make but one entire Agent in all they do, where there is no particularising of persons, not any one Member to be so much as named, where all is acted as by one Man, that which must bind the whole Kingdom to be established by the united consent of it, there to make such a rent and division as to introduce dissenting Protestations, only to foment Faction and Parties, and by troubling the Fountain, to corrupt all the Streams, is the most transcending presumption that ever was heard of.  
119. But that which in my opinion carried most of injustice in itself, and dishonour to the Parliament, was the requiring them to discharge and disperse those, who upon their orders of invitation and encouragement to engage for Ireland, had left the Army, quitted the advantages they might have had in joining in that Rebellion, and wholly cast themselves upon the Parliament, as Sir Robert Pye's Men, Colonel Graves', Colonel Butlers, Captain Farmers, Lieutenat Colonel jackson's, the Captain, and many of the Soldiers of the Lifeguard, and others quartered in Kent and Surry, the greater part of the two Regiments under Colonel Herbert and Colonel Kempson, quartered about Worcester and Evesham; these honest, gallant, faithful, stout Men, both Officers and Soldiers, for their obedience to the Parliament, zeal to Ireland, must be abused and ruined, the Parliament itself made to eat its own words, break its faith, deceive them who trusted it, deliver them up, make them anathemas: for what? because the Army says they are Deserters, and raisers of a new War, but in truth, for complying with their Commands, refusing to join in a Rebellion against them, being willing to adventure their lives against the Rebels of Ireland.  
120. Never was such a violence and scorn put upon a single person, or any society of Men, much less a Parliament, to make it act its own shame and confusion, except by that Italian, who to be revenged on his Enemy, got him at advantage, bade him deny Jesus Christ, and acknowledge him his Saviour, or he should die presently, which the wretch doing to save his life, he than stabs him to the heart, and says, Go thy ways, I am now revenged upon Body and Soul. So the Army threatened the Parliament, if all these things forementioned were not done (and likewise the poor Reformadoes put out of the City, who had offered themselves, and were ready to run all dangers for theirs and the City's preservation) and done by the next Thursday night, that then they should be forced to take such a course extraordinary, as God should enable them and direct them to.  
121. And when the Parliament had done it (as they did all but suspending their Members) had retracted that Vote concerning the King's coming to Richmond (which the Lords did first at Mr. Marshal's earnest solicitation, as I have heard, who at that time could not have prevailed so with the House of Commons) prostituting their Honours, renouncing whatever would be of strength and safety to them, casting themselves down naked, helpless and hopeless, at the proud feet of their domineering Masters, it is all to no purpose, it does but encourage those merciless Men to trample the more upon them, like the Taskmasters of Egypt, double the tale of their Bricks.  
122. For this was a resolution taken, nothing should satisfy, nay not be accepted with a good look, a smile, whilst the eleven Members sat in the House; while Mordecai stood in the Gate and bowed not, proud Haman cannot be pleased, therefore he must die: The eleven Members must out. The House of Commons will not do it, Mr. joice and his Agitators shall. For this Sir Thomas Fairfax takes up his Quarter at uxbridg, some of his Forces advance within three or four Miles of Westminster, he sends his Warrants for Provisions into the very Suburbs, a Party of Horse is commanded to be ready at a Rendezvous, to march up to the Parliament, than here is the Case of the eleven Members; stay, a violence shall be offered upon the House, the Members pulled out by the Ears, and then Actum est de Parliamento, I may say de Parliamentis, farewel this and all Parliaments.  
123. Those Gentlemen therefore think it best, rather than a breach should be made upon their occasion, that through their sides the Parliament should be stuck to the very heart, and die for ever, to make it their own act of forbearing the House. And therefore they told the House, they saw they were in that condition they could neither protect them nor themselves; that if they would not do as Achish did to David, who bid him be gone because the Princes of the Philistines loved him not, yet that they would at their humble suit and desire be pleased to give them leave to withdraw, and to such as desired it, Passes to go beyond Sea, which at last they did agree to, though truly I must say, unwillingly; but which all said, they looked upon it as a good Service done to the House for preventing greater inconveniences.  
124. Upon this they forbore, and stayed, I think, a week or better, expecting if the Army would send in a particular Charge against all or any of them; which not doing, but instead of that writing up a Letter to commend their Modesty, they then petitioned the House, that they would send to the Army to know what particulars they laid to their charge, and prefix them some convenient time to do it in: Which the House did, giving them about a week. And one would have thought a short day might have served. That accusing Members in such a manner, with such a noise, as if they had been so criminous, that as Mr. Solicitor said by his Beasts of prey, which were not to have Law given them, but be knocked in the head, so they were not worthy of Justice, nor of privilege of Parliament, nor of common humanity, much less to be used with some respect, like Gentlemen who had so long, and some of them served their Country so often in Parliament, and more faithfully than ever any of the Army party did, or will do there or any where else. But all Bonds of duty and civil society must be broken through to come at their destruction; they must needs have known some notorious things by them which might readily be produced. But it seems they were not so provided, the particular matter of their Charge was yet to seek (as their fellow Mr. john Lawmind says) they were then hunting out for Articles, sending about for Witnesses to testify any thing, promise, bribe, threaten, but all would not do: several persons came to me, informing how they had been solicited to inform against me; one Lewis told me they had been tampering with him; one Westcomb acquainted me how one Pain had been sent for by Rushworth his Excellency's excellent Secretary, to the same purpose, who lodged him in his Chamber, gave him an Angel the first time; that he went thesecond time, and this Westcomb with him, and then had a Horse given him worth ten Pounds, and the promise of some Place in the Army, for which it is presumed he did some acceptable Service. It seems these Saints were put hard to it; well, the first day passed and no Charge came in, they desired longer time, and promised it should be ready by such a day, and I think the day after it did come: And if I be not very partial to myself, as in this I believe I am not, after all this travelling of the Mountains, out comes ridiculus Mus.  
125. I will not repeat all the particulars here, they are in print and our answer to them, which I hope satisfies all Men; besides another answer we put into the House, more upon the formality of a legal Plea, which it seems satisfied them, for they never proceeded further, nor did the Army prosecute, but the House ordered the Speaker to give us Passes according to our desires.  
126. I will but make this observation upon some of them, That they and their Party acted those very things which they laid to our charge; and what was false as to us, was really true in them.  
127. One thing was holding a Correspondency with the King and his Party, which of all Men they ought not to have objected, doing what they did even at that very time; for suppose it never so great a Crime, it ill becomes the Devil to find fault with the Collier for being black: they treat with his Majesty, have some of his Servants present at their Councils of War to debate and prepare things, frame proposals for settling the whole business of the Kingdom; and if their own Writers, Prophets of their own, tell true, capitulate for Honours and Preferments, Cromwell to have a blue Ribbon, be an Earl, his Son to be of the Bedchamber to the Prince, Ireton some great Officer in Ireland. Now admit all true they said of us, was it to be compared to this? is it not a Decimo sexto to their Folio, a Molehill to their Mountain? And I desire it may be taken notice of, that in all the Charge there is not a word of the Plot to fetch the King from Holmby, bring him to London, or put him at the head of the Army, which they made the groundwork of all their Villainies, pretending some of us (in truth underhand, and in their Pamphlets naming me) to have had such an intention; and that what they did was by way of prevention. Is it likely this would have been omitted if there had been the least colour of truth for it? but Truth was what they ever least looked after in all their Speeches and Actions, caring only to serve a turn, gain an advantage by cozening the world, and then cast about how to make it good by power, or amuse Men with some new Cheat, that the last might be forgotten.  
128. They accuse us of infringing, and endeavouring to overthrow the Liberties and Rights of the Subject in arbitrary and oppressive ways, and by indirect and corrupt practices to delay and obstruct Justice. These are the words in their general Charge. Now I appeal to all Men, and even to their own Consciences, who say this, whether of the two, they or their Party, or we in the House of Commons, upon all occasions, were for violence, oppression, and ruin, to destroy all that came before them, sequester Estates, impose great Fines, imprison, starve, sometimes take away life, make Men offenders for a word, take all advantages, wrest and strain up to the height of all their penal Ordinances; and who they were that had the hand in making all those penal Ordinances, so severe for Sequestrations, so high for Compositions, so ensnaring and bloody for making new Treasons, and little things to be capital Crimes; that no Man almost was safe, free from question, and few or none questioned but sure to be destroyed. How many Ministers wre pulled out of their Livings for very small faults? how many Persons made Delinquents, their Estates torn in pieces, themselves, their Wives and Children turned to beggary, and ready to starve for no great offences, at least that for which they did not deserve so severe a punishment? What Committees were set up? That of Haberdasher's Hall, to pill and poll Men, put them to an Oath as ill as that ex officio to make them discover their Estates, and expose themselves to their merciless carving out a fifth and twentieth part, which was the undoing of many, even fetching in some of the Members of the House to whom they had a displeasure, and generally all Men who had crossed or opposed them in any thing: that of Goldsmith's Hall, to impose Fines to the ruin of many of the best Families of England: that of Sequestrations, where the very intention of the Houses was perverted, that Committee being first proposed and made only for great and notorious Offenders, but afterwards came to be worse than any Spanish Inquisition, few escaping that were ever questioned; I dare say Sergeant Wild the Chairman, and Mr. Nicklis the Lawyer, and some few more Bloodhounds, who always attended there, never gave their Votes for the freeing of scarce any one person; and then the delay there is worse than the condemnation, making suitors wait one, two years, and commonly be sequestered at last. The Committee of Examinations where Mr. Miles Corbet kept his Justice Seat, which was worth something to his Clerk, if not to him, what a continual Horse Fair it was? even like Doomsday itself, to judge persons of all sorts and sexes.  
129. Did not that Faction put on all these things? did not we still oppose, hinder it all we could? how earnestly and how often have we moved the putting down those Committees? that of Sequestration, that of Haberdashers Hall. Those in the Counties sometimes got orders of the House for that purpose, brought in Ordinances, and still by some art or other of theirs put by when it was thought in a manner settled, so as the Government might have returned to Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, Grand Juries, and other Ministers of Justice in that subordination which the Law had established. Was any preserved and delivered out of his trouble, that we or some of us had not a hand in it? Were we not called the moderate Party? branded with that Title (for they held it a crime) were we not said to favour Malignants? when in truth we had respect to the Parliament, that it should not be made the Instrument of those men's Lusts, and contract that Odium which only could ruin it, and upon which this very Party, being themselves the cause of it, took the advantage to master and subdue it, they in the beginning of their Rebellion exclaiming against the Parliament for those things, and therewith possessing the Country, which themselves and their Faction made it do. Who but they drew all business into the Parliament, especially when themselves or their Friends were any thing concerned? And had they not an Art of delaying men, and making them attend when they could not mischief them by dispatching the business? were any more violent in an arbitrary way of proceeding than they? nay, were any so but they? could a Mayor, or Officer, or a Burgess for Parliament be chosen almost in any Town of England, but with their leaves and according to their like? And on the other side, did not we press to have all things left to the Law of the land, and to the ancient and ordinary course? yet they accuse us to be the troublers of Israel, and themselves would be thought to be the restorers, just as the Wolf in the Fable charged the Lamb with troubling the Waters.  
130. They charge us beside with having a great power upon the Treasure of the Kingdom, disposing of the public moneys, enriching ourselves, and say in many of their Declarations, that we would embroil the Land in a new War, that we might not be called to an account for them. O the impudence! They know that themselves only and their Creatures had power over the moneys, and meddled in Money matters, well licking their Fingers; for they know they shared and divided amongst themselves all the Fat of the Land, the Treasure, the Offices, the King's Revenue, the Revenue of the Church, the Estates of so great a part of the Nobility and Gentry, whom they had made Delinquents, and we, not one of us had any thing to do in all this; Mr. Recorder I think only was of the Committee of the King's Revenue, but very seldom came thither. And did not they make use of the price in their hands? And did they not like charitable persons begin at home, give Gifts and Offices to all their own Party, to some upon mere Grace, as the thousands to Mr. Blaxton, a thousand Pound to Mr. Pury (besides a good Office) as much to Mr. Hodges of Glocestershire, to Alderman Pennington, who had concealed three thousand Pounds of Sir john Pennington's which he had in his hands, for which, by their ordinance, he should have forfeited the treble, and had he been a friend to the eleven Members should not have been spared; they did not only forgive him that, but gave him that three thousand Pounds, and three thousand Pounds more, which was upon the City's turning him out of their Militia, and presently made him be put in again. The Speaker had Money given him, I know not how much, 6000 l. at one time (as I remember) was made Master of the Rolls, Chancellor of the Duchy, and a good while Keeper; Mr. Solicitor was, besides his being Solicitor, the King's Attorney, and about two years one of the Lord Keepers, got infinitely by the Pardons upon Compositions, which was a device only to fill his Coffers, and had a thousand Pounds given him at the expiration of his Commission for the Great Seal. So had all his fellow Commissioners, Mr. Brown, Mr. Prideaux, and Sergeant Wild, each their thousand Pound besides the profits of the Seal; Mr. Prideaux also made himself Postmaster of England, being but the Chairman of a Sub-Committee to the Grand-Committee of Grievances, where my Lord of Warwick and Burlamachi were contesting about the place, which was there represented as a public Grievance, though my Lord of Warwick's Grant proved not to be so; but this worthy Gentleman being one of the Committee, and in the Chair, who was to hear both, and report their Cases to the Grand Committee, from whence it was to come to the House, finding it a convenient Employment, worth some 24, or 2500 l. per Annum, eased them of it, took it himself, and has kept it ever since. Mr. Sergeant Wild was trusted with some Money by the Lady Thornborough's Father for the use of his Daughter, and took occasion upon her going to Oxford, pretending she had got possession of his Estate, to get a fair Ordinance of both Houses to have that Money given to himself; but sure found some good Law for it, as he did for hanging of Captain Burley; and being excellent at it, no question would find Law to hang the eleven Members, were there a whole dozen of them, and me highest for writing this, which he would prove to be a greater Treason than any in the Statute of the 25 th' of Edward the 3 d; and when I come within his power, I will forgive it him, let him hang as many, and get as much of the Commonwealths Money as he can in the mean time. But I will say this for him, the Elders of jezreel that found a Law to put Naboth to death, were but fools to him. Then how many of their small Prophets were preferred, that Man of Conscience Alderman Hoil, that worthy Lawyer Mr. Nicklis, Sir William Allison, Mr. Love, Mr. Lenthal the Speaker's Son, these two made six Clerks; Mr. Lisle, Master of St. Cross', Mr. Miles Corbet, Colonel White, a Colonel that never was in the Field with his Regiment, Mr. Allen the Goldsmith; all of them, and I know not how many more, in places of great profit, some in the Courts of Westminster, others made Treasurers of their Armies, as Allen and White; the latter also made Clerk of the Assizes in the Northern Circuit, worth 5 or 600 l. per Annum. Cromwell has 2500 l. per Annum, Sir Peter Wentworth a Gentleman's Estate for half the value, settled likewise by Ordinance, though the Gentleman (whose delinquency was perhaps aggravated, because he would not sell him that Land which he had long desired, like Naboth's Vineyard) offered to pay the Money to the State as the Fine for his Composition, which by the rules of their own proceedings could not in Justice have been denied him. I remember we put by the Ordinance two or three times, but I hear it is since past, which makes me mention it here.  
131. To some for reparation of Losses. So Mr. Cornelius Holland, who had some inferior place in the Prince's Household (which certainly he was not born to, the height of his ambition reaching no further in the beginning than to be Sir Henry Vane's Man) was in recompense set over the King's Children, above my Lady of Dorset, and had the managing of their Household some three or four years; then they gave him the King's Pastures in Buckinghamshire for twenty one years, worth to him de claro some 15 or 1600 l. per Annum. Sir William Strickland for the burning of his House in Yorkshire, has a Gentleman's Estate in Kent of a good value. Mr. Henry Herbert had 3000 l. given him out of my Lord of Worcester's Woods, and Sir john Winter's. The Lord Say, in lieu of the Mastership of the Wards, which by his power since the beginning of this Parliament he had wrested from the Lord Cottington, had 10000 l. and for part of the Money (I think 4000 l. of it) had Hanworth House, with the Lands about it, which was worth, as they say, 14000 l. Colonel Fleetwood was by way of Sequestration put into the Remembrancers place of the Court of Wards, which his Brother held, and by going to Oxford lost it; upon the putting down of the Court he had 3000 l. recompense: multitudes there are more of this kind.  
132. To some for pretended Arrears; as to Sir Arthur Haslerig 7000 l. who had earned it well at the Devizes and Cherrington. To the Lord Fairfax, Sir William Constable, Sir William Brereton, great Sums. To Colonel Thompson 2000 l. for his wooden Leg, which nothing but a Cannon could have helped him to, for he would never come within Musket shot. To Colonel Purefoy and his Son Colonel Boswel, some 1500 l. each; and so to many more.  
133. To some to buy their Voices, make them Proselytes. To Mr. Weston, Son to the Earl of Portland, the reviving an arrear of a Pension which was his Ladies, and if I be not deceived, had been discontinued for many years: The Debenter, as I remember, was 4000 l. To the Lord Grey of Groby (who had before been zealous for my Lord of Essex, as he had good reason for the respects he had received from him) a considerable Sum, which I well remember not, to be paid him out of such discoveries of Delinquents Estates as he should make; whereupon he and his Terriers were long attending the Committee of Examinations, in the prosecution still of some Game or other, till his Sum was made up. To Mr. Scawen, one who formerly had not very well liked of their ways, 2000 l. How many of the Lords that could not be heard before, nor their Petitions scarce vouchsafed to be read, when they tacked about and voted with them, were then presently considered, and good proportions allowed them; nay, they were so impudent as some of them would not stick to give it for a reason openly in the House, why they would not grant their desires, that they took notice how they gave their Votes: Mr. Gourden is the Man I have heard say so several times; this was an excellent way to make a free Parliament, for the Members to be honest and discharge their Consciences.  
134. Then for Accounts; I would fain know what Accounts they have passed: Let any Man peruse my Lord Fairfax's and Sir William Constable's, I hear they are strange ones for the great Sums they have fingered: And I am sure the Committee of Accounts did complain, that their Sub-Committees were beaten in Staffordshire, where Mr. Purefoy and Mr. Boswel should have acted, and would not.  
135. Upon the whole matter, I would have our Accusers say so much by one of us: I confess, I am sorry to discover this of them, it being much against my nature, but I am forced to it for my vindication. I may say with the Apostle, They have compelled me, and not only so to recriminate, but even to glory a little in some thing. Have any of us ever refused to account, who were liable to it? Sir William Lewis did account for the Monies he received, being Governor of Portsmouth, so fairly and satisfactorily, as that the Committee of Accounts made a special report of it to the House, to be (as they said) an Example to others for his care and just dealing in managing the State's moneys which came to his hands. Major General Massey I am sure was solicitous to perfect his accounts, which if or no he had done before they drove him away I know not. Sir William Waller and Colonel Long finished theirs. Sir Philip Stapleton never touched but his personal Pay, yet did account, and had but forty Shillings a day, being Lieutenant General of the Horse under my Lord of Essex, who was Generalissimo, when Sir Arthur Haslerig had five Pounds for commanding the Horse under Sir William Waller, a Place inferior to his, and had been at no charge, having lived still upon Sir William Waller, and gotten well all along the Employment. Sir William Waller had his Arrears after his subordinate Officer; Sir Arthur had led the way, who broke the Ice for his General and all the rest. Sir Philip Stapleton had also his, a very small one for so eminent an Officer, in regard his allowance was no greater; it came to about 1700 l. having left the benefit of his whole Estate during all the Wars, which Haslerig did not, if his Neighbours in Leicestershire say true, that his Grounds have continued full stocked all this while, better than ever they were before, so safe and well protected (as I have heard) that his Neighbours when there was danger, would send their cattle thither; I confess, I understand not the mystery.  
136. Here is all concerning matters of Accounts and Arrears of the eleven Members, the rest meddled not with any of the States moneys, some of them have refused to receive what the House had given them upon much juster grounds than all the pretences of the others that had so much. I myself for my Sufferings after the Parliament 3 d. Car. which continued many years, cost me some thousands of Pounds, and prejudiced me more, had five thousand Pounds given me by the House for my reparation. I refused it, and said, I would not receive a Penny till the public debts were paid. Let any of them say so much. I desire who ever shall chance to read this, to pardon me this folly, I do not mean for not taking the Money, but seeming to boast of it. I must again repeat the Apostle's words, I am become a Fool in glorying, but they have compelled me. It is true, I had paid for a Fine imposed in the King's Bench, which I laid down in ready Money out of my Purse, a thousand Marks: This in the time of these troubles, when my whole Estate was kept from me in the West, that for three years or thereabouts I received thence not one Farthing, was reimbursed to me.  
137. Now I appeal to the world, whether our accusers, or we the poor eleven Members, so decried, so oppressed, were the more guilty, who they were, who had gotten, cozened, oppressed, were indeed the Traitors. If he did not say as truly as he did wittily, if they had not had more men than matter against us, they had been the Traitors themselves, which many of their own Disciples have upon the matter confessed and published, saying, they were to seek for matter; only we were a Beam in their Eyes: And their great Apostle Lilburn himself says, the great aim was but to pull down those who stood in the way of their preferment.  
138. Here is our Crime, I will ask pardon of God for my failings, even in the performance of all these duties, where I served my Country best, but not of the Parliament from whence I desire no favour. Let them put upon me the severest disquisition, either concerning those things then charged, or the great. Treason since committed, of endeavouring to defend myself, the Parliament, the City, from a rebellious, unjust, oppressing Army, which against all Laws of God and Man, came to force us, for which I stand voted to be impeached of Treason, and am outed the House, of which I shall treat presently.  
139. But first I shall show the Steps to it. The Army now did all, the Parliament was but a cipher, only cried Amen to what the Councils of War had determined. They make themselves an absolute third Estate, have Commissioners residing with them from the Parliament, Agents from his Majesty, and abuse both sufficiently; as solemnly treated with as if no Subjects, but a Body subordinate to neither, vested with an Independent Authority, claiming only from God and their Sword. The whole business of the Kingdom is there now agitated, and the engagement of the Army is the Standard by which all propositions must be measured. If any thing be offered by the Parliament which they like not, it is presently answered not to stand with their solemn Engagement. Many meetings there were, great consultations and debates upon certain proposals for settling of a Peace, and securing the Rights and Liberties of the People.  
140. Notwithstanding this, while these things are in agitation, after all their affronting, baffling, forcing the Parliament, marching up against it and the City, contrary to their orders, by which they were not to come nearer than within forty Miles of London, they will have them own them for their Army, undertake to provide for their maintenance, and immediately send down a months Pay, yet will not be subject to them in any thing. All this is done, Mr. Marshal the Minister being a principal Instrument for them, who was still going and coming between Westminster and the head Quarters, or at the Parliament doors soliciting the Members of both Houses, persuading them by all manner of arguments, sometimes assurances, sometimes terrifyings, to agree to those things which the Army desired; and this not in order to the setting up of Presbytery, in which he had formerly been so zealous (for the Presbyters were not then Trump, and he meant to whine therefore to put out them to take in better Cards for his turn) Afterwards they send to repeal the Ordinance for the Militia of London, which had been settled upon many and long debates, to stand for one whole year, and renew the former expired Ordinance for establishing the old Committee, which was the year before.  
141. It is but ask and have, that is presently done; and truly I think it was a design of the Army, merely to provoke the City, engage them to do something, express a dislike perhaps, fly out, and give them an occasion to offer some violence should they persist; or if yield after a little ill favour'dly showing their teeth, then to put such things upon them, so yoke them, break their strength, trample upon their Liberties and Privileges, as they should not be able afterwards upon any occasion to raise them disturbance, and make opposition to whatever they should set on foot, though never so grievous and displeasing to the whole Kingdom; for they thought not themselves secure whilst the City stood unbroken.  
142. Their Plot took, the City was very much moved at this sudden Act of the Houses, in the altering their Militia, without so much as giving them notice to hear what they could say in a point so nearly concerning them. They look upon it as an Infringement of their Charter (granted and confirmed to them by so many Kings successively, by which they were still to have the power of their own Militia) as a shaking of the foundation of all their security for those vast sums of Money they had lent, which depended only upon Ordinances: and the easy and sudden repealing of this, gave them cause to fear they might be served so in the rest.  
143. Whereupon at their Common Council they agreed upon a Petition to the Houses, informing them of the distempers in the City upon the change they had made, and beseeching them to re-establish it as it was before; which was presented by the Sheriffs, some of the Aldermen, and of the Members of the Common Council in a fair and submissive way. But the Parliament durst do nothing without the leave of their Masters, only give them good words, and so hoped to slide over the business. Then some young Men, Apprentices and others, appeared, pressing hard, who would not be satisfied till it was done; which the Houses sticking at, the young Men insisting, drew a great concourse of people, putting things into some heat, so as at last they prevailed, and the Militia was again settled according to their desire: upon which they went away returning to their homes, only some of the younger and more unruly sort remained, among whom some idle people (and perhaps not well affected) Soldier and others, and I have heard some of the Independents even belonging to the Army, thrust themselves, and put the multitude, disorderly enough before, into great distempers, who then would make the Houses do this and the other thing, vote the King's coming to London, the calling in of the eleven Members, and I know not what else, would not suffer the Parliament Men either of the one House or the other, to stir till all was voted and passed which they desired, keeping them there till I think nine of the clock at night; when the Common Council hearing of these disorders, sent down the Sheriffs of London and some of the Aldermen to appease them, which they did. This was upon Monday the 26 th' of july. The Houses adjourned themselves, the House of Peers to Friday, the Commons house to the next day. The City had against the next day, which was Tuesday, taken order to prevent such further inconveniences by unruly people assembling about Westminster, which before they could not well do, in regard their Militia was unsettled by the alteration that the new Ordinance upon the Army's command had made, and I heard sent down a Message to the House of Commons to assure them of it; but Mr. Speaker was so hasty to adjourn till the Friday, perhaps because the rather he would not receive that Message which had half spoiled the Plot, that he would scarce stay till it was a House; and some of the factious crying to adjourn, he did so, though many cried out against it, who could not be heard.  
144. By the Friday the two Speakers, the Earl of Manchester of the Peers, and Mr. Lenthal of the Commons, instead of giving their attendance according to their duty upon the Houses, with eight Lords and fifty eight Commoners, were run down to the Army, there enter into an engagement, bearing date the 4 th' of August, to live and die with it, upon pretence of a force and violence to the Parliament, but in truth by a Conspiracy with the Army, designed and laid principally by Mr. Saint john the Solicitor, as appears by a Letter sent from Rushworth, Sir Thomas Fairfax's Secretary, to the Speaker, with no name in it, but the latter part of it written with his own hand, advising him not to appear at the House on Friday morning, but to take counsel of Mr. Solicitor, who would tell him what was fit to be done, assuring him the Army would all lie in the dirt or protect them who were their friends. This, as I remember, was the effect of the Letter, yet remaining in one of the Houses; which, no doubt, came from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and Mr. Cromwell, and the rest of those Governors undertaking so for the Army, and shows who was the man that must give the Orders, and direct what was to be done by the House, and then may well be supposed to be the Author of all. The ground of this Engagement is made to be a Declaration of the Armies showing the reasons of their advance towards London, as full of falsehood as it is of malice against the eleven poor Members, and in truth intended only against them, who are by it said to be the cause of all that had been done in the City; that therefore they were resolved to march up to London, expecting the well affected people of the City would either put us in safe custody, or deliver us up to them, stuffing up the whole Declaration with falsehoods and lies, as well in the narrative part as in the comment upon it; they pretend, That to carry on our former evil designs, and preserve ourselves from the hand of Justice, we had endeavoured to cast the Kingdom into a new War, and to that end had procured an under hand listing of Reformadoes, and continued a wicked and treasonable Combination, which we caused several persons to enter into, That this could not be done in the time of the old Commissioners for the Militia, and therefore the new were made, who many of them were very intimate with us, which was a just cause for the Army to have them changed again: That thereupon the tumult was abetted and fomented by us to violate the Parliament, and force it into our hands, which makes them require that we may be in that manner delivered up; and declared all that was done in the Houses that day or afterwards, till those fugitive Members should return again, null and void (so here the Army takes upon it to declare what Votes shall stand good, what not; and this is for the honour and freedom of the Parliament, that which those worthy Patriots would live and die upon) And besides, they say they were labouring after the settlement of the Kingdom, and had even brought it to perfection, the particular proposals ready to be sent to the Parliament for a final conclusion of all our troubles; which conclusion of our troubles, in truth, nothing in the sight of Man could have hindered, but this cursed practice of violence upon the Parliament, which very thing in them was as cursed a High Treason as could be committed, a mercenary Army raised by the Parliament, all of them from the General (except what he may have in expectation after his Father's death) to the meanest Centinal, not able to make a thousand Pounds a year Lands, most of the Colonels and Officers mean Tradesmen, Brewers, Tailors, Goldsmiths, Shoemakers, and the like; a notable Dunghill, if one would rake into it, to find out their several Pedigrees: these to rebel against their Masters, put conditions upon them, upon the King and whole Kingdom, make their Will a Rule, that all the Interests of King, Parliament, and Kingdom must be squared by, which they are not ashamed to declare here to the world.  
145. And this pious Declaration do these worthy Lords and Commons receive with much approbation, and with much thankfulness to God in the first place, and next under him to the ever faithful Army; and so became, like the Proselytes which the Scribes and Pharisees made, twofold more the Children of Hell than themselves, more criminous, and guilty of a greater Treason, as having broken a higher Trust, being themselves part of the Parliament which they deserted and betrayed; a wound given in the more noble and vital parts, tearing the Bowels, and piercing to the very Heart. Whereas the Army were but Servants, outward and ministerial parts, so to be looked upon, and so punished; Slaves were crucified, but Citizens that betrayed were exterminated, they and their posterity, and the whole City turned into mourning, sensible of the loss as the Body when deprived of a principal Member.  
146. They should have remembered, that even at the time of the pretended force which they would have men believe to have driven them away, the House lay under a greater force, and themselves were greater Slaves to the lusts of the Army which trampled upon their Necks, made them more contemptible than the smallest Court of Guard that had but a Corporal to command it, to eat their words, their Declarations, Orders, Ordinances, break their Faith, betray and destroy all that served them faithfully, give thanks for being cudgeled and abused, pray and pay, and be glad it would be accepted; should not every Member have been sensible of such violations and injuries done to the Body? But some will say it was as these Men will have it, who were like the sinful lusts in the Soul, quiet and well pleased, while the strong man the Devil keeps the house: So they were satisfied with all that was done, because it was according to their Minds, conducing to their Ends. If it be so, and that they will be Slaves, let them be Slaves still, for they deserve no better. The Army was the fittest place for them, as Brutus said of those he took Prisoners at the first Battle of Philippi, Let them go, says he, they are greater Captives in their own Camp under Cesar and Anthony than here.  
147. They might likewise have considered, that the force upon the Parliament from the Army, as it was greater, so to have been a more horrid crime, of more dangerous consequence to the Kingdom, and more destructive to the being of Parliaments than that from the Apprentices; which is, in my opinion, very clear. This of the Apprentices being a sudden tumultuary thing of young idle people without design, and without that obligation; indeed but an effect of the other, both as following their example, and also as occasioned by the just offence which they had given the City: whereas the Army was a formed deep laid design of revenge upon them they called their Enemies, of domination over the Parliament and Kingdom, carried on both with power and cunning, laying the foundation of a perpetual Tyranny by a company of hired Servants, that had received more wages ten times than their work deserved, and now betrayed the trust reposed in them, rising against their Masters, whose own Swords they turned upon their breasts, to force them to do most dishonourable, unjust, infamous actions, deliver up themselves and the Kingdom to their wills. So as take the act of the Apprentices at the worst, it is ex malis minimum, and that of those fugitive Members at the best, which is, that they were really under a force, and under a fear, they did vitare Charibdim incidere in Scyllam, and leap (as the old Proverb is) out of the Frying-pan into the Fire, wherein they were unfortunate; and well would it be for them in the day of their accounts if it were but fortune, but it is too apparent to have been in some of them a propensed Malice and detestable Combination.  
148. As for what they lay to the eleven Members, with all the aggravations in that Declaration, I will not answer it as Mr. Nathaniel Fines did Mr. Walker's Charge against him, to say only thou liest, and quote along the Margin, First, Second, Third, and Fourth Lie. But this I will say to disprove it, affirming it upon the word of a Gentleman, and faith of an honest Man (I think I may speak as much for the whole number) I was not in the City all the time those businesses were in agitation, knew nothing of the Petitions nor actings in the Common Council, nothing of the City's engagement, never saw it till two or three days after it was printed, had not the least thought of the Apprentices coming down to Westminster, nor notice of it till the very day at eleven of the Clock when they were already there. We had appointed four days before to meet that day at dinner at the Bell in Kingstreet, there to even our Reckonings, because we had made a common Purse for Lawyer's Fees and other charges, in preparing our answer for the House, then to take our leaves one of another, resolving to go several ways, some beyond Sea, some into the Country. As I was going into my Coach (there was with me Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Waller, Major General Massey, and Mr. Long) one brought us word of the hubbub at the House, whereupon we resolved not to go, and parted companies upon it; but presently Sir William Lewis' Footman came to tell us, his Master and Mr. Nichols were staying for us at the Bell; upon which Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Waller, and myself (who were yet together) went thither, but hearing more of the disorder about Westminster Hall, we would not stay so much as to make an end of our Dinners, but presently came away. I mention this particular because I know they have made a great matter of that meeting, as if it was to be near hand, to receive information, and send instructions according to occasion, when we were as innocent of it as any of those who cry out most against us; nay more, if it be true what is so confidently reported, as I said before, that there were Independents most busy amongst that unruly multitude.  
149. Here we have seen what those worthy Members did at the Army, and upon what ground, and besides what little reason they had to go away upon the pretended force, which was a sudden thing, then past, and care taken it should be no more, and they lying before under a greater force, which they purposely now ran again into, to continue it the longer upon themselves and the Kingdom. Now let us see what in the mean time was doing at London.  
150. The Houses met according to the adjournment upon Friday the 30 th' of july, some six or sevenscore in the House of Commons, and as great a number of Lords in their House as of those who went to the Army, but all mute, neither having their Speaker, for whom they sent about to seek, waiting till they had certain information how they had disposed of themselves; then they fell into consideration of what was to be done, and that offered itself, which in truth was obvious to every man's reason, to choose other Speakers. For the Lords House there could be no question, it was every day's practice, their Speaker being but pro tempore, and changeable at pleasure; so they make choice of my Lord Willoughby of Parham. For the House of Commons, it lay not so above ground, their Speaker being a settled Officer, made with great Formalities, and not so movable at pleasure; but that he cannot be at all removed upon no occasion, not for misdemeanour (as it is not esteemed for a Speaker to be honest, or to be so powerful by his compliance with the major or the more active part of the House, to be born out in his Knaveries, as some have the luck of it) or if he desert the House as Mr. Lenthal lately did, or be disabled by sickness, or any other accident, I think no Man will say. For than what Act of continuance will be of avail to keep up the Parliament, since it would depend upon the will of one Man, or the uncertainty of his health, to frustrate all such provisions, and at any time to set a period to a Parliament?  
151. Therefore they proceed to the choice of their Speaker, and pitch upon Mr. Henry Pelham, who, according to the custom, is presented at the Lords House Bar, brought in by my Lord of Pembroke in his Robes, and there received.  
152. They then go on upon the business of the House, take into consideration the Letter spoken of sent by Rushworth to Mr. Lenthal the late Speaker, which discovered the intention of the Army to march up against the City; whereupon they order a Letter to be written to the General, signifying in what quietness they sat, and that therefore he should not advance his Quarters any nearer.  
153. They afterwards order the eleven Members to come and give their attendance, who were presently sent for, and some others that had been forced by the Army to forbear the House.  
154. For amongst other enormous proceedings of the Army, one was, upon pretence that some sat there who had born Arms against the Parliament, or abetted the other side, they make the House enjoin some Gentlemen to present a state of their Case upon certain Votes then passed, which put an incapacity upon such as were comprehended in them under a heavy penalty if they forbore not the House of themselves, so compelling them either to accuse themselves against all rule of Justice, and the very law of Nature, undergoing the greatest hazard that could be; for if they failed in a tittle, as very well one might in a thing done three or four years before, or that any Knave would come and swear something against him, they underwent the penalty, or else to deprive themselves of their rights of sitting in the House, and so the Town or County which had chosen him lose the service of their Burgess or Knight; indeed this was a heinous villainy, but they are guilty of so many that one drowns another.  
155. They pass a Vote, that the King may be humbly desired to come to his own house at Richmond, that so the Houses of Parliament and Commissioners of Scotland might have access to him, to propose what was necessary for settling the Peace of the Kingdom, himself be in a place of safety out of the hands and power of the Army, whose fair shows towards him they had cause to suspect to be no other than the kisses of judas, to betray and ruin both him and the Kingdom: and accordingly Messengers were sent to attend him with it, but the Army frustrated all those endeavours.  
156. Some other things were passed that day, and lest the Parliament should be wanting to itself in doing what was possible for its defence and the Cities, in case the Army should not stop upon their Letter, the Committee of Safety is revived, and ordered, as before, to join with the Militia, and provide for their protection; and all but need, for Sir Thomas Fairfax and his two Councils of War, the Members and the Officers, would not vouchsafe to read the Letter, but march on Rabshekah like, threatening ruin and destruction; yet was there no such thought towards them, our End being not vim infer, but repellere, get such a strength about us as might only defend, not offend. To that end those Forces which were quartered further off in Kent and Surrey, as Sir Robert Pye's Company, Colonel Graves', and some others, were commanded to draw near the City, not offering or intending any act of hostility, when upon a sudden, the Sunday morning the 2 d of August, a Party of Horse, about two Regiments, commanded, as I take it, by one Desborough a Major, fell into Deptford, where were some half a score of Sir Robert Pye's Soldiers who had stayed behind the rest to discharge the Quarters, and most inhumanly and basely butchered those poor Men as many as they could light of, killing besides any that looked like a Soldier whom they found upon the way, some within a stones cast of the works of Southwark. This, as it was a most barbarous and bloody Murder (which will bring down vengeance upon their heads soon or late, that though they should escape the hand of Justice here, the hand of God will certainly overtake them) so did it something awaken the City to see their own danger, and a little quicken their pace to draw the Ordnance upon their Works, and man them something better; but in truth not much. For I may say they were a people prepared for ruin and slavery, Gibbs and Fowks principally had bewitched them; and Agents for the Army who were up and down, weakened men's hearts and hands, so as nothing was done to any purpose for putting them into a way of safety, or possibility of deliverance. All were desirous equally of Peace, but not all equally afraid of Danger; those who feared it most were the greatest cause of it: and some good well meaning Men of the Assembly, Mr. Herbert Palmer and others, whom Mr. Marshal had wrought upon and persuaded to come to the Houses first, as being Ministers and Ambassadors of Peace, to persuade to Peace, and then to the Common Council to do the like to them; which did but dishearten and discourage those who were apt enough to fear, being not so fully ready to resist a power that was coming upon them, and did hinder the preparations. To say the truth all was done that could be to hinder and little to help. Insomuch as at that very time when the Army was marching up for their destruction, about 49000 l. which had formerly been ordered to be sent down for the Army's drawing off further from the City, could not be privily conveyed out of Town by Sir john Wollaston, and some others, in which Mr. Scawen and Mr. Allen Members of the House, had a principal hand, which was as great a blow to Parliament and City as could be given; for it served to keep the Soldiers together, and unite them for marching up, whereas before there were high discontents amongst them, and it weakened us, even taking away so much of our blood, that which at that time we principally stood in need of.  
157. The Parliament did all that could be desired, yet still with a resolution to endeavour the ways of preventing extremities. Those Commissioners of theirs who were at the Army had in a manner disavowed them, for never any thing came from them to the Houses; and Mr. Skippon, when the City sent to him to come and take the conduct and management of their business, a duty they might very well have expected from him, he was so far from performing it as he absolutely refused except he might have an assurance from the Parliament, and from them, to return again to the Army if he liked not his conditions, which was a great ingratitude to those who had deserved so well of him, and an unworthy compliance with them who had formerly neglected him.  
158. A Message was resolved upon to be sent to the Army, to see if they could be stopped from coming in that manner to endanger putting all into blood; Mr. Swifen and Mr. Ashurst as I remember were nominated, the rest I have forgot. The like was also prepared in the City, and more quickly executed; upon Tuesday Alderman Gibbs, Mr. Noel, and some other Aldermen and Common Councilmen were appointed to go with it. And they soon returned, not with an Olive branch, but with a heavy doom to the honour of the City, freedom of the Parliament, and safety of the poor eleven Members in the first place, and next of all that had engaged in the defence of the City. The Keys of the City (if I misremember not) must be delivered to his Excellency, all the Works from the Thames side to Islington Fort demolished, the eleven Members secured or given up, and all the Reformadoes and Officers likewise who were ready to have fought for them. This was as worthily by the Common Council yielded to, their Ambassadors notably promoting it. The eleven Members were not yet seized nor delivered, but as bad, left to shift for themselves, no care at all taken for their preservation, though the City had now this last time wholly embarked in their trouble, and engaged them in their business, petitioning the House of Commons to enjoin them to attend the Service of the House, themselves not at all moving in, or desiring it: Nay, they did not so much as provide for Major General Massey, whom they had made their Commander in chief; but like Isachar bowed under the Burden, betrayed themselves and all that had to do with them.  
159. Here was an end of the Parliament, and in truth of the C●●y, all whose Glory is laid in the ●ust; and as it was high before in reputation both at home and abroad, so is it now become a hissing and reproach to all that see it or hear of it. The next day Sir Thomas Fairfax sends to take possession, and the day after that marches in state, bringing with him those deserting Lords and Commons, and the Earl of Manchester and Mr. Lenthal, the two pretended Speakers, not vouchsafing to look upon the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who were there with the Recorder, provided with a Speech for his entertainment, which he did not so well deserve, as they did that scorn then put upon them.  
160. He goes straight to the Houses, put those two Men in the Speakers places, who had no more right to them than himself, and has ever since continued them there by force, and keeping out the true Speakers; which the Lord Willoughby is to the Peers (that House being under an adjournment, and not sitting when the Intruder came in, so not in a capacity to admit him) and Mr. Pelham to the Commons, who had been legally chosen when the House was free and under no force; the other having deserted, which is of all Crimes the greatest.  
161. So as without him it is no House, but an Assembly of Men acting under the Army without lawful authority; some of them by a combination and agreement with the Army, but far the greater part by a terror and an awe from it, and therefore to be looked upon accordingly; and questionless many of them continuing there out of a good intent, like so many Hushais, only to defeat the pernicious Counsels of those Achitophel's who had designed the destruction of David, the ruin of honest Men, and even the trouble and confusion of the whole Israel of God, Church and State. These are so far from deserving thereby either to become the object of blame or pardon, as they merit exceedingly, are worthy the praise both of present and future times; but to be considered rather as faithful Patriots, that act out of necessity in an extraordinary way, stand in the Gap to keep off mischief, than as Members of Parliament able or indeed qualified to exercise any parliamentary Power for the good of the Kingdom; the House having been disturbed, and for the time suppressed by a real Force, not feigned and imaginary as the other was; and while this force continues, not suffered to come together, but as soon as it ceases will return of itself to be as it was before.  
162. For there is a difference between these two Cases, one the Parliaments acting under a force, remaining still to be a Parliament, which does not annual it, nor the Acts it does; but makes them fit to be repealed, yet standing good pro tempore.  
163. Many of our best Laws have been so made (when Armies have been on foot) and afterwards declared good in a free Parliament; and what then done did appear to be inconvenient and unjust, was by subsequent Parliaments repealed. So is it fit that what was compelled to be done by the Apprentices and others in that tumultuous way, the Monday that the force was, should be repealed, as not fit to be continued. And so all that has been done a great while, under the power and force of the Army, since it first rebelled and gave Laws to the Parliament, is as fit, if not more, to be hereafter repealed; and questionless will, if ever the Parliament come to be free again. Nay, even these pretenders do us that right, as finding the proceedings of the Parliament after their desertion not suitable to their Ends, but against them, by an Ordinance to repeal and declare them null; which otherwise had not been needful, seeing they would fall of themselves, being Crimes in their own nature as proceeding from an usurped Authority. This is one case; the other is, when a force proceeds so far and so high as not to suffer a Parliament to be, gives it such a wound as for the time it cannot act, but must cease, even as a wounded Body that lies in a Trance without sense or motion: But when that force is over, and the Spirits recollected, it returns to itself to do the functions of life, move and act as formerly. It is but like a Parenthesis in a Sentence, and remains one and the same as if the Parenthesis were not at all.  
164. But to return where I left. This General, a setter up and puller down of Parliaments, has a Chair set him in either House, where first in the Lord's House, then in the Commons, those pretended Speakers make Speeches to him, giving him thanks for all, approving his Declaration of the Reasons of his coming to London, desiring him to go on in taking care for the security of the Kingdom, and to appoint a Guard for the Parliament. Than which there was never any thing more base; but Mr. Lenthal exceeded, being both base and profane, applying a Higgaior Selah to this last act of his Excellency, who as wisely took it. Then that the profaneness might be complete, and God mocked as well as Men abused, they appoint the Thursday after for a day of Thanksgiving, and fitted it with Preachers, Mr. Marshal and Mr. Nye, Simeon and Levi, where they say Marshal outwent all that had gone before him, and his Brother Nye was a modest Presbyterian in comparison of him; but that Apostate went beyond Ela, making this deliverance a greater one than the Gunpowder Treason, as I have been credibly informed by those that heard him. And some few days after, Sir Thomas Fairfax and the whole Army marched in triumph with Laurel in their Hats as Conquerors, through the subdued City of London, to show it was at his mercy; which was an airy vanity I confess above my understanding, and might have raised a spirit of Indignation, not so easily to have been laid. But a higher insolency of an Army composed of so mean people, and a more patient humble submission and bearing of a great and populous City, but a little before so full of honour and greatness, was, I think, never heard of.  
165. And now the Houses fall to voting, the Lords leading the way, and outdoing the Commons, as much as Mr. Lenthal outdid the Earl of Manchester in the Thanksgiving, or Mr. Marshal did Mr. Nye in the thanksgiving Sermon. They make Sir Thomas Fairfax Generalissimo, Commander in chief of all the Forces in the Kingdom, and Constable of the Tower, otherwise signifying Mr. Oliver Cromwell, of whom Sir Thomas was the shadow; they thank his Excellency over again for his care of the safety of the City and Parliament, Risum teneatis amici; leave it wholly to him to appoint what Guards he thinks fit for their security, Sed quis custodiet custodes? give a months Pay for a gratuity to the Army for their many good Services, which is praemium nequitiae; then set up the Star Chamber, the High Commission, the Spanish Inquisition, in one Committee of ten Lords and twenty Commoners (read over but their names, and you will swear it, except for four of the Commoners, who are very unequally yoked, sixteen against them) to sit in the painted Chamber de die in diem, to examine the business of the Mutiny, and of forcing the Houses.  
166. So far the Lords lead and the Commons follow; but in another Vote they go by themselves a good while, that all things done by the Members since as they injuriously and falsely pretend) the Speakers and other Members were driven away from the Parliament, be annulled, and of no effect, and declared to have been so at the making thereof. The Commons can't agree to this, but put off the debare to another time. Some sense of honour there was amongst them, and of the dangerous consequence of such a Vote, besides the unreasonableness and injustice, taking away the Authority by which those Votes were made, and so exposing to question and ruin all such as were at the passing of them, or had acted by them. Many days debates were spent upon it, but it could not be carried the House of Commons would be a House of Commons still; and as they represent the people of England, so assert their Liberties, if they were left to themselves, and not overawed by the power of the Army.  
167. Therefore the Agitators must to work again with an humble Address to his Excellency, and some Proposals on behalf of the Kingdom and the Army: First, That all those that have fat at Westminster, usurping a parliamentary Authority, since the forcible expulsion of the Parliament, may immediately be excluded the House. Secondly, That those Members who have adhered to that pretended Parliament, may be also excluded under a penalty if they presume to sit. Thirdly, That all former Votes against disaffected Members may be put in execution. And this is to make a free Parliament, for those Rogues to determine who shall sit, who shall not, and how they shall be punished who disobey them. These Lords and Commoners deserve well of Parliament and Kingdom, that ran away from the Parliament, and went to the Army for this.  
168. Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of War answer presently, for it is but a Song of two parts, making one harmony, all set by the same hand. A Remonstrance is forthwith produced and sent to both Houses the 18 th' of August, a sorrowful Ditty for the poor House of Commons, which tells them plainly, after a long deduction of all passages, just lying over the same Lies again, That those Members which sat during the absence of the Speakers, are guilty of the prosecution and maintenance of the said treasonable engagement and violence, and therefore must not be their Judges (but their adverse Party shall be theirs, which is Army Justice) That they might have been made Prisoners of War; wherefore they protest and declare, if they hereafter intrude themselves to sit in Parliament, they can no longer suffer it, but will take some speedy effectual course, that both they and others guilty of the same practices may be brought to condign punishment.  
169. And they back this Remonstrance (for which the Lords return a Letter of approbation and great thanks to his Excellency for his continued care of the honour and freedom of Parliament) with a Party of a thousand Horse drawn up to Hyde-park; Cromwell and Ireton making menacing Speeches in the House, and Guards out of the Army besetting the doors and avenues. By all which means, and the terror of their surly impeaching looks (as some of the Pamphleteers observe it) many of the Members were driven away, and the poor House forced the 20 th' of August, to pass the Ordinance for declaring all Votes, Orders, and Ordinances, made in one or both Houses from july 26 till August 6, null and void. And now they are a free Parliament, or as Haslerig told them the next day after the eleven Members were withdrawn, a glorious Parliament, in truth no Parliament, but they are what Mr. Cromwell will have them to be.  
170. Then they lay about them, impeach seven Lords of High Treason, sparing only my Lord of Pembroke. They proceed against some of their own Members, suspend Mr. Bainton, put Commissary Copley and Mr. Recorder out of the House, whom they commit to the Tower for high Misdemeanours, expel likewise Sir john Maynard, and send him to the Tower. The rest of the eleven Members upon the City's delivering up itself and the Parliament to the will of the Army, having sent for their Passes which the House had ordered and upon them withdrawn themselves into foreign parts, the Lord Mayor and some of the Aldermen were likewise imprisoned in the Tower, and charged with Treason: And all honest Men persecuted, threatened, and therefore fled and scattered, some one way and some another; and these are the effects of a free Parliament.  
171. The Lieutenant of the Tower, Colonel West, an honest and gallant Man, after he had been at charge to treat and entertain Sir Thomas Fairfax, coming to take possession of his Place as Constable, was by that worthy General, by way of thankfulness for his good entertainment, turned out: And an Independent, one Tichburn a Linen Draper, put in, which was done with so much insolency and scorn of the City, as when his favourite Alderman Gibbs had prepared a long wound Speech in the name of the City, who craved it as a Boon and Act of Grace, that he would keep in the old Lieutenant, he cut him off short, and bid him speak no more of it. Indeed it had been against his Instructions, and the Maxim of his Master Cromwell and all that faction, which is to suffer none in any power save such as are theirs Body and Soul, and put all others out.  
172. So Colonel Pointz was seized upon, and by force fetched out of his Command in the North; Major General Massey must not continue in his of the West; Captain Patten turned out of his Vice Admiralship, and Rainsborough put in; Colonel Carne out of the Government of the Isle of Wight, and Hammond in his room. The Selfdenying Ordinance was a trick for this purpose. In the beginning of these troubles Sir William Lewis not agreeing with their Palate, being Governor of Portsmouth, they make the Earl of Essex, who was then General, send for him, upon a supposition that he was a favourer of Malignants, and of many other things; which being examined by the Committee of Safety, he gave so good an account of himself, as the Committee could not do less than write a Letter in his justification to the General, leaving it to him to repair him as he thought fit. Then some of these honest Men, who themselves had subscribed to it, sent a Letter privately to my Lord of Essex, by which they advised his not sending him back to Portsmouth; which juggling of theirs he received with indignation, and wished Sir William Lewis to return to his Command: but he seeing what Men he had to deal with, quitted the Employment; and to say the truth, he only can be happy who has nothing to do with them, except it be in punishing them according to their demerits.  
173. They have now they think both Houses to their minds, ready to do whatsoever they please. Accordingly the House of Commons orders those of the eleven Members, who were beyond Sea upon their Passes, which gave them liberty of travelling six Months, to appear the 16 th' of October, taking no course to have them summoned, only notice to be given at their Houses, or places of their last abode, where few of us had any Servants, myself only an old Porter and a Maid or two.  
174. Then they go on to the public business, such work as the Army had cut out for them. Which were certain Proposals that Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of War had sent them the 1st of August, signed by john Rushworth Secretary, now far above john Brown and Henry Elsing. In these they 〈◊〉 down a new platform of Government, an Utopia of their own, take upon them to alter all, give Rules to all, cajole the King, claw with the people, cheat both, never intending good to either. The reading of the Articles themselves which are in print will satisfy every body; they need no Comment, and are so many, and of so vast a comprehension, as to treat of them all, to show the absurdities, contradictions, impossibilities, unreasonableness, which many of them contain, would swell this to too big a Volume. I will only speak to some few, and show how they dissolve the whole frame of this Monarchy, taking a sunder every part, pulling out every pin and new making it. First, The constitutions and proceedings of Parliaments, projecting new things for their beginnings, continuances, and end, for the elections of Members, privileges and customs of the Houses, which they had violated before de facto, but now must be altered de jure. The Militia of the Kingdom, where they will have a General appointed to command it, Pay settled to maintain it, a Council of State to superintend it, which signifies to establish by Act of Parliament this holy Army, the Council of War, and General Cromwell. Then matters of the Church, where they will have no power exercised to preserve Religion and Piety; they would have Bishops so they may be just Ciphers, and all Acts to be repealed, which hinder Men from being Atheists or Independents; for no body must be enjoined to come to the Church, and there may be Meetings to practise any thing of superstition and folly, the Covenant must be laid aside. In sum, it is to take away all Government and set up Independency. They propose a new way for making grand Jurymen, Justices of Peace, and Sheriffs. When these and many other things which they mention are settled, which will take up time enough, than the King, Queen, and Royal Issue to be restored, which is as much as just nothing. Next they make the people believe they do as great matters for them, will have a liberty of petitioning, which is but to make way for schismatical seditious Petitions; for if any Petition stick at their Diana, none so fierce to punish. Who more than they against all the Petitions from London and the Counties for disbanding of the Army, and complaining of their factious ways? how eager were they against the Petitions promoted in the City in the beginning, for which Benion was fined, and many troubled; and some Petitions out of Kent, for which some Gentlemen were committed? How barbarously did they fall upon some poor women which came one time to Westminster petitioning for Peace, commanding a Troop of Horse to run over them, the Trained Bands to shoot at them, whereby many were wounded and some killed? Yet the world must think they will have it free for all to petition. Then they will have the Excise taken off from some Commodities whereon the poor people live, and a time limited for taking off the whole; which was but to please and amuse them till they had got the mastery of those who they thought stood in their way: but being Masters themselves, they soon sent out a Command (more now than any Proclamation or Ordinance) to forbid all Soldiers any way to interrupt the levying of the Excise, orany other Tax charged by the Parliament, which they had made merely instrumental to poll the people for the support of them and their Faction. They will have no Tithes to be paid, and so Ministers to be starved for in truth they would have no Ministers at all, or rather no Ministry; like julian the Apostate, take away presbyterium not presbyteros: for Ministers that will be subservient to them, like Mr. Marshal, shall be much made of. The rules and course of Law must be reduced; indeed they will need no Law, for they will rule by the Sword, and the Councils of War shall supply all Courts of Justice. Prisoners for debt, if they have not wherewith to pay, must be freed; so we may be sure few debts shall be satisfied, for it is an easy thing so to convey or conceal an Estate, as nothing visible will be left for doing right to Creditors. None must be compelled to answer to questions tending to the accusing themselves or their nearest Relations in criminal Causes, witness their Orders to make men under great Penalties state their Case in no less matter than Treason; therefore this is understood to extend only to the privilege of their own Faction. We must alter all Statutes and Customs of Corporations, and of imposing Oaths which may be construed to the molestation of religious people, that is, Independents, for all others are Greeks and Barbarians. Yet these men, in how many Letters and Declarations do they say and protest, they have no thought of setting up Independency, nor to meddle with any thing but what concerns the Soldiery, and leave all the rest to the wisdom of the Parliament. Indeed they conclude their Proposals with what concerns the Soldiery: That provision may be made for payment of Arrears to the Army, and the rest of the Soldiers of the Kingdom who have concurred with them in their late proceedings: and in the next place, of the public debts and damages of the Kingdom, which they have taken a course that the Parliament shall never satisfy, having caused such a debt to the Soldiers, and so insupportable a charge for the maintenance of the Army, which is to be satisfied in the first place before other debts to the rest of the Kingdom, that the Subject is not able to bear it, but is utterly ruined.  
175. To some of these Heads they say they will offer some speedy particulars in the nature of Rules, of good use to the public: Rules indeed, from which, and from the Rulers, good Lord deliver us. But here you see they compile a work like the second part of Solomon's, treating from the Cedar in Lebanon to the Hyssop on the Wall; of all degrees and conditions, from the King that should be on the Throne to the Beggar in Prison. And since they have brought both ends together, so now we have a free Parliament and a free Kingdom.  
176. Every day produces some effects of their tyranny and power, like another Africa, some Monster, though they were not without their difficulties to wrestle with and overcome. For to bring so absolute a Bondage upon a people that was free before, could not be without many heats and colds. They had the King to deal with, whom they must in some measure satisfy and persuade that they had good intentions for him, to restore and maintain him in a power and dignity suitable to his Royal Person and Office, from which the truth and bottom of their design did differ toto coelo: they had the King's Party, whom they must entertain in hopes and expectation, and then cozen; they had the Parliament which must be kept under, brought to obedience, and a total subservience to their will and command. They had the generality of the people, who were for Government and Monarchy founded upon Peace (as they had reason) desirous to be eased of their Burdens and Taxes, with hopes whereof the Army had fed them, but it stood not with their Interest to procure it them. They had lastly their own faction which troubled them most of all, being violent, impatient, not to be gained to go the pace of their Grandees, and wait the revolutions of time, which they desired might have taken place, for the same things to be effected which even those headstrong furious people coveted, but with more ease, advantage, and greatness to themselves.  
177. For they apprehended it very dangerous to fall presently upon his Majesty and break with him, seeing the inclinations of the people towards him, and he at liberty for all persons to have access unto him, whom he might confer with, inform, and dispose according to occasion, perhaps take some resolutions which they apprehended might turn to their prejudice. Besides, they knew not how the Scotish Nation might then declare and engage, which with the help of those whom they had already discontented by their injustice and oppression in the execution of their particular malice and revenge, and those whom they should discontent by frustrating their expectation, having born them in hand with hopes of Peace and freedom from Taxes, must needs have given a great interruption to their proceedings, and even shake the foundation of their whole design; therefore they must work in another way, make his Majesty believe they will do great things for him, so to receive rather an advantage than hindrance from his influence upon the affections of the Kingdom. To this end were all those applications to him by Cromwell, Ireton, and the rest of their Creatures and Instruments, in framing of the proposals, appearing for his interest in the House, seeming to desire his restitution, being now turned absolute Courtiers. They knew it would at last come all to one with that which they have since done to him. For, coming to a settlement with his concurrence, they had the power, he but vanam imaginem; and what of lustre and quietness had been contributed by his Majesty's conjunction, would but have served to have confirmed and heightened their authority, all had been but Stilts to raise them above the rest of the Kingdom and himself likewise; so as it had been in their power (as well as we are sure it had been in their will) to destroy him afterwards, he should have only been a little longer reprieved, as Ulysses was by Polyphemus to be devoured at last.  
178. But the Party would not give way to this; hatred to the King, envy and jealousies against their aspiring Leaders, and a violent desire of having the work done at once, lay all persons and things levelly on the sudden, bring forth their monstrous conceptions all at one birth, made them break out, fly in their faces, discover many of their villainies, and, as appears by that business of Lilburn and Wildman, even resolve to take Cromwell out of the way, and murder him for an Apostate.  
179. When Cromwell, Ireton, and the rest saw this, and that this madness of the inferior sort of their Disciples, which had formerly raised them, supported them, and lately given them the advantage of their Enemies, victory over the Parliament, and a superiority over all the Kingdom, would now be their ruin, if either they closed throughly with the King (for then their Party would forsake them, turn against them, and they knew they had so well merited of King and Kingdom, as not to expect to be preserved in greatness, either for honesty or abilities) or if the King continued at liberty at Hampton-Court, or any other place, where freedom of resort might be to him, and opportunities taken and improved to meet with and prevent all their attempts, that then it would be impossible to carry on their business in an open and declared way of violence against him. They saw a necessity of removing him, and making sure his person; that done, they thought they might be bold to do and say what they would, and own a second time the actings and resolutions of the Agitators.  
180. The difficulty was how to bring this about, to cozen the King so as to make him act it himself, and fly into the Cage; carry him by force they durst not, it would be unhandsome, it might be dangerous: They use this stratagem, heighten and sharpen underhand the mad humour of their Party against him, to have it break out all manner of ways, in threatening Speeches, Pamphlets; some consultations that whilst his Majesty lived in England he could not be safe; meetings to consider and come to some resolutions of taking him out of the way: the Army is again disquiet, the Officers not obeyed, all things tending to mutiny, and some violent eruption. Then does Mr. Cromwell and his Cabinet Council seem to be extremely solicitous of the safety of his Majesty's person, cause some discoveries to be given him of his danger, express great indignation and trouble in the House, in the Army, and other places against these proceedings, act their parts so to the life, as the Life of a Man must go to make up the disguise: an Agitator whom at a Council of War, with two more, they condemned, was shot to death; so as the King could not but have a great confidence in these Men to believe that they were really for his preservation. At last Cromwell writes a Letter to whaley (who commands the Guards about his Majesty's Person) to be shown his Majesty; and other informations are likewise brought him, to make him believe that if he escaped not presently he will be murdered; and he is advised to go to the Isle of Wight, where they had beforehand provided him a Jailor, Colonel Hammond, one for whom they said they could answer, that there his Majesty would be in safety, and they able to serve him.  
181. Here they have the King safe enough, and now the Army is presently quiet, the Agitators as obedient as Lambs, and Councils of War are set up again to act as formerly. And Sir Thomas Fairfax, with their advice, sets out a Remonstrance to give satisfaction to the Army, which he concludes with a Protestation, to adhere to, conduct, live and die with the Army in the prosecution of some things there expressed; as namely, To obtain a present provision for constant Pay, stating of Accounts, security for Arrears, with an effectual and speedy course to raise moneys, a period to be set to this Parliament, provision for future Parliaments, the certainty of their meeting, sitting, and ending, the freedom and equality of Elections, and other things which he had the impudence and boldness to publish in print.  
182. And now instead of the Proposals, they intent to send the four Bills to his Majesty to sign, which done, they would treat with him. By these Bills the Army was to be established, which was the English of that for the Militia; and by another of them they would make sure, that the countenance of the Parliament and the acting of the Army should never be separated; which was the intent of that for power of adjourning. So as if at any time the just sense of Indignation, of so many Indignities and Injuries offered by the Army to all ranks of Men, Magistrates both supreme and subordinate, people of all conditions and degrees should stir them up to some endeavours of casting off this iron Yoke; their Party in Parliament, with their Speaker Mr. Lenthal's help, should presently be ready to adjourn to the Army, then damn and destroy all the world by colour of Law and power of the Sword; so King and Kingdom must be subject to a perpetual slavery by Act of Parliament.  
183. The Scots were laid aside in this Address to his Majesty, contrary to the Treaty, and contrary to the Covenant. By the Treaty there ought to have been no application for Peace but with their advice and consent; here the Scots did not only not advise nor consent, but protest against it. By the Covenant all were bound to keep united, firm and close one to another, not to suffer themselves to be divided; here these Men do divide from the whole Kingdom of Scotland, make a rent and breach between the Kingdoms in settling of the Peace, the very end both of Treaty and Covenant.  
184. And for that subterfuge, that it is against the privilege of Parliament that any out of the Houses should interpose, or have any thing to do with Bills, it is a mere cavil, Fig-leaves which cover not their nakedness; for that would have been no more against Privilege, than was the whole transaction of business in carrying on of the War, and managing other great concernments of Parliament and Kingdom, wherein the Scots all along were admitted to participate in Counsel and Interest.  
185. The King refusing to sign these Bills, Hammond, by Sir Thomas Fairfax's single order, claps him up a Prisoner, removes all his Servants. It seems by this time they had forgot their Remonstrance of the 23 d of june, where they say it is against their principles to imprison the King, and that there can be no Peace without due consideration of his Majesty's Rights: But than was then, and now is now. It was then necessary for the good of their Affairs to seem gracious, desirous of Peace, and of restoring the King. Now they appear in their own colours, their nature having no restraint; nay, Sir Thomas Fairfax's Command is so absolute and sacred, as Captain Burley was hanged for endeavouring to oppose it, there being at that time no other pretence for his Majesty's Imprisonment, but because Sir Thomas Fairfax had commanded it: it is true, that upon his signification to the Houses of what he had done, it was approved of and confirmed.  
186. All this while a rigorous hand is continued against the impeached Lords who were under the Black Rod, the Gentlemen of the House of Commons, the Lord Mayor and aldermans in the Tower, who had been kept Prisoners so many Months, upon a general Impeachment, and no particular Charge against them. It was often endeavoured in the House to have passed the Articles which were brought in against the Lord Willoughby, to be a leading Case to the rest. Where I cannot pass by, that I find he is charged with Treason for levying War against the King, and this done by the same persons that imprison the King, and had hanged Burley for levying War for him: One may see they will find matter to hang on all hands. Many debates were had on this business, and at last it was resolved to lay the Articles aside.  
187. The seven Lords still pressed for their Trial, the House of Peers as often sent down to the House of Commons to give them notice of it; and no Charge coming up, they set them at liberty. The Common Council likewise petitioned for the liberty of their Members in the Tower; which the Army took so heinously, as that and the laying aside of the Charge against the Lord Willoughby, together with a Vote which had passed for disbanding the supernumerary Forces, produce a thundering Remonstrance of December the 7 th', casting in the Parliaments teeth their delays and neglects: That the Army had with patience waited four Months upon them: That finding such obstructions in matters of supply, and such unworthy requital, they apprehended God upbraids their care to preserve a people given up to their own destruction: That they could, to speak Amen, with the power and advantages God had put into their hands (for so is their expression) have put the Army and other Forces engaged with it into such a posture as to have assured themselves of Pay, and made their opposers have followed them with offers of satisfaction: That now all business seems to be wrapped up in one bare Vote, That all supernumery Forces should be disbanded, which Vote they say they cannot imagine to be absolute and sovereign: They offer as their final advice, that 40000 l. more per mensem be added to the 60000 l. that is in all 100000 l. a Month. That for the more sure and ready payment, the Force● may be immediately assigned to several Counties, out of whose Taxes they shall be paid, and the General have power to make those distributions. And many things more they offer, or rather order for the payment of the Soldiers so peremptorily, as if it be not granted and passed effectually by the end of that present week, they say they can give no longer account of the Army in a regular way; but if they find not satisfaction in their judgements, must take some extraordinary ways of power. Then they come and vent their malice against the City, of which they say they have been so tender; witness their carriage in their late advance towards it, notwithstanding provocations, their innocent march through it, their patient waiting for their long due Arrears. But now Justice forces them to desire that (the adjacent Counties being undone, and the whole Kingdom groaning under the oppressions of free Quarter, whilst the City, which occasions all, is free of it) there be no longer stop to the drawing thither of the Army: That besides levying the arrear of the Tax, it make reparation to the parts adjacent of 100000 l. damage: That if they be necessitated or called on by the County, they must on their behalf demand of the City to the full: They earnestly desire that the proceedings against the Citizens and others impeached may be hastened, and that out of their Fines and Confiscations some part of reparation be made to the Country. Then they say they see not how the Parliament can sit in safety in the Army should never so little withdraw, when they find the Common Council, thro' the Parliament and Army's lenity, take the boldness already, in the face of both, to intercede for the release and acquittal, or rather justification of those impeached Persons, who are but fellow Delinquents to most of that Council: That the consideration of this, and the renewed confidence of Mr. Gwin, and other Members, partakers in the same things, who presume to sit in the House, makes them fear, that through lenity and moderation, so much of the same Leven is left behind, as even the worst of the eleven Members (notwithstanding their double Crimes) may be again called for in, unless the House by some exclusive resolutions and proceedings do timely prevent the same.  
188. Indeed these are gracious Princes, full of lenity and moderation, by their own sayings; but they dwell by ill Neighbours, that they must commend themselves, for no body else will do it. The Parliament is beholden to them, they tell them their faults, bid them not trust so much to their Votes, which are not absolute nor sovereign; let them know what is their duty to do, and give a short day to perform it in, lest they should be idle, and a worse thing fall upon them. The Country is beholden to them, who now know the worst of it; 100000 l. to be monthly raised to ease them of Taxes, and the Excise according to promise: but then they have to help them, reparation from the City for former damages, and the persons appointed out of whose Estates it must be paid by way of Fine or Confiscation, whether they prove guilty or no; and they are not wanting in their expressions to the City of their tenderness of it, wherefore they give good instance, coming against it with Banners displayed, Horse and Foot armed, Cannon loaden, and only take possession of their Works and of the Tower, change their Militia, take from them Westminster and Southwark, commit their Mayor and principal Aldermen, yet doing the City no hurt (like the Friar in Chaucer, who would have but of the Capon the Liver, and of a Pig the head, yet nothing for him should be dead) then marching through it so innocently, only putting that scorn upon them which none of their Kings ever did when most provoked; that to have endured a plundering had been more honourable: Then waited so patiently for their Arrears, when they had a great part of the 200000 l. which the City had lent for their disbanding, had taken that Money, yet would not disband, and destroyed Trade by their late Rebellion; and now having so long lain upon free quarter all about, that they had made Provisions excessive dear, and almost famished the City, to express a desire to come and quarter in it, which sure was for their good, only Justice made them move they should pay 100000 l. for reparation to the Country; that their best Members, greatest Aldermen, and others, and their Lord Mayor, whom they had caused to be unjustly committed, should be as unjustly fined and ruined; and then charge so honourable a Court as the Common Council with Treason.  
189. Then for the eleven Members, how much they are beholden to them is beyond expression, all their Remonstrances, as well as this make it appear; here they desired only they might have a Writ of ease from attending the Parliament any more, out of their abounding care for the freedom of Parliaments, and the free sitting and voting of the Members.  
190. And they will be sure to have all put in execution, the refractory House of Commons shall make them wait no longer. A Regiment or two of Foot march and quarter in White-Hall, as many Horse in the Mews (they having provided another Lodging for the King, therefore making bold with his Majesty's House) and then they think they can take a course both with the Parliament and City; which in truth they do full handsomely.  
191. For presently they make them resume the consideration of the Charge against the Lord Willoughby, and pass it, and likewise against the rest of those Lords, and Sir john Maynard; carry it up to the House of Lords, and demand the recommitting of those Lords, and putting them to their answer. Sir Arthur Haslerig, the now worthy Governor of Newcastle, stayed in town from going to take possession of his Command, only to do this feat; so to make good what he before said, when they could not upon a long debate, and the laying out of all their strength and power, carry the Impeachment, that it was no matter, the Army should impeach them all.  
192. A little after the Lord Grey of Groby sets on foot the motion concerning those of the eleven Members who were beyond Sea, having had Passes to travel for six Months, and most of them written or sent to the Speaker and other Gentlemen of the House, to desire the favour of a longer continuance, in regard it was winter, and ill crossing the Seas; but if it would not be granted, upon signification of their pleasure, they would immediately return. They had likewise (upon occasion of the Order of Summons) written of the uncertain report they had heard of such a thing long after it was done, that if notice had been given them of it, they had not failed to appear, and would if they might be certified that the House continued in the same resolution; so confident were they of their innocency, though they knew the malice of their Enemies, and their violence and force upon the Parliament: But proceedings since have made it clear what Justice they should have found. For notwithstanding all this, those Horse and Foot were so powerful an argument against them, backing the Remonstrance for the exclusive resolution, that it was carried to expel them the House, and Impeachments ordered to be brought in. A parallel proceeding to this was never known in Parliament, where it has not been refused to any, especially who were beyond Sea, or in truth any where absent upon leave, to give a further day upon non-appearance the first; and in our Case there was a great deal more reason, considering the season of the year, the occasion of our departure (then looked upon as a merit) our readiness to obey upon the first Summons. All this writes but their Injustice and our Oppression in the more Capital Letters.  
193. I am now coming to the Catastrophe of this Tragedy, the last and most horrid Act. The Parliament forced to do that which is unnatural against the being of Parliament, the end for which it is called, which has rationem formae in all moral things; that is, to declare they will make no further address or application to the King, receive none from him, nor suffer it in others; which is, as if a Limb should cut itself off from the Body, and thereby deprive itself of life and nourishment: For the communication between the King and Parliament is that which gives it being and life. It is called by the King, ad colloquium habendum & tractatum cum proceribus Regni, etc. They are the words of the Writ which brings them together. Now there is Colloquium & Tractatus cut off, which was the first unhappy breach between his Majesty and this Parliament, and which the Parliament found themselves grieved at, that he had withdrawn himself from them, so as they could not repair unto him for advice and counsel. And in all our Declarations and Messages in the beginning, until these people (who it seems had projected from the first what they have now acted) got to the Helm, and steered us into this violent tempestuous Course, that we neither see our Pole, nor use our Compass; we still desired, pressed, endeavoured his Majesty's return to his Parliament: But they say he shall not return, the Regal Power they have assumed, they will keep it and exercise it. They will no longer be fellow Subjects with the rest of the Kingdom, but Lords and Masters. Those whom they represent, and whose substitutes they are, they will put under their foot; as if an Ambassador should renounce the Prince that sent him, and say he will make his own Dignity real and original, which is but representative and derived, take away the substance and yet the shadow remain: certainly this is exceedingly against nature, and will turn all upside down; yet this disorder must be made perpetual, put out of all possibility of recovery, like Death, from which there can be no returning. For admit the King would grant all that they have desired or can desire, give them all imaginable security for it, it is impossible it should be made known, and so cannot be received, and by consequence our Peace never be settled; which is casting the Kingdom into a mortal disease, putting it past cure, past hope.  
194. To show by what Magic this Spirit is raised, you have his fellow Devil immediately called up by a Council of War; a Declaration comes from his Excellency and the general Council of the Army from Windsor, bearing date the 9 th' of january, presented to the House the 11 th' by Sir Hardress Waller, wherein they give their approbation of the Votes, say the Parliament in that Address to the King, with the four Bills, could go no lower without denying that which God, in the issue of War, had born such testimony unto: That they account that great business of a settlement to the Kingdom, and security to the public interest thereof, by and with the King's concurrence, to be brought to so clear a trial, as that upon the King's denial, they can see no further hopes of settlement and security that way; therefore upon the consideration of that denial, added to so many other such Votes as had been passed that no further application should be made to him, etc. They do freely and unanimously declare for themselves and the Army, that they are resolved firmly to adhere with and stand by the Parliament in the things so voted, and in what shall be further necessary for the prosecution thereof, and for the settling and securing the Parliament and Kingdom without the King, and against the King, or any other that shall hereafter partake with him.  
195. And in this I believe them, being (I am confident) the only truth has proceeded from them in all their Declarations or Proposals, with relation to his Majesty. I would remember them, if 'twere to any purpose, of some of their former professions, That it was against their principles to imprison the King, that no Peace could be lasting without him, and the like. But they can blow hot and cold, as the fellow in the Fable, to make all the Satyrs, and almost the Devil himself abhor them, as afraid to be outdone by them in his own art of lying and dissembling. Therefore I shall not trouble myself any more with blazoning their Coat Armour, which is nothing but false colours and base metals: Their Impostures, Contradictions, Falsehoods, Hypocrisies, and damnable Delusions being beyond all Heraldry, not to be tricked within the compass of any Scutcheon.  
196. I will only add one Scene more of this last Act, represented in the House of Commons. I do not hear that the House of Peers have had any part in it. But the Commons, like the Consistory of Rome, have spent much time since in hunting out the Premises, to infer the Conclusion formerly agreed upon, a Declaration, or rather rhetorical Invective, to persuade men's Affections, not convince their Judgements of those enormities in the King, which should justly merit, and so justify the resolutions taken concerning him. The particulars are such, as truly I cannot name without horror, Auferat oblivio si potest, si non, silentium tegat: I would forget that ever such a thing was done by the Parliament. I will only say this of that Faction (for I look upon it merely as their act and their Army's, who have forced the House to it, as they have to all the rest since the breaking out of their Rebellion, the owning them, paying them, voting their continuance, expelling, committing, impeaching their own Members, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, doing what not for the increasing their own shame, and setting up their Diana, that Idol of confusion) That if they themselves believe that to be true which they there relate, they are excellent good Patriots, and notable Justices, to see and not see faults for their own advantage. For if the King would have agreed to such Conditions as they proposed to him, and such a Settlement as had been in order to their Ends, to have continued an Omnipotency in them and ruined the rest of the Kingdom, these things had been all dispensed with, sacrificed to their greatness, and the advancement of their Dagon; then nothing but Hosannah's in their mouths, no Peace could be lasting without due consideration of his Rights; far was it from them to have a thought of imprisoning him; he had been their good King, and they his and our gracious Masters. But now that his Majesty had discovered their aims, and would not contribute to them, he is an Anathema, guilty of such and so many crimes, as not to be found scarce in any one person; and now these Men of Belial can say he shall not reign over us. For the things themselves, I doubt not but there are those who knowing the Arcana Imperii, will give satisfaction to the world by a faithful and clear manifestation of his Majesty's Actions and Counsels relating to them. I who stand below and at distance, as I cannot have the knowledge of such high things, so will not presume to meddle with them, only upon the general say, that methinks in reason those things cannot be; for to destroy the Protestants in France, whose preservation must needs be as a contentment to the Soul of a Protestant King, so a strength and advantage to his Interest, were strange State-policy. And as for the Rebellion of Ireland, to cut off so great a Limb from himself, pluck off one of the three Flowers of his Crown, is, methinks, to be Felo de se. To speak nothing of that concerning King james, an act so monstrous as not to be suspected in a Heathen, not to be found in heathenish Rome, much less in a Christian; truly I cannot, as a rational Man, bring my judgement to admit of a belief of those things; and then certainly Charity obliges to hope better, believe better of any Man, much more of a King, and of our own King, whom Solomon tells us we are not to curse, no, not in thought, much less, which job blames, tell him, and tell the world he is wicked and ungodly, least of all when there is not a clear an undeniable proof. And even their expressions in their Declaration are not positive, as if the subject matter were only allegatum, not at all probatum, and rather set forth ad captandum populum, to gain, if possible, an approbation of the vulgar of what they had done, than that they conceived it would find credit with rational and judicious Men, or that themselves thought it to be a truth. For the other things, as Knighthood, Ship-money, etc. any thing by which the Subject has been oppressed and his Purse picked, they of all Men should not find fault, whose little Finger has been heavier than the Loins of Monarchy. What was all that in comparison of free Quarter, Excise, and even the 100000 l. a Month, which they say they must have for the maintenance of the Army? those were but Flea-bite to these. At the worst one may say, we were then chastised with Whips, but now with Scorpions.  
197. And so I hope I have made good what I undertook in the beginning, having made it appear, that England is become, by the actings of these Men, that Monster whose shape is perverted, the head standing where the feet, and the feet where the head should be, mean Men mounted aloft, and all that is or should be great, Lacqueying it after them: The authority of the Magistrate suppressed, and the will of particular persons made the Law of the Kingdom, Justice obstructed, and Violence in the room of it; King and Parliament trodden under foot, and an Army insulting over the Persons and Estates of the Subject; so as we may take up the Psalmist's Complaint, That the very Foundations are destroyed, and what then can the Righteous do?  
198. I will conclude all with this short Epiphonema: If such a complicated Treason as this, which they have designed and carried on all along, consisting of so many several parts, by betraying all the Trusts Men can be capable of, as Subjects to their King, Servants to their Masters, an Army to them that raised and paid them, English Men to their Country, and which is more, Christians to their God, bound up yet in a more particular obligation by Covenant, Vows, and Protestations; all these Relations thrown aside, nothing of Duty, Conscience, or Morality to stand in the way, that could either be removed or overcome, eluded or broken through. If, I say, a Treason raised up to this height, by so many several steps of Hypocrisy, Treachery, Perfidiousness, Injustice, Violence, and Cruelty, can be made good, and the Actors prosper, blessing themselves in their success, sacrificing to their Nets and Gins, by which they have snared and destroyed all their opposers: And on the other side, if no blessing must be on the good endeavours of those who only had proposed to themselves Bonum publicum, had nothing in particular in their Eye, sought nothing for themselves, but to find their safety comprised and contained in the happiness and welfare of the King, Parliament, and Kingdom; like the honest Passengers that seek their preservation in saving the Ship they sail in (as I can speak it for a truth, take the God of Heaven for Witness, and defy all the Men on Earth to disprove it) that I for my part (and I hope the same of those other persons of Honour, Members of both Houses, with whom I have cooperated, and now partake in their sufferings) never had other end: Let the Earl of Manchester speak, who has been present at and privy to all our Consultations, and is now joined and engaged with the Army, and those other Men who carry on this pernicious design, where, besides the universal desolation of the whole Kingdom, there is a particularity against me for my ruin and destruction, and therefore I doubt not but he will say all he knows: Let Mr. Reynolds of the House of Commons, who went a long time and a great way with us, but is since fallen off and become throughly theirs; the same I say of Colonel Harvy, who was long enough in our Ears, and in our Bosoms, to bottom all our thoughts, know all our desires. If these or any other, even that malicious and treacherous Lord Savil, can say, that at any time, upon any occasion, I proposed any thing that looked towards a self End, the driving of any particular Interest, setting up of any Party, but merely to prevent these fearful Precipices into which the Kingdom is fallen, by the art and practices of these Enemies of Peace, and to attain such a settlement, as all honest moderate Men might have found in it both security and satisfaction: If they can, let them speak; and if they prove one tittle, I will put my Mouth in the dust, I will bear my punishment, and expect mercy neither from God nor Man; nay, even in relation to the Army, and those persons who have a long time sought my ruin, if all I desired and aimed at in disbanding that schismatical factious Soldiery, in carrying on the business of the House in opposition to that Party, and even in this last great Treason of levying War against King, Parliament, and Kingdom (as they style it) which was only to do my best endeavour to defend them and myself from a rebellious Army that was marching up for all our destructions, contrary to the Orders of both Houses, against whom it first rebelled instead of an obedient disbanding; then cudgeled them to own it for their Army, forced the City into a trouble, and show of opposition to what it had made the Parliament do; then took that occasion to march both against it and the Parliament. If notwithstanding all this, in what I did, I had any thought of personal revenge, or to do the least hurt to any particular person in case we had prevailed, but only to return into the way whence we were put out, of a free quiet Parliamentary proceeding, to accomplish the great work of settling the Peace both of Church and State, let me perish; and God, who is the searcher of hearts, knows I now speak nothing but truth.  
199. Well then, I say, if all our endeavours must, like an untimely birth, come to nothing, our hope be cut off, our persons destroyed, our integrity, innocency, fidelity, questioned and decried, our good names traduced, torn in sunder, our memories made to stink to all posterity, by the false calumnies of our malicious Enemies, and their power in suppressing truth, and which is worst (for all this is but particular) the general, the public, the Common wealth, once in so fair a way of recovery, at the eve of a happy day, to be rid of Armies, enjoy a Peace, hear no more of the Instruments of War, but see a blessed composure of all unhappy differences, reap the fruits of Justice and Mercy; and upon a sudden to find all this but as the hungry man's Dream, who is the more empty when he awakes, so instead of this solid happiness to embrace a Cloud, have nothing but the empty promises of a false deceitful Army, and be cast back into a greater gulf of misery and confusion than all the enemies in the World could have brought it into, and the latter end to be far worse than the beginning:  
200. If this be our Portion, were I a Heathen, I should say with Brutus when he meant to kill himself, seeing the assertors of public Liberty overcome and ruined, and the Invaders prevail and conquer, O misera virtus! eras igitur fabula, seu verba; ego te ut rem colebam & exercebam, tu autem fortunae serviebas. But being a Christian, I am taught another Lesson, to know that nothing comes by chance. God, who does all things in number, weight, and measure, orders and disposes all as may most make for his own Honour, and the good of his Church and Children, to which even the wickedness of the wicked, and these Disorders will conduce, though the wit of Man cannot fathom it: therefore I will lay my Hand upon my Mouth, and not once whisper, because the Lord has done it, only take up St. Paul's admiration, and with it end, crying out, O Altitudo! O the Depth of the Riches both of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God How unsearchable are his judgements, and his Ways past finding out!  
FINIS.   

AN Alphabetical Table.  

A.  
Accommodation with the King proposed by the Lords, and laid aside by the malignant Party of the Commons. p. 9, 10.  
Agitators set up by the Army, their Actions. 86, 87. Receive some check from Cromwell. 87, 88 Write a Letter against the Parliament. 88, 89. The Insolence of those that brought it. 89. Their extravagant Proposals to Sir Tho. Fairfax in relation to the Parliament, etc. 171.  
Allen, Treasurer of the Army. 135. Concerned in conveying away a great Sum of Money designed for the Army. 161.  
Army forsaken of divers brave Officers when it left its Obedience to the Parliament. 70. Countenanced great Disorders in Churches, &c 71. Petitions from City and Country to have it disbanded. 72. Recruits daily, though it had no Enemy to oppose. 72. Hinders the Relief of Ireland. 73, 76, 79, 83. Voted to be disbanded but what was necessary for Garrisons, etc. 74. Some of its Officers mutiny. 76. Petition for an Indemnity before disbanding, etc. 77, 78. Incensed by the Officers against the Parliament. 83, 84. Are rather encouraged than discountenanced by the Officers that were sent to appease them. 91. Their Representation to the Parliament. 91, 92. Address their General against disbanding. 94, 95. Enter into an Engagement not to disband. 99 Their Representation, in which they censure the Parliament's Actions with Contempt. 100, 101, 111. Intermeddle with the Business of the Kingdom contrary to their Protestations. 103. Refuse to hear the Parliament's Votes, though in their own favour, and march towards the City. 108. Their high Pretences for the good of the People, etc. 110, 112, 149. Make the Parliament do what they please. 111. Require a Period to be put to it. 112. Their insolent Demands of it. 113, 115, 116, 163. Their specious Pretences for the King. 118. Vpbraid the Parliament for doing what they forced 'em to. 119. Their pretended Care for the Privileges of Parliament. ibid. Manage all Affairs of the Kingdom. 142, etc. Are composed of mean Officers, etc. 149. Their extravagant Proposals to the Parliament in relation to Church and State. 177— 181. Their Remonstrance, Decemb. 7. 1648. against the Parliament, 192— 195. which is descanted on. 195— 197. Make the Parliament act against itself; set up for Lords and Masters, etc. 200, 201.  
Army Party, their Actions and Aims. 1, 5. How they got into Power. 6. Their Usage of the King, Queen, etc. 7. Are for the Covenant, etc. 13. Misrepresent Affairs to the Scots. 14. Begin to show themselves after Marston-moor Fight. 18. Oppose the Lords for meddling with a Commoner. 20, 56. Against putting an end to the War. 25, 29. Govern by the Sword, etc. 26. Opposed by an honest Party in the House. ibid. Frustrated in their Expectation of some they had got chosen. 43, 44. Endeavour to set the two Kingdoms against each other, 45. and the Country against the Scots. 49. Amuse the House with strange things against them. 52. Break the Law of Nations with relation to the Scots Commissioners. 54, 55, 56. join some Scots Commissioners to the English in the Power of the Militia, but with an ill design, 57 which they would afterwards have altered. 58. Would have the Army march into the North against the Scots without the Parliament's Order. 61. Hinder the Scots going out of England, though they pretended to be for it. 62. Quarrel with 'em about the Person of the King. 67, 68 Their Designs frustrated by the Scots Prudence. 69. Seize upon the King's Person. 96. Their Letter to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London concerning their Demands of the Parliament. 102. Their large share in the Treasure of the Kingdom. 132— 137. Their Accounts extravagant. 138, 139. Their Remonstrance concerning the Members that sat during the Speaker's Absence. 172. Draw up a Party of Horse to back it. ibid. Turn out Officers that were against them, etc. 175. The Difficulties they had to encounter. 182, 183. Cajole the King, etc. 184. The means they used to get rid of him. 185, 186. Procure his going to the Isle of Wight. 187. Send him four Bills to sign. 188. Their Declaration from Windsor concerning no further Address to him, 200. descanted on. 201, etc.  
Ashurst Mr. sent with a Message from the Parliament to the Army. 162.   

B.  
BLaxton employed by the Army Party to give account what Sums the Scots had raised of the Country. 65.  
Bristol lost; its Governor condemned, but pardoned. 12.  
Burley Captain hanged by Fairfax's Order. 190.   

C.  
Charles' King of England, his Forces ruffled at Dennington. 27. His Safety not regarded by the Army Party. 34. Is delivered up to the English by the Scots. 68 His Person seized by the Army. 96. Is made a Prisoner in the Isle of Wight on refusing the four Bills. 190.  
Clotworthy Sir John, one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75.  
Commissioners of Scotland endeavour to undeceive the English Parliament in relation to their Army. 47. Move for Pay for their Soldiers. 50, 51. Slighted by the Army Party. 54. Their Packets and Letters intercepted and broke open. 55. Give in an account of Arrears due to their Army. 64.  
Committee at Derby-house to see the Parliaments Votes concerning Ireland executed. 75. Labour to dispose the Army to go thither. 76.  
— of Haberdashers-Hall, Goldsmiths-Hall, etc. misused by the Army to the ruin of many. 129.  
— of the two Kingdoms. 14. Is out of esteem, though all Affairs of Moment had been transacted by them, etc. 53, 54.  
Committee of Reformation. 30.  
Corbet Mr. M●●es, justice at the Committee of Examinations. 130.  
Covenant between the two Kingdoms, the ends of it not answered by sending away the Scots, without disbanding the English Army. 63.  
Crawford Major General, his Service at Marstonmoor. 15, 16.  
Cromwell, his Cowardice at Marstonmoor, Basinghouse, and Keinton. 17. His Rancour against the Scots, and Hatred of the Nobility. 18. His Soldiers mutiny, that he may escape the selfdenying Ordinance. 35. Is dispensed with for two or three Months, but after keeps in for good and all, without an Order of the House. 36. Keeps from the Army to give 'em opportunity of doing their Mischief. 84. His Policy and Hypocrisy in relation to the Disorders of the Army. 85. Sent down to 'em, but to no purpose. ibid. Leaves the Parliament, and joins with the Army. 86. Orders the King to be seized, but denies it, 97. and the Magazine at Oxford to be secured. 98. Appoints a general Rendezvouz near Cambridg, and justifies what the Agitators had done. 99 Gets Petitions of his own drawing signed by several Counties. 114. His Pension. 135. Writes a Letter to whaley to be shown the King. 187.   

D.  
DAcres, Lord, one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75.  
Delaware, Lord, one of the Commissioners for disbanding the Army. 94.  
Desborough, Major, with two Regiments, falls upon some of Sir Robert Pye's Men at Deptford, and barbarously murders them. 159.   

E.  
ELections vacant, by an Artifice voted to be filled up. 41. Vnfairly made by the malignant Party. 42.  
Eleven Members incur the Hatred of the Army for doing their Duty. 75. Their Care and Industry with relation to Ireland, was the Foundation of the good Successes in that Kingdom. 82. Have a general Charge exhibited against them by the Army, who require they should be suspended sitting in the House. 115, 119. Remarks on their Case. 120, 123. Withdraw from the House to prevent Inconveniences. 124. No particular Charge against them; the ill Practices of their Enemies to ruin them. 125, 126. Accused by the Army of holding Correspondence with the King, etc. which is descanted on. 127, 128, etc. Largely vindicated; 130, 131, etc. 140, 141. The Army's Declaration against them, 148, 149. which is largely descanted on. 150, etc. Are vindicated from the Disorders that happened at Westminster from the Rabble, etc. 153, 154. Ordered by the House to make good their places. 157. Forsaken by the City, who had espoused their Cause. 163. Their unparallelled Case. 199.  
Essex, Earl, suspected and laid aside by the Army Party. 8, 9, 21, 30. Is ordered to attend his Majesty's Motions. 22, 23. His ill Success in the West. 24, 25. His Ruin designed by Haslerig. 24. Relief refused to be sent him. 25. His Army willingly disband. 31, 32.   

F.  
FAirfax, Sir Thomas, commands at Marstonmoor under his Father. 15. Is made General. 34. His Commission ran only in the name of the Parliament. ibid. Is discharged of Subordination to the Committee of both Kingdoms. 54. Designed to be sent with his Army to protect the Northern Counties. 60. Receives Orders about disbanding. 93. Causes his Regiment to march another way. 94. Innocent as to seizing the King. 97. His Remonstrance concerning the King's being voted to Richmond. 117. Takes up his Quarters at Uxbridg. 123. Marches to London in State, and puts in the old Speakers, 164. by whom he is complemented and addressed. 167. Marches through the City in Triumph. 168. Voted by both House's General of all the Forces, and Constable of the Tower. 169. His Remonstrance for satisfaction of the Army. 188. His Order concerning the King, etc. at the Isle of Wight. 190.  
Fleetwood, Colonel, concerned in seizing the King. 97. His Place and Pension. 136.  
Foulks, Alderman of London, promotes the Interest of the Army. 110, 160.   

G.  
GIbbs, Alderman of London, promotes the Interest of the Army, 110, 160. Sent with a Message to the Army. 162. Interrupted by Fairfax in a Speech he was making to him. 174.  
Grey of Grooby, Lord, is gratified by the Army. 137. Against the eleven Members. 198.  
Gurden, Mr. against the Parliament's having a Period put to it. 112.   

H.  
HAmmond, Colonel, his unreasonable Demands on being designed for Ireland. 73.  
Haslerig, Sir Arthur, his ill Success in the West. 11. His Rashness, etc. 12. His Excuse for the King's not being attacked at Dennington, Cowardice, Vainglory, etc. 27, 28. Is concerned in seizing the King. 97, 98. His Pension. 136. His great Pay. 139. Stays in Town, though Governor of Newcastle, to do a feat for the Army. 198.  
Holland, Mr. Cornelius, his Gratuity from the Army Party. 135.  
Holles, Mr. Denzil, accused by Savil of corresponding with the Lord Digby. 38, 40. Is prosecuted with great Violence by the Solicitor St. John. 40. Acquitted by the House. 41. Concerned in the Uxbridg-Treaty. 57 His Generosity as to the public Money. 140.   

I.  
JAckson, Lieutenant Colonel, submits to the Parliament in order to disband. 94. Independents; Army, etc. mostly composed of them. 29.  
Joyce, Cornet, seizes the King at Holmby, with the Commissioners that attended him. 97. Ordered to seize the Magazine at Oxford. 98.  
Ireland not to be relieved while the Army was kept up here. 72. Relief voted them by the Parliament. 74. About 2000 willing to go, the rest hinder it all they can. 76. Such as were willing to relieve it, voted Deserters by the Army; 115. who require they should be discharged, though ordered thither by the Parliament. 121.  
Ireton keeps from the Army to give them opportunity to do their Mischief. 84.  
Lenthal, Speaker of the Commons, his good Places, etc. 133. Forsakes the House, and joins with the Army. 146, 147. Is put into his Place again by Fairfax. 164.  
Lesley, his Service at Marstonmoor. 15.  
Lewis, Sir William, Governor of Portsmouth, his fair Accounts, etc. 138, 139, 175.  
Lilburn against the eleven Members. 141.  
London for the Parliament, and against the Army, etc. 106. Resent the Parliament's altering their Militia by the Influence of the Army. 143, etc. Alarmed by the Army. 160.  
Lords, several forsake the House, and join with the Army. 146, 147. The House choose a new Speaker on the other's leaving ' 'em. 155. Outdo the Commons in Honour of Sir Tho. Fairfax. 169. Their Vote concerning what was acted by the Houses when forsaken by their Speakers, disagreed to by the Commons. 170. Seven of 'em impeached of High Treason by the Army. 173, 191. Are set at liberty. 192.   

M.  
MAnchester, Earl, his Charge against Cromwell. 18, 19, 28. Laid aside by the Army. 30. Is Speaker of the House of Lords, whom he forsakes, and joins the Army. 146, 147. Is put into his Place again by Sir Tho. Fairfax. 164.  
Marshal, Chaplain to Skippon, too instrumental in the Evils of this Kingdom. 107, 143. Preaches before the Parliament, and extols Sir Tho. Fairfax's Expedition, etc. 168.  
Marstonmoor Fight had not been obtained but for the Scots. 15.  
Massey, Captain, stops an Express sending to Scotland; committed by the Lords for it, but set at liberty. 55, 56.  
Massey, Major General, his Brigade cashiered, though it had done the greatest Service in the West. 70. Is one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75. Is made Lieutenant General of the Horse in Ireland. 82. Forsaken by the City. 163.  
Maynard, Sir John, one of the eleven Members, though nothing against him. 115. Expelled the House, and sent to the Tower. 173.  
Members of Parliament, what their Design in taking up Arms. 4. Are misrepresented by the Army. 38. Some of 'em discover the Designs of the Army against the Scots. 53.  
Mildmay, Sir Henry, has Letters sent him against the Scots. 52.  
Model of the Army, etc. 30.   

N.  
NEwcastle; Propositions sent to the King there, gave occasion to the Army Party to review 'em all, etc. 57  
Nicklis, Mr. the Lawyer, concerned in the Committee of Sequestrations. 129.  
Noel, Mr. sent with a Message from the Parliament to the Army. 162.  
North of England suffers by the Scots Army, thro' the Practice of the Army Party here. 49, 50.  
Nye, Mr. preaches a Thanksgiving-Sermon before the Commons on Sir Tho. Fairfax's coming to London. 168.   

O.  
OXford; Magazine there kept by the Army from the Parliament. 98.   

P.  
PAlmer, Mr. Herbert, influenced by Marshal. 160.  
Parliament vote the disbanding of the Army. 74. Send for some Officers that had promoted the Petition against it. 79. Their Clemency to 'em ill requited. 80. Settle the Arrears of the Army. 81. Make Sir Tho. Fairfax General of all their Forces. ibid. Order the Officers down to the Army, but to their own Ruin. 90. Too favourable to the Army. 92. Appoint a Rendezvouz for the Foot in order to disband. 93. About to take a severe Course with the Army Party, but prevented by Skippon. 104. Forced to comply with the Army. 107, 111, 116. Resolve to defend themselves and the City against the Army. 109, 159. Vote the King to Richmond. 117, 158. Made a mere cipher by the Army. 142, etc. Endeavour to prevent Extremities. 162. Their Case stated as to the Force put upon 'em, and being deserted by their Speaker. 165— 167. Appoint a Committee to inquire concerning that Force. 169. Disagree with the Lords about what the Houses had done when forsaken by their Speakers. 170. Afterwards forced to comply. 173. Constrained to act against itself by refusing to make any further Address to the King, etc. 200.  
Pelham, Mr. Henry, chose Speaker of the Commons in the room of Lenthal. 156.  
Pennington, Alderman of London, favoured and rewarded by the Army Party. 132, 133.  
Petitions from an Army to their Superiors, when required to do Service, always deemed a Mutiny. 77.  
Pointz, Colonel, his Care and Vigilance to prevent the Mischiefs designed by the Army Party in the North, for which he was put out of command. 61. Taken by Violence out of his House by the Agitators. ibid. Inhumanly treated by 'em. 62.  
Pride, Colonel, his Equivocation at the Bar of the House about petitioning against disbanding. 80.  
Prideaux, Mr. of the Army Party, made himself Postmaster of England. 133.   

R.  
RAbble threaten the House of Commons, to cause 'em to pass several Votes 145.  
Rainsborough Colonel, his Regiment refuses to march for Jersey, which he connives at; yet afterwards made Vice-Admiral. 95, 96.  
Riot in Yorkshire. 48.  
Rushworth, Secretary to Sir Tho. Fairfax, his acting against the eleven Members. 126. His Letter to the Speaker against appearing at the House. 147. Signs Proposals to the Parliament concerning a new Form of Government. 176.   

S.  
SAint John, Mr. Oliver, his Character; his underhand Letter to the Committee of Hertfordshire, etc. 32. His violent and bloody Nature. 33. Breaks his Protestation as to Cromwel's being dispensed with from the selfdenying Ordinance. 36. His Places of Profit, etc. 133.  
Salloway, Mr. one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75.  
Savil, Lord, an Impostor. 38. Writes Letters to several Great Men against the Parliament. 39  
Say, Lord, rewarded by the Army Party. 136.  
Scawen, Mr. brings a sad account of the temper of the Army. 108. His Pension. 137. Concerned in conveying away a great Sum ordered for the Army. 161.  
Scots proposed to be called in, but obstructed by the Malignants; their Character. 11, 13. After called in. 12. Made use of only for a pinch. 13. Imposed on by the Malignants. 14. Discover the good Intentions of the honest Party in England. 20, 21. Are represented as having a design to make good their footing here. 44. Their Army ill requited. 46, 65. Are vindicated as to raising of Money in the North on Free Quarter. 48. Their Pay kept back. 51. Their Ministers of State suspected by the Army Party here, to hold Correspondences with the Queen, etc. 51, 52. Their Papers in the House of Commons here, not answered. 53. Their Piety, Moderation, etc. 59 Had no ground to disband their Army, unless the English did. 63, 64. Have a great Sum voted 'em, though with great opposition. 66. Deliver up the King to the English. 68 Whereby they gain Reputation. 69. Are laid aside in the Army's Address to the King at the Isle of Wight. 189.  
Selfdenying Ordinance. 30.  
Sequestrations, etc. 8.  
Skippon, Major General, made Commander in chief in Ireland. 82. Instrumental in betraying the Parliament, etc. 88 Excuses the Agitators. 90. Prevents the Parliament's proceeding against the Army Party, and how. 104, 105. Refuses to obey the Parliament's Order, but on certain Conditions. 161, 162.  
Stapleton, Sir Philip, laid aside by the Army. 30. His moderate Pay, etc. 139.  
Swifen, Mr. employed by the Parliament to the Army. 162.   

T.  
TIchburn, a Linen-draper, made Constable of the Tower by Sir Tho. Fairfax. 174.   

V.  
VANE, Sir Henry, one of the Parliament's Commissioners with the Army. 108.  
Uxbridg, Treaty there. 57   

W.  
WAller, Sir William, ordered from Oxford into the West. 22. Laid aside by the Army. 30. Is one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75.  
Warmworth, Mr. his insolent and ridiculous Speech concerning the Adjutators. 89.  
Warwick, Earl, one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75. One of the Commissioners for disbanding the Army. 94.  
Wentworth, Sir Peter, gets an Estate for half the value. 135.  
West, Colonel, discharged by Fairfax from being Constable of the Tower. 174.  
Weston, Earl of Portland's Son, his Reward from the Army. 137.  
White, Colonel, his Places in the Army, etc. 135.  
Wild, Serjeant, Chairman in the Committee of Sequestrations. 129. Gets an Ordinance for the Lady Thornborough's Money; is a great Enemy to the eleven Members. 134.  
Willoughby of Parham, Lord, chose Speaker by the Lords. 155. Charged with Treason by the Army. 191.  
Wollaston, Sir John, conveys a great Sum away, which was ordered for the Army. 161.  
Wright, Robert, made use of to give Intelligence of the Scots, etc. 52.   
FINIS.   

LEX Parliamentaria; or, a Treatise of the Law and Custom of the Parliaments of England, by G. P. Esq with an Appendix of a Case in Parliament between Sir Francis Goodwin and Sir john Fortescue, for the Knights Place for the County of Bucks. 1 jac. 1.  
Reflections upon what the World commonly calls good Luck and ill Luck, with regard to Lotteries, and of the good use which may be made of them. Written in French by Monsieur Le Clerc, and done into English.  
Printed for Tim. Goodwi●▪