RESURGAM  
GOLDEN REMAINS of the ever Memorable Mr. john Hales of Eton College etc.  
LONDON Printed for Tim: Garthwait at the Little North door of St. Paul's. 1659.  
Reason.  
Revelation.  
CONTROVERSERS of the Times Like Spirits in the Minerals, with all their labour nothing is done.   


My very Good Lord,  
MY business is now effected by your L. care to my contentment, since the first day of my coming to Dort, they have made me an allowance equal with our English Divines, which is 20 Florins a day; a less allowance might very well have served me, if I had not been joined with them, but being joined, it was not fit that for matter of maintenance I should be in their debts: I am exceedingly beholden to Mr. Musius his kindness, not only upon this, but upon all occasions: It doth proceed I suppose from your L. to whom as I must ever stand bound for the return of perpetual thanks and service, so I would be a suitor to your L. that your L. would be pleased to give Mr. Musius thanks for his kindness: For our Synod business as we went too slow before, so now they would have us go too fast, they would have us to dispatch one article a week; which is too little time for so weighty questions. But I hope they shall be done to some purpose: with the remembrance of my faithfullest duty and service to your L. and your worthy Lady, and my best wishes for both your health and happiness, I take my leave and rest.  
Dordretch this 2d. of February Stylo Novo. Your L. in all true respects of service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
SInce Mr. Hales his going, here hath been nothing done in the Synod of any note, on the seventh of February now still was held the 76●● Session; in which nothing was done, but that they which before had not spoken in the second article did speak what they thought fit, there was nothing of note spoken, save that one of the Transisulani, took it evil that we took the Remonstrants' meaning in their opinions, where they spoke best and soundest; but he would have their meaning to be gathered out of all places in their Books, where they speak most absurdly, which we thought was very far besides the rule of charity: so in that Session the Synodical diquisition for the second article was ended. The Precedent told us moreover, that the Delegates had sent to the Remonstrants, and had demanded of them if they had any thing in writ which might serve for the explication of their opinion concerning the five articles; and that they had given to them, their confirmation of their opinion concerning the first article, as likeways a confutation of that which they held for the Heterodox opinion, and a beginning of their explication of the second article: now he showed us the Book, of which is good faith I was ashamed to think that men of judgement could imagine that the Synod could have time to peruse it; for it is a little book of Martyrs, it doth exceed two hundreth folia in folio; moreover he told us that the Delegates had commanded them within 8. days to bring in all they would or could say as necessary for the understanding of their mind concerning the whole five articles. On the 8. of February Stylo Novo, was held the 77●● Session, i●● which was nothing done but that the Precedent did dictate to us, these drawn out of the Remonstrants' writings concerning the 3. and 4. articles, which I hold not expedient to send to your L. but if I shall understand that your L. do desire them, I can easily send them: It was appointed we should this morning send our amanuensis to write out so much of the Remonstrants big Book as did concern the second article, which we did, and that again Monday we should consult what we should have done with the great volumn itself; this day the Precedent sent to our particular College, some particular strange points which he had drawn out of their late explication of the second article, and in very pathetical terms did by his letter entreat us to have a care of condemning them in our judgement of the same article. Concerning this second article I beseech your L. give me leave to express my grief, as there is difference touching it in the Synod, so there is much difference about it in our own College: will your L. be pleased to give me leave to say something of it; it is fit your L. should take notice of it, but no ways as from me; the question amongst us is whether the words of the Scripture, which are likewise the words of our confession. Christus oblatus est aut mortuus pro toto humano genere seu pro peccatis totius mundi) be to be understood of all particular men, or only of the elect who consist of all sorts of men; Dr. Davenant and Dr. Ward are of Martinius of Breme his mind, that it is to be understood of all particular men: the other three take the other exposition, which is of the writers of the reformed Churches, and namely of my late Lord of Sarisbury, both sides think they are right, and therefore cannot yield one untoanother with a safe conscience: It is my Lord a matter of great consequence for us to set down the exposition of one article of our Church confession: will your L. therefore be pleased to think of this proposition: since our judgement of none of the five articles is to be known, till we have done with them all; what if we should desire the Precedent to take no notice, but to let us go on to the rest of the articles, and in mean time we should send into England the true state of our controversy, and have advice there from some of the chief of the Church. What exposition they would have to be given of that article of their confession, which we may safely follow, for it is no matter of salvation in which we differ, before we have done with the rest of the articles we may easily have one answer from England; if your L. like this motion or any other, your L. should do well by your letters to us to desire it, if not; I beseech your L. pardon my error which proceedeth only from my fear of distraction among ourselves, and from my obedience to his Majesty's charge, who commanded me in all such cases to have recourse to your L. for counsel: so with my best prayers to God for your L. health and happiness, with the remembrance of my best service to your L. and your worthy Lady, I take my leave and rest.  
Dordretch this 9 of February Stylo Novo. Your L. in all true respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
THough your L. Letters caused some anger here with the informer, who was unknown to them, yet believe it, your L. hath done a work worthy of your Honour, and such a one as if it had been left undone, would when it could not have been helped, have made us all heartily wish that it had been done: your L. Letters have taken the true effect which your L. in your advice intended, we all acknowledge your L. counsel to be not only good but necessary, and yet we are displeased your L. should be informed of the variance; without which we must have been deprived of this your L. wholesome and necessary direction: since my last Letters to your L. it is true that we agreed upon some propositions, which are without question true, but they were such as did no ways decide the question controverted in the Synod; we retained the words of Scripture and our own confessions, but all the difference is in the interpretation of these words. When the Canons of the second article come to be made, it will be determined whether Christ did really persolvere pretium redemptionis pro omnibus ac singulis hominibus, an pro solis electis, in the Synod than should we have differed in voices: because I know your L. will write to my L. Grace, I beseech your L. require a speedy answer, in our Letters to my L. Grace, we have but a little noted the difference which is like to be; I have here in 
** 
O Blatio Christi facta in cruse perfecta est redemptio, propitiatio et satisfactio pro omnibus peccatis t●●tius mundi tam originalibus quam actualibus. Contravertitur an per totum mundum intelligatur mundus electorum an mundus omnium particularium hominum: ubi de his tribus ambigitur.  
Primo. An retinenda sit illa distinctio quae receptissima est apud Reformates Doctores, quemque Episcopu●● Sarisburiensis astruit pag. 35. et sequentibus: mortuus est pro omnibus secundum sufficientiam seu magnitudinem pretii, non secundum proprietatem redemptionis, quidam put ant non retinendum esse quia putant sic sufficienter dici posse mortuum pro Diabolis.  
Secundo. Contravertitur de hac propositione. Christus obtulit se pro omnibus, seu persolvit pretium redemptionis pro omnibus: quidam putant sensum esse, persolvit pretium quod sufficit pro omnibus non autem actu solvit pretium illud nisi pro redimendis electis, alii putant hanc expositionem incommodam, quia putant commentarium hunc verba ipsa destruere. Ea etenim putant sequi Christum quidem habuisse pretium in numera●●o, quod persolutum suffecisset omnibus redimendis; verum Christum non persolvisse actu pretiumillud, aut factum esse propitiationem pro peccatis totius mundi.  
Tertio. Contravertitur de sensu horum verborum, totius mundi, quidam putant intelligi de singulis hominibus, aliis de solis electis, (hic est sanguis novi testamenti qui funditur pro mult is in remissionem peccatorum) exponuntque haec vocabula (totius mundi) sicut Augustinus exponit, epist. 48. Totus mundus est in maligno positus propter zizania quae sunt per totum mundum, et Christus propitiator est peccatorum totius mundi propter testicum quod est per totum mundum.  
Quaeritur ergo an per totum mundum debeamus intelligere singulos homines, an solos elect●●s; an vero nulla sit danda explicatio; sed retinenda sint verba confessionis absque ullo commentario.   this paper sent to your L. the true state of the difference, which will be concerning this proposition. Christus obtulit se pro peccatis totius mundi, I dare engage my credit with your L. that it is truly set down, and more fully then in our Letters to my L. Grace; your L. may take so much of it as you shall think fit, and make his Grace acquainted with it; and write that this is like to be the difference not in (as your L. is informed) our College, but in the Synod about the second article, and therefore desire his Grace to send us some good counsel for our carriage in it; for certainly most voices in the Synod will follow the received exposition of the reformed Doctors, confirmed much by my late L. of Sarisbury his G. brother, who was thought to understand the meaning of our confession as well as any man. I doubt not but that your L. will crown your own work with following of it; when your L. shall find the fruit of peace in the Synod among us procured by your L. your L. will find great matter of joy, arising from the conscience of this Christian counsel; our controversy among ourselves, I must needs say, was with much love and amity, no man desiring any thing to be put in our articles, but that we should all approve of; but so the question had never been decided: I beseech your L. pardon this my liberty to your L. it is the love of peace, and my respect to your L. Honour doth procure it.  
Since my last to your L. there hath been three Sessions●● first the 78. Session held on the 2. February Novo Stylo, in which Dr. Beckins one of the Helvetian Divines at the Precedent his entreaty did publicly discuss the 7. arguments of the Remonstrants in Collat. Hag. whereby they prove Gratiam regenerationis esse resistibilem. That being done all auditors were removed, and it was inquired what order the Synod thought fittest to be taken with the Remonstrants huge volume, the transcription whereof was impossible, the Precedent told us he had cast a general glance over it all, and did find that a few of the first leaves did contain a confirmation of their opinion of the first article, but all the rest did contain nothing but a confutation of the contra R. opinion, and an exagitation of their persons: we desired some part of it to be read; I must needs say the Remonstrants had no favour, for I will assure your L. that the Precedent picked out the worst part of it; there were some five leaves read, which contained nothing but a bitter satire against Calvin, Beza, Pareus, Piscator, Whittaker, Perkins, Bogorman, Festus, and twenty more, but in truth though unhappily, yet finely penned, me thought it was Episcopius his tongue; about the taking notice of this book the suffrages of the Synod did vary much; yet most voices were, that it should be committed to some Deputed by the Synod, who should diligently peruse it, and relate unto the Synod, if they found any new thing in it, which was not contained in their former writings, but yet so that any member of the Synod that would, might be present with the perusers. The Delegates gave this mediatory sentence, because they had observed that both the parts of it were desired by many: they desired their might be a forenoon Session or two kept for the nonce, in which that small part of the book which contained the confirmation of their opinion might be read, and every man take with his pen, what he should think fit, the rest to be put over to perusers, who should make relation to the Synod of any thing they found new or fit: and therefore the Assessors; and D. Damannus the Scribe were entreated to run over the book, & make choice of what things they thought fit to be read in the Synod, which when they have done we shall hear more of it.  
The precedent telleth us that the campenses Remonstrants, who had been lately peremptorily cited to compeire before the Synod were not come, but that they had sent three others in their place to plead their cause: and that he had likewise received a supplication to the Synod from the Campenses contra-Remonst. The Synod referred the hearing of the whole cause to deputies, one out of every College.  
Sessio 79. 12. Feb.] The Synodical disquisition concerning the third and fourth article began, many Divines spoke divers things, the disquisition came down to D. Crocius of Breme, and so the Synod was dimissed.  
Sessio 82. 12. Feb.] We went on in the Synodical disquisition of the third and fourth article, where many men spoke their opinions freely, when it came to Sibrandus he spoke at least an hour, in his speech he took exceptions at some things that D. Martinius of Breme had spoken the day before, especially that he had said God was causa physica conversionis; he delivered some reasons against it, and desired Martinius to give satisfaction to them, and to instruct him in that which he knew not before; Martinius answered for himself, but between them both there were more words than sense, for they made it a mere Philosophical speculation, like to keeping a philosophy act, much against the gravity of questions to be discussed in a Synod: Martinius for the truth of his assertion appealed to Goclenius their present, as being princeps philosophorum, who were not wont to be appealed to in Synodical questions, and Goclenius took the moderator his place bravely upon him; told us that Themistius, Averores, Alexander Aphrodisaeus, and many more were of Martinius his opinion; and his opinion true in Philosophy, but yet he would not have it to prescribe in Divinity; Sibrandus fell upon Goclenius too, so after many words lost on all sides, the Precedent cut them off, and so that act ended, and so the disquisition ended: yesterday we had no Session, this day we have one, of which your L. by God his grace shall be advertised in my next. So with the remembrance of my best service to your L. and your virtuous Lady I rest.  
Dordrecht this 15. of February. Your L. in all faithful service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
SInce my last unto your L. their hath been nothing of any moment done in the Synod; but what was done, the sum of it is this.  
Sessio 81. 13. Feb. Stylo Novo.] Credential letters were read from the Frisians, by which Dacon ab Aisma, was deputed in the College of the Frisians as a member of the Synod in the place of Meinhardus a senior Ecelesiae Leowardensis, who lately died here; he took the oath of the Synod, & so was admitted. Alstedius the only Nassovical Devine now left, by appointment of the Precedent publicly all auditors being admitted, did vindicate the 10. arguments which the Contra-Remonstrants used in Collat. Hag. for proving of irresistibility of grace, from the objections, exceptions, and instances of the Remonstrants: and so the auditory was dismissed. The Precedent giveth us warning, that on monday at 9 of the clock there should be a Session, in which they would begin to read the great volume of the Remonstrants, lately given in; and telleth us moreover, that now they had given in their explication of the 3. 4. and 5. articles, but no confirmation of them: yet that the Delegates had commanded them within eight days to bring in all they would or could say concerning the five articles. Because the two Campenses Remonstrants being peremptorily cited had not compeired, the Precedent desired the Synod to think of some fit punishment for this their contumacy. First we read letters from Fosculius, one of these two Remonstrants; in which he excuseth his absence by these three reasons: first, that the Church could not bear their absence; because if they should both come, there was none to preach: not that he himself was making ready for the journey, but that he was stopped, by the tears, howl, sighs, outcries, lamentations, and prayers of all sexes, and ages, and conditions of people, boys, girls, masters, servants, mistresses, and maids, young and old, and many more such specifications there were; thirdly, that they had sent two to the Synod to answer for them; and therefore do humbly entreat, that they by these their procurators may causam dicere: after these were read other latin letters from the Seniors of that same Church, wonderful long, but so extremely foolish and idle, that one might see they were written by some indiscreet pedant, who had run himself out of breath with trotting through all the topic places of school boys rhetoric; they contained in them the same reasons for their ministers none-comparence, which the former: and moreover did protest that their ministers were ready for their journey, but that the importunity of their roar, houling, hindered them: and therefore in a most furious strain did desire the Synod to conceit with themselves, that they did but now with their eyes behold this ruthful spectacle: to wit, The whole city of Camps male and female, young and old lying before them, tearing their hair, knocking their breasts, piercing the air with their sighs, and heaven with their lamentable howl, having their eyes sunk in their heads with tears, and their hearts ready to burst out at their sides for anguish; with such a deal of female foolish Rhetoric, as no masculine pen can relate, they desire the non-comparence of their Pastors; of whose doctrines they might take sufficient notice without their personal presence, since it was the same which the Remonstrants had maintained in Collat. Hag. It is to be noted that the Magistrates of Camps, who before had written in these citati favour, did not now write.  
Thirdly, there was read the contra-Remonstrants campenses, who were come to accuse the citati, answer to the reasons contained in the citati letters, to the first: that the Church could not want their presence, it was answered; that the Classis Campensis would look to that, as other classes now did to the charges of all the rest, who were present at the Synod; besides that no man's charge in private can excuse him for non-comparence before a judge, when he is cited. To the second, that they were coming, but were hindered by the people, it was answered that a seditious tumultuary concourse of people, ought not to hinder any man from comparence before a judge, especially since it is known that this seditious conflux was procured by the citati, as is evident by the confessions of many, (whose names were there expressed,) who being called to be present at that tumultuary assembly refused; who did testify moreover, that the citati went about begging hands to subscribe these foolish letters to the Synod. To the third, that they had sent procurators to answer for them; it was answered, that it was a thing not heard of, that another man should give account of these things which they themselves bade taught. These things being read, the Synod was required to give sentence: the Delegates sentence was this: that notwithstanding all these idle excuses the citati were to be condemned of contumacy, to be suspended from their ministry, but with this provision, that if within fourteen days after the receipt of new Letters from the Synod, they did personally compeire, they should be absolved from this sentence of suspension; if they did not, this sentence should stand firm pro nunc et tunc et omni tempore: the rest of the Synod were entreated that again Monday they would deliberate of this business, and so give in their judgements of it.  
Sessio 82. 18. Feb.] Their were read publicly 47. pages of the Remonst. book; all which did contain only one answer to the first four places produced by the contra-Remonstrants, in collatione Hag. whereby they prove that (v●●lle Deum soles fideles salvos facere; et infideles in ira relinquere) is not to●● 'em et integrum praedestinationis decretum; the like tedious prolixity, sometimes racking of S●●ripture, sometimes paring and chipping of it hath not been heard; their was nothing in it which did not rather make men out of love with their cause then affect it.  
Sessio 83. eodem die post meridiem.] The sentence of the Synod was asked concerning the Remonstrants' Campenses, all agreed with the sentence of the Delegates given at the end of the 81. Session: except only the Divines of Breme; who delivered their opinion at large in writing, it was to persuade a milder course, the reasons were many and well penned: when it came to the College of the Professors, notwithstanding that D. Polyander had delivered their collegiat sentence; yet D. Gomarus, Martinius his professed enemy, asketh leave to speak; and so entereth into a confutation of that which they of Breme had delivered, so that he and Martinius fell foul in the Synod, very much against the dignity of such an assembly. In truth I must needs say, that some of the provincials do use Martinius very uncivilly, and all the foreign Divines begin to take it evil at their hands, he is a man very learned, and very honest, sound in all the five articles, as any man in the Synod, except the Second, in which when the Canons come to be made, your L. shall hear there will be more of his opinion besides himself, notwithstanding of all this; because he doth mislike many of the contra-Remonstrants broad speeches in many points, which I think every learned and godly man will do; they use him with so much discourtesy, as I will assure your L. he hath been very near leaving of the Synod, and his colleagues were half purposed to go with him, what a blow this would give to the credit of the Synod, any man may easily perceive, the provincials in this take not the right course. Though one be against the Remonstrants in all the five articles in substance; yet if he differ from them but in manner of speaking, they hold him as not sound: if by your L. means the Precedent were advertised of these things, it might do much good. What farther passeth in the Synod your Lordship by God his grace shall hear, in mean time with the remembrance of my best service to your good Lordship, I take my leave and rest.  
Dordrecht this 18. of February Stylo Novo: Your L. in all true respects of service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
Since my last Letters to your L. there hath been no business of any great note in the Synod, but that which I am sure your L. will be sorry to hear contention like to come to some head, if it be not prevented in time: for there hath been such a plot laid ex composito for disgracing of the Bremenses, as I think the Synod shall receive small grace by it.  
Sessio 84. 19 Feb. Stylo Novo.] That part of the Remonstrants big book was read, which concerned the 3. and 4. Articles; because these two Articles were now in deliberation: there were read 57 pages, which for the most part did contain nothing but an exagitation of some hard phrases collected out of Calvin, Beza, Zanchius, Piscator, many Contra-Remonstrants.  
Sessio 85. die 19 Feb. eodem die post meridiem.] Acronius and another of the Church of Camps, who had compeired in the cause against the Remonstrants there, were called in, and the decree of the Synod made against them whom they accused was read; [the tenor whereof your L. may see in my last Letters.] D. Gomarus being he at whom the last disquisition of the 3. and 4. Article ended, was entreated by the Precedent to speak his mind of the said Articles, but Sibrandus desireth the Precedent first to give him leave to add some few things to that he had spoken the day before: now what he added was nothing but a renewing of that strife, which was between him and Martinius in the last Session: two things he alleged, first that he had been at Goolenius his lodging, conferring with him about that proposition, whether God might be called causa physica of humane actions, and delivered certain affirmations pronounced by Goclenius, tending to the negative, for the truth of his relation he appealed to Goclenius there present, who testified that it was so: next whereas Martinius had alleged a place out of Pareus for the affirmative in opere conversionis, Sibrandus read a great many places out of Pareus tending to the contrary; and (no question it being plotted before) he entreateth that some of the Palatines (naming them all severally) who were Pareus his colleagues, would speak what they did know of Pareus his mind concerning the said proposition: Sculie●●us beginneth with a set speech which he had in writ lying before him; but such a speech it was, as I, and I think all the exteri were exc●●edingly grieved it should have come from a man of so good worth. The sum of it was this, that he did know upon his own knowledge, that Pareus did hold the contrary of that which had been falsely fathered upon him in the Synod, that he could not endure to bear his dearest colleague so much abused, as he had been by some men in the Synod; moreover that he could not now dissemble the great grief he had conceived, that some in the Synod went about to trouble sound divinity with bringing in iricas Scholasticas, such as was to make God causam Physicam conversionis; (that was for Martinius,) such por●●enta vocabulorum as determinare and non determinare voluntatem; that some men durst say that there were some doubts in the fourth Article, which Calvin himself had not throughly satisfied, nor other learned reformed Doctors; that it was to be feared that they intended to bring in Jesuits Divinity in the reformed Churches, and to corrupt the youth committed to their charge, with a strange kind of Divinity: this last speech concerned D. Crocius, Scul●●etus delivered his mind in exceeding bitter and disgraceful words, and repeated his bitterest sentences twice over: he having ended, Martinius with great modesty answered, first that he would read Pareus his own words, which he did, next that for Sibrandus, he wondered that he would now in public bring these things up: since out of his love to peace, that very day he had sent his colleague Crocius to Sibrandus, with a large explication of that sense in which he had delivered that proposition, with which explication Sibrandus himself had sent him word that he was fully satisfied, and so he made account that that business had been peaceably transacted: all this while Crocius spoke nothing: Gomarus beginneth to go on in the disquisition, but I think he delivered a speech against the Bremenses, which none but a mad man would have uttered. First, whereas Martinius had said that he did desire the resolution of this doubt, qui Deus possit ab homine, cu●●us potentia est finita, fidem, quae est opus omnipotentiae, exigere, and that neither Calvin nor any of our Divines had yet plainly enough untied that knot, he replied first, that he that had said so was not dignus qui solveret Calvino corrigiam; and that for the doubt itself it was such a silly one that ipsi pueri in trivio could ipsius solutionem decantare, at which speech every body smiled, moreover whereas Martinius in his answer to Scul●●etus had not spoken one word against him, but only this, that he was sorry that one who had now 25. years been a professor of Divinity should be thus used for using a School term; Gomarus very wisely had a fling at that too, and telleth the Synod that since some men thought to carry it away annorum numero, he himself had been a professor not only 25. but thirty five years; next he falleth upon Crocius, and biddeth the Synod take heed of these men that brought in these monstra, p●●rtent a vocabulorum the barbarismes of the Schools of the Jesuits, determinare and non determinare voluntatem, with many such speeches, delivered with such sparkling of his eyes, and fierceness of pronunciation, as every man wondered the Precedent did not cut him off, at last he cut of himself I think for want of breath, and the Precedent giveth Celeberrimo Doctori Gomaro many thanks for that his learned grave and accurate speech; the exteri wondered at it, at last my L. of Landaffe, in good faith in a very grave, short, sweet speech, (for which as for one of the best I am persuaded he ever delivered, we & all the Exteri thought he deserved infinite commendations:) he spoke to the Precedent to this purpose, that this Synodical disquisition was instituted for edification, not for any men to show studium contentionis: and therefore did desire him to look that the knot of unity were not broken: in this his L. speech he named no man, the last word was hardly out of my L. lips, but furious Gomarus knowing himself guilty, delivereth this wise speech: Reverendissime D. Praesul agendum est hic in Synodo non authoritate sed ratione: that it was free for him to speak in his own place, which no man must think to abridge him of by their authority, my L. replied nothing; but the Precedent told my L. that celeberrimus D. Gom. had said nothing against men's persons, but their opinions, and therefore that he had said nothing worthy of reprehension: this gave every man just occasion to think the Precedent was on the plot: Martinius against this speech of Gomarus said nothing, but that he was sorry that he should have this reward for his far journey. The disquisition went on to Thysius, who very discreetly told the Synod he was sorry Martinius should be so exagitated, for a speech which according to Martinius his explication was true, just as Thysius was thus speaking, Gomarus and Sibrandus, who sat next him, pulleth him by the sleeve, talketh to him with a confused angry noise in the hearing and seeing of all the Synod, chiding him that he would say so; afterward Thysius with great modesty desired Martinius to give him satisfaction of one or two doubtful sentences he had delivered, which Martinius thanking him for his courtesy fully did: the Precedent was certainly on this plot against Martinius, for at that same time he did read out of a paper publicly a note of all the hard speeches Martinius had used: all this while D. Crocius his patience was admired by all men, who being so grossly abused & disgraced could get leave of his affections to hold his peace. What this is like to come to I will tell your L. after I have set down the Sessions.  
Sessio 86. 20. Feb.] There were read 63. pages of the Remonstrants' book, which concerned the fifth Article, it was for most part a confutation of the Doctors above named.  
Sessio 87. eodem die post meridiem.] Dr. Mayerus one of the Helvetians, publicly all auditors being admitted, discussed the fifth Article de perseverantia Sanctorum: he did rather like an Orator than a School-man.  
Sessio 88 21. Feb.] There are read publicly 60. pages of the Remonstrants' book, which concerned the first Article: they were of the same stuff with the former, a confutation of the same men.  
Sessio 89. 22. Feb.] There were read 57 pages of the Remonstrants' book, which concerned their opinion of reprobation, in which they did lay open the harsh opinions of many of our men, which unless the Synod do condemn, as well as the opinion of the Remonstrants, I see not how they can give the world satisfaction touching their indifferency: among the rest which was read, this was one if your L. can endure the smell of it, instan●● Contrae-R. nassumus patroni reproborum, Resp. justitiae divinae patroni sumus non reproborum; sicut dicendum est D. Sibrandum inscript●● su●● adversus Vorstium non suscopisse defensionem latrinarum dum defendit deum esse in faetidissimis tatrinis, sed tantum suscepisse defensionem omnipraesentiae divine, quemadmodum nos justitia, this is all was worthy the noting in that lecture.  
Sessio 90. eodem die post meridiem.] Deo datus was appointed to discourse of the first Article, but being sick, the five Belgic professors discussed it.  
Sessio 91. 23. Feb.] There were read some 35. pages of the Remonstrants' book, concerning reprobation, and so the whole book is ended.  
Now my L. concerning this matter of the Bremenses, is come to this height: that they thought to have gone home, and withal were ready to have printed an apology for themselves, and an narration of their hard usage in the Synod: but that some of the Exteri Theologi came to the English College, and desired them to help to quench this fire, all the Exteri take to heart these two things, first that strangers should be used so disgracefully, for using two School terms, which are both very common, next that Gomarus durst openly in the Synod give such an irreverend answer to my L. of Landaffe, for which unless all the exteri may have satisfaction. (Except the Palatines) I believe their will be a shameful stir in the Synod; they desired the English to labour the Bremenses to reconciliation with Scultetus, which this night they are doing; what becometh of it your L. shall hear; but I have small hope, for the Bremenses will take no satisfactiou but public, because it was a public imputation upon their professions and School, as if that were a place for corrupting of youth: and I think Scultetus will be loath to give public satisfaction; yet my L. Bishop of Landaffe, D. Go●●d, and myself have dealt with Scultetus, and find him tractable, Dr. Davenaut, and D. Wa●●d have dealt with the Bremenses, and find them mightily incensed, Martinius hath never come to the Synod since, but with the rest of his colleagues they have complained to the Delegates, who I think will take order with Gomarus: we the English are purposed (but I know not whether that purpose shall hold) to desire the Delegates to take notice of the wrong offered by Gomarus to my L. of Landaffe; my Lord, all I will say is this, there are two men in the Synod, Sibrandus, but especially Gomarus, who is able to set it on fire, unless they be look'st too; I think there is no man will say, but that Gomarus hath wronged the Bremenses infinitely, hath wronged exceedingly my L. of Landaffe, and in him all the English College, your L. counsel to the Precedent may bring much water to this fire.  
There is here a little Pamphlet here to be sold in the Synod. Jambi de concordia et pace, written by Petrus Bertius the author of Apostasiae sanctorum: they say it hath been out a great while; if any of the states have seen it. I wonder he is not severely punished: it is the most seditious satire against this state that ever I did read. Here is all, and I am sorry I had so much to write to your L. so with the remembrance of my humblest duty to your L. and your worthy Lady, I take my leave and rest.  
Dordrecht this 23. of February, Stylo Novo. Your L. faithful and respectful servant, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
FOr your L. last letters to myself, and the news in the letters enclosed, as I stand much obliged to your H. so much more I with all others, who love peace and long for the happy success of this Synod, must ever stand much obliged to your L. for your Letters to the Precedent; so full of sober, good, and necessary counsel, the happy fruit whereof I hope during our being there we shall not cease to find, as we have already begun to taste a little of the sweetness of it; for the very next Session after the Precedent had received your L. letters, at the beginning in very mild and discreet words he entreated all the members of the Synod, that in their disquisition of the fifth Article, they should abstain from all bitterness, and personal opposition, and follow meekness and brotherly kindness, which in that disquisition was observed by the two Belgic professors, very strictly, and their phrase and style tempered otherwise then heretofore it hath been; so as one might see they had been acquainted with the good counsel of your L. letters, for I will assure you they followed it: your L. joy can not choose but be great when you remember the great peace procured by your L. I should hold myself an enemy to the weal-public, if I should not particularly inform your L. of all the passages here, by whom if any of them go amiss, they may so happily be corrected. The reason why I have been so long a writing is, because I wanted news of which our Synod now is very barren, and will be so till towards the latter end of the next week; at which time all Colleges judgements of the five articles will begin to be read, the matters now in hand are matters of knowledge not of action: yet I will be bold for fashion's sake to send your L. a note of such Sessions as have been since my last letters to your L.  
Sessio 92. 25. Feb. Stylo Novo.] We bent on in the Synodical disquisition of the 3. and 4 article, which at that Session was made an end of, after that the Precedent did dictate to us, and all we did write large Theses collected out of the Remonstrants' books upon the five Articles.  
Sessio 93. 26. Feb.] Since the Remonstrants by commandment from the Delegates, had given up the defence of their opinion touching the second Article, their were read 56. pages of this there other new volume, in which they studied to overthrow that distinction, sufficientiae et efficaciae mortis Christi, and go about to prove that those places of Scripture, which say that Christ died pro peccatis totius mundi, are to be enlarged to all particular men, not to be restrained ad mundum electorum.  
Sessio 94. 27. Feb.] There were read publicly 53. pages more of this volume of the Remonst. upon the second Article, in which they did vindicate their own arguments propounded in Collat. Hag from the instances and exceptions of the Contra-Remonst. in the same Conference.  
Sessio 95. eodem die post meridiem.] Deo datus was this Session appointed to discuss the first Article; but because of the continuance of his sickness, his colleague Tronchinus did perform that task for him, publicly all auditors being admitted, who with good commendation did establish Sanctorum perseverantiam.  
Sessio 96 28. Feb.] There was an end made of the reading the Remonst. volume on the second Article, there were read some 54. pages, which were spent in the vindicating the rest of their own arguments from the exceptions of the contra-Remonst. in Collat. Hag.  
Sessio 97. eodem die post meridiem.] We begun the Synodical disquisition upon the 3. Article, where every one of our College spoke at large, but especially my Lr of Landaffe, who I will assure your L. hath by his most accurate and excellent speech at that Session gained unto himself wonderful great reputation; I doubt not but he will send a copy of it to your L. and then it will speak for itself, believe me I never heard him do any thing like it, and so thinketh every one in the Synod it was learned, devout, and the stile masculous; quicquid dixero minus erit: the disquisition came to the Helvetian Divines.  
Sessio 98. 1. March.] We went on in our Synodical disquisition of the fifth Article, where my L. of Landaffe his yesterday speech was cited by two or three several Divines with great Honour and commendation: the disquisition came to the College of the Geldrians.  
This my Lord is all we have done, when there is any thing worthy the relating, I shall not fail to advertise your L. hoping your L. in this time of my other business, which must not be neglected, will pardon both the rudeness of the hand and stile; for both which my necessary plea is want of time. The matter between the Bremenses, and Scultetus, with the other two professors is taken up by the Praeses, and the Delegates; the Bremenses have shown their inclination to peace, and were contented with private satisfaction, the other three did protest they had no hard opinion of them, but accounted them learned, religious, orthodoxal, were sorry they had done that which was done, and would do so no more: the Bremenses desired that one of our College might be present at this satisfaction, but the other three would no way yield to it. Gomarus was there admonished to repair to my L. of Landaffe, and to testify unto him his sorrow for the word which unawares had proceeded from him to his L. in the Synod; but yet the old tough man is not come to his L. I hope after this we shall live in peace; which I must needs confess for the greatest part of it, we are debtors to your L. Notwithstanding the late proclamation set out by the state's General, for restraining the printing of all seditious books during the time of the Synod: yet even now in the Belgic tongue, there is come forth a seditious pamphlet, with no name of Author or Printer, containing all the acts which hath been made against the Remonstrants in this Synod, especially by the Delegates; a book made only to incite the common people to a dislike of the Synod, they are not to be sold, but they send them abroad among their favourites, I have all this day been using means for compassing one of them to send to your L. but cannot, yet there is one of them promised me, but it may be your L. by this time hath seen some of them. By my letters from England, from one who I believe knoweth it, it will light heavy upon the party your L. nameth in the end of your letter; as much I mean as his place in the State is worth; their is scuffling for to be his successor: what is reported of Mr. Pakker is but guessing, your L. is in name for it at Court, but upon what ground I know not, I would it were as sure as my wishes are strong. So with the remembrance of my best service to your L. and your worthy Lady, I take my leave and rest.  
Dordrecht this 2. of March. Your L. in all true respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
THough our Synod yieldeth no great argument of writing, for now we are taken up in hearing altogether, yet I can not omit my duty in letting your L. know how we spend the time.  
Sessio 99 4. March Stylo Novo.] The Precedent did invite the whole Synod to the Funeral of a Helvetian Gentleman, one Mr. Staffurins who came hither, as comes itineris with the Helvetian Divines, the invitation was against the morrow at 11. of the clock. The Precedent moreover with great joy told the Synod that he had received news from the Magistrates of Camps; whereby they signify that they rest well satisfied in the last decree of the Synod concerning the suspension of their cited ministers, and continuance of the same suspension, in case of their not comparence within 14. days after new advertisement, that they would do what in them lieth to persuade them to comparence, which if they refused, that they would not give them any more countenance or protection, as heretofore they had done; moreover that they did with all due respect expect the resolutions of the Synod, concerning the points of religion now in question, to which they mean to submit themselves wholly, and by their own example of obedience, encourage and persuade as much as in them lieth their distracted people to yield the like obedience, and that in the mean time the care of their Ministers Flocks should be no pretence to their cited ministers for not comparence, because that during their absence, they themselves would undertake to see their cures sufficiently discharged both for reading and preaching of the word: I must needs say this message was much unlike their former letters, which they were wont to write in favour of their Remonstrant Ministers. Moreover the Precedent told us that D. Altingius one of the Palatine Divines, had brought him letters to the Synod from old D. Paraeus of Heidelberge, together with his judgement in a written book of the five Articles in controversy, which he told us should presently after the Synodical disquisition be read. We go on in the Synodical disquisition of the fifth Article, where some of the provincials observed some things, some nothing, and so at this Session quickly our disquisition upon the first Article was ended; then Paraeus letters to the Synod were read; the sum whereof was this, I am not so good an English man as to adventure to translate, I will therefore give you the Latin.  
Quantum doloris et lachrimarum sentiebamus hic omnes jam per aliquot annos ex flends illo schismate et dissidio quod Ecclesiam Vestram Florentissimam laceravit, tantum etiaem et nunc gandii et gratulationum experimur ex coactione Celeberrimae bujus Synodi, cu●●us ope et saluberrimis consiliis speramus altissimum hoc vulnus sanatumiri; quantum gloriandi mater●●am de derit Pontificiis Vestrum schis●●a palam est omnibus: illis ut Synodus obstruat os, possitque hoc Ecclesia Vestra incendium restinguere, pacemqne vestram nimis collapsam restituere, illud est quod sieut expectant à vobis boni omnes, ita et à Deo Opt. Max. omnibus precibus expetunt: O utinam daretur mihi in ultima jam senectute venerandam hanc Synodum conspicari, Verum cum illud aetas mea mihi deneget tametsi Doctissimi mei Collegae meas vices supplebunt, visum tamen fuit mihi meam quoque de famosis illis 5. Articulis ad Reverentias Vestras senten●●iam perscribere, et una cum Ecclesia Resormata meam quoque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 testatam facere; Videbitis me hic conditionatam Electionem rejicere, Reprobationem una cum D. Calvino passim, praesertim Institutionum lib. 3. ad vitiositatem refer, si minus fortassis quam par est Praedestionis mysteria pertractavero, illud putate consulto factumesse, sunt enim illa adoranda magis quam discutienda: solitam et receptam de merito mortis Christi distinctionem puta sufficientiae et efficientiae, videbitis me retinere, Distinctionem illam de resistibilitate et irresistibilitate gratiae Divinae velim ●●ad authores suos puta Jesuitas relegari; Heteredoxa illa de apostasia sanctorum sententia se ipsam jugulat. Det Deus, ut in omnibus orthodoxam doctrinam retineatis, et paecem unice sectemini. The subscription was, River. Vest. Observantissimus David Paraeus Septuagenarius Scribebam manu propria: This was the sum of this letter, and of the Session too.  
Sessio 100 5. of March.] There was read publicly so much of Paraeus his sentence as concerned the first and second Article, in which he did accurately dispute against the Remonstrants' opinion in both, and spent a great many pages in expounding and confirming the received distinction of the sufficiency and efficiency of the merit of Christ his death.  
Sessio 101. eodem die post meridiem.] Dr. Martinius of Breme aypointed by the Precedent publicly, all auditors admitted, did very accurately and sound discourse of the true Deity of Christ, and especially laboured to prove his omnipraesentia, opposing and answering all those places of Vorstius in which in his disputation de Deo he calleth the omnipraesentia of Christ into question.  
Sessio 102. 6. March.] We went on in the public reading of D. Paraeus his judgement upon the 3. 4. and 5. Articles; where I must needs say that he did most accurately, and sound, and methodically, with great subtlety and variety of reasons overthrow the Remonstrants' opinions of Resistibility of grace, and the apostasy of the saints, one would little think that that wit and judgement could be so young in so great age: the Precedent told us that after the Collegial judgement were read, that the Synod by their public letters must needs give him many thanks for these his great and good pains, as he did not doubt but that the Estates General would take order for doing of the like. So one of the Scribes by the Precedent his appointment, was beginning to read our College his judgement, but D. Davenant told the Precedent, that he thought it greatly concerned the dignity of the Synod, that the Collegial suffrages should not be read thus privately, but that they should be read as publicly as might be, all auditors being admitted; both because it might be that the Remonstrants being moved by force of their reasons, might relent something in their opinions; and all other auditors be edified and confirmed in the truth, as likewise; because all auditors should perceive the consent of so many several learned men's judgements, who by the more perverse sort might otherwise be thought to use some plot and conspiracy to make their opinions meet together. This unexpected motion did not a little trouble the Precedent, who was altogether set against any such course, which made all; especially the exteri wonder that he should offer to pass over a matter of so great consequence without ask the Synods advice for the manner of reading their own judgements; the reason why this motion was made by our College was this; in forming of our judgements, as we have studied to condemn all in the Remonstrants, which can justly be taxed; so we took pains to condemn no more but that which must be condemned, and to condemn too some hard phrases of the contra Remonstrants, especially in the matter of Reprobation; but they are only phrases; now we know that in the making of the Canons no words of ours, which sound any thing that way shall be expressed, because the provincials in forming of the Canons will carry us down by voices; and therefore we desired that in the reading of our judgements, at least our ingenuity might be taken notice of by all the auditors. Well to this motion the Precedent made this answer, that within these few days he himself was in that same opinion which now was propounded; but having with more mature deliberation thought upon it, and asked the advice of his Assessors, that he had now thought it fit, the judgements should be read, no auditors being admitted, unless it were some few choice ministers of good worth, who did here attend about the Synod, the reasons moving them thereunto were these. First, because this course seemeth to come nearer the intent of the commission of the Estates General than the other, in which they were appointed to inquire after Synodical suffrages privately among themselves without other auditors, unless the Synod should think it fit to admit auditors. Secondly, because it had been a custom hitherto observed in all Synods and counsels to take the suffrages, all auditors being excluded. Thirdly, because, though the suffrages of all Colleges do agree (as he perceived by reading of them) in the thing itself; yet because there was some disagreement in phrases and forms of speaking, it was to be feared that the Remonstrants and other Jesuits and Dominicans present, would make great matter of these verbal differences, that they would cast abroad among the people strange reports of the dissensions of the Synod, and in another case, that the Remonstrants no question (as lately they had done) would put out in print the opinion of the Synod concerning the Articles, before the Canons were form by the Synod, and in their pamphlet no doubt they would oppose sentence to sentence, wheresoever they might take hold of the least suspicion of difference. Fourthly, and chiefly, because by this course the judgement of the Synod concerning the 5. Articles, should go abroad among the people, before either the Synod itself had determined what should be their judgements, or the Estates General could be made acquainted with the judgements of the Colleges and Synod, who notwithstanding in all reasons and good manners ought next to the Synod itself, to know what is likely to be the event of all business in it: the Precedent added that since this was but a matter of order, he hoped the Synod would trust him and the Assessors with the managing of it; but perceiving that a great many were not content with it, he was glad to put the matter to voices; the Delegates being asked their voice, they desired the matter might be deferred till the afternoon, and so the Synod was dismissed.  
The Precedent in mean time sent Dammanus one of the Scribes, to entreat us to give way to the Precedents motion; and no question, they laboured other Colleges as well as us; but certainly all the Precedents reasons above mentioned might easily have been answered; for my part I think his course was tutior, but ours honestior.  
Sessio 103. eodem die post meridiem.] Voices were asked concerning the manner of reading the Collegial judgements. The Delegates suffrage pronounced by Heinsius was, that in reading of the judgements, all auditors whatsoever, aswel contra-Remonst. as Remonst. should be excluded; and besides they entreat all the members of the Synod, that they would conceal as much as might be the things that were done in the Synod. The whole members of the Synod without exception according to the judgement of the Delegates. So (Q. F. F. of the first Article, que sit) we begun to read the College judgements, at this Session were read the judgements of our College, and the College of the Palatines, both of a just length, and agreeable in all things; except that the Palatines had added to the end of theirs a very good and necessary counsel for the sober and wholesome manner of propounding to the people the doctrine of Election and Reprobation; we purpose after our judgement on the fifth Article, to give in such a counsel for the sober propounding of the whole five Articles to the people.  
Sessio 104. 7. March.] There were publicly read the judgements of the College of the Hassians who were exceeding long, of the Helvetians who were but short and grave, of Alstedius, he who is only superstes of the Nassovians, who was but short, there was no difference between their judgements, and the others which were read before them.  
Sessio 105. eodem die post meridiem.] There were read publicly, first the judgement of the Genevenses, who were pretty long; they kept a form by themselves, for where the confirmations of other ●●olledges Theses, consisted of reasons, places of Scriptures, and fathers, their confirmations were nothing but places of Scripture, barely propounded in great number, and in a very fine contexture and frame; at the end they used this short peroration, that they had simply out of the Scripture delivered, that concerning the first Article, which they knew to be agreeable with the Church of Geneva, nay, and beside of all the Churches of France which did stick to the French confession. Next was read the judgement of the Bremenses, which was of a just length very sound and accurate, in all things agreeable to the other judgements read before, except only with this difference; whereas other judgements had said either nothing of the election and salvation of Infants begotten of faithful parents, and dying in their Infancy, or they which had touched it, had determined that faithful parents had no reason to doubt of it; but might very well for any thing they did know hope and persuade themselves of it: the Bremonses did absolutely determine that all such Infants dying in their infancy if they were baptised were certainly saved, concluding it not only ex judicio charitatis as others had done, but ex judicio certitudinis too: Next begun to be read the judgement of the Divines of Embdane; from whom (as Mr. Hales well knoweth) extraordinary prolixity was to be expected; after it had been read half an hour the Precedent told us, that because the hour was past, the rest must be left till the morrow.  
Sessio 106. 8. Martii.] We went on in reading the judgement of the Embdanes, which at this Session continued yet full two hours, in the coldest weather that we have felt. So now the judgements of all the Exteri Theologi concerning the first Article were read, among whom there was nothing to be seen but full and orthodoxal consent, for which the Precedent told us God was to be praised, and he prayed God that the like Harmony might be found among the Provincials: my Lord this is worth the observing, that there is no College yet which hath not overthrown Gomarus his opinion of the subject of Predestination; for though none of them did directly dispute against it, yet all of them expressly took it as granted, that not homo creabilis, but homo lapsus was subjectum both of Election and Reprobation, which I think doth trouble Gomarus not a little. Now the Embdanes judgement being ended, we begun to read the judgement of the College of the Belgic professors, where at the very first to our grief we observed the Belgic humour of particular opinions; for there are but five of that College as we are of ours, and yet they are divided into three parts, and have given in three distinct and several judgements. D. Polyander, D. Thysius, and D. Wallaeus have given in and subscribed one judgement, Dr. Sibrandus hath given in another judgement by himself; and D. Gomarus a third judgement by himself; at the latter end of this Session the first three their judgements begun to be read; but by that time two pages were read the hour was passed, and so the rest of it was continued till the next occasion, only my L. I must tell you that so much as was read, giveth us little hope of agreement among them, for where as other Colleges had taken it as granted only, that ho●●o lapsus was subjectum Praedestinationis, they in these two pages did only dispute by many arguments against Gomarus his opinion, and proved that largely, which others had only taken as a ground, their arguments Gomarus I see him note; what difference shall further happen in their judgements, your L. shall understand by my next.  
Sessio 107. eodem die post meridiem.] This Session was public, all auditors being admitted, in which D. Deodatus did at great length handle these two questions. 1. Quantum differat sides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu temporaneonum à vera et justificante Regenitorum side. 2. Quousque conceditur Diabolo progredi in oppugnanda justificatorum side; he did very sweetly just as he useth to preach, not as Doctors use to do in Schools.  
●●This is all which is done this week; for this day being Saturday we have no Session. The last Sunday I (in which I returned the letter your L. was pleased to send me) sent to your L. all which had passed the week before, which I hope your L. had, your L. seeth there are but ordinary passages yet in the Synod, if there were any thing worthy of extraordinary note, I should not fail with all diligence to give your L. notice of it; in mean time with many thanks to your L. for all your L. courtesies, and the remembrance of my humblest service to your L. and your worthy Lady, I take my leave, ever entreating your L. that I may be accounted by your L. as I am.  
I doubt not but your L. hath seen this pamphlet, yet if you have not, here it is.  
Dordrecht this 9 of March, 1619. Your L. in all true respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord.  
SUch things as have passed in our Synod, since my last letters unto your L. I here send your L. as briefly as I can: I hope now at length towards the latter end of the next week, we shall come to the making of the canons.  
Sessio 108. 11. Martii Stylo Novo.] Georgius Faebricius a Nassovian Divine, substituted in the place of D. Bisterfield, who died here, was with the accustomed solemnity admitted into the Synod: we go on in reading the judgement of the three Belgic professors, which was very sound and of a just length; it was subscribed by their three names: Johannes Polyander, Antonius Thysius, Antonius Wallaeus, and a little beneath, that it was thus written, Ego Sibrandus Lubertus hoc collegarum m●●orum judicium perlegi. et per omniae probo; Gomarus his name was not at it; but he presently rose and testified viva voce, that he had read it, and did in all things approve the judgement of his Colleagues, excepting only that part of it, which did determine hominem lapsum to be the object of Predestination, which he said had not as yet been determined in the Belgic Churches, in the French nor English Churches, and many others. Next was read the judgement of D. Sibrandus upon the same article, which differed nothing from that former of his Colleagues, but that it was longer, it was subscribed with his own name, and a little beneath the former three professors by their subscriptions testified, that they had read it, and did approve it. Gomarus stood up, and viva voce gave this same testimony to this judgement which he had given to the former, making the same exception. Next was Gomarus his judgement read upon the same Article; he said nothing of that question of the object of predestination, whether it was homo lapsus or not, which silence in that point being excepted, his judgement in all points agreed with the former judgements of his Colleagues, it was only subscribed with his own name; but D. Polyander did viva voce testify in the name of himself and his Colleagues, that they did approve all things in Gomarus his judgement, excepting only that opinion of the object, the contrary whereof they professed themselves to hold: the Precedent instructed us concerning some particulars of the business of Camps, and desired us against three of the clock in the afternoon to consult about it; the particulars whereof your L. shall see in the next Session.  
Sessio 109. eodemdie post meridiem.] The Precedent told us first, that the time of fourteen days granted to the two suspended Ministers of Camps for their comparence was now passed, and so that they contemned this favourable respite granted by the Synod, & persisted in their contumacy. Next that the other two Ministers of Camps, who were here among the cited Remonstrants had been appointed by the Synod to give in within 14. days an answer to the accusations laid against them by the deputies of the Reformed Church of Camps; the copy of which accusations at their own earnest request had been delivered to them by one of the servants of the Synod, but that now in place of their answer which was expected, they had sent to him a letter which was read unto the Synod; it had two great faults, it was exceeding long, and exceeding foolish; to this sense or rather none-sense, they did show that they could not at the day appointed give in their answer to the accusations; and why they could no more go on in this Synodical action which was commenced against them; for many causes, such as were, first, because they were wholly taken up in making ready some writings for the Synod concerning the five Articles, which were imposed on them by the commandment of the Delegates. 2. Because the copy of the accusations brought unto them by one of the Synod officers, was not subscribed by the Precedent, nor by either of the Scribes of the Synod; and therefore they thought it not an authentic copy or of any credit. 3. Because crimes in it were objected to them both promiscuously, and that laid to both their charge, which only one of them had delivered; and therefore their accusation was not exact according to form of law. 4. That there were many things in it objected to them, not warranted by any witness, unless it were by some proofs taken out of their Colleague Foskculius late book, which they christened with the name of stultum and tenebricosum scriptum. 5. Because it was full of false spellings and writing, and therefore they thought it was but negligently stubbered over; for these and many more such causes as idle as these, (with which I hold it not fit to detain your L.) though they might decline the judgement of the Synod, especially since against the practice of the Belgic Church, their own consistory, Classis, and Provincial Synod being skipped over, they were immediately accused before the Synod; yet notwithstanding after they had done with all they had to say upon the five Articles, they promise that they will give in their answer to this bill of accusations; but upon this condition, (which I beseech your L. to observe,) that first the Synod would declare them to be free from these false and malicious slanders, wherewith they & the rest of their brethren Remonstrants cited to the Synod, had been most injuriously and falsely charged in that Session of the Synod, in which they were dismissed by the Precedent, with this elogium, to wit, that they had refused to go on in the Synodical action; that they had shown themselves unworthy with whom the Synod should have any further dealing; and that as they had begun this business and continued it with lying and equivocations, so now they had ended it. But yet that notwithstanding of all this they were contented to go on in this action before the College of the Delegates of the Estates General, but not before the Synod. These long letters being read, next was read an answer to these letters penned by the deputies of the reformed Church of Camps; to whom the Precedent had given these letters that they might answer them, they did meet particularly with every thing alleged in the other letters, which was needless; and therefore I omit all their answers, save only to that one thing which seemed to require one, that was, that against the custom of their Church they were immediately brought before the Synod, to which it was answered, that both the consistory and Classis of Camps were altogether Remonstrantical, and that therefore they were both of them such as ought rather to be abrogated then appealed unto; but for their Provincial Synod, they wondered with what face they durst affirm they had not been cited thither, since that Synod had dealt with them oftener than once, though to no purpose. Next was read a supplication penned and subscribed by Acronius in name of the Reformed Church of Camps, in which they relate how F●●skulius one of the two suspended at Camps, while he was rehearsing unto his flock the sentence of his own suspension, that he had stirred up the people ad tumultuariam infamam: next they humbly beseech the Synod, that now for the two suspended, their sentence of suspension might be ratified by the Synod, and for the other two here present at Dort, to wit, Mathisius and Gosuinus, since they had refused to give in their answer at the time appointed, that the Synod would pronounce the like sentence of suspension against them: the Precedent propounded this to the Synod, whether they thought it fit that the sentence already given against the former two should be ratified, and that the other two should be cited to give in their answer to the bill of accusations within fourteen days, in which if they failed, the like sentence of suspension should be given against them, which had been given against their Colleagues; the whole Synod approved it, and so it was decreed.  
We beginning to go on in reading the Collegial judgements; but my L. of Landaffe (according as we at home had deliberated among ourselves) desired leave to speak, which being granted he spoke to this purpose. D Gomarus in the forenoon delivered, that this question, whether homo lapsus be subjectum Praedestinationis, had not been determined by the confession of the Church of France; and as I and my Colleagues conceived he delivered the like for the confession of the Church of England; and therefore I do entreat D. Gomarus in my own name, and the name of my Colleagues to declare before the Synod, whether he did say so or not. D. Gomarus with good modesty answered that indeed he did say so, but he protested it was not out of any evil meaning, but only to show that as other Churches, so the Church of England had left that undetermined, since the words of the confession determined no farther of the subject, then (quosdam ex humano genere) my Lord of Landaffe replied, that he himself and the rest of his Colleagues could not choose but think themselves by that speech touched for temerity or ignorance; for since they in their judgement had delivered the contrary for homo lapsus, it was as much to say as that they had delivered that in the Synod, which was not according to the judgement of the Church of England, but to let the Synod know that they had said nothing in their judgement, which was not the judgement of their Church, they desired the Synod to hear the words of their confession; so D. Goad read publicly the 17. Article of the confession, where the words are quosdam ex humano genere, in exitio et maledicto, which last words Gomarus had left out: Gomarus answered, that if he had understood the words of the confession amiss, he would submit himself to the judgement of the Synod. The Precedent told Gomarus roundly enough, that it was free for every member of the Synod to deliver his own judgement concerning any point or question; but that men ought to be very careful that they do not rashly meddle with the judgements of other Churches. My L. of Landaffe desired further leave to add this. Since all the foreign Divines, without exception, and likewise all the Belgic professors except Gomarus, had already delivered their judgements for homo lapsus, and that he doubted not but the Provincials would determine the same; it were very fit that the Synod should likewise determine so of it; neither was it any reason that for the particular opinion of one professor, who in this did disassent from the judgement of all the reformed Churches, the Synod should abstain from determination of the question. Gomarus' answered, that the University of Leyden had never yet determined for homo lapsus, and that both D. Whittakers, and Mr. Perkins had determined the contrary, whom he took to be such men as would not disassent from the confession of the Church of England: that the matter ought first to be discussed with arguments on both sides, before any thing should be determined on either side; to whom the Precedent returned this answer, that after the judgements of all the Colleges were read, the Synod would decree of that question what they shall think best; after the Canon is conceived it shall be read, if then you can show that any thing contained in that Canon is against the word of God. The Synod shall with all dutiful patience here what you can say.  
There were read the judgements of the Geldris; the South- Hollandi, (who in their judgement wished that the question of homo lapsus might be left undetermined) the North- Hollandi, the Z●●landi, who were all not long; and agreed in all things with the former judgements delivered, and so this long Session ended.  
Sessio 110. 12. Martii.] There were read the Collegiate judgements of the Ultrajectini, the Frisia, the Transisulani, the Groninganii et Omlandii, all which four were of a good length, and in all things consonant to the former judgements.  
Sessio 111. eodem die post meridiem.] There were read the Collegial judgements of the Drentani, and Gallobelgici, which were brief, and agreeable to the former judgements, and so was ended the reading of the judgements of all Colleges; in which (God be praised for it) there was not the least suspicion of of dissension of any thing, and it is to be noted that all of them determined homo laepsus to be the subject of Predestination; except Gomarus whom all men know to be against it; and the South- Hollandi, who only said they would determine nothing of it.  
There was read the judgement of the Divines of Great Britain upon the second Article; they were briefer than upon the first Article, they left the received distinction of sufficientiae and efficacia mortis Christi untouched; as likewise they did not touch that received restriction of those places which make Christ's suffering general to the world, only ad mundum Electorum. There were read the judgements of the Palatines, of the Hassians, of the Helvetians, who all did maintain the received distinction, to wit, that Christ his death was only sufficient for all men, not efficient or impetrative, and did restrain all the general propositions which are in Scripture to that purpose only ad mundum Electorum, concluding that Christ was no ways expiatio pro peccatis singulorum.  
Sessio 112. 13. Martii.] There was read publicly the judgement of the Nassovici, after them the judgement of the Genevenses, both of which defended the received distinction and restriction; after were read the judgements of the Bremenses, who according to the number of their persons had three several judgements. Martinius his judgement was first read, who did stand in effect to the tenants of the Remonstrants in the second Article, he mainly overthrew the received distinction and restriction and did determine that Christ did truly die for all and every man, that he was made a propitiation both for the godly and wicked, and that by his death he did impetrate reconciliation with God for them all, at the latter end he condemned many things both in the Remonstrants, and in the Contra-Remonstrants opinion, but more in the Contra-Remonst. next D. Isselburgius the second Bremensis his judgement was read, who was directly against Martinius defending both the received distinction and restriction. Thirdly, was read the judgement of D. Crocius the third Bremensis, who propounded a middle way between his two Colleagues; granting (which we also in our College did) that Christ did merit by his death some supernatural things for the wicked; as the word preached, and all such good graces as are common both to the godly and wicked, but nothing belonging to remission of sin or reconciliation with God, and so indeed for any thing I could perceive his judgement was directly against that of Martinius, and in effect all one with that of Isselburgius. Next was read the judgement of the Embdani, who were exceeding long, and agreed in all things with the Contra-Remonstrants, as they do express themselves in the Collat. Hagiensis.  
Sessio 113. eodem die post meridiem.] D. Isselburgius one of the Bremenses, at the Precedent his appointment publicly all auditors being admitted, did at very great length prove that God his vindicative justice is natural and necessary unto him, and that therefore that satisfaction which Christ made for the sins of the world was simpliciter necessaria, proving withal by many arguments the fullness and sufficiency of Christ his satisfaction; answering the arguments of Socinus and Vorstius against both the former conclusions.  
Sessio 114. 14. die Martii.] There was read the judgement of four of the Belgic Professors, subscribed by Polyander, Gomarus, Thysius, Wallaeus, and a little beneath was written Ego Sibrandus Lubertus hoc Collegarum meorum judicium per omnia probo: next was read Sibrandus his judgement who differed nothing from his colleagues, save that he was shorter, it was subscribed first by himself, and then approved by the subscriptions of the rest of his colleagues; all five of them did stand mainly for the above named distinction & restriction. Next was read the judgement of the Geldris, who were too too rigid in many things, next them the judgement of the South- Hollandi next them the judgement of the North- Hollandi, who had many things which we thought not only to be rigid but false, all these three Colleges at great length disputed for the received distinction and restriction.  
Sessio 115. eodem die post meridiem.] There were read the judgements first of the Zelandi, next of the Ultrajectini, next of the Frisii, next of the Transi●●sulani, next of the Groninganii and Omlandii: all of them stood for the same distinction and restriction.  
Sessio 116. 15. die Martii.] There were read the judgements first of the Dreutani, who delivered many false and absurd propositions; next of the Gallobelgici, who were moderate enough, both of them did maintain the former distinction and restriction; and so was ended the reading of all Collegial judgements upon the second Article, in which their was not altogether so uniform a consent both in regard of phrases and forms of speaking; and i●● regard of some propositions, as was in the first Article: yet certainly there was very great, more than could well have been expected from so great a number of learned men in so hard and an controverted Article.  
There was read the judgement of our College upon the third and fourth Article, which was most just and equal, condemning the rigidity of some of the contra-Remonstrants opinion, though not by that name, as well as the errors of the Pelagians, Semipelagians, and Remonstrants.  
There was read the judgement of the Palatines, who in all things agreed with the judgement of the contra-Remonstrants, as it is set down in Collati●● Hagiensis.  
Sessio 117. eodem die post meridiem.] There were read the judgements of the Hassiaci, the Helvetians, the Nassovici, who agreed in all points with the contra-Remonstrants of the Gene●●onses, who carried a very even hand in this Article, their Theses, as before, were confirmed only by places of Scripture, but finely digested; of the Bremenses who handled the head de gratia et libero arbitrio in general, and in particular overthrew resistibility of Grace. Of the Embdani, whose judgement after an hours reading was not near half done, and therefore we were glad to make an intercession of their discourse of Grace till the morrow.  
Sessio 118. 16. Martii.] We went on in reading the judgement of the Embdani, which yet continued above an hour and an half; they discussed 34. questions, and to speak truth they were long above the strength of patience. There was read the judgement of the four Belgic Professors subscribed by themselves, and afterwards approved by the subscription of Sibrandus; next was read the judgement of Sibrandus subscribed by himself, and approved by the subscriptions of his Colleagues; next was read the judgement of the Geldris.  
So my very good Lord, here is the sum of all hath passed this week; I hope your L. hath received the letters I sent these last two weeks, what followeth I shall not fail to advertise your L. So with the remembrance of my most observant duty to your L. and your worthy Lady, I take my leave and rest.  
Dordrecht this 16. of March, Novo Stylo, 1619. Your L. in all true respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
AFter I had written these yesternight, I received your L. letters, for which I stand much obleiged to your L. I had before them received very particularly news from England; but especially of the Star-Chamber sentence from a gentleman of good worth, who was present; many memorable sentences his Majesty delivered, such as were these, he said this sin was like the first sin committed in the world, that my Lady Lake was the Serpent, my Lady Rosseas Eve, and Sir Thomas Lake the man: he desired the noble men to take heed of their wives, for he had now known five of his counsel who had been overthrown by their wives, and especially bid such look to themselves, who had Popish wives; if for no other thing, yet for this, that a Whore and a Papist were termini convertibiles. Moreover speaking publicly of the Navy, he gave in the Star-Chamber three reasons why he had made my L. of Buckingham Admiral; one was because the other was exceeding old; second, because this was young and fit for service; third, because of his love to this, and his being near about him. I am sure your L. hath the King's meditation upon the Lord●● Prayer dedicated to my L. of Buckingham, else I would have sent your L. one. Yesternight their landed here one English Gentleman of good worth, who assureth us that on Tuseday last the Queen died; and it may be true, for I had a letter written the first of March, assuring me that my L. of Canterbury was sent for in haste to Hampton-Court, as was thought, to see her die. I hear likewise, but cannot believe it that Mr. Dean of Worcester cometh this journey over with my L. Hayes in his Embassage to the Emperor.  
Now for your L. directions in our Synod business, our thanks is but a small recompense, your L. may justly look for your reward in heaven; I pray God send us out of the second Article well, and I shall be persuaded of Harmony in all the rest: for in good faith some of the Provincials especially the Geldri, and the North- Hollandi; who are of all in the Synod, greatest in the Precedent his books, have delivered such propositions in that Article, as I dare say never any Divine in the world dreamt of but themselves, for mine own part, I had rather lose m●●ne hand, then subscribe them. For that your L. adviseth from the King about the Palatines, it is a thing absolutely necessary, for they are the only Magistrales Doctores next to Gomarus in all the Synod, and think every thing they speak should be taken for text: in good faith in their judgement upon the second Article, they did gird most bitterly at some things which D. Ward had delivered in the Synod of that same Article, with which D. Ward is very much moved. Our judgement in the second Article is already read in the Synod, so we must study to frame ourselves to our directions from England, in making of the Canons, my L. his Grace his letter is to have us conform ourselves to the received distinction and restriction, with which his grace acquainted his Majesty and received approbation from him: but I must needs say, that the directions which your L. hath sent from Secretary Nanton, do seem to will us to be as favourable to the general propositions as may be, giving as little offence to the Lutherans as we can, which counsel in my poor judgement we have in our Theses already followed.  
Frequent admonitions and exhortations rather from your L. or by your L. means procured to the Precedent, for prudence and wariness, and keeping the bond of peace may hinder much indiscretion in this Synod, in which as I hope your L. will not be wanting; so by God's grace I shall not be wanting to give your L. all convenient information, not be wanting in my prayers to the God of peace that your L. may still go on in procuring the peace of our assembly. So once again with the remembrance of my most sincere duty I rest.  
This Sunday morning 17. March. Your L. faithful and respectful servant, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
SInce my last unto your L. there have been but three Sessions; no matter of moment hath been done in them, and therefore I will defer the relation of them to my next letters: only I thought good to let your L. know that yesterday after the forenoon Session, the Precedent called me into his lodging, and told me he would show me a miracle, which in truth he did; for there he showed me a volume which the Remonstrants that morning had given in to the Delegates upon the 3. 4. and 5. Articles; I was I confess astonished when I looked on it; for I could not with mine one hand lift it from the table, it is above twice as much as all they have given in yet; in good faith my Lord I think it is fully as big as one of our Church great Bibles; which I would have your L. think I speak without any figure, trope, or Rhetoricallie, for it is so big, I told the Precedent, that it was a thing impossible the Synod could take notice of the contents of that volume under six months, he answered me that for my comfort he would show me two lines in the Preface, which would rid me of that fear, and so he did; for in these lines they do protest that they do not offer this volume to the Synod, for they profess that they have nothing, nor will have nothing to do with the Synod, Since the Synod hath refused to have any doings with their living persons, but only their dead books, and therefore they do only offer this book to the Delegates, but will not have it thought by any man that they offer it to the Synod: Heinsius dined with us yesterday, and I asked him when they had given in this book, he told me that morning, but with such impudence as is almost incredible; for when one of the Delegates told them that he wondered why they would give in so much paper as was impossible it should ever be read in the Synod, Episcopius answered they had nothing to do with the Synod, they offered it only to them who were the Delegates; the former Delegat replied, that the Delegates were not to judge of their opinions, but the Synod; and that in their letters citatorie they were warned to come and give an account to the Synod of the doctrine which they had delivered in their Schools and Pulpits; Episcopius most impudently answered thus briefly: we here delivered to you the Delegates this book and to none else, if you be pleased to take it from us, we will leave it with you, if not, we pray you give it us again, and we will keep it; one of the Delegates commanded Heinsius to write down that their peremptory and saucy answer, Episcopius very bravely told Heinsius that they would save him that labour, for they had set down the same words already in their Preface, and pointed out to him the place where he might find them: so that my L. they were never since the beginning of the Synod so lusty as now, so as none can choose but think that they yet have some secret and sure hopes. I forget to tell your L. that the Precedent told me he had been glancing at this volume, and he finds it to be in many parts a confuration of the several discourses which have been had publicly in the Synod upon the five Articles. There is some ta●● here about the citation of Vorstius, and Festus Hommius yesternight told me he had some talk with your L. about it. If he be cited your L. credit with the Prince of Orange, and count William must help us for discretion in dealing with him, else he will keep the Synod as long as the Remonstrants did; your L. I hope will give counsel to them, that if Vorstius should desire to have time to give in apologies and explications, for ●●he hard speeches in his book De Deo; and should desire to be convinced with Reason, and satisfaction of his arguments; all which would take up a long time, that the Synod would talk of no such matter with him, but in plain terms tell him that all the members of the Synod had read his book, and found many things in it very near unto open blasphemy, and scandalous without all question to the reformed religion; that explications of things which are not once to be called in question, is no satisfaction; and they therefore only desire to know whether he will make a plain recantation and denial of it, and publicly ask God forgiveness for it, and his Church likewise there assembled, whom by that book he hath scandilized; if he do this we gain him; if not, then without any more ado, let the Synod censure him as they shall think fit; I wish that to the terror of others he might solemnly be excommunicated in the Synod; in this and all other businesses we do and must rely upon your L. care, for the handsome carriage of them; which as your L. hath hithertil done, so that your L. may still continue to the good of God's Church, and your own immortal credit, it is no small part of the prayers of  
Dordrecht this 20. of March. Stylo Novo. Your L. humble and faithful servant, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
THis week hath been a very barren one for news, for we have been taken up wholly with hearing, yet such Sessions as we had your L. shall here have a note of them.  
Sessio 119. 18. Martii. stylo novo.] There were read Letters from the Marquis of Brandeburgh in Dutch containing (as the Precedent told us) an excuse why he deputed none to the Synod, the Precedent told us they should be turned into Latin, and after read again unto the whole Synod, there were read the judgements of the South- Hollandi, the North- Hollandi, the Zelandi, the Ultrajectini upon the third and fourth Articles.  
Sessio 120. eodem die post meridiem.] The were read upon the same Articles the judgements of the Frisii, the Transisulani, the Groninganii, & Omlandii, the Gallobelgici, the Drentani; And so was ended the reading of all the Collegial judgements, upon the third and fourth Articles, in which there was wonderful great consent, both in the things themselves as likewise in the phrases and forms of speaking.  
Sessio 121. 19 March.] There were read the judgement of our College upon the fifth Article; Which was far longer than any which we gave in before; At the end of it we annexed an adhortation to the Delegates, for the defence in their Provinces of the Doctrine received in the Reformed Churches; Likewise an Exhortation to all the Members of the Synod for avoiding harshness and rigidity, and embracing of all moderation in making the Cannos, especially upon the second Article; as likewise an admonition to the Provincials, for great wariness and discretion, in propounding to the common People the Doctrine of Predestination, and especially Reprobation; these things we told his Majesty, desired us to observe, and so with a Prayer we wished both we and all the Synod might be careful in the observing of them; There was read the judgement of the Palatines, at the end whereof they annexed an Epilogue much to the same purpose with ours; In all the judgements that were read upon this Article, it is to be observed that every College concluded with such an Epilogue and a Prayer.  
Sessio 122. eodem die post meridiem.] There were read the judgements of the Hassiaeci, of the Helvetici, of the Nassovici, of the Genevenses, who used, as in their former judgements, no confirmations, besides plain citations of places of Scripture of the Bremenses.  
Sessio 123. 20. March.] There were read the judgement of the Embdani who were exceeding long, of the four Professores Belgici, which was subscribed as with their own hands, so a little beneath with the hand of Sibrandus; next the judgement of Sibrandus; subscribed likewise by the other four Professors, there were read likewise the judgement of the Geldris, of the South- Hollandi, all these except the Embdani were exceeding short.  
Sessio 124. eodem die post meridiem.] D. Crocius one of the Bremenses appointed by the Precedent publicly, all Auditors being admitted, did discuss at great length these two questions; First, An fides justificans per Dei accepti ●●tione ●● repute●●ur à Deo pro omni illa legis justitia quam nos praestare tenebamur; The Second, An ipsa fides s●●n To credere id est actus credendi imputetur homini à Deo ad justitiam; he held the Negative of both against Socinus, the Remonstrants, but namely Bertius.  
Sessio 125. 21. Martii.] There were read the judgements of the North- Hollandi, the Zelandi, the Ultrajectini, the Frisii.  
Sessio 126. eodem die post meridiem.] There were read the judgements of the Transisulani, the Groninganii and Omlandii, the Drentani, the Gallobelgici, And so was happily ended the reading of all the Collegial judgements upon the five Articles, in which, praised be God for it, there was seen an incredible harmony, far greater than almost could be hoped for in so great an Assembly of so many learned men. The Precedent told us that the Estates General between this and Easter did expect that the Cannons should be made, and therefore did desire that against the morrow at ten of the Clock every College would depute one, who might meet about the conceaving of the Canons, that one should relate to the rest of their College, what Articles they agreed upon, and accordingly consult with them to know what they would have added paired, or changed, so after these deputed & had agreed, the Cannons should be publicly read and approved.  
This is all, but that I think our Precedent hath need of your L. good counsel, for the carrying himself in making the Cannons; I find every man murmuring already that he would make them, and doth but only dictate them to the rest. With the remembrance of my best service to your L. and my Lady, I take my leave and am,  
Dordrecht this 23. of March, New stile. Your L. in all true respects and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
WHat stir we have had about the making of our Cannons your L. shall understand by letters from our whole College; if we had not written a common Letter, and then your L. should have taken some particular notice of the contents of mine, the rest of my Colleagues must needs have suspected that your L. had had intelligence from me; And therefore I did presently deal with my Lord and the rest of our Society, that they would write a common Letter to your L. concerning the particular passages of this troublesome business, These three things I may say in it; First, that the Precedent would take upon him more than ever any Precedent did, to make Cannons and pass them by placet or non placet, and then he hath so many of the Provincials as command to pass what he will, I cannot I confess yet see how it can consist with the dignity of any, much more of some of the Members of the Synod, that the Precedent should dictate Cannons and the rest especially a Bishop write after him; so that he maketh the Canons, and the whole Synod are called non ad consilium sed tantum consensum. Next I think my L. that if the Synod had wanted but two men which are of it, we had wanted a great deal of contention, which I perceive will not forsake the Synod so long as they are in it; I mean Sibrandus and Gomarus; they keep their fits of madness by course; the last fit before this came to Gomarus his turn, and this day Sibrandus flew out, but with such Raving and fierceness of countenance, such unheard bitterness against our College; as I desire no other revenge on him then the very speaking of the words, which while they were in his mouth, were checked by both Precedents Politic and Ecclesiastical; D. Davenant who is a very moderate man, would have answered him much against my will, and no man could blame him, for Sibrandus his words against our College, if they had come from a wise man his lips, had been above the strength of patience, I was glad the Precedent gave not way to D. Davenant speech, which notwithstanding, I am sure would have been full of discretion; and for Sibrandus I blame him and Gomarus no more for these ecstasies, than I do a stone for going downward, since it is both their natural constitution. Thirdly, if your L. care do not now most of all show itself for procuring of good counsel to be sent hither for the constitution of the Canons, we are are like to make the Synod a thing to be laughed at in after ages. The Precedent and his provincials have no care of the credit of strangers, nor of that account which we must yield at our return unto all men that shall be pleased to call for it; their Canons they would have them so full charged with catechetical speculations, as they will be ready to burst, and I perceive it plainly, that there is never a contra-Remonstrant minister in the Synod, that hath delivered any doctrine which hath been excepted against by the Remonstrants, but they would have it in by head and shoulders in some Canon, that so they might have something to show for that which they have said: God his goodness toward his Church, and your L. vigilant constancy in perfecting this good course, which you were so careful to procure, I hope will teach us to overcome all these difficulties.  
In my last letter I wrote as I suspect, that the Palatines inveighed against some things delivered by Dr. Ward in the 3. and 4. Articles; if I had so, I was mistaken, I should have said the second Article. We shall have no more Sessions till all be agreed upon in private Colleges; and therefore I thought to have come over to have done my duty to your L. this Easter, but I understand by a letter from Sir Thomas Jermyn that my L. Hayes had warning to make himself ready for his Ambassage against the 10. of March; I think he will come by the Hague, if I understand of his coming I must likewise do my duty to him, and I can hardly make two journeys; and so with my humblest service for your L. kind invitation, and for all the rest of your L. most undeserved favours to a stranger, which since my fortune is not likely ever to give me leave to requite, I must take leave to acknowledge, and with my best prayers for your L. and my Lady's happiness, I take my leave and am as I ever shall be,  
Dordrecht this 25. of March. Your L. in all true respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord.  
ALL my answer to your L. arguments is my acknowledgement of your L. extraordinary courtesy in your kind invitations. I could not be so fitted in my mourning apparel as I would before Saturday at night: besides we must now narrowly look to the Canons which are sent to us by the Deputies of the Synod; for we are required upon Tuseday next to give in our observations upon them; my L. of Landaffe being one of the Deputies, hath already delivered his opinion of them; and therefore his L. may here be spared till Wednesday next, the rest of us have not, and it being the main business of our coming hither, we must ply it so as it may be done to some good purpose. My L. of Landaffe his coming to your L. telleth me that the writing of any occurrences here are needless; so with the continuance of my best wishes for your L. health and happiness, I take my leave; and shall ever account it a great part of my temporal happiness, if your L. shall be pleased to account me as I am:  
Dordrecht this 29. of March, Stylo loci. Your L. in all dutiful respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
THis place is yet still barren of news, but I make no question but my next letters shall send your L. some. The Deputies appointed by the Synod have taken pains I must needs confess to give our College all satisfaction; besides the second Article, some of our College have been earnest to have this proposition out. (Infideles damnabuntur non solum ob infidelitatem, sed etiam ob omnia alia peccata suatam originale quam actualia.) Because they say that from thence may be inferred that original sin is not remitted to all who are baptised, which opinion hath been by more than one council condemned as heretical: they have therefore at their request put it out; so I know now of no matter of disagreement among us worthy the speaking of: the morrow there is a Synod, one way or other we shall determine what shall become of the Canons, what we do your L. by God's grace with the first occasion shall understand. I have here sent your L. my speech made in the Synod; I know your L. experience will pardon the imperfections of a discourse delivered upon less than two days warning. Now my Lord, to write a History of Dr. Goad his journey and mine own, between Rotterdam and Dort that night, on which we came from your L. would move too much pity, especially if you should make relation of the same to my Lady: the compend of it is this; that a little after five a clock in the afternoon we took ship at Rotterdam, and about a little after one of the clock in the night we arrived at Dort, but could get no entrance; and therefore until half an hour past five in the morning, we sometime lay in the ship, sometime walked on the Bulwark: if we were not sufficiently assaulted with cold and watching we know ourselves. Mr. Downs his wooing in Greek was never so cold as we were that night: Letters I have received from England: the sum of the news are, that the Spanish Navy is dissipated, and that it never exceeded 60. sails. The King of Spain hath written large letters with his own hand to our King; in which he protesteth, that he never intended any thing against England nor any Christian Kingdom. The talk of the Spanish match hath of late been very fresh again in England, but this is certain that the other day at Theobalds' the King ask a gentleman of good note what the people talked of the Spanish Navy, received of him this answer: Sir the people is nothing so much afraid of the Spaniards powder as of their match. My Lord I can but thank your L. for all your courtesies, especially your L. great kindness at my last being with you, which since my fortune will not give me leave to requite, I must take leave to acknowledge. With the remembrance of my best duty and service to your L. and your worthy Lady, and my faithful wishes for both your happiness, I take my leave, hoping your L. will believe that there liveth no man of whom you may more freely dispose, then of  
Dort this 4/14 of April. Your L. most faithful and respectful in all true service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
DOctor Davenant his coming to your L. saveth me the writing of any news here: for he will perfectly relate them to your L. we are full of trouble about things altogether unnecessary, they are so eager to kill the Remonstrants, that they would make their words have that sense which no Grammar can find in them: upon Tuseday in the afternoon we had a Session, in which were read the Canons of the first and second Article, and were approved, except the last of the second Article, which we never heard of till that hour, and the second heterodox in that same Article, what they were Dr. Davenant will inform your L. the last was such as I think no man of understanding would ever assent unto. On Thursday morning we had another Session, in which was nothing done, but that it was reasoned whither that last heterodox should be retained; our College in that whole Session maintained dispute against the whole Synod; they condemned the thing it s●●l●● as a thing most curious, and yet would have it retained only to make the Remonstrants odious, though they find the very contrary of that they would father upon them in their words. That day in the afternoon was another Session, in which were read the Canons of the 3. 4. and 5. Articles and were approved, the particular passages of these Sessions I will send your L. by the next occasion, they were no great matters in them, yet when I send your L. the next Sessions in which it is like that something will be done, I will send a note of them too: yesterday there was no Session, but the Deputies met for taking order about the Preface and Epilogue of the Canons, and mending those things in the Canons which were thought fit to be amended, and have sent them worse than they were; in case we stand, and what need of counsel we have, this worthy Dr. will sufficiently inform your L. My Lord, I have had a great deal of talk with Mr. Douglas about the controversies in this Church, and find him unquestionably sound in them, also that there is no fear of his opinions, if otherwise he be found sufficient: I much wonder that we do not hear of my L. of Doncaster. There is here in the Synod a report of our King his mortal disease, it cometh from Scul●●etus, but I hope it is but the Gout; with the remembrance of my best duty and service to your good L. and my Lady, I take my leave and rest ever,  
Dort this 9/19 of April. Your L. in all true respect and service, Walter Balcanqual.   

My very Good Lord,  
NOw at last we have made an end of our business of the five Articles; what trouble we have had in these last Sessions none can conceive but those who were present at them: and what strange carriage hath been in them, especially on the Precedent his part it is too palpable, he hath deceived all men's hope of him very far. This matter of the personal censure which was a thing of great consequence, we were never made acquainted with before the very instant in which it came to be read; and because the Delegates must not be stayed from their going to the Hage, therefore all the Synod must say Amen to it; between the forenoon and the afternoon Session, there was strange labouring with the Exteri for getting their consent to it; yet we meddled not with it; all I can say is, me thinketh it is hard that every man should be deposed from his ministry, who will not hold every particular Canon; never did any Church of old, nor any reformed Church propose so many articles to be held sub poena excommunicationis; but had it not been then cruel, if all had gone for Canons which they would have had gone, v. g. that of an absolute necessity of similitude of nature for working our redemption. None of us have the Canons yet, neither shall till the Estates have approved them: a note of such Sessions as have passed since my last notes which your L. had I do now send your L. our Sessions have been so long and late as I had no time to write them: I was therefore bold to send them to your L. as my scribe transcribed them out of my notes which I took in the Synod, hoping your L. will have regard of our perpetual business here: with the remembrance of my best service to your L. and my Lady, I take my leave, remaining always,  
Dort this 25. of April, Stylo loci. Your L. in all true respects and service, Walter Balcanqual.    

SEssio 127. 26. Mar●●ii Stylo novo.] Praeses D. Delegatorum, oratione brevi monet Synodicos, D. Delegatis omnino videri futurum è re et dignitate Synodi, si domino prae sidi, et D. assessoribus pauci aliquot à Synodo tum ex exteris tum ex provincialibus adjungantur, in quos authoritate publica, cura concipiendi, et concinnandi canones devolvatur; publicisita gratiis ab ipso nomine Delegatorum D. Praesidi Ecclesiastico actis ob grat●●ssimum laborem hactenus in canonibus concipiendis susceptum, eorundem nomine rogat, ut quam viam ingressus esset in primo, eandem quoque in reliquis articulis viam insif●●eret, rogat porro ut statim aliquot nominet Synodus qui cum D. Praesidi in idem negotium incumbant; utque velint rotum hoc negotium quam fieri possit citissime maturare; cum id praesertim ab ipsis D. ordines generales vehementer contendant: Rogantur de deputatis hisce Synodicorum sententiae in quibus ferendis suit magna admodum varietas; multi volebant praesidem eodem quo caeperat pede pergere in o●●on●●bus Dictandis, inter Exteros isthoc consilium vehementius urgebat D. Sculretus, inter provinciales D. Sibrandus, sed immodeste et imptudenter satis, adversus enim illos qui hoc consilii suggesserant fervide admodum declamabat seu potius exclamabat; dicebat enim quosdam esse qui huc illuc cursitaverant ut alios in suas partes pertraherent; quos putabat omnino censura ecclesiastica notandos, neque hic debere Exteros nimium laborare, ut pote quibus non tam constaret de ratione Ecclesiarum Belgicarum, quam provincialibus, ed demum serebatur, ut D. Praeses politicus, itidem et D. Praeses Ecclesiasticus, eum graviter monerent, suaderentque ipsi majorem modestiam; D. Davenantius cum se et collegas suos hic sugillati putaret; petiit à D. Praesidi ut liceret sibi à se et suis calumnias istas depellere; verum roga●●u D. Praesidis à responsa abstinuir, cum vero deposceretur South Hollandorum suffragium. D. Latius (is est qui historiam Pelagianorum scripsi●●) eo quod putaret se et collegas suos nomine cursitantium à Sibrando imperitos suisse modeste certe in suffragio suo D. Sibrandum perstringebat; aiebat enim omnino sibi videri è dignitate Synodi, ut Canones authoritate publica non privata conciperentur; posseque se facillime illi respondere qui hoc suum et collegarum consilium perstrinxerat, nisi charitate aliquid dandum esset, neque hic sicut dicehatur consilium consilio opponi, inconsulte admodum hoc dictum esse, eumque non minus Ecclesiasticam censuram mereri qui tam inconsulti loqutus sit, quam illos qui authores suerant consilii istius de nominandis deputatis. Tandem post lata omnium suffragia potioribus sente●●iis nominati sunt inter Exteros, D. Episcopus Landavensis, D. Sculcetu●●, D. Deodatus, inter provinciales D. Polyander, D. Wallaeus, D. Triglandius qui una cum D. Praeside et assessoribus canonibus concinnandis incumberent, quos concinnatos ad singula collegia mitti curarent, si quid forte additum, demptum, mutatum cupiant, deinde à collegiis remissos limarent manu ultima, ut sic tandem toti Synodo propositi ad eadem approbenter.  
Sessio 128. 16. Aprilis stylo novo post meridiem.] D. Praeses narrat jam tandem post aliquot septimanarum laborem assiduum, indulsisse Synodo Deum consensum illum suavissimum quem omnes tanto opere exoptaverant: moram monebat nemini debere esse gravem; sed gratam potius, quia ut ut in fundamentalibus optime inter omnes et singulos (sicut patebat in iudiciis) convenerat: sperari tamen non poterat singulos in ipsis loquendi formulis conspiraturos: monebat porro dictam fuisse hanc sessionem, ut D. Delegati omnium et singulorum consensum observarent: Rogantur singuli Synodici, ut diligenter attendant lectioni articulorum, et moneant si quid forte mutatum velint, nec aegre serant si mutetur fortassis verbulum aliquod aliter quam se habeat in exemplaribus quibus heri singuli subscripserant; eum in reipsa nihil plane sit mutatum.  
Leguntur itaque articuli Synodici, seu canones de 1. articulo contraverso: singuli Synodici post ipsorum lectionem viritim rogati de consensu, singuli solenniter profitebantur se articulos Orthodoxiam complectentes probare ut pote consentientes cum sacra scriptura et confessionibus Reformatarum Ecclesiarum, articulos vero Heterodoxiam complectentes improbare ut ab iisdem dissentientes, Deo agebant singuli gracias de tam suavi consensu, votoque deum rogabant ut vellet parem semper harmoniam Ecclessis suis Reformatis largiri: observandum autem est hic singulos significasse, quod heri illis articulis subscripserant; exceptis folis Theologis Britannis qui subscriptiones suas differebant, donec posset exemplar aliquod n●●tide describi.  
Leguntur articuli Synodici seu canones de secundo articulo contraverso: in iis autem articulis praelectis, fuerant quaedam verba mutata et aliter disposita, quam fuerant in articulis quibus heri Synodici omnes exceptis Britannis subscripserant: Britanni eandem sente●●tiam quoad consensum de hisce articulis quam de prioribus serebant, nisi quod secundam Heterodoxam putarent magis clare et perspicue proponi posse, et ultimam Heterodoxam, quae est de potentiadei, an potuerit alium reconciliationis modum quam per Christum acceptasse, dicerent jam p●●imum ipsos observasse, et videri sibi esse eam magis scholasticae speculationis, quam disquisitionis Synodicae, itaque petebant deliberandi tempus: petebant porro ut quae in illis articulis damnatentur pro Socinianismo, possent ipsis oftendi ex Socino deprompta, rem ipsam damnabant, sed an à Socino prosectum esset i●●hoc dogma nesciebant, cum scriptorum Socinianorum non dum facta esset ipsis copia: Hassiaci eundem testati sunt consensum quem in priori articulo, nisi quod in articulo octavo orthodoxo vox illa (Singulari) non addita esset ad isthaec verba (liberrimo con●●lio) prout in observationibus suis ad canones de secundo articulo anno●●averant, verum cum persuasum sit illis omissionem istius vocabuli facere ad pacem Ecclesiarum Belgicarum, se acquiescere, et semper exposituros canonem illum secundum suum sensum id est quem possit habere verbo illo addito: verum ne fratres putarent ipsos in suis observationibus aliquid posuisse quod in rei ipsius substantia aut fundamento à canone jam praelecto discreparet, paratos s●● esse qui cum fratribus, si modo id cupiant, observationes suas communicent: Helvetil testabantur consensum suum cum illis articulis quibus heri subscripserant; verum cum nunc videant aliqua verba immurata esse, rogant ut articulos relegant ut sic ad conscientiae consensum possit quoque o●●is consensus accedere: Bremenses, consensum quoque suum testabantur, sed addita eadem illa ad eundem articulum cautione quam adhibuerant fratres Hassiaci, reliqui omnes Synodici plenum suum consensum sicut in primo articulo testati sunt, Annotarunt solum Goclenius, Sihrandus, Gomarus, et fortassis unus adhuc aut alter, quaedam, sed quae plane Grammatica erant: aberant ex Synodicis pauci aliquot sed quos praeses narrabat singulos articulos suis syngraphis comprobasse: propter publicum quod die crastino celebrandum est jejunium, monet praeses non habendam esse Sessionem ante diem jovis.  
Sessio 129. 18. Aprilis, stylo novo.] Quaesitum fuit susius de ultimo Heterodoxo canone in articulo secundo, qui rejicit eorum opinionem qui statuunt ad sufficientiam Pretii Redemptionis nostrae, non fuisse necessariam naturae nostrae similitudinem in Christo: Quaerebatur an deberet hic re●●ineri tanquam error Remonstrantium, an vero hic omitti, & numerari postea inter errores Vorstianos: Theologi Britanni pluribus rem disceptabant, contendebant enim si canon intelligendus esset de absoluta necessitate, id est tali quae removeret à Deo omnem potentiam aliter statuendi, ante suppositionem omnis decreti, & volunratis cerrae temere nihil definiendum esse de absoluta Dei potentia, esse ha●●c speculationem magis Scholasticam, Ideoque Canones Synodicos non debere ingredi, praesertim cum quidam Patres, et nonnulli Doctores reformati putent illam naturae similitudinem hoc sensu non fuisse simpliciter & absolute necessariam, si veto Canon sit intelligendus, de necessitate hypothetica id est ex suppositione decreti & voluntatis certo nobis in Scriptura Revelatae, (quo sensu putant vocabulum necessitatis in hoc negotio in sacra Scriptura accipi) canonem verum esse putant; sed nullo modo ferire Remonstrantes qui absolutam tantum necessitatem rejiciunt ut pa●●et ex ipsorum verbis in nupera declaratione exhibita, Ideoque putant consul●●us hunc cannonem posse omitti, à pluribus multa de hac quaestione dicta sunt; quibus omnibus Britanni Responderunt; Potior●● tamen suffragia voluerunt canonem illum retineri, praeses monuit sic concipiendum esse ut possit omnibus sati●●sieri.  
Sessio 130. ●●odem die post meridiem] Leguntur Canones Synodici de 3. & 4. articulis, ubi omnes ac singuli Synodici post ipsorum praelectionem viritim consensum suum solennibus verbis testabantur; Varii Theologi tamen va●●ia annotabant: sed quae tantum perspicuitatem in verbis spectabant; in re ipsa nihil desiderantes.  
Leguntur Canones Synodici de 5. articulo post ipsorum Lectionem singuli potro (ut in prioribus) ipsos solenni consensu comprobabant: D. Goadus recitavit catalogum duriorum phrasium quas Theologi Brittanni cupiebant à Synodo rejici, eo quod exipsis, tum Remonstrantes tum Pontificii, doctrinam Reformatam calumniandi magnam ansam sumerent; D. Scultetus etiam suadebat ut usus aliquis à Synodo deligeretur qui ultimam manum canonibus imponeret, daterque operam ut stylus canonum ubique par esset & limatus satis & perspicuus, aliqui nec dictionem nec stylum mutari voluerunt; quidam quoque putabant non fore è re Synodi ut duriores illae phrases rejicerentur à Synodo, quia sic laederetur fama excellentissimorum virorum quorundam; Praeses movet die crastino mane deputatos Synodicos conventuros esse, capturosque con●●ilium de mutandis illis aut delendis quae observata sunt à quibusdam fratribus atque etiam de rejiciendis phrasibus durioribus, idque ea ratione qua possit magis commode omnibus satisfieri; porroque de praefatione, & Epilogo canonum prospecturos; Rogatque ut singula collegia unum aliquem ad horam quartam pomeridianam mi●●rant; qui describant ea quae conceperunt deputati, & ad collegia sua referant, ut sic de omnium consensu cons●●are possit ante proximam Sessionem.  
Sessio 131. 20. Aprilis stylo novo] Legitur Epilogus post Canones conceptus à deputatis, in quo etiam continebatur abstersio calumni●●um quarundam, quibus doctrinam Ecclesiarum Belgicarum Remonstrantes gravare conantur; Quaetitur an omnes Synodici in forma prelecta acquiescant: Britanni voluerunt quaedam alia rejectanea addita qualia erant illa duo praecipue [Deum movere Hominum linguas ad blasphemandum] & [Hominem non posse plus boni facere quam facit.] Hassiaci legerunt scriptum prolixum & bene conciunatum, in quo pluribus rationibus ostendebant necessarium esse ut plures duriores locutiones quae apud privatos scriptores reperiuntur, rejicerentur à Synodo, ut sic Ecclesiae reformatae à gravissimis calumniis circa Reprobationis doctrinam liberari possint: Bremenses itidem scripto bene prolixo idem contendebant: Reliqui Theologi Exteri formam jam prelectam probabant: D. Praeses movebat non roganda esse provinci ●●lium suffragia ante Sessionem pomeridianam; quia vid●●bat Theologos Exteros hic non idem sentire, & movet professores Belgicos ut in horam quartam pensitent rationes quae urrinque fuerunt allatae.  
Sessio 132. eodem die post meridiem] D. Praeses antequam pergat in rogandis suffragiis de quaesito antemeridiano, rogat Synodum ut velit audire quae ipse una cum D. assessoribus tempore intermedio de rejectione duriorum locutionum conceperant: & rogat Synodum ut velit ha●●c duo perpendere, primo neminem ex Theologis Belgis istiusmodi nun quam scripsisse aut doc●●isse; ac proinde non spectare illa ad hanc Synodum quae tantum Belgica esset: Secundo doctores illos apud quos isthaec duriora dicta comperiuntur fuisse & esse vel Theologos Anglos, vel Gallos, vel Germanos; qui cum a suis principibus & Ecclesiis ob illas duriores loquendi formas non essent notati, ve●●isimile aiebat esse principes illos & Ecclesias exteras aegre laturas si Synodus haec nationalis Ipsos ob isthaec dicta aliqua censura notaret.  
Legitur forma Epilogi jam de novo concepta, in qua plures aliquot incommodae locutiones rejiciebantur quam in priori, sed nullae ex iis quos Theologi Exteri addi cupiebant: Quaeritur Synodicorum de hoc Epilogo sententia: Britanni serio urgent additionem plurium praesertim eorum quae Sessione antemeridiana memoraverant: ad duas Rationes à D. Praside allatas Respondebant ad primam Remonstrantes in declarationibus suis ad Synodum exhibitis, multa loca contra Remonstrantium, ipsos libros & paginas ci●●are in quibus istiusmodi scripserint; nisi itaque Synodus istiusmodi dicta improbet, non posse Belgis ab istiusmodi calumniis liberari ad secundum Theologos Exteros non debere quidem in Synodo notari, verum si quid dixerint aut scripserint quod cedat Reforma●●ae Ecclesiae in contumeliam; illud posse Synodum cujuscunque demum sit rejicere neque hoc debere Synodum morari. Quod forrassis non sint Belgae, hac enim ratione Synodo nihil permitti in Socinun cujus tamen dogmata saepius quam semel in canonibus damnat; neque debuisse Regem Magnae Britanniae aliquid adversus Vorstium statuere qui ipsius subditus non erat; optare se ut fiat summus delectus eorum quae rejiciuntur, nec posse aliquam Reformatam Ecclesiam hoc aegre ferre; cum nihil cupiant rejici quod a consensu alicujus Reformatae Ecclesiae comprobatum sit: cupere se presertim ut illa sententia rejiciatur, [Neminem posse plus boni facere quam facit] cum exinde nulli Reformato doctori defuncto aliqua contumelia inferatur; cum sit sententia heri tantum nata, quae vix septimum aetatis suae numeraret annum: Reliqui omnes Theologi exteri quia cupiebant (ut ajebant ipsi) multum paci dare; in forma prelecta acquiescebant; optabant tamen illi qui antemeridiem rationes su●●s at ●●ulissent ut possint plura rejici, Provinciales omnes formam praelectam probabant: & prosessores Belgae multis rationibus contendeb●●nt non debere Synodum dicta virorum alioqui optime de Ecclesia Reformata meritorum aliqua censura notare; D. Sibrandus tamen ajebat negati non potuisse quin aliqui in Belgio duriora qua dam docuerint quam essent illa quae Theologi Bri●●anni in caralogo suorum rejectaneorum recitaverant, sub finem praeses monet cum haec sit res ordinis, non doctrinae solius consulendos esse de hoc negotio Dominos Delegatos: qui rogati deliberaturos se de re praesenti in Sessionem crastinam matutinam pollicentur.  
Sessio 133. 22 Aprilis stylo novo.] D. Praeses rogat D. Delegatos ut velint Synodo exponere quid ipsi de Epilogo proxima Sessione prelecto statuant: D. Delegati cupiunt ipsum Danuo Relegi, Relegitur: D. Delegati illum probant, & rogant Synodicos ut si id fieri possit velint in ipso acquiescere, Orant porro ut jam tandem quam fieri possit maturime negotium hoc. 5º articulorum semel absolvant; quippe quod ipsi jam denuo iteraris Jussionibus urgeantur a D. Suis ordinibus Generalibus ad hoc serio flagitandum: Rogantur Synodici de hac formula praelecta; Britanni omnibus modis urgebant ut aliqua rejectanea porro adderentur hoc prae●●ipue, [Hominem non plus boni facere quam facit:] verum si hoc obtineri nequiret; ut darent multum paci non nemo ex ipsis monebat, ampliandam esse illam sentenriam [Et quae alia sunt huju●● generis plurima] ut si quando exprobaretur ipsis aliqua horriblis sententia quam non rejecerant, possent se excusare per illam parenthefin, & asserere omnia istiusmodi in illa sententia rejecta fuisse a Synodo: Itaque ut paci & tempori consulant, acquiescunt; monentes tamen illud omnino mutandum esse quod habetur in Epilogo; doctrinam Reformatarum Ecclesiarum censendam esse Eam quae hisce canonibus continetur, se enim profitebantur deputatos à serenissima Regia majestate non ab Ecclesii●● suis, nulla sibi commissam authoritatem qua possent Ecclesiarum suarum confessiones explicare, tulisse se tantum privata sua judicia quae ipsi putarent vera esse; multa se in canonibus tanquam vera conclusisse, de quibus ne verbum quidem habetur in Ecclesiarum su●●rum confessionibus, verum quod sciant nihil in illis contineri quod iftis confessionibus repugnaret: Reliqui Synodo prelectum Epilogum probabant, et complurimi censebant reliquas duriores loquendi formulas deberi in scripto Elenchico quod adornatur discuti; atque illic calumnias quibus ob ipsas gravatur reformata Ecclesia debere depelli. D. Praeses icaque movet Deputatos Synodi à meridie conventuros, ut quam fieri possit, canones illos duos Heterodoxos in primo articulo de quibus tantopere in Synodo non ita pridem disceptabatur, ita componant ut singuli facile in consensum adduci possent. Interea monet jam describi nitidum omnium Canonum exemplar, quibus publice in Synodo à singulis sessione crastina autemeridiana subscribendum effet ut sic Canones— absoluti eodem die possunt Hagam ad D. Ord. Generales transmitti, sub initium enim hujus Sessionis, narrabat D. Gregor: Martinii, D. Delegatos quosdam exipsorum numero delegisse qui die Crastino Canones ad D. Ordines essent delaturi, hoc enim ajebat D. Ordines; et cum Ecclesiae, tum Reipubli●●ae Belgicae statum deposcere.  
Sessio 134. 33. Aprilis stylo novo.] Leguntur articuli de primo articulo contraverso quibus omnes et singuli solenniter subscribunt, in tribus exemplaribus, praeses monet à singulis collegiis unum exemplar describendum esse cui etiam singuli Synodici subscripturi essent: loca Scripturae narrat postea describenda esse et addenda fusius, quae jam per temporis angustias describi non potuerunt: Narrat jam inter deputatos convenisse de mutatione secundi articuli Heterodoxi in secundo articulo in tres articulos, et deletione ultimi Heterodoxi in eodem articulo qui erat de absoluta necessitate similitudinis naturae in mediatore nostro: quae mutata etant in secundo Heterodoxo leguntur; et rogat D. Praeses singulos ut in sessionem pomeridian●●m deliberent num possint in mutatis acquiescere.  
Sessio 135. eodem die post meridiem.] Rogantur Synodicorum sussragia num placeat ipsis ut ultimus ille Heterodoxus Canon in secundo articulo deleatur, et secundus ille in tres praelectos Canones mutetur, placuit omnibus et singulis. Leguntur itaque Canones de secundo, tertio, quarto, quinto, articulis, quibus etiam singuli solemniter subscribunt, duravit haec sessio in horam 10. vespertinam.  
Sessio 136. 24. Aprilis stylo novo.] D. Praeses monet D. Deputatos à Synodo, mandasse uni, ut conciperet formam personalis censurae quam Synodus exerceret adve●●sus citatos, et quoscunque alios qui recusarent doctrinam Synodicam, varios quoque Synodicos Deputatis formulas obtulisse, ●●os tandem in unam convenisse, quae nunc prelegenda esset Synodo ut eam probet, vel corrigat: legitur, fuit autem in hanc sententiam, Synodum censere Remonstrantes esse novatores et perturbatores patriae, Reipub. praesertim Ecclesiae Belgicae, ejusmodi docuisse dogmata quae à verbo dei, et confessionibus Reformatarum Ecclesiarum dissentirent, praeterea citatos ad hanc Synodum tentri reos contumaciae adversum cum supremum Magistratum cujus decreta spreverint, ●●um ipsam Synodum quam pro legitimo judice nunquam voluerunt agnoscere, ideoque Synodum omnes ad praesentem Synodum abdicare ab omnibus suis muneribus tum Ecclesiasticis tum Academicis, eo usque dum paenitentiam agant de falsis dogmatibus à se scriptis, prelectis, et doctis, et possint hanc suam paenitentiam indubitatis studiis et signis Ecclesiis Belgicis testatam facere, reliquos vero Remonstrantes in Belgio ad Synodos provinciales remittit, quibus mandat ut ductores et pertinaces continuo omnibus suis muneribus abdicent, reliquos vero vitio temporis lapsos, et à seductoribus abreptos omni lenitate et patientia, conentur in viam reducere, quos si lucrifacere possint omni conatu id agant, sin minus pa●●iter et cum ipsis agant: Porro Synodus, illustrissimos ord. Generales obnixe rogat ut hanc suam sententiam de quinque articulis, atque etiam de Remonstrantibus abdicandis firmam et ratam esse velint et jubeant, gratiasque ipsorum Dominationibus cum omni debito obsequio desert propter ipsorum de reformandis Ecclesiis suis studium fingulare: Queritur Synodicorum judicium de censura hac personali: Theologi Britanni omnes ac singuli respondebant doctrinam Ecclesiarum Belgicarum hic in Synodo assertam suam fuisse, ac proinde ipsos vocatos sententiam suam de illo exposuisse, personas vero qui contrariam sententiam docu●●rint esse cives Belgas; Ideoque de aliorum subditis nolle se ullo modo personalem sententiam ferre, ideoque se censuram omnino provincialibus relinquere, quibus, integrum esset de suis ministris statuere: idem sentiebant omnes Theologi exteri, exceptis Genevensibus et Embdanis qui sententiam praelectam probabant, et Bremensibus qui tempus deliberandi poscebant: Provinciales quaedam in forma praelecta observabant: Cujusmodi suit illud non esse fori Ecclesiastici eos damnare tanquam perturbatores patriae et pacis Reip, hoc spectare ad civilem magistratum: magna fuit disceptatio inter provinciales an tollerandi essent illi qui uteunque nollent subscribere articulis Synodicis, tamen reciperent se nihil unquam vel publice vel privatim adversus ipsos dicturos aut docturos: quidem ex provincialibus petebant ut The ologi Exteri de hac re suam sententiam aperitent, sed D. Praeses respondebat is●●a particularia omnino oportere relinqui Synodorum provincialium prudentiae, et nescire se adhuc quam tollerantiam permissuri essent D. Ord. Generales, itaque forma prelecta, si paucula quaedam mutarentur, ab omnibus provincialibus probata est, exceptis Zelandis et Gallobelgicis qui spatium deliberand●● de re gravissuna petiverunt.  
Sessio 137.] Relegitur censura personalis emendata in qua illud de perturbatione patriae et ●●eip. omittebatur: quaeritur Synodicorum sententia de ipsa jam correcta, Britanni et Hasciaci eam nec probabant nec improbabant, noluetunt enim se personalibus immiscere, reliqui omnes Exteri, ut aiebant re ipsa melius perpensa quam ante meridiem cam probabant, exceptis Bremensibus, quorum duo priores initius quoddam consilium suggerebant, tertius vero D. Crocius rem putabat esse maximi momenti ideoque nihil posse se de ea statuere nisi apographum formulae praelectae et tempus deliberandi concedatur: provinciales, omnes eam probabant, Gomarus autem etalii petebant ut Synodus apud ord. generales intercederet pro largiendo Remonstrantibus minus percinacibus trimestri stipendio, fortassis enim possent cupere illo tempore cum viris doctis conferre suisque conscientiis de canonibus Synodicis satissacere; sed volnit ipsos primo quoque tempore à ministeris sui exercitio suspendi, D. Praeses Respondebat non esse è dignitate Synodi tam Angustae, ut intercedat apud D. Ordines pro re stipendiaria, verum non dubitare se quin D. Ordines benigne satis et clementer cum ipsis acturi essent: rogatur D. Delegatorum de hac praelecta censura judicium, qui respondebant se nolle tantum sibi assumere ut ipsam probent, sed delaturos se ipsam D. Ord. generalibus, à quibus solis comprobatio expectanda esset: Theologi Britanni monebant in hac censura dici Synodicos articulos conclusos esse secundum sententiam omnium Reformatarum Ecclesiarum quo dicto in nuebatur Ecclesias Lutheranas, quae aliter sentirent, non habendas esse pro Reformatis, quod ipsis durum admodum videbatur; D. Scultetus, et Polyander reponebant, ipsos Lutheranos nomen hoc deprecari, et nostris Ecclesiis ex hoc nomine (Reformatarum) solere invidiam conslare, et D. Praeses addebat hic in Belgio solere nostras Ecclesias per illud nomen (Reformatas) non solum à pontificiis verum etiam à Lutheranis distingui: Britanni respondebant in suis Ecclesiis Lutheranos haberi pro Reformatis, ut pote à quibus Religionis Reformatio primum tentata est, habereque se porro in mandatis à serenissimo D. Rege ut quantum fieri possent despicerent ne offenderentur Ecclessae Lutheranae, itaque addita est isthaec vox Nostrarum.  
Leguntur blasphemae opiniones duorum fratrum Thomae, et Petri Gesterranorum, qui Remonstrantes erant, et ab Ordin●●bus Hollandiae et West-Frisiae suspensi à ministeriis dum Synodus possit de ipsorum opinionibus cognoscere.  
Sessio 138. 25. Aprilis stylo novo.] Legitur supplex libellus Johannis Macovii Theologiae professoris in Academia franekerana, quo gravissime queritur se apud ordines Frisiae in simulatum fuisse hereseos à D. Sibrando Luberto, petit itaque suppliciter ut Synodus velit de tota causa cognoscere, ut audito Sibrando ipse possit d●●cere pro se s●●ltem ut Sibrandus et ipse ex Synodicis arbitros deligant, qui totum hoc negotium diligenter examinent et ad Synodum referant, Praees rogat D. Sibrandum ut exponat coram Synodo sente●●tiam suam de tota hac lite, Sibrandus negat se unquam suisse Macovii accusatorem, verum testimonio duorum fratrum Frisiorum probat ipsum à classe Franekerana fuisse accusatum, se autem jussu D. ordinum Frisiae, et rogatu praedictae classis solum classis os pro illo tempore fuisse, itaque sicut ante hac in hac lite pars non suerat, sic et nunc nullo modo se velle haberi pro parte protestatur: D. praeses narrat conveniens esse ut Synodus de hac causa cognoscat, quia id serio petunt D. Ordines Ftisiae per literas suas ad D. Delegatos, atqne etizm huc ad Synodum omnia acta in lite hac apud ipsos contestata transmisctint. Queritur itaque à Synodo cum Sibrandus non sit pars, an debeat ipse Macovins primum audiri, an vero ipso semoto ex actis ordinum Frisiae de causa cognosci, placuit Synodo ut primum acta prelegerentur, deinde si opus esset, ut auditetur coram Macovins.  
Legitur proaemium bene longum quod praefigendum esset canonibus Synodicis, quaeritur de illo judicium Synodi, quod sic se habebat, esse putabat isihoc proaemium nimls longum, porro que styli sublimis admodum, adeoque à stylo canonum admodum disparis, Ideoque ●●mnino brevius conficiendum esse putat, succinctum & nervosum, exponens occasionem & finem convocatae Synodi, quod praemit tendum esset Canonibus, si fortassis ab actis Synodicis seorsim excudantur: praeses itaque monet deputatos Synodicos ut ante meridiem conveniant, ut ex pluribus brevioribus formulis, quae sibi a variis Synodicis essent oblatae: unum aliquod succinctum proaemium possent conficere.  
Sessio 139. eodem die post meridiem.] Legitur aliud novum brevius proaemium à deputatis Synodicis ex variis formulis sibi oblatis confectum: quod totum Synodo placuit si paucula quaedam mutarentur: Britanni putabant pro [Anti-christi tyrannide] magis commode diciposse [Anti-Christiana tyrannide] quia ut ut fortassis verum putarent pontificem Romanum esse magnum illum Antichristum, tamen sine justo examine praemisso vix putarent debere hoc à Synodo determinari, quod à nulla Reformata Ecclesia adhuc excepta Gallicana quae & jam articulum illum ex confessione sua retraxit sactum esset; quidam ex Synodicis aegre ferebant hoc vocari in quaestionem; quibus reponebant Britanni, non vocari nunc rem ipsam nlmirum an pontifex Romanus esset ille antichristus qui quaestionem; sed hoc an debeat hoc à Synodo determinari nulla deliberatione praemissa.  
Sessio 140. 26. Aprilis stylo novo.] Legitur alter supplex libellus Macovii, quo petit ut arbitri deligantur, & ut responsum suum ad errores sibi objectos ipsiusque explicatio legi possit. D. Scribae & porro D. Thysius & D. Lydius publica fide testantur se quaedam exemplaria canonum Synodicorum cum criginali fideliter contulisse, eaque cum ipso per omnia convenire, quibus singuli Synodici subscribunt.  
Leguntur acta in lite Macovii ad Synodum ab ordinibus Frisiae transmissa; & primum legebantur. 50. errores objecti D. Macovio in classe Franekerana quos videre poteris in altero meo libro Synodico: qui revera primo quoque auditu videbantur exceptis uno aut altero, non suisse tanti momenti ut homo doctus de illis coram Synodo accusaretur: complurimi ipsorum erant ex ista receptissima distinctione agentis Physice & moraliter, ab accusatore male intellecta.  
Sessio 141. eodem die post meridiem.] Legitur una D. Macovii Responsio ad errores sibi objectos; deinde alia brevior, in utraque satisfaciebat criminibus sibi objectis abunde satis, alios negando, alios explicando.  
Legitur Epistola facultatis Theologicae Heidlebergensis ad Ordines Frisiae, in qua facultas Theologica monet dominos ordines Frisiae ne patiantur Theses tam otiosas metaphysicas, obscuras, falsas in suis scholis disput ari, quales fuerant nuper in Academia Franeke●●ana Theses de traductione sub Macovio disputarae.  
D. Praeses quarit a Synodo an ubetior Macovii explicatio quam hic offert Synodo, deberet etiam in Synodo legi, & qua ratione pergendum sit in hac causa: Quidam ex Exteris Theologis dicebant potuisse illos. 50. errores, ad quinque vel etiam quatuor reduci potuisse; nec ullum crimen haereseos sicut objectum fuerat in illis deprehendi; Omnes exteri per deputatos rem putant agendam, & cupiunt duos exteros nominari & totidem professores B●●lgicos, quibus adjungi possent duo pastores qui de tota causa cognoscant, & referant ad Synodum, plerique ipsorum explicationem prolixam Macovii putant non audiendam in Synodo, sed referendam etiam ad deputatos: Genevenses soli hoc consilium non probabant: Deodatus rem ad solos provinciales voluit deserri post exterorum discessum; Tronchinus vero oratione vehementissime contendebat nullo modo Macovium audiendum esse coram; sed debere agi cum illo tanquam cum Remonstrantibus & Episcopio: Illum judicandum ex scriptis: quod Judicium in hominem nullo modo heterodoxias suspectum mirabantur omnes: dum suffragium dandum esset à D. Sibrando, Immodeste satis invehebatur in Festum exprobrans ei summam in se ingratitudinem: recitabarque porro novum catalogum oplnionum D. Macovii quae ejusdem erant farinae cum prioribus: festus venia fandi a praeside impetrata modeste satis D. Sibrandum excipiebat, narrabat theses illas compositas fuisse non à D. Macovio sed à quodam Parkero juvene Doctissimo, & ab omnis heterodoxias suspitione longe remotissimo; & licet nunc Sibrandus sustinete partem accusatoris recuset, tamen se à quibusdam fide dignis accepisse, omnes illos errores Macovio objectos; D. Sibrandum ex Thesibus illis & aliis ipsus praelectionibus compilasse, quod ut audiebat D. Sibrandus vehementissime commotus bis deum vindicem in animam suam precabatur ●● isthaec vera essent; adeo ut D. Praeses eum saepius modestiae sanctae & Reverentiae Synodo debitae Jusserit meminisse.  
Sessio 142. 27. Aprilis stylo novo.] Pe●●gitur in rogandis suffragiis de causa Macovii plures Mirabantur eum ob illas Theses po●●se haereseos insimulari, praelertim cum unus ex South-Hollandis testatus sit D. Aimesium: illas theses primum vidisse & approbasse, & jam paratum esse qui ipsas defendat: tandem potioribus suffragiis, statutum est tertium scriptum Macovii legendum esse publice in Synodo, & tres ex Theologis Exteris, totidem ex provincialibus deputandos esse qui rem totam cognoscant & referant ad Synodum●● verum quia D. Preses dicebat illud scriptum continere multa personalia praesertim in D. Sibrandum compilata, Quidam ex Exteris ob p●●cem conservandam petierunt, ut rogarentur de is●●ho●● den●●o Synodicorum suffragia, quod factum est: & plura suflragia tum voluerunt legi tantum privatim apud deputatos: Nominati itaque sunt potioribus suffragiis deputati ad causam hanc audiendam, ex exteris Scultetus, Sthenius, Brittingerus: Ex provincialibus Gomarns, Thysius, Menius: certe Exteri mirabantur D. Scultetum nominatum fuisse à provincialibus, & multo magis D. Scultetum id munus velle subire cum facultas Theologica Heidelbergensis, cujus ipse pars esset, theses illas quae examinandae sunt jam hactenus tanquam otiosas, metaphysicas, & falsas damnaverit.  
Sessio 143. 29. Aprilis stylo novo] Leguntur literae Belgicae à magistratu & presbytero Campensi ad Synodum quibus rogat Synodum ut velit scribere ad magistratum & presbyterium Arnemiense ut velit dimittere D. D. Stephani, quem poscunt ipsis pastorem dari: Item ut ve. lit ad magistratum & presbyterium quoque scribere pro dimissione D. Plancis, Synodus noluit se istiusmodi negotiis immiscere, ne fortassis cederet in praejudicium classium & presbyteriorum: Leguntur al●●ae literae a magistratu Campensi, quibus petunt ut per Synodum liceat Ecclesiae Remonstranticae Campensi in templis suis habere lectionem sacrae Scripturae per lectores suos, eo usque dum posset ipsi prospici de pastoribus: D. Praeses monet perscriptum esse campis lectores illos solere attexere capitibus prelectis longas enarrationes subministratas sibi à duobus ministris suis jam à Synodo suspensis, quibus doctrina Remonstranium asserebant, & in Orthodoxam invehebantur: porro duos ipsorum ministros qui sunt ex numero citatorum hic ad Synodum, misisse hinc literas ad Ecclesiam Remonstrantium quae est campis: quibus plebem animabant ad constantiam in Remonstrantium doctrina, jubebantque brevi certissimam liberationem ab hac persecutione expectare; quae literae ante dies non ita multos à lectoribus publice in templo pro tota blebe recitabantur.  
Leguntur aliae literae Belgicae à Domino Battenberg, quibus Belgio Synodum gratulatur; promittitque se onaturum ut inditione sua, obtineat illa doctrina quae hic à Synodo stabilita esset.  
Legitur proaemium praesigendum Canonibus jam emendatum, ubi pro [Antichristi] ponebatur [Romani Antichristi] quo vocabulo addito satisfie bat illis qui voluerunt sine deliberatione à Synodo statim pontificem Romanum esse insignem illum Antichristum; sed Antichristum tamen, atque ita proaemium sic emendatum omnibus placuit.  
Legitur confessio Petri Molinae●● pastoris Ecclesiae Reformatae Parisiensis super quinque articulis in Belgio contraversis; quam huc ad Synodum transmisit.  
Sessio 144. eodem die post meridiem.] Pergitur in prelectione confessionis Petri Molinaei: D. Praeses monet jam rediisse Haga D. Delegatos, qui Canones Synodicos illuc ad illustriss. ord. Generales detulerant: oratque ipsorum Dominationes, ut velint eoram Synodo exponere; Quid D. Ord. General: de ipsis sentiant. D. Greg. M●●rtinii oratione brevissima refert Ord. Generales summopere gavisos esse de Synodico consensu, in canonibus; probare ipsorum dominations, eos universos & singulos, agereque de labore exantlavo Theologiis tum Exteris tum Provincialibus gratias maximas: rogare porro ut jam Synodus velit proximo in loco confessionem Belgicam perlustrare, in qua nihil mutatum cupiunt fine gravi & necessaria causa:  
Dies Lunae proximus publicandis Canonibus omninm Synodicorum consensu judicitur.  
Praeses●● togat Singulos ut velint dilig●●nter attendere lectioni confessionis Belgicae; incidit quaestio, quaenam editio confessionis Belgicae habenda esset pro authentica, cum ipsus editiones multum discreparent: eam statuit Synodus legendā, & perlustrandam quae inseritur Syntagmati confessionum Ecclesiarum Reformatarum: Illa itaque publicè prelegitur: D. Praeses rogat singula collegia ut in horam nonam crastini diei velint exhibere collegialia judicia de confessione prelecta tota, exceptis tribus articulis videlicet 30. 31. 32. qui ordinen & Regimen Ecclesiae spectant, Rogat singulos ut non velint insistere in latinitate, aut phraseologia sed simpliciter, ferre judicium num quicquid illa contineatur; quod non sit verbo divino consentaneum.  
Sessio 145. 30. Aprilis, stylo novo.] Quaeritur judicium Synodicum de confessione Belgica, Britanni Probant omnia dogmata ipsius, putant nihil in ca quoad substantiam contineri, quod sacrae paginae repugnet, quaedam minutiora in ea observabant, sed quae fac●●llime ex collatis exemplaribus in correcta, & nova quam parant editione emendari possent, monent de tribus capitibus, quae ordinem Ecclesiasticum spectant se nullam ferre sententiam, sed interim putare se regimen Ecclesiarum suarum esse institutionis Apostolicae: Episcopus autem Landavensis oratione brevissima contra illa tria praedicta capita perorabat; contendebatque in Ecclesia neque Apostolorum temporibus, neque postea unquam fuisse ministrorum aequalitatem: Itaq: communi Britannorum consensu declaratum est, nihil in confessione Belgica contineri, quod pugnaret cum sacra pagina, aut analogia fidei. Eximus omnes ad funus D. Canteri Senioris Ultrajectini unius ex deputatis Synodicis, Redimus, Legitu●● judicium deputatorum à Synodo in causa Macoviana; cujus summa haec erat; D. Macovium nullius, gentilismi, judaismi, pelagianismi, socinianismi, aut alterius conjuscunque haeresos reum teneri, immeritoque illum fuisse accusatum, peccasse eum, quod quibusdam ambiguis, & obscuris Phrasibus scholasticis usus sit, quod scholasticum docendi modum conetur in Belgicis Academiis introducere quod eas selegerit quaestiones disceptandas, quibus gravantur Ecclesiae Belgicae: Monendum esse eum, ut eum Splritu Sancto loquatur, non cum Bellarmino aut Suarezio: hoc vitio vertendum ipsi, quod distinctionem sufficientiae & efficientiae mortis Christi asseruerit esse futilem, quod negaverit humanum genus lapsum esse objectum praedestinationis, quod dixerit Deum velle, & decernere peccata, quod dixerit D eum nullo modo velle omnium hominum salutem, quod dix. erit duas esse electiones: Judicant denique liticulam hanc inter D. Sibrandum, & D. Macovium componendam esse, & deinceps neminem debere eum talium criminum insimulare.  
Sessio 146. eodem die post meridiem.] Pergitur in rogandis suffragiis de confessione Belgica in eadem sint sententia cum Britannis: propter editionum varietatem petunt, ut exaretur exemplar aliquod unum exactum. ord. generalium authoritate confirmandum.  
Sessio 147. calend. Maii. stylo novo.] D. Gregorius Martinii exponit mentem Illustriss. ord. general, eandem esse de Catechesi, quae fuerat de confessione; Rogat itaque Synodum ut de Gatechesi quoque Palatino-Belgica velit sententiam dicere, nec tam methodum, aut Phraseologiam spectare, quam dogmata doctrinalia: Legitur totus catechismus: Rogantur Synodici, ut ad horam. 4. Pomeridianam parent le ad rerendum collegialia de catechesi perfecta judicia.  
Sessio 148. eodem die post meridiem.] Omnium judiciis approbantur dogmata in eo catechismo comprehensa, ut verbo dei coasentanea, ac piè prudenterque conscripta, Britanni de interpretatione articuli, de discensu Christi ad inferos suam ab aliis Ecclesiam vindicat al●●ter explicandi potestatem: Ac●●demum propter gravem ab urbe Dordrechtana datam neglecti diei dominici offensionem, rogant, ac monent Synodum, ut apud Magistratum intercedat, ne forenses emptiones, apertis mercium officinis eo die exerceri permit●●ant: ea occasione à quodam ex provincialibus mota quaestio de observatione Sabbathi, sed non discussa penitus, quia rejecta inter gravamina provincialia post ubi tune nostra tractanda.  
Sessio 149. 2. Maii. stylo novo.] Gregor●● Martini unus ex politicis delegatis, Synodo & ordinum mentem exponit de Vorstio, eos nempe mandare, ut de Theologia ejus fiat summaria ex scriptis cognitio, ac ut eo respiciant judicia Synodica, utrum doctrina Vorstiana ad Ecclesiae aedificationem faciat, adeoque talis doctor Dignus videatur, qui Cathedram teneat●● Theologi eum: Scripsit jam tum Vorstius eodem exemplo literas ad singula exterorum collegia, simulque ad Synodum publicas: eaeque perleguntur, in quibus Synodi aequanimitatem, & Christianam charitatem implorat, s●●ū coram Synodo comparendi desiderium insinuat, rogat, ut si quae ab ipso liberius suit disputatum, veritatis eruendae studio imputetur, ut rationibus ex verbo dei petitis convincatur, se paratum esse testatur ad collationem cum Exteris Theologis in eundam item ad heresin Socinianam refutandum, si ipsi ea mandetur provincia. Nec posse sibi persuadere comburendos ipsius libros, cum quaedam Piscatoris scripta longe horridiora, et bonis moribus infensiora non sint rogo addicta.  
Lecta hac, epistolae antiquae nonnullae Vorstii simulatoriae, et vulpinae praesertim circa sui explicationem, ac palinodiam Heidelbergae praestitam fraudes in medium proferuntur deinde er●●orum, et blasphemiarum Vorstii catalogus à Belgicis professoribus collectus Synodo praelegitur ad capita reductus de dei attributis, Christique deitate, ab illo partim aperte partius clanculum imminutis.  
Sessio 150. 3. Maii stylo novo.] Collegia singula tam exterorium, quam provincialium suum proferunt de vorstio judicium scripto exaratum, Britanni lecta à se collecta precipuarum Vorstianarum contra divinam naturam blasphemiarum Synopsi, monenti Vorstium dato hoc scandalo, nunquam tamen in subsequentibus suis seu explicationibus, five defensionibus ullum in suo de dei attributis libro propositum errorem agnoscere, sed absurdissimis distinctiunculis, et inanibus subterfugiis obvelare, imo etiam praecipua orthodoxae doctrinae fundamenta callide pro viribus suffodere. Se itaque non modo ipsum Vorstium orthodoxe professoris munere ac nomine indignum judicare, sed etiam persuadere ne hujusmodi ejus libri in bibliopiliis prostare permittantur. Denique rogare, ut in exemplum, sanctium in dei causa zeli testimonium Vorstii de deo tractatus sumi magistratus jussu, aut Synodi decreto eadem munito palam solenniterque flammis absumatur, simulque hujusmodi infamis holocausti specimen. A Britannis eorum Synodo legitur authenticum procancellarii Cantabrigensis sigillo munitum, decretum 21. Septembris 1611. Cujus vi etiam Serenissimi regis nostri iudicio preeunte publice flammis ultricibus expurgatus est liber praedictus: ejusdemque decreti Cantabrigiensis exemplar inter Synodi acta relatum. Serenissimi regis, et Cantabrigensis intentio se examini subscribere testantur Palatini Theologi, ac Vorstii palinodiam multis abhinc annis Heidelbergae prestitam, quam fuerat fraudulenta narrant.  
Hassiaci etiam commemorant quam fuerat post modum non modo parum grata, sed etiam invisa illustrissimo suo domino Landigravio dedicatio sui de deo libri, eidem pio principi nuncupata, quamque prudenter ipsum Vorstium princeps ille ad se commendatum ad Cathedram professoriam admittere recusaverat. De Vorstio ut cathedra indigno exautorando reliqui tum exteri tum provinciales omnes consentiant quod autem se obtulerit jam pugilem evocandum contra Socinianos responsum est. 
Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis,  
Tempus egit.—  Ut pote cum ipse Vorstius ad errorum, hereseon curriculum etiam Socianismi sit suspectissimus, nec ex animo rem ges●●rus putetur: ac in eo negotio sibi dudum commisso, nihil prorsus prestiterit.  
Sessio 151. 4. Maii stylo novo.] Decretum quoddam Synodicum de Vorstii causa conceptum legitur et approbandum proponitur inde nonnulla interpellanda, alia omittenda, alia explicanda, moventur presertim à Britannis, qui hic urgent quaedam attribui Vorstio, de capite justificationis de quibus, nec dum satis constat, quid asserat Vorstius, illin●● autem omitti alia, aut non satis aperte damnari, quae maxime blasphema sunt, et Ecclesiae quasi universae Christianae gravissimum commoverunt offendiculum, ibidem multis agitatum, cum Verstius corporis ejusdem resurrectionem neget, aut Christi satisfactionem cum Socino penitus tollat. Et rei probandae leguntur privatae Vorstii ad Dominum Tossanum llterae pluribus abhinc annis scriptae in quibus aperte Socinianismom, profitetur. Sed à Britannis responsum judicandum reum ex libris à se agnitis et publicatis, non ex epistola privata de qua etiam non constat num ab ipso conscripta fuerit, constet ante scriptum fuisse ante palinodiam ejus Heidelbergensem. De libro Vorstii comburendo Synodus non volt statuere, sed ad summum refert magistratum.  
Sessio 152. eodem die post meridiem.] Decretum contra Vorstium denuo proponitur paulo mutatum, in eo desiderant Britanni plura dei attributa à Vorstio impetita recenseri, ac Vorstii de Christi satisfactione et hominis justificatione sententiam, vel in censura omitti, vel Synodo, ut de eo melius constet, explicare. De his aliisque Vorstianis dogmatibus diu multumque disceptatur. Tandem consensum est in eam, quae sancita est formam, (quam vide in altero meo libro Synodico,) qua Vorstius ob suam in suffodiendis praecipuis fidei fundamenris audaciam et impietatem indignus Cathedra Theologica judicatur. Optaturque ne ipsius libri de deo passim volitare permittantur, et nonnulla speciatim alia quae in eodem decreto continentur. Ante quam dimitteretur hic confessus qui in multam noctem duravit, legitur: et per plu●●a Synodi suffragia approbatur, sententia dependatorum in causa Macoviana qui eum ab omni haeresi absolvendum censuerunt, sed monendum ut Theologiam docendi modum commodiorem sequatur, verborumque formis ex sacra scriptura petitis utatur etiam justam eum reprehensionem incurrere ob quasdam propositiones ab ipso erudius et ●●igidius assertas. His itaque clam compositis, interpellat Frisius quidam senex nomine Donia se quod ad ipsum attinet Macovium (qui suum passus est tacite obvolvi negotium) nihil velle commovere: se ipsum autem●● aliosque nonnullos hac in causa laesos, ideoque comuni collegarum nomine coram Synodo protestari salvo jure ut agant contra accusatores, partes autem accusatorias domino Sibrando esse demandatas, constare ex literis quibusdam publicis, quas è sinu deprompsit, ac coram Synodo legi postulavit, increbescenti hac in inexpostulatione plurium servori, ac multiloquio, modum imponunt Delegati politici malleo suo, quo mos est silentium obstr●●pentibus imperare. Denique praeses ad Synodum ●●efert diem lunae proximum Canonibus in majore u●●bis Templo publicandis destinatum esse, et sic conventus dimittitur.  
Sessio 153. 6. Maii stylo novo.] Convenimus primum in loco Synodali, ubi erat spectatorum nobiliumet aliorum, uttiusque sexus maximus confluxus; praeses solennem precationem concipit; qua hodierno negotio faustum successum vovet, auditorium dimittitur, paulo post, singuli Synodici non sine decora pompa a loco Synodali ad magnum Templum per platcas Dordrechtanas pergunt; nudique, cuncti numerosis spectatoribus, incedebant autem Synodici bini, hoc ordine, primo incedebant illustrissimo ordines Generales Delegati quos sequebatur ipsorum Secretarius D. Heinsius: postea secuti sunt D. Episcopus Landavensis; et D. Praeses Synodi ipsi a sinistra, dein reliqui omnes Theologi Exteri, secundum loca ipsis, in Synodo de signata, Exteros sequebantur D. assessores et scribae; post illos D. professores Belgici, et post ipsos reliqui provinciales Theologi, secundum illum quo in Synodi sedebant ordinem, In templum devenimus capacissimum et splendidum, quod tamen ingenti auditorum numero suit repletissimum, inter quos suerunt complurimi nobiles et Generosi, in utroque sexu cum ex Belgico, tum etiam ex aliis nationibus, occuparunt Synodici loca sua in choro templi ubi tota haec solennitas peragebatur, à parte dextra considebant, primum D. Praeses Ecclesiasticus, post eum D. Assessores et scribae, post illos D. Episcopus, reliquique deinceps se cūdū ordinem Synodicum, Theol. Exteri, in loco editiori et satis commodo, in scamnis inferioribus confidebant illust. ord. Gener. delegati, pos●● illos D. Professores Belgici, D. Praeses singulis suo ordine jam collocatis, ex pulpito ibi extructo commodissime sito ad partem chori occidentalem adeoque in ipsa Templi medietate, ubi possit commodissime à cōsertissi●●a corona ex audiri, solennitatem auspicatus est precatione valde prolixa, sed pientisima et appo●●itis●●ima, cujus prior pars et multo longior fuit ex solis scripturarum sententiis, cum summ●● elegantia, et judicio contexta, planeque concinnata ad venerandum antiquitatis stylum, legebat eam ex Schedulis descriptis, duravitque per hor●●dimidium, postea sine ullo prae famine, narrat quam brevissime auditorio indictum fuisse hanc solennem conventum, ut omnes jam tandem fructum laborum Synodicorū perciperent, audiren●●que prelectos illos canones, quos tot tantisque laboribus exantlatis, immenso dei beneficio, et suavissima omnium ac singulor ūm cōspiratione, veneranda Synodus conceperat, ac efformaverit.  
Itaque D. Dammamnus unus ex scribis Synodicis, in idem pulpitum ascendit, ac primum prelegit proaemium quod canonibus praefigitur: quo prelecto, D●● Praeses monet omnes auditores ut ex more recepto, singuli velint hodiernā laetitiam, et suam divinae majestati gratitudinem testari erogando ●●leemosynā pauperibus: quam diaconi quidam Ecclesiae Dordrech●●anae ad id muneris designati colligebant, procul dubio satis amplam: neminem enim observavimus qui manum suam fronte hilari non porrigebat, redit ad pulpitum D. Dammannus et aggreditur ipsorum canonum praelectionem, lectis articulis primi capitis contraversi, propter templi magni●●dinem, et spissas frequentissimi auditorii animas, deficere incipiehat ipsum vox, itaque D. Festus Hommius alter scriba Synodicus pulpitum conscendit, legitque canones de secundo tertio et quarto articulis; et voce ipsum qnoque ob praedictas causas deficiente, rediit D. Damma●●nus, legi●●que canones de quinto articulo, et Epilogum Synodicum, quibus finitis legit quoque singulorum subscriptiones, singuliad nomina sua audita sidem canonum apertione capitis restabantur postea legit quoque Idem sc●●iba Synodi censuram personalem de Remonstrantibus cui non addita crant singulorum Syngraphae, eo quod quidam ex Exteris voluerint de hominum personis sed tantum de ipsorum doctrina aliquid statuere.  
Post omnia lecta, legebatur quoque testimonium, D. Delegatorum, quo testantur se inter, fuisse dum isthaec agrerentur, om●●iaque quae jam prelecta fuerant optima ●●fide relata fuisse; quod singuli una cum D. Heinsio ipsorum secretario, suis Syngraphis comprobant, monet porro D. Praeses, confessionem & catechesin Belgicam esse quoque à Synodo comprobatas; & sic concludit cum precatione & gratiarum actione; ejusdem Plane flyli cum priori & fere Paris prolixitatis; post absolutam totam solennitatem pulsantur Organa, & sic omnes Synodici domum redeu●●ted locum Synodicum eodem plane ordine quo venerant; Ibi dominus Praeses monet jam omnia negotia Synodica quae poscerent opem Exterorum Theologorum, abloluta esse; Ideoque monet ut singula collegia duos mittant qui ad horam quartam Pomeridiana incipiant describere canonet, quibus postea subscribant ipse cum Assessoribus & scribis, ut sic singula collegia habeant exemplar authenticum asservandum in perpetuam rei memoriam: brevi precatione Synodum dimittit.  
Sessio 154. & ultima. 9 Maii. stylo novo.] D. Praeses movet hune ultimum Synodi conventum celebrari ad agendum Deo gratias pro exoptatissimo Synodi exitu, porr●●que ad agendas gratias Theologis Exteris pro gravissimis laboribus susceptis: Gregorius Martini unus ex Delegatis, ●● precationem habet suavissima & justae prolixitatis qua Deo gratias agit pro asserenda religionis punirate in Ecclesis Belgicis, operi & consiliis hujus Synodi, precaturque iisdem Ecclesiis in veritate hic asserta invictam constantiam, Precatione finita, oratione eleganti Theologos Exteros compellat, nomine Illustriss ord. gen. singulis gratias rependit pro saluberrimis ipsorum consiliis, & gra●●vis●●imis laboribus quibus hoc tempore Ecclesias Belgicas sublevassent, itidem & ingentibus illis princibus Rebuspublicis, Magistratibus qui ipsos delegassent, nominatim ipsos cum summa observantia recensendo; rogatque ut Ecclesias Belgicas ipsorū●●elsitudinibus curatent fore commendatissimas: rogat ut singuli praesentes persuadeant sibi de prolixissimo ord. gen. erga ipso animo, utque ante discessum Hagam comitis petant, referantque ab illustriss. ord. gen. gratias, & porro ad principes & Respublicas sus literas dimissorias.  
D. Praeses Ecclesiasticus oratione pia commemorat Dei beneficia in Ecclesiam suam saepius lapsentem, applicatione facta ad Ecclesias Belgicas praedicat mediata illa instrumenta quibus Deus ad hanc rem usus fuerat, cum primis Regē magnae Britanniae, deinde reliquos principes & Magistratus nominatim, qui huc Theologos fuos misissent: deinde omnes & singulos Theologos Exterors hic praesentes, quibus omnia fausta et caelestes benedictiones comprecatur, Jubetque ipso esse persuasissimos eorum memoriam fore hic in aeternum suavissimā primum Theologi Britanni singuli orationibꝰ brevibus et succinctis, Deo agunt gratias de Synodi tam faelici successu, D. Delegatis et fratribus Belgis ob singularē humanitatem, Deum rogant ut velit Ecclesias Belgicas sem●●er faelices esse et pacatas: Idem praestiterunt palatini perdominun Scultetum; Idem Hassiaci per D. Crucigerum, Idem Helvetii per D. Brittin germu. Idem Nassovici per D. Alstedium: Idem Genevenses singuli; Idem Bremenses, per D. Martinium, Idem Embdani singuli, sed uterque prolixissime, itaque omnes Exteri vota sua nuncupassent praeses Synodo piissima et Gratulatoria precationem finem imposuit; Tum, primum D. Delegati, dein. D. Praeses, dein. D. Assessores et scribae, dein Singuli Synodici Belgae loca sua relinquentes singulos Theologos Exteros ordine datis dextris et adjunctis votis humanissime salutant; atque sic Sessio haec auditoribus frequentissima●● ad●●oque ipsa Synodus Dor●● drechtana, cum summis gratulationibus, et maxima animorum laetitia ob speratum finem, et maerore ob corporum divulsionem Q. F. F. Q. sit dimissa est.  
FINIS.   

To the Reader.  
IF that ●●Reverend and worthy person Mr. Farindon had not died before the Impression of this Book, you had received from that excellent hand an exact account of the Authors Life, which he had begun, and resolved to perfect, and prefix to this Edition. And as the loss of him is great in many particulars, so especially in this; because there was none to whom Mr. Hales was so throughly known as unto him, nor was there any so able to declare his worth, partly by reason of his own abilities eminently known principally because he learned his Author from an intimate converse, who was a man never to be truly expressed but by himself.  
I am therefore to entreat thee, Reader, being deprived of the proper Plutarch, not to expect any such thing as a Life from me, but to accept of so much only as is here intended. If Mr. Hales were unknown unto thee, be pleased to believe what I know and affirm to be true of him; if he were known, then only be satisfied that what is published in his name did really proceed from him: and more than this needs not to be spoken in reference to the advancement of this Work; because he which knew or believeth what an excellent person Mr. Hales was, and shall be also persuaded that he was the Author of this Book, cannot choose but infinitely desire to see and read him in it.  
In order to the First of these, I shall speak no more than my own long experience, intimate acquaintance, and high veneration grounded upon both, shall freely and sincerely prompt me to. Mr. John Hales, sometime Greek Professor of the University of Oxford, long Fellow of Eton College, and at last also Prebendary of Windsor, was a man, I think, of as great a sharpness, quickness and subtlety of wit as ever this; or, perhaps, any Nation bred. His industry did strive, if it were possible, to equal the largeness of his capacity, whereby he became as great a Master of polite, various and Universal Learning as ever yet conversed with Books. Proportionate to his reading was his Meditation, which furnished him with a Judgement beyond the vulgar reach of man, built upon unordinary Notions, raised out of strange observations and comprehensive thoughts within himself. So that he really was a most prodigious Example of an acute and piercimg Wit, of a vast and illimited Knowledge, of a severe and profound Judgement.  
Although this may seem, as in itself it truly is, a grand Elogium; yet I cannot esteem him less in any thing which belongs to a good man then in those intellectual perfections: and had he never understood a letter he had other Ornaments sufficient to endear him. For he was of a Nature (as we ordinarily speak) so kind, so sweet, so courting all mankind, of an affability so prompt, so ready to receive all conditions of men, that I conceive it near as easy a task for any one to become so Knowing as so Obliging.  
A a Christian, none more ever acquainted with the nature of the Gospel, because none more Studious of the knowledge of it, or more curious in the search, which being strengthened by those great advantages before mentioned could not prove otherwise then highly effectual. He took indeed to himself a liberty of judging, not of others, but for himself: and if ever any man might be allowed in these matters to judge, it was he who had so long, so much, so advantageously considered, and which is more, never had the least worldly design in his determinations. He was not only most truly and strictly Just in his Secular transactions, most exemplarily Meek and Humble notwithstanding his perfections, but beyond all example Charitable, giving unto all, preserving nothing but his Books to continue his learning and himself: which when he had before digested, he was forced at last to feed upon, at the same time the happiest and most unfortunate helluo of Books the grand example of learning and of the envy and contempt which followeth it.  
This testimony may be truly given of his Person, and nothing in it liable to the least exception but this alone, that it comes far short of him, Which intimation I conceive more necessary for such as knew him not than all which hath been said.  
In reference to the second part of my Design, I confess, while he lived none was ever more solicited and urged to write, and thereby truly to teach the world, than he; none ever so resolved (pardon the expression, so obstinate) against it. His facile and courteous nature learned only not to yield to that solicitation. And therefore the World must be content to suffer the loss of all his learning with the deprivation of himself: and yet he cannot be accused for hiding of his talon, being so communicative that his chamber was a Church and his chair a Pulpit.  
Only that there might be some taste continue of him: here are some of his Remaines recollected; such as he could not but write, and such as when written were out of his power to destroy. These consist of two parts, of Sermons, and of Letters, and each of them proceeded from him upon respective obligations. The Letters though written by himself yet were wholly in the power of that Honourable person to whom they were sent, and by that means they were perserv'd. The Sermons preached on several occasions were snatched from him by his friends, and in their hands the Copies were continued or by transcription dispers●●d. Of both which I need to say no more than this, that you may be confident they are his.  
The Editor hath sent these abroad to explore what welcome they shall find; He hath some more of his Sermons & Tractates in his hands, & desires if any Person have any other Writings of the same Author by him, that he would be pleased to communicate them to the Printer of this work, T. Garthwait upon promise, and any other engagement, that he will take care to see them Printed, and set forth by themselves. This, Reader, is all the trouble thought fit to be given thee●●  By JOHN PEARSON.  

Mr. Garthwait.  
I Am very glad you chose so Judicious an Overseer of those SERMONS of Mr. HALES as Mr. Gunning, whom I always have had in high esteem both for his Learning and Piety; and I am of his Opinion, that they may pass for extraordinary. That Sermon of Wresting hard places of Scripture may well begin your Collection. The other on Rom. 14. 1. Him that is weak in the Faith receive, etc. was preached at Paul's Cross, and I moved him to print it. That of My Kingdom is not of this World; I once saw and returned to Mr. Hales with four more which I saw him put into Mr. Chillingworths' hands: I wish Dixi Custodiam were perfect, I have often heard him speak of it with a kind of Complacency. That of He speak a Parable that men ought always to pray, I believe is his by the passage of the Sponge and the Knife, which I have heard from his mouth. The Sermon which you had from D. Hammond upon Son remember, etc. was preached at Eton College. The other of Duels was either one or two, and preached at the Hague to Sr. D. Carlton and his company. That you call a Letter on I can do all things, is a Sermon. The Sermon of Peter went out and wept, etc.— is under his own hand.  
One caution I should put in, that you print nothing which is not written with his own hand, or be very careful in comparing them, for not long since one showed me a Sermon, which he said was his, which I am confident could not be; for I saw nothing in it which was not Vulgaris monetae, of a vulgar stamp, common, and flat, and low. There be some Sermons, that I much doubt of, for there is little of his spirit and Genius in them, and some that are imperfect, that of Genesis 17. 1. Walk before me, etc. is most imperfect, as appears by the Autographum which I saw at Eton a fortnight since.  
For his LETTERS, he had much trouble in that kind from several friends, and I heard him speak of that friends Letter you mention, pleasantly, Mr.— He sets up Tops and I must whip them for him. But I am very glad to hear you have gained Those Letters into your hands written from the Synod of Dort, you may please to take notice that in his younger days he was a Calvinist, and even then when he was employed at that Synod, and at the well pressing 3. S. John 16. by Episcopius,— there, I bid John Calvin good night, as he has often told me. I believe they will be as acceptable, or in your phrase as Saleable as his Sermons, I would not have you to venture those papers out of your hands to me, for they may miscarry, and I fear it would be very difficult to find another Copy; peradventure I may shortly see you, at the Term I hope I shall, and then I shall advise you further the best I can about those other Sermons you have.  
I see you will be troubled yet a while to put things in a right way. I have drawn in my mind the Model of his Life, but I am like Mr. HALES in this, which was one of his defects, not to pen any thing, till I must needs.  
God prosper you in your work and business you have in hand, that neither the Church nor the Author suffer.  
Septemb. Your assured friend to his power Anthony Farindon.   

CHOICE SERMONS PREACHED ON SEVERAL EMINENT OCCASIONS.  
By Mr. John Hales of Eton College.  
LONDON, Printed for Timothy Garthwait, at the Little North-door of St. Paul's.   
2 Pet. 3. 16. Which the unlearned and unstable wrist, as they do the other Scriptures, unto their own destruction. 
THE love and favour which it pleased God to bear our Fathers before the law, so far prevailed with him, as that without any books and writings, by familiar and friendly conversing with them, and communicating himself unto them, he made them receive and understand his laws: their inward conceits and intellectuals being after a wonderful manner as it were Figured, and Charactered, 
In Psal. 28.  (as St. Basil expresses it) by his spirit, so that they could not but see, and consent unto, and confess the truth of them. Which way of manifesting his will, unto many other gracious privileges which it had, above that which in after ages came in place of it, had this added, that it brought with it unto the man, to whom it was made, a preservation against all doubt and hesitancy, a full assurance both who the author was, and how far his intent and meaning reached. We that are their offspring ought, as St. chrysostom tell us, so to have demeaned ourselves, that it might have been with us as it was with them, 
Hom. 1. in Mat.  that we might have had no need of writing, no other teacher, but the spirit, no other books but our hearts, no other means to have been taught the things of God, Nisi inspirationis divinae internam suaviorémque doctrinam, ubi sine sonis sermonum & sine elementis literarum, eo dulciùs quo secretiùs veritas loquitur; as saith Fulgentius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Isidorus Pelusiota: for it is a great argument of our shame and imperfection that the holy things are written in books. 
L. 3. Epist. 106.  For as God in anger tells the Jews, that he himself would not go before them as●● hitherto he had done, to conduct them into the promised land, but would leave his Angel with them as his deputy: so hath he dealt with us, the unhappy posterity degenerated from the ancient purity of our forefathers. When himself refused to speak unto our hearts because of the hardness of them, he then began to put his laws in writing. Which thing for a long time amongst his own people seems not to have brought with it any sensible inconvenience. For amongst all those acts of the Jews, which God in his book hath registered for our instruction, there is not one concerning any pretended ambiguity or obscurity of the Text and Letter of their Law, which might draw them into faction and schism; the Devil belike having other sufficient advantages on which he wrought. But ever since the Gospel was committed to writing, what age, what monument of the Church's acts is not full of debate and strife, concerning the force and meaning of those writings, which the holy Ghost hath left us to be the law and rule of faith? St. Paul, one of the first penmen of the Holy Ghost, who in Paradise heard words which it was not lawful for man to utter, hath left us words in writing, which it is not safe for any man to be too busy to interpret. No sooner had he laid down his pen, almost ere the ink was dry, were there found Syllabarum aucupes, such as St. Ambrose spoke of, qui nescire aliquid erubescunt, & per occasionem obscuritatis tendunt laqueos deceptionis, who thought there could be no greater disparagement unto them, then to seem to be ignorant of any thing, and under pretence of interpreting obscure places laid gins to entrap the uncautelous; who taking advantage of the obscurity of St. Paul's text, made the letter of the Gospel of life and peace, the most-forcible instrument of mortal quarrel and contention. The growth of which, the Holy Ghost by the Ministry of St. Peter, hath endeavoured to cut up in the bud, and to strangle in the womb, in this short admonition which but now hath sounded in your ears. Which the unlearned, etc. In which words, for our more orderly proceeding, we will consider, First, the sin itself that is here reprehended, wresting of Scripture: where we will briefly consider what it is, and what causes and motioners it finds in our corrupt understandings. Secondly the persons guilty of this offence, deciphered unto us in two Epithets, unlearned, unstable. Last of all the danger in the last words, unto their own damnation. And first of the sin itself, together with some of the special causes of it.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They wrest. They deal with Scripture as Chimicks deal with natural bodies, torturing them to extract that out of them which God and nature never put in them. Scripture is a rule which will not fit itself to the obliquity of our conceits, but our perverse and crooked discourse, must fit itself to the straightness of that rule. A learned writer in the age of our fathers, commenting upon Scripture spoke most truly when he said, 
F●●ber.  that his Comments gave no light unto the text, the text gave light unto his Comments. Other expositions may give rules and directions for understanding their authors, but Scripture gives rules to exposition itself, and interprets the interpreter. Wherefore when we made in Scripture, non pro sententia divinarum Scripturarum, as St. Austin speaks, sed pro nostra ita dimicantes ut tan velimus Scripturarum esse quae nostra est: When we strive to give unto it, and not to receive from it the sense: when we factiously contend to fasten our conceits upon God: and like the Harlot in the book of Kings, take our dead and putrified fancies, and lay them in the bosom of Scripture as of a mother, then are we guilty of this great sin of wresting of Scripture. The nature of which will the better appear, if we consider a little, some of those motioners which drive us upon it. One very potent and strong mean is the exceeding affection and love unto our own opinions and conceits. For grown we are unro extremities on both hands: we cannot with patience either admit of other men's opinions, or endure that our own should be withstood. As it was in the Lacedaemonian army, almost all were Captains: so in these disputes all will be leaders: and we take ourselves to be much discountenanced, if others think not as we do. 
Scholar in Thucyd.  So that the complaint which one makes, concerning the dissension of Physicians about the diseases of our bodies, is true likewise in these disputes which concern the cure of our souls, hincillae circa aegros miserae sententiarum concertationes, nullo idem censente, ne videatur accessio alterius. 
Flinie.  From hence have sprung those miserable contentions about the distemper of our souls, singularity alone, and that we will not seem to stand as cyphers to make up the sum of other men's opinions, being cause enough to make us disagree. A fault anciently amongst the Christians so apparent, that it needed not an Apostolical spirit to discover it, the very heathen themselves to our shame and confusion, have justly, judiciously, and sharply taxed us for it. Ammianus Marcellinus passing his censure upon Constantius the Emperor: Christianam religionem absolutam & simplicem (saith he: and they are words very well worth your marking) Christianam religionem absolutam & simplicem anili superstitione confudit. In qua scrutanda perplexiùs quam componenda gratiùs, excitavit dissidia pluri●●a, quae progressa fusiùs aluit concertatione verborum, dum ritum omnem ad suum trahere conatur arbitrium. The Christian religion, a religion of great simplicity and perfection, he troubled with dotage and superstition. For going about rather perplexedly to search the controversies, then gravely to compose them, he raised great stirs, and by disputing spread them far and wide, whilst he went about to make himself sole Lord and commander of the whole profession. Now (that it may appear wherefore I have noted this) it is no hard thing for a man that hath wit, and is strongly possessed of an opinion, and resolute to maintain it, to find some places of Scripture, which by good handling will be wooed to cast a favourable countenance upon it. Pythagoras' Scholars having been bred up in the doctrine of numbers, when afterward they diverted upon the studies of nature, fancied unto themselves somewhat in natural bodies like unto numbers, and thereupon fell into a conceit that numbers were the principles of them. So fares it with him that to the reading of Scripture comes forepossest with some opinion. As Antipheron Orietes in Aristotle thought that every where he saw his own shape and picture going afore him: so in divers parts of Scripture where these men walk, they will easily persuade themselves that they see the image of their own conceits. It was, and is to this day, a fashion in the hotter countries, at noon, when the sun is in his strength, to retire themselves to their Closets or beds, if they were at home, to cool and shady places if they were abroad, to avoid the inconvenience of the heat of it. To this the Spouse in the Canticles alluding, calls after her beloved, as after a shepherd: Show me, O thou whom my soul loveth, where thou feedest thy flock, where thou dost rest at noon. The Donatists conceiting unto themselves that the Church was shut up in them alone; being urged by the fathers to show how the Church being universal, came on a sudden thus to be confined to afric: they had presently their Scripture for it: for so they found it written in the Canticles: Indica, quem diligit anima mea, ubi pascas, ubi cubes in meridie. In which text, meridies doubtless as they thought, was their Southern country of afric, where the shepherd of Israel was, and no where else, to feed his flocks. I may not trouble you with instances in this kind: little observation is able to furnish the man of slenderest reading with abundance. The texts of Scripture which are especially subject to this abuse, are those that are of ambiguous and doubtful meaning. For as Thucydides observes of the fat and fertile places of Greece, that they were evermore the occasions of stirs and seditions; the neighbouring nations every one striving to make itself Lord of them: so is it with these places that are so fertile, as it were, of interpretation, and yield a multiplicity of sense: they are the Palaestra for good wits to prove masteries in, where every one desires to be Lord and absolute.  
A second thing occasioning us to transgress against Scripture, and the discreet and sober handling of it, is our too quick and speedy entrance upon the practice of interpreting it, in our young and green years, before that time and experience have ripened us and settled our conceits. For that which in all other business, and here likewise doth most especially commend us, is our cautelous and wary handling it. But this is a flower seldom seen in youth's garden. Aristotle differencing age and youth, makes it a property of youth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to suppose they know all things and to be bold in affirming: and the heathen Rhetorician could tell us, that by this so speedy entering upon action, and so timely venting our crude and unconcocted studies, quod est ubique perniciosissimum, praevenit vires fiducia, a thing which in all cases is most pernicious, presumption is greater than strength, after the manner of those, who are lately recovered out of some great sickness, in whom appetite is stronger than digestion. These are they who take the greatest mysteries of Christian religion to be the fittest arguments to spend themselves upon. So Eckius in his Chrysopassus, a work of his so termed, wherein he discusses the question of predestination, in the very entrance of his work tells us, that he therefore enterprised to handle this argument, because forsooth he thought it to be the fittest question in which he might Juveniles calores exercere. The ancient Masters of fence amongst the Romans were wont to set up a post, and cause their young Scholars to practise upon it, and to foin and fight with it, as with an adversary. Instead of a post, this young fencer hath set himself up one of the deepest mysteries of our profession to practise his freshmanship upon. Which quality when once it finds Scripture for his object, how great inconvenience it brings with it, needs no large discourse to prove. St. Jerome, a man not too easily brought on to acknowledge the errors of his writings, amongst those few things which he doth retract, censures nothing so sharply as the mistake of his youth in this kind. In adolescentia provocatus ardore & study Scripturarum, allegoricè interpretatus sum Abdiam Prophetam, cujus historiam nesciebam. He thought it one of the greatest sins of his youth, that being carried away through an inconsiderate heat in his studies of Scripture, he adventured to interpret Abdias the Prophet allegorically, when as yet he knew not the historical meaning. Old men, saith our best natural master, by reason of the experience of their often mistakes, are hardly brought constantly to affirm any thing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they will always caute●●ously interline their speeches, with it may bees, and peradventures, and other such particles of wariness and circumspection. This old men's modesty of all other things best fits us in perusing those hard and obscure texts of holy Scripture. Out of which conceit it is that we see St. Austin in his books de Genesi ad literam, to have written only by way of questions and interrogations, after the manner of Aristotle in his Problems, that he might not, (for so he gives his reason, by being over positive prejudice others, and peradventure truer interpretations: that every one might choose according to his liking, & ubi quid intelligere non potest, Scripturae Dei det honorem, sibi timorem: and where his understanding cannot attain unto the sense of it, let him give that honour and reverence which is due unto the Scripture, and carry himself with that awe and respect which befits him. Wherefore not without especial providence it is, that the Holy Ghost by St. Paul giving precepts to Timothy, concerning the quality of those who were to be admitted to the distributing of God's holy word, expressly prescribes against a young Scholar, lest saith he, he be puffed up. For as it hath been noted of men, who are lately grown rich, that they differ from other rich men only in this, 
Arist. Rhet. 2.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that commonly they have all the faults, that rich men have and many more: so is it as true in those who have lately attained to some degree and mediocrity of knowledge. Look what infirmities learned men have, the same have they in greater degree, and many more besides. Wherefore if Hypocrates in his Physician required these two things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great industry and long experience, the one as tillage to sow the seed, the other as time and season of the year to bring it to maturity: then certainly by so much the more are these two required in the spiritual Physician, by how much he is the Physician to a more excellent part.  
I will add yet one third motioner to this abuse of Scriptures, and that is the too great presumption upon the strength & subtlety of our own wits. That which the Roman Priest sometimes told an over pleasant, and witty vestal Virgin, Coli Deos sanctè magis quam scitè, hath in this great work of exposition of Scripture an especial place. The holy things of God must be handled sanctè, magis quam sci è, with fear and reverence, not with wit and dalliance. The dangerous effects of this have appeared, not in the green tree only, in young heads, but in men of constant age, and great place in the Church. For this was that which undid Origen, a man of as great learning and industry, as ever the Church had any; whilst in sublimity of his wit, in his Comments on Scripture, conceiving Meteors and airy speculations, he brought forth those dangerous errors, which drew upon his person the Church's heaviest censure; and upon posterity the loss of his works. Subtle witted men in nothing so much miscarry as in the too much pleasing themselves in the goodness of their own conceits; where the like sometimes befalls them which befell X●●uxis the Painter, who having to the life pictured an old woman, so pleased himself with the conceit of his work that he died with laughing at it. Heliodor Bishop of Tricca in Thessaly, the Author of the Aethhiopic story, 
Nicephorus.  a polite and elegant I confess, but a loose and wanton work, being summoned by a Provincial Synod, was told, that which was true, that his work did rather endanger the manners than profit the wits of his Reader, as nourishing loose and wanton conceits in the heads of youth: and having his choice given him either to abolish his work, or to leave his Bishopric; not willing to lose the reputation of wit, chose rather to resign his place in the Church, and, as I verily think, his part in Heaven. And not in private persons alone, but even in whole nations, shall we find remarkable examples of miscarriage in this kind. The Grecians, till barbarism began to steal in upon them, were men of wondrous subtlety of wit, and naturally over indulgent unto themselves in this quality. Those deep and subtle heresies concerning the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ and of the holy Ghost, the Union and Division of the Divine Substance and Persons, were all of them begotten in the heat of their wits; yea, by the strength of them were they conceived, and born and brought to that growth, that if it had been possible for the gates of Hell to prevail against the Church, they would have prevailed this way. Wherefore as God dealt with his own land, which being sometimes the mirror of the world for fertility and abundance of all things, now lies subject to many curses, and especially to that of barrenness: so at this day is it with Greece Where sometimes was the flow and luxury of wit, now is there nothing but extreme barbarism and stupidity. It is in this respect so degenerated, that it scarcely for some hundreth of years hath brought forth a child that carries any show of his Father's countenance. God as it were purposely plaguing their miserable posterity with extreme want of that, the abundance of which their fathers did so wantonly abuse. The reason of all, that hitherto I have in this point delivered, is this, Sharpness of wit hath commonly with it two ill companions, pride, and levity. By the first it comes to pass that men know not how to yield to another man's reasonable positions; by the second, they know not how to keep themselves constant to their own. It was an excellent observation of the wise Grecian, 
Thu●●yd.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Sad and dull spirited men usually manage matters of State better than quick and nimble wits. For such for the most part have not learned that lesson, the meaning of that voice that came to the Pythagorean, that was desirous to remove the ashes of his dead friend out of his grave, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things lawfully settled and composed must not be moved. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith, julian. Men over busy are by nature unfit to govern. For they move all things, and leave nothing without question and innovation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nazianzen speaks, out of desire to amend what is already well. And therefore we see that for the most part such, if they be in place of Authority, by unseasonable and unnecessary tampering, put all things into tumult, and combustion. Not the Common wealth alone, but the Church likewise hath received the like blow from these kind of men. Nazianzen in his six and twentieth Oration, discoursing concerning the disorders committed in the handling of Controversies, speaks it plainly: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Great wits, hot and fiery dispositions have raised these tumults. From these it is (saith he) that Christians are so divided. We are no longer a tribe and a tribe, Israel and Judah, two parts of a small nation: but we are divided kindred against kindred, family against family, yea, a man against himself. But I must hasten to my second general part, the persons here accounted guilty of abuse of Scripture.  
The persons are noted unto us in two Epithets, unlearned, unstable. First, unlearned, It was Sain Jeroms complaint, that practitioners of other Arts could contain themselves within the bounds of their own Profession, Sola Scripturarum ars est, quam sibi omnes passim vendicant. Hanc garrula anus, hanc delirus senex, hanc sophista a verbosus, hanc universi praesumunt, lacerant, docent antequam discant: every one presumes much upon his skill, and therefore to be a teacher of Scripture: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (so Nazianzen speaks) as if this great mystery of Christianity were but some one of the common, base, inferior, and contemptible trades. I speak not this as ●● envied that all even the meanest of the Lords people should prop●●sie: but only that all kind of men may know their bounds, that no unlearned beast touch the hill, lest he be thrust through with a dart. It is true which we have heard, surgunt indocti & rapiunt regnum coelorum: they arise indeed, but it is as Saint Paul speaks of the resurrection, every man in his own order. Scripture is given to all, to learn: but to teach, and to interpret, only to a few. This bold intrusion therefore of the unlearned into the chair of the teacher, is that which here with our blessed Apostle I am to reprehend. Learning in general is nothing else but the competent skill of any man in whatsoever he professes. Usually we call by this name only our polite and Academical studies: but indeed it is common to every one, that is well skilled, well practised in his own mystery. The unlearned therefore, whom here our Apostle rebukes, is not he that hath not read a multiplicity of Authors: or that is not as Moses was, skilful in all the learning of the Egyptians: but he that taking upon him to divide the word of God, is yet but raw and unexperienced; or if he have had experience, wants judgement to make use of it. Scripture is never so unhappy, as when it falls into these men's fingers. That which old Ca●●o said of the Grecian Physicians, quandocunque ista gens literas suas dabit, omnia corrumpet, is most true of these men; whensoever they shall begin to tamper with Scripture, and vent in writing their raw conceits, they will corrupt and defile all they touch. Quid enim molestiae tristitiaeque temerarii isti praesumptores, etc. 
De Genesi ad literam.  as S. Austin complaineth: for what trouble and anguish these rash presumers (saith he) bring unto the discreeter sort of the brethren, cannot sufficiently be expressed: when being convinced of their rotten and ungrounded opinions; for the maintaining of that which with great levity and open falsehood they have averd, they pretend the authority of these sacred books, and repeat much of them even by heart, as bearing witness to what they hold: whereas indeed they do but pronounce the words, but understand not either what they speak, or of what things they do affirm. Belike as he that bought Orpheus' Harp, thought it would of itself make admirable melody, how unskilfully soever he touched it: so these men suppose that Scripture will found wonderful musically, if they do but strike it, with how great infelicity or incongruity soever it be. The reason of these men's offence against Scripture, is the same with the cause of their miscarriage in civil actions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Thucydi●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rude men, men of little experience, are commonly most peremptory: but men experienced, and such as have Waded in business, are slow of determination. Quintilian making a question, why unlearned men seem many times to be more copious than the learned (for commonly such men never want matter of discourse) answers that it is because whatsoever conceit comes into their heads, without care or choice they broach it, cum doctis sit electio & modus: whereas learned men are choice in their invention, and lay by much of that which offers itself. Wise hearted men, in whom the Lord hath put wisdom and understanding to know how to work all manner of work for the service of the sanctuary, like Bezaleel and Aholiab refuse much of the stuff which is presented them. But this kind of men whom here our Apostle notes, are naturally men of bold and daring spirits, quicquid dixerint, hoc legem Dei putant, as Saint Jerome speaks, whatsoever conceit is begotten in their heads, the spirit of God is presently the father of it: Ne scire dignantur quid Prophetae, quid Apostoli senserint, sed ad suum sensum incongrua aptant testimonia. But to leave these men, and to speak a little more home unto mine own auditory: Let us a little consider, not the weakness of these men but the greatness of the business, the manage of which they undertake. So great a thing as the skill of exposition of the word and Gospel is, so fraught with multiplicity of Authors, so full of variety of opinion, must needs be confessed to be a matter of great learning, and that it cannot, especially in our days, in short time with a mediocrity of industry be attained. For if in the Apostles times, when as yet much of Scripture was scarcely written, when God wrought with men miraculously to inform their understanding and supplied by revelation what man's industry could not yield; if I say in these times St. Paul required diligent reading, and expressly forbade greenness of scholarship: much more than are these conditions required in our times, wherein God doth not supply by miracle our natural defects, and yet the burden of our profession is infinitely increased. All that was necessary in the Apostles times is now necessary and much more. For if we add unto the growth of Christian learning, as it was in the Apostles times, but this one circumstance (to say nothing of all the rest) which naturally befalls our times, and could not be required at the hands of those who guided the first ages of the Church: that is, the knowledge of the state and succession of doctrine in the Church from time to time; a thing very necessary for the determining the controversies of these our days: how great a portion of our labour and industry would this alone require? Wherefore if Quintilian thought it necessary to admonish young men that they should not presume themselves satis instructos, si quem ex iis, qui breves circumferuntur, artis libellum edidicerint, & velut decretis technicorum tutos putent: if he thought fit thus to do in an art of so inferior and narrow a sphere; much more is it behooveful that young students in so high, so spacious, so large a profession, be advised nor to think themselves sufficiently provided upon their acquaintance with some Notitia, or Systeme of some technical divine. Look upon those sons of Anak, those Giantlike voluminous writers of Rome; in regard of whom our little tractats and pocket volumes in this kind, what are they but as Grasshoppers? I speak not this like some seditious or factious spy, to bring weakness of hands, or melting of heart upon any of God's people: but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to stir up and kindle in you the spirit of industry to enlarge your conceits, and not to suffer your labours to be cop'st and mewed up within the poverty of some pretended method. I will speak as Joshua did to his people, Let us not fear the people of that land, they are as meat unto us, their shadow is departed from them: the Lord is with us, fear them not. Only let us not think, sedendo & votis debellari posse, 
Livy  that the conquest will be gotten by sitting still and wishing all were well: or that the walls of these strong Cities, will fall down, if we only walk about them, and blow rams horns. But as the voice of God's people sometime was, by the sword of God and of Gideon, so that which here gives the victory must be the grace of God and our industry. For by this circumcised, narrow and penurious form of study, we shall be no more able to keep pace with them, than a child can with Hercules. but I forbear and pass away unto the second epithet, by which these rackers of Scriptures, are by St. Peter styled Vastable.  
IN the learning which the world teaches, it were almost a miracle to find a man constant to his own tenants. For not to doubt in things in which we are conversant, is either by reason of excellency and serenity of understanding throughly apprehending the main principles on which all things are grounded, together with the descrying of the several passages from them unto particular conclusions, and the diverticles and blind by-paths which Sophistry and deceit are wont to tread: and such a man can nature never yield: or else it is through a senseless stupidity, like unto that in the common sort of men, who conversing among the creatures, and beholding the course of heaven, and the heavenly host, yet never attend them, neither ever sinks it into their heads to marvel, or question these things so full of doubt and difficulty. Even such a one is he, that learns Theology in the School of nature, if he seem to participate of any setledness or composedness of conscience. Either it never comes into his head to doubt of any of those things, with which the world hath enured him: or if it doth, it is to no great purpose, he may smother and strangle, he can never resolve his doubt. The reason of which is this. It lies not in the world's power to give in this case a text of sufficient authority to compose and fix the thoughts of a soul, that is disposed to doubt. But this great inconvenience which held the world in uncertainty, by the providence of God is prevented in the Church. For unto it is left a certain, undoubted, and sufficient authority, able to exalt every valley, and lay low every hill, to smooth all rubs, and make our way so open and passable, that little enquiry serves. So that as it were a wonder in the school of nature to find one settled and resolved: so might it seem a marvel that in the Church any man is unstable, unresolved. Yet notwithstanding even here is the unstable man found too, and to his charge the Apostle lays this sin of wresting of Scripture. For since that it is confessed at all hands, that the sense and meaning of Scripture is the rule and ground of our Christian tenants, whensoever we alter them, we must needs give a new sense unto the word of God. So that the man that is unstable in his religion can never be free from violating of Scripture. The especial cause of this levity and flitting disposition in the common and ordinary sort of men, is their disability to discern of the strength of such reasons, as may be framed against them. For which cause they usually start, and many times falls away, upon every objection that is made. In which too sudden entertainment of objections, they resemble the state of those, who are lately recovered out of some long sickness, qui et si reliquias effugerint, suspicionibus tamen inquietantur, 
Seneca  & omnem c●●lorem corporis sui calumniantur: Who never more wrong themselves then by suspecting every alteration of their temper, and being affrighted at every little passion of heat, as if it were an ague-fit. To bring these men therefore unto an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to purchase them a setledness of mind; that temper that St. Austin doth require in him that reads his book, tales meorum Scriptorem velim judices, qui responsionem non semper desiderent, quum his quae leguntur audierint aliquid contradici: the same temper must be found in every reader of Scripture, he must not be at a stand and require an answer to every objection that is made against them. For as the Philosopher tells us that mad and fantastical men, are very apprehensive of all outward accidents, because their soul is inwardly empty and unfurnished of any thing of worth which might hold the inward attention of their minds: so when we are so easily dord and amated with every Sophism, it is a certain argument of great defect of inward furniture and worth, which should as it were balance the mind and keep it upright against all outward occurrents whatsoever. And be it that many times the means to open such doubts be not at hand, yet as S. Austin sometime spoke unto his Scholar Licentius concerning such advice and counsel as he had given him: Nolo te causas rationesque rimari, quae etiamsi reddi possint, sidei tamen, qua mihi credis non eas debeo: so much more must we thus resolve of those lessons which God teacheth us: the reasons and grounds of them, though they might be given, yet it fits not that credit and trust which we owe him, once to search into, or call in question. And so I come to the third general part, the danger of wresting of Scripture, in the last words, unto their own damnation.  
The reward of every sin is death. As the worm eats out the heart of the plant that bred it: so whatsoever is done amiss naturally works no other end, but destruction of him that doth it. As this is true in general, so is it as true, that when the Scripture doth precisely note out unto us some sin, and threatens death unto it, it is commonly an argument, that there is more than ordinary, that there is some especial sin, which shall draw with it some especial punishment. This sin of wresting of Scripture in the eye of some of the ancients seemed so ugly, that they have ranged it in the same rank with the sin against the holy Ghost. And therefore have they pronounced it a sin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greater than can be pardoned. 
Isidorus Pelusiota.  For the most part of other sins, are sins of infirmity or simplicity, but this is a sin of wit and strength. The man that doth it, doth it with a high hand; he knows, and sees, and resolves upon it. Again, Scripture is the voice of God: and it is confessed by all that the sense is Scripture, rather than the words. It cannot therefore be avoided, but he that wilfully strives to fasten some sense of his own upon it, other than the very nature of the place will bear, must needs take upon him the Person of God, and become a new inditer of Scripture: and all that applaud and give consent unto any such, in effect cry the same that the people did to Herod, the voice of God, and not of man. If he then that abases the Prince's coin deserves to die, what is his desert that instead of the tried silver of God's word stamps the name and Character of God upon Nehushtan, upon base brazen stuff of his own? 
2. Pet. 1. 20.  Thirdly, No Scripture is of private interpretation, saith the Apostle. There can therefore be but two certain and infallible interpreters of Scripture: either itself; or the holy Ghost the Author of it. Itself doth then expound itself, when the words and circumstances do sound unto us the prime, and natural, and principal sense. But when the place is obscure, involved and intricate, or when there is contained some secret and hidden mystery, beyond the prime sense; infallibly to show us this, there can be no Interpreter but the holy Ghost that gave it. Besides these two, all other Interpretation is private. Wherefore as the Lords of the Philistines sometimes said of the kine that drew the Ark unto Bethshemesh; If they go of themselves, then is this from God; but if they go another way, then is it not from God, it is some chance that hath happened unto us: so may it be said of all pretended sense of Scripture. If Scripture come unto it of itself, then is it of God: but if it go another way, or if it be violently urged and goaded on, then is it but a matter of chance, of man's wit and invention. As for those marvellous discourses of some, framed upon presumption of the spirits help in private, in judging or Interpreting of difficult places of Scripture, I must needs confess I have often wondered at the boldness of them. The spirit is a thing of dark and secret operation, the manner of it none can descry. As underminers are never seen till they have wrought their purpose; so the spirit is never perceived but by its effects. The effects of the spirit (as far as they concern knowledge and instruction) are not particular Information for resolution in any doubtful case (for this were plainly revelation) but as the Angel, which was sent unto Cornelius, informs him not, but sends him to Peter to School: so the spirit teaches not, but stirs up in us a desire to learn: Desire to learn makes us thirst after the means: and pious sedulity and carefulness makes us watchful in the choice, and diligent in the use of our means. The promise to the Apostles of the Spirit which should lead them into all truth, was made good unto them by private and secret informing their understandings, with the knowledge of high and heavenly mysteries, which as yet had never entered into the conceit of any man. The same promise is made to us, but fulfilled after another manner. For what was written by revelation in their hearts, for our instruction have they written in their books. To us for information, otherwise then out of these books, the spirit speaks not. When the spirit regenerates a man, it infuses no knowledge of any point of faith, but sends him to the Church and to the Scriptures. When it stirs him up to newness of life, it exhibits not unto him an inventory of his sins, as hitherto unknown; but either supposes them known in the law of nature, of which no man can be ignorant; or sends him to learn them from the mouth of his teachers. More than this in the ordinary proceeding of the holy spirit, in matter of instruction. I yet could never descry. So that to speak of the help of the spirit in private, either in dijudicating, or in interpreting of Scripture, is to speak they know not what. Which I do the rather note, first, because by experience we have learned, how apt men are to call their private conceits, the spirit: and again, because it is the especial error, with which S. Austin long ago charged this kind of men: tanto sunt ad seditionem faciliores, quanto sibi videntur spiritu excellere: by so much the more prone are they to kindle schism and contention in the Church, by how much they seem to themselves to be endued with a more eminent measure of spirit then their brethren; whilst 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as St. Basils' speaks) under pre●●ense of interpretation they violently broach their own conceits. Great then is the danger in which they wade, which take upon them this business of interpretation. temeritas asserendae incertae dubiaeque opinionis, saith St. Austin, difficile sacrilegii crimen evitat: the rashness of those that aver uncertain and doubtful interpretations for Catholic and absolute, can hardly escape the sin of sacrilege.  
But whereas our Apostle saith, their own destruction, is the destruction only their own? This were well if it stretched no farther. The ancients much complain of this offence, as an hinderer of the salvation of others. There were in the days of Istdorus Pelusiota some that gave out that all in the old Testament was spoken of Christ: belike out of extreme opposition to the Manichees, who on the otherside taught, that no text in the old Testament did foretell of Christ. That Father therefore dealing with some of that opinion, tells them how great the danger of their tenant is. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for if, saith he, we strive with violence to draw and apply those texts to Christ, which apparently pertain not to him, we shall gain nothing but this, to make all the places that are spoken of him suspected; and so discredit the strength of other testimonies, which the Church usually urges for the refutation of the Jews. For in these cases a wrested proof is like unto a suborned witness. It never doth help so much whilst it is presumed to be strong, as it doth hurt when it is discovered to be weak. S. Austin in his books de Genesi ad litteram, sharply reproves some Christians, who out of some places of Scripture misunderstood, framed unto themselves a kind of knowledge in Astronomy and Physiology, quite contrary unto some part of heathen learning in this kind, which were true and evident unto sense. A man would think that this were but a small error, and yet he doubts not to call it, turpenimis, & perniciosum & maximè cavendum. His reason warrants the roundness of his reproof. For he charges such to have been a scandal unto the word, and hinderers of the conversion of some heathen men that were scholars. For how, saith he, shall they believe our books of Scripture persuading the resurrection of the dead, the kingdom of heaven, and the rest of the mysteries of our profession, if they find them faulty in these things, of which themselves have undeniable demonstration? Yea though the cause we maintain be never so good, yet the issue of diseased and crazy proofs brought to maintain it, must needs be the same. For unto all causes, be they never so good, weakness of proof, when it is discovered, brings great prejudice, but unto the cause of religion most of all. St. Austin observed that there were some qui cum de aliquibus, qui sanctum nomen profitentur aliquid criminis vel falsi sonuerit, vel veri patuerit, instant, satagunt, ambiunt ut de omnibus hoc credatur. It fares no otherwise with religion itself, than it doth with the professors of it. Divers malignants there are, who lie in wait to espy where our reasons on which we build are weak, and having deprehended it in some, will earnestly solicit the world to believe that all are so, if means were made to bring it to light: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Nazianzen speaks: using for advantage against us no strength of their own, but the vice and imbecility of our defence. The book of the Revelation is a book full of wonder and mystery: the ancients seem to have made a religion to meddle with it, and thought it much better to admire it with silence, then to adventure to expound it: and therefore amongst their labours in exposition of Scripture, scarcely is there any one found that hath touched it. But our age hath taken better heart. and scarcely any one is there who hath entertained a good conceit of his own abilities, but he hath taken that book as a fit argument to spend his pains on. That the Church of Rome hath great cause to suspect herself, to fear lest she have a great part in the prophecies of that book, I think the most partial will not deny. Yet unto the expositors of it, I will give this advice, that they look that that befall not them, which Thucydides observes to befall the common sort of men: who though they have good means to acquit themselves like men, yet when they think their best hopes fail them, and begin to despair of their strength, comfort themselves with interpretations of certain dark and obscure prophecies. Many plain texts of Scripture are very pregnant, and of sufficient strength to overthrow the points maintained by that Church against us. If we leave these, & ground ourselves upon our private expositions of this book, we shall justly seem in the poverty of better proofs, to rest ourselves upon those prophecies; which, though in themselves they are most certain, yet our expositions of them must, (except God give yet further light unto his Church) necessarily be mixed with much uncertainty, as being at the best but unprobable conjectures of our own. Scarcely can there be found a thing more harmful to religion, then to vent thus our own conceits, and obtrude them upon the world for necessary and absolute. The Physician's skill as I conceive of it, stands as much on opinion, as any that I know, whatsoever. Yet their greatest master Hypocrates tells them directly: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Then the Physicians presumption upon opinion, there is not one thing that brings either more blame to himself or danger to his patient. If it be thus in an art which opinion taken away, must needs fall; how little room than must opinion have in that knowledge, where nothing can have place but what is of eternal truth? Where if once we admit of opinion all is overthrown? But I conclude this point, adding only this general admonition, that we be not too peremptory in our positions, where express text of Scripture fails us: that we lay not our own collections and conclusions with too much precipitancy. For experience hath showed us, that the error and weakness of them being afterwards discovered brings great disadvantage to Christianity, and trouble to the Church. The Eastern Church before S. Basils' time, had entertained generally a conceit, that that those Greek Particles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the rest, were so divided among the Trinity, that each of the Persons had his Particle which was no way appliable to the rest. S. Basil having discovered this to be but a niceness and needless curiosity, beginning to teach so, raised in the Church such a tumult, that he brought upon himself a great labour of writing many tracts in Apology for himself, with much ado, ere matters could again be settled. The fault of this was not in Basil, who Religiously fearing what by way of consequence might ensue upon an error, taught a truth; but in the Church, who formerly had with too much facility admitted a conclusion so justly subject to exception. And let this suffice for our third part.  
Now because it is apparent that the end of this our Apostles admonition is to give the Church a caveat how she behave herself in handling of Scripture, give me leave a little, instead of the use of such doctrines as I have formerly laid down, to show you, as far as my conceit can stretch, what course any man may take to save himself from offering violence unto Scripture, and reasonably settle himself, any pretended obscurity of the text whatsoever notwithstanding. For which purpose the diligent observing of two rules shall be throughly available. First, The literal, plain, and uncontroversable meaning of Scripture without any addition or supply by way of interpretation, is that alone which for ground of faith we are necessarily bound to accept, except it be there where the holy Ghost himself treads us out another way. I take not this to be any peculiar conceit of mine, but that unto which our Church stands necessarily bound. When we receded from the Church of Rome, one motive was, because she added unto Scripture her glosses as Canonical, to supply what the plain text of Scripture could not yield. If in place of hers, we set up our own glosses, thus to do, were nothing else but to pull down Baal, and set up an Ephod; to run round, and meet the Church of Rome again in the same point, in which at first we left her. But the plain, evident and demonstrative ground of this rule, is this. That authority which doth warrant our faith unto us, must every way be free from all possibility of error. For let us but once admit of this, that there is any possibility that any one point of faith should not be true; if it be once granted that I may be deceived in what I have believed; how can I be assured that in the end I shall not be deceived? If the author of faith may alter: or if the evidence and assurance that he hath left us be not pregnant, and impossible to be defeated, there is necessarily opened an inlet to doubtfulness and wavering, which the nature of faith excludes. That faith therefore may stand unshaken, two things are of necessity to concur. First, that the Author of it be such a one, as can by no means be deceived, and this can be none but God. Secondly, that the words and text of this Author upon whom we ground, must admit of no ambiguity, no uncertainty of interpretation. If the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall provide himself to battle. If the words admit a double sense, and I follow one, who can assure me that that which I follow is the truth? For infallibility either in judgement, or interpretation, or whatsoever, is annexed neither to the See of any Bishop, nor to the Fathers, nor to the Counsels, nor to the Church, nor to any created power whatsoever. This doctrine of the literal sense was never grievous or prejudicial to any, but only to those who were inwardly conscious, that their positions were not sufficiently grounded. When Cardinal Cajetan in the days of our grandfathers had forsaken that vein of postilling and allegorising on Scripture, which for a long time had prevailed in the Church, and betaken himself unto the literal sense: it was a thing so distasteful unto the Church of Rome, that he was forced to find out many shifts, and make many apologies for himself. The truth is (as it will appear to him that reads his writings) this sticking close to the literal sense was that alone, which made him to shake many of those tenants, upon which the Church of Rome and the Reformed Churches differ. But when the importunity of the Reformers, and the great credit of calvin's writings in that kind, had forced the Divines of Rome to levelly their interpretations by the same line: when they saw that no pains, no subtlety of wit was strong enough to defeat the literal evidence of Scripture: it drove them on those desperate shelves, on which at this day they stick, to call in question, as far as they durst, the credit of the Hebrew text, and countenance against it a corrupt translation; to add traditions unto Scripture; and to make the Church's interpretation, so pretended, to be above exception. As for that restriction which is usually added to this rule, that the literal sense is to be taken, if no absurdity follow, though I acknowledge it to be sound and good, yet my advice is that we entertain it warily. S. Basil thought the precept of Christ to the rich man in the Gospel, Go sell all thou hast and give unto the poor, to be spoken as a command universally and eternally binding all Christians without exception. And making this objection, how possibly such a life could be amongst Christians, since where all are sellars, none could be buyers: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Ask not me the sense of my Lords commands. He that gave the Law, can provide to give it possibility of being kept without any absurdity at all. Which speech, howsoever we may suppose the occasion of it to be mistaken; yet is it of excellent use, to repress our boldness, whereby many times, under pretence of some inconvenience, we hinder Scripture from that latitude of sense, of which it is naturally capable. You know the story of the Roman Captain in Gellius, and what he told the Shipwright, that chose rather to interpret, then to execute his Lords command: Corrumpi atque dissolvi omne imperantis officium, si quis ad id quod facere jussus est non obsequio debito, sed consilio non desiderato respondeat. It will certainly in the end prove safer for us to entertain God's Commandments obsequio debito, then to interpret them acumine non desiderato. Those other ways of interpretation, whether it be by allegorising, or allusion or whatsoever, the best that can be said of them is that which Basil hath pronounced: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We account of them as of trim, elegant, and witty speeches, but we refuse to accept of them, as of undoubted truths. And though of some part of these that may be said which one said of his own work, 
Ausoni●● in monosyl.  quod ad usum lusi, quod ad, molestiam laboravi, in respect of any profit comes by them, they are but sport, but in respect of the pains taken in making of them they are labour & travel: yet much of them is of excellent use in private: either to raise our affections or to spend our meditations, or (so it be with modesty) to practise our gifts of wit to the honour of him that gave them. For if we absolutely condemn these interpretations, then must we condemn a great part of antiquity, who are very much conversant in this kind of interpreting. For the most partial for antiquity cannot choose but see and confess thus much, that for the literal sense the Interpreters of our own times, because of their skill in the Original Languages, their care of pressing the circumstances and coherence of the text; of comparing like places of Scripture with like, have generally surpassed the best of the ancients. Which I speak not to discountenance antiquity, but that all ages, all persons may have their due. And let this suffice for our first rule.  
The Jewish Rabbins in their Comments on Scripture so oft as they met with hard and intricate texts, out of which they could not wrest themselves, were wont to shut up their discourse with this, Elias cumvenerit, solvet dubia: Elias shall answer this doubt when he comes. Not the Jews only, but the Learned Christians of all ages have found many things in Scripture which yet expect Elias. For besides those texts of Scriptures, which by reason of the hidden treasures of wisdom, and depth of sense and mystery laid up in them, are not yet conceived, there are in Scripture of things that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemingly confused, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carrying semblance of contrariety, anachronisms, metachronisms, and the like, which bring infinite obscurity to the text: there are I say in Scripture more of them, then in any writing that I know secular or Divine. If we mean not to settle ourselves till all these things are answered, let us take heed lest the like be said to us, which S. Austin said to some of the Gentiles, who refused to believe till all objections were satisfied sunt enim innumerabiles quae non sunt finiendae ante fidem, ne vita finiatur sine fide. The Areopagites in Athens, when they were troubled in a doubtful case in which they durst not proceed to sentence, were wont causam in diem longissimam differre, to put it off till a day of hearing for some hundreth years after, avoiding by this means the further being importuned with the suit. To quiet ourselves in these doubts it will be our best way in diem longissimam differre, to put them to some day of hearing a far off, even till that great day, till Christ our true Elias shall come, who at his coming shall answer all our doubts, and settle all our waver. Mean while till our Elias come, let us make use of this second rule. In places of ambiguous and doubtful, or dark and intricate meaning, it is sufficient if we religiously admire and acknowledge and confess: using that moderation of Austin: Neutram partem affirmantes sive destruentes, sed tantummodo ab audaci affirmandi praesumptione revocantes. Qui credit, saith one, satis est illi quod Christus intelligat. To understand belongs to Christ the Author of our Faith: to us is sufficient the glory of believing. Wherefore we are to advise, not so much how to attain unto the understanding of the mysteries of Scripture; as how it best fits us to carry ourselves when either the difficulty of the text, or variety of opinions shall distract us. In the sixth General Council Honorius Bishop of Rome is condemned for a Monothelite. Two Epistles there are of his which are produced to give evidence against him. For the first I have nothing to say. For the second (I speak with submission to better judgement) notwithstanding the sharp proceeding of the Council against him, I verily suppose that he gives unto the Church the best Counsel, that ever yet was given for the settling of doubts, and final decision of controversy. For that which he teaches in that Epistle, at least in those parts of it, which there are brought, sounds to no other purpose but this: That whereas there was lately raised in the Church a controversy concerning the duality or unity of wills in Christ; since that hitherto nothing in the Church concerning either part hath been expressly taught, his Counsel was that men would rather cease to doubt, then to be curious to search for any solution of their doubtings; and so abstain from teaching doctrinally either part, and content themselves with that express measure of faith, with which the Church hath hitherto rest satisfied. This to my conceit is the drift of his Epistle. How this advice of the Bishops was appliable or how it fitted the question then in controversy; or what reason moved the Council to think that it was absolutely necessary for them, to give an express decision, and determine for the one part, belongs not to me to discuss. But I verily persuade myself, that if it had pleased those, who in all ages have been set to Govern the Church of God, betimes to have made use of this advice, to have taught men rather not to have doubted, then to have expected still solution of their doubtings: to have stopped and damned up the originals and springs of controversies, rather than by determining for the one part, to give them as it were a pipe and conduit to convey them to posterity, I persuade myself the Church had not suffered that inundation of opinions, with which at this day it is overrun. Is it not Saint Paul's own practice, when having brought in a question concerning God's justice in predestination, he gives no other answer but this, O man, who art thou that disputest with God? Is it not his plain purpose to advise the disputer rather not to make the question, then to require a determination of it at his hands? How many of the questions even of our own times, even of those that are at home amongst us, might by this way long since have been determined? I have, I confess, the same disease that my first Parents in Paradise had, a desire to know more than I need. But I always thought it a very judicious commendation, which is given to Julius Agricola, that he knew how to bridle his desire in pursuit of knowledge, retinuitque, quod est difficillimum, ex scientia modum. Mallem quidem (as S. Austin saith) eorum quae à me quaesivisti habere scientiam, quam ignorantiam; sed quia id nondum potui, magis eligo cautam ignorantiam confiteri, quam falsam scientiam profiteri. It shall well befit our Christian modesty to participate somewhat of the Sceptike, and to use their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 till the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and remainder of our knowledge be supplied by Christ: In quem si credimus, ut si aliqua nobis non aperiat etiam pulsantibus, nullo modo adversus eum murmurare debeamus. To conclude, S. Austin in his eightieth Epistle discoursing of the speedy or slow coming of our Saviour to judgement, to show that it is the safest way to teach neither, but to suspend our belief, and confess our ignorance, ranging himself with men of this temper, obsecro te (saith he to Hesychius, to whom he writes that Epistle) obsecro te ut me talem non spernas. So give me leave to commence the same suit to you: obsecro vos ut me talem non spernatis. Let me request you bear with me, if I be such a one, as I have S. Austin for example. For it is not depth of knowledge, nor knowledge of antiquity, or sharpness of wit, nor authority of Counsels, nor the name of the Church can settle the restless conceits, that possess the minds of many doubtful Christians: only to ground for faith on the plain uncontroversable Text of Scripture, and for the rest to expect and pray for the coming of our Elias, this shall compose our waver, and give final rest unto our souls.  
Thus instead of a discourse which was due unto this time, concerning the glorious Resurrection of our blessed Saviour, and the benefits that come unto us by it, I have diverted myself upon another theme, more necessary as I thought for this auditory, though less agreeable with this solemnity. Those who have gone afore me in that argument have made so copious a harvest, that the issue of my gatherings must needs have been but small, except I had with Ruth gleaned out of their sheaves, or strained my industry which is but small, and my wits which are none, to have held your attentiveness with new and acquaint conceits. In the mean time, whether it be I or they, or whatsoever hath been delivered out of this place, God grant that it may be for his honour, and for the Churches good, to whom both it and we are dedicated. To God the Father, etc.   
Rom. 14. 1. Him that is weak in the faith receive, but not to doubtful disputations. 
MIght it so have pleased God that I had in my power the choice of my ways, and the free management of my own actions, I had not this day been seen, (for so I think I may better speak: seen may I be of many, but to be heard with any latitude and compass my natural imperfection doth quite cut of:) I had not I say in 
* St. Paul's Cross  this place this day been seen; Ambition of great and famous Auditories I leave to those whose better gifts and inward endowments are Admonitioners unto them of the great good they can do, or otherwise thirst after popular applause. Unto myself have I evermore applied that of St. Jerome, mihi sufficit cum auditore & Lectore pauperculo in angulo Monasterii susurrare, a small, a private, a retired auditory better accords both with my will and my abilities. Those unto whose discretion the furniture of this place is committed, ought especially to be careful, since you come hither to hear, to provide you those who can be heard, for the neglect of this one circumstance, how poor soever it may seem to be, is no less than to offend against that faith which cometh by hearing; and to frustrate as much as in them is, that end for which alone these meetings were ordained. We that come to this place as God came to Elias in the mount, in a soft and still voice, to those which are near us, are that which the grace of God doth make us, unto the rest we are but Statues: such therefore as my Imperfection in this kind shall offend, such as this day are my spectators only, know, I trust whom they are to blame. At my hands is only required truth in sincerely discharging a common care, at others, care of profitably delivering a common truth. As for me, the end of whose coming is to exhort you to a gracious interpreting of each others imperfections, having first premised this Apology for myself, it is now time to descend to the exposition of that Scripture, which I have proposed. Infirmum in side recipite, etc. Him that is weak in the faith receive, etc.  
GOodness, of all the attributes, by which a man may be styled, hath chief place and Sovereignty. Goodness, I say, not that Metaphysical conceit which we dispute of in our Schools, and is nothing else but that perfection which is inwardly due, unto the Being of every creature, and without which either it is not at all, or but in part, that whose name it bears: but that which the common sort of men do usually understand, when they call a man Good; by which is meant nothing else, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a soft, and sweet, and flexible disposition. For all other Excellencies and Eminent qualities which raise in the minds of men, some opinion and conceit of us, may occasion peradventure some strong respect in another kind; but impression of love and true respect nothing can give but this. Greatness of place and authority may make us feared, Depth of Learning admired, Abundance of wealth may make men outwardly obsequious unto us; but that which makes one man a God unto another, that which doth tie the Souls of men unto us, that which like the Eye of the Bridegroom, in the book of Canticles, ravishes the heart of him that looks upon it, is Goodness, without this mankind were but (as one speaks) Commissiones merae, & arena sine calce, stones heaped together without mortar, or pieces of boards without any cement to combine and tie them together. For this it hath singular in it, above all other properties, of which our Nature is capable, that it is the most Available to Humane Society, incorporating, and as it were kneading us together by softness of disposition, by being compassionate, by gladly communicating to the necessity of others, by Transfusing ourselves into others, and Receiving from others into ourselves. All other Qualities, how excellent soever they are, seem to be somewhat of a melancholic and solitary disposition. They shine then brightest, when they are in some one alone, or attained unto by few; once make them common, and they lose their lustre. But Goodness is more sociable; and rejoiceth in equalling others unto itself, and loses its Nature, when it ceases to be communicable. The Heathen speaking of God usually style him by two Attributes. Optimus & Maximus, the one importing his goodness, the other his Power. In the first place they called him Optimus, a name signifying his goodness, giving the precedency unto it; and in the second place Maximus, a name betokening his Power: yea, Goodness is that wherein God himself doth most delight himself; and therefore all the Acts of our Saviour, while he conversed on earth among men, were purely the issues of his tenderness without any aspersion of Severity, two only excepted: I mean his Chase the Prophaners out of the Temple, and the Curse laid upon the innocent Figtree: and yet in both these mercy rejoiced against judgement and his goodness had the pre-eminence. For the first brought some smart with it indeed, but no harm at all, as Fathers use to chastise their Children by means that fear them more than hurt them. The second of itself was nothing, as being practised on a Creature dull and senseless of all smart, and punishment; but was merely Exemplary for us, sterilitas nostra in sicu vapulat. Christ whips our fruitlesness in the innocent figtree; like as the Manner was among the Persians, when their great men had offended, to take their Garments and bear them. Now that gracious way of goodness which it pleased our Saviour, thus to tread himself before us, the same hath he left behind him to be gone by us, and hath ordained us a course of Religious and Christian service unto him, known by nothing more than goodness and compassion. The very Heathen themselves, though utter enemies unto it, have candidly afforded us this Testimony. Ammianus Marcellinus taxing Georgius a factious and proud Bishop of Alexandria, for abusing the weakness of Constantius the Emperor by base tale-bearing and privy informations; notes precisely that he did it, Oblitus professionis suae, quae nil nisi justum suadet & lean; quite besides the meaning of his profession, whose especial notes were Gentleness and Equity. And Tertullian tells us that anciently among the Heathen, the professors of Christanity, were called, not Christiani, but Chrestiani, from a word signifying Benignity and sweetness of disposition. The learned of our times, who for our instruction, have written the Notis Ecclesiae by what notes and signs, we may know the Church of Christ may seem to have but ill forgotten, this which the Heathen man had so clearly discovered. For what reason is there, why that should not be one of the chiefest notes of the Church of Christ, which did so especially characterise a Christian man, except it were the decay of it at this day in the Church: of this thing therefore so excellent in itself, so useful, so principally commended by the precept and example of our blessed Saviour, one especial part is, if not the whole, which here by our Apostle is commended unto us, when he speaks unto ●● of kindly entreating, & making much of such, who are as he calls them weak in Faith.  
Him that is weak in Faith, etc. To know the natural ground and occasion of which words, it shall be very pertinent, to note unto you, that with the Church of Christ, as it signifies a Company of men on earth, it fares no otherwise, than it doth with other Societies, and civil Corporations. One thing there is unavoidable, and natural to all societies, which is the greatest occasioner, yea the very ground of disunion and dissent, I mean Inequality of persons and degrees. All are not of the same worth, and therefore all cannot carry the same esteem and countenance: yet all even the meanest are alike impatient of discountenance and contempt, be the persons never so great, from whence it proceeds. Wherefore we find that in States governed by the people nothing did more exasperate the common sort, than the conceit of being contemned by men of greater place. For the taking away therefore of tumult and combustion, which through this inequality might arise, it was anciently accounted an excellent policy in the Roman state, that men of greater account and place, did as it were share the inferior sort amongst themselves, and every one according to his Ability entertained some part of them as Clients, to whom they yielded all lawful favour and protection. Even thus it fares with the Church of God, it cannot be, that all in it should be of equal worth, it is likewise distinguished into Plebem and Optimates. Some there are, and those that either through abundance of spiritual graces, or else of natural gifts do far outstrip a great part of other Christians, these are the Optimates, the Nobles of the Church whom our Apostle, some where calls strong men in Christ. Others there are, and those most in number, who either because God hath not so liberally blest them with gifts of understanding, and capacity; or by reason of some other imperfections are either not so deeply skilled in the mysteries of Christ, and of Godliness, or otherwise weak in manners and behaviour, and these are the Plebs the Many of the Church, whom our Apostle sometimes calls Brethren of low degree, sometimes Babes in Christ, and here in my text the weak and sick in faith. Men, by nature querulous, and apt to take exception, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Electra in the Tragedy. A sick man is a pettish, and wayward Creature hard to be pleased; as therefore with the sick, so are we now to deal with a Neighbour weak and sick of his spiritual constitution, and much we are to bear with his frowardness, where we cannot remedy it. For as Varro sometimes spoke of the Laws of Wedlock. Vxoris vitium aut tollendum est aut ferendum, either a man must amend, or endure the faults of his wife, he that amends them makes his wife the better, but he that patiently endures them makes himself the better: so is it much more true in dealing with our weak Brethren, if we can by our behaviour remedy their imbecilities, we make them the better, if not, by enduring them we shall make ourselves the better; for so shall we increase the virtue of our patience, and purchase to ourselves at God's hand a more abundant reward. A great part of the lustre of a Christian man's virtue were utterly obscure, should it want this mean of showing itself; for were all men strong, were all of sufficient discretion, to see and judge of Conveni●●ncy, where were the glory of our forbearance? As well therefore to increase the reward of the strong man in Christ, as to stop the whining and murmuring of the weaker sort, and to give content at all hands, our Apostle like a good Tribune in this Text gives a rule of Christian popularity advising the man of worthier parts, to avoid all slighting behaviour, to open the arms of tenderness and compassion, and to demerit by all courtesy the men of meaner rank, so to prevent all inconvenience, that might arise out of disdainful and respectless carriage; for God is not like unto mortal Princes, jealous of the man whom the people love. In the world nothing is more dangerous for great men, than the extraordinary favour, and applause of the people. Many excellent men have miscarried by it. For Princes stand much in fear, when any of their subjects hath the heart of the people. It is one of the commonest grounds upon which Treason is raised, Absolom had the Art of it, who by being plausible, by commiserating the people's wrongs, and wishing the redress; O that I were a Judge to do this people good, by putting out his hand and embracing and kissing every one that came nigh him, so stole away the hearts of the people, that he had well-nigh put his Father beside his Kingdom: but what altars and undoes the Kingdoms of this world, that strengthens and increases the Kingdom of God, Absolom the popular Christian, that hath the art of winning men's souls, and making himself beloved of the people, is the best subject in the Kingdom of grace, for this is that which our Apostle expresses in the phrase of Receiving the weak.  
Now it falls out oftentimes that men offend through intempestive compassion and tenderness, as much as by over much rigidness and severity: as much by familiarity, as by superciliousness and contempt. Wherefore even our love and courtesy must be managed by discretion. St. Paul saw this well; and therefore he prescribes limits to our affections, and having in the former part of my text counselled us as Christ did Peter, to let loose our nets, to make a draught; to do as Joseph did in Egypt, open our garners and storehouses, that all may come to buy, to admit of all, to exclude none, from our indulgence and courtesy, in this second part But not to doubtful disputations; he sets the bounds how far our love must reach. As Moses in the 19 of Exodus, set bounds about Mount Sinai, forbidding the people, that they go not up to the Hill, or come within the borders of it, so hath the Apostle appointed certain limits to our love and favour, within which it shall not be lawful for the people to come. Enlarge we the Phylacteries of our goodness as broad as we list, give we all countenance unto the meaner sort, admit we them into all inwardness, and familiarity; yet unto disputations and controversies, concerning profounder points of Faith and religious mysteries, the meaner sort may be by no means admitted. For give me leave now to take this for the meaning of the words: I know they are very capable of another sense: as if the Apostles counsel had been unto us to entertain withal courtesy our weaker brethren, and not overbusily to inquire into, or censure their secret thoughts and doubtings, but here to leave them to themselves, and to God who is the Judge of thoughts. For many there are, otherwise right good men, yet weak in judgement, who have fallen upon sundry private conceits, such as are unnecessary differencing of meats and drinks, di●●●ction of days or (to exemplify myself in some conceit of our times) some singular opinions concerning the State of Souls departed, private interpretations of obscure Texts of Scripture, and others of the same nature: of these or the like thoughts, which have taken root in the hearts of men of shallow capacity, those who are more surely grounded, may not presume themselves to be judges, many of these things of themselves, are harmless, and indifferent, only to him that hath some prejudicated opinion of them, they are not so, and of these things they who are thus, or thus conceited shall be accountable to God, and not to man; to him alone shall they stand or fall. Wherefore, bear (saith the Apostle) with these infirmities, and take not on you to be Lords of their thoughts, but gently tolerate these their unnecessary conceits and scrupulosities. This though I take to be the more natural meaning of the words, (for indeed it is the main drift of our Apostles discourse in this chapter) yet choose I rather to follow the former interpretation. First, because of the Authority of sundry learned Interpreters, and because it is very requisite that our age should have something said unto it concerning this over bold intrusion of all sorts of men into the discussing of doubtful Disputations. For Disputation, though it be an excellent help to bring the truth to light, yet many times by to much troubling the waters, it suffers it to slip away unseen, especially with the meaner sort who cannot so easily espy, when it is mixed with Sophistry and deceit. Infirmum autem in side recipite, but not to doubtful disputations.  
This my text therefore is a Spiritual Regimen and diet for these who are of a weak and sickly constitution of mind, and it contains a Recipe for a man of crazy and diseased faith. In which by that which I have delivered, you may plainly see there are two general parts. First an admonition of courteous entertainment to be given to the weaker sort in the first words. Him that is weak in the Faith receive, etc. Secondly, the restraint and bound of this Admonition, how far it is to extend even unto all Christian offices, excepting only the hearing of doubtful disputations. In the first part we will consider; first, who these weak ones are of whom the Apostle speaks, and how many kinds of them there be, and how each of them may be the subject of a Christian man's goodness and courtesy. Secondly, who these persons are, to whom this precept of entertaining is given, and they are two, either, the private man, or the public Magistrate. In the second general part we will see what reasons we may frame to ourselves, why these weak ones should not be admitted to questions and doubtful disputations. Which points severally, and by themselves we will not handle, but we will so order them, that still as we shall have in order discovered some kind of weak man, whom our Apostle would have received, we will immediately seek how far forth he hath a right to be an hearer of sacred disputation, and this as far only as it concerns a private man: And for an upshot in the end, we will briefly consider by itself, whether, and how far this precept of bearing with the weak pertains to the man of public place, whether in the Church or in the commonwealth. And first concerning the weak, as he may be a subject of Christian courtesy in private. And here because, that in comparison of him that is strong in Christ, every man of what estate soever, may be said to be weak, the strong man only excepted, we will in the number of the weak contain all persons whatsoever. For I confess, because I wish well to all, I am willing that all should reap some benefit by my text. As therefore the woman in the Gospel, who in touching only the Him of Christ's garment did receive virtue to cure her disease: so all weak persons whatsoever, though they seem to come behind, and only touch the hem of my text, may peradventure receive some virtue from it to redress their weakness; nay, as the King in the Gospel that made a feast, and willed his servants to go out to the highways side to the blind, and the lame, and force them in that his house might be full: so what lame or weak person soever he be, if I find him not in my text, I will go out and force him in, that the doctrine of my Text may be full, and that the goodness of a Christian man may be like the widow's oil in the book of Kings, that never ceased running so long as there was a vessel to receive it. Wherefore to speak in general: there is no kind of man, of what life, of what profession, of what estate and calling soever, though he be an heathen, and Idolater, unto whom the skirts of Christian compassion do not reach. St. Paul is my author: Now whilst you have time (saith he) do good unto all men, but especially to the household of Faith. The household of faith indeed hath the pre-eminence; it must be chiefly, but not alone respected. The distinction that is to be made, is not by excluding any, but not participating alike unto all, God did sometimes indeed tie his love to the Jewish Nation only, and gave his laws to them alone: but afterward, he enlarged himself, and instituted an order of serving him promiscuously capable of all the world. As therefore our religion is, so must our compassion be, catholic. To tie it either to persons or to place, is but a kind of moral Judaisme. Did not St. Paul teach us, thus much common reason would. There must of necessity be some free intercourse with all men, otherwise the passages of public commerce were quite cut of, and the common law of Nations must needs fall. In some things we agree, as we are men, and thus far the very heathen themselves are to be received. For the goodness of a man which in Solomon's judgement, extendeth even to a beast, much more must stretch itself to a man of the same nature with him, be his condition what it will. St. Paul loved the Jews, because they were his brethren according to the Flesh. We that are of the heathen by the same same anology ought to be as tenderly affected to the rest our brethren, who though they be not as we are now, yet now are that which we sometimes were. Pacile est atque proclive, saith Austin, malos odisse quia mali sunt, rarum autem & pium eosdem ipsos diligere, quia homines sunt, It is an easy thing to hate evil men, because they are evil, but to love them as they are men this is a rare and a pious thing. The offices of common hospitality, of helping distressed persons, feeding the hungry, and the like are due not only betwixt Christian and Christian, but between a Christian and all the world. Lot, when the Angels came to Sodom, and sat in the streets: Abraham when he saw three men coming toward him stood not to inquire who they were, but out of the sense of common humanity, run forth and met them, and gladly entertained them, not knowing whom they should receive. St. chrysostom considering the circumstances of Abraham's fact, that he sat at his tent door, and that in the heat of the day, that he came to meet them, thinks he therefore sat in public, and endured the inconvenience of the heat even for this purpose, that he might not let slip any occasion of being hospital. The writings of the Fathers run much in commendation of the ancient Monks, and were they such as they report, well did they deserve to be commended, for their manner was to sit in the fields, and by the high way sides, for this end, that they might direct wand'ring passengers into the way, that they might relieve all that were distressed by want, or bruising or breaking of any member, and carry them home into their cells, and perform unto them all duties of humanity. This serves well to tax us, who affect a kind of intempestive prudence, and unseasonable discretion in performing that little good we do, from whom so hardly after long enquiry and entreaty drops some small benevolence, like the sun in winter long ere it rise and quickly gone. How many occasions of Christian charity do we let slip, when we refuse to give our alms, unless we first cast doubts, and examine the persons, their lives, their necessities, though it be only to reach out some small thing, which is due unto him, whatsoever it be. It was anciently a complaint against the Church, that the liberality of the Christians made many idle persons. Be it that it was so yet no other thing befell them, than what befalls their Lord, who knows and seesaw that his Sunshine and his Rain is every day abused, and yet the Sun become not like a Sack nor the Heavens as Brass; unto him must we, by his own command, be like: and whom then can we exclude, that have a pattern of such courtesy proposed to us to follow? we read in our books of a nice Athenian being entertained in a place by one given to hospitality, finding anon that another was received with the like courtesy, and then a third, growing very angry. I thought, said he, that I had found here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but I have found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I looked for a friends house, but I am fallen into an Inn to entertain all Comers, rather than a Lodging for some private & especial friends. Let it not offend any that I have made Christianity rather an Inn to receive all, than a private house to receive some few. For so both the precepts and examples I have brought, teach us, beneficia praestare non homini, sed humano generi, to extend our good, not to this or that man, but to mankind, like the Sun that ariseth not on this or that nation, but on the whole world. Julian observes of the figtree, that above all trees it is most capable of grafts & Sciences of other kinds, so far as that all variety will be brought to take nourishment from one stock: Beloved, a Christian must be like unto julian's figtree, so Universally compassionate, that so all sorts of grafts by a kind of Christian inoculation may be brought to draw life and nourishment from his root.  
But I am all this while in a generality only, and I must not forget, that I have many particular sick Patients, in my Text, of whom every one must have his Recipe, and I must visit them all ere I go. But withal, I must remember my Method which was still as I spoke, of Receiving the weak to speak likewise of excluding them from disputation. So must I needs ere I pass away, tax this our age, for giving so general permission unto all to busy themselves in doubtful cases of Religion. For nothing is there that hath more prejudiced the cause of Religion, than this promiscuous and careless admission of all sorts to the hearing and handling of controversies, whether we consider the private case of every man, or the public state of the Church. I will touch but one inconvenience which much annoys the Church, by opening this gate so wide to all comers, for by the great preass of people that come, the work of the Lord is much hindered. Not to speak of those who out of weakness of understanding fall into many errors, and by reason of liberty of bequeathing their errors to the world by writing easily find heirs for them. There is a sort that do harm by being unnecessary, and though they sow not tares in the field, yet fill the Lords floor with chaff; For what need this great breed of writers, with which in this age the world doth swarm? how many of us might spare the pains in committing our Meditations to writing, contenting ourselves to teach the people viuâ voce, and suffering our conceits quietly to die in their birth? The teaching the people by voice is perpetually necessary, should all of us every where speak but the same things; For all cannot use Books, and all that can have not the leisure; To remedy therefore the want of skill in the one and of time in the other, are we set in this Ministry of Preaching. Our voices are confined to a certain compass, and tied to the Individuating properties of Hic and Nunc: our writings are unlimited. Necessity therefore requires a multitude of speakers, a multitude of writers, not so. G. Agricola writing de Animantibus subterraneis reports of a certain kind of Spirits that converse in Minerals and much infest those that work in them, and the manner of them when they come is, to seem to busy themselves according to all the custom of workmen; they will dig and cleanse and melt and sever metals, yet when they are gone, the workmen do not find that there is any thing done: so fares it with a great part of the multitude, who thrust themselves into the controversies of the times, they write Books, move questions frame distinctions, give solutions, and seem sedulously to do, whatsoever the nature of the business requires, yet if any skilful workman in the Lords Mines shall come and examine their work, he shall find them to be but Spirits in Minerals, and that withal this labour and stir there is nothing done. I acknowledge it to be very true, which S. Austin spoke in his first Book de Trinitate: Utile est plures libros à pluribus fieri diverso stilo, sed non diversâ fide, etiam de quaestionibus iisdem, ut ad plurimos res ipsa perveniat ad alios sic, ad alios vero sic. It is a thing very profitable that divers Tracts be written by divers men, after divers fashions, but according to the same Analogy of Faith, even of the same questions that some might come into the hands of all, to some on this manner to another after that. For this may we think to have been the counsel of the Holy Ghost himself, who may seem even for this purpose, to have registered the self same things of Christ by three of the Evangelists with little difference; Yet notwithstanding, if this speech of S. Austin admit of being qualified, then was there no time which more than this age required it, should be moderated, which I note, because of a noxious conceit spread in our Universities to the great hindering of true proficiency in Study springing out from this Root. For many of the Learned themselves are fallen upon this preposterous conceit, that learning consisteth rather in varieting of turning and quoting of sundry Authors, then in sound discovering and laying down the truth of things. Out of which arises a greater charge unto the poor Student, who now goes by number rather than weight, and the Books of the learned themselves, by ambitiously heaping up the conceits, and authorities of other men increase much in the bulk, but do as much embase in true value. Wherefore as gedeon's army, of two and thirty thousand by prescript from God was brought unto three hundred: So this huge army of disputes, might without any hazard of the Lords battles, be well contracted into a smaller number. Justinian the Emporour when he found that the study of the Civil Law was surcharged and much confused, by reason of the great heaps of unnecessary writings, he calls an assembly of learned men, caused them to search the books, to cut of what was superfluous to gather into order and method the sum and substance of the whole Law: were it possible that some Religious Justinian might after the same manner employ the wits of some of the best Learned in examining the controversies, and selecting out of the best writers what is necessary, defaulting unnecessary and partial discourses, and so digest into order and method, and leave for the direction of posterity as it were Theological pandects: infinite store of our books might very well lie by, and peaceably be buried, and after ages reap greater profit with smaller cost and pains. But that which was possible in the world united under Justinian in this great division of Kingdoms is peradventure impossible. Wherefore having contented myself to show what a great and irremediable inconvenience this free, and uncontrollable venturing upon Theological disputes hath brought upon us, I will leave this project as a Speculation, and pass from this general Doctrine unto some particulars. For this generality, and heap of sick persons, I must divide into their kinds and give every one his proper Recipe.  
The first in this order of weak persons, so to be received & cherished by us, is one of whom question may be made whether he may be called weak or no; he may seem to be rather dead: for no pulse of infused grace beats in him. I mean such a one who hath but small, or peradventure no knowledge at all in the mystery of Christ, yet is otherwise, a man of upright life and conversation, such a one as we usually name a moral man. Account you of such a one as dead, or how you please, yet methinks I find a Recipe for him in my text. For this man is even to be wooed by us, as sometimes one heathen man wished of another, Talis c●●m sis utinam noster esses; This man may speak unto a Christian as Ruth does unto Booz, spread the skirt of thy garment over me, for thou art a near kinsman. Two parts there are that do completely make up a Christian man. A true Faith, and an honest conversation. The first, though it seem the worthier, and therefore gives unto us the name of Christians, yet the second in the end will prove the surer. For true profession without honest conversation, not only saves not, but increases our weight of punishment: but a good life without true profession, though it bring us not to Heaven, yet it lessens the measure of our judgement: so that a moral man so called is a Christian by the surer side. As our Saviour saith of one in the Gospel that had wisely and discreetly answered him, Thou art not far from the kingdom of Heaven: So may we say of these men, suppose that as yet they be not of, yet certainly far from the Kingdom of Heaven they cannot be, yea, this sincerity of life though severed from true profession, did seem such a jewel in the eyes of some of the ancient Fathers, that their opinion was and so have they in their writings (erroneously doubtless) yet so have they testified it, that God hath in store for such men not only this mitigating mercy of which but now I spoke, but even saving grace so far forth as to make them possessors of his Kingdom. Let it not trouble you that I entitle them to some part of our Christian Faith, and therefore without scruple to be received as weak and not to be cast forth as dead. Salvianus disputing what Faith is, Quid est igitur credulitas vel fides? saith he, opinor fideliter hominum Christo credere, id est, fidelen Deo esse, hoc est fideliter Dei mandata servare. What might this faith be? (saith he) I suppose it is nothing else, but faithfully to believe Christ, and this is to be faithful unto God, which is nothing else but faithfully to keep the commandments of God. Not therefore only a bare belief, but the fidelity & trustiness of God's servants faithfully accomplishing the will of our Master, is required as a part of our Christian Faith. Now all those good things which moral men by the light of nature do, are a part of Gods will written in their hearts, wherefore so far as they were conscientious in performing them (if Salvianus his reason be good) so far have they title and interest in our Faith. And therefore Regulus that famous Roman, when he endured infinite torments rather than he would break his Oath, may thus far be counted a Martyr, and witness for the truth. For the Crown of Martyrdom sits not only on the heads of those who have lost their lives, rather than they would cease to profess the Name of Christ, but on the head of every one that suffers for the testimony of a good conscience, and for righteousness sake. And here I cannot pass by one very general gross mistaking of our age. For in our discourses concerning the notes of a Christian man, by what signs we may know a man to be one of the visible company of Christ, we have so tied ourselves to this outward profession that if we know no other virtue in a man, but that he hath cond his Creed by heart, let his life be never so profane we think it argument enough for us to account him within the Pale and Circuit of the Church: on the contrary side let his life be never so upright, if either he little seen in, or peradventure quite ignorant of the Mystery of Christ, we esteem of him but as dead; and those who conceive well of those moral good things as of some tokens giving hope of life, we account but as a kind of Manichees, who thought the very earth had life in it. I must confess that I have not yet made that proficiency in the Schools of our age, as that I could see: why the second table and the Acts of it, are not as properly the parts of Religion and Christianity, as the Acts and observations of the first. If I mistake, than it is S. James that hath abused me, for he describing Religion by its proper Acts, tells us, that True Religion and undefiled before God and the Father is to visit the Fatherless and the widow in their affliction, and to keep himself unspotted of the world. So that the thing which is an especial refine dialect of the new Christian language signifies nothing but morality and civility, that in the language of the holy Ghost imports true Religion. Wherefore any difference that the holy Ghost makes notwithstanding, the man of virtuous dispositions, though ignorant of the mystery of Christ, be it Fabricius or Regulus or any ancient heathen man, famous for sincerity and uprightness of carriage, hath as sure a claim and interest in the Church of Christ as the man deepest skilled in, most certainly believing, and openly professing all, that is, written in the holy books of God, if he endeavour not to show his faith by his works. The Ancients therefore where they found this kind of men gladly received them, and conversed, familiarly with them, as appears by the friendly intercourse of Epistles of S. Basil with Libanius of Nazianzen and Austen with sundry others, and Antiquity hath either left us true, or forged us false Epistles betwixt Saint Paul himself and Seneca. Now as for the admitting of any of these men to the discussing of the doubts in our Religious mysteries, who either know not, or peradventure contemn them, there needs not much be said: by a Cannon of one of the Counsels of Carthage it appears, it had sometimes been the erroneous practice of some Christians to Baptise the dead, and to put the Sacrament of Christ's body into their mouths. Since we have confessed these men to be in a sort dead, as having no supernatural quickening grace from above, to put into their hands the handling of the word of life at all, much more of discussing of the doubtful things in it, were nothing else, but to Baptise a carcase, and put the communion bread into the mouth of the dead. Wherefore leaving this kind of weak person to your courteous acceptance.  
Let us consider of another, one quite contrary to the former; a true professor, but a man of profane and wicked life, one more dangerously ill than the former, have we any recipe for this man? May seem for him there is no balm in Gilead, he seems like unto the Leper in the law, unto whom no man might draw near, and by so much the more dangerous is his case, because the condition of conversing with heathen men, be they never so wicked is permitted unto Christians by our Apostle himself, whereas with this man all commerce seems by the same Apostle to be quite cut off. For in the 1 Cor. 6. St. Paul having forbidden them formerly all manner of conversing with Fornicators, infamous persons, and men subject to grievous crimes, and considering at length how impossible this was, because of the Gentiles with whom they lived, and amongst whom necessarily they were to converse and trade, he distinguishes between the fornicators of this world, and the fornicators which were Brethren. I meant not (saith the Blessed Apostle) expounding himself that ye should not admit of the Fornicators of this world, that is, such as were Gentiles; for than must ye have sought a new world. So great and general a liberty at that time had the world assumed for the practice of that sin of fornication, that strictly to have forbidden them the company of fornicators had almost been to have excluded them the society of mankind. But saith he, if a brother be a fornicator or a thief, or a railer with such a one partake not, no not so much as to eat. Wherefore the case of this person seems to be desperate. For he is not only mortally sick, but is bereft of all help of the Physician, yet notwwithstanding all this we may not give him over for gone, for when we have well searched our boxes, we shall find a Recipe even for him too, think we that our Apostles meaning was, that we should acquaint ourselves only with the good, and not the bad; as Physicians in the time of pestilence look only to the sound, and shun the diseased? Our Saviour Christ familiarly conversed, eat, and drank with Publicans and sinners, and gives the reason of it; because he came not to call the Righteous but sinners to repentance. Is Christ contrary to Paul? this reason of our Saviour concerns every one on whom the duty of saving of Souls doth rest. It is the main drift of his message and unavoidably he is to converse, yea, eat and drink with all sorts of sinners, even because he is to call not the righteous but sinners to repentance. Necessary it is that some means be left to reclaim notorious offenders, let their disease be never so dangerous. Nescio an in extremis aliquid tentare medicina sit, certè nihil tentare perditio est, who can tell whether in this extremity, were it at the last cast it may some way profit, to receive him, but this we all know that altogether to cast him out of the society of good men, is to cut him off from all outward means of health. The Leper in the law though he were excluded the multitude; yet had he access unto the Priest. Beloved the priest in the new law hath much greater privilege than the ancient had, he was only a judge and could not cure: but this is both a judge and a Physician, and can both discern and cure the leprosy of our souls; wherefore he is not to be excluded from the most desperately sick person. Neither doth this duty concern the priest alone. For as Tertullian sometimes spoke in another case; In majestatis reos & publicos hostes omnis homo miles est. Against Traitors and public enemies every man is a soldier, so is it true in this. Every one who is of strength to pull a soul out of the fire, is for this business, by counsel, by advice, by rebuking a priest, neither must he let him lie there to expect better help. Again, no man so ill but hath some good thing in him, though it break not out, as being clouded and darkened with much corruption, we must take heed, that we do not pro solis comprehendere frequentissima mistake in thinking there is nothing else but evil, where we often see it. We must therefore entertain even nea●● friendship with such a one to discover him. Nemo enim nisi per amicitiam cognoscitur, saith St. Austin. No man is perfectly discovered, but by his inward acquaintance. As therefore they who seek for treasure give not over by reason of clay and mire, so long as there is any hope to speed: so may we not cast off our industry, though it labour in the most polluted soul, ut ad quaedam sana in quorum delectaetione acquiescamus per charitatis tolerantiam perducamur, that so at length, through charitable patience and long suffering we may discover in him some good things which may content us for the present, and give hope of better things to come. For as they that work in gold and costly matter, diligently save every little piece that falls away: so goodness wheresoever it be, is a thing so precious that every little spark of it deserves our care in cherishing. Many miscarry through the want of this patience, in those who undertake them, whilst they despair of them too soon; dum ita obiurgant quasi oderint, whilst they rebuke us, as if they hated, and upbraid rather than reprehend. Transit convitium et intemperantia culpatur, uterque qui periere arguuntur. As unskilful Physicians, who suffer their patients to die under their hands, to hide their error, blame their patient's intemperance: so let us take heed, lest it be not so much the strength of the disease, as the want of skill in us which we strive to cover, and veil over with the names of contumacy intemperance or the like. David received an express message from the Prophet, that the child conceived in adultery should surely die, yet he ceased not his prayers, & tears, and fasting as long as there was life in it: we receive no such certain message concerning any man's miscarriage, and why then should we intermit any office which Christian patience can afford. Wherefore, what Maecenas sometime spoke loosely in another sense, debilem facito manu, debilem pede, coxa: lubricos quate dentes: vita dum superest bene est, that we may apply more properly to our purpose, let our weak person here be lame, hand and foot, hip and thigh, sick in head and heart, yet so long as there is life in him, there is no cause we should despair. How knowest thou how potent the word of God may be through thy ministry, out of these stones to raise up children unto Abraham? I cannot therefore persuade myself. that this prohibition of St. Paul, of which we but now spoke, so far extended, as that it quite interdicted good men the company of the sinners, be they never so gross. For when he delivered men unto Satan, (the greatest thing that ever he did in this kind) it was ad interitum carnis, to the mortifying of the flesh, that so the spirit might be safe in the day of the Lord. But this is worse, for by this peremptory excluding the gross sinner from the good, a greater gap is opened to the liberty of the flesh, and a more immediate way could not be found to bring final destruction on him at that day. The extent therefore of St. Paul's precept, though given in show to all, I take to reach no farther than the weak, and such as are in danger of infection; for the weaker sort of men are always, evermore the most, and a charge given unto the most, is commonly given under the stile of all. Our Apostle therefore jealous of the tenderer sort, whom every unwholesome blast doth easily taint, seems, what he intended for the most to make general to all. The reason which the Apostle gives, does warrant this restraint. See ye not (saith he) that a little leaven sowers the whole lump? If therefore there be any part of the lump, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of shot and danger of souring and contagion, on it this precept can have no extent: and surely some wrong it were to the Church of Christ, to suppose that all were necessarily subject to souring and infection, upon supposal of some admission of leaven. Evil indeed is infectious, but neither necessarily, nor yet so, that it need fright us from those who are diseased with it. Contagious diseases which cease on our bodies, infect by natural force and means, which we cannot prevent: but no man drinks down this poison, whose will is not the hand that takes the Cup: so that to converse with men of diseased minds infects us not, except we will. Again, Aristotle in his problems, makes a question, why health doth not infect as well as sickness. For we grow sick many times by incautelously conversing with the diseased: but no man grows well by accompanying the healthy: thus indeed it is with the healthiness of the body: it hath no transient force on others, but the strength and healthiness of the mind carries with it a gracious kind of infection: and common experience tells us, that nothing profits evil men more than the company of the good. So that strength of mind accompanied with the preservative of the grace of God, may not only without fear of contagion, safely converse with ungracious sinners, but by so doing, as it were infect them, and make them such as himself is. No cause therefore hitherto, why the true professors, though notorious sinners should not be partakers of our Christian Courtesies; and therefore as of the former, so of this my conclusion is, we must receive him. Only let me add St. Paul's words in another place, Ye that are strong, receive such a one.  
HAving thus far spoken of his admission, let us now a little consider of his Restraint; and see whether he may have any part in hearing and handling religious controversies; where plainly to speak my mind, as his admission before was, so his exclusion here is much more necessary, the way to these schools should be open to none, but to men of upright life and conversation: and that as well in regard of the profane and wicked men themselves, as of the cause which they presume to handle: for as for themselves this is but the field, wherein they sow and reap their own infamy and disgrace. Our own experience tells us; how hard a thing it is for men of behaviour known to be spotless, to avoid the lash of those men's tongues, who make it their chief fence to disgrace the persons, when they cannot touch the cause. For what else are the writings of many men, but mutual Pasquil's and Satyrs against each others lives, wherein digladiating like Eschines and Demosthenes, they reciprocally lay open each others filthiness to the view and scorn of the world. The fear therefore of being stained, and publicly disgraced, might be reason enough to keep them back from entering these contentions. And as for the cause itself, into which this kind of men do put themselves, needs must it go but ill with it: for is it possible that those respects which sway and govern their ordinary actions, should have no influence upon their pens? It cannot be, that they who speak, and plot, and act wickedness, should ever write uprightly. Nam ut in vita, ita et in causis quoque spes improbas habent: doubtless, as in their lives, so in the causes they undertake, they nourish hopes full of improbity. Besides all this, the opinion of the common sort is not to be contemned, whom no kind of reason so much abuses, and carries away, as when the discredit of the person is retorted on the cause, which thing our adversaries here at home amongst us know very well, a masterpiece, of whose policy it is to put into the hands of the people, such pamphlets which hurt not our cause at all, but only discredit our persons. Saint chrysostom observes out of the ancient customs of the Olympian games, that whensoever any man offered himself to contend in them, he was not to be admitted till public Proclamation had been made throughout the multitude to this purpose, Whither any man knew him to be either a servant, or a thief, or otherwise of infamous life. And if any imputation in this kind were proved against him, it was sufficient to keep him back. Had the Heathen this care that their vanities should not be discredited? how great then must our care be, that they which enter into these exercises, be of pure and upright condition? Let men's skill and judgement therefore be never so good, yet if their lives be notoriously subject to exception, Let them know that there is no place for them in these Olympics. Men indeed in civil business have found out a distinction between an honest man and a good Common wealths-man: and therefore Fabricias in the Roman story is much commended for nominating to the Consulship Ruffinus a wicked man and his utter enemy, because he knew him to be serviceable to the Commonwealth, for those wars which were then depending. But in the business of the Lord and Commonwealth of God, we can admit of no such distinction. For God himself in the book of Psalms, staves them off with a Quid tua ut enarres mea, etc. What hast thou to do to take my words into thy mouth since thou hatest to be reform? The world for the managing of her matters, may employ such as herself hath fitted: but let every one who names the name of God depart from iniquity. For these reasons therefore is it very expedient, that none but right good men should undertake the Lords quarrels, the rather because there is some truth in that which Quintilian spoke, Cogitare optima simul & deterrima, non magis est unius animi, quam ejusdem hominis bonum esse ac malum. As impossible it is that good and bad thoughts should harbour in the same heart, as it is for the same man to be jointly good, and bad. And so from the consideration of this sick person, let us proceed to visit the next. The weak persons, I have hitherto treated of are the fewest as consisting in a kind of extreme. For the greatest sort of men are in a mediocrity of men eminently good or extremely ill the number is smallest; but this rank of sick persons that now we are to view is an whole army and may be everyone of us, if we do well examine ourselves, shall find ourselves in it: For the weak whom we now are to speak of, is he that hath not that degree and perfection of faith and strength of Spiritual constitution that he ought to have; Wherefore our Recipe here must be like the Tree of life in the book of the Revelation, it must be medicine to heal whole nations. For who is he amongst men that can free himself from this weakness? Yea, we ourselves that are set over others for their cure, may speak of ourselves and our charge, as Jolaus in Euripides doth of himself and Hercules children, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we take care of these, ourselves standing in need of others care for us. Hypocrates counsels his Physician, to look especially, that himself be healthy to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fair of colour and full of flesh. For otherwise saith he how can he give comfort and hope of success to a sick patient, who by his ill colour and meagerness bewrays some imperfection of his own. But what Physician of Soul and manners is capable of this counsel; or who is it that taking the cure of others doth not in most of his actions bewray his own disease? even thus hath it pleased God to tie us together with a mutual sense of each others weakness, and as ourselves receive and bear with others; so for ourselves interchangeably must we request the same courtesy at others hands: Notwithstanding, as it is with the health of our bodies, no man at any time is perfectly well, only he goes for an healthy man, who is least sick: so fares it with our souls, God hath included all under the name of weak, some peradventure is less weak than others but no man is strong. Infaelicissimun Consolationis genus est de miseriis hominum peccatorum capere solatia. It is but a miserable comfort to judge our own perfections only by others defects, yet this is all the comfort we have. Let us leave therefore those who by reason of being less crazy pass for healthy, and consider of those whom some sensible and eminent imperfection above others hath ranked in the number of the weak. And of those there are sundry kinds, especially two. One is weak because he is not yet fully informed, not so sufficiently Catechised in the Mysteries of Faith, whom farther Institution may bring to better Maturity. The other peradventure is sufficiently grounded for principles of Faith, yet is weak, by reason either of some passion or of some irritatory and troublesome humour in his behaviour, nullum unquam ingenium placuit sine veniâ. There is no man so perfect, but hath somewhat in his behaviour that requireth pardon. As for the imperfection of the former of these, It is the weakness of infancy and childhood in Faith rather than a disease: And with this weak man we are especially to bear above all others. For as for him that is weak through gross and wilful ignorance or contumacy or the like, it is pardonable, if sometimes we yield him not that measure of courtesy, which were meet, but to be cruel against infancy and childhood were inhumanity. The manner of our Recipe for these men, our Apostle somewhere expresses where he tells us of some that must be fed with milk and not strong meat: Unto these we must rather be as Nurses than Physicians, submittendo nos ad mensuram discentis, & manum dando & gradum nostram minuendo, by gently submitting ourselves to the capacity of the learner, by lending our hand by lessening our steps to keep them in equipace with us till they come up to their full growth. As Christ being God emptied himself, and became Man like to us, so must we lay down our gifts of wit, in which we flatter ourselves and take ourselves to be as Gods, and in show and fashion become like one of them. Grave men have thought it no disparagement, to have been seen with their little sons, Ludere par impar equitare in arundine longâ, toying and practising with them their childish sports: and if any take offence at it, they are such as know not what it is to be Fathers. Those therefore who bear the office of Fathers amongst other men, to bring up the infancy of Babes in Christ, must not blush to practise this part of a Father, and out of Paul's lesson of becoming all to all, learn to become a child to children, do it he may very well, without any impeachment to himself. He that helps one up that is fallen, non se projicit ut ambo jaceant, sed incurvat tantum ut jacentem erigat, throws not himself down to lie by him, but gently stoops to lift him up again; but of this weak person, I have little need, I trust to speak. For no man in these days can be long weak, but by his own default, so long and careful teaching as hath been and every day is, must needs take from men all pretence of weakness in this kind. Nam quid aliud agimus docendo vos, quam ne semper docendi sitis. For what is the end of all this labour and pains in teaching, but that ye might at length not need a teacher. Wherefore from this I come unto that other weak person, strong in Faith, but weak in carriage and behaviour.  
Having before proved that Christian courtesy spreads itself to all sorts of men, to the Insidel, to the gross notorious sinner, then will it without any streining at all come home to all the infirmities of our weaker brethren: For that which can endure so great a tempest, how can it be offended with some small drops. Is Christian patience like unto Saint Peter's resolution, that durst manfully encounter the high Priests servant, yet was daunted at the voice of a silly maiden, whatsoever it is that is irksome unto us in the common behaviour of our Brethren, it were strange we should not be able to brook. Epictetus' conconsidering with himself, the weakness which is usual in men, still to make the worst of what befalls us, wittily tells us that every thing in the world hath two handles one turned toward us which we may easily take, the other turned from us harder to be laid hold of; the first makes all things easy, the second not so, The instance that he brings in my very purpose. Be it saith he, thy Brother hath offended thee, here are two hand-fasts, one of the offence, the other of thy Brother. If thou take hold of that of the offence it will be too hot for thee, thou wilt not easily endure the touch of it: but if thou lay hold of that of thy Brother, this will make all behaviour tolerable. There is no part of our Brother's carriage towards us but if we search it, we shall find, some handfast, some circumstance, that will make it easy to be born. If we can can find no other, the circumstance of our Saviour Christ's example will never fail. An example which will not only make us to endure the importunity of his ordinary behaviour, but all his outrageous dealing whatsoever. For saith S. chrysostom, didst thou know that thy Brother intended particular mischief against thee that he would imbrue his hand in thy blood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet kiss that hand, for thy Lord did not refuse to kiss that that mouth that made the bargain for his blood. It is storied of Protagoras that being a poor youth and carrying a burden of sticks, he piled so them, and laid them together, with such art & order, that he made them much more light and easy to be born. Beloved, there is an Art among Christians like unto that of Protagoras of so making up and ordering our burdens, that they may lie with much less weight upon our shoulders, this art, if we could learn it, would make us take all in good part at our Brother's hand, were he as bad as Nabal was, of whom his own servant complained that he was such a man of Belial that no man could speak unto him.  
Wherefore leaving you to the study, and learning of this most Christian art, I will a little consider for what Reasons we may not admit of these two sorts of weak men to controversy. For as for the unlearned, in private, nothing more usual with them then to take offence at our dissensions, and to become more uncertain and unjointed upon the hearing of any question discussed. It is their usual voice and question to us: Is it possible that we should be at one in these points in which yourselves do disagree? thus cast they off, on our backs the burden of their back-sliding and neutrality, wherefore to acquaint them with disputation in Religion, were as it were to blast them in their infancy, and bring upon them some improsperous Disease to hinder their growth in Christ. Secondly, what one said of other contentions, In bellis civilibus audacia etiam valet singulorum, In civil wars no man is too weak to do a mischief, we have found too true in these our Sacra Bella; no man is to weak, (I say not) to do mischief, but to be a principal Agent and Captain in them. Simple and unlearned souls trained up by men of contentious spirits have had strength enough to be Authors of dangerous heresies, Priscilla and Maximilla, silly women laden with iniquity were the chief ringleaders in the error of the Montanists, and as it is commonly said, bellum inchoant inertes, fortes finiunt, weaklings are able to begin a quarrel, but the prosecution and finishing is a work for stronger men, so hath it fared here. For that quarrel which these poor souls had raised, Tertullian a man of great Wit and Learning is drawn to undertake: so that for a Barnabas to be drawn away to error, there needs not always the example and authority of a Peter. A third reason is the marvellous violence of the weaker sort in maintaining their conceits, if once they begin to be opiniative. For one thing there is that wonderfully prevails against the reclaiming of them, and that is, the natural jealousy they have of all that is said unto them by men of better wits, stand it with reason never so good, if it sound not as they would have it. A jealousy founded in the sense of their weakness arising out of this that they suspect all to be done for no other end, but to circumvent and abuse them. And therefore when they see themselves to be too weak in reasoning, they easily turn them to violence. The Monks of Egypt, otherwise devout, and religious men anciently, were for the most part unlearned, & generally given over to the error of the Anthropomorphitae, who held that God had hands and feet and all the parts that a man hath, and was in outward shape and proportion like to one of us. Theophilus a Learned Bishop of Alexandria having fallen into their hands was so roughly used by them, that ere he could get out of their fingers, he was fain to use his wits and to crave aid of his Equivocating Sophistry and sooth to tell them. I have seen your face as the face of God. Now when Christian and Religious doubts, must thus be managed with wilfulness and violence, what mischief may come of it is already so plain, that it needs not my finger to point it out. Wherefore let every such weak person say unto himself, as Saint Austin doth, Tu ratiocinare, ego mirer, disputa tu ego credam, let others reason I will marvel. Let others dispute I will believe. As for the man strong in passion or rather weak, for the strength of passion is the weakness of the passionate; great reason hath the Church to except against him. For first of all from him it comes that our books are so stuffed with contumelious malediction, no heathen writers having left the like example of choler and gross impatience. An hard thing, I know it is to write without affection and passion in those things which we love, and therefore it is free so to do, to those who are Lords over themselves. It seems our Saviour gave some way to it himself. For somewhat certainly his Kinsmen saw in his behaviour, when as S. Mark reports they went forth to lay hold upon him thinking he was beside himself. But for those who have not the command of themselves, better it were they laid it by, S. chrysostom excellently observeth that the Prophets of God, and Satan, were by this notoriously differenced, that they which gave Oracles by motion from the Devil did it with much impatience and confusion, with a kind of fury and madness but they which gave Oracles from God by Divine Inspiration, gave them with all mildness and temper, If it be the cause of God which we handle in our writings, then let us handle it like the Prophets of God with quietness and moderation, and not in the violence of passion, as if we were possessed, rather than inspired. Again, what equity or indifferency can we look for in the carriage of that cause, that falls into the handling of these men. Quis confer deuces meminit qui pendere causas? Quâ stetit inde favet, what man overtaken with passion remembers impartially to compare cause with cause, and right with right. Quâ stetit inde favet— on what cause he happens, that is he resolute to maintain, ut gladiator in arenam; as a Fencer to the Stage, so comes he to write, not upon conscience of quarrel, but because he proposes to contend, yea, so potently hath this humour prevailed with men that have undertaken to maintain a faction, that it hath broken out to the tempting of God, and the dishonour of Martyrdom. Two Friars in Florence in the action of Savonoralla, voluntarily in the open view of the City, offered to enter the fire: so to put an end to the controversy, that he might be judged to have the right who like one of the three children in Babylon, should pass untouched through the fire. But I hasten to visit one weak person more and so an end.  
He whom we now are to visit, is a man weak through heretical and erring Faith, now whether or no, we have any receipt for him it may be doubtful; For S. Paul advises us to avoid the man, that is, a maker of Sects, knowing him to be damned. yet, if as we spoke of not admitting to us the notorious sinner, no not to eat, so we teach of this, that it is delivered respectively to the weaker sort; as justly for the same reasons we may do: we shall have a Recipe here for the man that errs in faith, and rejoiceth in making of Sects: which we shall the better do, if we can but gently draw him on to a moderation to think of his conceits only as of opinions; for it is not the variety of opinions, but our own perverse wills, who think it meet, that all should be conceited as ourselves are, which hath so inconvenienced the Church, were we not so ready to anathematise each other, where we concur not in opinion, we might in hearts be united, though in our tongues we were divided, and that with singular profit to all sides, It is the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, and not Identity of conceit, which the Holy Ghost requires at the hands of Christians. I will give you one instance, in which at this day our Churches are at variance. The will of God, and his manner of proceeding in predestination is undiscernible, and shall so remain until that day, wherein all knowledge shall be made perfect, yet some there are, who with probability of Scripture teach, that the true cause of the final miscarriage of them that perish, is that original corruption that befell them at the beginning, increased through the neglect or refusal of grace offered. Others with no less favourable countenance of Scripture, make the cause of reprobation only the will of God, determining, freely of his own work, as himself pleases, without respect to any second cause whatsoever. Were we not ambitiously minded, familiam ducere, every one to be Lord of a Sect, each of these tenants might be profitably taught and heard, and matter of singular exhortation drawn from either; for on the one part, doubtless it is a pious and religious intent, to endeavour to free God from all imputation of unnecessary rigour, & his justice from seeming unjustice & incongruity: & on the other side, it is a noble resolution, so to humble ourselves under the hand of Almighty God, as that we can with patience hear, yea, think it an honour, that so base creatures as ourselves should become the instruments of the glory of so great a majesty, whether it be by eternal life, or by eternal death, though for no other reason, but for God's good will and pleasure sake. The authors of these conceits might both freely (if peaceably) speak their minds, and both singularly profit the Church: for since it is impossible where Scripture is ambiguous, that all conceits should run alike, it remains, that we seek out a way not so much to establish an unity of opinion in the minds of all; which I take to be a thing likewise impossible, as to provide that multiplicity of conceit, trouble not the Church's peace. A better way my conceit cannot reach unto, then that we would be willing to think, that these things, which with some show of probability we deduce from Scripture are at the best, but our opinions for this peremptory manner of setting down our own conclusions under this high commanding form of necessary truths, is generally one of the greatest causes, which keeps the Churches this day so far asunder; when as a gracious receiving of each other, by mutual forbearance in this kind, might peradventure in time bring them nearer together.  
This peradventure may some man say, may content us in case of opinion indifferent, out of which no great inconvenience by necessary and evident proof is concluded: but what Recipe have we for him that is fallen into some known and desperate Heresy? Even the same with the former. And therefore anciently, Heretical and Orthodox Christians, many times even in public holy exercise conversed together without offence. It's noted in the Ecclesiastic stories, that the Arrians and Right believers so communicated together in holy prayers, that you could not distinguish them till they came to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the gloria patri, which the Arrians used with some difference from other Christians. But those were times quorum lectionem habemus virtutem non habemus, we read of them in our books, but we have lost the practice of their patience. Some prejudice was done unto the Church by those, who first began to intermingle, with public Ecclesiastical duties, things respective unto private conceits. For those Christian offices in the Church ought as much as possibly they may be common unto all, and not to descend to the differences of particular opinions. Severity against, and separation from heretical companies, took its beginning from the Heretics themselves: and if we search the stories, we shall find that the Church did not at their first arising thrust them from her: themselves went out, and as for severity: that which the Donatists sometimes spoke in their own defence. Illam esse veram Ecclesiam quae prosecutionem patitur, non quae facit, she was the true Church not which raised, but which suffered persecution was the facto true for a great space. For when heresies and schisms first arose in the Church, all kind of violence were used by the erring factions, but the Church seemed not for a long time to have known any use of a sword, but only of a buckler, and when she began to use the sword, some of her best and chiefest Captains much misliked it. The first law in this kind that ever was made, was enacted by Theodosius against the Donatists, but with this restraint, that it should extend against none, but only such as were tumultuous, and till that time they were not so much as touched with any mulct, though but pecuniary, till that shameful outrage committed against Bish. Maximian, whom they beat down with bats and clubs, even as he stood at the Altar: so that not so much the error of the Donatists, as their riots and mutinies were by Imperial laws restrained. That the Church had afterward good reason to think, that she ought to be salubrior quam dulcior, that sometimes there was more mercy in punishing, then forbearing there can no doubt be made. St. Austin (a man of as mild and gentle spirit as ever bare rule in the Church) having according to his natural sweetness of disposition, earnestly written against violent, and sharp dealing with He 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being taught by experience, did afterward retract, and confess an excellent use of wholesome severity in the Church. Yet could I wish that it might be said of the Church, which was sometimes observed of Augustus. In nullius unquam suorum necem duravit: he had been angry with, and severely punished many of his kin, but he could never endure to cut any of them off by death. But this I must request you to take only as my private wish, and not as a censure, if any thing have been done to the contrary. When Absolom was up in arms against his Father, it was necessary for David to take order to curb him, and pull him on his knees, yet we see how careful he was, he should not die, and how lamentably he bewailed him in his death: what cause was it that drove David into this extreme passion? Was it doubt of heir to the Kingdom? That could not be. For Solomon was now born, to whom the promise of the Kingdom was made, was it the strength of natural affection? I somewhat doubt of it. Three year together was Absolom in banishment, and David did not very eagerly desire to see him. The Scripture indeed notes that the King longed for him: yet in this longing was there not any such fierceness of passion: for Absolom saw not the King's face for two years more after his return from banishment to Jerusalem. What then might be the cause of his strength of passion, and commiseration in the King? I persuade myself it was the fear of his sons final miscarriage, and reprobation, which made the King (secure of the mercies of God unto himself) to wish he had died in his steed, that so he might have gained for his ungracious child, some time of repentance. The Church who is the common mother of us all, when her Absoloms, her unnatural sons do lift up their hands and pens against her, must so use means to repress them, that she forget not that they are the sons of her womb, and be compassionate over them as David was over Absolom, loath to unsheathe either sword, but most of all the temporal, for this were to send them with quick dispatch to Hell.  
And here I may not pass by that singular moderation of this Church of oursin, which she hath most christianly expressed towards her adversaries of Rome, here at home in her bosom above all the reformed Churches, I have read of. For out of desire to make the breach seem no greater, than indeed it is, and to hold communion and Christian fellowship with her, so far as we possibly can, we have done nothing to cut of the favourers of that Church. The reasons of their love and respects to the Church of Rome we wish, but we do not command them to lay down: their lay-brethrens have all means of instruction offered them. Our Edicts and Statutes made for their restraint, are such as serve only to awake them, and cause them to consider the innocency of that cause for refusal of communion, in which they endure (as they suppose) so great losses. Those who are sent over by them, either for the retaining of the already perverted, or perverting others, are either returned by us back again to them, who dispatched them to us, or without any wrong unto their persons, or danger to their lives, suffer an easy restraint, which only hinders them from dispersing the poison they brought. And had they not been stickling in our state-business, and meddling with our Prince's crown, there had not a drop of their blood fallen to the ground; unto our Sermons, in which the swervings of that Church are necessarily to be taxed by us, we do not bind their presence, only our desire is, they would join with us in those Prayers, and holy ceremonies, which are common to them and us. And so accordingly, by singular discretion was our Service-Book compiled by our Forefathers, as containing nothing that might offend them, as being almost merely a compendium of their own Breviary and Missal, so that they shall see nothing in our meetings, but that they shall see done in their own, though many things which are in theirs, here I grant they shall not find. And here indeed is the great and main difference betwixt us. As it is in the controversy concerning the Cononical books of Scripture: whatsoever we hold for Scripture, that even by that Church is maintained, only she takes upon her to add much, which we cannot think safe to admit: so fares it in other points of Faith and Ceremony; whatsoever it is we hold for faith, she holds it as far forth as we; our ceremonies are taken from her; only she over and above urges some things for faith, which we take to be error, or at the best but opinion, and for ceremony which we think to be superstition. So that to participate with us, is, though not throughout, yet in some good measure to participate with that Church: and certainly were that spirit of charity stirring in them, which ought to be, they would love and honour us, even for the resemblance of that Church, the beauty of which themselves so much admire. The glory of these our proceedings, even our adversaries themselves do much envy. So that from hence it is, that in their writes they traduce our judiciary proceedings against them, for sanguinary and violent, striving to persuade other nations, that such as have suffered by course of public justice for religion only, and not for treason have died, and pretend we what we list, our actions are as bloody and cruel as their own: wherefore if a perfect pattern of dealing with erring Christians were to be sought, there were not any like unto this of ours, In qua nec saeviendi, nec errandi per eundique licentia permittitur, which as it takes not to itself liberty of cruelty, so it leaves not unto any the liberty of destroying their own souls in the error of their lives. And now that we may at once conclude this point concerning Heretics, for prohibiting these men access to religious disputations, it is now too late to dispute of that, for from this that they have already unadvisedly entered into these battles, are they become that which they are: Let us leave them therefore as a sufficient example and instance of the danger of intempestive and immodest meddling in Sacred disputes.  
I see it may be well expected, that I should according to my promise add instruction for the public Magistrate, and show how far this precept in receiving the weak concerns him.  
I must confess I intended and promised so to do, but●● I cannot conceive of it, as a thing befitting me to step out of my study, and give rules for government to Commonwealths, a thing befitting men of greater experience to do. Wherefore I hope you will pardon me if I keep not that promise, which I shall with less offence break then observe: And this I rather do, because I suppose this precept, to concern us, especially if not only as private men, and that in case of public proceeding, there is scarce room for it. Private men may pass over offences at their pleasure, and may be in not doing it, they do worse: but thus to do, lies not in the power of the Magistrate, who goes by laws, prescribing him what he is to do. Princes and men in authority do many times much abuse themselves by affecting a reputation of clemency, in pardoning wrongs done to other men; and giving protection to sundry offenders, against those who have just cause to proceed against them. It is mercy to pardon wrong done against ourselves, but to deny the course of Justice to him that calls for it, and to protect offenders, may peradventure be some inconsiderate pity, but mercy it cannot be. All therefore that I will presume to advise the Magistrate is, A general inclinableness to merciful proceeding.  
And so I conclude, wishing unto them who plentifully fowe mercy, plentifully to Reap it at the hand of God, with an hundred fold increase; and that blessing from God the Father of mercies, may be upon them all, as on the sons of mercy, as many as are the sands on the Seashore in multitude. The same God grant that the words which we have heard this day. etc.   

A Sermon Preached on Easter-day at Eton College.  Luke 16. 25. Son remember that thou in thy life time received'st thy good things. 
I Have heard a Proverb to this sound, He that hath a debt to pay at Easter, thinks the Lent but short: How short this Lent hath seemed to me, who stand indebted unto you for the remainder of my meditations upon these words, is no mater of consequence; to you peradventure it may have seemed so long, that what you lately heard at Shrovetide, now at Easter you may with pardon have forgotten. I will therefore recall into your memories so much of my former Meditations as may serve to open unto me a convenient way to pursue the rest of those lessons, which then, when I last spoke unto you, the time and your patience would not permit me to finish. But ere I do this, I will take leave a little to fit my Text unto this time of Solemnity:  
This time, you know, calls for a discourse concerning, the Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; of this you hear no sound in the words, which I have read, and therefore you conclude it a Text unbefitting the day. Indeed, if you take the Resurrection for that glorious act of his Omnipotency, by which through the power of his eternal Spirit he redeems himself from the hand of the grave, and triumphs over death and hell, you shall in these words find nothing pertinent; But if you take this Resurrection for that act, by which, through the power of saving grace, Christ the Son of righteousness rises in our hearts, & raises us from the death of sin unto the life of righteousness, here in these words you may perchance find a notable branch of it. For to raise our thoughts from this earth, and clay, and from things beneath (and such are those, which here Abraham calls the good things of our life) and to set them above, where Christ sits at the right hand of God, this is that practic resurrection, which above all concerns us, that other of Christ in person, in regard of us, is but a resurrection in speculation, for to him that is dead in sin and trespasses, and who places his good in the things of this life, Christ is, as it were not risen at all, to such a one he is still in the grave, and under the bands of death: But to him that is risen with Christ, & seeks the good things that are above, to him alone is Christ risen: To know and believe perfectly the whole story of Christ's Resurrection, what were it, if we did not practise this Resurrection of our own? Cogita non exacturum à te Deum, quantum cognóveris, sed quantum vixeris, God will not reckon with thee, how much thou knowest, but how well thou hast lived: Epictetus, that great Philosopher makes this pretty parable, should a shepherd, saith he, call his sheep to account, how they had profited, would he like of that sheep, which brought before him his hay, his grass, and fodder, or rather that sheep, which having well digested all these, expressed himself in fat, in flesh, and wool? Beloved, you are the flock of Christ, and the sheep of his hands, should the great Shepherd of the flock call you before him, to see how you have profited, would he content himself with this, that you had well cond your Catechism, that you had diligently read the Gospel, and exactly knew the whole story of the resurrection? would it not give him better satisfaction to find Christ's resurrection expressed in yours: and as it were digested into flesh and wool? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To have read Chrysippus his Book, this is not virtue: To have read the Gospel, to have gathered all the circumstances of the resurrection of Christ, this is not Christianity: to have risen, as Christ, hath done, so to have digested the resurrection of Christ, as that we have made it our own, this is rightly to understand the Doctrine of the resurrection of Christ. For this cause have I refused to treat this day of that resurrection, in the Doctrine of which I know you are perfect, and have reflected on that, in the knowledge of which I fear you are imperfect: which that I might the better do, I have made choice to prosecute my former meditations, begun when I last spoke unto you in this place; For so doing I shall open unto you one of the hardest points of your Spiritual resurrection, even to raise your thoughts from the things of this life, and seat them with Christ above.  
To make my way more fair to this, I will take leave to put you in mind, in short, how I proceeded in the opening of these words, when I last spoke unto you out of this place: You may be pleased to remember, that after some instruction drawn from the first word, Son, I proceeded to consider the ensuing words, wherein having by an Alchemy, which then I used, changed the word [Recordare] Remember, into [Cave] Beware, and so read my text thus, Beware thou receive not thy good things in this life, I showed you that we had never greater cause to consult our best wits, what we are to do, and how we are to carry ourselves, then when the world, and outward blessings come upon us; Upon this I moved this Question, Whether or no, if the things of this world should by some providence of God knock and offer themselves to us, we are bound to exclude them and resuse them, or we might open and admit of them: I divided my answer according to the divers abilities and strengths of men, first, qui potest capere capiat, he that hath strength and spiritual wisdom to manage them, let him receive them: But in the second place, he that is weak, let him let strong diet alone, and feed on herbs, let him not entangle himself with more than he can manage; Let him try, quid far resusent, Quid valeant humeri— to the first, the sum of what I spoke was this, Receive them we may, and that with out danger of a Recepisti; first, if we so received them, as if we received them not, secondly if we esteemed them not good, thirdly if we did not esteem them ours: And here the time cut me off, and suffered me not to descend unto the second part, upon which now I am about to fall, Cave ne recipias, Take heed thou receive not thy good things.  
In this matter of Receiving & entertaining these outward and foreign good things, there have been two ways commended to you, the one the more glorious, to receive them, of this we have spoken the other the more safe, not to receive them, of this we are now to speak; these ways are trodden by two kinds of persons, the one is the strong man, and more virtuous, the other is weaker, but more cautelous, the one encounters temptation, the other avoids it: we may compare them to the two great Captains, Hannibal and Fabius, the one ever calling for the battle the other evermore declining it. In one of these two ranks must every good man be found; If we compare them together we shall find, that the one is far more excellent, the other far more in number: For to be able to meet and check our enemy, to encounter occasions, to act our parts in common life upon the common stage, and yet to keep our uprightness, this indeed is truly to live, truly to serve God, and men, and therefore God the more, because men. On the contrary to avoid occasions, to follow that other vincendi genus, non pugnare, to overcome the world by contemning and avoding it, this argues a wise, indeed but a weak and fainting spirit: I have often wondered at Antiquity, which doting extremely upon a sequestered, a solitary, retired, and monkish life, sticks not to give out, that all perfection is in it, whereas indeed there is no greater argument of imperfection in good men, quam non posse pati solemn, non multitudinem, not to be able without offence to walk the public ways, to entertain the common occasions, but to live only to God and to themselves, utilis ipse sibi fortassis, in utilis orbi, men of no great public use, but excellent for themselves; Saints indeed in private, but being called forth into common life, are like Bats in the Sun, utterly ignorant of public practice, like Scheubelius a great Mathematician, but by book only, and not by practice, who being required sometime in an Army to make use of his Quadrant, knew not the difference between umbra recta, and umbra versa: yet, beloved, because this kind of good men is by far the greatest in number, and secondly because it is both an usual and a dangerous error of many men, to pretend to strength, when they are but weak, and so forgetting their place, range themselves among the first, whereas they ought to have kept station among the second sort, I will take leave both to advise myself, and all that near me, to like better of the safer, though the weaker side, and to avoid the exprobration of a Recepisti here in my text, simply non recipiendo, by not receiving, not admitting at all of the outward, lower, and temporal good things, rather than by an improvident foolhardiness to thrust ourselves upon occasions which we are unable to manage without offence. This I am the more willing to do, because there is not among men a greater error committed, and more frequent, than in this kind; for in most things in the world, men that have no skill in them, will be content to acknowledge their ignorance, and to give place to better experience: should we put the discussion of some point of Scholarship to the plough-hind, or a Case in Law to the Physician, or a point in Physic to the Lawyer, none of these will offer to interpose, but will advise to consult with every one in his proper mystery; but let offer be made of moneys, lands, places of honour, and preferment, and who will excuse himself, who will acknowledge his ignorance, or weakness to manage them? Whereas in all the Arts and Sciences there are not so many errors committed, as in the unskilful use of these things, cum tamen nusquam periculosius erretur, and yet our errors are no where so dangerous: It is therefore a thing most necessary, that in this behalf we advise men, either to know their weakness or to suspect their strength. Malocautior esse quam fortior, fortis saepe captus est, cautus rarissime; better to be cautelous and wary than strong, and hardy, the strong man hath been often captivated, but the wary man very seldom. We read in many places of Moses and Samuel of a race of men, greater in bulk and stature, than the ordinary men, unto whom men of common inches seemed but as Grasshoppers; such were the Anakims, the Enims, the Horims, the Zamzummims, the Rephaims, and the like, but if you read the Scriptures, you shall find it observed unto your hand, that the men of lesser bodies always drove them out; if you demand the reason, experience will answer you, that the one went upon the opinion of strength and hardness, the other of wary wit, and policy; it fares no otherwise with these two orders of men, of which I have spoken, there is the Anakim, the man that goes forth in the conceit of his strength and valour, there is the man of mean stature, whose strength is his wariness; were there a survey taken of both those, it would be found, that more by far have perished by unadvised adventuring upon the things of this world, than by discreet and sober retiring.  
Wherefore, dost thou find that thou comest on, and thrivest in the world, that the good things of this world woo thee, and cast themselves into thy lap, that wealth, that honours, that abundance waits upon thee; take heed how thou presume of thy strength to manage them, look well upon them, and see if there be not written in the forehead of every one of them, Recepisti; but, beloved, I perceive, I deceive myself, for these gay things of the world carry not their recepisti in their foreheads, as they come towards us, they are smooth and fair: you can prognosticate nothing by their countenance, but serene, and summer weather, our great master Aristotle hath told us, that if our pleasures did look upon us, when they come to us, as they do when they turn their back, and leave us, we would never entertain them; these goodly things have their recepisti written in their back, it is never discovered, till it be too late to mend it, when death summons us, when the world, the flesh, the glory and pomp of life turns its back & leaves us, then shall you read recepisti: Cave therefore, presume not, but be wary, and that thou mayest avoid a recepisti, cave ne recipias, be sure thou receive not; how many of those think you, who out of their opinion of skill and strength, have given free entertainment to the world, have made large use of the world, lived abundantly, fared costly, dwelled sumptuously, clothed themselves richly, when their time and hour came, would rather have gone out of some poor cottage, than out of a princely palase, and lived with no noise in the world, that so they might have died in some peace? See you not, what some great persons in the Church of Rome have often done? Charles 5. the Prince of Parma, sundry others, though they lived in all pomp and state, yet at their death, they desired to be buried in a poor Capuchins hood; miserable men, If to die in a state of perfect sequestration from the world were so precious, so available a thing, how much more precious, more available had it been, to live in it? For thus to die, not having thus lived, is nothing else, but to give sentence against their own life; for we shall not appear before God as we died, but as we lived. To profess hate, and desertion of the world at our death, as most do, to put on humiliation at our death, that live at ease and in state all our life, this is but to be buried in a Capuchins hood; what is it, beloved, that thus reforms our judgement, and clears our sight at that hour? Nothing but this, all our pleasures, all our honours, all the May-games of our life, they now shall show themselves unto us, and every one cry out unto us, Recipisti, Thou hast received thy good things.  
Now, beloved, that I may a little the better strengthen with good reason this my advice, de non recipiendo, of retiring from, and rejecting the goodly things of the world, give me leave a little to consult with my Topics, and to try out of what place I may draw some arguments, to bring you on the easier.  
And first of all, were there no other reason to persuade you, yet the very reading of this story, where I have taken my text, would afford arguments enough; for what meant Abraham, I beseech you, when he told the rich man, he had received his good things? Did he use some obscure and unknown phrase, which no circumstance of the story could open? It stands not with the goodness of the Holy Ghost, to tell us of our danger in unknown language; something therefore certainly we shall find, to open the meaning: cast back your eye upon the description of the person, whom Abraham charges with this error, and see if you find not a paraphrase there; the man to whom this phrase is applied is described by the properties, of which I understand not that any one is a virtue, first it is said, he was rich; secondly, he beware scarlet, and soft linen; thirdly, he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was jovial, and feasted liberally every day; doth not this accurate description of the person show his error? For to what other purpose else could this description serve? Either here is his error, or this character is in vain; it seems therefore we must conclude, that to be rich, to clothe ourselves costly, to far deliciously, thus to do, is to receive the good things in our life, except some favourable interpretation do help us out; but we must take heed how we do the scriptures interpretationibus ludere, dally with, and elude scripture by interpretations, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when St. John describes the world, which he forbids us to follow, he makes three parts of it, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, and the pride of life. Do not all these three appear here in the character of our man? where is the lust of the eye, if it be not in gaudy apparel? Where is the lust of the flesh, at least one great branch of it, if it be not in the use of dainty diet? Where is the pride of life, if not in riches? and what reason have you now to doubt, what should be the meaning of recepisti, thou hast received thy good things? He than that fears to hear a recepisti, if he be rich, let him not forget to distribute, and empty those bags, which lie up by him; if he be costly clad, let him turn his scarlet into sackcloth; if he feed deliciously, let him turn his costly dishes into temperance, and fasting: otherwise, what can we plead for ourselves, that we should not, as well as this man in my text, when our time comes, hear our recepisti?  
But I see what it is, peradventure, that troubles you, you will ask me, whether I will avouch it to be a sin to be rich, I must walk warily, lest I lay myself open to exception; Pelaegius grounding himself upon that of our Saviour. [It is impossible for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven,] taught that lesson indeed, as the words do lie, and would by no means grant, that a rich man could be saved; but for this the Church noted him for an Heretic, for among his heresies this is scored up for one, together with that, that it is not lawful to swear; but if Pelagius had never otherwise erred, the Church might very well have pardoned him that heresy: many times it falls out by the reason of the hardness of our hearts, that there is more danger in pressing some truths, than in maintaining some errors: that it is lawful sometime to sport ourselves, that it is lawful to feast at Christmas, that it is lawful to swear, and many other things of the like nature, are all truths; yet there is no necessity we should press them in our sermons to the people, for there is no fear the people will ever forget these, Cavendum est ne nimium me. minerint; better to labour that they do not too much remember them; he that will labour in repressing the abuses, which people ground upon these truths, must remember the old rule. Iniquum petendum est, ut aequum feras, he must go very near to teach for truth the contrary falsehood. To return then from this digression to our rich man, Pelagius, I grant, was deceived, when he shut all rich men out of the Kingdom of Heaven: but suppose we that he had prevailed in this doctrine, that he had wrought all the world to this bent, that the Church had received it for Catholic doctrine, show me, he that can, what inconvenience would have attended this error? If every rich man should suddenly become liberal, and disburse his moneys, where his charity directed him; if every painted gallant did turn his Peacock's feathers into sackcloth; if every glutton left his full dishes, and betook himself to temperance and fasting, yea, and thought himself in conscience bound so to do, out of fear, lest he might hear of Recepisti, I persuade myself the state of Greece would never suffer the more for this, but the state of Christianity would have thrived the more. Well had it been for our rich man here, if he had been a Pelagian; for this point of Pelagianisme is the surest remedy, that I know, against a Recepisti; whereas on the contrary side, by reason of the truth, many rich and covetous persons flatter themselves in their sin, whereof they die well conceited, from which they had been freed, had it been their good fortune to have been thus far deceived, and been Pelagians. Let men therefore either quite refuse riches, if they offer themselves, which is the advice I give, or if they will give them acceptance, let them believe, that if they be rich, they may be saved, but let them so live, as if they could not; for the one shall keep them from error in their faith, the other from sin in their Actions.  
A second reason, persuading us to the neglect of these so much admired things of the world, is the consideration of certain abuses, which they put upon us, certain fallacies, and false glosses, by which they delude us; for I know not how, the world hath cried them up, and hath given them goodly titles, ut vel lactis gallinacei sperare possis haustum, as Pliny speaks; men call them blessings and favours, and rewards, and think those men most blest of God, who enjoy most of them; these goodly titles serve for nothing, but to set men on longing after them, and so fill those, that have them, with false persuasions, and those that have them not with despair and discontents; were they indeed blessings; were they rewards, than were our case very evil, and we ourselves in greater danger of a recepisti, than before: for as Abraham here tells the man of recepiste bona, thou hast received tby goodthings, so our Saviour tells more than once of some qui habent mercedem, have their reward; if then we shall beg, and receive these things at the hands of God, as a reward of our service, we shall be no more able, when we come to appear before our God, to shelter ourselves from an habetis mercedem, you have your reward, than the rich man here could defend himself from a recepisti. They may indeed pass for rewards, and blessings, and that truly too, but to a sad, and disconsolate end; for their is no man, though never so wicked, but that some way or other doth some good, some cup of cold water hath been given, some small service enterprised even by the worst of men: now God who leaves no service unrewarded, no good office unrespected, therefore preserves these sublunary blessings of purpose, ut paria faciat, to clear accounts with men here, who otherwise might seem to claim something at his hand, at that great day; It is the question Ahasuerus makes, What honour and dignity hath been done to Mordecai for this? God is more careful of his honour, than Ahasuerus was; none more careful than he, to reward every service with some honour: Nabuchadnezzar was no Saint, I trow, yet because of his long service in the subduing of Tyre, God gives him Egypt for his reward, they are the Prophet ezechiel's words: when therefore thou seest God willing to bring the world upon thee, to enrich thee, to raise thee to honours, suspectam habe hanc Domini indulgentiam, as Tertullian saith, be jealous of this courtesy of God, or rather cry out with St. Bernard, Misericordiam hanc nolo Domine, O Lord, I will none of this kind of mercy: for how knowest thou whether he reward not thee, as he did Nabuchadnezzar only to even accounts with thee, and show thee that he is not in thy debt, that thou mayest hear at the last either a recepisti, or an habes mercedem, thou hast thy reward? O quanta apud Deummerces', si in praesenti praemium non sperarent, saith St. Jerome, O how great a reward might many men receive at the hand of God, if they did not anticipate their reward and desire it in this life? Why do we capitulate with him for our services? Why not rather out of pious ambition desire to have God in our debt? He that doth God the greatest service, and receives here from him the least reward, is the happiest man in the world; there goes a story of Aquinas, that praying once before the Crucifix, the Crucifix miraculously speaks thus unto him, Benede mescripsisti Thoma, quam ergomercedem accipies? Thou hast written well of me, Thomas, what reward dost thou desire? To whom Aquinas is made to answer, Nullam, Domine, praeter Teipsum; no reward, Lord, but thyself: 'tis great pity this tale is not true, it doth so excellently teach, what to ask of God for our reward in his service. Let God but assure thee of this reward, caetera omnia vota Deo remittas, thou mayest very well pardon him all the rest: let us therefore amend our language, and leave off these solecisms and misapplied denominations of blessings, and favours, and rewards, names too high for any thing under the moon, and at our leisure find out other names to express them; as for this great esteem, which we make of the things below, it comes but from this, that we know not the value of things above; did we believe ourselves to be the heirs, and the sons of God, and knew the price of our inheritance in Heaven, it could not be, that we should harbour so high and honourable conceits of earthly things; it is a famous speech of MARTIN LUTHER, Homo perfect credens se esse haeredem et filium Dei, non diu superstes maneret, sed statim immodico gaudeo absorberetur: Did a man indeed believe that he is a son and heir unto God, it could not be, that such a man should long live, but forthwith he would be swallowed up, and die of immoderate joy: And certainly either our not believing, or not rightly valuing the things of God, or howsoever, not knowing them, is the cause of this our languishing, and impatient longing after earthly things; It is but a plain comparison which I shall use, yet because it fits the persoa, to whom I will apply it, and because it is Theophylacts in his Comments on St. Luke's Gospel, I will not be ashamed to make use of it; Swine, saith he, have their eyes so framed, that they cannot look up to Heaven; their keepers therefore when they find themselves troubled with their crying, are wont to cast them upon their backs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so make them cease their crying, for that beast being amazed to see the frame and beauty of Heaven, which before he had never seen, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being stricken with admiration, forgets his crying; the eyes of many men seem to be framed like those of Swine, they are not able to cast them up to Heaven, for would they but cast themselves upon their backs, turn their face from earth, and view the beauty of things above, it could not be, but all this claim, or rather clamour after earthly things should utterly cease.  
Again, (yet the more to quicken one to the neglect of these things below) among many other fallacies, by which they delude us, I have made choice of one more, they present themselves unto us, sometimes as necessaries, sometimes as Ornaments unto us in our course of virtue and happiness; whereas they are but mere impertinences, neither is it any way material, whether we have them yea or no; virtus censum non requirit, nudo homine contenta est, virtue and happiness require nothing else but a man: Thus say the Ethnics: And Christianity much more: For it were a strange thing that we should think that Christ came to make virtue more chargeable: In regard of virtue and piety, all estates, all conditions, high and low, are alike: It is noted by Petronius for the vanity of rich men, Qui solas divitias extruere curant, nihil volunt inter homines melius credit, qua quod ipsi tenent, those men whose minds are set upon wealth and riches, would have all men believe that it is best so to do: But riches and poverty make no difference, for we believe him that hath told us, there is no difference, Jew and Gentile, high and low, rich and poor, all are one in Christ Jesus, Non naturae paupertas, sed opinionis est, saith S. Ambrose, Poverty, as men call it, is but a fancy, there is no such thing indeed, it is but a Figment, an Idol, men first framed it, and set it up, and afterward feared it, oculi nostri tota haec lunuria est; as some Naturalists tell us that the Rain bow is oculi opus, a thing framed only by the eye, so this difference, betwixt rich and poor is but the creature of the eye. Smindyrides the Sybarite was grown so extremely dainty, that he would grow weary with the sight of another man's labour, and therefore when sometime he saw a poor man digging, and painfully labouring, he began to faint, and pant, and requires to be removed: Beloved, when we are thus offended to see another man meanly clad, meanly housed, meanly traded, all this is but out of a Sybaritish ridiculous daintiness, for all this is but to grow weary at the sight of another man's labour: would we follow our Saviour's precept, and put out this eye of ours, the greatest part of all this vanity were quite extinguished, for what were all outward state and pomp imaginable, were no eye to see or regard it?  
Now, beloved, yet to see this more plainly, what is the main end of our life? what is it, at which with so much pain and labour we strive to arrive? It is, or should be nothing else but virtue and happiness: Now these are alike purchasable in all estates; Poverty, disease, distress, contumely, contempt, these are as well the object of virtue, as wealth, liberty, honour, reputation, and the rest of that forespoken rank: Happiness therefore may as well dwell with the poor, miserable, and distressed persons, as with persons of better fortune, since it is confessed by all, that happiness is nothing else but Actio secundum virturem, a leading of our life according to virtue; As great art may be expressed in the cutting of a flint, as in the cutting of a diamond, and so the workman do well express his skill, no man will blame him for the baseness of the matter, or think the worse of his work: Beloved, some man hath a diamond, a fair and glittering fortune, some man hath a flint, a hard, harsh, and despicable fortune, let him bestow the same skill and care in polishing and cutting of the latter, as he would or could have done on the former, and be confident it will be as highly valued (if not more highly rewarded) by God who is no accepter of persons, but accepteth every man according to that he hath, and not according to that he hath not; To him let us commit ourselves: To him be all honour and praise, now and for ever.  
Amen.  
FINIS.   
Numbers 35. verse 33. And the Land cannot be cleansed of blood, that is shed in it; but by the blood of him that shed it. 
THese words are like unto a Scorpion: for as in that, so in these, the self same thing is both Poison, and remedy. Blood is the poison, Blood is the Remedy, he that is stricken with the Scorpion, must take the oil of the Scorpion to cure him. He that hath poisoned a Land with the sin of blood, must yield his own blood for Antidote to cure it. It might seem strange, that I should amongst Christians thus come and deliver a speech of Blood. For when I read the notes and characters or a Christian in holy Scriptures, me thinks it should be almost a sin for such a one to name it. Possess your souls in patience: by this shall men know, that ye are my Disciples if ye love one another: peace I leave with you. The fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace in the Holy Ghost. Lee your softness be known to all men: the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy. It is reported by Avenzoar a great Physician, that he was so tender hearted, that he could not endure to see a man let blood: he that should read these passages of Scripture, might think that Christians were like Avenzoar, that the sight of blood should be enough to affright them, But is the Common Christian so soft? So tender hearted, is he so peaceable, so tame and tractable a creature? You shall not find two things of more different countenance and complexion, than that Christianity which is commended unto us in the writings of the Apostles, and Evangelists, and that which is current in use and practice of the times. He that shall behold the true face of a Christian, as it is deciphered and painted out unto us in the books of the New Testament, and unpartially compare it with that copy or counterfeit of it, which is expressed in the life and demeanour of common Christians, would think them no more like than those shields of Gold, which Solomon made, were unto those of brass, which Rehoboam made in their steed: and might suppose that the writers of those books had brought votamagis, quam praecepta had rather fancied to themselves some admirable pattern of a Christian, such as they could wish, then delivered rules and laws, which seriously and indeed aught or could be practised in common life and conversation. St. James observes, that he which beholds his natural face in a glass, goes his way, and immediately forgets what manner of man he was. Beloved how careful we are to look upon the glass, the books of holy Scriptures, I cannot easily pronounce. But this I am sure of, we go our ways and quickly forget what manner of shape we saw there. As Jacob and Esau had both one father, Isaac; both one mother Rebecca, yet the one was smooth and plain, the other rough and hairy, of harsh and hard countenance, & condition so these two kinds of Christians of which but now I spoke, though both lay claim to one father and mother, both call themselves the sons of God and the sons of the Church, yet are they almost as unlike as Jacob and Esau; the one smooth, gentle, and peaceable, the other rough and harsh. The notes and characters of Christians, as they are described in holy Scriptures are patience easily putting up and digesting of wrongs, humility, preferring all before ourselves: And St. James tells us, that the wisdom that is from above, is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated. St. James indeed hath given the first place unto purity, and it were almost a sin to compare Christian virtues together, and make them strive for precedency, and place. For what Solomon saith upon another occasion, is here much more true: say not why is this thing better than that: for everything in its time is seasonable. Yet he that shall mark how every where the Scriptures commend unto us gentleness and meekness, and that peace is it quam nobis Apostoli totis viribus spiritus sancti commendant, as Tertullian speaks, which the Apostles endeavour with all the strength and force of the Holy Ghost to plant amongst us, might a little invert the words of St. James, and read them thus. The wisdom that is from above, is first peaceable, then pure. The son of God, who is the wisdom of the Father, and who for us men came down from Heaven, first, and before all other virtues commended this unto the world. For when he was born, the song of the Angels was peace upon earth, and goodwill towards men. All his doctrine was peace, his whole life was peaceable, and no man heard his voice in the streets. His last legacy and bequest left unto his disciples was the same. Peace, saith he, I leave unto you, my peace I give unto you: As Christ, so Christians. In the building of Solomon's Temple, there was no noise of any hammer, of any instrument of Iron: so in the spiritual building and frame of a Christian, there is no sound of Iron, no noise of any weapons, nothing but peace and gentleness. Ex praecepto, fidei non minus rea ira est sine ratione suscepta, quam in operibus legis homicidium, saith St. Austin, unadvised anger by the law of faith, is as a great sin, as murder was by the law of Moses. As some Physicians have thought, that in man's body the spleen hath very little use, and might well be spared, and therefore in dealing with sundry diseased persons, they endeavour by physic to abate, and take away that part in them, as much as may be; so if we look into a Christian man, as he is proposed to us in the Gospel, we may justly marvel to what purpose God hath planted in him this faculty and passion of anger; since he hath so little use of it: and the Gospel in a manner doth spiritually diet, and physic him for it, and endeavours much to abate, if not quite to purge out that quality. Beloved we have hitherto seen who Jacob is, and what manner of man the Christian is, that is described unto us in holy Scripture. Let us a little consider his Brother Esau, the Christian in passage, and who commonly in the account of the world goes for one. Is he so gentle and tr●●ctable a creature? Is his countenance so smooth, his body so free from gall and spleen? To try this, as the Devil sometimes spoke unto Job. Touch him in his goods, touch him in his body, and see if he will not curse thee to thy face: so touch this man a little in his goods, touch him in his reputation and honour; touch him in any thing that he loves, (for this is the only way to try how far, these commands of peace, and forbearance, and long suffering prevail with us,) and see if he will not forget and lose all his patience. Which of us is there that understands the words and precepts of our Saviour in their literal sense, and as they lie? The precepts of suffering wrong, rather than to go to law; of yielding the coat to him that would take the cloak, of readiness to receive more wrongs, then to revenge one: these and all the Evangelical commands of the like nature Interpretamento detorquemus. We have found out favourable interpretations, and glosses, restrictions, and evasions, to wind ourselves out of them, to shift them all off, and put them by, and yet pass for sound and currant Christians: we think we may be justly angry, continue long suits in law, call to the Magistrate for revenge, yea sometimes take it into our own hands, all this and much more we think we may lawfully, and with good reason do, any precept of Christ to the contrary notwithstanding. And as it usually comes to pass, the permitting and tolerating lesser sins, opens way to greater, so by giving passage, and inlet to those lesser impatiences and discontents, we lay open a gap to those fouler crimes, even of murder and bloodshed. For as men commonly suppose that all the former breaches of our patience, which but now I mentioned, may well enough stand with the duties of Christians: so there are who stay not here, but think, that in some cases it may be lawful, yea, peradventure necessary, at least very pardonable for Christians privately to seek each others blood, and put their lives upon their swords, without any wrong to their vocation; out of this have sprung many great inconveniences, both private and public. First, Laws made too favourable in case of bloodshed. Secondly, a too much facility and easiness in Princes and Magistrates, sometimes to give pardon, and release for that crime. Thirdly and chiefly (for it is the special cause indeed that moved me to speak in this Argument) an over promptness in many youngmen, who desire to be counted men of valour and resolution, upon every sleight occasion, to raise a quarrel and admit of no other means of composing, and ending them but by sword and single combat. Partly therefore to show the grievousness & greatness of this sin of bloodshed, and partly to give the best counsel I can for the restraint of those conceits and errors which give way unto it, I have made choice of these few words out of the Old Testament which but now I read. In the New Testament there is no precept given concerning bloodshed. The Apostles seem not to have thought, that Christians ever should have had need of such a prohibition. For what needed to forbid those to seek each others blood, who are not permitted to speak over hastily, one to another, when therefore I had resolved with myself to speak something concerning the sin of bloodshed, I was in a manner constrained to reflect upon the Old Testament, and make choice of those words. And the Land cannot be purged of blood that is shed in it, but by the blood of him that shed it.  
In which words for my more orderly proceeding, I will observe these two general parts: First, the greatness of the sin. Secondly, the means to cleanse and satisfy for the guilt of it. The first, that is the greatness of the sin, is expressed by two circumstances. First, by the generality, extent, and largeness of the guilt of it: and secondly, by the difficulty of cleansing it. The largeness and compass of the guilt of this sin, is noted out unto us in the word Land and the Land cannot be purged. It is true in some sense of all sins. Nemo sibi uni errat, no man sins in private, and to himself alone; For as the Scripture notes of that action of Jepthte, when he vowed his daughter unto God, That it became a Custom in Israel: so is it in all sins. The error is only in one person, but the example spreads far & wide, and thus every man that sins, sins against the whole Land, yea against the whole world. For who can tell how far the example and infection of an evil action doth spread? In other sins the infection is no larger than the disease: but this sin like a plague: one brings the infection; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but thousands die for it, yet this sin of blood diffuses and spreads itself above all other sins. For in other sins noxa sequitur caput. The guilt of them is confined to the person that committed them. God himself hath pronounced of them. The Son shalt not bear the sins of the Father, the soul that sinneth shall die the death. But the sin of blood seems to claim an exception from this Law. If by time i●● be not purged, like the frogs of Egypt, the whole land stank of them. It leaves a guilt upon the whole land in which it is committed. Other sins come in like rivers, and break their banks to the prejudice and wrong of private persons: but this comes in like a Sea, raging and threatening to overwhelm whole countries. If blood in any land do lie unrevenged, every particular soul hath cause to fear, lest part of the penalty fall on him. We read in the books of Kings that long after Saul's death God plagued the Land of Jewry with three years' famine; because Saul in his life time had without any just cause shed the blood of some of the Gibeonites: neither the famine ceased, till seven of Saul's Nephews had died for it. In this story there are many things rare and worth our observation. First, the Generality and extent of the guilt of Bloodshed which is the cause for which I urged it) it drew a general famine on the whole Land. Secondly, the continuance and length of the punishment. It lasted full three years, and better. Thirdly, the time of the plague; it fell long after the person offending was dead. Fourthly, whereas it is said in my Text. That blood is cleansed by the blood of him that shed it: here the blood of him that did this sin, sufficed not to purge the Land from it. That desperate and woeful end, that besel both Saul and his Sons in that last and fatal battle upon Mount- Gilboah, a man might think had freed the Land from danger of blood: yet we see that the blood of the Gibeonites, had left so deep a stain, that it could not be sponged out without the blood of seven more of Saul's offspring. So that in some cases it seems we must alter the words of my Text: The Land cannot be purged of blood, but by the blood of him, and his posterity that shed it. Saint Peter tells us that some men's sins go before them unto judgement, and some men's sins follow after. Beloved here is a sin that exceeds the members of this division, for howsoever it goes before, or after us unto Judgement: Yet it hath a kind of Ubiquity, and so runs afore, so follows us at the heels, that it stays behind us too, and calls for vengeance long after that we are gone. Blood unrevenged passes from Father to Son like an Heirlome or legacy: and he that dies with blood hanging on his fingers, leaves his Offspring and his Family as pledges to answer it in his stead. As an Engineer that works in a Mine, lays a train, or kindles a Match, and leaves it behind him, which shall take hold of the powder long after he is gone, so he that sheds blood, if it be not be times purged, as it were kindles a Match able to blow up not only a Parliament, but even a whole Land where blood lies unrevenged.  
Secondly, another circumstance serving to express unto us the greatness of this sin; I told you was the difficulty of cleansing it; intimated in those words, cannot be cleansed but by the blood of him that shed it. Most of other sins have sundry ways to wash the guilt away. As in the Levitical Law, the woman that was unclean by reason of Child-bearing, might offer a pair of Turtle-doves, or two young Pigeons: so he that travels with other sins, hath either a Turtle or a Pigeon, he hath more ways than one to purify him: prayer unto God, or true repentance, or satisfaction to the party wronged, or bodily affliction, or temporary mulct. But, he that travels with the sin of Blood, for him there remains no sacrifice for sin, but a fearful expectation of vengeance, he hath but one way of cleansing, only his blood, the blood of him that shed it.  
The second general part which we considered in these words, was, that one mean which is left to cleanse blood expressed in the last words, the blood of him that shed it. The Apostle to the Hebrews speaking of the sacrifices of the Old Testament, notes that without blood, there was no cleansing no forgiveness. He spoke it only of the blood of beasts of Bulls and Goats, who therefore have their blood that they might shed it in man's service, and for man's use. But among all the Levitical Sacrifices there was not one to cleanse the manslayer: For the blood of the cattle upon a thousand Hills was not sufficient for this, yet was that sin to be purged with blood too, and that by a more constant and perpetual Law, then that of Sacrifices. For the cleansing of other sins by blood is done away; the date of it is out; but to cleanse blood by blood remains as a Law to our times, and so shall unto the world's end, sanguine quaerendi reditus, out of blood no way to get but by blood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: saith S. Basil, hast thou shed blood? wouldst thou be free from the guilt of it. Thy best way is to be a Martyr, and shed thy blood for Christ's sake. Now that what I have to say may the better be conceived and lodged up in your memories, I will comprehend and order all that I will speak to under three heads. First I will in General yet a little further, briefly show how great a sin the sin of blood is. Secondly I will speak of the redress of some misorders very frequent in our age which give way to this sin, especially private revenge and single combat. Thirdly I will touch at the means of taking the guilt of blood away, which here the holy Ghost commends to those which are set in authority to that purpose. And first of the greatness of the crime and sin of blood.  
Of sins in holy Scripture there be two sorts recorded. One sort is a silent, dumb and quiet sin. God doth as it were seek after it to find it, as the people did after Saul, when he was hidden amongst the stuff. Of this nature are the ordinary sins of our life, which do more easily find pardon at the hands of God; but there is a second sort of sin, which is a vocal and a crying sin, a sin like that importunate widow in the Gospel, that will not suffer the Judge to be quiet, till he hath done justice: and those are the more heavy and grievouser sins of our lives. Of this second sort, there are two sins, to which the Scripture doth attribute this crying faculty. First the sin of Sodom; For so God tells Abraham, The cry of Sodom and Gomorrha is come up before me. The second is the sin of which I am now to speak, the sin of Bloodshed. For so God tells Cain. The voice of thy brother's blood cries unto me from the earth, The sin of Adam in Paradise doubtless was a great and heinous sin, which hath thus made us all the children of death, yet it seems to be but of the rank of mute sins, and to have had no voice to betray it, God comes unto Adam, convents him, examines him as if he had not known it, and seems not to believe any such thing was done, till himself had confessed it. But blood is an unmannerly, importunate, and clamorous sin, God shall not need to come and inquire after it, it will come up unto him, and cry as the souls do under the altar in the Revelation. How long Lord, how long? Nec patimur— iracunda Deum ponere fulmina, suffers not God to forget judgement, or entertain a thought of mercy. To satisfy therefore the cry of this importunate sin, and to show men the grievousness of it, the Laws of God and men have wonderfully conspired in the avenging of blood; by what means, or by what creature soever it were shed. Beasts, unreasonable creatures, though whatsoever they do, they cannot be said to sin: for whatsoever they do, they do by force of that natural instinct, by which they are guided, and led as by their proper law: yet man's blood if they shed it, is revenged upon them. God himself is the Author of this law, (Gen. 9) where he tells Noah; The blood of your lives I will require, at the hands of every beast will I require it. And accordingly in the 21. of Exodus, he precisely enacts a law. De 'Bove petulco, If an Ox gore a man that he die, the Ox shall be slain, and the flesh cast away as an abomination. The laws of Natural men, who had no knowledge of God, come little behind this; yea, they may seem to have gone before it in severe revenging of blood: for amongst the laws, by which Athens that famous city of Greece was governed, there was one, that if a Wall by chance had fallen down, and slain a man as the tower of Siloam did, of which we read in the Gospel; that then the Judges should sit, and formally arraign that wall, condemn it, and throw the stor●●s of it out of the Country. This so formal proceeding against unreasonable, against dull and senseless creatures, hath been thus jointly both by God and man practised only for our example, to teach us how precious the life of man ought to be in our eyes: and it resembles that action of Christ in the Gospel, where for our instruction he curses the barren fig tree: Sterilitas nostra in ficu vapulat, etc.  
Now as exemplary justice is severely done on these creatures for man's instruction: so much more if man himself kept not his hands clean from blood, did the laws of God proceed with much strictness and severity: for to say nothing of gross, malicious, and wilful murder; if a man only in his haste struck another with a weapon, or with a stone, so that he died, though the striker intended but to hurt, yet he was to die for it. That he did it in anger, that he did it in his drink, that he did it provoked, that he did it in defence of his honour, and reputation: none of all these pretences might excuse him. Nay, which is yet more, God himself propounds the case; If saith he, a man cleaving wood his axe head fly off, and hit his neighbour, so that he kills him, except he could recover one of the Cities of Refuge, he was to die: and having recovered a city of refuge, if before the death of the high Priest, he were taken without the walls of the city, he was to die. So strict was God in the case of chance-medley, (as they call it,) in a case which he takes unto himself, and makes himself the Author of. For in the 21. of Exodus, speaking of the man that thus sheds blood by chance and unwittingly, his words are these; If a man lie not in wait sed Deus objecerit manui ejus, but God put him into his hands, I will appoint him a city of refuge to fly unto. In which words God acknowledges, that he who thus dies by chance, dies by his providence, and not by the sin of him that slew him. If God (saith he) shall put him into his hands; yet you see, what a penalty he lays upon the innocent instrument of such blood shed. The blood that is shed in battle, and in times of lawful war you all suppose as lawfully shed. Yet notwithstanding Moses in the 16. of Numbers, gives charge, that the soldiers returning from battle, should stay a while without the Camp, even seven days, until they were cleansed. Again, when David advised with himself about the building of an house unto God, he sends him word to lay by all thought of that: he was no fit person to do it; and he gives the reason of it. Quia vir bellorum & sanguinum es tu. For thou art a man hast shed much blood, and fought many battles. Beloved the battles which David fought were called the Lords battles, and therefore whatsoever he did in that kind, he had doubtless very good warrant to do: and yet you see, that it is an imputation to him, that he shed blood, though lawfully, ut fundi sanguis ne juste quidem, sine aliquâ injustitiâ possit; so that it seems blood cannot be so justly shed, but that it brings with it some stain and spot of injustice.  
All this have I said to raise up in you as much as possibly I can, a right conceit of the height and heinousness of this sin, and further, yet to effect this in you, as in the beginning and entrance into my discourse, I briefly touched at two reasons, showing the greatness of this sin, occasioned thereunto by the words of my text: so will I as briefly touch at the two more tending to the same purpose; one drawn from respect of the wrong, which by this sin is done unto God; another from the wrong done to ourselves. And first, what wrong is done unto God, God himself shows us in the 9 of Genesis: where giving this for an everlasting law. He that sheddeth man's blood, by man let his blood be shed; he presently adds the reason of it. For in the image of God made he man: we shall the better understand the force of this reason, if we a little look into civil actions. It is the usual manner of subjects, when they rebel against the Prince, to think they cannot more effectually express their hate; then by disgracing, breaking, throwing down the statues and images erected to his honour. The citizens of Antioch in a sedition against Theodosius the Emperor, in one night disgracefully threw down all his statues, which fact of theirs caused S. Chrysostom at that time preacher to that city, to make those famous Sermons, which from that action to this day are called his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his statues. This by so much the more is counted a great offence, because next unto wronging and disgracing the very person of the Prince, a greater insolence cannot be offered. For it expresseth with what welcome they would entertain him, if they had him in their power. Beloved man is the image of his maker erected by him as a Statue of his honour. He than that shall despitefully handle, batter and deface it, how can he be counted otherwise then guilty of highest Treason against his Maker. Rebellion, saith Samuel to Saul, is like the sin of superstition and Idolatry. The sin of blood therefore equals the sin Idolatry, since there cannot be a greater sin of Rebellion against God, then to deface his image. Idolatry through ignorance sets up a false image of God, but this sin through malice defaces, pulls down the true. Amongst the heathen, sometimes the statues of the Emperors were had in such respect, that they were accounted sanctuaries, and such as for offence fled unto them, it was not lawful to touch. Beloved, such honour ought we to give unto a man, that if he have offended us, yet the image of God which shines in him aught to be as a sanctuary unto him, to save him from our violence, an admonitioner unto us, that we ought not to touch him. A second reason. yet further showing the heinousness of this sin, is drawn from the wrong which is done to ourselves. All other wrongs whatsoever they be admit of some recompense. Honours, wealth, preferments, if they be taken from us, they may return as they did unto Job in far greater measure, and the party wronged may receive full and ample satisfaction; but what recompense may be made to a man for his life? When that is gone, all the Kingdoms which our Saviour saw in the Mount, and the glory of them, are nothing worth, neither is all the world, all the power of men and Angels able to give the least breath to him that hath lost it. Nothing under God is able to make satisfaction for such a wrong: the revenge that is taken afterward upon the party that hath done the wrong, cannot be counted a recompense. That is done In terrorem viventium, non in subsidium mortuorum. It serves to deter the living from committing the like outrage, but it can no way help him that is dead: David at the same time committed two sins, great sins, Murder and Adultery; the reward of either of which by God's law, is nothing else but death. Yet for his Adultery he seems to make some satisfaction to the party wronged; for the text notes that David took her to his wife, made her his Queen, and that he went in unto her, comforted her: all which may well be counted at least a part of recompense. But for dead Urias what means could David make to recompense, to comfort him. For this cause I verily suppose it is, that in his penitential Psalm, wherein he bewails his sin, he makes no particular confession, no mention of his Adultery: but of the other, of blood, he is very sensible, and expressly prays against it. Deliver me from blood guiltiness, O God, thou God of my salvation; as if Adultery in comparison of murder were no crime at all.  
I am sorry I should have any just occasion amongst Christian men, so long to insist upon a thing so plain; and show that the sin of blood is a great and heinous sin. But he that shall look into the necessities of these times, shall quickly see that there is a great cause, why this doctrine should be very effectually pressed. For many things are even publicly done, which in part argue that men esteem of this sin much more slightly than they ought. Aristotle observed it of Phaleas, (one that took upon him, to prescribe laws, by which a common wealth might as he thought, well be governed,) that he had taken order for the preventing of smaller faults, but he left way enough open to greater crimes. Beloved, the error of our laws is not so great as that of Phaleas was, yet we offend too, though on the contrary, and the less dangerous side; for great and grievous sins are by them providently kerbed, but many inferior crimes find many times too free passage. Murder, though all be abominable, yet there are degrees in it, some is more heinous than other. Gross, malicious, premeditated and wilful murder, are by our laws, so far as humane wisdom can provide, sufficiently prevented: but murders done in haste, or besides the intent of him that did it, or in point of honour, and reputation, these find a little too much favour; or laws in this respect are somewhat defective, both in preventing that it be not done, and punishing it when it is done; men have thought themselves wiser than God, presumed to moderate the unnecessary severity (as they seem to think) of his laws. And hence it comes to pass, that in military companies, and in all great cities and places of Mart and concourse few months, yea, few weeks pass without some instance and example of bloodshed, either by sudden quarrel, or by challenge to Duel and single combat. How many examples in a short space have we seen of young men, men of hot and fiery disposition, mutually provoking and disgracing each other, and then taking themselves bound in high terms of valour, and honour, to end their quarrels by their swords? That therefore we may the better discover, the unlawfulness of challenge and private combat; let us a little inquire and examine in what cases blood may lawfully, and without offence be shed; that so we may see where, amongst these, single combat may find its place.  
The Manichees were of opinion that it was not lawful to violate any thing in which there was life, and therefore they would not pull a branch from a tree, because forsooth there was life in it. To think that man's life may be in no case taken from him, is but a branch of Manichisme: and the words of my text do directly cross it, where it is laid down, that for the cleansing of blood, blood may and must be shed. For the avoiding therefore of the extreme, we are to note that the lawful causes of bloodshed are either public or private, public cases are two: First in case of Justice, when a malefactor dies for his sin by the hand of the Magistrate. Secondly in case of public war and defence of our Country, for the Doctrine of Christ is not (as some have supposed) an enemy to Soldiership, and Military Discipline. When John the Baptist began to Preach Repentance, and amendment of Life; amongst those that came forth to understand and learn their duty, the Text saith that the Soldiers came and asked him Master what shall we do. And John wills them not to lay down their weapons; or to take another course of life (which he ought and would have done, if that course had been unlawful) but he instructs them rather in their calling. For he gives them these two Lessons, Do no man wrong, And be content with your pay, your wages. Then which there could not have been better, or more pertinent counsel given to Soldiers, they being the two principal vices of Soldiers to wrong places where they live by forage, and pillage and to mutiny in dislike of their pay. When Saint Peter came to Preach to the Centurion in the Acts we find not a syllable in all that Sermon prejudicial to a Soldier's profession. And therefore accordingly in the times of the Primitive Church Christians served even under Heathen Emperors, and that with the approbation of God himself.  
For in the Ecclesiastic story we read of the Legio Fulminatrix of a band of Soldiers called the Thundering Band. Because that at what time Marcus the Emperor lying with his Army in Germany was afflicted with a great drought, and in great danger of the enemy, when they were now about to join battle, the Christian Soldiers, (that Band) fell flat on their faces, and by their instant prayers obtained of God a great Tempest which to the Emperor and his army, brought store of cold refreshing water, but upon the enemy nothing else but fire and whirlwind. The Emperor's Epistle in which this story is related, is this day extant, recovered by Justin Martyr, who lived about the time the thing was done: wherefore we may not doubt of the lawfulness of that profession, which it hath pleased God thus to grace, and honour with such a miracle. Besides these two there are no other public causes of bloodshed. As for the causes in private, I know but one, and that is when a man is set upon and forced to it, in his own defence. If a thief be robbing in the night, and be slain, the Law of God acquits him that did it: and by the Roman Laws, Nocturnum furem quomodo libet, diurnum si se telo defenderit, it was lawful to kill a thief by night at any hand, and by day if he used his weapon, of private bloodshed there is no cause but this & this we must needs allow of. For in all other private necessities into which we may be driven, the Law and Magistrate have place to whom we must repair for remedy: but in case of defence of life against sudden on set, no law can be made except we would make a Law to yield our throats to him that would cut them, or our Laws were like the Prophet that came to Jeroboam at Bethel, and could dry up men's arms that offered violence, wherefore all cause of death, one only excepted, is public and that for great reason. For to die is not a private action to be undertaken at our own, or at any other private man's pleasure, and discretion. For as we are not born unto ourselves alone, but for the service of God and the commonwealth in which we live: so no man dies to himself alone but with the damage and loss of that Church or commonwealth of which he is a member. Wherefore it is not left to any private man's power to dispose of any man's life, no not to our own, only God and the Magistrate may dispose of this. As Soldiers in the camp must keep their standing, neither may they move or alter, but by direction from the captain: so is it with us all. Our life is a warfare and every man in the world hath his station, and place from whence he may not move at his own, or at another man's pleasure, but only at the direction and appointment of God, his General, or of the Magistrates, which are as Captains & Lieutenants under him. Then our lawful times of death are either when our day is come, or to fall in battle, or for misdemeanour to be cut off by the public hand of Justice, Ut qui vivi prodesse noluerunt, eorum morte respub, utatur. He which otherwise dies, comes by surreption and stealth, and not warrantably unto his end.  
And though we have spoken something in Apology and defence of War, yet you may not think, that in time of War your hands are loose, and that you may at your pleasure shed the blood of your enemy. Misericorditer etiam bella gerantur, saith S. Austin, even in war and battle there is room for thoughts of peace and mercy and therefore many of the ancient Heroes renowned Soldiers and Captains were very conscientious of shedding the blood of their enemies, except it were in battle, and when therewas no remedy to avoid it. In that mortal battle, Sam. 2. between the Servants of David and the servants of Isbosheth; the Scripture reports that Abner fled, And Azael Joabs' brother following him hard at heels to kill him, Abner advises him twice, Turn aside, saith he, why should I smite thee to the ground. But when Azahel would not hearken but followed him still for his blood, than he struck him with his spear, that he died. In the time of War when he might lawfully have done it, in the fury of the battle Abner would not shed blood, but by constraint. Xenophon would make us believe that the Soldiers in Cyrus his army were so well disciplined, that one of them in time of the battle, having lift up his arm to strike his enemy, hearing the Trumpet begin to sound the retreat, let fall his arm and willingly lost his blow because he thought the time of striking was now past: So far were these men from thinking it lawful to shed the blood of a Subject in the time of peace, that they would not shed the blood of an enemy in time of war except it were in the field. J. Cesar was one of the greatest, & stoutest Captains that ever was in the World, he stood the shock of fifty set battles, besides all sieges and outroads, he took a thousand Cities and walled Towns; he overrun three hundred several countries, and in his wars were slain well near twelve hundred thousand men, besides all those that died in the civil wars, which were great numbers, yet this man protested of himself, and that most truly that he never drew blood but in the field, nunquam nisi in acie stantem never slew any man, but in a set battle, I have been a little the bolder in bringing these instances of heathen men. First, because the Doctrine of Christ, through error is counted an enemy to policy of War and Martial Discipline. Secondly, because we have found out many distinctions, and evasions to elude the precepts of our Blessed Saviour and his Apostles. For as it hath been observed of the God-makers, I mean the Painters and Statuaries among the heathen, they were wont many times to paint their Goddesses like their mistresses, and then think them most fair, when they were most like what they best loved: so is it with many professors of Christian Religion they can temper the precepts of it to their liking, and lay upon them glosses and interpretations as it were colours, and make it look like what they love. Thirdly, because it is likely that the examples of these men will most prevail with those to whom I speak as being such to whom above all they affect to be most like. Except therefore it be their purpose to hear no other Judgement but only their own unruly and misorderly affections; it cannot but move them to see the examples of men guided only by the light of reason, of men I say the most famous in all the world for valour and resolution to run so mainly against them. To come then unto the question of Duels; both by the light of reason, and by the practice of men it doth appear, that there is no case, wherein subjects may privately seek each others lives. There are extant the Laws of the Jews framed by God himself. The Laws of the Roman Empire made partly by the Ethnic, partly by Christian Princes; A great part of the Laws of Sparta, and Athens (two warlike Commonwealths especially the former) lie dispersed in our books: yet amongst them all is there not a Law or Custom that permits this liberty to Subjects. The reason of it I conceive, is very plain. The principal thing next under God by which a Commonwealth doth stand is the Authority of the Magistrate whose proper end is to compose, and end quarrels between man and man upon what occasion soever they grow; For were men peaceable, were men not injurious one to another, there were no use of Government. Wherefore to permit men in private to try their own rights, or to avenge their own wrongs, and so to decline the sentence of the Magistrate is quite, to cut off all use of Authority. Indeed it hath been sometimes seen that the event of a battle by consent of both armies, hath been put upon single combat, to avoid further effusion of blood: but combats betwixt Subjects for private causes till these later ages of the world was never allowed. Yet I must confess the practice of it is very Ancient. For Cain the second man in the world was the first Duellist, the first that ever challenged the field (in the fourth of Genesis) the Text saith, That Cain spoke unto his Brother, and when they were in the field he arose and slew him. The Septuagint, to make the sense more plain do add another clause, and tell us what it was he said unto his Brother, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let us go out into the field, and when they were in the field, he arose and slew him. Let us go out into the field, it is the very form and proper language of a challenge. Many times indeed our Gallants can formalize in other words, but evermore the substance, and usually the very words are no other but these of cain's, Let us go out into the field. Abel I persuade myself understood them not as a challenge: for had he so done, he would have made so much use of his discretion, as to have refused it, yet can we not choose but acknowledge a secret Judgement of God in this that the words of Cain, should still be so Religiously kept till this day as a Proem and Introduction to that action, which doubtless is no other, than what cain's was. When therefore our Gallants are so ready to challenge the field, and to go into the field, Let them but remember whose words they use, and so accordingly think of their action. Again, notwithstanding, Duels are of so ancient and worshipful a Parentage, yet could they never gain so good acceptance as to be permitted, much less to be counted lawful in the civil part of the world till barbarism had overran it. About five or six hundred years after Christ at the fall of the Roman Empire abundance of rude and barbarous people broke in and possessed the civiler part of the world; who abolishing the ancient Laws of the Empire, set up many strange customs in their rooms. Amongst the rest for the determining of quarrels that might arise in case of doubtful title, or of false accusation or the like, they put themselves upon many unusual forms of Trial; as to handle red hot Iron, to walk bare foot on burning coals, to put their hands and feet in scalding water, and many other of the like nature, which are reckoned up by Hottoman a French Lawyer: For they presumed so far on God's providence, that if the party accused were innocent, he might do any of these without any smart, or harm. In the same cases, when by reason of unsufficient, and doubtful evidence, the Judges could not proceed to sentence, as sometimes it falls out and the parties contending would admit of no reasonable composition, Their manner was to permit them to try it out by their swords. That so the Conqueror might be thought to be in the right. They permitted, Isay, thus to do. For at the best 'twas but a permission to prevent farther mischief; For to this end sometimes some known abuses are tolerated: So God permitted the Jews upon sleight occasions to put their wives away, Because he saw that otherwise, their exorbitant lusts would not be bounded within these limits, which he in Paradise in the beginning had servant  
And it is observed of the wise men which had the managing and bringing up of Nero the Emperor, that they suffered him to practise his lusts upon Act one of his Mother's Chambermaids, Ne in stupra foeminarum illustrium perrumperet si ill â libidine prohiberetur. Lest if he were forbidden that, he should turn his lust upon some of the Noble Women, permission and toleration warrants not the goodness of any action. But as Caiphas said better one man die then all the people perish; so they that first permitted Duels seem to have thought: better one or two mutinous persons, and disorderly die in their folly, than the whole Commonwealth be put into tumult and combustion: yet even by these men it was never so promiscuously tolerated that every hasty couple, upon the venting of a little choler, should presently draw their swords, but it was a public or solemn action, done by order, with inspection, either of the Prince himself, or of some other Magistrate, appointed to order it. Now certainly there can be no very great reason for that action, which was thus begun by Cain, and continued only by Goths and Vandals and mere Barbarism.  
Yet that we may a little better acquaint ourselves with the quality of it, Let us a little examine the causes and pretences which are brought by them who call for trial by single combat. The causes are usually two. First, disdain to seem to do or suffer any thing for fear of death. Secondly, point of Honour, and not to suffer any contumely, and indignity, especially if it bring with it disreputation, and note of cowardice. For the first disdain to fear death. I must confess I have often wondered with myself, how men durst die so ventrously except they were sure they died well. In aliis rebus siquid erratum est potest post modum corrigi, in other things which are learned by practising, if we mistake we may amend it: for the error of a former Action may be corrected in the next. We learn then by erring, and men come at length not to err, by having often erred. But no man learns to die by practising it. We die but once, and a fault committed then, can never afterward be amended, quia poena, statim sequitur errorem, because the punishment immediately follows upon the error. To die is an action of that moment, that we ought to be very well advised, when we come to it, ab hoc momento pendet aeternitas, you may not look back upon the opinion of honour and reputation which remains behind you: but rather look forward upon that infinite space of Eternity either of bliss or bale which besalls us immediately after our last breath. To be loath to die upon every slight occasion is not a necessary sign of fear and cowardice. He that knew what life is, and the true use of it, had he many lives to spare, yet would he be loath to part with one of them upon better terms then those our books tell us, that Aristippus a Philosopher being at Sea in a dangerous Tempest, and bewraying some fear, when the weather was cleared up, a desperate Ruffian came and upbraided him with it and tells him, that it was ashame that he professing wisdom should be afraid of his life, whereas himself having had no such education, expressed no agony or dread at all. To whom the Philosopher replied, there was some difference between them two. I know saith he, my life may be profitable many ways, and therefore am I loath to lose it; but because of your life you know little profit, little good can be made, you care not how easily you part with it. Beloved it may be justly suspected, that they who esteem thus lightly of their lives, are but worthless and unprofitable men: our own experience tells us, that men who are prodigal of their money in Taverns and Ordinaries, are close handed enough, when either pious uses, or necessary and public expense requires their liberality. I have not heard that prodigals ever built Churches. So these men that are so prodigal of their lives in base quarrels, peradventure would be cowardly enough; if either public service, or religion did call for their help; I scarcely believe any of them would die Martyrs, if the times so required it. Beloved, I do not go about to persuade any man to fear death, but not to contemn life; life is the greatest blessing God gives in this world, and did men know the worth of it, they would never so rashly venture the loss of it, but now lightly prising both their own and others blood, they are easily moved to shed it, as fools are easily won to part with jewels, because they know not how to value them. We must deal with our lives, as we do with our money, we must not be covetous of it, desire life for no other use but to live, as covetous persons desire money only to have it: neither must we be prodigal of life and trifle it away upon every occasion: but we must be liberal of our lives, know upon what occasion to spare, upon what occasion to spend them. To know where and when and in what cases to offer ourselves to die, is a thing of greater skill, than a great part of them suppose, who pretend themselves most forward to do it. Nam impetu quodam & instinctu currere ad mortem cum multis commune est. For brutishly to run upon and hasten unto death is a thing that many men can do; and we see that bruit beasts many times will run upon the spears of such as pursue them. Sed deliberare & causas expendere utque suaserit ratio vitae mortisque consilium suscipere, vel ponere ingentis animi est, but wisely to look into, and weigh every occasion, and as judgement and true discretion shall direct: so to entertain a resolution either of life or death this were true fortitude and magnanimity. And indeed this prodigality and contempt of life, is the greatest ground of this quarrelous and fight humour. Qui suam vitam contempsit, dominus est alienae. There is a kind of men, who because they contemn their own lives, make themselves Lords and Commanders of other men's, easily provoking others to venture their blood, because they care not how they lose their own. Few places of great resort are without these men, and they are the greatest occasioners of bloodshed, you may quickly know them. There are few quarrels wherein they are not either principals, or seconds, or some way or another will have a part in them. Might there be public order taken for the restraint of such men, that make a practice of quarrelling, and because they contemn their own lives, carry themselves so insolently and imperiously towards others. It will prevent much mischief, and free the Land of much danger of blood guiltiness.  
The second cause, which is much alleged in defence of Duels, I told you was point of honour, a conceit that it is dishonourable for men of place and fashion quietly to digest and put up contumelye and disgrace, and this they take to be a reason of that authority and strength, as that it must admit of no dispensation; For answer. First, the true fountain and original of quarrel are of another kind and honour is abused as a pretence. The first occasioners of a great part of them are indeed very dishonourable, let there an Inventory be taken of all the challenges that have been made for some time past, and you shall find that the greatest part by far were raised either in Taverns, or Dicing houses, or in the stews. Pardon me, if in a case of this nature I deal a little plainly. Drinking, Gaming, and Whores, these are those rotten bones that lie hid under this painted Sepulchre and title of honour.  
Lastly, To conclude, It is a part of our profession, as we are Christians to suffer wrong and disgrace. Therefore to set up an other doctrine, and teach that honour may plead prescription against Christ's precepts, and exempt you from patient enduring of contumely and disgrace, you withstand Christ, and deny your vocation; and therefore are avoidable Apostats. But we lose our labour, who give young men and unsettled persons good advice and counsel. The civil magistrate must lay to his hand, and pity them, who want discretion to pity themselves. For as Bees, though they fight very fiercely; yet if you cast a little dust amongst them are presently parted, so the enacting and executing some few good laws, would quickly allay this greatness of stomach and fight humour. how many have been censured for Schismatics and Heretics, only because by probable consequence, and a far off they seemed to overthrow some Christain principle: but here are men, who walk in our streets, and come to our Churches, who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 openly oppose that great point of Christianity, which concerns our patience, and yet for their restraint, no Synod is called, no magistrate stirs, no Church censure is pronounced. The Church of Rome hath long ago to the disgrace of the reformed Churches shut them out of the number of Christians, and pronounced them all excommunicated persons, who upon what pretence soever durst enter the field for Duel and single combat.  
Theodosius the Emperor enacted it for a Law, and it is extant at this day in the Code, a Book of Laws, that it any man spoke disgracefully of the Emperor, Si ex levitate contemnendum, si ex infamia miseratione dignum, si ex injuria remittendum.  
Lactantius. Summa virtus habenda patientia est quam ut caperet homo justus voluit illum Deus pro inerte contemni.  
So great a virtue is patience, that for the attaining of it, it is Gods will we should suffer ourselves to be contemned as Cowards.  
Christ is an Example to us of suffering disgrace; let us as the Israelites look up to this Serpent, and all the stinging of fiery Serpents shall do us no harm.  
We must forsake all and follow Christ: therefore Honour and Reputation too; If we be ashamed of this pattern of patience, Christ will be ashamed of us.  
Now that God may give a Blessing to what hath been delivered, let us, etc.  
FINIS.   
Matt. 26. verse 75. And he went forth, and wept bitterly. 
THus to commit to writing, as here our Evangelist hath done; and so to lay open to all posterity the many slips and errors which have much blemished and disgraced the lives and actions of the best, and most excellent men: may seem in the judgement of a reasonable man to participate of much envy and uncharitableness; so that their good life had remained upon record for our example, we might very well have suffered their errors to have slept and been buried with their bodies in their graves. St. Paul makes it the property of charity to hide the multitude of sins: whose property then is it thus to blazon them at midday, and to fill the ears of the world with the report of them? Constantine, the firstborn among Christian Emperors, so far misliked this course, that he professed openly, if he found any of his Bishops and Clergy, whom it especially concerned to have a reputation pure and spotless, committing any grievous sin, to hide it from the eye of the world, he would cover it with his own garment: he knew well that which experience had long ago observed, Non tam juvare quae bene dicta sunt, quam nocere quae pessime: things well said, well done, do nothing so much profit and further us, as the examples of ill speeches, ill actions do mischief and inconvenience us: and men are universally more apt from the errors and 'scapes of good men to draw apologies for their own, then to propose their good deeds for examples and patterns for themselves to follow. Neither is this my own speculation: St. Austin observed it long since, who discoursing upon the fall of David complains, that from his example many framed unto themselves this apology, Si David, cur non et ago? If David did thus, then why not I? Praeparas te adpeccandum, saith he, disponis peccare: Librum Dei ut pecces inspicis: Scrip●●uras Dei ad hoc audis ut facias qu●●d displicet Deo. Thou dost prepare thy heart to sin: thou providest thyself of purpose; thou dost look into the book of God, even therefore, that thou mightest sin. The Scriptures of God thou dost therefore hear, that by the example of those that fell, thou mayest learn to do that which is displeasing unto God. Yea, the greater is the person offending, the more dangerous is the example. For greatness is able of itself, as it were, to legitimate foul acts, to add authority and credit unto ill doings. Facilius efficiet quisquis objecerit, crimen honestum, quam turpem Catonem: saith Seneca of Cato, Whosoever he be, saith he, that objects drunkenness to Cat●●o, shall more easily prove drunkenness to be a virtue, then that Cat●●o, who used it, was to blame. When St. Peter (Galath. 2.) had halted in his behaviour betwixt the Gentiles and those of the Circumcision, St. Paul notes, that many of the Jews, yea, Barnabas himself was carried away with their dissimulation. And to speak truth, whom would not the authority and credit of Peter have drawn into an error? So easily the faults of great men, adolescunt in exempla grow up and become exemplary, and so full of hazard is it, to leave unto the world a memorial of the errors and 'scapes of worthy persons. Yet Notwithstanding all this, the Holy Spirit of God, who bringeth light out of darkness, and worketh above and against all means, hath made the fall of his Saints an especial means to raise his Church: and therefore hath is pleased him by the Penmen of the lives of his Saints in holy Scripture, to lay open in the view of the world many gross faults and imperfections, even of the most excellent instruments of his glory. That which he tells. the woman in the Gospel, who anointed him before his passion, that wheresoever the Gospel should be preached, this fact of hers should be recorded in memorial of her: the same, as it seems was his intent concerning his Saints; that wheresoever the word of life should be taught, there likewise should be related the grievous sins of his servants. And therefore accordingly, scarcely is there any one Saint in the whole book of God, who is not recorded in one thing or other, to have notably overshot himself. Sometimes he hath made the Saints themselves the proclaimers of their own shame. So he makes Moses to register his own infidelity: so David in his one and fiftieth Psalm, by the instinct of God's spirit leaves unto the Church under his own hand, an evidence against himself for his adultery and murder. Sometimes he makes their dearest friends the most exact chroniclers of their faults: for so St. chrysostom observes of St. Mark, the companion and Scholar of Peter, who hath more particularly registered the fall of his master, than any of the other Evangelists, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Who would not marvel, saith he, that St. Mark not only concealed not the gross escape of his master, but hath more accurately than any of the rest recorded the particulars of it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even because he was his Disciple. As if he could have done his master no better service, then to deliver a most exact relation of his fault. There are yet two things further to be noted in this dispensation of Almighty God. The first in regard of us, the second in regard of the Saints, whose errors are recorded: for the first, who can but marvel, that since all things that are written, are written for our instruction, that if they be good, they may serve for our imitation; if otherwise, for warnings to us: yet many sinister actions of the Saints of God are so expressed in Scripture, without censure, without note, that it were almost some danger to pronounce of them? Abraham's equivocating with Abimelech, jacob's deluding his blind father, Rachel abusing Laban with a lie, Jephthe his sacrificing his daughter, Samson killing himself with the Philistines; these and many other besides are so fet down, that they may seem to have been done rather by divine instinct, than out of humane infirmity. Wherein the Holy Ghost seems to me tanquam adoriri nos ex insidiis, to set upon us out of ambush, to use a kind of guile, to see whether we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spiritual discretion, to try whether we will attribute more to men's examples then to his precepts. Secondly, in regard of the Saints themselves, it is worth our noting, that God seems to have had more care to discredit them, then to honour them, in that their faults are many times particularly registered, but their repentance is wrapped up in silence: so the story of Noah is concluded with his drunkenness: after the report of Lot's incest, there is not a word of him throughout the Scriptures: as soon as the story of Salomon's idolatry is related, it immediately follows in the text: And Solomon died. We should very much wrong these men, if we should think that they passed out of this life without repentance; because their repentance is concealed. Doubtless if we were worthy to search the mysteries of the spirit, we should find that the Holy Ghost hath left something for our instruction even in this particular; for nothing in Scripture is done by chance. But as St. chrysostom is wont sometime to tell his auditory, that he will not resolve all doubts, but leave some to meditate on by themselves: so will I now deal with you, I will leave this to your private considerations, to practise your wits in the depths of christianity, and so to frame reasons unto yourselves of this proceeding of the Holy spirit.  
In the New Testament, the Holy Ghost constantly holds the same course of relating the fall of the Saints: and so accordingly by all four Evangelists sets down at large, the fearful sin of Peter in denying and forswearing his Master. But as it pleased him in mercy to give him repentance, so in these words which I have read unto you, hath it pleased him to leave unto the Church a memorial of it. Our first note therefore, before we come to the words, shall be a note of that exceeding use and profit which hath redounded to the Church by the registering of Peter's repentance; for this is done by the Holy Ghost, to signify unto us the necessity and force of repentance, and sorrow for sin. The concealing of Solomon's reclaim hath occasioned some, upon acknowledgement of the necessity of repentance, to suppose that Solomon passed away without it, and so received the final reward of the impenitent. But he that should have read this story of Peter, and observed what authority he had afterwards, what especial favour our Saviour did him after his resurrection, notwithstanding his fall, if the manner of his recovery had not been recorded, might easily have entertained a conceit very prejudicial to repentance, Quid non speremus? Who might not hope to regain the favour of God without shedding a tear, if Peter notwithstanding so grievous a crime without repentance should again be reconciled? We might therefore with excuse have presumed upon a nonnecessity of repentance, as if it had been enough in case of sin to practise that which common morality teaches, barely to relinquish it without any more ado, that therefore which we learn by this registering of Peter's repentance is this, that for the clearing of a Christian man's account unto God, it is nor sufficient barely to cease from doing ill, to satisfy the law which we broke either with our life, or with our goods: to make recompense to our neighbour for wrong done him, all this and much more washes not away the guilt of sin before God. These are things which the very light of nature teaches us to do. It was not to be thought that David to his former adulteries and murder would have added new: he that hath been forced to restore fourfold, that which he had taken away by stealth, will peradventure take warning to steal no more. But this doth not suffice him. There is a further duty, a duty of repentance required of every Christian man, a duty proper to him alone. For this doctrine of repentance Nature never taught in her school, neither was it ever found in the books of the learned. It is particular to the Book of God, and to the doctrine that came down from Heaven. In the sins against the first Table we offend immediately, and only against God: but in the sins against the second Table, there is a double guilt contracted, one against God, another against our Neighbour: In these sins, as there is a double fault, so there is a double satisfaction to be made, one unto God, another to our Neighbour: for this second satisfaction between man and man, many Heathen commonwealths have been very sufficiently furnished with store of excellent laws. But of an atonement over and above to be made to God, they scarce seem to have had any thought: and indeed to speak truth, to what purpose had it been to trouble their heads about it; It is impossible that it should ever fall within the conceit of any reasonable creature, to pronounce what satisfaction was to be made for offence committed against God. He is of infinite majesty, holding no proportion, no correspondence with any created being. What recompense then can he receive from the hands of dust and ashes? Ten thousand worlds, were we able to give them all, could not make satisfaction for any part of the smallest offence we have committed against him: when therefore the inventions of men were thus at a stand, when all discourse, all reason were posed, it pleased God in mercy to open his pleasure in his word, and to accept of true and unfeigned repentance, as the only means to wash away the guilt of sin against his majesty. A thing in the eye of flesh and blood altogether ridiculous. And therefore Julian, that accursed Apostata, scorning Constantine the Emperor for betaking himself to the Christian religion, in contempt and derision of Baptism and Repentance, thus speaks: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Ho, whosoever is a corrupter and a defiler of women, whosoever is a manslayer, whosoever is an impure and unclean person, let him from henceforth be secure, and care for nothing. I will show him a little water, in which, if he do but dip himself, he shall be forthwith clean: yea, though he desperately run again into the same crimes. I will give him this gift, if he but knock his breast and strike his forehead, (which are the gestures of the penitent,) he shall without any more ado become as pure as glass. 'Tis true indeed, in spite of unbelieving miscreants, it hath pleased God through the foolishness of Baptism and Repentance to save those that are his. The water of baptism, and the tears of true repentance, creatures of themselves weak and contemptible; yet through the wonderful operation of the grace of God annexed unto them are able, were our sins as red as twice-died scarlet, to make them as white as snow. The sentence of God denounced unto Adam, What day thou eatest of the Tree thou shall die, certainly was absolute and irrevocable neither could any repentance of Adam's totally have reversed it. Yet Abulensis cries out, O quam foelix humanum genus, etc. O how happy should mankind have been, if Adam after his fall had used the benefit of Repentance, and in time acknowledged his sin unto God. Yea, he goes further and seems to intimate, that it had been of force almost to restore us unto our primitive purity. For this way his words seem to look, when he saith, Quod si seipsum accusasset nos omnes ab accusatione & judicio liberasset; If he had accused himself; doubtless he had freed us all from accusation and curse. Whatsoever his meaning was, thus much without danger we may think, that if our first Parents had not so strangely shuffled their fault from the one to the other, the man to the woman, the woman to the serpent, but had freely acknowledged it, and humbly begged pardon for it, God whose mercies were then as many and as ready as now they are, would, if not altogether have revoked, yet doubtless much have qualified and mitigated the sentence of the curse. If Adam had used more ingenuity in confessing, God would have used less rigour in punishing. Out of all this I draw this one lesson for your instruction. Whosoever he be that thinks himself quit of some sins into which either through weakness or carelessness he hath fallen, let him not presently flatter himself as if for this his book of debt unto God were cancelled, as if he were in state of grace and new birth: but let him examine his own conscience, and Impartially sister all the manner of his reclaim. He may peradventure find that upon some moral respect he hath broken off the practice of his sin: he may find that he hath satisfied his neighbour, contented the Law, done many acts, by which he hath purchased reconciliation with the world. But if he find not this passage of Repentance and hearty sorrow 'twixt God and his own soul, let him know that God is yet unsatisfied, that he is yet in his sin: his sin is yet unrepented of and therefore still remains.  
THus from the necessity of registering Peter's Repentance I come to the words wherein it is registered, And he went out, etc. In these words we will consider four things, First the person: He] He went forth; or, and going forth he wept. Secondly, the preparative to the Repentance, He went forth. Thirdly, the Repentance itself, comprised in the word wept. Fourthly, the extent and measure, and compass of this Repentance, in the last word, bitterly. I. He, The way of man's life is a slippery way: no man whilst he is in it hath the privilege of not sliding, just, and unjust, thus far, are of like condition: both fall. But here they differ, the just man riseth again. Not the eminency of Peter's person, not his great understanding in the mystery of Christ, not his resolution in our Saviour's quarrel, not the love and respect his Master bore him, kept him from falling. But Peter being fallen provides himself to rise, and therefore in the second place, he went forth, saith my Text, Peter was now in the High-priests Court, a place very unfit for one in Peter's case. Prince's Courts are no place for Repentance: To wear soft raiment, to fair deliciously every day, this is Courtier's guise. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the shirt of hair, the tear of Repentance; this is the habit of the penitent. But wherefore went Peter out? Did he as our Saviour observes of the Scribes and Pharisees, go out into the wilderness to see? to gaze and look about him? No, His eyes now must do him other service. He went out as Joseph did from the face of his Brethren, to seek a place to weep. Maldonat the Jesuit thinks it would have been a more goodly thing, and far more beseeming Peter's resolution, if in the place he had offended in the same he had repent: if before those he had made a constant confession of Christ before whom he had denied him: But be the reasons what they will which moved Peter to go forth, we will not prescribe unto the Saints a form of Repentance we will cease therefore to dispute what Peter should have done, and rather gather lessons for ourselves out of what he did: fourthly, and last of all, as Peter's fault was great, so he contends that his Repentance may be as serious. The tears therefore he sheds are not slight, and perfunctory shed only for fashion's sake, such as Quintilian spoke of, nihil facilius lachrimis marescit, Nothing sooner grows dry then tears: but as the Text saith, He wept bitterly: to summon up that Siccoculum genus Christianorum, a sort of Christians, who never had tear dropped from their eye to witness their repentance: to teach us to enlarge the measure of our sorrow for our sins, and in case of grievous relapse not mince out our repentance, but to let loose the reins unto grief. And thus I come to handle the parts in order more particularly: and first of the person, Herald  
Amongst all the Saints of God whose errors are set down in holy Scriptures, there is none whose person was more eminent, or fall more dangerous than Saint peter's. That which wisemen have observed in great and eminent wits, that they evermore exceed, either they are exceeding good or else they are exceeding bad, in Saint Peter was true both ways. His gifts of Faith, of understanding in the mystery of Godliness, of resolution to die in our Saviour's cause, were wonderful: but yet his errors were as many and as strange, yea, so much the more strange, because in that thing he most offended, in which he was most eminent. It was a great argument of his Faith, when in the Tempest meeting our Saviour on the waters, he calls out unto him, if it be thou, command me to come unto thee on the waters; but no sooner was he come out of the ship, but through infidelity he began to sink. Again, of his great understanding in the mystery of Christ he gave a notable instance, when being questioned by our Saviour whom men took him to be, he gave the first evident, plain, and open testimony that ever was given him by man, Thou art Christ the Son of the living God. John indeed gave testimony, and so did Simeon, and so did many more: but it was more involved, done in more covert terms, more dark: Whence we may and that not without some probability argue, that the understanding of these men was not so evidently, so fully, so perspicuously enlightened as was Peter's. Signum est intelligentis posse docere: It is a great argument that a man doth passing well understand himself, when he is able perspicuously and plainly to speak to the understanding of another. This confession therefore of Peter, that carries with it greater light and perspicuity than any yet that ever was given, doth not obscurely intimate that he had a greater measure of illumination, than any of his predecessors. Yet to see the wonderful dispensation of the holy Ghost, scarce was this confession out of his mouth, but in the very next bout where our Saviour begins further to inform him in the particulars of his Passion, and Death, and despiteful handling by the Jews, the edge of his conceit was quite turned, quite blunted and dull. Poor man, as if he had been quite ignorant of the end of Christ's coming, out of a humane conceit and pity, he takes upon him to counsel and advise our Saviour. Sir, favour yourself, these things shall not come unto you: and for this pains he is rewarded with no less reproachful a name than that of Satan, of a seducer, of a Devil. He that shall peruse the story of the Gospel, and here stay himself, might think that that which we read John the sixth, v. 70. spoken of Judas, Have I not chosen you twelve and one of you is a Devil: were here fulfilled in Peter, Last of all his love to Christ, and resolution in his quarrel, he gave an evident testimony, when he protested himself ready to lay down his life for him. Greater love than this in the Apostles judgement, no man hath then to lay down his life for his friend. This Saint Peter had, if we may believe himself. Yea, he began to express some acts of it, when in defence of his master he manfully drew his sword, and wounded the servant of the high Priest. But see how soon the scene is changed. This good Champion of our Saviour, as a Lion that is reported to be daunted with the crowing of a Cock, is stricken out of countenance and quite amazed with the voice of a silly Damsel. Yea, so far is he possessed with a spirit of fear, that he not only denies, but abjures his master, and perjures himself, committing a sin not far behind the sin of Judas; yea, treading it hard upon the heels. But the mercy of God that leaves not the honour of his servant in the dust of death, but is evermore careful to raise us up from the death of sin, unto the life of righteousness; suffers not this rock, this great pillar of his Church to be overthrown. He first admonishes him by the crowing of a Cock: when that would not serve, himself (full of careful love and goodness) though in the midsts of his enemies, forgets his own danger, and remembers the danger of his servant. Himself was now as a sheep before the shearer, dumb and not opening his mouth: yet forgets he not that he is that great shepherd of the flock, but David like reskues one of his fold from the mouth of the Lion and from the paw of the Bear. He turns about and looks upon him, saith the Text, he cries louder unto him with his look, than the cock could with his voice. Of all the members in the body the eye is the most moving part, that ofttimes is spoken in a look, which by no force of speech could have been uttered, this look of Christ did so warm Peter almost frozen dead with fear that it made him well-near melt into tears. As if he had cried out with the spouse, Cant. 6. O turn away thine eyes, for they have overcome me, he grows impatient of his looks, and seeks for a place to weep, what a look was this think you? Saint Jerome discoursing with himself what might be the cause that many of the Disciples, when they were called by our Saviour, presently without further consultation arose and followed him, thinks it not improbable, that there did appear some Glory and Majesty in his Countenance, which made them believe he was more than a Man that thus bespoke them; whatsoever then appeared in his Looks, doubtless in this Look of his was seen some Sovereign power of his Deity that could so speedily recover a man thus almost desperately gone: a man that had one foot in hell, whom one step more had irrecoverably cast away: It was this Look of Christ that restored Peter. Quos respicit Jesus plorant delictum, saith Saint Ambrose, those weep for their sins whom Jesus looks upon. Negavit primo Petrus & non flevit, quia non respexerat Dominus. Negavit secundo: non flevit, quia adhuc non respexerat Dominus. Negavit tertio, & respexit Jesus, & ille amarissimè flevit. Peter denies him once, and reputes not, for Jesus looked not back upon him: he denies him the second time, and yet he weeps not, for yet the Lord looked not back. He denies him the third time, and Jesus looks upon him, and then he weeps bitterly. Before I come to make use of this, it shall not be altogether impertinent to say something unto some queries that here arise concerning the condition of Peter, and in him of all the Elect of God, whilst they are in state of sin unrepented of for, as for Peter's faith, which some makes doubt of, there can as I conceive; no question be made. It is not to be thought that Peter had rever'st with himself the confession that he had formerly made of Christ or that he thought doubtless I have erred, this is not the person whom I took him to be. Indeed, through fear and cowardice he durst not confess that with his mouth unto salvation which in his heart he believed unto righteousness. Any thing further than this, that speech of our Saviour takes away, wherein he tells him before hand, I have prayed that thy faith might not fail. But since our Age hath had experience of some, who because the Election of God standeth sure, and Christ's sheep none can take out of his hands, conclude therefore that for the Elect of God there is no falling from Grace, that to David & Peter no ill could happen, no though (for so they have given it out) that they had died in the very act of their sin: To meet with such disputants, I will briefly lay down what I conceive is to be thought in the point. Wherefore parate fauces pani, as Saint Barnard speaks. Hitherto I have given you milk provide your stomaches now for harder meat, and such as befits strong men in Christ. Peter and Judas (for I will couple them both together in my discourse, whilst they are both joined together in sin) Peter, I say, and Judas in regard of their own persons, were both, more or less in the same case, both fallen from Grace, both in state of sin and damnation, till the Repentance of Peter altered the case on his part. But the Grace of God signified two things: either the purpose of God's Election, the Grace and Favour Inherent in the Person of God, which he still casts upon those that are his notwithstanding their manifold backslidings: or else it signifies the habit of sanctifying qualities Inherent in the Regenerate Man, those good Graces of God, by which he walks holy and unblameable. Again, the state of damnation signifies likewise two things: either the purpose of God's reprobation, or else the habit of damnable qualities in the sinful man: from the state of Grace, as it signifies the purpose of God to save, the Elect can never fall: In the state of damnation, as it signifies something inherent in us, every man by nature is, and the elect of God even after their Calling many times fall into it: that is, they may and do many times fall into those sins; yea, for a time continue in them, too (David did so for a whole years' space) which except they be done a way by repentance, inevitably bring forth eternal death, for the state of mortal sin unrepented of, is truly and indeed the state of death; yea, the whole and sole reason of the condemnation of every one that perishes; for Christ hath said it, except ye repent, ye shall all perish. So than you see, that into the state of damnation, as it signifieth something inherent in us, a man may fall, and yet not fall from the state of grace, as it signifies God's purpose of election: for both these are compatible for a time; if then we look upon the persons of Peter and Judas, both of them are in the state of mortal sin unrepented of; and therefore both in state of damnation: but if we look back unto God, we shall see a hand reached out unto Peter, pulling him back as he is now running down the hill, which hand we do not see reached out unto Judas. Christ had a look in store for Peter, which if it had pleased him to have lent unto Judas, Judas would have done that which Peter did. When then we pronounce Peter, and in him any of the elect of God, as they are in Peter's case to be fallen from grace; we speak not with relation to any purpose of God; but we mean only that they have not that measure of Sanctification, which ought to be in every child, which shall be an heir to life, and what hinders to pronounce that man fallen from grace, whom we must needs acknowledge to be in that state, in which if he continue, there is no way open but to death? What then may some man say, had Peter lost the spirit of adoption? Had he not those sanctifying qualities of faith, hope, & charity, which are proper to the Saints, and are given them by divine inspiration in the moment of their conversion: was that immortal seed of the word quite killed? No verily; How then? Having all these, may he yet be called the child of death? I answer, he may and is indeed so, for these do not make him that at no time he can be so, but that finally he shall not be so, for they are not armour of proof to keep out all darts, neither do they make our souls invulnerable, as the Poets feign the body of Cyenus or Achilles to have been: but they are precious balms evermore ready at hand to cure the wound when it is given. They are not of force to hinder mortal sin, (for then every soul in whom they are were pure, undefiled, neither were it possible, that the Elect of God after their conversion should fall,) but they are of force to work repentance, which makes all our wounds remediable. He that is mortally sick and dies, and he that is likewise mortally sick, and through help of restoring physic recovers, in this both agree, that they are mortally sick, notwithstanding the recovery of one party. The wound of Peter and of Judas was mortal, and in both festered unto death; but there was balm in Gilead for Peter, for Judas there was none. The sting of the fiery Scorpion in the wilderness was deadly, and all that looked not on the brazen serpent died. The brazen serpent altered not the quality of the Scorpion's sting, it only hindered the working of the poison: the sting of sin in Peter, and in Judas was deadly: but he that was lift up on mount Calvary, as the brazen serpent was in the wilderness, at him did Peter look and live: Judas did not look, and therefore died. How comes it about beloved that God every where in Scripture threatens death, without exception to all that repent not, if the state of sin unrepented of, in whomsoever it is, be not indeed the state of death. When David was intending to stay in Keilah; and suspecting the inhabitants of that city, asks of God whether the men of Keilah would deliver him over into the hand of Saul: God tells him they would: and therefore certainly had he stayed there, he had been betrayed unto Saul: to urge that Peter, because of God's purpose to save him, could not have finally miscarried, though he had died without repentance, (as some have not stuck to give out) is nothing else in effect, but to maintain against God, that David had he stayed in Keilah had not fallen into Saul's hands, because we know it was God's purpose to preserve David from the violence of Saul. All the determinations of God are of equal certainty. It was no more possible for Saul to seize on David, than it is for the Devil to pull one of Gods elect out of his hand; as therefore the determinate purpose of God to free David from the malice of Saul, took not away that supposition, If David go to Keilah, he shall fall into the hands of Saul, so neither doth the decree of God to save his elect destroy the supposition, if they repent not, they die eternally, for the purposes of God, though impossible to be defeated, yet lay not upon things any violent necessity, they exempt not from the use of ordinary means: they infringe not our liberty, they stand very well with common casualty: yea, these things are the very means by which his decrees are brought about. I may not stand longer upon this, I will draw but one short admonition, and so an end: Let no man presume to look into the Third Heaven, to open the books of life and death, to pronounce over peremptorily of God's purpose concerning himself, or any other man. Let every man look into himself, and try whether he be in the faith or no; the surest means to try this, is to take an unpartial view of all our actions, many deceive themselves whilst they argue from their faith to their works, whereas they ought out of their works to conclude their faith; whilst presuming they have faith, and the gifts of sanctification, they think all their actions warrantable: whereas we ought first throughly to sift all our actions, to examine them at the Touch of God's Commandments, and if indeed we find them currant, then to conclude that they come from Sanctifying Graces of the Holy Spirit. It is faith indeed that gives the tincture, the die, the relish unto our actions, yet the only means to examine our faith is by our works. It is the nature of the Tree that gives the goodness, the favour and pleasantness to the fruit, yet the fruit is the only means to us, to know whether the tree be good. By their fruit ye shall know them, saith Christ: It is not a rule not only to know others, but ourselves too. To reason thus, I am of the elect, I therefore have saving faith, and the rest of the sanctifying qualities, therefore that which I do is good: thus I say to reason is very preposterous. We must go a quite contrary course, and thus reason: my life is good, and through the mercies of God in Jesus Christ, shall stand with God's Justice: I therefore have the Gifts of Sanctification, and therefore am of God's Elect: for Peter to have said with himself, I am of the Elect, this sin therefore cannot endanger me, had been great presumption, but thus to have reasoned, my sin is deadly, therefore except I repent, I am not of the number of God's Elect, this reasoning had well befitted Peter, and becomes every Christian man, whom common frailty drives into the like distress.  
I made my entrance into my Sermon with the consideration of the wisdom of God, in permitting his chiefest servants to fall dangerously: I have largely exemplified it in the person of Peter: give me leave to make this further beneficial unto you by drawing some uses from it; for great profit hath redounded to the Church through the fall of these men; Felicius ille cecidit quam ceteri steterunt, saith St. Ambrose of this fall of Peter. His sin hath more availed us, than the righteousness of many others; for wheresoever it pleases the Holy Spirit of God to work effectually, (I speak cautelously, because I would give no place to presumption) in him he makes excellent use oftimes, even of sin and evil. First of all it is a tried Case, that many times through negligence and carelessness, we suffer ourselves to lie open to many advantages. In such a case as this, a blow given us, serves us for a remembrance to call our wits about us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to stir up the Grace of God that isin us, which many times is interlunio lies covered like fire under ashes; for as a skilful wrestler having suffered his adversary to take advantage upon some oversight, recollects himself, and comes forward with greater strength and wariness: et pudor incendit vires et conscia virtus: shame of the foil and impatience of disgrace, adds strength unto him and kindles him: so oft times is it with the Saints of God. The shame of having fallen makes them summon up their forces, to look better about them, to fulfil their duty in larger sort, then if they had not slipped at all. Hence it is, that we see that of the bitterest enemies of the Church, have been made the best converts; of this we have a notable example in S. Paul; how eager was he in the quarrel of the Jews against Christ? None a more mischievous enemy to the Christians than he; yet, when it pleased God to show him his error, he proved one of the most excellent instruments of Christ's glory, that ever was on earth. And so accordingly he gives himself a most true testimony: I have laboured more abundantly, not then one or two of them, but, than they all: his writings being as much in quantity, as of them all: and St. Luke's story being nothing else almost but a register of the acts of St. Paul. The sense and conscience, I doubt not, of that infinite wrong done to the Church provoked him to measure back to the utmost of this power, his pains and labour in making up the breach, he had formerly made: here than is a notable lesson for us, teaching us to make our former sins and impieties, admonitioners unto us to know our own strength, & by Christian care & watchfulness to prevent all advantages, which the Devil may take by our rechlesness and negligence; for beloved, it is not so much our impotency and weakness, as our sloth and carelessness, against which the common enemy doth prevail; for through the Grace of him that doth-inable us, we are stronger than he: and the policy of Christian warfare hath as many means to beat back and defend, as the deepest reach of Satan hath to give the onset. The Envious man in the Gospel rushed not into the field in despite of the husbandman, and the servants, but came and sowed his tares, whilst men slept saith the text. Our neglect and carelessness is the sleep that he takes advantage of; when David was so strangely overtaken, the Scripture tells us he rose from his bed, to walk on the top of his palace, from his bed indeed he arose, but not from his sleep; for mark I beseech you: David had spent much of his time about the Court, he had been abroad, and seen and ransacked many cities, and doubtless he had seen many women as fair as the wife of Vriah, and that in his younger days, when he was more apt to kindle. Why then now commits he so great an oversight? Look on him a while as now he is. He is now at rest in his palace, at ease on his bed, and to solace himself he must rise and walk at the top of his house, and idly gaze upon a naked dame: of this his idleness the Devil takes advantage: this is the sleep in which he comes and sows tares in David's heart, even all manner of lust. So that David fell as Adam did in Paradise, not as a man that falls before an enemy stronger than himself. The greatest part of the sins which we commit, are in this rank with David's sin: He is faithful, saith the Apostle, and suffers no man to be tempted above his strength. Many creatures, if they knew their strength, would never suffer themselves to be awed by man as they are. Beloved, we are become like horse and mule without understanding, we know not our strength we are more blind than the servant of Elizaeus, and see not that they that are with us are more, and more mighty than they that are against us. The Angels are ministering spirits, sent out of purpose to guard us, and doubtless do many and great services for us, though we perceive not. We have the army of God, ubi mille clipei & omnis armatura fortium, where are a thousand bucklers and all the weapons of the mighty, the helmet of Salvation, the sword of the Spirit, the shield of Faith to quench all the fiery darts of sin: only let us not neglect to buckle it on, and make use of it. We have to strive with an enemy, such a one as Anibal reported Marcellus to be, Qui nec bonam nec malam ferre fortunam potest seu vicit, ferociter instat victis; seu victus est, instaurat cum victoribus certamen; a restless enemy that is never quiet, howsoever the world goes, if he conquer us, he insolently insults upon us; if we foil him; he still bethinks himself how to set upon us afresh. Let us not therefore suppose sedendo & votis debellari posse, that the conquest will be gotten by sitting still and wishing all were well. We oft maintain against the Church of Rome, that our natural abilities whilst we live serve us not to fulfil the Law of God. What boots it thus to dispute? shall the confession of our unableness to do what we ought, excuse us at all if we do not that which we are able? S. Austin was of opinion how justly I will not dispute but of that opinion he was, and it was the occasion of his book, de spiritu & litera ad Marcellinum: that it was possible for us even in this natural life seconded by the grace of God, perfectly to accomplish what the Law requires at our hands. Let the truth of this be as it may be: certainly that is most true which the same Father adds: that let our strength be what it will, yet if we know not our duty we shall do it no more than the traveller sound of body or limb, can go that way aright of which he is utterly ignorant. Yea, let our ability be perfect, and let our knowledge be also absolute, yet if we have no mind; if we want a love unto our duty, if we suffer ourselves to be overswayed by affection to other things, yet shall we not do our duty. For which of us being at liberty will do that which he hath no love unto? Beloved, as for or knowledge God hath left unto us Scripture, the perfect register of all our duty the absolute itinerary and map of all the course which in this life we are to run: & as for love he plentifully sheds it in the hearts of all those that by faithful prayer beg it of him. If we shall search the Scripture to improve our knowledge, if we shall earnestly beg at his hands to inflame our love. Let our natural possibilities be what they will: he that now doth little amongst us shall do much, and he that doth much shall do much more: and the promises made unto the Jews concerning their carnal enemies, shall be made good on us concerning our spiritual and ghostly enemies, one of us shall chase a thousand, and if they come out against us on way, they shall fly before us seven ways. And thus much for the first use.  
There is a second benefit of great weight and moment, which we reap out of the consideration of the errors of these excellent Ministers of God: namely a lesson teaching us to beware of spiritual pride. Of all the vices which our nature is subject unto, this is the most dangerous, and of which we had need be most cautelous. For whereas all other vices proceed from some ill in us, from some sinful imbecility of our nature, this alone arises out of our good parts; Other sins draw their being from that original corruption which we drew from our Parents, but this may seem to be the mother of that; as by which even natures unstained and in their primitive purity may most easily fall. And therefore not without some probability is it concluded in the Schools, That no other crime could throw the Angels down from heaven but this. That which one leaves for a memorial to great men, that in dangerous times, non minus periculum ex magna fama quam ex mala, it was a matter of like danger to have a good name as an ill, that may I pronounce of a Christian man, the danger of his innocency is not much less than of his faults. For this Devil when he cannot drive us to despair by reason of our sin, takes another course to see if he can make us presume upon conceit of our righteousness. For when by the preventing grace of God we keep ourselves from greater offences if we find ourselves to have a love unto the word of God, and the true professors of it, to be rich in almsdeeds, to have a part in other acts of righteousness, he makes us first take notice of these good things in us, notice taken draws us to love and admire them in us: self-love draws us on to compare ourselves with others, then to prefer ourselves before others, and thirdly to disdain others in respect of ourselves. Here now is a gap laid open to a thousand inconveniences. And hence it is that we see divers times men otherwise of life and reputation pure and unblameable, upon conceit and unconsiderateness by a secret judgement of God to fall upon extremes no less fearful than are the issues of open prosaness and impiety. To cut of therefore all way that may be opened to let in spiritual pride it hath pleased God to make use of this as of a sovereign remedy namely to permit even in his most chosen vessels, evermore secret and hidden infirmities and sometimes gross and open 'scapes, which may serve when they look into themselves to abate all overweening conceit of their own righteousness, and when they shall look into the errors of others, may be secret admonitioners unto them, not rashly to condemn them, considering their own weakness. I will therefore shut up this place with the saying of Saint Ambrose, etiam laepsus sanctorum utilis est, Nihil mihi obsuit quod negavit Petrus, etiam profuit quod emendavit. The fall of the Saints is a very profitable thing. It hurts not me that Peter denied Christ, and the example of his amendment is very beneficial unto me. And so I come unto the preparative unto Peter's Repentance, in these words, and he went forth.  
THe wisdom of God hath taught the Church sometime by express message delivered by words of mouth, sometime by dumb signs and actions. When Jeremy walked up and down the city with a yoke of wood about his neck, when Ezekiel lay upon his side, besieged a Slate with the draught of Jerusalem upon it, and like a banished man carried his stuff upon his shoulders from place to place: they did no less prophesy the captivity, desolation, famine and woe, which was to fall upon Jerusalem, then when they denounced it by direct word and speech: yea, many of the ordinary actions of the Patriarches, which seem to participate of chance, and to be in the same rank with those of other men, themselves (as a learned divine of our Mercerus age observes) not intending or understanding any such thing, contained by the dispensation of the Holy Ghost, especial lessons and instructions for us. That speech of Sarah, cast out the bondwoman and her son, etc. seemed to Abraham only a speech of cursed heart, and she herself perceives not herself to speak by direction from God, but moved with impatience of Ismaels' petulant behaviour toward her son. Yet the Holy Ghost himself hath taught us, that this act of her prefigured a great mystery. Many disputations there are concerning the cause of this action of Peter's going forth: whether it were out of the common infirmity that is in most men, namely a greater shame to repent then to offend: or whether it were out of modesty and good nature, that he could not endure the sight of Christ, whom he had so grievously offended. Howsoever it were, we shall do this Scripture no wrong, if we think it to contain an act in outward show casual, and like unto the actions of other men, but inwardly indeed an especial action of a person great in the sight of God; and therefore comprehending some especial instruction. And to speak plainly, this abandoning the place wherein he fell, the company for fear of whom he fell, and those things that were occasioners of his sin, doth not obscurely point out unto us an especial duty of speedy relinquishing and leaving of all, either friends or place, or means, or whatsoever else, though dearer unto us than our right hand, than our right eye; if once they become unto us inducements to Sin. In former days before the Fullness of time came, the Calling of the Elect of God was not by any one act more often prefigured, then by this action of going forth. When the purpose of God was to select unto himself a Church, and to begin it in Abraham, come forth, faith he unto him, out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house. When Israel being in Egypt, it pleased God to appoint them a set Form and manner of serving him, before this could be done, they and all theirs must come forth of Egypt, they must not leave a hoof behind them. When the time of the Gospel was come, our Saviour holds the same course: none must be of his company, but such as come forth, leave all and follow him. And therefore the Apostle putting the Hebrews in mind of their duty, expresses it in this very term; Let us go forth, therefore unto him, saith he without the camp, bearing his reproach. And in the original language of the New Testament, the Church hath her name from this thing, from being called forth; so that without a going forth there is no Church, no Christianity, no Service to God, the reason of all which is this: we are all by nature in the High Priests court, as Peter was, where we all deny and forswear our Master as Peter did: neither is there any place for Repentance, till with Peter we go forth and weep.  
For our further light we are to distinguish the practice of this our going forth, according to the diversity of the times of the Church. In the first ages, when Christianity was like unto Christ, and had no place to hide its head, no entertainment but what persecution, and oppression, and fire, and sword could yield it; there was then required at the hands of Christians, an Actual going forth, a real leaving of riches, and friends, and lands, and life for the profession of the Gospel. Afterward, when the Tempests of persecutions were somewhat allayed, and the sky began to clear up, the necessity of actual relinquishing of all things ceased, Christians might then securely hold life and lands, and whatsoever was their own, yet that it might appear unto the world, that the resolution of Christian men was the same as in times of distress and want, so likewise in time of peace and security, it pleased God to raise up many excellent men, as well of the Laity, as of the Clergy, who without constraint, voluntarily, and of themselves, made liberal distribution of all they had; left their means and their friends, and betook themselves to deserts and solitary places, wholly giving themselves over to meditation, to prayer, to fasting, to all severity and rigidness of life, what opinion our times hath of these, I cannot easily pronounce: thus much I know safely may be said, that when this custom was in its primitive purity, there was no one thing more behooveful to the Church. It was the Seminary and nursery of the Fathers, and of all the famous Ornaments of the Church. Those two things which afterwards in the decay and ruin of this discipline, the Church sought to establish by Decrees and Constitutions, namely to estrange her Priests from the world and bind them to single life, were the necessary effects of this manner of living, for when from their childhood they had utterly sequestered themselves from the world and long practised the contempt of it: when by chastising their body and keeping it under with long fasting they had killed the heat of youth, it was not ambition nor desire of wealth, nor beauty of women that could withdraw them or sway their affections.  
That which afterwards was crept into the Church and bare the name of Monkery, had indeed nothing of it but the name, under pretence of poverty they seized into their possession the wealth and riches of the world, they removed themselves from barren soils into the fattest places of the land, from solitary deserts into the most frequented cities: they turned their poor cottages into stately palace, their true fasting into formalizing and partial abstinence. So that instead of going forth they took the next course to come into the world: they left not the world for Christ, but under pretence of Christ they gained the world: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nazianz●●ne speaks. One of their own, Saint Jerome by name, long ago complained of it. Nonnulli sunt ditiores Monachi, quam fuerant seculares, & clerici qui possideant opes sub paupere Christo, quas sub fallaci & locuplete diabolo non habuerant ut suspiret eos ecclesia divites: quos tenuit mundos ante mendicos. But I forbear and come to commend unto you another kind of going forth, necessary for all persons, and for all times. There is a going forth in act and execution, requisite only at sometimes and upon some occasions: there is a going forth in will and affection: this let the persons be of what calling soever, and let the times be never so favourable, God requires at the hands of every one of us. We usually indeed distinguish the times of the Church into times of peace, and times of persecution: the truth is, to a true Christian man the times are always the same. Habetetiam pax suos martyrs, saith one: there is a martyrdom even in time of peace; for the practice of a Christian man in the calmest times, in readiness and resolution must nothing differ from times of rage and fire. Josephus writing of the Military exercises practised amongst the Romans, reports that for seriousness they diffred from a true battle only in this, the battle was a bloody exercise, their exercise a bloodless battle. Like unto this must be the Christian exercise in times of peace, neither must there be any difference betwixt those days of persecution, and these of ours, but only this, those yielded Martyrs with blood, ours without. Let therefore every man throughly examine his own heart, whether upon supposal of times of trial and persecution, he can say with David, My heart is ready, whether he can say of his dearest pledges, all these have I counted dung for Christ's sake, whether he find in himself that he can, if need be, even lay down his life for his profession. He that cannot do thus, what differs his faith from a temporary faith, or from hypocrisy? Mark, I beseech you what I say, I will not affirm, I will only leave it to your Christian discretion. A temporary faith, that is, a faith resembled to the seed in the Gospel, which being sown on the stony ground, withered as soon as the sun arose, a faith that fails as soon as it feels the heat of persecution, can save no man. May we not with some reason think that the faith of many a one, who in time of peace seems to us, yea, and to himself too peradventure to die possessed of it, is yet notwithstanding no better than a temporary faith, and therefore comes not so far as to save him that hath it? Rufus a certain Philosopher whensoever any Scholars were brought unto him to receive education under him, was wont to use all possible force of argument to dissuade them from it: if nothing could prevail with them but needs they will be his hearers, this their pertinacy he took for a sure token of a mind throughly settled, & led as it were by instinct to their studies. If God should use this method to try who are his, and bring on us those Temptations, which would make the man of temporary faith to shrink: think we that all those who in these times of peace have born the name of Christ unto their graves, would have born unto the rack, unto the sword, unto the fire? Indeed to man who knows not the thoughts of his friend some trials sometimes are very necessary. But he that knew and foretold David what the resolution of the men of Keilah would be, if Saul came to them, knows likewise what the resolution of every one of us would be if a fiery trial should appear. Who knows therefore whether God hath numbered out the Crowns of life, according to the number of their souls, who he foreknew would in the midst of all Temptations and trials continue unto the end? for what difference is there betwixt the faith that fails upon occasion, or that would fail if occasion were offered? for the actual failing of faith is not that that makes it temporary, it is only that which detects it, which bewrays it unto us to be so. The faith therefore of that man which would have sunk as fast as Peter did, if tempests had arisen, notwithstanding that through the peace of the Church he dies possessed of, is no better than a temporary, and cometh short of a saving faith. Durus sermo, it as a hard speech some man may say: but let him that thinks thus, recount with himself that Dura via, it is is a hard way that leads to life. Beloved, deceive not yourselves: heaven never was, nor will be gotten without Martyrdom: In a word my Brethren try therefore yourselves, whether you have in you true resolution, summon up your thoughts, survey every path in which your affections are wont to tread: see whether you are prepared to leave all for Christ. If you find in yourselves but one affection looking back to Sodom, to the things of this life, remember Lot's wife, her case is yours, you are not yet sufficiently provided for the day of battle.  
FINIS.   

Christian Omnipotency.  Philip. 4. 13. I can do all things, through Christ, that enableth or that strengtheneth me. 
FRom henceforth let all complaint concerning the frailty, and weakness of man's Nature, for ever cease. For behold our weakness swallowed up of strength, and man is become Omnipotent. I can do all things, saith my Apostle. The strongest reason, which the subtlest above all the beasts of the field, could invent, to draw our first Parents from their allegiance, was this, Ye shall be like Gods. Our Saviour who is infinitely wiser to recall us, than our adversary was to seduce us, takes the same way to restore as he did to destroy, and uses that for Physic, which the Devil gave for poison. Is this it, saith he, unto us, that hath drawn ye from me, that ye would be like unto Gods? why, then return again, and ye shall be like Gods, by a kind of Communicatio idiomatûm, by imparting unto you such excellencies, as are proper unto myself. As I myself do all things, so shall you likewise be enabled to do all things through me. Falso queritur de Naturâ suâ Genus humanum, quod imbecillis sit. It was the observation of the Heathen Historian, that it is an error in men, thus to complain of the infirmities, and weakness of their Nature. For man indeed is a creature of great strength, and if at any time, he find himself weak, it is through his fault, not through his nature. But he that shall take into consideration these words of my Text, shall far better than any natural man, be able to perceive, that man hath no cause to complain of his weakness. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Aristophanes. It was a tale that passed among some of the Heathen, that Vulcan offended with the men of Athens, told them that they should be but fools: but Pallas that favoured them, told them they should be fools indeed, but folly should never hurt them. Beloved our case is like to that of the men of Athens, Vulcan the Devil hath made us fools, and weak, and so we are indeed of ourselves: but the Son of God, the true Pallas, the wisdom of the Father hath given us this gift, that our weakness, shall never hurt us. For look what strength we lost in Adam, that with infinite advantage is supplied in Christ. It was the Parable of Iphicrates, that an Army of Hearts, with a Lion to their Captain, would be able to vanquish an army of Lions, if their captain were but an Hart. Beloved, were mankind indeed but an army of Hearts, were we Hinnuleo similes, like unto the fearful Hind, upon the Mountains, that starts at every leaf that shakes: yet through Christ, that strengtheneth us, having the Lion of the tribe of Judah for our Captain, and Leader, we shall be able to vanquish all that force; which the Lion that goeth up and down seeking whom he may devour, is able to bring against us. Indeed we do many times sadly bemoan our case, and much rue the loss, which through the rechlesness of our first parents hath befallen us; Yet let us cheer up ourselves, our fear is greater than our hurt: as Elkanah speaks unto Hannah in the first of Samuel. Why weepest thou? Am not I better unto thee then ten Sons. So will we comfort ourselves in the like manner. Let us sorrow no more for our loss in Adam. For is not Christten fold better unto us, than all the good of Paradise. The Mulberry tree indeed is broken down, but it is built up again with Cedar. The loss of that portion of strength, wherewith our Nature was originally endued, is made up with fullness of power in Christ; It is past that conclusion of Zeba and Zalmana unto Gideon, in the Book of Judges, As the man is, so is his strength; for now Beloved, as is God so is our strength. Wherefore as St. Ambrose spoke of Peter's fall: Non mihi obsuit quod negavit Petrus, immo prosuit, quod emendavit: So may we speak of the fall of our first Parents, it hurts not us that Adam fell; nay our strength and glory is much improved, that by Christ we are redeemed. Our natural weakness be it never so great, with this supply from Christ, is far a above all strength, of which our Nature in its greast perfection was capable. If we survey the particulars of that weakness, which we drew from the loins of our first parents, we shall find the chiefest part of it to be in the loss of immortality. For as for the loss of that pleasant place, the blindness of understanding, and perverseness of will, being supposed to betid us immediately upon the fall, these seem weaknesses far inferior to our mortality. For, God forbidding us the fruit of the tree of knowledge, & setting down the penalty that should ensue, making choice (as it is most likely) of the fearfullest judgement, and what he saw in his wisdom, was most likely to awe us, threatens neither blindness of understanding, nor crookedness of Nature, but tells us, What day ye eat of it, ye shall die. Yet see beloved, with how great strength this mortal weakness is repaired; For thus to be able to encounter with death, the fearfullest of all God's curses, and through Christ to overcome it, as all true Christians do, to turn the greatest curse into the greatest blessing, is more than immortality.  
Si non errasset, fecerat ille minus. Had not man been thus weak, he had never been thus strong. Again, on the contrary, let us conceive unto the utmost, what our strength might be in our first estate, let us raise our conceit unto the highest note we can reach, yet shall we never find it to be greater, than what here is expressed in my Text. For greater ability, than power to do all things, is not imaginable, I can do all things. Beloved, these words are Anakims, they beseem not the mouth of a man of ordinary strength. He that hath right unto them, must be one of the race of the Giants at least, for he saith not simply, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I can, though peradventure with some difficulty, hardly with much labour, and pains, but he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; I can with ease, I have valour and strength to do them. I ask then first as the Eunuch doth in the Acts: of whom speaks our Apostle this, of himself or of some other man? I answer both of himself, and all other Christians; For every Christian man by reading it as he ought, makes it his own, for in reading it as he ought, he reads it with the same spirit, with which St. Paul wrote it. Wherefore as St. Paul some where records of himself, that he was not found inferior to the chief Apostles, so is it true that the meanest Christian that hears me this day, in all that is contained in my Text, is paralleled, is nothing inferior unto St. Paul, unto the chief Apostles. What a comfort than is this unto the brother of low degree, when he considers with himself, that how mean soever he may seem to be, either in the Church or common weal, yet notwithstanding in so great a privilege, as is this omnipotent power of doing all things; he is equal unto Peter, unto Paul, the greatest Peers of the Church. If then the weakness of Christians be so strong, as to deserve the name of Almightiness, what name, what title doth the strength of a Christian deserve to bear?  
Secondly, I ask what meaning hath this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this can do in my Text? I answer very large: first, though it be rendered by this word doing, yet it comprehends sufferings too, for possum: valeo, I can, is as well to suffer as to do, and that our blessed Apostle amongst other things so meant it, is apparent by the words foregoing my text. And here is the first part of a Christians omnipotency: his patience is infinite, it suffers all things. Never any contumely, never any loss, never any smart so great, as could weary out Christian patience. Talia (saith Tertullian,) tantaque documenta, quorum magnitudo penes nationes detractatio fides est, peaes nos vero, ratio, & structio. Such examples, such precepts, have we of Christian patience, as that with infidels they seem incredible, and call in question the truth of our profession; but with us they are the ground and foundation of faith. God himself did never yet try the utmost of a Christians patience: neither hath he created any object, that is able to equal it, yet he seems for our instruction to have gone about to try, what might have been done: he commanded Abraham to sacrifice his dear and only son. Tam grave praeceptum, quod ●●ec Deo perfici placebat, patienter et audivit, & si deus voluisset, implesset, saith Tertullian. So heavy was the command, that God himself liked not it should be acted, yet Abraham heard it patiently, and had fulfilled it, if God would have given him leave. What should I speak of poverty, of disease, of the sword, of fire, of death itself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Gorduis the Martyr in St. Basil, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. O at what a loss I am, saith he, that I can die but once for my Saviour. Take the greatest instance of God's sury and wrath, even the pains laid up in Hell for the sinner, and we shall find that there have been Christians, who for the glory of God, would gladly have endured them. St. Paul is the man amongst all the Saints of God, the greatest and worthiest example of this wonderful strength, of this omnipotency of a Christian man. What evil is imaginable, which he did not either indeed, or at least in will, and affection undergo? Omnem patientiae speciem adversus omnem diaboli vim expunxit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I am on fire saith Saint chrysostom, when I speak of St. Paul, and indeed whom would it not inflame, to read that admirable Synopsis and brief of his sufferings registered in the second of the Corinthians, at the Eleventh Chapter. In labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft, and could he do more? Yes, he could; Sed ubi historiam praestare non po●●uit, votum attulit. Hitherto he reports historically what was done, and as if that were not enough, he tells us what he would have done, and that his patience was able even gladly to have encountered Hell itself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he in the ninth of the Romans, I have prayed unto God, I have begged it at his hands, as a favour, that for the increase of his glory through the Salvation of Israel my Kinsmen, according to the flesh, I might become a castaway, and endure the pains of eternal fire. Tertullian considering the wonderful patience of our Saviour upon his cross; thinks that if there had been no other argument to prove him to be God, yet this alone had been sufficient. Hanc vel maximè, Pharisaei Dominum agnoscere debuistis: patientiam hujusmodi nemo hominum perpetraret. In like manner may we truly say were there no other argument to prove that Christ doth dwell in us, doth mightily strengthen and enable us, yet this wonderful measure of patience in so finite a creature, could never subsist, if God were not in us of a truth.  
Again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this word of doing here in my text, signifies not only sufferings, and patience, this were to make a Christian but a kind of Stone: A Christian hath not only a Buckler to resist, but he must have a sword to strike. Wherefore this word of doing, must signify yet further, some action and life; And so indeed it doth; For it notes unto us the most glorious and eminent kind of Christian action, Victory and Conquest; and when my Apostle here saith, I can do all things, his meaning is, I can overcome and conquer all things. And here is the second and most glorious part of Christian Omnipotency; Never was any true Christian overcome or can he; For look how much he yields unto his enemy, so much he fails of his profession and title. David complains of Joab and his Brethren; These sons of Zeruiah are too strong for me. But, Beloved, a Christian man finds none of these sons of Zeruiah, whom he needs to fear, or of whom he needs to complain. For as Aristole tells us that a magnanimous man is he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who thinks nothing great, but conceits all things as inferior to himself: so may we define a true Christian to be such a one as to whom nothing is dreadful, in whose eye nothing under God carries any show of Greatness, S. Paul hath left us a Catalogue in the end of the eight to the Romans, of all the forces, outward and inward, bodily and ghostly, that can be mustered against us, life, death, Angels, principalities, powers, things present, things to come, height, depth, any creature imaginable and pronounces of them, that in all these we are Conquerors, Conquerors is too mean a word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we are more than Conquerors, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Saint chrysostom, we conquer them with ease, without any pains or sweat? Paucas victoria dextras— exigit, we shall not need to bring forth against them all our forces: a small part of them will be sufficient to gain the day; and not only overcome them, but turn them to our benefit and behoof. For sin is like unto Sampsons' Lion: it comes upon us with open mouth to devour us; but when we have slain it, we shall find honey in the belly of it, wonderful therefore is the power of a Christian, who not only overcomes and Conquers, and kills the viper, but like the skilful Apothecary makes Antidote, and treacle of him. Indeed our Adversaries seem to be very great. S. Paul calls them by wonderful names, as if he meant to affright us: powers, principalities, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 depths, the Prince that ruleth in the Air, the God of this world, and what not? Yet notwithstanding as one speaks in Livy of the Macedonian war, as I remember: non quam magni nominis bellum est, tam difficilem existimaveritis victoriam; we must not think there will be any doubt of the Victory, because it is a war of great name, and noise; For me thinks, I discover in our Apostle, when he uses these strange astonishing words, a spiritual stratagem: by which to stir us up, and make us stand upon our guard, he makes the largest report of our enemy's forces. We read that one of the Roman Captains, perceiving his Soldiers unnecessarily to faint draws out letters before them, and reads the news of that which never was, of, I know not what Kings with Armies and multitude coming forthwith against them, which art of his did much avail him to gain the victory; because it made the Soldiers to recollect themselves, and fight withal their might. Beloved, I may not think, that the Apostle in making this report of our enemy's forces, relates that which is not, but this, I think, I may safely say that he makes the most of that which is; For it can never hurt us to take our enemy, to be as strong as he is; or peradventure stronger, for this is a very profitable error, it makes us more wary, and provide ourselves the better. But to flight, and contemn our enemy, to err on the contrary side, and think him to be weaker than he is, this hath caused many an overthrow. It is a rule which Vigetius gives us: Difficilimè vincitur, qui verè potest de suis, & de adversarii copiis judicare. It is an hard matter to overcome him that truly knoweth his own strength, and the strength of his adversary. And here, beloved, is the error of most Christians; we do not know of what strength we are. We look upon this body of ours, and suppose that in so weak and faint a subject there cannot subsist so great strength, as we speak of; as if a man should prise the liquor by the baseness of the vessel in which it is. As divers Landlords have treasures hidden in their fields, which they know not of, so many of us have this treasure of omnipotency in us, but we care not to discover it, & to know it, did we but perfectly know our own strength and would we but compare it with the strength of our enemies: we should plainly discover, that we have such infinite advantage above them, that our conquest may seem not to be so great, as is pretended. For the greater the advantages are, the glory of the victory is the less: and that which makes a conquest great, is not so much the greatness of him that Conquers, as the strength and greatness of him that is overthrown, Now what proportion is there betwixt the strength of God himself dwelling in us, and all the strength of Heaven, Earth, and Hell besides, how then can we count this spiritual war so fearful, which is waged upon so unequal terms. In quo si modo congressus cum hoste sis, viceris, in which if we but give the onset, we are sure to gain the victory? restitisse vicisse est; To resist is to conquer for so saith the Apostle, Resist the Devil and he shall fly from you. There was never yet any Christian conquered, that could not: and in this war not to yield the victory, is to get it. As therefore one spoke of Alexander's expedition into India: Benè ausus est vana contemnere: the matter was not much, which he did, the greatest thing in it was, that he durst do it: so considering our strength, and the weakness of our adversaries, we may without prejudice speak even of the worthiest Soldiers, that ever fought these Spiritual Battles, Benè aust sunt vana contemnere. The greatest thing that we can admire in them is, that they durst do it. Would we but a little examine the forces of our adversaries, we should quickly find it to be as I have said; When Alcibiades a young Gentleman of Athens was afraid to speak before the multitude, Socrates to put him in heart, asks him; Fear you saith he, such a one? and names one of the multitude to him; No saith Alcibiades, he is but a Tradesman; Fear you such a one, saith he, and names a second; No for he is but a Peasant: or such a one, and names a third? No, for he is but an ordinary Gentleman? Now saith he, of such as these doth the whole multitude consist: and by this device, he encouraged Alcibiades to speak: He that shall fear to encounter the multitude, and army of Spiritual adversaries which are ready to set themselves against him: Let him do by himself as Socrates did by Alcibiades. Let him sitdown and consider with himself his enemies one by one, and he shall quickly discover their weakness, Primi in praeliis vincantur oculi. It's a saying that the first thing that is overcome in a Soldier, is his eye, while he judges of his enemy, by his multitude, and provision, rather than by his strength. Beloved, if we judge not of our adversary in gross, and as it were by the eye: we shall easily see, that we shall not need to do as the King in the Gospel doth, send to his enemy with conditions of peace; For there is no treaty of Peace to be had with these, Had Zimri peace that slew his Master, saith the Scripture: And there is no peace unto the wicked saith my God. Not only Zimri and the wicked but no Christian hath or can have peace, he must be always as fight and always conquering: Let us single out some one of this army and let us examine his strength, Is it sin doth so much affright us? I make choice of it, because it is the dreadfullest enemy that a Christian hath: Let us a little consider its strength and we shall quickly see, there is no such need to fear it. Sins are of two sorts, either great and capital, or small and ordinary sins. I know it were a paradox in nature to tell you that the greatest and the mightiest things are of least force. Yet this is true in the case we speak of: the greatest things are the weakest. Your own experience tells you that rapes, and murders, parricide, poisoning, treason and the rest of that rabble of arch sins, are the sins of the fewest, and that they have no strength at all but upon the weakest men. For doubtless if they were the strongest, they would reign with greatest latitude, they would be the commonest, they would be the sins of the most: But wand'ring thoughts, idle words, petty lusts, inconsiderate wrath, immoderate love to the things of the world, and the rest of that swarm of ordinary sins, these are they that have largest extent and Dominion, and some of these, or all of these, more or less prevail with every man. As the Magicians in Exodus, when they saw not the power of God in the Serpents, in the blood in the frogs; at the coming of the plague of the Lice presently cried Digitus Dei his est; this is the finger of God: so I know not how it comes to pass, though we see and confess that in those great and heinous crimes, the Devil hath least power, yet at the coming of Lice, of the rout of smaller and ordinary sins, we presently yield ourselves captives and cry out Digitus Diaboli the strength of the Devil is in these, as if we were like unto that fabulous rack in Pliny, which if a man thrust at with his whole body, he could not move it, yet a man might shake it, with one of his fingers. Now what an error is it in us Christians, when we see the principal and captain sins so easily vanquished, to think the common Soldier or lesser sort invincible? For certainly if the greatest sins, be the weakest, the lesser cannot be very strong; Secondly is it Original corruption that doth so much affright us. Let us consider this a little, and see what great cause we have to fear it. And first beloved let us take heed that we seem not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to fight with our own fancy, and not so much to find, as to fain an enemy: Mistake me not, I beseech you, I speak not this as doubting that we drew any natural infection from the loins of our Parents: but granting this, I take it to be impossible to judge of what strength it is, and deny that it is any such cause why we should take it to be so strong, as that we should stand in fear to encounter it, and overcome it: For we can never come to discover, how far our nature is necessarily weak. For whilst we are in our infancy, and as yet not altered a puris naturalibus from that which God and nature made us, none of us understand ourselves: and ere we can come to be of years to be able to discover it, or define any thing concerning the nature of it, custom, or education either good, hath much abated, or evil, hath much improved the force of it; so that for any thing we know the strength of it may be much less than we suppose, and that it is but a fear that makes it seem so great, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith chrysostom, It is the nature of timorous and fearful men evermore to be framing to themselves causeless fears, I confess, it is a strange thing, and it hath many times much amazed me, to see how ripe to sin many children are, in their young and tender years: and ere they understand what the name of Sin and evil means, they are unexpectedly and no man knows by what means, wonderfully prompt and witty to villainy, and wickedness; as if they had gone to school to it in their mother's womb. I know not to what cause to impute this thing, but I verily suppose, I might quit original sin from the guilt of it: For it is a ruled case, and concluded by the general consent of the Schools, that original sin is alike in all: and S. Paul seems to me to speak to that purpose, when he saith, that God hath alike concluded all under sin, and that all are alike deprived of the glory of God. Were therefore Original sin the cause of this strange exorbitancy in some young children, they should all be so: a thing which our own experience teaches us to be false: For we see many times even in young children many good and gracious things, which being followed with good education, must needs come to excellent effect, In pueris elucet spes plurimorum, saith Quintilian, quae ubi emoritur aetate, manifestum est, non defecisse naturam sed curam: In children many times an hope of excellent things appears, which in riper age for want of cherishing, fades and withers away: A certain sign that nature is not so weak as Parents and Tutors are negligent: whence then comes this difference? Certainly not from our Nature, which is one in all: but from some other cause. As for Original sin, of what strength it is I will not discuss: only thus much I will say there is none of us all, but is much more wicked, than the strength of any Primitive corruption can constrain. Again, let us take heed that we abuse not ourselves, that we use not the names of original weakness, as a stale, or stalking-horse as a pretence to choke, and cover somewhat else: For oftentimes when evil education, wicked examples, long custom, and continuance in sin hath bred in us an habit, and necessity of sinning, presently Original sin, and the weakness of man's nature bear the blame: Ubi per secordiam, vires, tempus, ingenium, defluxere, nature infirmitas accusatur, When through floath and idleness, luxury and distemper, our time is lost, our bodies decayed, our wits dulled, we cast all the fault on the weakness of our nature; That Law of sin in our members, of which S. Paul spoke, and which some take to be original corruption; S. Austin once pronounced of it (whether he meant to stand to it, I know not, but so he once pronounced of it) Lex peccati est violentia consuetudinis; That Law of sin, that carries us against our wills, to sin, is nothing else, but the force and violence of long custom and continuance in sin: I know, that by the error of our first Parents the Devil hath blinded, and bound us more than ever the Philistines did Samson. Yet this needs not to make us thus stand in fear of Original weakness: For blind and bound as we are, let the Devil build never so strong, yet if our hair be grown, if Christ do strengthen us, we shall be able Samson-like to bear his strongest pillars, and pull down his house about his ears.  
Thirdly, is it the Devil that we think so strong an adversary? Let us a little consider his strength; he may be considered either as an inward enemy, suggesting unto us sinful thoughts: or as an outward enemy, lying in wait to afflict us in body, in goods, or the like. First, against us inwardly, he hath no force of his own; From ourselves it is, that he borrows this strength to overthrow us. In Paradise, he borrowed the Serpent to abuse us, but now every Man is that Serpent, by which himself is abused. For as Hannibal having overthrown the Romans took their armour and fought against them with their own weapons. So the Devil arms himself against us with our own strength, our senses, our will, our appetite: with these weapons, he fights against us, and uses us against ourselves; Let us but recover our own again and the Devil will be disarmed: Think you that the Devil is an immediate stickler in every sin that is committed? I know ye do. But take heed, lest this be but an excuse to unload your faults upon the Devil, and to build them upon his back. For S. chrysostom thought otherwise, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Devil's hand says he, is not in every fault, many are done merely by our own carelessness 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A negligent careless person sins, though the Devil never tempt him. Let the truth of this lie where it will, I think I may safely speak thus much, that if we would but shut up our wills and use that grace of God which is offered. I doubt not but a great part of this suggesting power of his, would fall to nothing: as for that other force of his, by which he lies in wait to annoy us outwardly, why should we so dread that? Are there not more with us both in multitude and strength●● to preserve us? The Angel of the Lord (saith the Psalmist) pitches his tents round about those that fear him, to deliver them. And the Apostle assures us, that the Angels are ministering Spirits, sent forth for those, that shall be heirs of Salvation; shall we think, that the strength of those to preserve, is less than that of the evil Angels to destroy? One Garcaeus writing upon the Meteors, told me long since, that whereas many times before great tempests, there is wont to be heard in the air above us great noise, and rushing, the cause of this was the banding of good, and evil Angels, the one striving to annoy us with tempests, the other striving to preserve us from the danger of it. And I doubt not, but as about Moses body, so about every faithful person, these do contend, the one to hazard, the other to deliver. Yea, but the Devil inspires into us evil thoughts: well, and cannot good Angels inspire good; they are all for any thing appears, by the law of their creation equal, and shall we think that God did give unto the Devil an inspiring faculty to entangle, which he denied to his good Angels to free us? Though good Angels could not inspire good thoughts, yet God both can and doth. So that for any thing yet appears, we have no such cause to stand in fear of the strength of the Devil, either inwardly or outwardly. Thus have I examined the force of three of our principal enemies; I could proceed to examine other particulars of this army of our adversaries, the world, the flesh, persecutions, and the rest, and make the like question of them, as I have done of these, and so conclude as Socrates did to Alcibiades. If you have just cause to fear none of these, why should you fear them all, since that of such as these the whole knot of them consists? But I must proceed to search out yet another meaning of this word of doing in my text; and that briefly.  
Thirdly, therefore we may take this word of doing in its largest sense: as if the Apostle had meant literally, that indeed a Christian can do all things, that he had such a power and command over the creature, as that he could do with it, what he list. In which sense it is likewise true, though with some limitation, and here is the third degree of our Christian Omnipotency. In the former parts the omnipotence of a Christian suffered no restraint: it was illimited, unconfined. He is absolutely omnipotent in his patience, and can suffer all things: he is likewise absolutely omnipotent in battle, and can conquer all his enemies. But in this third signification, his power seems to be straightened: for how many things are there which no Christian man can do? Yet is he so straightened, as that his Omnipotency suffers not. We are taught in the Schools, though God be omnipotent, yet many things may be named, which he cannot do: he cannot deny himself, he cannot lie, he cannot sin, he cannot die. Yet may we not conclude, that therefore God is not Omnipotent; for therefore is he the more omnipotent, because he cannot do these things: for ability to do these things, is imperfection, and weakness, but in God we must conceive nothing but what argues perfection and strength. In some degree we may apply this unto ourselves, in things that tend to Christian perfection, every christian is omnipotent; he cannot raise the dead, turn water into wine, speak with tongues. True, but if he could, had he for this any further degree of perfection above other Christians? Our Saviour seems to deny it. For many (saith he) at that day shall come and say, have we not cast out Devils, and wrought miracles in thy name, and he will answer them, away, I know you not. Beloved, our Saviour loves not to slight any part of Christian perfection: yet my meaning is not to deny unto a christian the power of doing miracles, for every christian man doth every day greater miracles, than yet I have spoken of. But beloved, in this matter of miracles, we do much abuse ourselves; for why? Seems it unto us a greater miracle, that our Saviour once turned a little water into wine, than every year in so many Vine-trees to turn that into wine in the branches, which being received at the root was mere water; or why was it more wonderful for him once to feed five thousands with five Loaves: then every year to feed the whole world, by the strange multiplication of a few seeds cast into the ground? After the same manner do we by the daily actions of christian men. For why is it a greater miracle to raise the dead, then for every man to raise himself from the death of sin, to the life of righteousness? Why seems it more miraculous to open the eyes of him that was born blind, then for every one of us to open the eyes of his understanding, which by reason, of original corruption was born blind. For by the same finger, by the same power of God, by which the Apostles wrought these miracles, doth every christian man do this: and without this finger, it is as impossible for us to do this, as for the Apostles to do the miracles they did, without the assistance of the extraordinary power of Christ. So that hitherto in nothing are we found inferior unto the chief Apostles: what if there be some things we cannot do? Shall this prejudice our power? It is a saying in Quintilian oportet Grammaticum quaedam ignorare. It must not impeach the learning of a good Grammarian to be ignorant of some thing: for there are many unnecessary quillets, and quirks in Grammar, of which to purchase the knowledge, were but loss of labour and time. Beloved, in the like manner may we speak of ourselves. Oportet Christianum quaedam non posse, it must not disparage the power of a Christian, that he cannot do some things. For in regard of the height, and excellency of his profession, these inferior things, which he cannot do, they are nought else but Grammar quirks, and to be ambitious to do them, were but a nice, minute, and over-superstitious diligence. And yet a christian if he list, may challenge this power, that he can do all things; yea, even such things as he cannot do. Saint Austin answering a question made unto him, why the gift of tongues was ceased in the Church, and no man spoke with that variety of languages, which divers had in the Primitive times: wittily tells us, that every one may justly claim unto himself that miraculous gift of tongues. For since the Church, which is the body of Christ, of which we are but members, is far and wide dispersed over the earth, and is in sundry nations, which use sundry languages, every one of us, may well be said to speak with divers tongues; because in that which is done by the whole, or by any part of it, every part may claim his share. Beloved, how much more by this reason, may every one of us, lay a far director claim to an absolute power of doing all things, even in its largest extent, since I say not some inferior member, but Christ, who is our head, hath this power truly resident in him. Howsoever therefore in each member, it seems to be but partial, yet in our head it is at full; and every one of us may assume to ourselves this power of doing all things, because we are subordinate members unto that head, which can do all things, but I must leave this, and go on to the remainder of my Text.  
Hitherto I have spoken first of the person, I. Secondly, of his power can do, I should by order of the words proceed in the third place, unto the subject or object of this power pointed out unto us in this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things. But the subject of this Christian power hath been so necessarily wrapped up, and tied together with the power; that for the opening of it, I have been constrained to exemplify at large, both what this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this all things is, and how far it doth extend: so that to enter upon it a new, were but to trouble you with repetition of what is already sufficiently opened. I will go on therefore unto the second general of my Text. For hear me thinks that question might me asked, which Dalilah asked of Samson: Tell me I pray thee, wherein this great strength lieth. Behold, beloved it is expressed in the last words, through Christ that strengtheneth.  
This is as I told you that hair, wherein that admirable strength of a Christian doth reside. I confess, I have hitherto spoken of wonderful things, and hardly to be credited; wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; lest the strangeness of the argument call my credit into question. Lo here I present unto you the ground of all this: A small matter sometimes seems wonderful till the cause of it be discovered, but as soon as we know the cause, we cease to marvel: how strong soever my discourse of Christian Omnipotency doth seem, yet look but upon this cause, and now nothing shall seem incredible. For to doubt of the omnipotency of a Christian, is to question the power of Christ himself. As the Queen of Sheba told King Solomon, that she had heard great things of him in her own country, but now she saw truth did go beyond report, so, beloved, he that travels in the first part of my Text, and wonders at the strong report of a Christian man's power. Let him come to the second part, to our Solomon, to him that is greater than Solomon, to Christ, and he shall find that the truth is greater than the same of it; for if he that was possessed of the evil spirit in the Gospel, was so strong, that he being bound with chains and fetters, he broke them all: of what strength must he be then, whom it pleaseth Christ to enable, or what chains or fetters shall be put upon him, which he will not break? From this doctrine therefore that Christ is he, that doth thus enable us, we learn two lessons, which are as it were two props to keep us upright, that we lean not either to the right hand, or to the left. First, not to be dejected or dismayed, by reason of this outward weakness and baseness, in which we seem to be. Secondly, not to be puft up, upon opinion and conceit of that strength, and glory which is within us and unseen. For the first, for our own outward weakness, be it what it will, we cannot be more weak, more frail than gideon's Pitchers: now as in them their frailty was their strength and by being broken they put to flight the army of the Midianites: so where it pleases Christ to work, that which seems weakness shall become strength, and turn to flight the strongest adversary, Satis sibi copiarum cum Publio Decio, & nunquam nimium Hostium fore, said one in Livy, we may apply this unto ourselves: be we never so weak, yet Christ alone is army and forces enough, and with him, we can never have too many enemies. The flesh indeed is weak; for our Saviour tells us, yet this weakness of the flesh is no prejudice at all to the strength of a Christian; for though the flesh be weak, yet the spirit is strong, and so much our Saviour tells us too: and why then do we not follow the stronger part? Si spiritus carne fortior, quia generosior, nostra culpa infirmiora sectamur, saith Tertullian. If the spirit be stronger than the flesh, what madness is it in us to make choice of, and follow the weaker side? Nulla sides unquam miseros elegit amicos. Which of you is so improvident, as in a faction, to make choice of that side, which he sees to be the weakest, and which he knows must fall. Again, this weakness of a Christian is only outward, within what he is, the words of my Text do sufficiently show. Socrates outwardly was a man of deformed shape, but he was one of an excellent spirit: and therefore Alcibiades in Plato compares him to an Apothecary's box, which without had painted upon it, an Ape or a Satire, or some deformed thing, but within was full of sweet and precious ointment. Thus beloved it is with a Christian, whatsoever outward deformity he seems to have, howsoever he seems to be nothing but rags without, yet he is totus purpureus, all scarlet and glorious within: I have said, ye are Gods, saith the Scripture, the Magistrate is wont to engross, and impropriate this Scripture to himself; because sitting in place of Authority, for execution of Justice, he carries some resemblance of God: but to whom can this Scripture better belong then to the Christian man? For the magistrate carries indeed some show of God without, but many times within is full of corruption and weakness; the Christian carries a show of weakness without; but within is full of God and Christ. The second thing which I told you, we learned was a lesson teaching us, not to be puffed up with opinion and conceit of our own inward strength and glory: for if any man, because of this, shall begin to think of himself, above what he ought. Let him know that he may say of his exceeding strength, no otherwise then the man in the book of Kings, spoke, when his axe was fallen into the water, Alas Master, it was but lent. Those that build houses make Antics, which seem to hold up the beams, whereas indeed as St. Paul tells the Olive branch; Thou bearest not the root, but the root thee: So is it true in them, they bear not up the house, the house bears up them. Beloved, seem we never so strong, yet we are but Antics, the strength, by which the house of Christ doth stand; is not ours, it is Christ's, who by that power, by which he is able to subdue all things to himself, doth sustain both himself and us.  
FINIS,   
Luke 18. 1. And he spoke a parable unto them to this end, that men ought always to pray and not to faint. 
MY Text is like the Temple at Jerusalem: It is the house of prayer, wherein we may learn many special points of the skill and practice of it. Now as that Temple had two parts; First, the Forefront the porch, the walk before it; and secondly the Temple itself: So have these words likewise two parts; First, there are words which stand before like a porch or walk, and they are these, And he spoke a parable unto them: Secondly, here are words like unto the Temple itself: That men ought always to pray, and not to faint. If you please before we enter into the Temple, or speak of these words, That men ought always to pray, Let us stay and entertain ourselves a little in the porch, and see what matter of meditation it will yield; And he spoke a parable unto them, etc. To instruct and teach the ignorant, no method no way so speedy and effectual as by parables and Fables Strabo gives the reason of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; For man is a creature natural desirous to know but it is according to the proverb, as the Cat desires fish, loath to touch the water, loath to takes the pains to learn, knowledge is indeed a thing very pleasant; but to learn is a thing harsh and tedious above all the things in the world; the book which Saint John eats in the tenth of the Apocalypse was in his mouth sweet as honey but bitter in his belly. Beloved those Librorum helluones students that like S. John eat up whole volumes, these find the contrary: For in the mouth in the perusal, their books are harsh and unpleasant; but in the stomach when they are understood, and digested then are they delightful and pleasurable: yet one thing by the providence of God our nature hath which makes this rough way to learn more plain and easy: it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common experience shows, we are all very desirous to hear narrations and reports either pleasant or strange: Wise men therefore and God himself which is wiser than men being to train up mankind Genus indocile, a subject dull of hearing, and hardly drawn to learn, have from time to time wrought upon this humour, upon this part of our disposition and mitigated, sugared as it were the unpleasantness of a difficult, and hard lesson with the sweetness of some delightful parable or fable: And S. chrysostom tells us of a Physician, who finding his patient to abhor Physic, but infinitely long for wine, heating an earthen cup in the fire, and quenching it in wine, put his potion therein, that so the sick person being deceived with the smell of wine, might unawares drink of the Physic: or that I may better draw my comparison from Scripture, as when Jacob meant to be welcome to his father Isaac, he put on his brother Esau's apparel and so got access: So beloved, wisemen when they meant either to instruct the ignorant, or to reprove offenders to procure their welcome, and make their way more passable, have been wont for the most part, as it were to cloth their lesson or reproof in a parable, or to serve it in a dish savouring of wine that so Jacob might be admi●●ted under Esau's coat, that the smell of the pleasantness of wine might draw down the wholsomness of Physic: Great and singular have been those effects which this kind of teaching by parables hath wrought in men, by informing their ignorance, reproving their error, working patience of reproof; opening the understanding, moving the affections and other sovereign commodities, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And for this cause not only our Poets, and profane Authors, but whole cities, and men which gave Laws to Commonwealths have made especial choice of this course; Yea, our Saviour Christ himself hath filled the Gospels with parables, made them like a Divine and Christian AEsop's Fables, because he found it to be exceeding profitable. For first of all it is the plainest and most familiar way, and above all other stoops to the capacity of the learner, as being drawn either from trees, or beasts, or from some ordinary common and known actions of men: As from a shepherd attending his flock, from an husbandman sowing corn in his field, from a fisher casting his net into the Sea, from a woman putting leaven into her dough, or the like. So that in this respect a parable is like Moses Tabernacle which outwardly was nothing but goat's skins, or some ordinary stuff, but within it was silk, and purple and gold. And indeed since those we teach are either children or ignorant persons who are but children (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for every man in what he is ignorant is no better than a child) that manner of information fits best, which is most easy and familiar: Again, a parable is a kind of pattern and example expressing unto us what we hear; Now nothing doth more illustrate and explain then instance and example 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a parable as it were upon a stage, the thing that we are taught is in a manner acted, and set forth before our eyes. Secondly, parables do not only by their plainess open the understanding but they work upon the affections, and breed delight of hearing by reason of that faceteness and wittiness which is many times found in them, by reason of which they insinuate themselves, and creep into us, and ere we are aware work that end for which they were delivered: who is not much moved with that parable of Jotham in the book of Judges, that the trees went forth to choose a king, or that of Menenius Agrippa in Livy, that the parts of the body conspired against the belly, by which the one showed the wickedness of the men of Sechem against the sons of Gideon, the other the folly of the common people in conspiring against the Senators and noblemen. And no marvel beloved, if this faceteness of parables doth thus work with men, since it seems to have had wonderful force with God himself. For when the Canaanitish woman in the Gospel had long importuned our Saviour in the behalf of her daughter, and our Saviour had answered her with that short cutting and reproachful parable; It is not meet to take the children's bread and cast it unto dogs, she facetely and wittily retorts and turns upon our Saviour his own parable. Truth Lord, saith she, yet dogs do eat the crumbs that fall from their master's Table: be it that I am but a dog: I require no more than is due to a dog: even the crumbs that fall from your table, with which speech our Saviour was so far taken, as that he seems to have been stricken into a wonderment: for he presently cries out, O woman great is thy Faith. Thirdly, there is one thing that this way of instruction by parable hath above all other kinds of teaching. It serves excellently for reproof; for man is a proud creature, impatient of plain and open check and reprehension: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: many times no way of dealing with him, when he hath offended, but by deceiving him with wiliness and craft, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: he that comes rudely and plainly to reprehend, doth many times more hurt then good. I speak not this only in regard of ministerial reprehension, used by the preacher of the word: but of all other: for to reprove offenders is a common duty, and belongs to every private man as well as to the Minister. St. Austin in his book de civitate Dei, handling the question, why in common calamities the good do bear a part as well as the evil, amongst many other reasons gives this as a special one, that good men are not careful enough in reproving the errors of their offending brethren, but by connivency and silence in a manner partake in their sins, and as it were by consent, make them their own. It shall not be amiss therefore, even for you of the Laity to hear something concerning this art of reprehension, as a duty concerning you as well as the Preacher. For the wisdom and gentleness of a Christian is never better seen, then in reproving. Now one common error of reprehenders is their over-blunt, and plain manner of rebuking, dum sic objurgent quasi oderint, whilst they reprove the vice, as if they hated the person, and upbraid rather than reprehend. By this our importunity we destroy more sinners than we save. It is an excellent observation in St. chrysostom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unseasonable and importunate reprehenders make offending persons, depudere to steal their forehead, and to set a good face upon their fact, as the phrase of the world is, and to seek out excuses and Apologies for their sin. Tully tells us, that Antony the Orator being to defend a person, who was accused of faction and sedition, bend his wits to maintain sedition was good, and not to be objected as a fault. That we force not our offending Brethren unto this degree of impudence, let us consult with our charity; and know the quality and nature of the offender. Husbandmen tell us, that the young and tender branches of a Vine are not to be pruned away with a knife, but gently pulled away by hand. Beloved, before we reprove, let us know the condition of our brother, whether he be not like the young Vine soft and tender, and so to be cured rather with the hand, then with the knife: and if he be grown so hard, that he shall need the knife, we must not rashly adventure of it, but know there is a skill likewise in using the knife; as Ehud in the book of Judges, when he went to kill Eglon carries not his Dagger in his hand, but comes unto him with a present, and had his Dagger girt privily under his garment, or as a skilful Physician of whom we read, being to heal an imposthume, and finding the sick person to be afraid of Lancing, privily wrapped up his knife in a sponge, with which whilst he gently smoothed the place, he lanced it: so beloved, when we encounter our offending Brother, we must not openly carry the Dagger in our hand, for this were to defy our Brother: but we must wrap our knife in our sponge, and launce him whilst we smooth him: and with all sweetness, and gentleness of behaviour cure him; as Esay the Prophet cured Hezekias, by laying a plaster of Figs upon the sore. Men when they have offended are like unto fire, we must take heed how we come too near them; and therefore as the Cherubin in the book of Esays prophecy takes a coal from the Altar with the tongs: so when the prophets dealt with them, they did not rudely handle them with their hands; but they came upon them warily under parables, as it were with the Cherubins tongs. How could Nathan have come so near unto King David, and drawn from him an acknowledgement of his sin, had he not come with the Cherubins tongs, and deceived him with a parable, or how should the prophet made King Ahab see his error in letting go King Benhadad, if he had not as it were put a trick upon the King, and disguised both himself and his speech, and masked his errand with the parable of him, who let go the prisoner that was committed to his charge. So that in this respect, if we would define a parable we must pronounce it to be Piam fraudem a civil or spiritual Stratagem, by which persons who need instruction are honestly and piously beguiled for their own profit. No marvel therefore, if our Saviour Christ in his preaching doth every where drive upon parables. For being to deliver to us so many lessons, so strange, so uncouth, so hard to learn, it was meet he should make choice of that method of teaching, which hath most likelihood to prevail and commend them unto us. The doctrine which our Saviour in my text labours to beat into us, is the continuing and perpetuating of our prayer and religious meditation. A lesson hard to be attained, and therefore thrice he commends it unto us; once by example, twice by parable, both of them very effectual means to teach: by example of that importunate Canaanitish woman in the 15. of Saint Matthew: by parable first in the 11. of Luke, of him that lying warm in his bed, and loath to rise, yet at his Friend's importunity gets up, and lends him bread: and secondly, by the parable of the unjust Judge here in my text.  
But all this while I must not forget, that I am but in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Porch, and entrance into the Temple, where to walk too long, were, if not to lose, yet to abuse my time. Let us now therefore enter into the temple itself, and consider the main words of my text. That men ought always to pray, and not to faint: which words have a double meaning. First, there is Sensus quem faciunt; there is a sense which the words themselves yield as they lie. Secondly, Sensus quo fiunt, the sense and meaning in which the Holy Ghost intended and spoke them. If we look upon the sense which the words themselves do give; it seems we are advised by them to be like Anna the Prophetess in the second of Luke, who departed not from the temple, but served God with fasting and prayer night and day. In all places, at all times, in season, out of season, upon occasion, upon no occasion, perpetually without intermission to pray. For thus the words do run, that we ought always to pray, and not to faint. But if we look upon the sense in which the Holy Ghost Spoke these words, and consider what was his intent, when he wrote them, we shall find that the lesson which we are hence to learn is, that we be like unto Jacob in the book of Genesis, wrestle with God, and tell him to his face, That we will not let him go till he hath given us his blessing. That we become like bold faced suitors or impudent beggars that will not be put by with a denial: but when we have poured out our supplications unto God, and find his ear locked up against us, yet to commence them again and again, and the third time; yea, without any fainting or giving over, till by a kind of importunate and unmannerly devotion we have constrained God to let a blessing fall: and that this was the intent of the Holy Ghost in this place, it appears upon the very reading of the parable. I will briefly speak unto you of both these senses in their order, and first of the sense which the words do give. That we ought always without intermission to pray. Devotion in ordinary persons is a thing easily raised, and easily allayed, Every strange event, every fear, every little calamity or distress is enough to put us into a strain of religious meditation, but on the contrary side a small matter doth again as quickly kill it. It seems to be like a quotidian Ague, it comes by fits, every day it takes us, and every day it leaves us: or like flax or straw, or such light and dry stuff, which easily kindles, and as soon goes out. Indeed it is a good thing when we find out hearts thus tender, and upon every occasion ready to melt into devotion: for as to be quick of sense is a sign of life, and the purest and best complexions are quickest of sense: so it is a great argument of spiritual life in us, and of purity of soul, when we are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so easily apt to fall upon devout meditation. But our Saviour requires yet another quality in our devotion: it must be as lasting as it is quick. Quintilian advises his Orator to beware how he stand too long upon a place of passion: because that passion is not lasting, & nihil facilius lachrymis in arescit; and men cannot long weep. But beloved our Saviour gives other precepts of Christian Oratory: he wills, if we will prevail with God to insist and dwell long upon a place of religious passion, and provide that our tears may be perpetual and never dry: an hard thing you will take it to be; yet certainly it is very possible. There is a question raised among the great masters of Natural learning, whether or no there may be a lamp so provided, that it may burn for ever. And they think it may be done: beloved, our Saviour here teaches to practise that in spirituals, which hath been but a matter of speculation in Naturals, even so to kindle and dress our lamps, as that they shall never go out, but be like unto the good Huswives candle in the Proverbs, that goes not out by night, or rather like the sun which shines for evermore. Daniel is said to have kindled this lamp, and to have made his prayer thrice a day, David seven times a day, but this is not enough; for in that the one is noted to have prayed seven times a day, the other thrice: It is likely at other times they did not pray, but God is not contented with this Intermittent prayer; for if we look upon my text, we shall see that there must be no instant free from prayer: we must not measure our prayers by number. Number is a Discrete quantity as we call it, the parts of it are not connext, are not tied together, there is a separation, a distance betwixt them. That that measures out our prayer must be line and length, some continued quantity, whose parts have no separation, no intermission: For so saith my text, men ought always to pray. Always, the whole life of a man ought to be but one continual prayer. But let us a little consider how possible this is, and see if there be any thing, that doth necessarily enforce intermission of prayer. And first, that wonderful lamp of which I but now told you great Scholars had spoken, is not yet made, because they are not agreed of what matter to make it. And indeed in the world, things either are not at all, or being, do at length cease to be, either because there is no fit matter whence they may be framed, or else the matter of which they are made, vanishes and dies. But beloved, prayer is a strange thing, it can never want matter: It will be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 è quolibet out of any matter, upon any occasion whatsoever, whatsoever you do, wheresoever you are, doth minister occasion of some kind of prayer, either of thanksgiving unto God for his goodness, or of praising, and admiring his greatness, or of petitioning to him in case of want or distress, or bewailing some sin or neglect committed. Is it the consideration of God's benefits, that will move us to thankfulness? Then certainly our thankfulness ought to be perpetual, there is no person so mean, no soul so poor, and distressed and miserable, but if he search narrowly, he shall find some blessing, for which he owes thankfulness unto God. If nothing else, yet his very misery and distress is a singular blessing, if he use it to that end for which it was sent. Is it the consideration of distress and affliction, and some degree of the curse of God upon us that will stir our devotion? Indeed this is it with most men that kindles the fire of prayer in our hearts. Men for the most part are like unto the unslak't Lime, which never heats till you throw water upon it; so they never grow warm in devotion till somewhat contrary to their wishes and disposition begins to afflict them: then certainly our petitions to God ought never to cease. For never was there man in any moment of his life entirely happy, either in body, goods, or good name, every man hath some part of affliction? Blessing and cursing, though they seem to be enemies, and contrary one to another, yet are never severed, but go hand in hand together. Some men have more of one, some of another, but there is no man but hath some part of both; wherefore as it seems not only prayer in general, but all kind, all sort of prayer ought to be continual. Prayer must not be, as it were of one thread, we must blend and temper together all kind of prayer, our praise or thanks, our sorrow, and make our prayer like joseph's particolored Coat, like a beautiful garment of sundry colours. So then as fire goes not out so long as it hath matter to feed on, so what shall be able to interrupt our devotion which hath so great and everlasting store of matter to continue it.  
Secondly, many things in the world are necessarily intermitted, because they are tied to place or times; all places all times are not convenient for them; but in case of prayer it is otherwise, it seeks no place, it attends no time; It is not necessary we should come to the Church, or expect a Sabbath or an holiday, for prayer indeed especially was the Sabbaoth ordained, yet prayer itself is Sabboathless, and admits no rest, no intermission at all: If our hands be clean we must as our Apostle commands us lift them up every where at all times and make every place a Church, every day a Sabbaoth, every hour Canonical, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: As you go to the market, as you stand in the streets, as you walk in the fields in all these places ye may pray as well and with as good acceptance as in the Church, For you yourselves are temples of the holy Ghost, if the grace of God be in you more precious than any of those which are made with hands; The Church of Rome hath made a part of her Breviary, or Common Prayer Book, which she calls Itinerarium Clericorum, and it is a set form of prayer, which Clergymen ought to use when they set out in a journey and are upon their way, why she calls it Itinerarium Clericorum, and impropriates it unto the Clergy, I know not, she might, for aught I see, have called it Itinerarium Laicorum. The Itinerary of the Laity: since it is a duty belonging unto them as well as to the Minister. Yet thus much the example of that Church teaches, that no place no occasion excludes Prayer. We read in our books that one of the Ethnic Emperors was much taken when he saw a woman going in the streets with her vessel of water on her head, her child at her girdle, her spindle in her hand twisting her thread as she went: He thought it a wonderful portion of diligence thus to employ all places and times indifferently. Beloved if it be thus with bodily labour, how much more should it be so with the labour of the soul, which is far more easy and needs not the help of any bodily instrument to act it. And how welcome a spectacle will it be think you unto the great King of Heaven and Earth when he shall see that no time, no occasion, is able to interrupt the labour of our devotion? Is it the time of Feasting and Jollity, which seems to prescribe against prayer: Indeed prayer is a grave and sober action and seems not to stand with sport and merriment; yet notwithstanding it is of so pliable a nature, that it will accommodate and fit itself even to feasts and sport; we read in the book of Daniel that when Belshazzer made his great and last feast to his Princes and Lords that they were merry and drank wine in bowls and praised the Gods of Gold and Silver, of Brass, and of Iron, of Wood, and of Stone. Beloved, shall Ethnic feasts find room for their Idolatrous worship, and praise of their Golden, Brazen, Wooden Gods, and shall not our Christian Feasts yield some place for the praise of the true God of Heaven and Earth. Last of all is it time of sleep that seems to give a vacation, and otium to prayer? Beloved, sleep is no part of our life, we are not accountable for things done or not done then. Tertullian tells us that an unclean dream shall no more condemn us then a dream of Martyrdom shall crown us: and the Casuists do teach that loose dreams in the night shall never be laid to our charge if they be not occasioned by lewd thoughts in the day: for they are Cogitationes injectae non enatae, they are not thoughts springing out, but cast into our hearts by the Devil, upon his score shall they go and we shall not reckon for them: So than though sleep partake not of our devotion, yet this hinders not the continualness of it. Aristotle tells us that men who sleep perceive not any part of time to have passed; because they tie the last moment of their watching with the first moment of their awaking, as having no sense of what passed betwixt, and so account of it, as one continued time. Beloved, if we do with our devotion, as we do with our time, if we shut up the last instant of our watching with a prayer, and resume that prayer at the first instant of our waking, we have made it one continued prayer: without interruption.  
Thirdly, and last of all the greatest reason why many businesses of the world cannot be acted perpetually, is because they must give room to others, Unicum arbustum non alit duos Erithacoes: The actions of the world are many times like unto quarrelsome birds, two of them cannot peaceably dwell in one bush. But prayer hath that property which Aristotle gives unto substance nulli esse contrarium, it is at peace and holds good terms with all our cares of the world. No business so great, or that so much takes up the time and mind of a man as that it needs exclude prayer: It is of a soft and sociable nature, and it can incorporate and sink into our business like water into Ashes and never increase the bulk of them: It can mix and interweave itself with all our cares without any hindrance unto them: Nay, it is a great strength and improvement unto them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. For saith S. chrysostom as they that build houses of clay, must every where place studs and pieces of timber and wood so to strengthen the building, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so all our cares of this life, which are no better than buildings of dirt and clay we must strengthen and compact together with frequent and often prayer, as with bonds and props of timber; Let no man therefore think it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it is too much to require at the hands of men at one and the self same instant both to attend their vocation and their prayer: For the mind of a man is a very agile and nimble substance, and it is a wonderful thing to see how many things it will at one moment apply itself unto without any confusion or let. Look but upon the Musician while he is in his practice, he tunes his voice, fingers his Instrument, reads his ditty marks the note, observes the the time, all these things simul & semel at one and the same instant without any distraction or impediment: Thus should men do in case of devotion & in the common acts of our vocation let prayer bear a part: For prayer added unto diligent labour is like a sweet voice to a well tuned Instrument and makes a pleasing harmony in the ears of God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The good Huswife saith St. chrysostom, as she sits at her distaff, and reaches out her hand to the flax, may even then lift up, if not her eyes, yet her mind unto Heaven, and consecrate and hollow her work with earnest prayer unto God. Arator stivam tenens Hallelujah secantat, sudans messor Psalmis sese evocat & curuâ attondens falce vites vinitor aliquid Davidicum canit. The Husbandman (saith St. Jerome) at the Plough-tail may sing an Hallelujah, the sweeting Harvestman may refresh himself with a Psalm, the Gardener whilst he prunes his Vines and Arbours, may record some one of David's sonnets. The reason of this pliable nature of prayer is, because it is a thing of another condition, than the acts of the world are. It requires no outward labour of the body, no outward fashion and manner of doing, but is internally acted in the soul itself, and leaves the outward members of our bodies free to perform those offices which require their help. Our legal business in the world must be done in certain forms of breves and writs, and I know not what variety of outward ceremony, or else it is not warrantable. But prayer, beloved, is not like an obligation or indenture, it requires no outward solemnity of words and ceremony. Acquaint, witty, and set forms of prayer proceed many times from ostentation more than devotion: for any thing I know, it requires not so much as the moving of the lips or tongue. Nay, one thing I know more, that the most forcible prayer transcends and far exceeds all power of words. For St. Paul speaking unto us concerning the most effectual kind of prayer, calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sighs and groans that cannot be expressed. Nothing does cry so loud in the ears of God, as the sighing of a contrite and earnest heart, we read in the 14. of Exodus, that God speaks unto Moses, why criest thou unto me, command the children of Israel that they go forward: yet there appears not in the text any prayer that Moses made, or word that he spoke. It was the earnestness of Moses heart, that was so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that did so sound in the ears of the Lord. Wherefore true prayer hath no commerce with the outward members of the body, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for it requires not the voice, but the mind, not the stretching of the hands, but the intention of the soul; not any outward shape or carriage of body, but the inward behaviour of the understandingly how then can it slacken your worldly business and occasions, to mix with them sighs and groans, which are the most effectual kinds of prayer. And let this suffice concerning the first meaning of the words; I will briefly speak concerning the second meaning which I told you was the sense intended by the Holy Ghost when he wrote, and it is an exhortation to a religious importunity in our prayers: not to let our suits fall, because they are not presently granted, but never to leave soliciting, till we have prevailed, and so take the blessings of God by violence, Gratissima vis. This force, this violence is a thing most welcome unto God; for if the importunity of Esau's false, feigned, and malicious tears drew a blessing from his Father Isaac, who yet had no greater store of blessings, as it seems, how much more shall the true religious importunity of zealous prayer pull a blessing out of the hands of God, who is rich in blessings above the sands of the Sea in multitude? It is the Courtier's rule, that over modest suitors seldom speed. Beloved, we must follow the same rule in the Court of Heaven: intempestive bashfulness gets nothing there. Qui timide rogat, docet negare, Faint ask does invite a denial; will you know the true name of the behaviour which prevails with God; St. Luke in his 11. Chapter calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and St. chrysostom speaking of the behaviour of the Canaanitish woman in the 25. of St. Matthew tells us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 improbity, importunity, impudence, these be the names of that person & behaviour, which you must put on, if you mean to prevail in your suits with God. And indeed, if we consider that habit and manner, that God is wont to put on, when his children do become suitors unto him, how he puts on a rigid, rough and untractable carriage, even towards his dearest children, even then when he means them most good, we shall plainly see, we must use such kind of behaviour, if we will prevail with him, for the more effectually to express this demeanour of God toward his children, and to assure us it is so, and to teach us importunity, our Saviour Christ, that great Master of requests, may seem to have done himself some wrong; first, by drawing in a manner odious comparisons, and likening the behaviour of God in these cases to a slothful friend, that is loath to leave his warm bed, to do his friend a pleasure, and here in my text to an unjust Judge, that fears neither God nor man; and secondly, by his own behaviour toward the Canaanitish woman. It is strange to observe, how though he were the meekest person that ever was upon earth, yet here he strives as it were to unnaturalize himself, and lay by his natural sweetness of disposition, almost to forget common humanity, and puts on a kind of sullen, and surly person of purpose to deter her: you shall not find our Saviour in all the New Testament in such a mood, so bend to contemn and vilify a poor suitor. St. Austin comparing together St. Matthew and Mark, who both of them record the same story, and gathering together the circumstances out of them both, tells us, that first she follows our Saviour in the street, and that our Saviour takes house as it were to shelter himself from her, but she comes after, and throws herself at his feet: and he as offended with her importunity, again quits the house to be rid of her, and all this while deigns her not a word. If any behaviour could have dashed a suit, and broken the heart of a poor suitor, this had been enough, but here's not all, we have a civil precept, that if we be not disposed to pleasure a suitor, yet to give him good words and shape him a gentle answer, it is hard if we cannot afford a suitor a gentle wo●●. We read of Tiberius the Emperor, (as I remember) that he would never suffer any man to go sad and discontented from him, yet our Saviour seems to have forgot this part of civility, being importuned to answer her, giveth her an answer worse than silence, and speaks words like the piercing of a sword, as Solomon speaks. I may not take the children's bread and cast it unto dogs. And yet after all this strange copy of countenance, he fully subscribes to her request. Beloved, God hath not only expressed thus much in parables, and practised these strange delays upon Canaanitish women, but he hath acted it indeed, and that upon his dearest Saints. David one of the worthiest of his Saints, yet how passionately doth he cry out, How long Lord wilt thou forget me? How long shall I seek counsel in my soul and be so vexed in my heart. Not only the Saints on earth, but even those in heaven do seem to partake in this demeanour of God, we read in the book of the Revelation that when the souls of the Martyrs under the Altar cried out, how long Lord just and holy dost thou not avenge our blood from off the earth; they received this answer, have patience yet a little while. It is storied of Diogenes, that he was wont to supplicate to the statues, and to hold out his hands and beg of them, that so he might learn to brook and devour denial, and tediousness of suit. Beloved, let us but meditate upon these examples, which I have related, and we shall not need to practise any of the Cynics art. For if the Saints and blessed Martyrs have their suits so long depending in the Courts of Heaven then good reason that we should learn to brook delays, and arm ourselves with patience and expectation, when we find the ears of God not so open to our requests. When joseph's brethren came down to buy corn, he gave them but a course welcome he spoke roughly unto them, he laid them in prison; yet the text tells us that his bowels melted upon them and at length he opened himself, and gave them courteous entertainment. Beloved, when we come unto God as it were to buy corn, to beg at his hands such blessings as we need though he speak roughly, though he deal more roughly with us, yet let us know he hath still joseph's bowels, that his heart melts towards us, and at length he will open himself, and entertain us lovingly. And be it p●●dventure that we gain not what we look for: yet our labour of prayer is not lost. The blessed souls under the Altar of which I spoke but now, though their petition was not granted, yet had they long white garments given them. Even so, beloved, if the wisdom of God shall not think it fit to perform our requests, yet he will give us the long white garment; something which shall be in lief of a Suit; though nothing else, yet patience and contentment which are the greatest blessings upon earth.  
FINIS.   
John 18. 36. Jesus answered, my Kingdom is not of this world: If my Kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews, etc. 
AS in the Kingdoms of the world, there is an art of Courtship, a skill and mystery teaching to manage them: so in the spiritual Kingdom of God, and of Christ, there is an holy policy; there is an art of spiritual Courtship, which teaches every subject there, how to demean and bear himself. But, as betwixt their Kingdoms, so betwixt their arts and Courtship, betwixt the Courtier of the one, and the Courtier of the other, there is, as Abraham tells the rich man in St. Luke, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great distance, a great difference, and not only one, but many. Sundry of them I shall have occasion to touch in the process of my discourse; mean while I will single out one, which I will use as a prologue, and way unto my text. In the Kingdoms of earthly Princes, every subject is not fit to make a Courtier; yea, were all fit, this were an honour to be communicated only unto some: Sic opus est mundo. There is a necessity of disproportion and inequality between men and men: and were all persons equal the world could not consist: Of men of ordinary fashion and parts some must to the Plough, some to their Merchandise, some to their Books, some to one Trade some to anothe●●: only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristotle calls them, men of more than common wit and ability, active, choice, picked out of a thousand, such must they be that bear honours, attend on Prince's persons, and serve in their Courts. The Scripture tells us that when King Solomon saw that Jeroboam was an active, able, and industrious young man, he took him and made him ruler over all the charge of the house of Joseph. Again, when David invited old Barzillai to the Court, the good old man excuses himself: I am, saith he, fourscore years of Age, and can thy servant taste what I eat, or what I drink: can I hear any more the voice of singing men and singing women: Lo here my son Chimham, he shall go with my Lord the King, and do with him as shall seem good in thine eyes. Jeroboam and Chimham, strong and able, and active persons such are they that dwell in King's houses: of the rest some are too old, some too young, some too dull, some too rude, or by some means or other unfit for such an end. Thus fares it with the honours of the world, they seem to participate of envy, or melancholy, and are of a solitary disposition they are brightest when they are alone, or but in few make them common and they lose their grace, like lamps they may give light unto few, or to some one room, but no farther. But the honours in the Court of the great King of Heaven, o'er of another nature, they rejoice in being communicated, and their glory is in the multitude of those that do partake in them. They are like unto the Sun that rises non homini sed humano generi: no●● to this or that man, but to all the world; In the Court of God no difference between Jeroboam and Barzillai, none too old, none too young: no indisposition, no imperfection, makes you uncapable of honours there; Be but of his Kingdom, and you are necessarily of his Court: Every man who is a subject there, is a Courtier; yea, more than a Courtier, he is a Peer, he is a King, and hath an army of Angels at his service to pitch their tents about him, to deliver him; a guard of Ministering Spirits sent out to attend him for his safety. It shall not therefore be unseasonable for the meanest person that hears me this day to hear as it were a Lecture of Spiritual policy and Courtship: For no Auditory can be unfit for such a lesson. Aristotle was wont to divide his lectures and readings into Acroamatical, and Exoterical, some of them contained only choice matter, and they were read privately to a Select Auditory: others contained but ordinary stuff and were promiscuously and in public exposed to the hearing of all that would; Beloved we read no Acroamatic Lectures: The secrets of the Court of Heaven (as far as it hath pleased the King of Heaven to reveal them) lie open alike to all. Every man is alike of his Court, alike of his Council: and the meanest among Christians must not take it to be a thing without his Sphere, above his reach, but must make account of himself as a fit hearer of a lesson in Spiritual and saving policy; since if he be a subject in the kingdom of Christ, he can be no less than a Courtier.  
Now the first and main lesson to be learned by a Courtier, is how to discover and know the disposition, & nature of the Lord, whom he is to serve, and the quality of that Commonwealth in which he bears a place, ad consilium de republica dandum caput est. That therefore our heavenly Courtier may not mistake himself, but be able to fit himself to the place he bears. I have made choice of these few words, which but now I read; words spoken by the King of that Commonwealth of which I am to treat, unto such as mean to be his Liege-men there: words which sufficiently open unto the Christian politician the state and quality of that Court in which he is to serve: My kingdom is not of this world, for if at were then would my servants fight; which words seem like the Parthian horsemen, whose manner was to ride one way, but to shoot another way, they seem to go apace towards Pilate, but they aim and shot at another mark, or rather like unto the speaker of them unto our Saviour himself when he was in one of the Villages of Samaria, Luke the ninth, where the text notes that though he were in Samaria, yet his face was set towards Jerusalem: so beloved, though these words be spoken to a samaritan to an infidel to Pilate, yet their face is toward Jerusalem, they are a lesson directed to the subjects of his Spiritual Kingdom of that Jerusalem which is from above and is the Mother of us all. In them we may consider two General parts. First, a Denunciation and message unto us; and Secondly, a sign to confirm the truth of it. For it is the manner and method as it were which God doth use, when he dispatches a message, to annex a sign unto it, by which it may be known. When he sent Moses to the Israelites in Egypt, and Moses required a sign, he gave him a sign in his hand, in his Rod; when he sent Gideon against Madian he gave him a sign in the Fleece of Wool which was upon the Floor; when he sent the Prophet to Hieroboam to prophesy against the Altar in Bethel, he gave him a sign that the Altar should rend, and the ashes fall out, when he sent Esay with a message to King Ahaz, he gave him a sign; Behold a Virgin shall conceive: So Beloved in these words, There is a Message, There is a Sign: The first words are the Message; My Kingdom is not of this world, etc. The next words, For if it were then would my servants fight, etc. These are Moses rod and gideon's Fleece they are the sign which confirm the Message. The first part is a general proposition or Maxim: the second is an example, and particular instance of it. For in the first our Saviour distinguishes his Kingdom from the kingdoms of the world, and from all the fashions of them. In the second, amongst many other he chooses one instance, Wherein particularly he notes, that his Kingdom is unlike to earthly kingdoms. For the kingdoms of the world are purchased and maintained by violence and blood, but so is not his. The reason why our Saviour fastens upon this reason of dissimilitude and unlikeness is, because in gaining and upholding temporal Kingdoms, nothing so usual as the sword and war. No Kingdom of the world, but by the sword is either gotten or held, or both. The sword in a secular common wealth is like the rod in a School, remove that away and men will take their liberty. It is the plea which the Tarquins used to King Porsenna in Livy. Satis libertatem ipsam habere dulcedinis, nisi quantâ vi civitates eam expetant tantâ regna reges defendant, aequare summa infimis adesse finem regnis rei inter Deos hominesque pulcherrimae. The taste of liberty is so sweet, that except Kings maintain their authority with as great violence, as the people affect their liberty, all things will run to confusion; and Kingdoms which are the goodliest things in the world, will quickly go to wrack: when God gave a temporal Kingdom unto his own people, he sent Moses and Joshua before them to purchase it with the sword, when they were possessed of this Kingdom, he sends then Gideon and Samson, and David, and many worthies more to maintain it by the sword. But now being to open unto the world another kind of Kingdom, of rule and government, than hitherto it had been acquainted with: he tells us, that he is a King of a Kingdom which is erected and maintained not by Joshua and David, but by Peter and Paul, not by the sword, but by the spirit, not by violence, but by love, not by striving, but by yielding, not by fight, but by dying. Pilate had heard, that he was a King. It was the accusation which was framed against him, that he bore himself as King of the Jews; But because, he saw no pomp, no train, no guard about him, he took it but as an idle report. To put him therefore out of doubt, our Saviour assures him, that he is a King, but of such a Kingdom as he could not skill of: My Kingdom is not of this world, etc. For the better unfolding of which words; first we will consider what the meaning of this word Kingdom is, for there lies an ambiguity in it. Secondly we will consider what lessons for our instruction the next words will yield, Not of this world; first of this word Kingdom.  
Our Saviour is a King three manner of ways, and so correlatively hath three distinct several Kingdoms. He is first a King in the largest extent and meaning which can possibly be imagined, and that is, as he is Creator and absolute Lord of all creatures. Of this Kingdom, Heaven, Earth, and Hell are three large provinces. Angels, Men, and Devils, his very enemies, every creature visible and invisible are subjects of this Kingdom. The glory and strength of this Kingdom consists least of all in men, and man is the weakest part of it. For there is scarcely a creature in the world, by whom he hath not been conquered. When Alexander the great had traveled through India, and overrun many large provinces, and conquered many popular Cities; when tidings came, that his Soldiers in Greece had taken some small towns there, he scorned the news, and in contempt, me thinks (said he) I hear of the battle of Frogs and mice. Beloved, if we look upon these huge armies of creatures, and consider of what wonderful strength they are, when the Lord summons them to battle: all the armies of men, and famous battles, of which we have so large histories in the comparison of these what are they, but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but Homer's tale, a battle of Frogs and Mice. Infinite legions of Angels attend him in Heaven, and every Angel is an Army: one Angel in the Book of Kings is sent out against the army of the Assyrians, and in one night fourscore thousand persons die for it. Base and contemptible creatures, when God calls for them, are of strength to conquer whole Countries. He overruns Egypt with his armies of Frogs, and Flies, and Lice, and before his own people with an army of Hornets chases the Canaanites out of the Land. Nay, the dull and senseless elements, are up in arms when God summons them. He shoots his Hail-shot; with his Hailstones from Heaven he destroys more of the Canaanites, than the Israelites can with their swords. As for his armies of fire and water, what power is able to withstand them; every creature, when God calls, is a soldier. How great then is the glory of this Kingdom of which the meanest parts are invincible. Secondly, again our Saviour is a King in a more restrained and confined sense, as he is in Heaven attended on by Angels, and Archangels, powers, principalities, and all the heavenly hosts. For though he be omnipresent and fills every place both in Heaven and Earth; yet Heaven is the Palace and Throne of this Kingdom, there is he better seen and known, there with more state and honour served, and therefore more properly is his Kingdom said to be there. And this is called his Kingdom of glory. The rules, and laws, and admirable orders of which Kingdom, could we come to see and discover, it would be with us, as it was with the Queen of Saba, when she came to visit Solomon, of whom the Scripture notes; that when she heard his wisdom, and had seen the order of his servants, the attendance that was given him, and the manner of his table. There was no more Spirit left in her. Beloved, Dum Spiritus hos regit artus. Whilst this Spirit is in us, we cannot possibly come to discern the laws and orders of this Kingdom, and therefore I am constrained to be silent.  
Thirdly, our Saviour is a King in a sense, yet more impropriated. For as he took our nature upon him, as he came into the world to redeem mankind, and to conquer Hell and death, so is there a Kingdom annexed unto him; A Kingdom, the purchase whereof cost him much sweat and blood, of which neither Angels, nor any other creature are a part, only that remnant of mankind, that Ereptus titio. That number of blessed Souls, which like a brand out of the fire, by his death and passion he hath recovered out of the power of sin; and all these alone are the subjects of that Kingdom. And this is that, which is called his Kingdom of Grace, and which himself in Scripture every where calls his Church, his Spouse, his Body, his Flock: and this is that Kingdom, which in this place is spoken of, and of which our Saviour tells Pilate. That it is not of this world; My Kingdom is not of this world.  
Which words at the first reading, may seem to savour of a little imperfection; for they are nothing else but a Negation or denial. Now our Books teach us, that a Negative makes nothing known; for we know things by discovering not what they are not, but what they are: yet when we have well examined them, we shall find that there could not have been a speech delivered more effectual for the opening the nature of the Church, and the discovery of men's errors in that respect. For I know no error so common, so frequent, so hardly to be rooted out, so much hindering the knowledge of the true nature of the Church, as this, that men do take the Church to be like unto the world. Tully tells us of a Musician, that being asked what the Soul was, answered, that it was Harmony, et is (saith he) à principiis artis suae non recescit. He knew not how to leave the principles of his own art. Again Plato's Scholars had been altogether bred up in Arithmetic, and the knowledge of numbers, and hence it came, that when afterward they diverted their studies to the knowledge of Nature, or Moral Philosophy; wheresoever they walked, they still feigned to themselves some what like unto Numbers: the world they supposed was framed out of numbers, Cities, and Kingdoms, and Commonwealths they thought stood by numbers, Number with them, was sole principle and creator of every thing. Beloved, when we come to learn the quality and state of Christ's Kingdom, it fares much with us, as it does with Tully's Musician, or Plato's Scholars, difficulter à principiis artis nostrae recedimus. Hardly can we forsake those principles, in which we have been brought up. In the world we are born, in it we are bred, the world is the greatest part of our study, to the true knowledge of God and of Christ, still we fancy unto us something of the world. It may seem but a light thing that I shall say, yet because it seems fitly to open my meaning, I will not refrain to speak it: Lucian, when Priam's young son was taken up into heaven, brings him in calling for milk and cheese, and such country cates as he was wont to eat on earth. Beloved, when we first come to the Table of God, to heavenly Manna and Angel's food, it is much with us, as it was with Priam's young son, when he came first into Heaven, we cannot forget the milk and cheese, and the gross diet of the world. Our Saviour and his blessed Apostles had great and often experience of this error in men; when our Saviour preached to Nicodemus the doctrine of regeneration, and new birth, how doth he still harp upon a gross conceit of a reentry to be made into his mother's womb. When he preached unto the Samaritan women concerning the water of life, how hardly is she driven from thinking of a material Elementary water, such as was in jacob's well. When Simon Magus in the Acts saw, that by laying on of hands, the Apostles gave the Holy Ghost, he offers them money to purchase himself the like power. He had been trafficking, and merchandizing in the world, and saw what authority, what a Kingdom money had amongst men: he therefore presently conceited coelum venale Deumque: that God and Heaven, and all would be had for money. To teach therefore the young Courtier in the Court of Heaven that he commit no such Solecisms, that hereafter he speak the true Language, and dialect of God, our Saviour sets down this as a principal rule in our Spiritual Grammar: That his Court is not of this world; Nay, beloved not only the young Courtier, but many of the old servants in the Court of Christ are stained with this error. It is storied of Leonides which was Schoolmaster to Alexander the great, that he infected his nonage with some vices, quae robustum quoque & jam maximum regem ab illa institutione puerili sunt prosecuta, which followed him then, when he was at man's estate. Beloved the world hath been a long time a Schoolmaster unto us, and hath stained our nonage with some of these spots which appear in us, even then when we are strong men in Christ. When our Saviour in the Acts after his Resurrection was discoursing to his Disciples concerning the kingdom of God, they presently broke forth into this question, Wilt thou now restore the kingdom unto Israel? Certainly this question betrays their ignorance, their thoughts still ran upon a kingdom like unto the kingdoms of the world, notwithstanding they had so long, and so often heard our Saviour to the contrary, Our Saviour therefore shortly takes them up; Non est vestrum, your question is nothing to the purpose; the kingdom that I have spoken of is another manner of kingdom than you conceive. Sixteen hundred years, Et quod Excurrit, hath the Gospel been preached unto the world, & is this stain spunged out yet; I doubt it, whence arise those novel & late disputes, de notis Ecclesiae, of the notes & visibility of the Church, Is it not from hence that they of Rome take the world & the Church to be like Mercury and Sosia in Plautus his comaedies so like one another that one of them must wear a toy in his cap, that so the spectators may distinguish them; whence comes it that they stand so much upon State and Ceremony in the Church? Is it not from hence that they think the Church must come in like Agrippa and Bernice in the Acts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Luke speaks with a great deal of pomp, and train and show, and vanity, and that the service of God doth necessarily require this noise, and tumult of outward State and Ceremony. Whence comes it that We are at our wits ends, when we see persecution, and sword, and fire to rage against the true professors of the Gospel? Is it not because, as these bring ruin and desolation upon the kingdoms of the world; so we suppose they work no other effect in the kingdom of Christ? all these conceits and many more of the like nature spring out of no other fountain, than that old inveterate error which is so hardly wiped out of our hearts; that the State of the Church and Kingdom of Christ doth hold some proportion? Some likeness with the state and managing of temporal kingdoms; wherefore to pluck out of our hearts, Opinionem tam insitam, tam vetustam, a conceit so ancient, so deeply rooted in us, our Saviour spoke most excellently, most pertinently, and most fully when he tells us that his Church, that his Kingdom is not of this world.  
In which words of his, there is contained the true art of discovering and knowing the true nature and essence of the Church. For as they which make Statues, cut and pair away all superfluities of the matter upon which they work, so our Saviour to show us the true proportion and feature of the Church, prunes away the world and all superfluous excrescencies, and sends her to be seen as he did our first Parents in Paradise, stark naked; As those Elders in the Apocryphal story of Susanna, when they would see her beauty, commanded to take of her mask: so he that longs to see the beauty of the Church, must pull of that mask of the world & outward show. For as Juda in the book of Genesis when Thamar sat veiled by the way side, knew not his daughter from an whore: so whilst the Church, the daughter and spouse of Christ sits veiled with the world and pomp, and show, it will be an hard matter to discern her from an harlot; But yet further to make the difference betwixt these kingdoms the more plainly to appear, and the better to fix it in your memories, I will briefly touch some of these heads in which they are most notoriously differenced.  
The first head wherein the difference is seen, are the persons and subjects of this kingdom; For as the Kingdom of Christ is not of this world, so the subjects of this Kingdom are men of another world, and not of this: Every one of us bears a double person, and accordingly is the subject of a double Kingdom. The holy Ghost by the Psalmist divides heaven and earth betwixt God and man, and tells us as for God, he is in heaven, but the earth hath he given to the children of men: So hath the same spirit by the Apostle Saint Paul divided every one of our persons into heaven and earth into an outward and earthly man, and into an inward and heavenly man: This earth, that is, this body of clay hath he given to the sons of men, to the Princes under whose government we live, but heaven that is the inward and spiritual man hath he reserved unto himself; They can restrain the outward man, and moderate our outward actions, by edicts and laws, they can tie our hands and our tongues— Illa se jac●●et in aula AEolus. Thus far they can go, and when they are gone thus far, they can go no farther. But to rule the inward man in our hearts, & souls, to set up an Imperial throne in our understandings, & wills, this part of our government belongs to God & to Christ; These are the subjects, this the government of his Kingdom, men may be Kings of Earth, & bodies; But Christ alone is the King of Spirits and Souls: Yet this inward government hath influence upon our outward actions: For the Authority of Kings over our outward man is not so absolute, but that it suffers a great restraint; It must stretch no further than the Prince of our inward man pleases: for if secular Princes stretch out the skirts of their Authority to command aught by which our souls are prejudiced, the King of Souls hath in this case given us a greater command, That we rather obey God then men.  
The second head wherein the difference betwixt these Kingdoms is seen is in their laws; For as the kingdoms & the lawgivers so are their laws very different: First, in their Authors, the laws by which the Commonwealth of Rome was anciently governed, were the works of many hands, some of them were Plebiscita the the acts of the people, others were Senatus-consulta the decrees of the Senate, others Edicta Praetorum, the verdict of their Judges, others Responsa Prudentum the opinions of Wisemen in cases of doubt. Others Rescripta Imperatorum, the Rescripts and answers of their Emperors, when they were consulted with; But in the kingdom of Christ there are no Plebiscita or Senatus-consulta, no people, no Senate, nor wisemen, nor Judges, had any hand in the laws by which it is governed. Only Rescripta Imperatoris the Rescripts and Writs of our King run here, these alone are the Laws to which the Subjects of this Kingdom owe obedience. Again, the Laws of both these kingdoms differ in regard of their quality and nature; For the laws of the Kingdom of Christ are Eternal, Substantial, Indispensable, but Laws made by humane authority, are but light, superficial and temporary. For all the humane authority in the world can never enact one eternal and fundamental Law. Let all the Laws which men have made be laid together, and you shall see that they were made but upon occasion, and circumstance either of time, or place, or persons in matters of themselves indifferent, and therefore either by discontinuance they either fell or ceased of themselves, or by reason of alteration of occasion and circumstance were necessarily revoked; Those main fundamental Laws upon which all the Kingdoms of the world do stand, against theft, against murder, against adultery, dishonouring of Parents or the like, they were never brought forth by man, neither were they the effects of any Parliamentary Sessions; they were written in our souls from the beginning, long before there was any authority Regal extant among men. The intent of him who first enacted them was not to found a temporal, but to bring men to an eternal Kingdom: and so far forth as they are used for the maintaining of outward state they are usurped, or at the best but borrowed, So that in this work of settling even the Kingdoms of this world, if we compare the Laws of God with the Laws of men we shall find that God hath as it were founded the palaces and castles, and strength of them, but men have like little children built houses of clay, and dirt which every blast of wind overturns.  
The third head by which they may be seen is in the notes and marks, by which they may be known: For the Kingdoms of the world are confined, their place is known their subjects are discernible, they have badges and tokens, and Arms by which they are discovered; But the Church hath no such notes, and marks, no Herald hath as yet been sound that could blazon the arms of that Kingdom. AEsculus the Poet in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 describing the captains, that came either for the siege or defence of the City of Thebes in Be●●tia brings them in, in their order every one with his shield, and upon his shield some device, and over that device a Motto or word according to the usual fancies of men in that kind; but when he comes to Amphiraus, he notes of him that he had no device in his shield, no impress or word, and he gives the reason of it; because he affected not show, but to be that which others professed. But to carry marks and notes and devices, may well beseem the world which is led by fancy and show; but the Church is like Amphiarus, she hath no device, no word in her shield, mark and essence with her are all one, and she hath no other note but to be. And but that learned men must have something to busy their wits withal these large discourses de notis Ecclesiae, of the notes and marks by which we may know the Church might very well lie by as containing nothing else but doctas ineptias, Laborious vanities, and learned impertinences. For the Church is not a thing that can be pointed out: The Devil could show our Saviour Christ all the kingdoms of the earth and the glory of them, I hope the Church was none of these; It is the glory of it not to be seen, and the note of it to be invisible; when we call any visible company of professors a Church it is but a word of courtesy. Out of charity we hope men to be that which they do profess, and therefore we so speak as if they were indeed that, whose name they bear, where and who they are that make up this kingdom, is a question unfit for any man to move: For the Lord only knoweth who are his. It is but popish madness to send men up and down the world to find the Church; It is like unto the Children of the Prophets in the second of Kings, that would needs seek Elias or like the nobles in Jerusalem, that would needs go seek Jeremy the Prophet, but could not find him, because the Lord had hid him: For in regard of the profession; The Church (as our Saviour speaks) is like a City set upon an hill, you may quickly see and know what true Christianity is, But in regard of the persons the Kingdom of Heaven is, as our Saviour again tells us like a treasure hidden in a field. Except the place of their abode, and their persons were discernible, who can tell, we go thus to seek them, whether we do not like false hounds hunt Counter (as the hunter's phrase is) and so go from the game, when Saul went to seek his Father's Asses, he found a Kingdom; Let us take heed lest the contrary befall us, lest while we seek our Father's Kingdom thus, we find but Asses. Will you know where to find the Kingdom of Christ, our Saviour directs you in the Gospel, The Kingdom of Heaven, saith he, cometh not by observation, neither shall ye say, Lo here, or lo there, but the Kingdom of Heaven is within you: Let every man therefore retire into himself and see if he can find this kingdom in his heart; For if he find it not there, in vain shall he find it in all the world besides.  
The fourth head wherein the difference of these kingdoms is seen is outward state and ceremony; for outward pomp and show is one of the greatest stays of the Kingdom of this world. Some thing there must be to amaze the people, and strike them into wonderment, or else Majesty would quickly be contemned. The Scripture recounting unto us King Solomon's Royalty tells us of his Magnificent buildings, of his Royal throne, of his servants, and his attendants, of his cupbearers, of his meats, and these were the things which purchased unto him, the reputation of Majesty, above all the Kings of the earth. Beloved, the Kingdom of Christ is not like unto Solomon in his Royalty, It is like unto David when he had put of all his Royalty, and in a linen Ephod danced before the Ark: and this plain and natural simplicity of it, is like unto the Lilies of the field, more glorious than Solomon in all his Royalty. The Idolatrous superstitions of Paganism stood in great need of such Pompous Solemnities, Ut opinionem suspendio cognitionis aedificent, atque ita tantam majestatem exhibere vide antur quantā praestruxerunt cupiditatem, as Tertullian tells us; For being nothing of themselves, they were to gain reputation of being something by concealment, and by outward state make show of something answerable to the expectation they had raised: The case of the kingdoms of the world is the same: For all this State and Magnificence used in the Managing of them is nothing else but Secular Idolatry, used to gain veneration, and reverence unto that which in comparison of the Kingdom we speak of is mere vanity. But the sceptre of the Kingdom of Christ is a right sceptre, and to add unto it outward state, and riches, and pomp, is nothing else but to make a Centaur, marry and join the Kingdom of Christ with the Kingdom of the world, which Christ expressly here in my text hath divorced and put a sunder. A thing which I do the rather note; because that the long continuance of some ceremonies in the Church, have occasioned many especially of the Church of Rome, to think that there is no religion, no service without these ceremonies, Our books tell us of a poor Spartan, that travelling in another country, and seeing the beams and posts of houses squared and carved, asked if the trees grew so in those countries? Beloved, many men that have been long acquainted with a form of worship, squared and carved, tricked and set out with show and ceremony, fall upon this Spartans' conceit, think the trees grow so, and think that there is no natural shape and face of God's service but that. I confess the service of God hath evermore some ceremony attending it, and to our Fathers, before Christ may seem to have been necessary, because God commanded it: But let us not deceive ourselves, for neither is ceremony now, neither was sacrifice then esteemed necessary, neither was the command of God concerning it, by those to whom it was given, ever taken to be peremptory; I will begin the warrant of what I have said out of St. Chysostome; for in his comments upon the tenth of the Hebrews, he denies that ever God from the beginning required, or that it was his will to ordain such an outward form of worship; and ask therefore of himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how then seems he to have commanded it, he answers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by condiscending only, and submitting himself unto humane infirmity, now this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this condescending of God, wherein it consisted Oecumenius opens. For because that men had a conceit, that if was convenient to offer up some part of their substance unto God, and so strongly were they possessed with this conceit, that if they offered it not up to him, they would offer it up to Idols: God saith he, rather than they should offer unto Idols, required them to offer unto him. And thus was God understood by the holy men themselves, who lived under the shadow of those ceremonies: for David when he had made his peace with God, after that great sin of his opens this mystery. For thou requirest not sacrifice, saith he, else would I have given it thee, but thou delightest not in burnt offerings; The sacrifice of God is a broken spirit, a troubled and a contrite heart, O God, dost thou not despise. After the revolt of Jereboam and the ten Tribes from the house of David; there were many devout and religious persons in Israel, and yet we find not that they used the outward form of worship, which was commanded. El as and Elizaeus two great prophets in Israel, did they ever go up to Jerusalem to worship, Obadia●● a great courtier in King Ahabs Court, and one that feared the Lord exceedingly; the seven thousands which bowed not their knees to Baal, when came they up to the Temple to offer. A thing which doubtless they would have done, if they had understood the commandment of God in that behalf, to have been absolute indeed; if we live in places where true religious persons do resort, and assemble for the service of God, it were a sin to neglect it. But otherwise it is sufficient, if we keep us from the pollutions of that place to which we are restrained. Quid juvat hoc nostros templis admittere mores? why measure we God by ourselves, and because we are led with gay shows, and goodly things, think it is so with God? Seneca reports, that a Pantomimus, a puppet player and dancer in Rome, because he pleased the people well, was wont to go up every day into the Capitol, and practised his Art, and dance before Jupiter, and thought he did the God a great pleasure. Beloved, in many things, we are like unto this puppet-player, and do much measure God by the People, by the World.  
FINIS,   

A SERMON On 1. SAM. 24. 5.  And it came to pass afterward, that David's heart smote him, because he had cut off Saul's skirt. 
TEmptation is the greatest ●● Occasioner of a Christians Honour: indeed like an Enemy it threatens and endeavours his ruin; but in the conquest of it con●●ists his Crown and Triumph. Were it possible for us to be at league and truce with this Enemy, or to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without danger of Gun-shot, out of its reach, like the Candle in the Gospel that is put under a bushel, the brightest part of our glory were quite obscured. As Maximus Tyrius spoke of Hercules, if you take from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the savage beasts that he slew, and the Tyrants whom he suppressed, his journeys and labours, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you lop and cut off the manifest Arms and Limbs of Hercules renown. So, take from a Christian his Temptations, his Persecutions, his Contentions, remove him from the Devil, from the World, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you deprive him of the chief matter and subject of his glory. Take Job from the Dunghill, David from Saul, Daniel from the Lions, the blessed Martyrs from the rack, from the fire, from the sword, and what are they more than other men. As Samson tells Dalilah in the Book of the Judges, If my hair be cut, than my strength will go from me, and I shall become weak, and like unto another man; so Beloved, these things are as it were the hair wherein their strength lay, shave that away, and they shall presently become weak, and like unto other men. But Temptations are of two sorts: some are like professed and open Enemies, which proclaim open war against us, like Goliath they publicly come forth and challenge us. And such are the outward Evils that befall us, Loss of Goods, Sickness, Disease, Dishonour, Infamy, Persecutions, and the like. Others there are of a more secret, close, and retired nature, like unto Traitors, that bear the behaviour and countenance of Friends; that espy out their advantage and set privily upon us: the most troublesome kind of Enemies, per quos nec licet esse tanquam in bello paratos, nec tanquam in pace securos: with whom we can have neither peace nor war, and against whom we can neither be provided nor secure, these are our own corrupt Thoughts and Imaginations, which secretly lie in our hearts, and watch their times to set on us, as the Philistines did in Dalilahs' chamber to surprise Samson. For let a man but descend into himself, examine his own soul, take as it were an Inventory of the passions, affections, thoughts of his own heart, look but what the number of them is, and let him make account of so many enemies. Tot venena, quot ingenia; tot pernicies quod & species, tot dolores, quot colores; as Tertullian rhymes it. A sort of Enemies by so much the more dangerous, because that all those outward enemies, of which I but now spoke, cannot come so near as to raze our skin, or endanger one hair of our head, if these give them not way: from these ut aspis a vipera venenum, as the Asp borrows borrows poison from the Viper, do those other Temptations borrow all their power and strength to hurt us. For let us take a survey of all the outward afflictions, miseries and calamities, which have befallen all the Saints of God in Holy Scripture, and let us suppose them to be all set and bend against some one alone, yet notwithstanding, as the three children in Daniel walked in the midst of the fire untouched, or as our S●●viour Christ passed away through the midst of the people, that were gathered together to mischief him, and throw him down the Hill, so shall he be able to pass from them all without any hurt or harm, if some discontented, or distrustful, or despairing, or proud, or angry, or impure and lustful thought do not betray him unto them, and as it were open a door, and let them in. David who is here the subject of my Text, had very much ado with both sorts of enemies, and by his own experience found, that this latter rank of secret and privy enemies in strength far surpassed the former. For whom neither the Lion nor the Bear, nor Goliath, nor Saul, nor the Philistines could ever fasten upon, or drive to any inconvenience, one lustful thought forced to Adultery and Murder, one proud conceit stirred up to number the people, and drew from God great inconveniences and plagues both upon himself and his Kingdom. How careful then ought we to be, and to stand on our guard, and keep a perpetual watch over our hearts, diligently to try and examine our thoughts, Nunquam securo triumphantur otio, sed tantum sollicito premuntur imperio, August. Nor while we live shall we be able perfectly to master, or securely to triumph over them: the only way to suppress and keep them down is, to have a perpetual and careful jealousy of them. Now of this Religious care and watchfulness over our own thoughts, hath the Holy Ghost recorded for our use a notable example in these words, which but now I read, And it came to pass, etc.  
To relate unto you at large the occasion of these words, and the story from whence they depend, were but to wrong you, for I cannot think so meanly of your knowledge in Scripture, as that any of you can be ignorant of so famous a passage. Yet thus much for the better opening of my way unto such doctrines, as I shall draw from this Text, I will call back unto your memories, that Saul hunting after David to kill him, unwittingly stepped into a Cave where David was; David having now his enemy in his hand, and opportunity to revenge himself, le's slip all thought of revenging, and only cuts off privily the lap of his Garment. For this deed so harmless so innocent the Scripture tells us that his heart smote him, that he suffered great anguish and remorse in Conscience for it. That which I will require you to note, is the tenderness of Conscience, and strange scrupulousness in David for so small an action; for it will yield us a great Lesson. I say it appeareth not by Scripture, that David intended any mischief or treason to Saul, or that he harboured in heart any disloyal thought against him. This purpose of cutting off the lap of Saul's garment was no other than to purchase to himself a harmless and honourable testimony of his Innocency, and to prove unto Saul, that there was no likelihood that he sought his blood, whom he spared, having him at so great an advantage. Yet notwithstanding, as if the rending of Saul's garment, had been the wounding of Saul's body, or the shedding of his blood, David stands amazed, and is affrighted at so honourable, so innocent a thought. His heart smote him, saith the Scripture. As men that have been at sea, and endangered through the raging of winds, and tempests, and floods, when afterward the weather is cleared up, the winds allayed, the seasmoothed, and all calm, yet scarcely dare they set sail again, and trust to so uncertain, so fickle an Element: so seems it to have fared with David in this place. He was a man subject to the same passions with other men, and doubtless, through the raging of unruly and misorderly affections, he had many times been in danger of spiritual shipwreck; wherefore licet in morem stagni fusum aequor arrideat, and though now he could discover no tempest in his heart, though the face of his thoughts were as smooth as glass; yet when he looks upon such fair and calm affections, his heart misgives him, and he dares not trust them: magnos hic campus montes habet, tranquilitas ista tempestas est. The care he hath over his own heart fills him with suspicions, and still he thinks, something he knows not what, may be amiss. But I must come unto the words. And it came to pass afterwards, etc.  
In these words we will consider these three things.  

1. The Person, David, And David's heart smote him.  
2. David's solicitousness, his care and jealousy, very significantly expressed in the next words; His heart smote him.  
3. The cause of this his care and anxiety of mind in the last words, Because he had cut off Saul's skirt.   
In the first point, that is, in the Person, we may consider his greatness, he was a King in expectation, and already anointed. A circumstance by so much the more considerable, because that greatness is commonly taken to be a Privilege to sin: to be over careful and conscientious of our courses and actions are accounted virtues for private Persons, Kings have greater businesses then to examine every thought that comes into their hearts. Pater meus obliviscitur se esse Caesarem; ego vero memini me Caesaris filiam. It is the answer of Julia Augustus the Emperor's daughter, when she was taxed for her too wanton and licentious living, and counselled to conform herself to the Sobriety and Gravity of her Father. My Father, saith she, forgets himself to be Caesar the Emperor: but I remember myself to be Caesar's daughter. It was the speech of Enxius the Poet, Plebs in hoc Regi antest●● loco; licet lachrimari plebi, Regi honeste non licet: Private men in this have a privilege above Princes; but thus to do becomes not Princes: and if at any time these sad and heavy hearted thoughts do surprise them, they shall never want comforters to dispel them. When Ahab was for sullnness fallen down upon his bed, because Naboth would not yield him his Vineyard, Jezabell is presently at hand and asks him, Art thou this day King of Israel? When Ammon pined away in the incestuous love of his Sister Thamar, Jonadab his companion comes unto him, and asks, why is the King's Son sad every day? so that, as it seems great Persons can never be much or long sad. Yet David forgets his greatness, forgets his many occasions, gives no ear to his companions about him, but gives himself over to a scrupulous and serious consideration of an Action in show and countenance but light.  
Secondly, as the Person is great, so is the care and remorse conceived upon the Consideration of his action exceeding great, which is our Second part: And therefore the Holy Ghost expresses it in very significant terms: His heart smote him, a phrase in scripture used by the Holy Ghost when men begin to be sensible and repent them of some sin. When David had committed that great sin of numbering the people, and began to be apprehensive of it, the Scripture tells us that David's heart smote him, when he had commanded Jeab to number the People. Wherefore by this smiting we may not here understand some light touch of Conscience, like a grain of powder presently kindled and presently gone, for the most hard and flinty hearts many times yield such sparks as these. He that is most fleshed in sin, commits it not without some remorse; for sin evermore leaves some scruple, some sting, some lothsomness in the hearts of those that are most enamoured of it. But as Simeon tells the blessed Virgin in St. Luke's Gospel, Gladius pertransihit animam tuam; a sword shall pierce through thine heart; so it seems to have been with David. It was not some light touch to raze only the surface and skin of the heart, but like a sword it pierced deep into him. To teach us one lesson, that actions spotted, though but with the least suspicion of sin, ought nor carelessly to be passed by, or slightly glanced at, but we ought to be deeply apprehensive of them and bestow greatest care and consideration upon them.  
The third part of our Text containeth the cause of David's remorse in the last words. Because he cut off Saul's skirt, in the two former parts we had to do with greatness: there was 1. a great Person, and 2. great Remorse, can we in this third part find out any great cause or reason of this, so to make all parts proportionable? Certainly he that shall attentively read and weigh these first words of my Text, and know the story, might think that David had committed some notable error, as some great oppression, or some cruel slaughter, or some such royal sin, which none but Kings and great men can commit. But beloved this my Text seems to be like the Windows in Solomon's Temple, broad within, but narrow without: or like a Pyramid large and spacious at the Basis and ground of it, but small and sharp at the top. The Person and Remorse, which are the Ground and subject of my Text both are great and large, but the cause which is the very crown and top of all, that is very small, yea peradventure none at all. For whether it be that myself accustomed to greater sins, and now grown old in them, have lost all sense of small and petty errors, or whether indeed there be no error at all in this action of David, but only some fancy, some jealousy arising out of that Godly and careful watch he kept over all his ways, or whatsoever else it was that caused this scruple or remorse in David, it is a very hard matter to discover, and yet notwithstanding that we may make more open pass unto such Doctrines as I shall raise out of these words, let us a little scan and consider what it was in this action that made David thus strangely scrupulous.  
And first of all was it for that he had touched and taken that which was none of his own, and therefore might seem to fall within compass of the Law against injury and purloining? This seems not probable: for when afterwards in the like case he came upon Saul as he was sleeping in the Camp, and took from him the Spear and the pot of Water which stood at his head, we do not read that his heart smote him, and yet he took what was none of his.  
Or 2ly. was it that he did wrong and dishonour Saul in mangling his garment? Indeed the Jews have a tradition that this was the sin of which David was here so sensible. And therefore say they, whereas we read in the first of Kings, that when David grew old they covered him with clothes, but he got no heat, this was the punishment of his sin committed against Saul: God so providing that garments should not be serviceable to him who had offended in wronging Saul's garments. But this I must let go as a fable.  
Or 3ly. was it that he had unadvisedly given way to some disloyal thought, and at first resolved to revenge himself on Saul, having him at the advantage, though afterward he repented? Indeed St. chrysostom thinks so; and therefore on those words at the latter end of the verse next before my Text, And David arose, he notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See you ●●ot, saith he, what a tempest of rage and anger begins to rise in him; for he supposeth him to arise in heat and fury, with a resolution for blood: but it pleased God in the way, to make him relent and change the purpose of revenge into the Action of cutting off his skirt: and that this smiting of David's heart was nothing else but his repenting himself for giving over hasty entertainment to such a rebellious thought. But beloved, who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods elect? David's thoughts were known only to God and himself. Since therefore God gives not this as a reason of David's remorse, but another thing; far be it from me, that I should wrong David so far, as to burden him with that, with which none but God can charge him. I rather choose to follow St. Basils' rule: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the Scriptures be understood as they lie. The Scripture tells us, David's heart smote him, because he cut of the skirt of Saul's garment, and not because he had conceived against Saul any thought of blood. But what cause then shall we give of David's remorse, none other, Beloved, but that Religious and careful jealousy which still he had over his own thoughts, which made him pietatis affectu etiam quae tuta sunt formidare, Hieron. To suspect all things be they never so safe, and never to think himself secure from the contagion of sin. It was with David as it is wont to be with men that are often troubled with sicknesses and diseases, suspicionibus inquietantur, medicisque jam sani manum porrigunt, & omnem calorem corporis sui calumniantur, Senec. Disquiet themselves with every little alteration in their Bodies, repair to the Physician when they are well, and think every heat to be an Ague fit. Horum corpus non est parum sanum, sed sanitati parum assuevit: these men are not sick, but they do not know what it is to be in health. In the same state is David, he had been often infected with Spiritual weakness and disease, and therefore he suspects every motion of his heart, and takes every thought to be a temptation. Hujus animus non erat parum sanus, sed sanitati parum assuevit, his Soul was not sick of any sin, but he did not know what it was to be in Spiritual health.  
For us and for our use hath the Holy Ghost registered this example of scruple and tenderness of conscience. Let us return to ourselves and see what lessons we may learn hence for our behoof. Men usually are either grown old in sin, & therefore their eyesight is decayed, they cannot ea●●ly see and discern smaller sins: or else as Hagar in the Book of Genesis, laid Ishmael afar off from her, that she might not be grieved with the sight of him: so we labour to lay our sins far out of kenn, that the memory and sight of them might not exasperate and trouble us. For the cure of both these infirmities I have borrowed out of the Lords treasury a Spectacle or Optic Glass, which if we use it, will restore our decayed eyesight and quicken and make us read our sins in the smallest print; and let them●●ly never so far from us, yet will it present them unto us in their true quantity and greatness. Towards the better use of which Spiritual Glass, one lesson would I especially commend unto you; to be perpetually Jealous and suspicious of your thoughts, and to be quick-sented, easily to trace the footing of sin, to be easily sensible of it, when we think ourselves to have done amiss: a lesson naturally arising, as I take it, out of David's example, commended unto us in this place. Now how absolutely behooveful it is for us to hold a perpetual Watch over our hearts, and be jealous of such thoughts as spring out of them it will appear by these Reasons.  
First, because that sin is of such a ●●ly insinuating nature, that it will privily creep in, and closely cleave to our thoughts and intents, though we perceive it not. For as waters though of themselves most pure, will relish and ●●avour of the Earth and soil through which they pass. So thoughts in themselves good, passing through the corrupt and evil ground of our hearts, cannot but receive some tincture, some dye, some relish from them. When David had an intent to build God an house, he doubtless conceived no otherwise of this his intent, then of a religious and honourable purpose, and in outward appearance there was no cause, why he should doubt of God's acceptance yet we see this purpose of his misliked by God, and rejected, and the reason given, quia vir sanguinum es tu, because thou art a man of blood. How sh●●ll we then secure ourselves of any thought, if such an intent as this, so ●●avouring of Zeal, of Sanctification, of love unto the glory of God, have such a flaw in it as makes it unprofitable; and how necessary is it that we bring all our imaginations and intents to the fire and to the refining pot, so throughly to try them, & bring them to their highest point of purity & perfection. Be it peradventure, that the action be in itself good; if it be liable to any suspicion of evil, it is enough to blast it. It is the Holy Ghosts rule given by the blessed Apostle, that we abstain from all show and appearance of evil, that we refrain as much as possible from all such actions, as are capable of misconstruction. What is more lawful, then for the labourer to ●●ave his hire, then for those that labour in the Gospel, to live by the Gospel? Yet we see St. Paul refused this Liberty, and chose rather to work with his own hands; only for this reason, because he would not give occasion to any, that would misinterpret his Action, to live at others cost & feed on the sweat of others brows. What befalls Princes many times and great Persons that have abused their Authority, the people rise and suppress them, deface their statues, forbid their coin, put away all things that bear any memory of them: So seems our blessed Apostle to deal here●●look what actions they be which bear any inscription, any image & title, any show, or spot of sin, these hath he thought good even to banish & qui●●e prohibit. Our profane stories tell us, that when Julius Caesar had divorced his wife; being asked why he did so, since nothing was brought against her to prove her dishonest, his answer was, that she that will be Wife of Caesar must not only be free from dishonesty, but from all suspicion of it. Beloved, St. Paul tells the Corinthians that he had espoused them unto one Husband, that he might deliver them as a chaste Virgin unto Christ. And God every where in Scripture compairs his Church unto an espoused wife, & himself unto an Husband, a Husband far more jealous than ever Caesar was. How careful then must that Soul be, that intends to Marry itself to such a jealous Husband, to abstain not only from all pollution of sin, but from all suspicion of it. Last of all it is Tertullia's speech: Quanto facilius illicita timebit, qui etiam licita verebitur. It is wisdom sometimes to suspect and shun things that are lawful. For there are many actions in themselves good which yet to many men become occasions of sin and scandal. For it is with our Actions as it is with our meats & drinks. As, divers meats fi●● not divers constitutions of Body; so all Actions accord not well with all Tempers of mind. As therefore what Dish it is we easily Surfeit of, though it be otherwise good it is wisdom totally to abstain from: so look what actions they be in which we ●●ind ourselves prone to sin, it is good spiritual Physic to use abstinence & quite to leave them. For if our Saviour command us to pluck out our eyes, and pair off our hands, if once they become unto us cause of sin, how much more than must we prune away all inward thoughts, all outward circumstances, which become occasion of offence unto us.  
A 2d. reason, why I would persuade you to entertain a jealousy of all your thoughts and actions, is a natural overcharitable affection, which I see to be in most men unto their own ways, and which is st●●ange; the worse they are, the more are we naturally inclined to favour them. The Reason is because the worse they are, the more they are our own. When question was sometime made, Why good herbs grow so sparingly, and with great labour and pains, where as weeds grow apace without any culture and tilling; it is was answered, that the earth was a natural Mother to the one, to the other she was a Stepmother; the one she brought forth of herself, to the other she was constrained. Beloved, it is with our hearts as it is with the Earth, the natural fruit of them is weeds and evil thoughts, unto them our hearts are as mothers, injusta virescunt, they spring up in us of themselves without any care or manuring: but as for good thoughts if they be found in our hearts, they are not natural, they are set there by a high hand, they are there by a kind of spiritual inoculation and grafting, as men graft Apples and kind fruits upon Thorns and Crabs. No marvel then, if like choice herbs and fruits they grow so tenderly, and need so much care and cherishing. As therefore Parents, though their own children be very deformed, yet love them more than others, though more beautiful: so corrupt and evil thoughts are naturally dearer unto us then good, because we are as Mothers unto them, to the rest we are but Stepdame's. Two notable Fruits there are of this overcharitableness to our own actions. First a willingness that we have to flatter, to deceive and abuse our own selves by pretences and excuses. There is a plain, a downright, and as it were a Country reprobate, one that sees his sin and cares not much to excuse it, and is content to go on, and as it were in simplicity to cast himself away. There is a more witty, more refined, and as it were a Gentlemanlike reprobate, one that strives to smooth and gild over his sin, to deceive others and himself with excuses and apologies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as St. Basil speaks, to take great pains, and with the expense of a great deal of wit and art to damn himself. When Saul, being sent against Amalek, had spared Agag and the best and fattest of the prey, at samuel's coming to visit him, how doth he wipe his mouth, as if all had been well, and trimly composes himself to entertain him, Blessed art thou of the Lord, I have performed the commandment of the Lord. And when Samuel had showed him his error, how quickly hath He his excuse at his finger's ends: We have spared the best of the Sheep and of the Oxen to Sacrifice unto the Lord, Et Deo adulatur & sibi lenocinatur, as Tertulian speaks, he thinks to gull Almighty God with fair and flattering pretences, and becomes a bawd to his own vice, nimium idem omnes fallimur, it is the common error of us all, a●●nd in most of our Actions we do as Saul did, endeavour to put tricks upon ourselves. Beloved, were we not partial, but rigid censurers of our own thoughts, this corrupt fruit would quickly rot and fall away. Again their is a 2d. fruit springing out of this favour and dotage on our own actions, an error as common though, not so dangerous, for we are content many times to acknowledge that something is amiss in our actions, we will confess them to be sins, but we account'st of them as little sins, sins of a lesser size, not so fearful, easily pardonable. There is a sinner who by committing some great and and heinous crime (crimen devoratorium salutis, as Tertulian calls it, such a sin as with open mouth devours salvation) doth as it were with one step leap into Hell? and of this kind of sinners the number is fewer. But abundance there are, who avoiding great and heinous sins, by committing lesser sins, as they think, can be content to go by degrees and as it were step by step into Hell. Beloved let us a little put on the spectacle I but now spoke of, that we may see whither any sin be so small, as we take it. I know there is difference of sins. Our Saviour tells us that there is a beam and there is a more: but withal this I know, that the best way to keep us from sin, is minima pro maximis cavere, to loathe even the least, as if it were the greatest; if we look through this Glass it will make us think every more a beam. Sins in themselves are unequal, but in regard of us and of our endeavour to avoid them, they are all equal. Fly from evil, saith the Psalmist: he tells us not, that there is one greater evil from which we must fly, and another less from which 'tis enough if we do but go: but he bids us fly, and to make haste alike from all. To think that a sin is less than it is, may be dangerous for it makes us the less careful to avoid it: but to mistake on the other hand, and think a sin greater than it is, this is a very profitable error. Utinam sic semper erraremus; would God we did always thus err; for besides that there is no danger in it, it makes us more fearful to commit sin. Our Saviour reprehends the Pharisees in the Gospel because they could strain at gnats but swallow Camels, but yet it is true, that men learn at length to swallow Camels by swallowing Gnats at first. Nemo repent fuit turpissimus, no sinner so hardy as to set upon the greatest sins at first. The way by which men train up themselves to the committing gross and heinous sins, is by not being at first conscientious of lesser sins, Et sane nescio, saith Paulinus in St. Hierom, an possimus leve aliquod peccatum dicere quod in Dei contemptum admittitur: who dares call any sin little, that is committed against God; small contempts against great Princes are accounted great oversights; for what is wanting in the thing is made up in the worth of the Person. How great a sin than is the smallest contempt that is done against God? Prudentissimus ille est, qui non tam considerat quid jussum sit, quam illum, qui jusserit; nec quantitatem imperii, sed imperantis cogitat dignitatem. It is the best wisdom for us, not so much to consider, what is commanded, as who it is that commandeth it; to consider, I say, not the smallness of the Law, but the greatness of the Lawgiver. Sins comparatively may be counted greater or lesser, but absolutely none can be counted small. To conclude then this point; Charity suspecteth no harm saith St. Paul: true, but we must note, that some virtues in us concern ourselves, as Faith, Hope, Temperance, and the like: some virtues concern not ourselves, but others; but such an one is Charity. Charity that wills Christians to think well of all others, can have little room upon ourselves. Let us then make use of this Charity towards our Neighbours; hope the best of all their actions; but let us take heed how we be overcharitably minded to ourselves. Caesar professed, that he would rather die then, suspect his friends; and he sped accordingly: for he died by the treachery of those Friends whom he suspected not: Let us take heed how we be overkind unto our own thoughts how we think it an error to be two suspicious of them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: peradventure those Sons of our own hearts whom we least suspect, will in the end prove those who shall betray us. But I come to a third Reason. A third reason why I shall advise you to this jealousy over your own thoughts, is the difficulty of discovering them betime, and ing of what spirit they are. For our heart is like that Field in the Gospel, in which the Husbandman sows good Corn, and the enemy sows tares. God infuseth good thoughts, and the Devil ill. Now as weeds many times at their first budding are hardly known from good herbs; so at the first springing and budding of our thoughts a hard matter it is, to know the weed from the good herb, the Corn from the tore. As Judah in the Book of Genesis, knew not Tamar, till the fruit of his sin committed with her began to show itself: so till the fruits of our thoughts and purposes begin to appear, except we search very narrowly, we can scarcely discover of what rank they are. Tunc ferrum quod latebat in fundo supernatabat aquae, & inter palmarum arbores myrrhae amaritudo reperta est. Then the iron that lay in the bottom, will swim at the top of the water, and among the pleasant Palmtrees will be found the bitterness of myrrh. We read in the 2d. of Samuel that when the Ark was brought from Kirithjearim, the Oxen that drew the cart shook it, and Uzzah reaching out his hand to save it from falling, for his good service was laid dead in the place. Doubtless Uzzah his accompanying the Ark was a sign of his love unto it: his love unto it begat in him a fear to see it in danger: his fear to see it in danger bred in him a desire to keep it from danger. See beloved, what a number of Golden thoughts are here: yet as we read in the book of Job, when the servants of God came and stood before him, Satan also came and stood amongst them: So in this chorus and choir of these Angelical thoughts the Devil finds a place to rest himself in. For this desire of Uzzah to save the Ark from danger, made him forget what was written, that none should touch the Ark save only the Priests: the breach of which precept brought that fearful judgement upon him. You see Beloved that though the course of our thoughts be like jacob's Ladder, and God himself be at one end of them, yet Satan, if he can, will be the other. Let us learn by this example of Uzzah, betimes to discover our thoughts, and not to suffer them to grow till their fruit betray them. Indeed our Saviour hath given us a rule, You shall know them by their fruits; but we must take heed that we extend not this rule to far. Uzzah felt the fruit of his thoughts to his own cost. It is never good trying conclusions there, Ubi paena statim sequitur errorem. Let us learn to decipher our thoughts then, when we may do it without danger, whilst they are in semine whilst they are yet but budding and peeping above ground, done●● Sarculo tantum opus est, non Securi, whilst yet there is only need of the weedhook, and not of the hatchet.  
A fourth reason yet there is, for which I would counsel you to hold a strict hand over your thoughts, and it is, because that from outward sins we can better preserve ourselves, then from our sins in thought. Beloved, there is a transeunt sin, and there is an imminent sin, there is a sin that is outwardly acted by the service of the body; there is a sin that requires not the help of the body, but is committed inwardly in the very thought and Soul, a speculative or an intellectual sin. Outward sins are many ways passed by, means may be wanting, company may hinder, time and place may be inconvenient; but for speculative sins, or sins in thought, all times, all occasions, all places are alike: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Saint. Basil: A man, saith he, of great gravity and countenance sits in the midst of the marketplace, with many hundreds about him, and looking upon him, yet notwithstanding this man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even this man in the midst of all the company fancies to himself what he desires, and in his imaginations goes unto the place of sin, or rather retires into his own heart, and there he finds place and means to commit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sin that hath no witness but God. If we retire to our private Chambers, these sins will follow us thither, and as Baanab and Richab did by Isboseth Saul's son, they will find us out upon our beds, and slay us there. If we go to the Church, they will find us out there, and as Adramelech and Sharezer slew Sennacherib whilst he was worshipping his God; they will set upon us even in the midst of our holiest meditations and prayers: neither Chamber nor Church, no place so private, none so holy, that can give us Sanctuary, or shelter us from them. S. Hierom confesses thus much of himself, that when he had forsaken the world, all outward occasions of sin, and gone into the Desert, and shut himself up in a poor Cell, and macerated his body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with watchings, with fastings, and perpetual prayers and religious exercise, yet could he not be secure from them. Pallebant orajejuniis, & mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido corpore: his body was now grown pale, and meager, and cold, but yet his heart burnt with unlawful desires. Again they are sins of quick and easy dispatch, they are done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Basil notes; in a moment of time, without labour of body, without care of mind: One wanton look makes us guilty of Adultery, one angry conceit guilty of Murder, one covetous conceit guilty of Robbery. Whatsoever is outwardly committed either with difficulty of circumstance, or labour of body, or danger of Law, that is inwardly committed in the soul without any trouble at all: Thirdly consider but the strength of your thoughts, and you will see there is great reason to keep them low; for there was no man yet that ever was foiled but by them, and not by the outward acting of sin. For the outward action is but the Cortex, the bark of the sin: but the very body and substance of sin is the wicked thought. Beware of men, saith our Saviour, when he gave his Apostles counsel how to provide for their safety in times of outward danger: but if we will provide against inward dangers, we shall not need to beware of men, or of any outward force whatsoever. Let every man beware of himself, for in this case every man is his own greatest enemy. To draw then to a conclusion: That sins of thoughts prevail not against us, our way is by a jealous care first to prevent them; and to this hath the greatest part of my discourse hitherto tended. Secondly if we have suffered them to gain a little ground upon us, let us betimes take the reins into our own hands and pull them back again, and cast out our Adversary, whilst he is yet weak. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Chrisoft. such are the souls of holy men: their recovery is so quick, that they may seem to have risen before they fell. It is a great sign of spiritual life in us to be quickly sensible of the first tract and footing of sin. For as bodies of the best and purest complexion have their senses quickest; so that soul which soon perceives the first sent of sin, is of the Divinest temper. Our books tell us, that Dionysius the Tyrant was grown so gross and fat, that though men thrust bodkins into him, he could not feel it. Beloved, there is a sinner like unto this Dionysius. David tells us of him, when he describes unto us a sinner whose heart is fat as brawn. That we fall not therefore into that like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stupidity and senselesness, our way is to catch these young Foxes, and strangle them in the nest: Nolo sinas cogitationem crescere, saith S. Hierom, suffer not your thoughts to increase and gather strength upon you. For as the man that touches only at but iron, and stays not on it, burns not his hand, so the first glances of evil thoughts harm us not; the harm is, if by consent, though never so little, you stay upon them. To be free from all onset of evil thoughts is a matter impossible, whilst we have these hearts of flesh. Ille laudatur qui●●ut coeperit cogitare sordida, statim inter●●icit cogitata, & allidid ad petram, petra autem est Christus. That man is praise worthy, who as soon as any unclean thought, any child of Babylon is born in his heart, straightway strangles it in the birth, and dashes it against the rock, which Rock is Christ. Thus, etc.   

Mr. HALES LETTERS From the SYNOD of DORT TO THE Right Honourable Sr. DUDLEY CARLTON, Lord Ambassador, etc.  

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
MAy it please your Honour: We arrived at Dort this last night betwixt six and seven of the clock; our passage was without any impediment at all, and wheresoever we were to take boat still we found some ready to put off, as if they had waited our coming. Immediately upon my arrival I went to My Lord Bishop, and assoon as I had done my message unto him, I forthwith went to Monsieur Bogermannus, who humbly thanks your Honour for your great courtesy towards him, and promises to acquaint your Lordship by me with whatsoever passes in the Synod: had he known of so convenient means of writing to your Lordship, I suppose he would have written: but when I spoke with him I knew not so much myself. Festus Hommius and Polyander I have not yet seen, and it will be the afternoon ere I shall speak with them, because this morning they have a sitting. Whatsoever hath passed in the Synod formerly, your Lordship shall understand by a packet from my Lord Bishop; whatsoever speeches or other passages are to be copied I shall this afternoon get of Mr. Precedent, and I will not fail to send your Honour the transcripts of them, when Daniel returns. What shall be disputed of or decided in the next Sessions at the Synod I will at large inform your Lordship by the next messenger, mean time I humbly take my leave.  
From Dort this 14/24. of Novemb. 1618. Your Lordship's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo: Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
YOur Honour shall here receive enclosed an index of all the acts of the Synod since the beginning, till the 16/26. of this present. It is not that which I required, but is so much as Festus Hommius (whose writing it is) could spare your Lordship. My desire was to obtain not only the bare conclusions, but the whole manner of proceeding, with all particulars propounded and concluded in the Synod●● but it seems this was thought nimis grande postulatum. If I can come so far to perfect my notes of all the former sessions, as that I shall be able to express them in form as I did the session on Saturday last, and by God's help will express the following sessions, I will in time acquaint your Lordship with it. Mean while I come to the session on Monday morning, the 16/26. of this present.  
It had been in some of the Former sessions determined that there should be chosen six Divines for the Translation of the Bible, three for the Old Testament, and three for the New with the Apocrypha: and likewise Revisors, one out of every Province, to whom the work being done should be brought to be revised and censured. In this present Session they proceed to the choice of them. The manner of election was by Scrutiny: the Deputies of every Province in Scripta exhibiting one. The S●●rutators were two of the Seculars, D. Simon Schottus, Secretary of Middleburrough, and Precedent this week, and Martinus Gregorii, these calculated the voices and pronounced the election. And first for the translation of the Old Testament were chosen these three, joh. Bogermannus, Guil. Baudaritus, and Gerson Bucerus: for the translation of the New, were chosen jac. Rolandus, Hermannus Fauckelius, and Petrus Cornelii. From these they proceed to the nomination of the revisors. Here arose a doubt concerning the province of Utrecht. For because they are equally divided three Contra-Remonstrants, and three Remonstrants, they could not agree upon the nomination of a Revisor for that Province, which thing bred a demur in the Synod. The Praeses required the judgement of the Synod, what they thought fit to be done. Some thought they might be altogether past by. For there would be Revisors enough, though that Province chose none. Others thought fit it should be deferred till the end of the Synod, and then some one of that Province should be chosen communibus suffragiis totius Synodi. A third sort de●●ermined that it should be deferred till that Province were reconciled in itself, (which it was hoped would be at the end of the Synod) and then they should name some one of their Province to be approved by the rest of the Translators and Revisors; and this sentence passed for currant. So that for the present there is no Revisor for the Province of Utrecht. Another doubt yet was moved, for one of the Provinces, had named two paribus suffragiis: the question was who should stand. It pleased the Synod to put it to Lots. And so the Praeses wrote their names in two little Tickets of paper, each by itself, and rolled them up, and delivered them to Martinius Gregorius; that which he took, stood, that which he refused, was presently torn. The Revisors for the Old Testament were these, ex Geldria Ant. Tysius; ex Suyd-Hollandia Io. Polyander: ex North-Holl. P. Plancius, ex Zelandia jod. Larenus: ex Frisia Sibrandus Lubbertus: ex Transisulania jac. Revius: ex Groaning. D. Gomarus: ex Drentia Onias Boethus. The Revisors for the New Testament were these, Ex Geldria Seb. Dammannus: ex Suyd-Holl. Festus Hommius; ex Northoll. Goswinus Geldorpius: ex Zelandia Ant. Walaeus, ex Frisia Bern. Fullenius, ex Transisulania Jo. Langius, ex Groaning. Ubbo Emmius, ex Drentia Jo. Cuperus. It was farther enacted, that if any of the Translators should die, or by Sickness became unable for the Service, that then he that was next him in number of voices in the Scrutiny should succeed in his place: If any of the Revisors should die, or be sick, power was given to the Praeses, the two Assessors, and the two Scribes to depute another in his room: and so this Session concluded; in which though little was done, yet was it long adoing, by reason of the Scrutiny.  
Upon Tuesday the 17/27 of this present, the Deputies met in the morning, where the first thing that was proposed was concerning those of drow. For whereas the day before they had named two Revisors for the Translation, they now upon better advice require to be excused in that behalf, because in their Province the Belgic Tongue was not well known. Which Petition of theirs was accepted. In the second place it was thought good, that since all the business concerning the Translation was determined of, there should be a repetition made in the Synod of all that had passed about it: to this purpose, that if any thing were either omitted or misrelated, it might be rectified: forthwith followed a Narration of all that had been done, where some small exceptions not worth relating were stood upon. In the third place was proposed the defect of the Afternoon Sermons and Catechising, especially in the Country Villages; and the Synod was moved to deliver itself concerning Remedies of this Defect. What had been heretofore decreed in some of their Synods concerning this matter was publicly read. The Impediments were, First the negligence of the Pastors; Secondly Combinations, that is double Benefices, when men having two Cures could not sufficiently attend both: Thirdly the difficulty or reclaiming the Country people on the Sundays either from the Sports, or from their Work. The Synod beginning to consider of means to cut off these abuses, Festus Hommius amongst other things complained that through the negligence of the Remonstrants, it came that Catechising was so much decayed; which words of his, it is thought, will be an occasion of some choler, though for the present they passed uncontrolled. Many delivered their opinions how the forementioned hindrances of Afternoon Sermons and Catechising might be removed. First by imploring the help of the State's General, that it would please them by their Authority to prohibit that ordinary profanation of the Sabbath by working or playing: Secondly by requiring the like help of the particular Magistrate in every Town and Village: Thirdly by taking away those Combinations: Fourthly by providing of sufficient Schoolmasters in every Village, who should not only teach Grammar, but instruct Youths in the principles of Religion: Fifthly that the Pastors should not omit afternoon Sermons by reason of the negligence of their Auditors, but should perform them, though they brought to the Church none but their own Family: that the Pastors and Deacons and Seniors should deal with their Friends and Acquaintance and bring them to Church with them. Sixthly that if any Pastor neglected to perform this Duty, he should be subject to Ecclesiastical Censure. Seventhly that the Deputies of other Nations should be requested to make overture of their Customs in this behalf. Lastly that diligent enquiry should be made throughout all the Classes, whether Catechising and Afternoon Sermons were observed. It was decreed that in every Parish there should be two Sermons every Sunday, of which that in the Afternoon was to be Catechetical. That the Ministers should give good example by bringing their own Family to Church; that the help of the Magistrate should be implored; that Combinations should be taken away. When all was done, than was that required which should have been done afore: the Deputies of other Nations were desired to deliver their Customs in this behalf. Where first my Lord Bishop showed that with us in England the Magistrate imposed a pecuniary Mulct upon such as did absent themselves from divine duties; which pecuniary Mulct generally prevailed more with our people, than any pious admonitions could. Those of the Palsgrave's Country showed that each Sunday they had two Sermons, and such as were absent, were first admonished by the Clergy, and if this sufficed not, they required the help of the Civil Magistrate. Those of Geneva told us, that in the Churches in their Cities they had every Sunday four Sermons, etc. Those of Breme that they had three Sermons, of which one was Catechetical; and to avoid profanation of the Sabbath, it was not lawful to celebrate any Marriage-feast, or such like upon the Sunday, till six a clock in the Evening. Many other things of this nature were related, of which a great deal I could not understand. When all had spoken, the Praeses told them that this proposal was not made because in the Belgic Churches there had not been order taken for Catechising and Sermons, but because the Laws formerly made in this behalf were neglected: and that now means was thought of to bring them in force again. And so they broke up.  
I received your Honour's Letters of the 16/26 of this present, in which your Honour requires to be informed of such Proposals as Episcopius lately madein behalf of the Arminian Party. The thing is this. Shortly after that the Letters of Citation were sent to the Arminians, Episcopius with other of the Remonstrants came privately to the Deputies of the States, and exhibited a Remonstrance, in which they required especially these things. First that all of their Party throughout the Provinces might be allowed to make one Body, and out of it depute such as they thought good, whom they might send to the Synod to plead in their behalf. Secondly that it might be lawful for them instead of some of those who are written unto, to substitute others. Thirdly that Utenbogart and Grevinchovius might have safe Conduct and free access to the Synod. The Delegates immediately sent for the Praeses, the two Assessors and the two Scribes, and required their opinion in this business. For the first point, the Clergy men thought it not to be granted, as being feared would be prejudicial to the Belgic Churches. The Deputies for the Seculars answered, that they had given Episcopius this answer. For the two later, the Clergy thought that if it pleased the Seculars it might be done. Reply was made by the Seculars, that they were men infamous, tumultuous, on whom the Church censure, for Grevinchovius had extended, and therefore they would permit them no place in the Synod. So was Episcopius and his Company dismissed. This was a thing done only in private: the Synod had no notice of it, neither is it recorded in any public Register. What more passed between the Seculars and the Remonstrants at this meeting is not known, and the Clergy know no more than it pleased the Seculars to impart. Of this I heard nothing, till by reason of your Lordship's Letters I enquired into it.  
Whilst the Synod was sitting on Tuesday morning, there came in News of the death of one of their Company, Henricus ab Hell, Senior of the Church of Zutphaw, who died in the time of the Session. I am desirous to know whether my Letters upon Monday containing the Saturday Session came to your Lordship's hands. I intended them by way of Rotterdam, but Daniel tells me he delivered them to a Gentleman that went immediately for the Hague, marry what he was he knew not, this hath made me a little jealous. I beseech your Honour, by the next that comes from you hither, by word of mouth to let me know. Mr Praeses, Festus Hommius, Polyander, Tronchinus of Geneva required me to remember their Love and service to your Honour: and so for this time I humbly take my leave.  
From Dort this 18/28 of Novemb. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and Bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
UPon Saturday, the day after my coming to Dort, I went to Festus Hommius, and delivered him your Honour's Letters, upon perusal of which, he liberally promised me an Index of all whatsoever had passed in the Synod until my coming to town. The time of making his promise good was Sunday morning. When I saw it came not at the time, after dinner I wrote a little note unto him, to put him in mind of his promise, but yet I heard nothing of him. I suppose this falls out by reason of his multiplicity of business, not that he would slight your Lordship; though I remember in the speech that passed between him and me, he told me that their passed among the brethren of the Synod a consent de non eliminandis, etc. of not divulging of any passage till all was done, which I interpreted as spoken only upon the by, not with any intent of hindering any intelligence which should be given your Honour. I dealt with Mr. Praeses and with Festus for a Copy of Martinus Gregorii his oration: the answer from them both was the same, that he would not at any hand be entreated to deliver a Copy of it, no not so much as the sum of it: whether it was because of some matter that was in it, as that he spoke somewhat roundly in disgrace of the Spaniard, or that the Politics have some end in it, or that he himself is desirous to have it thought that he delivered it only ex tempore, or for what other reason I know not. As concerning what hath passed in the Synod, till I hear farther from Festus, I will acquaint your Honour with what past there since my coming.  
On Saturday the 14/24 of this present, in the Morning the Deputies met, and debated some things of no great moment, concerning their intended TRANSLATION of the BIBLE. The first thing proposed was, whether the name JEHOVAH should be retained untranslated, or rendered by the Dutch word here, as the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the English Lord. The Praeses thought sit it should be rendered here, because the Holy Ghost in the New Testament, citing some things out of the Old, renders the Hebrew Jehovah, by the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according as the Septuagint had done. This past for currant, till it came to M●●rtinius of Breme, who divided the sentence, and thought that it might ordinarily so be rendered, if some places were excepted. And to this purpose he cited some places of Scripture, where the word Jehovah had a peculiar energy and force, which the Belgic here could not attain unto. To the same effect did others speak: and great disputation would have arisen about this point, as whether the Name Jehovah had any points of its own, or borrowed his points from Elohim and Adonai, and the like, but that the Praeses still cut them off. It was at length by the greater part concluded, that it should be rendered by the Belgic here, which was always to be expressed in Capital Characters, and concerning this the Reader should be advertised farther in the Preface. And when there should be in any place some peculiar force in that word, which the Belgic word did not express, of this the Reader should be admonished by a marginal gloss.  
The second Proposal was, whether the Hebrew proper Names, should be retained, or translated likewise into Dutch. It was concluded they should be retained, for avoiding of all unnecessary novelty and alteration. The third proposal was, whether the ancient Division of Chapters should remain, for many Hebrew Copies differed from our Common in this point, and sometime the old division did seem somewhat inconvenient, as that somewhere it broke off in the midst of a matter, somewhere in the midst of a sentence. It was concluded that the old division should remain. For there would arise great confusion in quotations, if the number of Chapters and Verses should alter. As for the variety of other Copies, and inconvenient division, of this the Reader should be advertised in the Margin. The fourth proposal was, whether there might not be added some Appendices to the Bible, as Chorographical and Topographical Tables, Gevealogies, and the like. It was thought fit they should, provided that in the Tables and Maps there were no pictures and babies, for avoiding superstition. The fifth proposal was concerning the appointing of persons fit for the work of the Translation. The Praeses willed that every Province should exhibit by Bill the Names of those, who they knew in their Provinces were of sufficiency for the Translation, which forthwith was done, and the Names that were exhibited were all pronounced in the Synod: but out of these who should be chosen for the work was differed, until the next Session appointed upon the Monday followingly and so with prayer they broke up the meeting.  
As I have done in this Session, so will I do in all the rest, if I shall get convenient place where I may stand and note. For, for any thing I see, mine own notes must be my chiefest help. The matters are but small, but I suppose they will amend when the Arminian Party shall make their appearance. Here is your Honours old Friend come to Town, and passes under the name of a Doctor of Physic. He is to dine with my Lord Bishop this day, but I have discovered him unto his Lordship what he is. I have presumed to keep Daniel with me longer than I determined at my departure; the reason is, because I am unskilful of the streets, and I have not Dutch enough to inquire my way: I will shortly send him home. What shall be done in the following Sessions, I will not fail to inform your Lordship by the next Messenger, in the mean while I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 16/26 of Novemb. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.  
I have sent your Honour a Catalogue of the Synod Printed here with us.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
ON Wednesday the 18/28 of November, those of the Synod met in the morning. This Session was only deliberative, for they concluded nothing. The proposal was, what form of catechising both for children and youths should be thought fittest to be put in practice in the Belgic Churches. The Praeses first spoke many things learnedly of the necessity of Catechising, that it was the basis and ground of Religion, and the sole way of transfusing the principles of Christianity into men: that it was very ancient, practised by the Patriarches, by the Apostles, by Origen, and approved by the consent of the fathers: that from the neglect of this came the ignorance of the common sort, and that multitude of sects amongst them, of Papists Anabaptists, Libertines, etc. whereas if an uniform course of teaching them their first principles had been taken up, there would not have been so many differences: that there was now greater necessity than ever of reviving this custom, because of the Jesuits who mightily labour in this kind, as appeared by some of their acts lately in Frisia, etc. Next were the Deputyes for the strangers called upon to deliver what forms of Catechising were in their Churches put in use: which they did, and gave them to the Praeses in writing. After these, the Professors, and the other Deputyes spoke their minds, and almost all gave them up in writings, which were immediately pronounced in public by the Scribe; and such as spoke memoriter, promised to set down their opinions in script●●, and deliver them to the Praeses after dinner. The principal heads on which they insisted, were these: that there might be three degrees of Catechising, one Domestical, to be practised by Fathers and Masters in their families: another Scholastical to be used by Schoolmasters in public Schools: and a third Ecclesiastical to be practised by the minister in the Church, that so fathers might fit their children for the Schools, the Schools for the Church: That therefore parents and masters should be admonished to look to this duty in their families: That Schoolmasters should be chosen, such as were skilful themselves to catechise, and that they should be careful to bring their scholars to catechetical sermons; that from sermons they should presently call them to the School, and there examine them how they had profited: The minister of every parish together with the Seniors and Deacons should monthly or quarterly visit the Schools, and know the Scholars proficiency in this behalf: that the Ministers before the times of the Communion should repair unto private Families, and Catechise: that the Magistrates would be pleased to provide stipends for Schoolmasters, so to make them the more cheerful: that there should be variety of Catechising according to the variety of the age, one for Children, which should contain the Lords Prayer, the Creed, the Commandments, the Doctrine of the Sacraments, etc. that for such as were elder, other things should be added according to their capacity: that to take away confusion one form of Catechism in each kind should be used; that the Jesuits Catechisms of Lessius, Canisius, Ledesma, etc. should be abolished. All this and more by sundry men was exhibited in writing, and read in the audience of the Synod.  
That which hitherto hath been done concerns only the manner of Catechising, as for the matter of the Catechism, that was not now thought fit to be spoken of, but was put off till the end of the Synod. When all had spoken their pleasures the Praeses signified, that he together with the Assessors and Scribes would compare all these Writings together, and out of them all gather one form of Catechising as they thought best, and exhibit it unto the Synod to be approved of, or altered to their liking. And so the Session ended. Amongst the rest, there were some particulars told. One of the Deputies of Geldria, to show the force of private Catechising, related that amongst them there was a Minister, who when he first came to his Living, found his Church quite empty, because all his Parishioners were Papists; and therefore if he would preach, he was to preach to the bare Walls: but he takes so much pains as to go to every of his Parish privately unto their houses, and there by familiar conversing with them, and expounding unto them the grounds of Religion, he so far prevailed with them, that in the compass of a year he gained them all to come to Church, and by this means hath scarce a Papist in his Parish. But doubtless the most effectual way of all the rest to bring young persons to learn their Catechism, was that which was related by one of the Helvetian Deputies. For he told us that in his Country the manner was, that all young persons that meant to marry were to repair, both he and she, unto their Minister, a little before they meant to marry, and by him to be examined how well they had conned their Catechism: if they had not done it perfectly to his mind, he had power to defer their Marriage till they had better learned their Lessons. I was much affected to this course when I heard it; and I thought that doubtless it was a speedy way to make all young persons, excepting myself and two or three more that mean not overhastily to marry, to be skilful in their Catechism. The Synod shall be ill advised, if they make no use of it.  
Mr. Dean this day is to make a Latin Sermon in the Synod-house, and after that there are certain Supplications exhibited to the Synod to be considered of. What they are, and what they contain I will inform your Honour by the next convenient Messenger. I have suffered Daniel to come home, and supply himself of some necessaries, but to return to me again upon Saturday, except your Honour shall otherwise appoint. His lodging and diet are provided, and he will be serviceable to me this ill wether, to be sent in business, myself not being so well able in dirt and snow to trace the streets. But this I leave to your Lordship's consideration, and for this present I humbly take my leave.  
From Dort this 19/29 of Novemb. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
UPon Thursday, 19/29 of this present, the Synod being met together, Mr. Dean of Worcester made in the Synod-house a polite and pathetical Latin Sermon; the portion of Scripture he chose for his Theme was the 17 verse of the 6th of Ecclesiastes, Noli esse justus nimium, neque esto sapiens nimis. After a witty coming upon his text, how it should come that Righteousness and Wisdom, which are every where commended unto us, should here seem to receive a check, he showed how men might seem to be too just; First the Seculars, when sitting in place of Justice they stood too strictly in keeping the Letter of the Law, and then by inflicting too heavy punishments, when in equity lighter would serve: next in the second word sapiens nimis, he taxed the Divines for presuming too far in prying into the Judgements of God, and so came to reprove the curious Disputes which our age hath made concerning Predestination; that this Dispute for its endlesness was like the Mathematical line, divisibilis in semper divisibilia; that it was in Divinity, as the Rule of Cos is in Arithmetic. For the ending of these Disputes his advice unto the Synod was, that both parts contending should well consider of S. Paul's discourse in the ninth to the Romans, and for their final determination both should exhibit unto the Synod a plain perspienous and familiar paraphrase on that Chapter. For if the meaning of that Discourse were once perfectly opened, the question were at an end. From hence he came to exhort them to stand to the former determina●●ions, which had hitherto most generally passed in the Reformed Churches, in these points: and told them that it was an especial part of his Majesty's Commission to exhort them to keep unalter'd the former Confessions. How fit it was to open so much of their Commission, and thus to express themselves for a party against the Remonstrants your Honour can best judge. After this he brought a very pathetical conclusion, consisting of a vehement exhortation to peace and union, and so he ended. The Praeses gave him thanks for his good pains, and then told us, whereas it was once purposed to lay open before the Synod certain Libelli supplices (which I mentioned to your Honour in my last Letters) he might not now do it, for some reasons which he then concealed. And so he dismissed the Synod without doing any thing farther. What these Libelli supplices contain, is unknown. Some imagine it to be from the Remonstrant party; others more probably think, that the subject of them were certain Gravamina of the Country Ministers.  
Mr. Deans Sermon was taken well, for any thing I can yet learn to the contrary; but your Lordship shall understand, there was a little doubt made concerning these Latin Sermons. Mr. Praeses, when the Letters were directed to the Arminian party, requested the Foreigners that they would be pleased to bestow in their Courses some Latin Sermons to entertain the Synod till the Arminians made their appearance; and first commended this unto the English. My Lord Bishop refused it because of the sudden warning: but Mr. Dean would needs undertake it. But certain of the Exteri came to the Bishop, and showed him how dangerous this might be. For it was, as they thought, a very hard matter so to walk, as not to touch upon some points that are in Controversy, which could not be without the offence of one party. My Lord Bishop and the other two, for this reason thought the motion very inconvenient: but Mr. Dean would by no means apprehend of it, but as of a business very fit to be done. It seems this was the general conceit of the Foreigners, which was the cause that there was in this kind nothing done till now, notwithstanding that the motion was made a pretty while before my coming to Dort. But how well this example is approved, it will appear, if others of the Foreigners do follow it. Here is a rumour of a certain Jesuitical book, lately set forth in disgrace of our Synod. I have not yet seen it, but I understand it is in the hands of the Praeses unto whom I had repaired to have looked into it, but that I conceive him to be exceeding full of business. As soon as I can learn what it is, I will acquaint your Honour with it. We have much speech of a strange Comet of an unusual length seen this morning. I saw it not; and peradventure it is no News unto your Lordship, if it have appeared in the Horizon of the Hague. My Lord Bishop and his Company remember their Love and Service to your Honour, and thank you for your Letter of English News, which they here return. I have sent according to your Lordships Will six Catalogues of the Synod, printed with us in Latin. And so for this time I humbly take my leave.  
From Dort this 19/29 of Novemb. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Friday the 20/30 of Novemb. the Deputies met in the Morning: where first of all, there were recited the Judgements of some concerning the manner of Catechising which was yet depending, who had not delivered their minds in writing the day before. In this was there nothing extraordinary, save only the advice of the Remonstrants of Utrecht. For the Deputies of that Province gave their Judgements severally, the Contra-Remonstrants by themselves, and the Remonstrants by themselves. These first blamed the common Catechism passant amongst them, as being too obscure for the Simple, and too long for the Memory. Secondly they thought it not necessary that there should be a threefold Catechism, for one well learned might serve for all the rest. Thirdly, they would have a Catechism so made, that the Answers might be nothing else but bare Texts of H. Scripture. For they thought, that if Scripture alone were taught, and not any men's glosses, it would be a more immediate means to gain the Anabaptists and other Schismatics to accept of the Catechism. Fourthly, they thought fit that in the Preface to these Catechisms, there should be a note given to this purpose; that these kinds of writing by Catechisms, etc. were to be esteemed only as the Apocryphal Scriptures. To the third point some little thing was answered to this purpose, that this was a mean utterly to extirpate all other Forms of Catechizing out of the Church, there never yet having been any form of Creed or Catechism so conceived. Yet there might be a time hereafter for the Synod to consider of it, when they pleased. After this followed the Form of Catechising, which the Praeses and Assessors had agreed upon. My purpose was to have taken an extract of it and sent it to your Honour, and I dealt with Festus Hommius about it; but his answer was, that he was to communicate about this with the Praeses, and that it was in the hand of Sebast. Dammannus his fellow Scribe. To Dammannus I was not known, neither did I understand of any acquaintance he had with your Honour, and therefore I let it rest. The sum of it was this. That there should be observed a threefold Catechising. 1. At home by the Parents. 2. In the School by the Schoolmaster; A third in the Church by Catechetical Sermons: then, that there should be a threefold Catechism, one for Incipientes, containing the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Commandments, the Doctrine of the Sacraments, and the Church Discipline. A second for the Middle sort, which should be a brief of the Palatine Catechism: a third for Youths, the Palatine Catechism itself. That every one that was admitted Schoolmaster should be bound to teach no other Catechism, and that all other Forms should be abolished: that if either Schoolmasters in the Schools, or Ministers in the Church, should refuse or neglect to Catechise, they should be subject to censure, etc. When this Form was read, the Provinces were in order asked what they would have altered or supplied. Those of Geldria thought it fit that the Minister before his Catechetical Sermon, should not only take the words of the Catechism (as the custom had in most places been) but likewise some Text of Scripture upon which the doctrine of the Catechism was grounded. For, as it seems, the custom is in Catechistical Sermons, not to take a Text of Scripture, but a portion of the Catechism for their Text and Theme. It was answered that this custom had been a long time laid down, and could not now conveniently be recalled: the same Deputies proposed, whether it were not fit, that whereas in the Decree there is mention made of a censure to pass on those who neglected it, there should be some particular form of Censure set down by the Synod. The thing being put to voices, it was decreed, that it should be left to the Judgement of the Classes how they should be censured. The South Hollanders thought it necessary there should be public catechising in the Church by way of Question and Answer. It was answered, that this could not be by reason of the frequency of Sermons. Those of Overisell proposed somewhat concerning the form of chatechetical Sermons. It was answered that this should hereafter be thought of. Which answer is a civil way which the Praeses uses, when he means to put by an impertinent question. Last of all, those of the Walon Churches required that this Decree should not prejudice them, who had already accepted of Beza's Catechism in their Churches. Now whereas there were three Catechisms proposed, of which there was but one in being, namely the Palatine, they consulted of deputing some, who should make the other two. The matter being put to Scrutiny, there were chosen these six, Polyander, Gomarus, Tysius, Lydius, Fauchelius, Udemannus. Here the Praeses proposed to the Synod, that they would think of fit means for the Education and training up of those who should enter the Ministry: but those of North Holland proposed a doubt, wherein the Church of Amsterdam required the determination of the Synod. The matter is this. The Merchants of Amsterdam having Traffic into the East Indies, took into their Families many of the Youths and Infants of that Country, but doubted whether they were to be baptised or no. The question was thus proposed, Whether the children of Ethnic parents adopted into the F●●milies of Christians were to be baptised, if so be they who did offer them to be baptised did undertake that they should be brought up in the Christian Faith. But both these questions were put over to the next Session, and so the Synod broke up. This afternoon the Duchess of Tremullio came to Town. The English went to entertain her, where my Lord Bishop made a speech unto her in Latin, which by her Chaplain was interpreted unto her, who likewise in her name returned answer. But of the particulars of this entertainment, I suppose My Lord Bishop in his Letters relates more fully to your Honour, than I can; for I was not there.  
On Saturday the first of December, stylo novo, the Deputies being met in the morning, the question concerning means of education of those who should be fitted for the Ministry was proposed; where, because they found it to be a greater matter than it seemed when at first it was proposed, the Provinces requested further respite, excepting the Zelanders and South Hollanders, who there delivered up their Judgements in scripto. The substance of what the Zelanders delivered was this: that it would please the State's General to appoint that a certain number of Youths might be bred up for the Ministry at the charge of the public purse. That the wealthier sort would send such of their children to the Schools, as they thought fittest to make Scholars. That out of these should be chosen youths of ingenuous Parentage and Manners, of good wit, of strength and health of body, which should be sent unto the University. That in the University there might be distinct Colleges for every Province, and in these Colleges there might be Regent's and Supervisors, which might prescribe unto Youths a Method of study, and not suffer them to wander in variety of study, and not perfect themselves in some one kind. That there might some time be prefixed for their abode in the University, as five or six years. And because many upon two years study seek for preferment in the Church, and others on the contrary stay in the University over long; for remedy of both these there might a time be fixed wherein the whole course of study should be absolved. That these Students every year should give an account of their proficiency to their Parents and Benefactors, and such as bred them up: that after this they should go and visit foreign Churches and Universities to see and observe. That at their coming home they bring with them the Testimonies of the Pastors and Governors of the Churches and Universities wherein they have been, and exhibit them to the Classes where they are to live; and expect their calling to the Ministry. That they should publicly in the Church read the Scriptures before the people, for this would make them known to the Church, embolden them to speak to the multitude, and mend their voices and delivery. That by consent of the Classes they be permitted to be with the Pastors, to confer with them in Cases of Conscience, to go with them when they visit the sick, that thus they may learn how to deal in these cases, and how to conceive prayers upon occasion. That to fit them for the Church Regiment, which is a thing not learned in Schools, some months before their Institution, they converse in the greater Cities, to be present in the Presbyteries and the Meetings of the Deacons, to understand how Voices may be asked and gathered, how Church Discipline is to be exercised, and what in divers cases is to be done. That they be examined how fit they be to reform men's manners. That it were fit that even in Universities Youths were trained up in Practic Divinity and Cases of Conscience. The substance of what the South-Hollanders delivered was this. First that Youths should stay at least two years in the University, and publicly read the Scriptures in the Church. Secondly, that after this they publicly dispute of some difficult question in Religion. Thirdly, that they be examined of all the Articles in Religion, and if they give satisfaction, than they may be admitted ad Propositiones, (what these are I know not) and after a years exercise in them, they may be examined by the Classes, who if they find them fit may give them leave to exercise themselves in Catechising and Preaching. That to learn Church Government they be admitted to Consistories and Classes to see what there is done, so that what there they see they keep in silence. That they leave not the studies of Divinity to meddle with other things. That they may have leave to Baptise, if the necessity of Rural Churches require. Yet they must expect a year ere they be admitted, which is not to be done without sufficient Testimony that all hath been done which is required. The rest of the Provinces required respite till Monday: and so they passed to the Question which was proposed in the Name of the Churches of Amsterdam, concerning the Baptising of the Children of Ethnic Parents. The English first exhibited their minds in Writing to this effect. That Infants, if they were justly taken, as, if they were given, or bought, or the like, (for it might not be lawful fraudulently or violently to take them from their Parents) ought to be baptised. For so it is recorded of Abraham, that he circumcised every one in his house, even those whom he had bought with his Money: but if they were Adulti, they might not be Baptised till they made Profession of the Christian Faith. With these agreed the Bremenses and the Professors. On the contrary the Helvetians and South-Hollanders concluded, that the Infants of Ethnic Parents ought not to be baptised, till they came to be of years to declare their Faith. Their chief reason was, because Baptism was a Sign of the Covenant: but the Infants of Ethnic Parents are not born within the Covenant, and therefore they cannot be partakers of this Sign. Here was a little indirect dealing betwixt the Helvetians and the Bremenses. The Helvetians Scribe had by some means or other suffered a copy of the reason for their opinion to be brought aforehand to those of Breme, who openly in the Synod house, in scripto refuted them: which thing is feared will cause some choler. And this was all that this day was done concerning this question, and so both the questions yet depend. The Synod did the sooner end, because they were at eleven a clock to go to the Funeral of Henricus ab Hell, who died lately, as I think I told your Honour. The Solemnity was no more but this. Some of the chief of the Town together with the whole Synod went to the House where he died, accompanied him to the Church, laid him in his Grave, and went home again, almost in as little space as I have told it you. The Duchess of Tremullio was at this Session, and as I hear, spoke very well of the Synod, commending it both for Piety and good Order.  
The Remonstrants are now every day expected. We understand that they are already met together at Leyden. Mr. Praeses came this day to my Lord Bishop, and under Benedicite told him, that it was thought the Remonstrants would become Suitors to the Secular Deputies, for some greater respect in the Synod, than it is likely otherwise they should have: and that for this they would use the English as Mediators. Then, that they would call in question the right of his Presidentship, as being made only by the Provincials without any respect had unto the Foreigners. To this my Lord Bishop replied, that for the first, since they were Members of the Synod, they would not do any thing clancularily without the Consent and Privity of the whole Company. To the second he answered, that hitherto they had acknowledged him for their Praeses, and so they would continue to do, notwithstanding any objection might be fancied, so that of them he might secure himself. And this is all hath happened since Friday Morning, at what time I addressed my last Letters unto your Honour: and for this time commending your Lordship to God's good Protection, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort, Decemb. 2. 1618. Stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and Bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
MY Letters containing the acts of our Synod upon Friday and Saturday, I dispatched this morning unto your Honour by a Soldier whom I knew not, and he delivered them to a Skipper whom he knew not, and whether or no they came to your Lordship's hands I am uncertain. There are to come with them Letters from my Lord Bishop to your Honour. Upon Monday the third of Decemb. the Deputies being met, they prosecuted the two questions before left undecided; First of the Baptising of children born of Ethnic parents: secondly, of means considerable how to breed up those who are to enter the Ministry. In the first, concerning the adulti, the Synod agreed, that if they made profession of the Christian Faith they might be baptised, etiam invitis parentibus. Their reason was, because that after children came to be of years, in case of Religion they depended not from the power of their parents, but might make their own market. All the difficulty was of infants, and children not yet of discretion to make their choice. The English, the Professors, those of Hassia, those of Breme, of Zealand, of Freesland thought it necessary they should be baptised, if they were rightfully adopted into Christian Families, and that their parents had altogether resigned them into the hands of the Christians. They grounded themselves upon the examples of Abraham circumcising all that were of his Family; of Paul baptising whole households, of the primitive Church recorded in S. Austin, who shows, that anciently children that were exposititii were wont to be taken up by the Christians and baptised. Now such were the children of Ethnic parents; for it was never esteemed lawful for Christians to expose their children. All the rest were peremptory that they were not to be baptised, till they came to be of years of Discretion, to make profession of the Faith. The North Hollanders themselves, whose business it was, and who moved the Synod in it, were expressly against it; whether they were bought, given, taken in war, or howsoever. Their reasons were, because they are immundi; because they are extra foedus, of which Baptism is a sign; because Adoption could entitle them only to terrene, not to an Heavenly inheritance, etc. So that if plurality of voices carry it, the negative part prevails. The Praeses required some time to compare the opinions together, and so for that time forbore to pronounce sentence. And because the examples of Abraham and Paul were much stood upon by those who held the affirmative, he proposed these two things to be considered of. First, whether it were likely that in Abraham's Family, when he put circumcision in act, there were any Infants, whose Parents died uncircumcised. Secondly, whether it were likely that in the Families baptised by Paul, there were any Infants, whose Parents died unbaptised: and so he passed away to the second Question, concerning the manner of training up those who were to enter the Ministry. In my last Letters to your Honour I related at large the advice given in this point by the Zelanders and South Hollanders. It was now proposed to the Synod, whether they did approve their counsel, or except against it. Some thought it was unlawful for men not in Orders to preach publicly, or baptise; (for the South Hollanders in their advice, had determined they should,) others thought it unmeet, that they should be present in the Consistories and meetings of Deacons, or that they should read the Scriptures publicly in the Church (which was the joint advice of the Zelanders and South Hollanders.) Lastly, it was doubted whether the Synod could make any Decree in this Question; because of the several customs in several Provinces, which it lay not in the power of the Synod to prejudice. So that instead of deciding this one doubt the Praeses proposed five more to be considered of. 1. Whether men not in Orders might make public Sermous. 2. Whether they might baptise. 3. Whether it were fit they should come into the Consistories. 4. Whether they should read the Scriptures publicly. 5. Whether the Synod could make a Decree in this business, for the reason above mentioned, or only give advice. The Synod had begun to speak to the two first, and it was the general opinion that they might not baptise. In the point of preaching they differed. Some thought absolutely it might be permitted them: others on the contrary thought no: some took a middle course, thinking they might preach privately before a select Auditory, who were to be their Judges how sufficient they were for that end: some that they may do it openly, so that it were understood they did it not cum potestate solvendi & ligandi. But when part of the Synod had spoken their minds, because the time was much passed, they broke up, and put off the determination to the next Session.  
Here is a rumour that some of the Remonstrants are come to Town, who they are I cannot yet learn. I shall to morrow make inquiry, and by the next Messenger acquaint your Lordship with it. In the mean time I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 3. of Decemb. 1618. Stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Tuesday the fourth of Decemb. Stylo novo, the Deputies being met in the morning they proceeded to determine of those doubts, which were moved the Session before. In the matter consulted concerning the training up of those who were to take upon them the Ministry, there were five questions moved. 1. Whether it were fit they should preach publicly. 2. Whether they should baptise. 3. Whether they should come to the Consistories and meetings of the Classes. 4. Whether they should read the Scriptures publicly in the Church before the people. Lastly, whether they should make a Decree to bind all Provinces necessarily, or only to advise them. To the first two the Exteri had given their answer in the former Session. For the question of Baptism, no man stood upon it, but all accounted it unlawful, for men not in orders to take upon them to baptise: the doubt was concerning Sermons. Jo. Polyander thought it very fit that such as intended the Ministry, before they were admitted should practise preaching. First because it was the practice of some of the Belgic Churches. Secondly, because it took from them that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that subrustick shamefacedness of many men, by which they feared to speak unto the people. Thirdly, because it was convenient that they should be known for men fit for that duty, before they should enter upon it. Fourthly, that they might approve themselves to their Parents and Benefactors, who had been at the charge of their Education. Provided that it were with these conditions: first that it were done with consent of the Classes: Secondly that it were practised only when the Church was unsupplied, either by the death, or absence, or sickness of their Pastor, or in case of like necessity. With Polyander did Wallaeus of Middleburgh agree, and grounded himself upon the practice of the Jews, amongst whom not only the Levites, but others also publicly taught the Law, as it appears by the story in the Acts, where Paul and Barnabas coming into the Synagogue, the Rulers called unto them, that if they had any word of exhortation, they should speak unto the people. Contrary unto both these was D. Gamarus, who held it utterly unlawful for any to preach before they were admitted to the Ministry. First, because they had no Mission; and who can preach except he be sent. Secondly, because they had not the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven. Thirdly, it was granted that they could not baptise: now Christ hath put Baptism and Preaching together, Go teach all Nations baptising them: & quae Deus conjunxit home ne separet. Last of all, though there had been a custom in some places to the contrary, yet fitter it was that custom should conform itself to Truth, than Truth to custom. With Gomarus agreed Thysius, and thought his argument drawn from Mission to be unanswerable; and for mine own part I thought so to. D. Gomarus is a man of great note; but I never heard him speak with any strength of reason in the Synod till now. What Silrandus his opinion was concerning the point I know not; for he doth so favour his voice, that I can never tell what he saith: and I imagine I have no great loss of it. After the Professors was there little said, which was not said before, only Lydius of South Holland thought certainly to confute Gomarus, and told us, that such men might preach, and that they had Vocation so to do. For first that inward Vocation which they had from the Spirit, and then their Examination and Admission by the Classes was warrant for them sufficient to preach, though they had no particular charge. For this good News did Mr. Dean of Worcester publicly applaud D. Lydius in the Synod. I mervailed much with myself to see Mr. Dean and Lydius so wide of the mark. For there was no question of those who were admitted by the Classes, but only of such who fitted themselves to be admitted. The Examination and Admission by the Classes is the very form of their Ministry, and not their being placed over a particular Church. And thus much at length did the Praeses tell us. When all had spoken, Mr. Praeses pronounced that it was concluded by the Synod, that it should not be lawful for them to baptise: but for the matter of Sermons, it was thought good by the Synod, that it should be left to the Judgement and Discretion of the particular Classes. In the third question concerning the Admission of the Proponentes (as they call them) to the Consistories, little was said, and so in the fourth, concerning the public reading of Scripture in the Church; Some thought fit that the ancient custom of Anagnostae in the Church should be revived: others thought it some disparagement to public Reading, that it was committed to Tradesmen, and many times to men unskilful, that knew not well to read: In both these the Synod determined nothing, but left them free to the discretion of the Classes; and the later was to be left to the Liberty of the Proponentes, whether they would read or no; and that they were not to be enforced to it, it they would not. In the last question whether they should make any necessary Decree binding all, or only by way of Counsel, my Lord Bishop being asked what he thought fit, made answer, that they were to distinguish betwixt things necessary, and not necessary. Things absolutely necessary should be absolutely decreed: other things should be left arbitrary. Which sentence passed by the major part of voices, and was Synodically concluded. Here the Deputies for the Remonstrants of Utrecht exhibited to the Synod in Writing a Bill, containing some exceptions against what hitherto had passed in the matter of the Catechism. First they misliked that any such form should be forced upon them. Secondly, that all Schoolmasters should be so strictly bound to that form, as that it should not be lawful to recede from it. For this did prejudice all other forms now currant, and might discontent the Lutherans and others, who had admitted of another form. Thirdly, they charged the Praeses with some indirect dealing. For whereas he had, whilst the business was in fieri, solemnly protested, that there was no intent concerning the matter, but only concerning the form of Catechising, yet in the issue they had confirmed the Palatine Catechism, which contained as well matter as form. Fourthly, they misliked the Decree concerning the not premising of a Text of Scripture before catechetical Sermons. Lastly, they required that this their dissent might be registered. To this the Praeses replied, that the Synod had only expressed itself what it thought fittest to be done. As for the necessity of Execution, that was not in the power of the Synod, but of the State's General, who when all was done, might either pass or recall what they thought good. Secondly to the point concerning himself, he answered, he had done so, and thought it fittest so to do (but the Synod thought otherwise) and since there was a matter of Catechism to be concluded, they thought they might confirm this as well as any other: and this was not so confirmed, but that it was in the power of the Synod to alter what they please. To the point of premising a Text of Scripture before the catechetical Sermon, he answered that the determination of the Synod was not to take that custom away there where it it was in use, but only to prohibit the urging of it there where it had a long time been disused. To the last, concerning the Registering of this their dissent, he answered, he saw not how this could be granted them; since the State's General had concluded, that what passed by a major part of voices, should alone be accounted the Act of the Synod: and by the same proportion every one that passes not his voice with the major part might require his dissent to be registered. After this the Praeses signified that concerning the question of the baptising of Ethnics children put up by the Church of Amsterdam, he required yet farther respite; because of the opinion of some of the Synod, which was somewhat ambiguous and obscure. He was therefore to confer with the Authors of it, and therefore desired that the resolution might be put off till the next Session: and withal he commended to the Synod the consideration how the liberty of printing so promiscuously all kind of scandalous and libellous Pamphlets might be repressed, and so he dismissed the Synod.  
The Remonstrants are in Town, but because they keep themselves private, and have not presented themselves unto the States and Deputies, there is no notice taken of it. And so commending your Honour to God's good Protection, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 4. of Decem. 1618. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
UPon Wednesday the 5. of December, stylo novo, the Deputies being met in the morning, the first thing which was done, was the admission of a Senior or Elder for those of Groninga, whose number as it seems was not yet full. The thing was transacted in Dutch, and yet the consent of the English was asked: at which I did not a little muse. Next followed the advice of the Helvetians, what course was to be taken with those, who are to enter the Ministry; in which there was no great matter from what before was intimated. The Palatini promised the like, and therefore the Praeses required yet farther respite before they did conceive any form of Decree in this behalf. Then followed the Decree of the Synod concerning the question moved by those of Amsterdam, about the Baptism of children born of Ethnic Parents. The Decision consisted of two parts. The first concerned the Adulti, and it was this; That such as were of years and capacity should be diligently taught and catechised, and then, if they did desire it, they should be baptised. The second concerned Infants, and it was, That till they came to years of Discretion, they should by no means be baptised. A strange decision, and such as, if my memory or reading fails me not, no Church either Ancient or Modern ever gave. When it was objected, what if they were in danger of death; their answer was, that the want of Baptism would not prejudice them with God, except we would determine as the Papists do, that Baptism is necessary to salvation. Which is as much to undervalue the necessity of Baptism as the Church of Rome doth overvalue it. Here followed a recitation of all that had been done since the business of the Catechism had been set on foot: amongst the rest was registered the exceptions of the Remonstrants of Utrecht, and it was added, atque iis est à Praeside satisfactum. Those of Utrecht excepted against that word satisfactum: they had, said they, an answer given them, but no satisfaction. For they persisted in their former opinion: and forthwith that word was altered. Here was a doubt moved, whether it were not fit that some of the especial Reasons brought by the Synod in the Question of the Baptism of Infants should not be added to the Decree. It was answered, That Reasons were obnoxious to cavil and exceptions, and it was not for the Authority of the Synod to Reason, but to Decree. After this the Praeses signified to the Synod that the time prefixed for the appearance of the Remonstrants was now expiring, and yet nothing was signified concerning their appearance neither to the Secular Precedent, nor Ecclesiastical. Wherefore naming them all, he thought good to cite them to appear. It was answered by those of Utrecht, that they did provide and would shortly be forth coming. In the mean while to take up the time, Mr. Praeses thought good to commend to the Synod the consideration and redress of those abuses which were in Printing. Every man was suffered to print what him listed, whence came abundance of blasphemous, heretical, obscene and scand●●lous Pamphlets. Many here delivered their opinions, others required farther time to think of it. The English first thought fit that the State's General should be requested to take the care of this into their hands. That there should be Censors to approve all such Books as should go to the Press. That no man should print, but such as were known to be of the Reformed Religion. Unto this advice divers things were added by others; as that there should be a set number of Printers: that they should be sworn: that there should be certain Laws prescribed unto them: that they should print no Heretical Books, especially the Books of David Georgius, H. Nicolaus Socinus: that no libels, no unlawful pictures, either obscene, or made to any man's disgrace, should be permitted: that no Book should be printed without the names of the Author, Printer, Place, except the Synod or the Magistrates did in some cases otherwise think good: that there should be care that the Correctors for the Press were good Scolars: and many other things of the like nature. Then were there read certain Canons made in some Synods before, concerning this business. Theodatus of Geneva told us, that in his travails, at Venice he had observed that there was a College of sundry persons, secular and spiritual, to whose care was committed all the business of Printing. He thought it fit there should be such Colleges here erected. When all had spoken that would, the Praeses told them that Adrian Smoutius had written a little Book in the Belgic, Tongue unto the Synod, and sent the copies of it to him to be distributed. And so requesting them to take in good part the good will of the man, for want of more business the Synod broke up.  
At length are we coming to the main battle. The Armies have been in sight one of another, and have had some parley. The manner was this. Upon Thursday the 6. of Decemb. stylo novo. The Synod being set in the morning, the Praeses signified, that there had come unto him in the name of the Remonstrants these four, H. Leo, Niellius, Matthisius, and Pinakerus, to give notice that the Remonstrants were ready according to their Citation; but because they had but lately come unto the Town, that yet convenient Lodgings were not provided, their papers, books and stuff were confused, therefore they required respite either till Saturday, or at least Friday morning. The Precedent of the Politics replied, that they should come, and personally make appearance before the Synod, and there propose their minds, and if the Synod approved their causes, they might be deferred. Upon this were two of the Deputies of Utrecht sent forth, to give them warning to provide for their present appearance. In the mean while, till they came, the Praeses thought fit, that such as in the former Session delivered not themselves concerning the Reformation of abuses in Printing, should now do it. Here was little delivered, besides what was said the day before, only some few particulars, as that order should be taken to repress this longing humour in many men of coming to the Press: that there should be no Impression of the Bible at any time without leave had: Foreign Books brought out of other Country's should not be distracted here without peculiar leave, after their being perused by the Censurers: to ease the Censurers, that they might not be troubled with reading too great a multitude of improfitable books, it was thought fit, that the books should first be brought to the Classes, and what they approved should be brought to the Censurers, etc. In the mean while the Remonstrants came, all that were cited by Letters, and were admitted into the Synod. There is in the midst of the Synod-House a long Table, set, as it seems, for them; for it hath hitherto been void, no man sitting at it: here Chairs and Forms being set, they were willed to sit down. The Praeses told them, that he had commended to the Synod their Suit of being a little respited: but it was the will of the Deputies for the States, that they should come before the Synod, and propose their cause themselves. Episcopius standing up, spoke to this effect. First he prayed God to give a blessing to this Meeting, and to pour into their minds such conceits, as best fitted men come together for such ends: then he signified, that according to their Citation they were now come ad collationem instituendam, concerning that cause, which hitherto with a good Conscience they had maintained. As for the point of delay, true it is they spoke to the Praeses concerning a respite until Saturday or Friday, by reason of that great distraction of their books and papers, and want of convenient lodging, but not as a petition to be moved in that behalf unto the Synod; but only as a thing which out of common equity they might have presumed on without acquainting the Synod with it. For they were ready, even at that present to begin the business they came for, without any further delay. But this they left to the Deputies Secular and Ecclesiastical to determine of. Then were they requested to withdraw a little into a chamber near the Synod House; and immediately was it proposed unto the Synod, what time was to be set for to begin. The time prefixed was the morrow after. Jo. Polyander took hold of those words, ad collationem, and told the Synod, that it was fit the Remonstrants were told the end of their coming, and the manner of proceeding which should be taken with them, that they might know what they were to look for, and so provide. They were to be informed, that they came not to conference; neither did the Synod profess itself an adverse party against them. Conferences had been heretofore held to no purpose. They ought to have heeded the words of the Letters by which they were cited. They were called, not to conference, but to propose their Opinions with their Reasons, and leave it to the Synod to judge of them. The Synod would be a Judge, and not a party. Then were they called in again, and all this was told them. Episcopius answered, that for the word Collatio he stood not on it, and how they would carry themselves it should appear the day following. Mean while one thing they would request of the Synod: that is, that Grevinchovius and Goulartius should be sent for to the Synod as Patrons of this cause. That they had this last week exhibited a Supplication to the State's General to this purpose, and received this answer, that they should put this matter to the Synod, and if the Synod thought it fit to be granted, they would not be against it. Neither did they propose this to seek delays. For they were ready, whilst these men should be sent for to proceed to the action. Only they thought fit, that to maintain their cause they should be sent for, who could best do it. Then were they again dismissed: and one was sent to them, to call for their Supplication to the Lords, and the Lords Answer. To this they returned, that the Lords gave this answer, not in writing, but by word of mouth: and for the copy of their Supplication, they called not for it any more. Then was the thing proposed unto the Synod, and the Secular Deputies replied, that they would return their answer on the morrow: and the same was the answer of the Synod. Mr. Praeses thought that Grevinchovius might be admitted, salvis censuris Ecclesiasticis: yet notwithstanding he thought good to acquaint the Synod with the quality of this man, and thereupon he produced the Act of the Provincial Synod of South Holland, wherein it was witnessed, that the Synod, because he did refuse to appear when they cited him, and because of many blasphemies in his Book, and of many reproachful speeches against the Magistrates and against the Ministers, had suspended him ab omni munere Ecclesiastico. From this Grevinchovius had not appealed to the National Synod, and therefore it was in the power of the Synod to do what they thought fit. Then were the Remonstrants again called in, and it was signified unto them, that on the morrow they should understand the will of the Synod concerning their motion made, and so were they again dismissed; and the Session ended, the Praeses having first premised, that all other things yet depending, as the Decree concerning the Proponentes, together with the Remedies concerning the abuses in Printing, and what else soever, must be deferred, and the business in hand alone attended.  
My Lord Bishop was desirous that Mr. Carleton should stay this day, to see the coming of the Remonstrants. I would have had him stay to morrow likewise, that he might have seen the manner of proceeding with them; but he would not. Here is speech that Scultetus is to make the next Latin Sermon; but when we know not. There is a rumour that Vor●●tius is gone from Tergove, but of this I suppose your Honour may have better information than I can give; therefore ceasing to trouble your Honour any longer I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 6. of Novemb. 1618. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
IN my last Letters to your Honour, I related a doubt concerning the Deputies for the Remonstrants of Utrecht; whether they were to be a part of the Synod, or in the number of the Remonstrants, who were cited to appear before the Synod. The reasons of that doubt, which then I understood not were these. First, because in their Credential Letters they were charged to defend the cause of the Remonstrants. Now it could not be that they should be both Defendants and Judges in the same cause. Secondly, it was objected that their case was the same per omnia with Episcopius, who was to have been of the Synod, if he would have brought his Credential Letters, as the rest of the Professors were. But he refused it, because in the Remonstrants' cause he was to be a party, except he would have laid by the Defence of that cause. Thirdly, when the question was of citing the Remonstrants out of each Province, it was then concluded in the Synod, that out of the Province of Utrecht none should be cited to appear, because of that Province there were some already, and therefore it was superfluous to cite any more. In the judgement of the Synod therefore they were in numero citatorum, as far as concerned that cause, and not in the number of the Members of the Synod. Unto these Reasons were they changed to give their answer upon Saturday, and then to resolve whether they would forsake the words of their Credential Letters, and so remain Judges, or else stand unto them, and become in the number of the citati. Wherefore upon Saturday, the 8. of December, stylo novo, The Synod being met in the morning, the Deputies for the Remonstrants gave up their Answer in scripto to these Reasons. And to the first concerning the Clause in their Credential Letters, they answered, that they were not so limited, but that in their private instructions they had leave to do otherwise, if they thought good. To the second, concerning the Parity of their case with Episcopius, they answered, that their case was quite another; for they were sent from their Provinces as Members of the Synod, which plea Episcopius could not make. To the third, concerning the intent of the Synod at the Citation they answered, that they never so understood the words of the Synod, neither did they know but that they might show themselves for the cause of the Remonstrants, and yet sit as Judges, since they were there to defend their opinion no otherwise then the Contra-Remonstrants were to defend theirs: and therefore they were purposed to take the oath, and to keep their places. The Praeses then required them to show that clause in their private instructions, wherein that reservation was which they pretended. They stuck a little at first to bring forth their instructions, but at length seeing there was no other remedy they consented to do it, provided that no more should be read then what they would suffer: which was granted them. In the mean time whilst they were providing to produce their instructions, there were read in the Synod the letters of the Provincial Synod of South Holland, directed to the national, to this purpose: that whereas Theophilus Ryckwaerdius, one of those who was cited among the Remonstrants, had lately been by them convented for certain misdemeanours the Synod would be pleased to give him leave to return and make his answer to such objections as they had to charge him with. The thing was put to the determination of the Synod. The Deputies of the States thought fit it should be left to his own discretion to do as he thought good. Others thought it not fit he should be sent from the greater Synod to a lesser. Others thought it was necessary he should immediately be sent away to make his answer, since it was question of behaviour and manners only, and not of doctrine. In the end it was concluded it should be left to his own discretion, to do as he thought good. By this time were the Remonstrants of Utrecht ready to show their instructions, which they there openly produced, but to no purpose at all. For all they could show was this, that they had commission to defend their cause, or to labour, at least for an accommodation or toleration of it: but that they had power to pronounce decisively the veritate aut falsitate sententiae, that did not as yet appear. The thing was acted with much altercation on both sides. At length it was agreed, with some reluctancy on the Remonstrants' party, that it should be put to the determination of the Synod, whether they were to be accounted as Judges, or only as citati. Some favourably thought that their private instructions were not too narrowly to be sifted, but if they would suo periculo take the oath, it should be sufficient. Others thought that an oath was a greater matter than should so easily be permitted, although men did offer to take it, there being so good cause of doubt, as now there was. Others examining there credential letters, and the words of their private Commission, and finding no authority given them to define de falsitate sententiae, if it should appear to be false; and that the lowest point they could descend unto, was a Toleration, concluded they could be no other than citati. As for their plea, that they came to defend their opinion no otherwise then the Contra-Remonstrants did for theirs, it was replied, first that they did the Synod wrong to make this distinction of Contra-Remonstrants and Remonstrants: for in the Synod there was no Contra-Remonstrant, and no man was called thither under that name, whereas they in their letters came under the name of Remonstrants. Again, No man came with charge to defend any opinion, but were free to pronounce according to truth wheresoever it should be, which was not their case. In the end the judgement of the Synod was given up, that they could not be of the members of the Synod in this cause (for in any other they might) but only as citati. Yet notwithstanding that they might see the equity of the Synod toward them, it was permitted them to keep their places upon these conditions: first if they would quit their defence of the cause; Secondly if they would give no advice or counsel directly or indirectly to the citati, and by no means meddle with them in their cause: thirdly, that they did not divulge any of the Acts and Secrets of the Synod (which Clause was a mere Formality. For who can expect that that should not be divulged, which is done in the sight of so many Spectators? Fourthly, that they should not be troublesome to the Synod, by any intempestive interpellations. This if they would promise, they should take the Oath, and sit as Judges; otherwise, no. Unto this were they charged immediately to give their answer. They again required respite. It was answered, that this request was needless, the case being so plain, and injurious to the Synod in detaining them from their business by frivolous delays. They persisting still in their Suit, the thing again was devolved unto the Synod, whether they should give their Answer presently, or have farther respite. It was concluded that they should repair to Mr. Praeses the same day at five of the clock in the Evening, there without farther delay, roundly to deliver their resolution. Which thing yet they did not. They came indeed at the time appointed, but gave no Resolution, neither yet have done, for any thing I can hear. And this was all was done that Session. I marvel much that the Province of Utrecht, being the strength of the Remonstrants, could find no wiser men to handle their Cause. For as they did very foolishly in bewraying their private instructions, so in this whole altercation did they not speak one wise word. This Session the Remonstrants that were cited appeared not all.  
Episcopius is reported to have put a trick upon the Seculars. For whereas in his speech he had said some things concerning them, in that Copy which was exhibited, signed with all their hands, there is no such thing appears. He had committed it only to his Memory, as foreseeing the Copy might be called for.  
Mr. Praeses remembers his love and service to your Lordship, and hath sent you a Copy of the Book which Adrian Smoutius dedicated to the Synod. The greatest News, for aught I perceive, is, that it is dedicated to the Synod; for else there is little that concerns them. I have troubled your Lordship with very long repetition of a petit matter: but it was all the argument of the Session. I trow, to morrow we shall have other manner of stuff. And so ceasing to trouble your Lordship, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 9 of Decem. 1618. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
ON Monday the 10. of December, stylo novo, the Deputies met in the morning, where the first thing determined, was the question as yet depending concerning the Remonstrants of Utrecht. They had according to their appointment come to the Praeses and Assessors to give their Answer, which was merely dilatory, containing their answers to such reasons as the Synod on the Saturday Session had brought to prove them in the number of the Citati. But having better bethought themselves, upon the Monday a little before the Morning Session, they delivered their Resolution to the Praeses, to this effect, that since nothing else would content the Synod, they had resolved to leave their place of Judges, and to adjoin themselves to the other Remonstrants which were cited: and so they did. After this fell in some speech concerning a supplication lately exhibited by the Remonstrants unto the Exteri: and because it seemed to contain some aspersions against the Synod, there was question made whether or no it should be publicly read and stand: but this motion died, and there was nothing done in it. A Copy of this Supplication, I think, my Lord Bishop lately sent your Honour. Then Mr. Praeses signified unto the Synod, that without farther delay he thought it fit, the Remonstrants should be put in mind of the end of their coming, and that they should put up their minds in writing, concerning the five points in question, and that forthwith. For he doubted it not, but they came very well provided to do it: and more, that some years past, they had provided certain considerations to be at hand, whensoever they should be called for, with which the World was not yet acquainted. This thing he remembered Monsieur Barnevelt sometime told him in private conference, and the Remonstrants themselves have told the World as much in their pressior declaratio, which they joined to their Edition of the Conference at the Hague. Then were the Remonstrants called in, and told, First of their indirect dealing, in pretending themselves to have but one Copy of their Oration, whereas it was known they had another, and in delivering up a broken Copy: then of the end of their being convented by the Synod. But by the way one thing was urged somewhat unnecessarily. The Remonstrants had given up, (as I told your Honour) their speech signed with all their hands. When those of Utrecht had joined themselves unto them, they were urged to put to their hands also: to which they replied, they had not as yet read it. Here Episcopius took occasion to clear himself of that impuration lately fastened upon him, that he had abused the Delegates, in giving them a counterfeit copy of his speech: protesting he was not so ill qualitied, as that in so great a matter, and that before God and so grave a Congregation he would deal doubly, and dishonestly: that he never affirmed that he had one only Copy, but that he had none fairly written; for he confessed he had another, and that the reason why he requested either the same Copy again, or at least a Transcript of it, was, because there was some difference betwixt the two Copies, and they had not yet perfectly compared them together. The Praeses answered, that what was laid to their Charge, was nothing else but that which the Synod verily understood to have been done, and he thinks, that if the Memories of those in the Synod were consulted with, they would all confirm it. About this was there likely to have been some altercation farther, but the Secular Praeses willed them to leave that and pass to their business. Here Episcopius besought the Synod that he might have leave to speak some things by way of Proem ere they came to the Action. It was at first denied him, but he did so earnestly entreat, that at length he had leave to speak his mind: and so forthwith there was recited è Scripto a long and tedious speech of two hours, at the least: consisting of two general heads: First of Exceptions they had against the Synod tanquam in judicem incompetentem: Secondly of a conceit of their own, what manner of Synod they thought fit it should be, which was to compose these controversies in hand. Their reasons of Exceptions were many, and manifoldly amplified and confirmed: but amongst them all there were two especially insisted upon. First, it was against all equity and nature that the adverse party should be Judge: the Synod was here the adverse party, and therefore they could not be Judges. Secondly, those who had made an open Schism and Faction in the Church, and had separated themselves from their brethren, could not be their Judges: but of this Synod a great part were Authors of Schism, and the rest Favourers and Abettors of it: they could not therefore be their Judges. In the prosecution of which Reason they did not spare very liberally to bestow on the Synod the name of Schismatici & Novatores, and schismatum Fautores, and other goodly titles of the same nature. The second part of their Oration was a mere Chimaera saltans in vacuo; a strange fancy of such a Synod as never was, nor can be. I had thought to have taken an abstract of it, but the tediousness of it deterred me. I will give your Honour a taste or two of it. There were but two ways of instituting a Synod for the ending of these quarrels. The first was, by seeking out every where certain select men, who all this time of contention had taken part with neither side; but kept themselves unpartial. Secondly, if a Synod of such could not be found (as I think it could scarcely be found in the Netherlands, though the Sun itself should seek it) than such a Synod should be framed, as in which should be an equal number of both parties, each with their several Praeses and Assessors; and they should debate the matter betwixt themselves: and if they could not agree, (as it is likely they would not) what then, thought I? shall they part as they came? No forsooth. The Civil Magistrate, tanquam Deus è machina, he must come in, and prescribe the Moderamen, from which neither party must appeal. Provided always, that he laboured only for Accommodation, and not to determine decisively for on part. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so I awoke. Of the same thread was the whole piece of their speech. When they had well and throughly wearied their Auditory, they did that which we much desired; they made an end. The Praeses made a brief answer to this effect. For the point of Schism saith he, it is not yet fit time to discuss. But when it should in the Synod be made plain what had been the received Doctrine of the Church, than it would appear who they were that had made secession from it, and so were guilty of Schism. If you refuse us because we are your Adversaries, whom would you have deputed as Judges? yourselves, or the Papists, or the Anabaptists, or the Libertines, or some other faction in these Countries? Let us be Sscismaticks, let us be Scribes and Pharisees, and worse; yet you may not deny this Synod to be a lawful Synod. For first it was done by the Civil Magistrate who had authority to do it. Secondly, such as were there were deputed by the consent of the Provinces. Thirdly, they had all taken their oaths to judge uprightly. This is enough to make us your Judges, and common Charity should make you to hope we would judge uprightly: at least it should make you resolve thus far, if we should decide truly, you would subscribe unto it, if otherwise you would patiently bear it. If you were in our places, so deputed, so sworn, and we were to be judged by you, we were to do the like. Here followed some wrangling to no great purpose, and so the Session ended.  
The same day after dinner the Deputies met again; where first the Praeses commended to the Synod the consideration of that reproachful Name of Schism, which the Remonstrants did so openly and so often brand them with. For it was Episcopius his palmarium argumentum, the Synod was all either Schismatics or favourers of them, and therefore could not be their Judges. It was much that they should grow to that boldness, as that openly they should call the Synod, the Seculars, the chief Magistrate, yea the Prince of Orange himself, Schismatics. For what had formerly been done in the matter of Secession and Division of Churches was done by their consent and approbation. He required therefore the Synod to deliver themselves what was to be done. Divers spoke diversely. Lydius of South Holland relating the story of what had been done in the time of separation, cleared them of Schism; and showed first, that the name of Schism was used craftily by them, as for a reproach, so likewise for a farther end they had for themselves. For a Schism is only a breach of Charity and peace of the Church, the Doctrine remaining entire. If there were a separation by reason of Doctrine Heretical (as here he thought there was) it was not to be called a Scism. Now the Remonstrants did therefore use the name of Schism, that they might persuade the world, that the difference was only in certain points indifferent, in which it mattered not which end went forward, by this means to make their way open to a toleration. Again, the separation which was made, was made upon good reason. For they were forced unto it by the Remonstrants' violence, as in particular he did show. At length he and the rest of the Synod concluded, that they should roundly be put in mind of their duty, and to speak more respectively to the Synod. Upon this the Remonstrants being called in, the Praeses signified what the Synod disliked in them, and what behaviour it expected at their hands: and withal willed them to attend the Decree of the States. Episcopius would have answered, but he was prohibited. Then immediately followed a decree of the States to this purpose; that whereas the Remonstrants had hitherto made many dilatory answers, to the injury both of the eclesiastics and Seculars, it was decreed by them, that they should lay by all frivolous Excep●●ions, and dilatory answers, and forthwith proceed to set down their mind concerning the Five Articles, for which end they were come together. Then began Episcopius to purge himself, and declare, that in the imputation of Schism they included not the Seculars, they only charged the eclesiastics: and if the Seculars had a hand in it, they meddled not with that. The Praeses urged them to give their answer, whether or no they would set down their minds concerning the points in controversy: they still excepted, that the Synod were not their competent Judges. The Praeses asked by whom they would be judged? they replied, they would not answer this, it was sufficient that the Synod could not be their Judges. They were willed to remember they were Citati: they replied, Citatorum est excipere de competentia judicis. The Praeses of the Seculars willed them remember that they were Subjects; they replied, the Magistrate could not command their Consciences: being again willed to give their answer, whether or no they would exhibit their minds concerning the five Articles, they required first to have their exceptions answered; when no other answer would be given, they dismissed them, and appointed that of the Synod two should be chosen Delegates, who should immediately go to them, and in the name of the Synod warn them to lay by all other answers, and at the next Session Categorically answer, whether they would exhibit their minds concerning the points in Controversy, or no: that so the Synod might know what they had to do: and so they broke up: this morning therefore we look what will be done. And so for this time I humbly take my leave, commending your Honour to God's good Protection.  
Dort, Decemb. 1/11. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and Bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales  
Of the Remonstrants of Utrecht, two only have joined themselves to the Citati: the third, which is an Elder, professes to submit himself to the judgement of the Synod, if they shall decide according to his Conscience; and that if it please the Synod to give him his Oath, he is ready to judge neither as Remonstrant nor Contra-Remonstrant, but accordingly as it shall please God to open him the truth in the Synod.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
ON Thursday the 4/14. of Decemb. the Synod being sat, and repetition made, according to the custom, of what had passed in the former Session, the Remonstrants being called in were asked whether or no they had set down in writing their opinion concerning the first Article. Forthwith they exhibited to the Synod their opinion subscribed with all their hands. The copy of this your Lordship shall receive here with these letters. The paper being read, the Praeses asked them all one by one whether this were their opinion, to which each man answered affi●●●atively. The Remonstrants being dismissed the Praeses proposed to the Synod, whether it were not fit that they should be sent for one by one and examined singly as concerning their tenant. His reason was, because he understood that they made themselves an Antisynod, and had among themselves ordained a Praeses, two Assessors, and two Scribes according to the form of the Synod: and so they did all things communi consensu like a little Synod: to this some answered that they thought it fit: some that those only should be singled out who were carried away with respect to their company, and if they were alone would think and do otherwise: others thought it utterly unfit because it might seem olere artificium aliquod, to savour of a trick, whereas it best became the Synod to do all things candid & sincere: others would have no man examined alone but when all the rest were by: others left it to the judgement of the Praeses to do as he thought good when occasion served: which last sentence as it seemed stood good. After this was there a general exception against the manner in which they had proposed their sentence: that they had done it confuse, di●●tracte, & obscure: that they had intermingled things impertinent and belonging to other questions: that the most of their proposals were negatives what they did not hold, and not affirmatives what they did; whereas their appearance there was to show what they did hold, not what they did not hold. And it was discovered that this their proceeding by negatives was, that they might take occasions to refute other opinions, and not to confirm their own; whereas by the decree of the States they were called thither ut sententiam SUAM dilucidè, perspicuè etc. exponerent & defenderent not that they should oppugn others. That it had been their custom very liberally to examine other men's opinions and to be sparing in confirming their own. That if they did refuse to deal more plainly in expounding their mind, the Synod should take order that the state of the question should be taken out of their books, especially our of the Hague conference, and so they should be questioned whether they would stand to it or no: that they did maintain amongst them an implicit faith, and it was usual with some of them, when they were pressed with any reason they could not put by, to answer that though themselves could say little to it, yet such and such could say much, which was enough for them. When all had spoken their pleasure, the conclusion of the Synod was, that they must reform the manner of propounding their mind: that they must give up their answer in affirmatives, as much as was possible: that this form of answer was not according to the Decree of the States: and this was the effect of that Session.  
On Friday the 5/15 of Decemb. there was a short Session in the morning. The matter propounded was, whether it were not fit that the Remonstrants should be required to give up their minds concerning all the five points before the Synod proceeded to examine or determine any thing. The reason was, the connexion of the points mutually one with another, for which cause it was hard to determine of one, except their mind in the rest were known. The Secular Lords and the Synod liked well of the proposal. Those of Geneva thought it best to take their opinions out of their books: to which the Praeses answered, that it could not be, because they were called thither by their citatory. Letters to propose and defend their own opinions. That they could not complain of the Synod for calling on them thus at once to deliver themselves. For the Synod doubts not that they were provided, since themselves had long since given it out in their books and private speeches that they were provided. The Remonstrants then being called in, were told that it was the determination of the Synod that they should deliver their opinions at once concerning the five points; and for this they had given them time till Monday. For this would prove better for the Synod and for themselves. Then that they should deliver themselves in affirmatives as much as possibly might be. For by their negatives they delivered not their own opinions, but diverted upon others. The Confessions and Creeds had always been framed by affirmatives; thus or thus we do believe; not by negatives. To this they replied, Attendemus ad ea quae a Domino Praeside dicta sunt & considerabimus. Then did the Praeses signify that on the morrow there should be a Latin sermon in the Synod house. Scultetus is the man that makes it. And this is the effect of what was done at that time and so ceasing to trouble your Lordship any farther at this time, I humbly take my leave, resting.  
Dort this 15. of Decemb. 1618. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
THe seventh of December, stylo novo, being Friday, in the morning the Synod met; the first thing that was done, was the pronouncing the Decree of the States concerning Grevinchovius and Goulartius to this effect, That whereas the Remonstrants had petitioned to the States, that Grevinchovius and Goulartius might be admitted into the Synod, there to defend the Remonstrants' Cause, the Lords for good causes thought they neither aught, nor could grant it; yet thus much did they graciously permit, that they might freely come in private, and do them what help they could; and if they thought, that in any thing they saw further into the Cause than their Brethren, they might have leave to exhibit their mind in writing to the Synod. Provided, First, that they had leave of the Synod so to do. Secondly, that they did not seek any frivolous delays: Thirdly, that they promised to submit themselves to the Decree of the Synod: and last of all, that the Church Censures respectively passed on Grevinchovius and Goulartius be not prejudiced; but stand still in their full force and virtue. This Decree was consented unto by the whole Synod. Here the Praeses admonished those of Utrecht to provide themselves, and resolve what they would do; whether they would profess themselves parties for the Remonstrants, or keep their places, and sit as Judges; if they would express as parties, then must they cease to be accounted part of the Synod, and be accounted as Episcopius and the rest that were cited. They required that time might be given them to deliberate. The Praeses eagerly urged them to give their resolute answer. They replied it was a greater matter than might so soon be dispatched. So far they went, that at length they fell on some warm words. For when two of the Remonstrants' Deputies by chance spoke both at once, the Praeses admonished them to speak modestiùs & ornatiùs. For men here speak one by one, and not by pairs. But here the Secular Deputies struck in, and thought fit they should have time of respite till the morrow: yet so that in the mean time the Synod should proceed: Then were the Remonstrants called in, and the Decree of the States concerning Grevinchovius and Goulartius read unto them: Episcopius standing up required that a little time might be granted to them to speak, and forthwith uttered an Oration, acrem sanè & animosam, and about which, by reason of some particulars in it, there will grow some stir. The effect of the Oration was this.  
THat Religion was the chiefest note of a man; and we were more distinguished by it from other Creatures, then by our Reason. That their appearance before the Synod was, ut illam etiam Spartam ornarent, that they might endeavour something for the preservation of the Purity of Religion: That Religion was nothing else but a right Conceit and Worship of God: That the Conceits concerning God are of two sorts; some absolutely necessary, which were the grounds of all true Worship; in these to err might finally endanger a man; Some not absolutely necessary; and in these sometimes without great danger men might mistake; That they defcryed many conceits passing in our Churches which could not stand with the Goodness and Justice of God, with the use of the Sacraments, with the Duties of Christian men; These had given occasion to the Adversaries abroad to accuse our Churches, and lay upon them many strange imputations, That therefore their endeavour had been none other but to remove these imputations, and to provide, as much as in them lay, that the Conceits of some few might not pass for the general Doctrine of our Churches; But this their endeavour had hitherunto had but ill success: And as in a diseased body many times when Physic is administered, the humours which before were quiet are now stirred, and hence the body proves more distempered: so their endeavours to cure the Church had caused greater disorder, yet in this had they not offended. For they laboured to none other end, but that the Church might not be traduced by reason of the private conce●●s of some of her Ministers. That in this behalf the world had been exceedingly incensed against them: but this Envy they esteemed their Gloriam & Palmarium; That for this they did not mean to forsake their Cause, and were it so that they should lose the day, yet would they joy in it, and think it glory enough, magnis ausis excedisse. That this their stirring was not the lana cap●●ina, of small, frivolous, and worthless matters, of mere quirks of Wit, as many of the common sort were persuaded, that out of this conceit it was that they had been so exceedingly roughly dealt withal, yea they might say soevitum fuisse against them, as against unnecessary Innovavators in the Church: First matters were handled against them clancular●●ly, and by stealth, after this they broke out into open but false accusations, and after this into wrath, into scoffing and bitterness, till at length effractis moderationis repagulis, every one came with open mouth against them, tanquam in publici odii victimas. [Here followed a grave and serious invocation of Christ as a witness to the truth of what they said] True indeed it was, that in their Books many things were to be found amiss. For a very hard matter they thought it for minds exasperated semper rectum clavem tenere. That for the settling of these things, there could but three courses be thought of; either a National Synod, or a mutual Toleration of each others Opinions, or the Session and Resignation of their Calling and place in the Church. To quit them of their calling and to fly, this were a note of the Hireling: as for a Synod, which they much desired, remorabantur qui minime debebant, and it was pretended that the condition of the Times would not suffer it. There remains only a mutual Toleration, of the possibility of which alone they had hope. And for this end they did exceedingly approve of the Decreeof the States of Holland, and West-fryzeland, which they thought confirmed by the examples of Beza's dealing with some, of their own dealing with the Lutherans, of the Advice of the King of Great Britain: But all this was labour lost; for there was a buzz and jealousy spread in the heads of men, that under this larve, this whifling Suit of Toleration there lay personated more dangerous designs: that behind this, tanquam post siparium, there lay intents of opening a way to the Profession of all the ancient Heresies: and that the Remonstrants could pro tempore, Conscientiaesuae imperare quod volunt, upon this began men's minds to be alienated from them: which thing at length broke forth into Schism and open Separation. Now began their books to be more narrowly enquired into, every line, every phrase, every word and tittle to be stretched to the uttermost, to prove them Heretics. Witness that late work, entitled Specimen Controversiarum Belgicarum, whose Authors credit and good dealing had already in part appeared, and hereafter farther would appear. That all Fundamental points of Divinity they had preserved untouched. For they knew that there were many things of which it is not lawful to dispute, and they abhorred from that conceit of many men, who would believe nothing but what they were able to give a Reason of. That what they questioned was only such a matter, which for a long time had been, without danger, both pro and contra disputed of. They thought it sufficient if the chief points of Religion remain unshaken. That there had been always sundry Opinions even amongst the Fathers themselves, which yet had not broken out into separation of minds, and breach of Charity. That it was impossible for all wits to jump in one point. It was the Judgement of Paraeus a great Divine, that the greatest cause of Contentions in the Church was this, that the Schoolmens Conclusions, and Cathedral Decisions had been received as Oracles, and Articles of Faith. That they were therefore unjustly charged with the bringing in of a Sceptic Theology: They sought for nothing else but for that liberty which is the mean betwixt servitude and Licence. That now they appeared before the Synod, whether as cited, or otherwise, they were not careful. They had been present howsoever had it been lawful. They required the Foreigners not to judge of them as they had heard abroad, but as they now should find them. That they profess they oppose themselves, first against those Conclusions concerning Predestination, which the Authors themselves have called Horrida Decreta. Secondly, against those who for the Five Articles so called have made a Separation, never expecting any Synodical Sentence: Thirdly, against those who cast from them all those who in some things descent from them. And yet to raise the controversy greater, is the question of the right of Magistrates added above all the rest, which they maintained against those, who taught the Magistrate should with a hoodwinked obedience accept of what the Divines taught, without farther enquiry. These are the points for which we have contended. Give unto us that respect which yourselves would look for at our hands, if you were in our case; we have not ambitiously sued to any: the Favour of God alone it is which we have sought; Look not upon this small number which you see, Unus Patronus bonae causae satis est. 'Tis not the smaller number that makes the Schism. If a major part carry the right, what think you then of the Province of Utrecht, where the greater parts are Remonstrants: From you doth the Schism proceed, First here in this Synod, by making so an unequal a choice of Deputies with so small a number of Remonstrants. Secondly by proceeding against us abroad, not expecting a Synodal Decree, by cashiering and subjecting unto Censures the chief Patrons of our Cause, eos apud quos sunt aquilae nostrae: and peradventure, even at this very hour you proceed against some of ours by suspending, discommuning, by expelling them from their Churches, etc. But yet we cast not away our Swords; The Scriptures and solid Reason shall be to us instead of multitudes. The Conscience rests not itself upon the number of Suffrages, but upon the strength of Reason. Tam parati sumus vinci, quam vincere. He gets a great Victory, that being conquered gains the Truth. Amicus Socrates, amicous Plato, amica Synodus, sed●● magis amica Veritas.  
These are the Fragments of Episcopius his speech, as far as my Memory and broken notes could supply me; I suppose what Errors I have committed by leaving out, misplacing, misrelating, Mr. Ames, when he comes to your Honour will rectify, this and much more for an hours space, he delivered with great grace of speech, and Oratorial gesture: The Praeses signified unto him, that because there were in his speech many things considerable, he was therefore to deliver the Copy of it: Episcopius replied, that he had none handsomely written, if the Synod would have patience, he would cause a fair Transcript to be drawn for them; But this excuse would not serve. Fair or foul deliver it up he must, and so he did: The Deputies for the Politics signified, that since there were many things in it, which did as well concern the Seculars, as eclesiastics, they were to give it up subscribed with all their hands: which forthwith was done. Then did the Praeses tell them how much they were beholding to the Synod, that had so patiently heard them, notwithstanding that they had no leave granted them to speak, and that they ought to have expected the Mandate of the Synod. To this Episcopius replies, that he had required leave before he began to speak; True, said the Praeses, but you stayed not till leave was granted you; besides, saith he, you are to know that no man may, no not of those that are the members of the Synod, offer to declaim without leave first had, and without manifesting the Argument and drift of his speech. After this followed a Form of Oath prescribed by the States, which all the Members of the Synod were to take, the Articles of it were these two, That only the Word of God should be taken for their rule to end their questions, and that they had no other purpose but the peace of the Church. First the Praeses took his oath in this order, standing up in his place, he said, Ego promitto coram Deo, (thus, and thus) ita propitius mihi sit Servator Christus. Then the Provincials took every one in his order, standing in his place, and pronouncing these words, Idem promitto coram Deo & sancto Servatore, only the Remonstrants' Deputies of Utrecht took not the Oath, because as yet they had not determined, whether they would make themselves parties or Judges; After the Provincials did the Foreigners in order do the like, and so the Session ended. And with it I think is time for me to end, and commend your Lordship to God's good Protection.  
Dort this 7. of Decemb. 1618. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Saturday 5/1●● of this present, the Synod being sat in the Morning, Scultetus made unto them a pious, and pathetical Sermon. In the beginning he signified, first how it joyed him to speak unto them Post eruditissimum virum Josephum halum, Decanum Wigorniae meritissimum. Secondly, that he saw that day, that which his Majesty of Great Britain, and the Prince Elector his Master had so long desired to see, namely a Synod gathered for the settling of the Church's peace in these Countries. He took for his Theme the 122. Psalm. I rejoiced when they said unto me, Let us go up unto the house of the Lord, and so forth unto the end of the Psalm. Where first having showed the occasion of this Psalm, that it was the Removal and bringing of the Ark unto Jerusalem, he considered in the whole Psalms three things. First, that it was Summum hominis gaudium, to see the Peace and flourishing of the Church; which he showed by many Reasons, and confirmed by the examples of the Duke of Wittenberg, who at the Council held at Worms a hundred and twenty years since, when others discoursed of many Privileges and conveniences of their Lordships and Territories, openly protested it to be his greatest felicity, that he could in aperto campo, & in sinu Subditorum suorum dormire: and of Theodosius the Emperor, who at his death did more comfort himself that he had been a Son of the Church, than the Emperor of the World. Secondly, that it was Summum hominis Votum to pray for the peace and flourishing of the Church: which he confirmed by the examples of the Apostles and of Christ himself. Thirdly, that it was Summum hominis studium to procure the peace of the Church●● where speaking of the present occasion, I am no Prophet (saith he) yet I think I foresee, that the peace of the Belgic Churches would be a means to settle the peace of other Churches. He therefore wished that the States, the Prince, the Delegates, would all propose unto themselves as their end, the peace and flourishing of the Churches amongst them, as he doubted not they did in calling this Synod. There was not in this Sermon any Doctrinal point discussed, nor any particular touched, which ●●ght minister News. It was only a Pathetical exhortation to all sorts, as much as in them lay to procure the Church's peace. When he had done, the Praeses publicly in the name of the Synod gave him thanks, and protested himself to have been very much moved with his speeches. Besides this there was nothing done that Session.  
Upon Monday 7/17 of this present, the Synod coming together in the Forenoon, there were two out of Wetteraw from the Counties of Nassau, Bisterfeldius a Preacher, and Jo. Henricus Al●●tedius, Professor of Divinity in Herborne came as Deputies from the Churches in those parts, to be admitted as parts of the Synod. The Letters from the State's General, and then their Credential Le●●ters from their Churches first being read, the Oath was read unto them, and they took it. Then did the Praeses in the Name of the Synod welcome them, and told them the end of their coming, and what these Churches expected at their hands Then were the Remonstrants called in, and willed to declare their opinion concerning the rest of the Articles: which they did at large, and added some Apologies for their proceeding by Negatives (which I could your Lordship formerly had been the Exception of the Synod against the manner held by them in the first Article.) I will not give a brief of what they then delivered, because I resolve to send your Lordship the perfect Copy of it, as soon as I can come to copy it out. When they had done the Praeses asked them, whether they were provided to deliver up their Considerations concerning the Confession and Catechism, for the Synod expected it. They answered that they expected not the Synod should call for them. The Praeses replied, this could not excuse them, for they had often told the world in their Books, that they had paratam sylvam considerationum in that kind: and that the Synod should better judge of each part, when it had learned their opinion of the whole. They required leave to withdraw a little, and think of an answer. In the mean time the Praeses proposed to the Synod, to consider how well the Remonstrants had stood to the Decree of the Synod, concerning the proposal of their Tenants in Affirmatives, he thought that they had offended more against it, and that purposely in bringing their Apology for so doing: in censuring the opinions of other Churches for blasphemous, etc. Howsoever it was their judgement that they should propose their sentence in Negatives, yet they ought not to have proposed, but to have submitted their judgement to the judgement of the Synod. The Remonstrants returning, gave answer to this effect: that though they might require time to give up their Considerations, yet they thought they were not bound to give them up, till the five Articles were discussed; since their Citatory Letters so ran, that first the Articles, than their Consideration should come in place: that they thought it some wrong done them to have this order now perverted. The Praeses answered that no wrong was done them; for their Considerations should not yet be sifted, till the five Articles were concluded. And so the order in their Citatory Letters should be kept. That long since in a Synod at Delpht they had promised to deliver them up in a Provincial Synod there, and therefore now after so many years they could not be unprovided. Here the Praeses Politicus charged them to obey their Decree, and to do as the Praeses and the Synod required. The Praeses Eclesiasticus then admonished them, that they were not to account of themselves as a College, and so still to give answers in common, but they must answer particularly every one for himself, and thereupon he asked every of them in order, whether they had any such Consideration or no: some answered they had, some that they had some few of no great moment, some that their Considerations were not written down, some that they had none at all. When the Praeses had said, jactatum fuisse by them long since, that they had sundry Considerations ready; Corvinus excepted against the word jactatum; the Praeses replied, He used not the word to disgrace them, but only as a Frequentative, to signify that they had often boasted of it. When some Litigation was here fallen, Martinus Gregorii (one that sits close upon the Remonstrants' skirts) cut it off, and commanded them to be quiet. The Remonstrants here signified, that such Considerations as they had were only in the Dutch tongue. The Praeses replied, they should have leisure to translate them. Then did the Seculars pronounce a Decree charging them to provide themselves singly one by one, he that had many to give up many, he that had few to give up few, he that had none to give up none, and that whether it were in Dutch or Latin. The Remonstrants required some time; for, saith Episcopius, we came imparatissimi ad hanc rem. First there were given them to two days, than three, then four: within which space every man alone by himself, was to give up his Considerations: and this was the effect of the Session.  
The answer of the English Divines to the Remonstrants' exception against the Synod, I will send your Lordship in my next Letters, together with the Remonstrants' answer upon the later Articles. Harman the Post came to Dort on Sunday about three of the clock, and went for England on Monday about ten of the clock in the morning. Mr. Dean of Worcester is very crazy and sickly of late, and keeps his Chamber, neither hath he been in the Synod some of these last Sessions. I hear he purposes to come to the Hague, to see if he shall have his health better there. Here is a Rumour that the Remonstrants are a little divided amongst themselves; and that Corvinus complains that what he hath done, was because he suffered himself to be drawn on by others, how true this is I know not; I heard Scultetus tell my Lord Bishop so much, and that Meierus of Basil, should say that Corvinus had signified so much to him. My Lord Bishop is a little displeased with Mr. Amyes for putting into his hand Grevinchovius his Book, in the Preface of which there are cited out of a Writing of Mr. Amyes' certain words very reproachful unto Bishops. Other News here is none, and therefore for this time ceasing any further to trouble your Honour; I humbly take my leave, resting  
Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
ON Thursday 10/20 of this present, in the morning the Synod being met, the first thing done was the Admission of the Scotish Deputy in this manner. He was brought to the Synod House by the two Scribes, and met at the door by two of the Deputies for the States, and by them conducted to his Seat, which is a little seat made under the English Seats, where he sits alone; when he was sat the Praeses welcomed him in the Name of the Synod. Then were the Letters from the States read, which were to stand instead of Synodical Letters; for otherwise the custom is here, that he that comes to be a Member of the Synod brings Letters of Credence from the Church that deputes him. After this he delivered himself in a short speech to this effect. That the reason of his coming he had delivered unto the States at the Hague, namely the King's pleasure: that he therefore once minded to have said nothing, but he could not obtain so much of himself, especially when he heard what gentle Welcome the Praeses gave him, and he was desirous to show himself thankful for such great Courtesy; That the Scotch Nation had evermore so linked itself to this people, that it hath always laboured to endeavour the peace of this State, and now it was ready to do as much for the peace of the Churches amongst them. That they had very straightly bound unto them the Scotish Church (demeruistis Eclesiam Scoticanam) by this so kindly welcoming him. That his years were not many, but he hoped ere he departed to make amends for that; That the King at his coming away did charge him, verbis sublimibus, above all sphere of Conceit and apprehension to exhort them unto peace, and with a short passage to that purpose he ended. The Praeses thanking him for his good Counsel gave him his Oath. And so they passed away to other business.  
Tomorrow I trow we shall have more matter, for then the Remonstrants are to give in their Exceptions, against the Catechism and Confession, and so at length we shall come to the Question. For this time therefore I humbly take my leave of your Honour, resting  
Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
UPon Thursday the 17/27 of this present, the Deputies being met in the morning, the Remonstrants were called in, and willed to give up their Considerations upon the Catechism, according to the injunction laid on them on Friday last. Episcopius, Corvinus, Duinghonius, Poppius, Pinakerus and Sapma gave up altogether in common, and excused themselves, for not giving up one by one, as was enjoind them, because their Considerations being altogether the same, they thought they might exhibit them altogether; Niellius, Goswinus, Matthisius, and Isaacus Frederici, gave up singly, every one by himself, the rest gave up none at all. What these Considerations were I know not; for they were not published. Then did the Praeses require them coram Deo to answer directly and truly, First whether or no these were the Observations which they gave up to the States of Holland; to which was answered, that as far as they could remember they were, and some others besides. Secondly, whether they had any more Considerations besides these; to which they all answered, No●● Here Scultetus stood up, and in the name of the Palatine Churches, required a Copy of these Considerations upon the Catechism. We have saith he a command from our Prince to see that nothing be done in prejudice of our Churches. The Catechism is ours known by the name of the Palatine Catechism, and from us you received it. The Observations therefore upon it concern us, we require therefore a draught of them, with purpose to answer them, and submit our answer to the judgement of the Synod. This request of the Palatines was thought very reasonable. These Considerations (I speak of those on the Confession; for those others I saw not) are nothing else but Queries upon some passages of the Confession, of little or no moment: so that it seems a wonder unto many, how these men, which for so many years past, in so many of their Books, have threatened the Churches with such wonderful discoveries of falsehood and error in their Confession and Catechism, should at last produce such poor impertinent stuff. There is not, I persuade myself, any writing in the world, against which wits disposed to wrangle cannot take abundance of such exceptions. After this did the Praeses put the Remonstrants in mind of the judgement of the Synod passed upon the manner of propounding their Theses on the Articles. Two things there were misliked. First their propounding so many Negatives. Secondly, their urging so much to handle the point of Reprobation, and that in the first place; whereas the Synod required they should deliver themselves, as much as was possible in Affirmatives, and begin first from Election, and from thence come to the point of Reprobation in its due place. He required them therefore to signify whether they would follow the Judgement of the Synod, or their own. They answered, that they had given up their reasons to justify their proceeding, and otherwise to proceed their Conscience would not permit them. For, saith Episcopius, the point of Reprobation is that quod maximè nos aegrè habet: that he could not endure that Doctrine concerning the absolute Decree of God; that God should peremptorily decree to cast the greatest part of mankind away, only because be would. Corvinus answered, that he could not saluâ Conscientiâ versari in Ministerio, till that point were cleared. Isaacus Frederici, that praecipu●●m momentum was in that question: others, that in the question of Election they had no scruple; all their doubt was in the point of Reprobation: and therefore their Conscience would not suffer them to proceed farther in disputation, till that matter were discussed. To this answer was made, that the Synod did not refuse to handle the matter of Reprobation, but thought it not fit to have it done in the first place. But when this would not content them, the Praeses proposed unto them, whether they were resolved so to proceed, or else to relinquish all farther disputation. They replied, they resolved to break of all farther Treaty, if that matter might not be handled. It was told them, that it should be treated of in its due place, but the question was only de modo procedendi, whether they should handle that first or no. Episcopius and some others of them gave answer, that for the order they did not precisely stand upon, mode de tota re agatur: but this answer they stood not unto. For when the Praeses told them again, that it was the pleasure of the Synod, first to handle of Election, and then of Reprobation as much as should seem necessary, and for the Churches good, and withal charged them to answer roundly and Categorically whether they would proceed according to this order: they answered, No. Then did the Praeses require them to withdraw, and give the Synod leave to advise of this: The sum of that which passed in the mean time was this: That their pretence of Conscience was vain, since it was not of any thing which concerned Faith or good manners, but only of order and method in disputing, which could not at all concern the Conscience; that the Disputation must begin from Election. First because the order of Nature so required, to deal of the Affirmative before the Negative; and again, because that all Divines, who ever handled this Question, did hold the same order; and the Holy Ghost in Scripture had taken the same course. That they should be assured in the name of the Synod, that they should have Liberty to diseusse the question of Predestination throughout. That whatsoever they pretended, yet the true end of their so hotly urging the question of Reprobation, was only to exagitate the Contra-Remonstrants Doctrine, and to make way for their own Doctrine in point of Election: I●●dius observed, that it had been the Custom of all those who favoured Pelagianism, to trouble the Church, with the question of Reprobation. D. Gomarus that saw that his Iron was in the fire, (for I persuade myself that the Remonstrants' spleen is chiefly against him) began to tell us, that Episcopius had falsified the Tenent of Reprobation: that no man taught that God absolutely decreed to cast man away without sin: but as he did decree the end, so he did decree the means: that is, as he predestinated man to death, so he predestinated him to sin, the only way to death: and so he mended the question, as Tinkers mend Kettles, and made it worse than it was before. In sum the Synod caused a Decree to be penned to this purpose. That it should be lawful for the Remonstrants to propose their Doubts, both in the Question of Election, and of Reprobation: but for the order in disputation, which of the two should come first, they should leave that to the Synod, who thought it fitter to give, then to receive Laws; and that whereas they pretended Conscience, it was but vain, since there was nothing in Scripture against this Command of the Synod; nay that it was more agreeable with Conscience to obey then to withstand. Then were the Remonstrants called in, and after a short admonission better to advise themselves, the Decree of the Synod was read unto them. And when they began to urge their Conscience, the Praeses Poliricus spoke to this purpose: that there had heretofore been many Decrees made by the Delegates, but they had been all neglected, he therefore strictly warned them, that no man should dare to withstand any Decree either of the Magistrate, or of the Synod, either by open opposing against it, or by sullen silence, under pain of penalty according to the will of the Lords. When Episcopius had said aegerimè ferimus, and would have said somewhat more, he was enjoined silence, and so the Session ended, Mr. Praeses telling us, that the next Session we should come to the question, si per Remonstrantes liceret.  
Now concerning Monsieur Moulins Proposals, of which your Lordship required to know what I thought, I will deliver myself in my next Letters to your Honour. In the mean time commending your Honour to God's good protection I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 17/27. of Decemb. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Friday 18/2●● of Decemb. in the morning it was long ere the Synod met. At length being come together, there were read the two Decrees; one of the States, another of the Synod, made the former Session: the reason of the repeating was the absence of some the day before. Then did the Praeses signify, that that very morning, immediately before the time of the Synod, he had received from the Remonstrants' Letters satis prolix●●s, which concerned himself and the whole Synod; the perusal of which Letters was the cause of his long stay. The Letters were sent to the Secular Delegates to know whether or no they would have them read. Whilst the Seculars were advising of this point, there were brought in a great heap of the Remonstrants' Books, and laid upon the Table before the Praeses: for what end it will appear by and by. The Secular Delegates signify, that they think not fit that the Letters should be publicly read, and that the Remonstrants should immediately be called in. They being entered, the Praeses asked them whether they were ready to obey the Orders set down by the States and the Synod: They require to have their Letters read: but the Seculars willed them, instead of reading their Letters, to hearken to a Decree of the States, and forthwith was read a Decree sounding to this purpose: that the States strictly commanded, that nothing should be read or spoken in the Synod in prejudice of the Decree made yesterday; but that they should without any further delay come to the business in hand. The Remonstrants' reply, that except they may most freely propose their minds in both the parts of Predestination, both Election and Reprobation they refused to go further in Conference, for that their Conscience would not permit them. The Praeses replied, that for Liberty of proposal of their opinions they could not complain; for the Synod had given them Libertatem Christianam, aequam, justam: but such an absolute Liberty as they seemed to require, of going as far as they list, of oppugning before the Synod what opinions they pleased of learned men, this they thought unfit. And as for Conscience, they knew that the Word of God was the rule of it. Now what part of Scripture had they that favoured them in this behalf, or that did take any order and prescribe a Method in Disputation. By thus stiffly urging their Conscience they did exceedingly wrong the Decrees of the States and Synod, as if by them something against the Word of God, some impiety were commanded. When the Praeses had thus said, he began to propose unto them certain Interrogatories concerning the Five Articles. Your Honour may be pleased to call to mind, that in one of my former Letters I showed, that because the Remonstrants had given up their opinions very perplexedly and imperfectly, the Synod had thought good that the Praeses should propose them certain questions out of their own Writings, so the better to wrest their meaning from them. This was the Praeses now beginning to do; and this was the cause of the bringing in of the Books. The Interrogatory proposed was this, Whether or no they did acknowledge that the Articles exhibited in the Hague Conference did contain their opinions? Episcopius stepped up, and required that it might be lawful for them to set down their own Tenants, and not be forced to answer thus to other men's Writings. H. Leo in choler told the Praeses, that he did evidently see, that it was the drift of the Synod, to discredit them with the Magistrate, and that for his own part he would rather leave his Ministry, then make any answer to these Interrogatories. The Praeses here advised him to bethink himself seriously, whether his Conscience could assure him that this was a good cause of leaving his Ministry; because he might not proceed in Disputation according as he thought fit. Wezekius answered, that he would not submit himself to this examen, and, nisi posset liberrimè agi, he would not answer at all. The same was the sense of Hollingerus his answer. Episcopius plainly told them, nisi in omnibus liberum esset to do as they thought good, they would go no farther. For we are resolved, saith he, agere pre judicio nostro, non pro judicio Synodi: then one of the Seculars stepped up, and willed those words should be noted. The Praeses then told them, that the true cause of all this their indisposition was, that they forgot themselves to be Citati, and that they were not acquainted with being commanded. They were to remember, that they stood before God, before their Magistrate, and that their cause was the cause of the Church, whose peace would not be procured by this behaviour. They might remember what they told the Foreign Divines in their Letters to them, that there was of late a great Metamorphosis in the State. Non estis nunc judices & Domini rerum, sed Citati: but as it seemed, they were resolved to suffer, omnino nullum judicium de iis fieri. Episcopius here urged his Conscience. Add Verbum Dei then saith the Praeses, show us upon what Text of Scripture you ground your Conscience, otherwise you wrong both the Magistrate and the Synod. Corvinus answered, that that scantling of Liberty, which the Synod gave them, did not suffice their Consciences. Poppius likewise required larger Liberty, and that he might not be dealt withal by Authority, but by Reason. The Praeses answered, that in Conscience he could not give them greater Liberty, than they had already given them, and therefore asked him if he would answer to the Interrogatories. He stoutly replied, Malo quidvis pati. Sapma replied to the same purpose, and over and above added, Ut nostrum judicium non satisfacit Synodo, ita nec Synodi Judicium nostro. Rickwardius told the Synod, that they dealt not charitably with them, and openly protested, as Episcopius had before done, non agemus pro judicio Synodi, sed pro judicio nostro. The Praeses replied, vocem hanc esse intollerandam. Niellius excepted against this proceeding with them capitatim, and required that they might consult in common what answer to give. For myself, saith he, I am a man of no ready speech, and unfit for sudden disputation. Too great advantage is taken against men, by this kind of proceeding. Many members of the Synod, were they thus singled out to give a sudden answer, might easily peradventure be put to some distress. Nullam esse causam tam justam, de qua non facile possit triumphari, si de ea agatur tantum pro arbitrio adversarii. The Praeses told them that here was nothing required, but that they would give a reason of their Faith, which they had for this many years taught in their Pulpits, & in their Writings, & therefore they could not be unprovided to give an answer; and for that they mentioned the Synod as an Adversary, they had been already taught sufficiently by the Foreign Divines that the Synod could not be counted pars adversa: they answered, that they required a copy of the reasons given by the Foreign Divines, that they might consider of them; but they were denied it. Here was by one of them, I know not whom, a reply made, that the Remonstrants in refusing to proceed except they might freely handle the point of Reprobation, did no other than the Contra-Remonstrants had formerly done in the Hague Cenference, who there openly refused to proceed, if they were urged to have the same point handled; notwithstanding the command of the Magistrate. Festus Hommius replied, that the narration was falsified; for the Contra-Remonstrants did not simply refuse to deal in the point of Reprobation; neither did the Magistrate command them to do it, as now he had commanded them. And thus much did some of the Secular Deputies stand up and give witness unto. Episcopius here urged some words out of the Conference, to prove what was said; but what these words were I could not take. The Praeses went forward to propose the Interrogatories: Goswinus and Neranus answered as their fellows had formerly done. Isaacus Frederici urged for himself, that when he was removed from being a Member of the Synod, he was commanded conjungere se Citatis: this he could not do, if thus he was enforced to answer for himself alone. The Praeses answered, that by the Decree of the States they were accounted no College; but only as they were cited, so were they to answer Capitatim and by Poll. And as for Isaacus, since he knew that the Synod accounted of him as of one of the Citati, he could not be ignorant that his quality was the same with theirs. Isaacus answered that he had evermore been averse from sudden disputations, and therefore he meant not to answer. Here it was denied by some of the Remonstrants, that the States had made any Decree that they should thus give answer capitatim. The Delegates for the Seculars stood up, and signified viva voce, that they had decreed it. Episcopius answered, that the Scribe (Heinsius) used some such words, but he took it to have been only some phrase of Heinsius, not any Decree of the Lords. Heinsius replied that he did nothing but what he was commanded. Episcopius protested, that till that hour he never heard that by any Decree of the States they were enjoined to answer thus singly, and by Poll. Poppius signified that he thought it a thing very unbefitting both his age and his Ministry, to submit himself to such a Pedagogica collatio, as sometimes by Martinus Gregorii it had been styled. The Praeses then asked them all in general, whether they did persist in this their Answer. They all replied, Yea. The Remonstrants therefore being dismissed, the Praeses required the Synod to think what course they would take to proceed, protesting that he thought that all Liberty befitting was grantunto them: and calling in the Remonstrants again, and advising them to consider what they did: they all replied, that they were resolved, non capitatim, sed conjunctim respondere. The Precedent of the Politics commanded them, that without peculiar leave granted, none of them should go out of the Town. The Praeses Eclesiasticus advising the Synod to think of some course of gathering the Remonstrants' opinions out of their Books, since they could not get them from themselves, dismissed the Company.  
The same day after dinner was there a Session, but very private, neither was any stranger permitted to be there. Wherefore a Relation of that Session I must give only upon hearsay. Which I would now have done, but that I hasten to the Session this morning. And I understand that the Synod will dispatch some of their Company to the State's General, to signify how matters stand, and to know their further pleasure. I will here therefore shut up my Letters, reserving the rest of the News till the next occasion, and commending your Honour to God's good Protection I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 17/27. of Decemb. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
THe State of our Synod now suffers a great crisis, and one way or other there must be an alteration. For either the Remonstrant must yield, and submit himself to the Synod, of which I see no great probability: or else, the Synod must veil to them, which to do, farther than it hath already done, I see not how it can stand with their Honour. How the case stood at the last Friday Session, your Honour may perceive by my letters written upon Saturday. Three things there were mainly urged by the Synod, and as mainly withstood by the Remonstrants. The first was the point of order to be held in discussing the articles: whether the question of Reprobation were to be handled after the five articles, as the Synod would have had it, because it is none of the five points, and by order from the States nothing ought to be determined of till the five be discussed: or whether it should be handled in the first place, as the Remonstrants would have it, because, as they pretended, their doubts lay especially there, and that being cleared, they thought they should show good conformity in the rest. The second thing, was the putting of interrogatories, which thing they much disdained as Predagogicall. Third was the Liberty of disputation which was to be given the Remonstrant, whether it were to be limited and circumscribed by the discretion of the Synod, or large and unlimited, accordingly as it pleased the Remonstrants. So strongly in these points did the Remonstrants withstand the Synod, that on Friday last it was verily thought they would have gone their way, and left the Commissioners to determine without them. But the Synod bearing an inclination to peace, and wisely considering the nature of their People, resolved yet further, though they had yielded sufficiently unto them already, yet to try a little more, the rather to stay the clamour of the Country, and cut off all suspicion of Partial dealing. And for this purpose called a private Session on Friday in the Evening, to mollify some things in thein Decrees and Proceedings. From that Session all Strangers were excluded, and what I write, I do only upon Relation. The sum of it was this. The Praeses much complained him of the perplexity he was in, by reason of the Pertinacy of the Remonstrants. For, saith he, if we labour to keep them here, they will be but a hindrance to us, as hitherto they have been, if we dismiss them, we shall hazard our credit among the People, as if we purposed only to do what we please. Whatsoever it is that here we do, is by some that come hither and write all they hear, presently eliminated, and carried to them which hath caused many hard, reports to pass of us, both with them and otherwhere. He therefore commended to the Synod to consider whether there might not be found some means of accommodation, which might somewhat mollify the Remonstrant, and yet stand well with the Honour of the Synod. And first, to make way, they read the Letters which in the morning by public Decree, of the States were forbidden to be read (a pretty matter in so grave a place, to break those edicts in the Evening, which but in the Morning had been so solemnly proclaimed) and to speak truth, their Decrees, have hitherto been mere matter of formality to affright them a little, for none of them have been kept; as being found to be Powder without Shot, and give a clap, but do no harm.) The Letters being read they began to deliver their minds. Some thought the Synod had been too favourable to the Remonstrants already, and that it were best now not to hold them if they would be going, since hitherto they had been, and for any thing appeared to the contrary, meant hereafter to be a hindrance to all Peaceable and orderly proceedings. Others on the contrary thought fit that all should be granted them which they required, to su●●cease the Interrogatories, to let them speak of Reprobation in what place, in what manner, and how much they pleased, since this took from them all pretence of exception, and Prejudiced not the Synods power of determining what they pleased. A third sort thought it better to hold a middle course and under colour of Explanation, to mollify some of their Decrees. This sort prevailed, and accordingly it was concluded that the Decree of the Synod (of this decree I gave your Honour the sum in my Saturday Letters) made in the Morrning, should be more largely and Significantly drawn, and withal in it should be expressed how far it pleased the Synod to be indulgent unto the Remonstrants in the points in Question. The Foreign Divines were requested, that they would conceive some Reasons by way of Answer to these late Exceptions of the Remonstrants, and give them up in writing the next Session, to try whether by these means they might make them a little to relent. This is all was done that Session, which though it seem but little, yet being handled with much and long Speaking among so many, took up a long time,  
On Monday the 21/31 of Decemb. in the Morning the Synod being set Johannes Polyander made a Latin Sermon. His Theme was the seventh verse of the two and fiftieth of Isaiah. O quam specioc●● in montibus, etc. he spoke much of the greatness of eclesiastical Function; First in regard of their dignity in the word Speciosi, Secondly of their industry, in the word Montibus, which argues them either to be pastors or Speculatores; Thirdly of the suavity of their Doctrine in the word Peace and Good things; After this he fell Pathetically to bewail the torn State of the Belgic Churches: and to commend the diligence of the Synod in endeavouring to establish their Church's Peace. This was the sum of his Sermon, it being only a passionate strain, and containing nothing much Remarkable either for Doctrine or News. The Praeses in the Name of the Synod gave him great thanks: and signified that he had many causes Sperare optima quaequ●●e de Synodo: but that God's good Spirit was indeed amongst them, he gathered especially by this Argument, that so many Learned and Pious Sermo●●s had in this place been lately made and so He dismissed the Company.  
Concerning Monsieur Moulins proposition of which your Honour required my opinion, thus I think, His project consists of two heads, of a General Confession, and of a peaceable treaty for Union with the Lutheran Churches. I imagine that the Generality of the Confessions must not include the Lutheran. For if it doth, then are both parts of his proposition the same: it being the same thing to procure one general Confession of Faith and a Union. Supposing then that this Confession stretches not to them, I will do as Jupiter doth in Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I will grant him one part, and deny ●●him the other. For a general Confession of Faith, at least so far as those Churches stretch who have Delegates here in the Synod, I think his project very possible, there being no point of Faith in which they differ. If therefore the Churches shall give power to their Delegates, to propose it to the Synod, I see no reason but it should pass. But I did not like the intimation concerning Church-Goverment. It had I think been better not mentioned: not that I think it possible that all Churches can be Governed alike (for the French Church being sub cruse cannot well set up Episcopal jurisdiction) but because it may seem to his Majesty of Great Britain, that his excepting the point of Government might not proceed so much from the Consideration of the Impossibility of the thing, as from want of love and liking of it in the Person. Now for that part of the proposition which concerns the Lutheran, either it aims at a Union in Opinion or a mutual toleration. The first is without all question impossible. For in the point of the Sacrament and the dependences from it, as the ubiquity of Christ's manhood, the Person of Christ, the communicatio idiomatum, etc. Either they must yield to us, or we to them, neither of which probable. Their opinions have now obtained for a Hundred years, ever since the beginning of the Reformation, and are derived from the chief Author of the Reformation. It is not likely therefore that they will easily fall, that have such Authority and so many years to uphold them. But I suppose, Monsieur Moulins intended only a mutual toleration; and be it no more, yet if we consider the indisposition of the persons with whom we are to deal, I take this likewise to be impossible. The Lutherans are divided into two sorts, either they are Molliores, as they call them, or Rigidi What hope there may be of moderation in the first I know not, but in the second we may well despair of. For they so bear themselves, as that it is evident they would rather agree with the Church of Rome, then with the Calvinist. He that is conversant in the writings of Hunnius and Grawer●●s, will quickly think as I do. The first of which hath so bitterly written against Calvin, that Parsons the Jesuit furnished himself by compiling Hunnius his Books. If the whole lump be Leavened, as those two pieces, which I but now named, they are certainly too sour for moderate men to deal with. The French wits are naturally active and projecting; and withal carry evermore a favourable conceit to the possibility of their projects. Out of this French conceit I suppose proceeded this of M. Moulins.  
Mr. Deane went away to the Hague, giving notice to no man. I understood not till dinner that day, of any intent he had to go. I wished him an ill journey for this discurtesy; but I hope he had a good one. I fear I well wearied your Honour with these my long Letters, I will therefore take my leave, commending your Lordship to God's good protection.  
Dort, 1. January, stylo novo. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and Bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
WHat hath lately been done at the Hague in the business concerning our Synod, and what Decree the States have made to restrain the exorbitancy of the Remonstrants, I suppose is sufficiently known unto your Lordship, as a thing done in your presence. So much thereof it as shall serve the present purpose I will take, and leave the rest to your, Honours better knowledge. Upon Thursday the third of January, stylo novo, the Commissioners being met, and the Delegates ready to declare the pleasure of the States, the Remonstrants being called in, two of them were found wanting, Isaacus Friderici, and Henricus Leo: for Isaacus it was answered, that he had leave on Friday last, of the Praetor of the Town to go abroad: for Leo it was answered, that they knew not where he was. Having sent for Leo, and awhile in vain expected him, the Delegates proceeded to declare the will of the Lords, and signified that the States allowed the Proceedings of the Synod, and commanded the Remonstrants to obey for the present, and whatsoever Decrees hereafter the Delegates and Synod should enact; and if they refused to obey, they should expect both Civil and eclesiastical censure. If this served not, yet the Synod should go forward, and gather their opinions out of their books and writings; That the Remonstrants should be commanded to remain in the Town, and be ready to appear whensoever the Synod should summon them, and answer plainly and directly to such Interrogatoryes as it should please the Synod to propose them. This first was read in Dutch, and afterwards for the information of the Foreigners it was put into Latin. The Praeses then put to them that Question, which in one of the former Sessions he had proposed, viz. Whether or no they did acknowledge the Articles set down in the Hague Conference to contain their opinions, and amongst the rest, that first concerning Election, which by the Scribe was read unto them out of the Book. Episcopius beginning to make answer, Martinus Gregorii commanded that their answers should be taken and set down in their own words. Episcopius his answer was this. Omnibus in timore Domini expensis, & adjunctis etiam ad Deum precibus, non possum impetrare ab anima mea, ut aliam agendi rationem sequar, quam eam quae ultimo responso meo exhibita est. This their answer, of which he speaks, was given on Saturday last, as I have informed your Honour, and it was this, that except the Synod in antecessum, as they spoke, would beforehand promise them, that they should have free Liberty to propose their own opinion of Reprobation, and refute the Contra-Remonstrants Doctrine in that point together with the Doctrine if all those whom the Contra-remonstrants held for Orthodox, and that as far as they pleased without receiving any check from the Synod, they were resolved to go no further. The same was the answer of the rest, with some alteration of words, for they were questioned one by one, every one by himself. Hollingerius answered, that he could not eam recipere legem, eamque ingredi viam, which tended openly to the ruin and oppression of the better cause. For by so doing he should greivously wound his Conscience before God, and cast irreparabile scandalum before the true worshippers of God. Imitabor itaque exemplum Christi: Silebo, et omnem eventum commendabo illi qui venturus est adjudicandum vivos & mortuos. Neranus spoke after the same manner, and added, that the Reasons why they thus thought themselves bound to answer, they had exhibited this Morning to the Secular Delegates. Poppius gave answer thus, Respondeo, cum debita erga summas Potestates reverentia, me invocato sanctissimo Dei nomine, & retota etiam atque etiam expensa apud animum meum, non posse des●●iere ab ultimo meo responso. Exhibuimus rationes Dominis Delegatis in quibus etiamnam acquiesco, certo persuasus id quod facio Deo Optimo maximo & Christo Jesu probatum iri. Martinus Gregiiro advised him here to bethink himself a little whether or no he spoke not these words in Passion (for he seemed to be somewhat Choleric.) He replied, that he spoke them with his best advice. The Praeses perceiving that they were resolved not to Answer, concluding the questions which he had proposed, thought that the Synod might without scruple accept of the first Article in their Remonstrance at the Hague, for their proper tenant. He proceeded therefore to propose unto them another Interrogatory: Whether or no, that Decree which they spoke of in that first Article, did contain the whole Decree of Election, and so were the main ground of Christianity; or whether there were not some Decree besides this. The behavio●●r and answers of the Remonstrants carried the same Copy of Countenance with the former, and Poppius plainly answered, Quia conscientiae meae à Synodo non habetur ratio, non expecto ab ea instructionem in veritate: ideóque consul●●um non est respondere. The Praeses then citing some Texts out of Johannes Arnoldi, and Arminius, and the Hague Conference, concluded that it was their opinion, that besides that Decree mentioned in the Conference, they acknowledged no farther Decree of Election. In the third place this question was put the Remonstrants: whether when they taught, that God chose Man propter fidem praevisam, this were not rather to be called an Election of (Faith) then of the person; since the person was chosen for the qualities sake. But they were still the same. Neranus was the man that gave it, but it was the common answer of them all: Si liceat nobis de Reprobatione, & Contraremonstrantium sententia super ea agere quantum nobis conscientia nostra & Eclesiarum nostrarum aedificatio persuadebit su●●ficere, & boc nobis in antecessum promittatur, libentur ad quaesita respondebimus: si minus, silere malumus. Now because they had often appealed to their Reasons exhibited in Scripto to the Secular Delegates that Morning, the Delegates thought good to read the writing in the Audience of the Synod. It contained almost no new thing, but was a repetition of their old exceptions, that their Liberty was prejudiced, that the Synod was pars adversa (and for farther illustration of this, they reckoned up all the sharp speeches that either Scultetus or the Divines of Geneva, or any other had used against them) that their Consciences would not allow of this manner of proceeding, etc.  
This last Night was there a private meeting, not by way of Session, but only it was a Conference to which some of the Graver & Discreeter of the Synod were called. The end was only to advise what course is best to be holden in the following disputations. It was thought fit that the Remonstrants should always be present at their meetings, and questions should be proposed them: but the Synod should procured whether they answered or no: and so they concluded of a course to gather their opinions out of their Books. Mr. Amyes will inform your Lordship more largely peradventure in some farther circumstances, his sudden and unexpected departure hath made me scribble up this, more crudely and concisely than I had intended, because I was loath to miss of so good a Messenger. Wherefore I cease any further to trouble your Honour, and remit you to Mr. Amyes' larger Relation.  
Dort this Fourth of January. 1619. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Wednesday the ninth of January, stylo novo, the Synod met not at all. Time was given the Deputies to advise of the Theses which were to be handled: only at Night the English went in private to the Praeses to consult what manner of proceeding were fittest to be used. What counsel they gave him I know not: but this I see, that the course he taketh is not altogether so well approved by them. Upon Thursday the tenth of January the Commissioners met in the Morning in private, where Mr. Praeses proposed unto them four things to be considered of. First, whether or no the Theses proposed by him formerly did not perfectly contain the opinion of the Remonstrants. Secondly, An electio sit una an multiplex, that so he might exclude the Remonstrants' Division of Election in Revocabilem & irrevocabilem; completam & incompletam, etc. Thirdly, An electio sit ex fide & obedientia, an potius ad fidem & obedientiam. For this is one main point of difference: the Remonstrant teaches, that God foresaw only who would believe, and so ordained and Elected only to Glory: the Contra-Remonstrant teacheth, that God ardeined who should believe, and so predestinated and Elected both to Grace and Glory. The fourth thing proposed was concerning the means how true believers become sure of their Salvation. After this the Synod was requested to deliver themselves concerning a Method of proposing and examining the Theses proposed. The greatest part of them liked well of that form which the Praeses proposed. The English, the South-Hollanders and Festus Hommius conceived severally a form of Theses, every man according to his discretion, and exhibited them to the Judgement of the Synod, and had them publicly read: this was the sum of that meeting. A Copy of the Theses drawn by our Englishmen I will send your Honour, as soon as I can procure the sight of them.  
The same day at Evening the Deputies met in private as before. They continued yet their consultation upon the point of manner of proceeding. The Praeses invented certain new Interrogatories and propounded them to the Synod, to know their minds whether it were not fit to propose them to the Remonstrants. There was great doubt whither this were a thing fit to be done, since it is not likely that the Remonstrants' behaviour in this behalf will be any other then hitherto it had been. This question, as it seems, was the greatest part of their consultation. It was at length Concluded that the Remonstrants should be called in, and the Interrogatories put to them, the next Session. This Morning therefore we look for an open Session, where we shall understand the last night's Interrogatories, and the whole business of that Session. For I must Confess, I do not well conceive what was then done, or to what purpose. I perceive there is some variance about their form of proceeding: Mr. Praeses is desirous that the course he hath thought of may take place; the English and others, that some more ready and compendious way may be taken. What will be the Issue of it, I cannot yet conjecture as soon as I can understand any thing, I will acquaint your Honour, till when I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 1/11 of January. 1619. Your Honour's Chaplain and Bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.  
I suppose Mr. Amyes can better inform your Honour of this last night's business. He hath been much with the Praeses, and I imagine understands most of his intent.   

Right Honourable my very good Lord,  
YOur Lordship by your kind Letters doth engage me so far, as I should think it not the least part of my happiness, if I could but hit on any way whereby I might express, in any proportion, my thankfulness for the same; but since that cannot be, acknowledgement of non solvendo must pass for satisfaction. In that Letter which I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham, (wherein I mentioned your Lordship's wonderful kindness to me) I entreated his Lordship to move his Majesty, that either by my Lord of Canterbury his Letters, or Mr. Secretaries, ●● being joined with the English, we might make up one Collegium Theologorum magnae Britanniae: Now this last week my Lord sent me word, that he gave my Letter to the King, who did read it over, and liked the motion well, and so accordingly gave order for it: he sent me word likewise, that the King had the Episcop●●i Theses which I sent, and that he was mightily incensed at them. So my very good Lord, I●●am well satisfied in that point; for we have now divided the business among us D. Ward his part assigned to him is, Impugnatio Decreti de salvandis fidelibus, & unico Decreto praede tinationis: My Lord of Land off his part is, Responsio ad Argumenta Remonstrantium, quibus prius illud decretum conantur stabilire: Dr. Goad his part, Impugnatio Electionis peremptoriae ex fide praevisa: and demonstratio hujus Propositionis, quod fides sit fructus Electionis, which doth coincidere with the other. D. Davenant his part is Orthodoxae sententiae assertio, & vindicatio rationum two Contraremonstrantium ab objectionibus Remonstrantium in utroque membro. My part is, Solutio omnium argumentorum quae afferunt Remonstrantes contra Orthodoxam sententiam. The confusion here in handling of business is very great; they do not know how to put any thing to Committees to agree of business, and then afterward to propound it to the Synod to be approved or disproved; which hath been the custom observed in all Councils and Synods: but nothing is known till it be propounded in the Synod, and then there are almost as many several voices as heads; if your Lordship would give your advice to some of the Estates in this kind, it may be they would apprehend it, and we should bring business to some issue. The Palatine Divines and we have met now three times, and we have agreed on the same Propositions, and have resolved to call one of every College of the Foreign Divines, and communicate the same with them; that so, if it be possible, all we strangers may set up, and throw down the same Conclusions. For the Provincials, for any thing I can see, they are so far set against the Remonstrants, I wish not their persons as well as their opinions, that I am afraid they will not like well of our moderation. For the Dismission of the Remonstrants, since your Lordship is pleased to take notice of it, I hope I may without offence say that it was such, as certainly did the Synod much wrong On Friday when they seemed to yield, than the Exteri Theologi could not be heard for the continuing of them in the Synod. Nay the trick which was put upon them was a little too palpable; For the Delegates had their Decree of Dismission written before they came into the Synod, yet our voices were asked, hoping it should have been answerable to their Decree: but finding it was otherwise, without so much as laying their heads together for consultation, they published a Decree which they brought written with them into the Synod. On Monday the late Acts of the Remonstrants incredible obstinacy being read; the Theologi exteri gave suffrages for their dismission; only one to wit Steinius gave a bitter sentence; their voices being asked only, who are not above a third part of the Synod, they were called in and dismissed with such a powdering spelich as I doubt not but your Lordship hath heard with grief enough, I protest I am much afflicted when I think of it. For if the Remonstrants should write, that the Precedent pronounced a sentence, which was not the sentence of the Synod, they should not lie. The Civil Lawyers and Cannon of France, who write much about the formalities omitted in the Council of Trent, urge Exceptions of less moment than these; so neither was there above a third part of the voices asked, ex quibus sententia ferri ●●quit: neither was the sentence conceived in writ, and approved by the Synod, and the bitter words in the Sentence were not the words of any of the suffrages, unless that some of them were spoken by one man only. Your Lordship's Censure of that Sentence is just and honourable. Mr. Dean of Worcester at his going from hence, with the Remembrance of his service to your Lordship, desired me to signify to your Lordship, that he could not possibly meet with Deodatus. The Remonstrants, (as Heinsius but now told me) have sent a very virulent and bitter writing to Mr. Bogarmanne, it may be now we shall hear of it at the Synod, whether we are going: so with the remembrance of my humblest Ducie and service to your Lordship and your worthy Lady, I must conclude a Petitioner, that your Lordship would ever be pleased to reckon among your true observers  
Dort, this 13 of Febr. 1618. Your very dutiful, and faithful Servant W. Belcanqual.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
IT hath pleased the Synod at length finally to discharge themselves of the Remonstrants, and to proceed according as they had projected by gathering their opinions out of their Books. The manner of their dissmission was this. Upon Monday the 4/14 of January the Commissioners being set, the Praeses Polyticus made a short speech to this purpose. That they had hitherto labou'rd as much as in them lay to have the Decree of the Estates to be kept, and to bring the Remonstrants to some reasonable resolution. And for this purpose had upon Saturday last in the Afternoon, covented them and advised them to give up their opinions, quietly, orderly, freely, and to refute the contrary as much as they thought fit, reserving always to the Synod Authority to judge of what was convenien●●, what was sufficient, without which it could be no Synod. That they had undertaken in their behalf, that the Synod should so manage the b●●siness, that they should have no just cause to complain. But all this labour was lost, neither would they be brought to relinquish their former plea; for in a writing exhibited unto them they signified so much in effect, in which writing they referred themselves to such conditions as had been by them partly scripto, partly viva voce formerly required. Wherefore they thought fit that it should be proposed to the Synod to judge whether or no there had not been sufficient order taken to give contentment to the Remonstrants, if at least any thing could content them. Yet they thought it convenient once more to call the Remonstrants before them, to see whether they would leave their holdfast and submit to the Synod. If no, than they should without any farther delay proceed to judge of their opinions by collecting them out of their Writings, This was the sum of that speech. The wrighting mentioned by the Praeses Politicus in his speech was then read first in Dut●●h, then in Latin, in which the Remonstrants declared that they would submit themselves unto the Synod upon such conditions as had formerly been required, otherwise no. After this was the Synod requested to deliver their opinions, whether order sufficient to content the Remonstrants had not been taken. It was judged generally that more could not be granted them then had already been, which was they thought abundantly sufficient. Scultetus did in brief give as it were a history or rather an inventory of the Remonstrants' behaviour since their first appearance before the Synod, and showed how contumeliously they had handled it, how they had contemned the Decrees of the Seculars and of the Synod, that they had abused them with lies, deceitful speeches, etc. And concluded that it was unfit the Synod should farther condescend unto them. When the Foreigners had spoken, it was thought sufficient, nei●●her did the Praeses proceed to ask the judgement of the Provincials, knowing belike before what it was The Remonstrants then being called in the Praeses signified to them that upon Friday Morning they had given good hope of peaceable dealing, and at least in show seemed to forgo such conditions as they had formerly claimed, he was now in the name of the Synod to requre them to answer Categorically, yea or no, an veluit simpliciter & sine conditione parere Decreto Ordinum & Synodi & ita simplicitur venire in rem praesentem. The Remonstrants for answer require that they may be permitted to read a short writing which they had conceived. It was answered that it needed not, there was no more required, but their yea or no, but they persisted in their proposal, the Writing was taken and delivered to the Seculars to be perused, and they commanded to withdraw. There writing was read, wherein having signified; how welcome the moderation held by the Foreigners lately was unto them; whereas they were enjoined to obey the Synodical Decree, or look for punishment, their answer was that it could not stand with their Conscience to promise Obedience to all Synodical Decrees, since many of them stood not with Common Equity, and as for Mulct and Punishment, they left it to the Discretion of those to whose Government they were subject; they would provide their patience. That they intent not to contest with the Synod concerning order: that they promised to submit: but with such conditions as they had heretofore mentioned. Thus as the Praeses said what they gave with the one hand, with the other they took away again. The Remonstrants being again called in, they were asked every man whether they acknowledged this answer, they all replied, they did, and so were commanded to subscribe their Names to it, which forthwith was done. The Praeses then Bespoke them on this manner. The moderation of the Foreigners which you so much extolled, proceeded out of their Error which to day having understood, they have pronounced concerning you another sentence.  
Upon Friday last when you seemed to disclaim all illimitted Liberty, and gave hope of some Conformity, they dealt with the Synod in favour of you: but to day understanding you to abuse the Synod, and fly back again to your former claim, they all with one consent think you indignos esse quibuscum diutius res agatur. One amongst them there is who hath taken the pains to Map out your behaviour since your first footing in the Synod. Pretend you what you will, the true cause of this your indisposition is this, that you take the Synod for the Adverse part, and account yourselves in Equal place with them, this conceit hath manifested itself in all your actions. Theses upon the question in controversy you gave up, but so confused, so nothing to the purpose that no use can be made of them. The Decrees of the Synod you have openly contemned. The Interrogatories put you, you have refused to answer. Your Ci●●atory Letters notwithstanding the sense of them was expounded by those who gave them, and therefore best knew it, you have interpreted as you list, and professed that you will proceed according to your own judgement, and not according to the judgement of the Synod. At length on Friday last you seemed to lay by your claim of illimited Liberty and give some hope of some conformity; but all this in your writing now Exhibited you have retracted. The Synod hath dealt mildly gently and favourably with you, but sinceritati, lenitati, mansuetudini sinody, fra●●des, arts, & mendacia opp●●s●●istis. I will dismiss you with no other Elegy than one of the Foreigners gave you, quo cepistis pede eodem cedite, with a lie you made your en●●rance into the Synod, with a lie you take your leave of it, in denying lately that ever you protested yourselves provided to give answer on the Articles, or to have had any such writing ready, which all the Synod knows to be false. Your actions all have been full of fraud equivocations and deceit. That therefore the Synod may at length piously and peacably proceed to the perfecting of that business for which it is come together, you are dismissed. But assure you the Synod shall make known your pertinacy, to all the Christian World, and know that the Belgic Churches want not arma Spiritualia, with which in time convenient they will proceed against you. Quamobrem vos Delegatorum & Synodi nomine dimitto, Exite. So with much muttering the Remonstrants went out; and Episcopius going away said, Dominus Deus judicabit de fraudibus & mendaciis: Sapma Exeo ex ecclesia malignantium: and so the Synod broke up.  
The same day at night there was a private Session; what was done in it I understand not yet. I conjecture it was concerning the order of proceeding. As soon as I shall understand what was done I will acquaint Your Lordship with it, and till than I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 5/15. of January. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
SInce the Dismission of the Remonstrants there hath not been any public Session, and as I Conjecture for a while will not be. They are altogether in Consultation concerning their order of proceeding, and in gathering materials out of the Remonstrants' Books, whence they may Frame their Theses and propositions which must be the subject of their disputation. This they purpose, as I conceive, to do through out all the Five Articles, before they come to the open discussing of any one, for they are passed from the first, and gone one to the second. So that till this Consultation be ended there will not be any great occasion of news.  
Against Mr. Praeses so rough handling the Remonstrants at their Dismission there are some exceptions taken by the Deputies themselves. The Foreigners think themselves a little indirectly dealt withal, in that it being proposed to the whole Synod to pass their judgement concerning the behaviour of the Remonstrants, the Provincials were not not at all required to speak, and by these means the envy of the whole business was derived upon the Foreigners. Whereas on the contrary when the like question was proposed formerly, and the Foreigners had spoken very favourable in ihe Remonstrants behalf, the Provincials stroke in, and established a rigid sentence, against the Foreigners liking, So that there is little regard given to the judgement of the Foreigners, except they speak as the Provincials would have them. Again upon the Tuesday Session in the morning, there being a repetition made, according to the custom, of the late Synodical acts, when they came to the act of the Remonstrants' Dismission, Lud. Crosius of Breme signified that he perceived that Mr Praeses in that business had been paulo commotior, and had let slip, verba quaedam acerba, which might well have been spared; that in so great an act, as that was, a little more advice and consideration might have been used. The Synod ought to have been consulted with, and a form of Dismission conceived and approved of by all, which should in the name of the Synod have been pronounced, and registered; whereas now the Synod stands indicted of all that unnecessary roughness which then was practised. It had stood better which the Honour of the Synod to have held a more peaceable and passionless order. The Prese replied, that for Dismissing the Remonstrants without a Synodical form, it was from the Secular Lords, who willed him immediately to proceed, What his apology was for his passionate speeches I know not. The Session was in private, and I have nothing but by relation. I hear nothing yet from Mr. Prese concerning the French project: as soon as I shall hear aught, I will not fail to acquaint your Honour till when I humbly take my leave.  
Dort, 6/16 January, 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and Bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.  
The bringer of this Letter is Sir John Berks Son.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
YOur Honour shall here receive the Decree of the Synod mentioned in my last Letters, containing the form of proceeding which they will hold in discussing the Articles. The morning they mean the Deputies shall spend in private, after dinner in open Synod the chief places of Scripture upon which the Remonstrant grounds himself shall be opened, and answers framed to the Arguments drawn from thence. According to which resolution they began to proceed upon Thursday the ●●/17 of Janu. in the Evening. The question proposed then was, An praeter Decretum de salvandis fidelibus, nullum sit aliud Decretum Electionis. The Remonstrant affirms there is none, and for this produces certain places of Scripture. The Contra-Remonstrant grants that there is such a Decree, but withal contends that this is but a Secondary Decree. For God (saith he) first resolved upon the Salvation of some certain singular persons, and in the second place decreed to give them Faith as a means to bring the former Decree to pass. But before this question came on the stage, other things were done at that time. The Synod therefore being met, at the time mentioned, First the Letters from the States concerning D. Goads Admission were read, and after that, some were sent to his Lodging to conduct him to the Synod. In the mean time were there Letters from Mr. Dean to the Synod produced and read, together with a form of Valediction and farewell, by him conceived. I suppose Mr. Dean acquainted your Honour with the thing whilst he was with you, which is the cause I have not sent a transcript of it: as soon as I understand your Lordship hath not seen it, I will cause a Copy of it to be taken. It was then concluded by the Synod that the Praeses, and Assessors, together with the Seculars Scribe, should, after the Synod was ended, repair to Mr. Dean, and take their leave of him in the name of all the rest, and by him commend their love and service unto his Majesty, and render him humble thanks for his princely care, All which the same night was done. Now was Dr. Goad come to the Synod, and according to the manner, conducted to his seat, where being sat, he made a short speech, which being ended, the Synod proceeded to dicusse the question above metioned. The Decree is, that the Professors shall expound those places of Scripture, on which the Remonstrant builds. Wherefore Jo. Polyander who is the Signior Professor, being absent, Sibrandus Lubbertus who is the next in order, took the question, and answered such Texts as were urged by the Adversary, one out of the 3. of John, 36. Qui credit in filium habet vitam aeternam: qui non credit non videbit vitam, sed ira Dei manet super eo. Another out of the 1. to the Ephes. 4. Elegit nos in Christo ante jacta mundi fundamenta: A third out of 11. to the Hebrews Impossibile est sine fide placere Deo. The sum of Sibrandus his answer at that, time I can not give. For being misinformed that it would be but a private Session, I was not at it. Besides Sibrandus no man spoke any thing that night. As soon as he had done, it was signified by the Praeses that the Campenses, who were lately cited, were now ready to make their appearance. It was concluded, that because the business of the Synod should not be interrupted, certain out of the company should be appointed to hear the cause and make relation of it to the Synod: so the Praeses concluded the Session with a prayer, in which he prayed for Mr. Deans Health, and for the good success of his journey. This was the sum of what was then done, and so I end, committing your Honour to God's good protection,  
Dort, this 8/18 of January. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.   

The Synodical Decree of the sixth of January, concerning the manner of handling the Five Articles.  
COllatis diligenter per D. Praesidem, Assessores & Scribas ex praescripto illustrium D D. Delegatorum suffragiis omnibus, tum Scripto tum viva voce heri ac nudiustertius in veneranda hac Synodo dictis super modo agendi circa examen & judicium quinque Articulorum: compertum est plurimis placere, ut singula quamprimum Collegia ad examen illud instituendum judiciumque formandum serio se accingant. Ac primo quidem loco in manus sumant primum Articulum. In cujus examine, ut & deinceps in coeterorum, ad interrogatoria & Theses a D. Praeside dicta●●a, ut & postea dictanda, quilibet in primis attendat. Si quis tamen plura, quae ad sententiam Remonstrantium proponendam & explicandam facere possunt, quae forte in Thesibus & interrogatoriis istis indicata non sunt, addere velit & possit, id cuique liberum relinquatur: & ut privatim singula collegia ante Meridiem de hoc examine cogitabunt; ita post Meridiem ne Synodus intermissa, ac nulla Auditorum Spectatorumque ex omnibus passim oris quotidie accurrentium ratio haberi videatur, publicus, nisi omnino res ipsa aliud postulaverit, conventus celebrabitur: in quo potissima Remonstrantium argumenta maxime ex Scripturis desumpta, ipsorumque adeo ad contrariae sententiae argumenta maxime ex Scripturis desumpta responsiones proponentur & excutientur, praeeuntibus D D. Doctoribus ac Professoribus nunc nostratibus, nune exteris ad Arbitrium D. Praesidis: relicta interim singulis libertate dictis addendi, & suam etiam ●●e praepositis argumentis sententiam dicendi. Quare necesse quoque erit ut quilibet serio de argumentis istis & responsionibus apud se cogitet ac meditetur. Dabit autem operam D. Praeses singulis Sessionibus, ut ea de quibus proxima Sessione erit agendum universae Synodo significet. Ac si quis fuerit, qui de quoquam, quod forte a D. Praeside monitum non fuerat, judicium Synodi audire sua vel aliorum causa desideret, ejus, si privatim D. Praesidem appellaverit, ratio habebitur, prout ipse adhibito consilio Assessorum & Scribarum, ac si opus fuerit plurium, ex usu Synodi, aut rei qua de agitur, esse existimaverit. Judicium formatum de quolibet Articulo, additis rati●●nibus quibus subnixum est, Praesidi privatim exhibebitur asservandum, donec de omnibus judicium Articulis judicium formatum & similiter exhibitum fuerit.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
UPon wednesday the 6/16 of January there was no Session at all in the morning, in the evening there was one, but in private. In this they have concluded the question about their manner of proceeding. There was a form conceived and concluded upon, and transcribed by all the Deputies. They concluded likewise their Theses upon the first Article, which they purpose publicly to discuss. It was late in the evening ere this Session was done, so that I could not get the Copies of either of these, but in my morrow. Letters I will not fail by God's grace to send your Honour the transcripts of them. Besides, there were some things of smaller weight advised of. First, whether in delivering of their judgements upon the Articles in Controversy, the Foreigners should begin, as hitherto they had done. The Provincials at first strained courtesy, and thought it no point of good manners, to take Precedency of the Foreigners: but it is concluded, they must, as being better tried in these Controversies than the Foreigners are, and therefore meet it was they should give them more time to advise. The second thing proposed was concerning their Auditory. For they questioned whether they should admit of hearers, or do all in private. Old Sibrandus was very hot against the Auditory, and thought it not fit that any care should be had of them, as being only Mulierculae, & pu●●enli juvenes incauti. There is some reason of this complaint of his, for many youths, yea and Artificers, and I know not what rabble besides thrust in, and trouble the place. As for women whole troops of them have been seen there, and the best places for spectators reserved for them. Which thing must needs expose the Synod to the scorn of those, who lie in wait to take exception against it. But the Synod hath determined in favour of their Auditory, that Session's consultatory and Provisionall shall be private, but Sessions wherein they discuss and conclude shall be public. Meetings hereafter will not be so frequent, for men will take more time to advise. This is the sum, as far as I can learn, of what was done at that time. To morrow your Lordship shall receive farther information, till which time I humbly take my leave.  
Dort, this 7/17 of January. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
UPon Friday the 8/18 of January in the Evening, the Synod being met, Doctor Gomarus answered some parts of Scripture, laid hold of by the Remonstrants, after the same manner as D. Sibrandus had done the night before, the places by him discussed were for the more part the same which in the former Session had been handled. The order of discussing these arguments is by continued discouse after the manner of La●●in Sermons, or rather of Divinity Lectures, such as are read in our Schools. In one thing the Discretion of both these Doctors was much approved. For both of them holding that extreme and rigid tenant, which Beza and Perkins first of all acquainted the World with, yet notwithstanding they held an unpartial and even course, and never struck upon it. When Gomarus had spoken towards an hour and half, my Lord Bishop delivered himself concerning the meaning of the same places of Scripture, and after him certain other of the foreign Divines. After this same Copy will all the news be yet this ten days or more, & these evening Sessions are only to entertain the Auditory, not to determine any thing at all. Each company must in private conceive and set down in writing their opinion concerning the Articles; and when they have so done the Writings must be exhibited to the Synod, and out of them must be gathered the Conclusion which must stand for good. This is a thing which will require some good time, and in the mean while besides these Theological Lectures, there shall be nothing done publicly in the Synod. The same day at night Bisterfieldius, one of the Deputies lately come out of Nassau died. When his Funeral will be I know not. Upon Friday Morning Mr. Dean took his journey toward Middlebourgh. Upon Saturday their was no Session at all Mr. Balcangual commends his Service unto your Honour, and required me to signify to you thus much, that he had lately spoken with Musius, but understood nothing by him concerning the matter which your Lordship is privy too. He willed me moreover to inform your Honour, That whereas you lately spoke to Mr. Dean to deal with Deodati, Mr. Dean by reason of his indisposition of Body, and sudden departure; found no means to talk with him. Thus with humble recommendation of my Service to your Honour, I take my leave.  
Dort, this 11/21 of January. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
THe Errors of public actions (if they be not very gross) are with less inconvenience tolerated then amended. For the danger of alteration, of disgracing and disabling Authority, makes that the Fortune of such proceedings admits no regress, but being once howsoever well or ill done, they must for ever after be upheld. The most partialls' spectator of our Synodal acts can not but confess, that in the late dismission of the Remonstrants, with so much choler and heat, there was a great oversight committed, and that whether we respect our common profession of Christianity, Quae nil nisi justum s●●adet & lean; or the quality of this people apt to mutiny by Reason of long Liberty, and not having learned to be imperiously commanded, in which argument the Clergy above all men ought not to have read their first Lesson. The Synod therefore to whom it is not now in integro to look back, and Rectify what is amiss without disparagement, must now go forward and leave events to God, and for the Countenance of their action do the best they may. For this purpose have they lately by Deputies appointed for that end, made a Declaration of all their proceedings unto the State's General, from whom they have procured a Decree for Confirmation of them, which Decree upon Monday the 11/21 of Jannary was publicly, first in Dutch then in Latin, read at the Synod in the Evening. The particulars of it I shall not need relate as being sufficiently known to your Honor. The Decree being pronounced, Heinsius first signified that it had been before in private made known to the Remonstrants, and then in the name of the Delegates warned the Commissioners of the Synod, Ut quam mat●●rimè & celerrime de istis controversiis statuant, ut possint tandem afflictis eclesiis Belgicis subvenire. I was very glad to hear that admonition, and it gives me hope that our Synod shall have end not long after Easter at the Farthest. After this did Tysius, another of the Professors discuss three other of the Remonstrants' arguments taken out of the Hague Conference, according to the same form as Sibrandus and Gomarus had done before. This being done the Praeses required Jo. Polyander and Wallaeus to provide to do the like upon Thursday next in the Evening (for before that time there is to be no public Session) and requesting the Company the next Day to accompany Bisterfieldius to his Grave (which accordingly was done at the time appointed) he dismissed the meeting. So that till Thursday next we are likely to understand no more news of the Synod.  
I spoke upon Tuesday with Mr. Praeses concerning Moulius' project. His an●●wer to me was this, that he communicated the thing with some of the discreeter of the Synod, and that he had required my Lord Bishop and Scultetus to conceive a form of public Confession. Which as soon as it should be conceive and allowed of by those, who should in that behalf be consulted withal, he would send a Copy of it to your Honour, to be sent to his Majesty, by him to be revised and altered according to his pleasure, and so from him to be commended unto the Synod publicly. Which course he thinks will take good success. As touching the point concerning the Lutherans he thinks it not fit that any word at all be made. I dealt with Mr. Praeses concerning a Copy of M. Deans Valediction to the Synod; he answered me that he had delivered it to Dammannus the Scribe to be copied out, and as soon as it was done, I should have it to transcribe, so soon therefore as I can procure the Copy of it, I will not fail to send it your Lordship. Mr. Dean at his departure had an Honorarium bestowed on him by the States. Heinsius the Scribe came to his lodging to him, and making a short speech unto him, presented him in the Name of the States with munusculum as he called it. What or how much it was no man knows. Thus commending your Honour to God's good protection, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort, this 12/22 of January 1619. Your Honour's Chaplain in and Bounden in all Duty, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honurable, and my very good Lord,  
UPon Tuesday she 12/22 of this present in the Evening, for, for the debating of certain particular points in controversy belonging to the first Article, the Synod came together in private. It hath been lately questioned, how Christ is said to be Fundamentum Electionis. The Doctrine generally received by the Contra-Remonstrant in this point is, That God first of all resolved upon the Salvation of some singular persons, and in the second place upon Christ as a mean to bring this Decree to pass. So that with them God the Father alone is the Author of our Election, and Christ only the Executioner. Others on the contrary teach, that Christ is so to be held Fundamentum Electionis, as that he is not only the Executioner of Election, but the Author and the Procurer of it: for proof of which they bring the words of the Apostle to the Ephesians, the first Chapter, elegit nos in Christo ante jacta mundi fundamenta. The Exposition of this Text was the especial thing discussed at this meeting,: and some taught, that Christ was Fundamentum Electionis, because he was primus Electorum, or because he is Fundamentum Electorum, but not Electionis, or because he is Fundamentum beneficiorum, which descend upon us; others brooked none of those Restraints. D. Gomarus stands for the former sentence, and in defence of it had said many things on Friday. This night Martinius of Breme being required to speak his mind, signified to the Synod, that he made some scruple concerning the Doctrine passant about the manner of Christ's being Fundamentum Electionis, and that he thought Christ not only the Effector of our Election, but also the Author and Procurer thereof. Gomarus who owes the Synod a shrewd turn, and then I fear me began to come out of debt; presently, assoon as Martinius had spoken, starts up, and tells the Synod, ego hanc rem in me recipio, and therewithal casts his Glove, and challenges Martinius with this Proverb, Ecce Rhodum, e●●ce saltum, and requires the Synod to grant them a Duel, adding that he knew Martinius could say nothing in refutation of that Doctrine. Martinius who goes in a quipace with Gomarus in Learning, and a little before him for his Discretion, easily digested this affront, and after some few words of course, by the wisdom of the Praeses matters seemed to be a little pacified, and so according to the custom, the Synod with Prayer concluded. Zeal and Devotion had not so well allayed Gomarus his choler, but immediately after Prayers he renewed his Challenge and required Combat with Martinius again; but they parted for that night without blows. Martinius, as it seems, is somewhat favourable to some Tenants of the Remonstrants concerning Reprobation, the latitude of Christ's merit, the Salvation of Infants, etc. and to bring him to some conformity was there a private meeting of the Foreign Divines upon Wednesday morning in my Lord Bishop's Lodging, in which thus much was obtained, that though he would not leave his Conclusions, yet he promised moderation and temper in such manner, that there should be no dissension in the Synod by reason of any opinion of his.  
Upon Thursday the 14/24 of this present, the Synod being met in the Evening, Jo. Polyander and Wallaeus undertools the defence of some places of Scripture brought by the Contra-Remonstrants against the exceptions of the Remonstrants: the places of Scripture were, Luke 10. 20. Gaudete quia nomina vestra scripta sunt in Coelis. Apocal. 21. 27. inscripti in libro vitae. Rom. 9 11. Ut propositum Dei secundum Electionem maneret, and 11. 5. Reservatio secundum Electionem: and Rom. 8. 13. Quos praedestinavit ut conformes fiant imagini Filii sui, eos eriam vocavit. Act. 13. 48. Crediderunt quot quot erant ordinati ad vitam aeternam. Upon these places these two spoke almost three hours.  
It was expected that as the rest of the Professors hitherto have done, so Doctor Davenant the next Professor should speak in public: It is said that he shall do it this day in a private Session (for there is no public till Monday, and what will then be done I know not.) What the meaning is of this Audience only in private, I know not. But of this I will say more in my next Letters to your Honour, till when I leave your Lordship to God's good protection.  
Dort this 15/25 of January 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.  
Your Honour shall hear receive a Copy of Mr. Deans farewell, I fear me it is a little imperfect, for I understand it not in some places. If I can hear of another copy from Mr. Praeses who promised me one at the beginning of this week, and find it to be perfecter, I will again transcribe it.  

The Dean of Worcester's Valediction to the Synod.  
NOn facile mecum in gratiam redierit cadaverosa haec moles, quam aegre usque circumgesto, quae mihi sacri hujus Conventus celebritatem toties inviderit, jamque me prorsus invitissimum, a vobis importune avocat & divellit. Neque enim ullus est profecto sub Coelo locus aeque Coeli aemulus, & in quo tentorium mihi figi maluerim, cujusque adeo gestiet mihi animus meminisse. Beatos vero vos quibus hoc frui datum! Non dignus eram ego ut fidelissimi Romani Querimoniam imitari liceat, qui pro Christi & Ecles●●ae suae nomine sanctam hanc provinciam diutius sustinerem. Illud vero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: nempe audito quod res erat, non alia me quam adversissima hic usum valetudine, serenissimus Rex meus, misertus miselli famuli sui revocat me domum, quippe quod cineres meos aut sandapilam vobis nihil quicquam prodesse posse norit, succenturiavitque mihi virum e suis selectissimum, quantum Theologum! De me profecto, (mero jam silicernio) quicqui●● s●●, viderit ille Deus meus, cujus ego totus sum. Vobis quidem ita feliciter prospectum est, ut sit cur infirmitati meae haud parum gratulamini, quae hujusmodi instructissimo succedaneo coetum hunc vestrum beaverit. Neque tamen committam, (si Deus vitam mihi ac vires indulserit) ut et corpore simul et animo abesse videar. Interea sane huic Synodo ubicunque terrarum sim, votis, consiliis, conatibusque meis quibuscunque res vestras me pro virili serio ac sedulo promoturum sancte voveo. Interim vobis omnibus ac singulis, Honoratissimi Domini Delegati, Reverendissime Domine Praeses, Gravissimi Assessores, Symmystae Colendissimi, tibique Venerandissima Synodus Universa, aegro animo ac corpore aeternum valedico: rogoque vos omnes obnixius ut precibus vestris imbecillem reducem facere, comitari, et prosequi velitis.    

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Tuesday the 19/29 of January, at the Evening Session, the point of Reprobation was Scholastically and learnedly discussed by Altingius, one of the Palatine Professors. His discourse was the most sufficient of any that yet I heard. He began from the Definition, and proceeded to how far God had a hand in it, and how far man is the Author of his own Destruction, & lastly answered the Remonstrants' arguments. He spoke about an hour and half. I would willingly have given your Honour an account of his speech, but it was in the Evening, and the Auditory are allowed no candles, so that I could not use my tables. And thus have they discussed the first Article; though I could have wished that the question of Reprobation had been yet farther opened and stood upon, it being a point of large extent, and especially insisted on by the Remonstrant. As for Synodical Resolution in this first Article, that we must yet expect, till all the rest be examined as this hath been. There is no open Session till Friday next after dinner; and then is it their purpose to enter upon the Second Article, of Universal Grace: at which time Mr. Balcanqual, and Cruciger of Hassia are appointed to speak, according as the rest have done before, to this question, Whether the death of Christ were intended indifferently for all, or only for the Elect? Upon Wednesday the 20/30 of January, in the evening was there a private Session, wherein, belike for the making of better speed, they consulted whether they should go on to examine the rest of the Articles after the same manner they had done the first, or else bethink them of some more speedy order. After a long disceptation, even so long that Jo. Polyander put the Praeses in mind of the exceeding sharpness of the Wether, they at length concluded, that they would go on in the same course they had begun. And this as yet is all the News that is passant, wherefore ceasing farther to trouble your Honour, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 21/31 of January. 1619. Your Honour's Chaplain, and bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
UPon Friday the 15/25 of January, there was a meeting of the Synod partly public, partly private. As the Provincial Professors had done, so was D. Davenant, who is the first Professor of the Foreigners, enjoined by the Praeses to do. The intent of his discourse at that time, was to overthrow certain distinctions framed by the Remonstrants for the maintenance of their positions, and evasion from the Contraremonstrants' Arguments. The Remonstrants usually distinguish upon Election, and divide it, into definitam & indefinitam, revocabilem & irrevocabilem; peremptoriam & non peremptoriam; mutabilem & immu●●abilem, and the like. For the refutation of which distinctions he first set down the definition of election brought by the Contraremonstrant, and at large confirmed it: secondly he brought the definition of election agreed on by the Remonstrant, and Argued against it: and thirdly he directly oppugned these forecited distinctions; all which he did learnedly and fully. When Dr. Davenant had spoken: the Auditory was commanded to depart. For having a purpose that others should speak at the same time, and fearing that some diversity of opinion might rise, and occasion some dissension, it was thought fit that things should be transacted as privately as might be. Many more of the Foreigners delivered themselves that night, and amongst the rest Martinius of Breme proposed again his former doubts unto the Synod, concerning the sense in which Christ is, said to be fundamentum electionis, & requested to be resolved. But D. Gomarus at this time, was somewhat better advised, & thought it best to hold his peace. This day will there be a private meeting wherein every company will give up their judgements in writing upon the first Article: and to morrow I understand they will go on unto the second, and proceed in it, accordingly as they have done in the former. As for any Decisive Sentence they will give none, till they have thus gone through all the five. In this I suppose they do very discreetly. For since the Articles are mutually linked together, it is most convenient they should first go through them all, since a predetermination in the former, might bind them to some inconvenience in the later, there being no place left to look back, but stand they must to what they have once concluded. For avoiding of this it is thought best to determine of all at once. And this is all the news that here is currant: wherefore Commending Your Honour to God's good protection, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 18/28 of January. 1619. Your Honour's Chaplain and Bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,  
UPon Monday the 18/28 of January in the Evening, the Synod being met, Scultetus spoke at large de Certitudine gratiae & salutis, that it was necessary for every man to be assured of his Salvation. The manner of his discourse was oratoriall, the same that he uses in his Sermons, not scholastical and according to the fashion of disputation and Schools. For this cause the question was neither deeply searched into, nor strongly proved. And this is all was done that night.  
I spoke with Mr. Dr. Goad concerning Mr. Brent, who answered me that he heard nothing at all of him, and that he will shortly write unto My Lord Archbishop's Secretary to be informed farther concerning him. My Lord Bishop of late hath taken some pains with Martinius of burnt, to bring him from his opinion of Universal Grace. By chance I came to see his Letter written to Martinius in which he expounded that place in the third of John, So God loved the World, that he gave his only begotten S●●on etc. which is the strongest ground upon which Martinius rests himself. Beyond this here is no news worth the relating, and therefore till farther occasion offer itself, I humbly take my leave.  
Dort this 19/29 of January. 1618. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, my very good Lord.  
UPon Thursday the 24/31 of January in the Evening the Synod met privately, and as they had done in the first, so did they in the second Article. For the speedier Direction to find the places in the Remonstrants' Books, where the particulars concerning Universal Grace are discussed, there was a kind of Index or Concordance drawn of the several passages in their writings touching that subject. The next Day following, that is the first of February Stylo novo, Mr. balcanqual, and Cruciger of Hassia made entrance upon the second Article. Mr. balcanqual spoke above an hour, and did very well acquit himself. When they had done the Praeses enjoined Steinius of Hassia upon Tuesday next in the Evening (at what time will be the next open Session) to speak of the fourth Article (for of the third there is no question) and to sound whether the Grace of God converting us be resi●●tible, as the Remonstrants would have it. This hast chat is made in this sudden passing from one Article to another is much mervailed at by our English Divines: for the Colleges yet have not all given up their opinion upon the first, and besides that the Remonstrants upon Wednesday last were willed to give in their Arguments upon the first Article. For notwithstanding they be excluded from personal appearance in the Synod, yet are they Commanded to Exhibit to the Synod whatsoever they shall please to command. Now some time will be required for the Examining of those reasons, if they be of late invention, and such as yet have had nothing said to them. But what the reason of this haste is, will appear hereafter.  
I lately writ unto Mr. Collwall to know what Order was to be taken for the discharge of my lodging, whether your Honour were to answer it or the public purse. I would willingly be resolved of it, because I have a desire to return to the Hague; first because the Synod proceeding as it both, I do not see that it is opere pretium for me here to abide: and then because I have sundry private occasions that call upon me to return. For notwithstanding this haste, of which I but now spoke, it will be long ere the Synod will come to determine any thing, and about that time, if your Honour shall be so pleased, I shall be ready to come back to Dort. And so remembering my service unto your Honour I humbly take my leave.  
Dort, this first of Febr. 1619. stylo novo. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty and Service, Jo. Hales.   

Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,  
OUr Synod goes on like a watch, the main Wheels upon which the whole business turns are least in sight. For all things of moment are acted in private Sessions, what is done in public is only for thew and entertainment. Upon Monday last the 4th. of February, stylo nov●●. the Deputies met privately in the Evening, where the first thing that came upon the Stage was that old impertinent business concerning the Campenses, at what time Scotlerus a Remonstrant Minister who had been formerly cited to appear before the Synod, having not appeared at time appointed, pretended sickness and for that cause he required the Synods patient forbearance. After this they entered into consultation concerning certain Books and Writings to be conceived partly for declaration of the Synods meaning in the Doctrine of the five Articles, partly in Apology for it. And first it was proposed that there should be scriptum didacticum a plain and familiar writing drawn, wherein the Doctrine of the five Articles according to the intent and meaning of the Synod should be perspicuously expressed for the Capacity of the Common sort, and that in Dutch and Latin. The Apologicall Writings were of two sorts, first Scriptum Elenchicum wherein there were to be refuted such Errors as had been lately broached in prejudice of the received Doctrine: secondly scriptum Historicum, which was to consist of two parts, first a narration of the Synods proceedings with the Remonstrant, from the day of his first appearance till the time of his Ejection: for the refutation of many bitter invectives which lately had been written against the Synod in that behalf. Secondly a Relation de causis turbarum, who were the Authors of the late Stirs in time of the separation; for answer of Episcopius his Oration, and other Writings of the Remonstrants, in which the whole misorder is turned upon the Contra-Remonstrant. For the Scriptum didacticum the English were altogether against it: and so was Vosbergius. Their Reason was, because it seemed incongruous that any writing concerning the Doctrine of the Articles should be set forth before the Synod had given Sentence. And indeed I must confess I see no great congruity in the proposal, whilst matters are in controversy: Judges walk suspensly, and are indifferent for either party, and whatsoever their intent be, yet they make no overture of it till time of sentence come. All this business of citing, enquiring, examining must needs seem only as acted on a stage, if the Synod intempestively before hand bewray a resolution. But notwithstanding any reason alleadgable against it, the thing is concluded, and Wallaeus, Udemannus, and Triglandius are deputed to write a discourse to that purpose, with the inspection and supervision of my Lord Bishop, Scultetus, Brittingerus, and Deodatus. For the scriptum historicum in the first part concerning the proceeding of the Synod with the Remonstrant, there is required the pains of Scultetus and Triglandius in the second part de causis turbarum, Latius must bestow his labour, with the help of Festus Hommius, of the South-Holanders and North-Hollanders, who best of any know the whole carriage of that matter. To the composing of the scriptum elenchicum there are deputed four of the Provincials Professors, Jo. Polyander, Lubbertus, Gomarus and Thysius, to whom are adjoined as helpers and Supervisors D. Davenant, Altingius and Martinius. But the business of this writing passed not without some opposition, Deodat. altogether misliked it, Polyander requested that his pains might be spared: Novi, saith he, quam sit mihi curta supellex. But above all D. Gomarus was most offended at the Proposal. Bella mihi video, bella parantur ai●●. And therefore quite refusing to consent to any polemical writing, he advised that the scriptum didacticum should abstain, a non necessariis & privatis, and contain only necessary points such as pass by common consent. That they should expect till the Remonstrant had set forth some adversary writing, and then would be a fi●●er time to think of somewhat in this kind. I blame not D. Gomarus if he a little recoil. For being of the Supralapsarii, as they term them, of those who bring the Decree of God's Election from before the fall, and seeing the Synod not willing to move that way, but to subside in a lower sphere, he is to be pardoned, if he deny his hand to that writing, which he supposes cannot be so warily indicted, but he must be forced with his own pen to let fall somewhat Prejudicial to his own opinion. The Praeses answered that it was not his drift to force the Synod against their minds to set out such a Book; but only to take hold of the present occasion whilst the Foreign Divines were here, and have such a Book in readiness for use hereafter, though it were not now set forth. He farther advised that those who were to undertake this, should have an eye to the inclination of the Synod, and beware as much as might be, that they touched not there where any man was sore. Whatsoever the pretence is, the mentioning of these Books, before the Determination of the Synod be formally set down, must needs be very unseasonable. It will make the World to think they came resolved what to do, which though perchance they did, yet it is no wisdom to confess it. After this did they advise concerning the Exceptions against the Confession & Catechism, and of such as should answer them. For the Catechism, the Palatine Divines undertaken it: for the Confession some of the Provincials were appointed, whose names I have not learned. The Praeses then by the advice of the Secular Delegates, advised the Synod to think of gathering a Synopsis and brief of all the Synodical Proceedings, to be sent to the King of England, and other foreign Princes and States, who had sent Deputies to the Synod, that so they may understand what hath been done. For this were there appointed Altingius Steinius, the Assessors and Scribes; and for Supervisors were named D. Davenant, Praeses. This is the sum of that Session.  
On Tuesday at Even they met again in private, where every one spoke in order what they had further to say concerning the second Article. Upon some occasion, I know not what, the Praeses mentioned Negotium Vorstianum, Bertianum, & Venatorianum, which I note because this is the first time that Vorstius his cause was named in the Synod. There hath not been any stay made amongst the Foreign Divines but only in this second Article, out of which if they can well & clearly wrest themselves, their passage out of the rest will be more smooth. I lately told your Honour that Martinius of Breme made some doubts amongst the rest concerning Universal Grace. Not Martinius only but Dr. Ward in this point. For the composing the doubts of both these, that they broke not out to any public inconvenience there hath been of late many private meetings in my Lord Bishop's Lodging; where upon Wednesday Morning were drawn certain Theses in very suspense and wary terms: to what end, whither to give content to all parties, or to exhibit to the Synod, or what else I know not, by chance I had a view of them, but no opportunity to transcribe them.  
On Wednesday the sixth of February, there was a public Session in the Evening, at what time Steinius of Hassia spoke to the fourth Article concerning the resistibility of Grace, in the same manner as others had done before him. He spoke about an hour & a half, and when he had done, the Praeses gave warning of a public Session to be upon Monday next in the Evening, and so dismissed the Auditory, but not the Synod, who after this sat a good space in private consultation.  
7. Febr. 1619. Your Honour's Chaplain and bounden in all Duty and Servoie, Jo. Hales.   
FINIS.