HISTORICAL OBSERVATIONS Upon the REIGNS OF EDWARD I. II. III. And RICHARD II. With REMARKS upon their Faithful Counsellors and False Favourites. Written by a Person of Honour.  
Liscensed, Jan. 17th. 1688/9. Rob. Midgley.  
LONDON, Printed for J. Partridge and M. Gillyflower, at the Post-Office at Charing-Cross, and at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall. MDCLXXXIX.   

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HISTORICAL OBSERVATIONS Upon the REIGNS. Of EDWARD the First, Second and Third, and RICHARD the Second.  

Introduction.  
SINCE Living in an Age in which the Minds of Men are so passionately divided, that they are apt, of all sides, not only to Condemn whatever is not suitable to the Noise they make, but wrest out forced Constructions far, perhaps, from the meaning of him that either writ or said the words, and where 'tis possible to turn Censure into Accusation. I thought it not improper therefore, at least, of State-Criticks, by giving a short Account, by way of Introduction, why I chose History as the most useful Study, and something of our own most proper for ourselves, where the Prospect of things passed under the same Laws and Government that we now enjoy, must also probably be the most useful part of History to us. For if the Revolution and Event of things are the best Instructions, the Impressions may probably be the most effectual, where our Actions are Precedents to ourselves.  
I have also often considered, since riper years have admitted a full consideration, what Hazard any man undergoes, that exposes publicly the Endeavours of an improved Knowledge, though with a design to present to others those advantages that he believes he has acquired to himself by the most industrious and impartial searches. And indeed 'tis not only the Intention of doing well, that will procure an Excuse for Errors committed, but joined to a fair performance, will hardly find a just acceptance; and every man by reason of Self-inclination, is as much unfit to be a Judge of his own Productions, as generally men, by the averseness to the Reputation of others, are improper to bring in their Verdicts.  
The same Inclination and Reason, that guide what any man writes, will probably make him approve what he has written; so that indeed a man has passed his Judgement at first, and can hardly have a separate Opinion left at last: For when he has endeavoured to apply his best Correction, he must be disentangled from his own Nature, to have another Judgement. Father's that beget Children, may fancy that to be Wit and Diversion in them, which perhaps disinterested persons would judge troublesome impertinencies.  
On the other side, those that are not biased by any particular Concerns, and should be most capable to judge, are yet as much bent with the apprehension of the Reputation of others, as they are by the fondness of gaining it: as if any were robbed of what was due to their own merits, by others receiving the reward of theirs. One Candle may illuminate a Thousand, without the loss of Light; and in esteem no man loses by what another shares. But Jealousy that disturbs the Peace of Life, raises the Disquiet in men's Minds, and Disturbance is the Product of ill Nature; so that men are prepared rather to censure than judge. Besides, in giving Judgement for the Party, there seems a tacit submission to his; but Censure seems a preference to their own: So that by searching out faults in others, they give Evidence (as they think) of their own Correctness. Whereas, if those that endeavour to be Censorious, were to attempt the same thing, they might perhaps show as many failings; and the others that should enter upon their envious Province, might perhaps successfully exceed them in searching for Defects.  
This is the Cause why the best Performances have not that Kindness or Justice bestowed upon them while the Author lives, which after his Death they receive. Many excellent Painters, who during Life, did not gain any extraordinary Wealth or Fame, after Death their Works increased alike into an extreme of Price and Reputation: for they could then be no Rivals, and those that were jealous, they might darken their Reputations while living, now believed it might be a safe Testimony of their own Skill, to admire the Art of those that were dead.  
'Twere too long and needless to name the Writings of many that were little regarded at the time they were written; nay, some censured, some absolutely condemned, which in future times grew into Credit, and by laborious Commentaries, great Excellencies, and heights of Imagination, have been endeavoured to be discovered, which perhaps were never designed or thought of by the Authors. But when they were not capable to receive any Benefit of a Reputation, 'twas then searched out for them, to make their Writings useful to the Fame and Interest of others. For when by Distance of time there seems a Traditional Authority descending with the Writings, many have curiously laboured how to bring this to the use of their Arguments and Designs, and, to gain the more reverence, fixed the Name of Antiquity to that which was performed rather in the Infancy os Learning.  
From this general, and no very pleasant Consideration, I entered into the particular Parts of Learning; and in the first place seriously weighed those searches I had made in Divinity, and I perceived nothing so easy, nor so useful, as the Gospel Part of it, which should have been the whole: For I thought all things necessary were so fully and clearly laid down there, that it did not need Disputes, nor could reasonably cause men to differ, but only required a general Consent of persuading for the other pretended part of it, which is drawn out in Disputes. I found little encouragement to hope any advantage or improvement by labouring in such an interessed Labyrinth. For when with as much power of Impartial Reason as I was furnished with, I had steadily weighed the particulars that were so warmly disputed among Christians, I could not convince myself (though I had a charitable Inclination to the contrary) but that all the particulars from whence such passionate Differences had sprung, were caused more by the Zeal for this World than for the other.  
For in the first place, there was never any Point, now in Controversy, that had a name pretended when Tradition began: If they had a Birth it was unknown, they lay asleep in their Cradles, till the future noise of the Church roused them, but had no growth at all; and after many years continuing Infants, giving a Testimony at least of an unlawful Birth, being then disowned by many of the Fathers they were then laid to. So that the Disputes seemed of what Men invented, not what they found; and in Civil Matters 'twould be thought a ridiculous Contention about a Title of an invented Thing, that never was heard of in Five or six hundred years, and then not to be found.  
Whoever will take Pains to sum up the Differences Disputed among Christians, may easily find the Dates and Commencements of every one, long after the time from whence they would derive the Causes of them. And since the particulars disputed are (for the most part) affirmed to be of such Consequence, it seems strange that none of them should have such a plain Name, as not capable to be called otherwise, and after a Deluge of so many hundred years, when admired Tradition, nor the least Ecclesiastical Gazett had given notice of any such thing, to see strange Births, and new Names contended for.  
But that it may justly be thought too prolix and improper for my intended Subject, I could set down most of the Particulars, their times of Birth, and the Confident Fathers that first owned them, who, while they were thus Passionate for their own unquiet Offsprings, did for aught they knew endeavour to illegitimate the Truth. For large Disputes, and Divisions of men's Minds, show there is a Doubt, which is the right Determination; but one side finds a Protection for themselves against all Error, and Mistakes: For those who call themselves an Infallible Church, must consequently make their Determination so; and not only secure what is past, but what is to be, by Declaring from the same assumed Power, a right of making new Articles of Faith. So that none need Examine why they believe at present, nor be solicitous for what they believe hereafter.  
To add to this, I confess, I could not upon my best Examination find that any of the Particulars controverted among Christians, purely and abstractedly considered in themselves, and the Validity of their own Natures could have any effectual Virtue or use, by the Opinion of them, in Point of Salvation, no more than if they had never received their injurious Being's by the Designs of Disputing Parties; for some of them are so unnecessary, that the most earnest Contenders for them want Modesty, so much as to desire; that since we must endeavour to Live as well as we ought, that the certain knowledge of those things must needs be useless to that end; for nothing that is not in itself material, can be useful to the Means; and if Faith, Charity, and Justice must be the effectual means, I cannot see how it is necessary to consider of believing, or not believing any Thing that is not in itself purely necessary to be believed for its own intrinsic Virtue.  
This being my Thoughts of the Polemic part of Divinity, I could not perceive any use for myself or others, to be extracted out of these interessed quarrels, and therefore resolved not to wander farther in a Wilderness, where all disputed the way, and most pretended to be unerring Guides. But were the Apostles now Living, they would see a greater improvement by these Disputes, than would have been purchased by their plainer Methods and Doctrines; of which they would be sufficiently evinced by the (than unthought of) Titles and large Possessions of their Successors. But things of extraordinary Natures are most apt to get respect, visible impossibilities are made the most worthy Objects of Faith: And the Church the less visible, the more Veneration to be given it; and submitting imagination must make that greatest, that is not to be made less by being possible to be found out where it is.  
The next thing I Consider'd was Philosophy, wherein I found also Disputes warmly maintained, Men being apt to engage for the pride of Victory, or lust of Interest. And it appears plainly, that not the desire of Truth only has engaged many in the search of Philosophy, since the uncertain fate of it shows that the Opinions received Credit, as the Interests of Men were guided by Design or Opposition. For in Things that admit no Demonstration, there is more room for Disputes than common Benefit.  
The beginning of it is reckoned from Thales and Pythagoras, who made first the public profession of it. But the Account is given faintly by Laertius; and what we read of them and others down to the time of Socrates, are but dark Accounts either to raise, use, or dispute from. Under him Plato began his Studies, and Aristotle in his time appeared in Athens. The Differences between the Stoics and Epicureans were famous, and by their Disputes made way for the Doctrine of Plato to flourish, which Cicero in his time followed close, finding it perhaps useful to Eloquence which he so much Laboured in.  
The Doctrine of Aristotle lay silent, while Plato's spread in Italy and Greece, which were then the only Countries of Learning. 'Tis said that the Writings of Aristotle lay hid about One hundred and sixty years, and almost spoiled by the moisture of the Cave where they were buried; after sold for a great price to a wealthy Citizen of Athens, who had a fancy for making a great Collection of Books hard to be gotten. Afterwards when Sylla took the City, he took these Writings with a design to bring them to Rome: But he dying they fell into the Hands of one Tyrannion. After him Andronicus got them into his Possession, who seemed the first restorer of them, and made them known in Rome, about the time of Cicero's growing Reputation.  
But Plato was yet famous in all Places, and the Romans that found Advantage and Preferments depended more upon Eloquence than Natural Philosophy, applied themselves most to the Moral Part of it, and from thence formed Religion.  
This Established the Reputation of Plato's Doctrine in Rome, till the same Cause gave Reputation to Aristotle's. In Domitian's time, the Disputes of the Philosophers began to be so troublesome to the Government, that they were banished Rome. Marcus Aurelius brought it again in high Reputation, and in his time the Doctrine of Plato was in such Esteem, that it grew in Fashion among the Ladies, and so continued to the time of Severus.  
In this first Age the Church seemed to have a Birth; the beginning of the Christian Religion was thought to have the most obstruction from Philosophers, whose Disputes among themselves, and the Division of their Sects, gave Lucian one of the best occasions to turn it into ridicule.  
Some of the Sages among the Christians finding the Pagans so averse to any that disowned Philosophy, they closed with them in becoming Platonists, whose Philosophy was then so highly preferred; and then this Philosophy was by them judged most agreeable to the Christian Religion; and contributed to turn Justin, who was afterwards Martyred; who avowed, that the Philosophy of Plato disposed him to Christianity. Many Bishops were also admirers of that Philosophy; Origen and St. Austin were great Asserters of Plato's Doctrine, and the usefulness of it for Christianity; and the two first Ages were absolute Opposers of that of Aristotle.  
Tertullian was one of the first that appeared against the Doctrine of Plato; calling him the first Author of all Heresies; and both he, and Arnobius followed by St. Chrysostom, who most sharply of any handled that Doctrine. And then the Stream quite turned; and as in the First and Second Age it was believed Christianity was asserted by it; so now in the Third and Fourth Ages 'twas found out that Heresy sprung from it.  
The Latin Fathers were not so clear sighted to find out that the Subtleties of Aristotle were not full of a Spirit of Contradiction against the Christian Religion; but the Greeks that flourished in the Eleventh Age, found it otherwise by studying it; and the Commentaries of Avicen and Averrhoes on the Philosophy of Aristotle, assisted his Reputation, and helped it to spread.  
In the 13th. Age, as the French write, the Works of Aristotle were brought into France, and for some time taught in the University; but after a little time his Writings were burnt, and Excommunication threatened against any that taught out of them: His Metaphysics were Condemned by an Assembly of Bishops at Paris; and six years after the Cardinal of Estieune, sent by Pope Innocent, forbid the Professors of the University of Paris to teach his Physics; which afterwards was also Condemned by a Bull of Gregory the Ninth, and one Simon a Professor, and Divant a Master of Arts, were after accused of Heresy, for being Esteemers of Aristotle's Opinions and Writings. Mezeray says, that in the Year 1209. one Almeric a Priest, beginning to preach some Novelties, had been forced to recant; for which he died of Grief. Several after his Death followed his Opinion, and were Condemned to be burnt; and he being Excommunicated by the Council of Paris, his Body was taken up, and his Ashes thrown upon a Dunghill. And because they believed the Books of Aristotle, lately brought from Constantinople, had filled their Heads with these Heretical Subtleties, the same Council forbids the reading or keeping them, under the pain of Excommunication.  
But during this Disgrace, there arose in his defence three famous Divines, to whom Damascen had opened the way, having abridged many of his Works; which had assisted him to put in order his great work of Divinity: And afterwards others improved this, and took as it were a Plan of Divinity from Aristotle's Philosophy.  
In the year 1366. Two Cardinals, Commissioners from Vrban the Fifth, came to Establish the Doctrine of Aristotle in France; where it was ordered, that none should proceed Master of Arts, that were not Examined upon his Logic, Physics, Metaphysics, and his Books of the Soul; and afterwards were enjoined to study Aristotle carefully, to restore the Reputation of the University.  
Pope Nicholas the Fifth, a great advancer of Learning, commanded a new Translation of Aristotle into Latin, for the use of the Divines of the Romish Church.  
Pope John, that Canonised St. Thomas and his Doctrine, increased the Reputation of Aristotle, from whom that great Doctor had drawn his Principles; but now his Writings became the Fundamental Laws of Philosophy.  
In the Fourteenth Age grew the hot Contention between the Thomists and the Scotists: The Disciples of St. Thomas and Scotus, about Subtle things, or (as Mezeray calls them) brangling Cobweb-Controversies, which yet was pursued with Passion, according to Interest or Inclination, or by engagement of Parties. And so multiplied were Disputes, that a Venetian Writer pretended to reckon up Twelve thousand Volumes published in that Age about the Philosophy of Aristotle.  
This pursuit of Differences, and Niceties, never to be made decidable, grew to raise a new Philosophy, that the other became scarcely intelligible: Interest, and the Excessive love of Dispute, caused so many vain subtleties, that Philosophy began to lose its former Credit and Reputation. And if it were not from my purpose, the naming only of those useless and unintelligible Subtleties would easily convince any, that by the sharp Disputes it appeared, it was for Truth, or the hopes evidently to discover it, that engaged the quarrelling Parties.  
Yet after this the Reputation of Aristotle so far increased, and was so established in the University of Paris, that Ramus, who had found out some new Subtleties in Logic, and Published some Observations upon Aristotle to diminish his Credit, was by the other Professors in the University condemned in the year 1543. for Rash, Ignorant, and Impudent, to dare write any thing against Aristotle; and an Order made, that none should teach any other Philosophy. Such a Religious Veneration they had for Aristotle, that dissenting from it grew a Heresy; and in the Massacre at Paris, Ramus was murdered with as much fury, as the Calvinists themselves.  
The Credit of Aristotle was also not a little increased in the Church of Rome, from the Opposition of Bucer, Calvin, Melancthon, and others; and it was then more and more found out, that it was a support to the dark Opinions of that Church. This was the Cause that it was so supported by the Doctors of Paris in the year 1611. by making a new Rule, that all Professors should teach the Philosophy of Aristotle. And in the year 1624. a Request was denied for some particular Theses to be proposed against the Doctrine of Aristotle And the same Parliament in the Year 1629. made an Arrest against some Chemists, upon the Information of the Sorbonists, that the Principles of Aristotle could not be written against, or lessened, without prejudicing the School-Divinity received. And this perhaps raised and confirmed his Reputation in all Universities, which were first encouraged by the Popes, as proper Soils to sow the Seeds for Disputers to grow up, to defend and support all new and dark Opinions. Thus his Name grew almost Sacred in Universities; and Queen's College in Oxford yet shows a kind of Testimony of Veneration, by reading Aristotle upon their Knees; and those that take Degrees, sworn to defend his Philosophy.  
Whosoever will impartially consider the dark Subtleties contained in Aristotle's Philosophy, will find reason enough for the use of it in as dark, but more dull Writings of School-Divinity, whose end seems only to confound all things with obscure and dark distinctions. For when an impartial Obedience is to be persuaded, the most sublime and unintelligible means are most proper to be used.  
And 'tis no wonder if the Fathers, and Sages of the Three first Ages, were not quick enough to understand a sort of Dullness, of which then they had no use, the thing not being then found out that they were to be applied to. But when the occasion was ready for it, the puzzling parts of Aristotle's Philosophy were found useful; and among all his dark Subtleties, none more convenient than that of separated Essences which were Being's where no Being was, and the only proper Notion to find out a place for Purgatory; and seemed also very useful to support the hard Point of Transubstantiation; where there appears a Substance, that must not be believed to be there, and another to be believed there that is not at all to be perceived. Yet though the Church engaged in the Quarrel, the Credit of the New Philosophy has increased chiefly by the Writings of Mirandula, Lod. Vives, Galilaeus, Gassendus, and Des Carls, and by many excellent Philosophers of our own Nation.  
I have not given this Account with the least Design or Endeavour to lessen the Esteem of Knowledge in this particular of Philosophy. For certainly the Natural Reason of things is worthy of such a search as may inform. But to labour in the endless and useless searches of Subtleties and nice Distinctions, can be for no other use but Disputes, caused by the Vanity of supposed Victory, or the Application to Interest. At least, I could not find a clear advantage to myself, or could have hoped to have offered any others, by endeavouring to obtain the Perfections of an imperfect Study, wherein nothing appeared to me promising any thing of public use or private demonstration.  
For the Mathematics, setting aside that vain part of it, Astrology, I only know enough of it to deplore I had not made my entire Study there, where a Demonstration made it more proper for the true use of men, than for their Designs. For in things that admit the least Dispute, men must be least divided; and yet Evident Truth begets the least Interest, and the fewest Admirers. But where things not only above Reason, but contrary to Sense, are imposed upon men's Belief, that implicit Faith, and consequently Obedience, must be the sure Foundation of Interest; and those who have parted with their Wits, may probably part with their Fortunes. For certainly had not such extraordinary Designs prospered on easy men, the ecclesiastics had not crept into such great Titles and large Possessions, that the Apostles could hardly find any Image of themselves in their Successors, and as little in some of their Opinions, who never were taught, or did teach, to deny Sense, and to make visible Truth, or sensible Demonstration, a Sin.  
The Mathematics have therefore caused less Disputes, and engaged fewer in the Study of it, where Truth can only be the Search and the Reward, and Disputes must be confounded by Demonstration. But the other Studies are most suitable to the bend Nature of Mankind, where things not to be clearly decided, nourish Contention and Design: For easy People being ready for extraordinary Notions, excuse the folly of not examining, by the prudence of believing it safer to submit implicitly to others, than to use their own Sense. And at last, by such entire submissions, Impossibilities become as easy to them as Truths, and Falseness as Demonstration; like those that use themselves perpetually to hot Waters, Spirit of Wine itself at last is swallowed up, without being perceived to have any violent strength.   

Observations on HISTORY.  
THE next Study to this, that seemed nearest Truth, and of most use, was History, in which the best measures of men are to be found; and the Comparisons of Calms and Storms in Empires, the Quiet and Revolutions under several Princes and Governors, will best teach by what Methods Kingdoms have been preserved and shaken; which is not only useful for those that govern, but those that obey, teaching the first how to preserve, and the last how to afford the Means.  
Nor did any thing appear more agreeable to me, than the use that Machiavelli makes of History in his Decades on Livy, where his Discourses, grounded upon Reason, have yet matter of Fact to support them, and brings it the nearest to a Demonstration. For Notions in Politics, unsupported with Fact, seem only bare Opinions; but from those Accidents and Events that we have seen follow closely the Wisdom and Virtue of Princes, or the Folly and Vices of them and their Favourites and Ministers, (sharing so much their Power) may be reasonably deduced that Judgement of things which must be useful to practice, or avoid, by the ruling and obeying part.  
There are no Prescriptions (in my Opinion at least) so useful against this Sickness, as the Precedents in History; to see what Glory and Safety wise and virtuous Princes have obtained, and what Ruin the Cruelty and Folly of others have brought upon themselves and Subjects. In every Country their own Precedents are most proper for themselves, since living under the same Constitutions, they may justly expect the same Effects from those happy or unfortunate Causes.  
In all our Stories, I looked upon none so instructing as this part I have chosen, where the power of firm Virtue and unsteady Errors so evidently appeared in their close Operations.  
I do not look upon a calm and quiet Reign so much the Proof of steady Virtue, where Peace has descended with the Empire, nor the Troubles of an unquiet time so clear an Evidence of unsteady Errors, where the Storms and Troubles descended with the Crown. But when in an immediate and repeated Succession, the Extremes alternately have preserved and destroyed. I look upon these as the clear Testimonies of the different Powers of Vice and Virtue, Steddiness and Indirectness, Justice, and Tyranny.  
The Examples are no where to be found more close than in the Reigns of Edward the Second and Richard the Second. The first succeeded his Father Edward, who came to the Crown after many Troubles that his Father Henry the Third had long laboured under; but his steady Virtue overcame all Troubles at home, and conquered his Enemies abroad; and was the first that made England look like a Powerful and Established Monarchy. His unfortunate Son Edward unravelled what he had wound up, and by unsteady Errors shook that Power that descended so unshaken to him from his mighty Father. His Son Edward the Third, by Virtues and Methods of his Grandfather, restored what his Father had lost. Richard the Second, the Son of the Black Prince, succeeded his Grandfather in his Throne; but his Great Grandfather, Edward the Second, in the same fatal and unsteady measures, lost more than the other had gained. For though he lost his Life, like Edward the Second, yet he lost more than he; for with him the Succession ended, and fell into another Line.  
No Subject appeared to me so worthy of Remarks as this; which evidently shows, that there is a general Temper in Mankind, fatal to their own Peace, which even and firm Minds would perceive. Fortune and occasion add to, or diminish the Temper of most, who sink either too low, or swell too high: Success makes them false to themselves and others. All modest and professed Principles are lost in such a Temptation, and both Kings and Subjects have harassed one another by such alterations, and shook the Government they both seemed tender of.  
Sometimes when Kings have been in such a Condition that is capable to ground sufficient Flattery upon, there never want those either indigent in Fortune or Virtue, to persuade Kings, That Limited Power (for so they call Laws observed) is but the Fetters of a Prince, and they need be worn no longer than he submits to public Notions, which are nothing but unsolid Fancies: For if a King does not assume all Power, the Subjects will grow into the greatest share, and will necessitate him to try for all, or have as good as none.  
On the other side, a Prince attempting this, and failing, he sinks perhaps to grant as much as he designed to get, and believes to find a stop in their Desires, who knew none in his own. Subjects are at first modest, and their Desires are grounded upon Common Interest; but usually when they believe their Credit and Condition large enough for a Foundation, they increase as fast in Desires as Fortune gives them occasion; and when they gain more than they expected, they will ask more to secure what they had obtained, and at last make themselves incapable to trust or be trusted. It is the Nature of Extremities to allow no retreat; and the mischiefs of either side are equal to the Common Peace; and wherever a ravished Power rests, the Tyranny is alike.  
Nothing more illustrates this than the unfortunate Reigns of those Two unhappy Princes Edward the Second, and Richard the Second, both Princes of resembling Tempers, not affected with extraordinary Cruelty in their own Natures, of competent Sense and Courage, but ill Users of both: In Prosperity they seemed to show more Courage than they had, and in Adversity less; by which it naturally appeared they were more influenced by others than themselves, who flattered them in a good Condition, and forsook them in a bad. They were both apt to be fond of Favourites, and the Nobility as apt to hate them: Yet some of those that condemned those Kings for fixing too much their Favours upon particular persons, would perhaps have been as pleased to enjoy the same good Fortune. But the public was made complain for their private Displeasures, and the usual immoderate use of Power in those Favourites, caused such a Distance in the Hearts of King and People, that the attempting the Cure of the Diseases that sprung from the infection of ambitious Ministers, procured Calamities in their Redress; as Physicians, sometimes one Disease as a Remedy for another, and to cure a Lethargy, the Patient must be driven to a Fever.  
King Edward gave this Offence by his unlimited Favours to Gaveston, and after him to the Spencers: King Richard to the Duke of Ireland, and Earl of Suffolk. Gaveston's Person was very charming, and his Mind and Frame equally fitted for Luxuries, which was discerned by that great Prince Edward the First, who banished him, and on his Deathbed enjoined his Son never to bring him back. He was a man of Courage, but when raised to Power, he grew from all Evenness of Temper, and was as insolent as his Fortune was great.  
The Spencers succeeded him in Favour, in whom no particular marks of good Qualities could be traced; never satisfied with wealth, nor ever satisfied with revenge. The Riches of the Nation seemed but enough to satisfy their Ambitions, and the Destruction of it to secure their Safeties. They first justly made many their Enemies, and then destroyed them for being so. By this it may seem strange, that Princes should have that Excess of Value for such worthless Objects, which more ordinary persons would hardly bestow upon them. But those of the losest and most debauched Principles are aptest to feed the Humour of men, who love to be nourished by soft Flatteries; and Common People are not Objects for such Endeavours. Princes tempt the Tempter's, who creep into their Power by perpetual whispers, how to enlarge theirs, and twisting themselves into their Prince's Favour and Opinion, involve his Interest with theirs, and render any Displeasure against them, the want of Duty to him.  
Richard the Second was as unhappy as his Choice of Favourites. The first was the Duke of Ireland, better than the rest, but hardly better than any others. He was not a great studier of mischief, but a ready Adviser to pursue any advantage to enlarge Power. He seemed to want Courage to attempt; and few want Courage to embrace. So that it was possible he might have rested in a limited share of Fortune, and been contented with a moderate quietness, had he not been joined with the turbulent Earl of Suffolk, who, in all Conditions, merited the worst Character; in War, fearful; in Peace, insupportable; all Virtue unthought of by him, and Mischief his study, and his Diseased Mind the common place of Corruption.  
Tresilian, the Chief Justice, was an useful Minister to assist such a Favourite, who was ready to subject Law to Occasion, and make the Occasion suitable to Law; and 'tis probable he got his Place by such measures; for his Reason was Violence, and his Justice Cruelty.  
There was nothing right or wrong, but what he was directed to determine so, and gave a full Testimony of himself in the deciding the Ten Queries proposed by the Earl of Suffolk, all which were resolved into Treason, or to merit Death. By which Resolves the Nation was made the Traitor, and the Treason fitted certainly to find out Traitors.  
Thus commonly Men attain to Prince's Favours, by being more Councillors to their Humours than their Interest, and with unconfined Flattery betray them to the Temptation of unlimited Power. And this violent driving all things into Extremes, was the fall of those too unhappy Princes, who, when they had Power showed no Moderation, and when they wanted it, betrayed as much Dejection.  
This shook that Trust, which is the Foundation of peace, and that once shaken, either side (as occasion offered) acted the same immoderation, which they before Condemned. Both these Princes in the change of Fortune, denied and granted too much, and most commonly denied what they had granted, and granted what they had denied before, by which they disobliged in denying, and their Favours seemed no Obligation when bestowed. The first was looked upon, as designed to injure their Subjects, and the last as a fear of them.  
These things will be best illustrated by giving an impartial Account of some resembling Particulars in the Actions of these unfortunate Princes.  
Edward the Second began first with his receiving the banished Gaveston into Favour before his Father's Funerals were performed, makes him Earl of Cornwall, and gives him the Lordship of Man; and in his first Actions, seems to forget his Father's Commands, and neglect the Advice of any Council.  
This so enraged the Nobility, that they press for Gaveston's Banishment; or threatened (if denied) to hinder his Coronation. The King (pursued always with a Fatal unsteadiness) yields to their Demands, and Promises in the next Parliament all they had desired: Yet after he had promised the Banishment of Gaveston, permits him, notwithstanding, to carry St. Edward's Crown. This aggravates so much, that the next Parliament proceeded much higher. Thus the Balances began to be tossed up and down, as any weight on either side, helped to hoist up the other.  
In the Parliament they pursued their advantage; and the King not only grants them power to draw Articles, but takes his Oath to confirm whatever they concluded; and he that before seemed jealous of trusting his Subjects, now gave them an opportunity of revenging that Mistrust.  
The want of Confidence before seemed to betray an ill Intention, and this unlimited Confidence confirmed the Opinion of it; both betrayed what he designed both should conceal; and by the Extremes, taught the fatal Lesson of Jealousy; and those perhaps that advised the ill Designs, wanting power to bring them forth from their own Fears, gave Councils contrary to their former Advices in a better Condition: For men without Principles are guided by those Opinions that unequal Fears, or unsteady Ambition gives them, and receive no Council from even Principles, or unshaken Virtue.  
These Mistakes provoked the Banishment of Gaveston, and the King became liable to Perjury whenever they pleased. But after he had committed this Error, he pursues it with a greater; and though he banished Gaveston to keep his Oath, he violates again by recalling him, and gives him his Niece in Marriage, and so much Rules, that it justly merited the Censure of wasting the public● Treasure.  
The Barons enraged at this Breach of Faith in the King, and to see the Fortune of the Nation thrown into a Stranger's Hands, threaten Force against their Perjured Prince, and by this means obtain again the Banishment of Gaveston, with a Clause of Death, if ever he returned.  
Gaveston having not been long in Banishment, and finding, or at least believing he was not safe abroad, thought it less hazardous to trust to the former extravagant Affection of the King, than Enemies and Strangers in another Country; and upon this consideration comes back into England, and immediately repairs to him. The King (according to his expectation) received him with such an Excess of inconsiderate Joy and Kindness, that it seemed as if Gaveston brought always Charms more powerful than any Divine or Hamane Obligation.  
Upon this the Lords again took Arms, and petition in the Name of the whole Commonalty, That Gaveston may be banished. The King more fond of Gaveston, than sensible of what he had done, or of their Force or Petition, takes, as it were, a Flight with him, and puts him with Forces into Scarborough-Castle; and as Gaveston seemed to aim at security, by weaving the King's Fortunes with his, so the King seemed to make his Fortunes as desperate as Gaveston's, by sharing his Condition.  
The Lords eagerly pursued him to Scarborough, which they besieged and took, together with Gaveston, whom they immediately beheaded. Thus this unhappy Prince neglecting his own Faith, gave others the Opinion, that theirs was discharged; and the fondness of a Favourite above the People, lessened their Duty, as he lessened his Consideration of them: and 'tis too visible a truth, that a Prince who so much resigns himself to Favourites, must also resign his Fortune to theirs.  
The Lords, swelled with this Success (the usual Effects of Ravished Power), march with an Army towards London, where the King then was, where Necessity, and not Choice, seemed to be the means that a Parliament was called, where the King complained of the Barons, who justified their unlawful Actions, by the Errors of their Prince, and plead Merit for having purchased the Banishment of Strangers to quiet the People. Thus unsteady Actions beget wild Arguments, and false Pretensions are too much supported by Power.  
However, a Composure for the present was made by the Queen, the Bishops, and the Earl of Gloucester, who calmed the Barons into a Temper of ask the King's Pardon; and several Articles were agreed on for present satisfaction, which seemed as if the Lords had more Inclinations to Obedience than Rebellion, and wanted but the prudent Justice of a Prince to be applied, to cure these Wounds that Jealous Discontents had made.  
But the Mischief of former ill Humours and Councils remained, and began to show themselves by the deadly of performing what was agreed on, which was the Cause that the Earls of Arundel, Warwick▪ and Warren, refused to go with the King against the Scots.  
It seems strange, that Vnsteddiness and Injustice, Two of the weakest Errors of Mankind, should become Rules for Princes to act by, which could hardly be possible, were they not resigned to the Councils of others, and consequently to their Interests, such who cannot by National Methods pursue their Ambitious Designs, and protect what they obtain; the pursuit of Honour and Riches are seldom limited, and putting a Distance between King and People is the only means to keep them remote from Examination and Justice, and at least involve their Interest so with his, that to question them is to attack his Dignity.  
To foment Differences between the King and others, was now acted by little Artifices; one Instance of which was the taking away the Earl of Lancaster's Wife by one Richard St. Martin, claiming her as his, and that he had formerly lain with her; and claimed by her the Two Earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury. This was an Action that seemed to show the Encouragement and Assistance of great Power; nor did they that contrived it, omit their chief aim of having the King thought a Party, at once to engage him in their Designs and Animosities, and to revenge himself and them by particular Injuries: For 'tis not to be presumed, that such a man as the Duke of Lancaster could have such a violence committed in his House by an inconsiderable Fellow, without great assistance of Force and Power: and the Two Earldoms (that seems rested in her) were Arguments that the Design was to affront the Duke of Lancaster in the Diminution of his Honour, and to make an irreconcilable Difference between the King and him, who being related to the King, and a man of great Quality and Interest; might perhaps be an Obstacle to those Designs which were contriving by the new Favourites; and it was an improper consideration for such to consider whether the King's Interest and Honour were best served by this, but only whether their own Designs were not best pursued.  
And now the same Fatal Humour began to show itself; and Hugh Spencer the Younger (who Mezeray says had been bred up with him in an unbecoming Familiarity, and had absolute Empire over him), succeeded Caveston in an almost unlimited Favour and Power. The first Difference that this caused appeared at the Siege of Berwick, which being near taken by the Scots, the King declared to make his Design to make the Younger Spencer Governor of it; upon which the Earl of Lancaster withdrew his Forces, with whom the Lords presently took Arms, and declared the Cause to be for the removing the Spencers; the Father being now got into joint Commission of Favour with his Son, who governed with as much Insolence and Absoluteness as ever Gaveston had done.  
With these Forces they advance towards the King, and boldly demand the Banishment of the Spencers: The King not being strong enough at present to oppose them, giveth a Temperate Answer, only seeming averse to punish any but by Form of Law; and therefore would not banish them unheard, but promises them they should answer to any Charge, and swore he would never pardon Offences proved. This Answer did not yet satisfy the Lords, who continued their March to London, where the King grants all things denied before.  
The King, that had yielded to what was demanded by Force, out of the apprehension of that Power, retained yet his former Inclinations, and was so used to act by indirectness, that he rather proceeded by a familiar Method, than any new Necessity, and praetised as much from Nature as Occasion.  
The Spencers, by an Edict published in Westminster-Hall, by the Earl of Hereford, were banished the Realm; but in a very little time, when the Lords were returned home, the Edict was revoked in a Council held in London, where the Archbishop of Canterbury declared the Banishment of the Spencers to have been Erroneous.  
As soon as the Lords were retired to their promised Quiet, having obtained what they desired, the King began to design to revenge on them the Displeasure for what he himself had granted, as if all his Favours were his Errors, and his Severity his prudent Justice. Thus while they thought themselves restored to Peace, the King prepares for War, and suddenly raising Forces, pursues the Barons, many of whom revolt to him; the rest make such preparations as was possible in so short a time, and stayed with their Forces at Burton upon Tnent: When the King's Army advanced to them, they perceived they were much exceeded in Numbers; so that the Earl of Lancaster thought it wiser to retreat, especially considering, that he had sent Sir Robert Holland to raise more Forces among his Tenants, which Supplies he thought it prudent to wait for: But the Endeavour to retreat, gave the King's Forces an Addition of Courage from that Testimony of their Fear, which was made use of by Valence Earl of Pembroke, who then Commanded the King's Army, who, after some resistance, put them to flight; after which the Earl of Lancaster, and many Noblemen and Gentlemen, were taken Prisoners. The News of this Defeat, or his own Falseness, brought Sir Robert Holland, with his new raised Forces, to join with the King.  
As soon as these mighty Enemies were in the King's Power, the Spencers (full of Revenge) urged on for the Execution of all. 'Tis said, That Valence the Earl of Pembroke, who obtained the Victory, interceded for Mercy; but this rather hastens their Fate; for Spencer was so apprehensive, that the King's Mercy to any would be a Cruelty to him, that he successfully urged a quick Execution: The King, with other Lords, among whom was Hugh Spencer, now Earl of Winchester, sat and gave Judgement upon the Earl of Lancaster, who was presently beheaded, and many other Lords in their several Countries, to disperse Terror in every place. Above Twenty Men of Quality were put to death at this time; the first Blood of this nature that was ever shed since the Conquest.  
Besides, the Earl of Lancaster, there died Fourteen Lords and Barons, their Estates and Inheritances were likewise seized, and were used to advance a new sort of men, who must needs applaud and flatter such Councils and Successes that had been so favourable to them; and questionless the Streams of Flatteries flowed to the King, for his Choice of such a Favourite as Spencer, who had now enthroned him once again, and by so much Blood procured him the surest Coronation: Nor was Spencer less blind in the Judgement of his own Condition, who was now Master of his King, and of all those Spoils that this bloody Success had thrown into his ambitious Arms: But his Condition was too prosperous temperately to consider the Uncertainty of a Violent Prosperity, watched by the unwearied searches of Envy and Revenge.  
Councils and Actions now appeared, as commonly after such Success; Law lay contemned under Power, and the Interest of the Nation under Conquest; all Temperate and Composing Actions formerly used, were now reflected on as a Prince's Shame, and any thing less than Arbitrary Power, his Dishonour; an ill chosen Ground of Safety in its own Nature, but most improper to engage a Prince in, who by the weakness of unsteady Judgement, and the ill use of Power, had sufficiently, by mistrust, prepared men's minds not to be cozened into Flattery.  
It must be the Concurrence of many strange Accidents, and the close Reserve of a Prince's Nature, that must steal him into Absolute Power; otherwise we had heard of many more successful Tyrants in the World: For I doubt not but generally the Natures of Men have been more ready to embrace more Power than their Abilities or Accidents have complied to assist them in: And we seldom read of such as become Slaves, but of such as have been well cozened Subjects.  
The King's Power now seemingly grown to a great height, by the Numbers that his Success increased, flattered him as well as their Tongues, that nothing was able to resist him, and perhaps to find uses for those Forces, that now must be kept together, resolves to march from York into Scotland, rather with a mighty Number than a powerful Army, never considering, that such Numbers, without suitable Discipline and Provisions, were a weakness to themselves: The Scots, it seemed, considered this, and kept close, and hindered them of all Provisions, leaving them to overcome themselves; for Want increasing, they were beaten without Blows, and returned pursued by Want and Dishonour, as well as by the Scots, who entered far into England, and returned with great Spoils into Scotland.  
This unhappy King, not made for Councils, was as well not born for Triumph, and was now perhaps at a calmer leisure to consider what he had done. It seemed something like regretting Thoughts, when being earnestly solicited to pardon one of the Duke of Lancaster's Followers, a Man of a mean Condition, he exclaimed with Passion against such Councillors that pressed him to spare the Life of such a Fellow, and spoke not one word to spare the Life of the Duke, though his near Kinsman, whose Blood had so near Relation to his own, making this true Reflection, that his Life might have been useful to him, the other's could not.  
Misfortune seemed at this Instant to give the King a more temperate Consideration, which in the streams of Success he would hardly have leisure to entertain, but this was rather an unsteady than a firm return to better and more prudent Thoughts and Councils, his Nature was still the same, which made his Favours or Displeasure equally dangerous.  
Sir Andrew Hackley, who took the Earl of Lancaster, showed the Truth of this; for growing enough to give apprehension to the Spencers, he lost his new enjoyed Honours, together with his Life, being first degraded of them, and then executed: So that the King seemed at one time ready to destroy, and to revenge Destruction, just as the Displeasure and Spleen of his Ambitious Favourites guided him.  
It was no wonder if so easy a Conquest over a King should swell the Conqueror enough to burst him; nor that so much Wealth and Glory should so much dazzle the Eyes of Spencer, as to make him lose his way; but all seemed calm, nor any little speck so like a Cloud that seemed to threaten any storm; and the instability of this World in general is seldom the Contemplation of the Fortunate and Ambitious.  
This made him attempt that which was the highest Testimony of his believed Security, in lessening the Queen's Attandance and Maintenance: The Spencers were not satiated with all the late Spoils of the King's Enemies, nor with the Sale of his Favours to his Friends; Places and Honours were purchased as in a common Market, and every thing enclosed or exposed as they pleased: Yet it seemed all this was not enough, or certainly they would not have endeavoured to supply the want by the Queen's Prejudice, and raise the most probable storm to disturb their prosperous Course: For the Queen had been always the great support of the King, and the Composer of his difficult Affairs: She repaired those Breaches the Errors of others had made; one that still laboured for Peace, and was successful in it.  
It might seem strange, that Favourites could find ways to waste as much as would support and supply the Public, and then seek ways as extravagant to get it: and yet more strange, that a King should be a Party in the dangerous ways that led to his own Ruin, and careful to preserve them by the Hazard of himself. When Gaveston and the Spencers seemed forsaken by God and Man, they were never by their unfortunate Prince, but by him the whole was judged more guilty, and less wise than his Favourites.  
In the fatal stream of Fortune, the Prosperous and Ambitious think of nothing but Enjoyments, detest a sober, much more a melancholy Consideration of those strange and sudden Alterations and Changes that this World is subject to; but think their Greatness and Prosperity has chained up Accidents; and that Fortune, who had flattered them as much as they had done their Prince, would always be as obedient as she had been seemingly fond of them: Affliction gives Thoughts admittance, but the swelled Minds of the successfully Ambitious seldom endure to think.  
The First Accident that showed this Truth, was the Troubles that rose in France, which grew so high that all the King's Territories were adjudged forfeited, and many places of importance seized: The storm was so violent that there was no hopes of becalming this Roughness, but by the King's going in Person to pay his Homage, or at least the Queen to mediate with her Brother. But the Spencers thought it unsafe to be separated from the King, who yet was the only Fence against that Sea of Discontent, whose Tide every day appeared to swell; and they that had destroyed all Trust, had reason enough to be jealous.  
Such men so constantly guided by pleasing Weaknesses, might not perhaps discern the Queen might be a dangerous Instrument to employ, that had been so disobliged; but commonly those that do injuries, are the least apprehensive that they will be remembered, or commonly having no fear of those they oppress, they never consider the future possibility of Revenge. But if they had apprehended danger to themselves in the Queen's going, yet they chose the less Evil, nothing appearing so terrible as parting with the King.  
Thus the Queen was sent away with an indifferent Train, and acted seemingly so well, that she brought things to a fair accommodation, but upon such Terms as did necessitate the Prince her Son to be sent over to her. With him she had what she desired, a Foundation to build her Revenge upon, which had been long raked up in warm Embers, which now she began to discover. And the beginning of this Fire breaking out, was made known to the King by the Bishop of Exeter, who secretly withdrew into England; but she was stayed by the most powerful Causes, Love and Revenge. For she that now seemed free from all Ties to her King and Husband, placed her loose Affections upon Roger Mortimer, who had lately escaped out of the Tower, and from the Oppression of the Spencers: She knew England conned neither be safe to her, nor Mortimer, whom she valued as herself; and therefore resolved to trust any thing rather than her Husband or the Spencers.  
The Queen thus delaying her Obedience to the King, in returning to England, She and the Prince were declared Enemies to the Kingdom, and they and their Adherents banished; and at the same time the Queen received Intelligence, that there were great Sums offered to have the Prince murdered; upon which she withdrew to the Earl of Haynault, where she contracted her Son to Philippe, Daughter to the Earl, and there procures some Forces and Moneys: Though her Forces were inconsiderable, yet she reasonably depended upon what she should find in England, not what she brought; For she knew that any thing would be welcome that brought a show of redeeming them from the Oppressions they suffered under. With these therefore she ventured to Sea, and after some Variety of Accidents, she landed with her Forces near Harwich, where immediately she found all her Conjectures true: For many Lords and Bishops repaired to her; among them, the Two Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln; the first not forgetting the particular Wrong, and both zealously remembering the Injury the Clergy had received.  
The Queen wanted not a just Complaint to support her unjust Cause; and so great were the Discontents, that they hurried on almost the whole Nation to support a Double Rebellion in a Woman against her King and Husband; and the Pulpit was ready to speak as execrably as others to act. The Bishop of Hereford taking for his Text, My head acheth, raising his revengeful and impious Doctrine upon it; That a sick Head was to be taken off; and in the Revolutions that attended this unhappy King, and Richard the Second, the Clergy were always ready to Sanctify, and the Lawyers to make Rebellion Legal.  
The King had now the Clamorous effects of ill Counsels calling too loud upon him, yet saw no way left to recover or repair the Misfortune those Errors had brought him into. Wherever he went he found no Subjects, those with their Hearts were lost before, but led by as uncertain Counsels as his Life was Governed. He knew not whether to fly, but only fled: He saw London was unsafe, who were all turned from Duty to him, in Affection to the Queen: Nor could he propose any place to himself, where he had not reason to expect certain Enemies, or worse, uncertain Friends. After many Motions, as various as his former Humours, he designed for the Isle of Lundy, and takes with him the Earl of Gloucester, the Spencers and Robert Baldock, that was Chancellor, and with some few others takes shipping; showing how Man's Nature waits upon Fortune, and changes with it. They that before could not be content with so much Plenty and Dominion, showed now no more Ambition, than what a small naked Island could satisfy, where Safety was their only Hope, and a chosen Prison their Liberty.  
The King had left the Government of the City of London to Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Treasurer; but the City to show their good will to the Queen, among the many Testimonies she received, gave a bloody one of their Devotion to her increasing Success, and struck off the Bishop's Head, and seized the Tower of London, killing many in their Fury, and acting those Lawless Cruelties that they before Condemned.  
These strange Revolutions evidently showed the various Powers of Adversity and Prosperity, how it depresses some below themselves, and lifts up others beyond their Reason and Consciences: The Queen, that had been before the repairer of her Husband's Errors, now makes use of them to her Husband's ruin: She that used to bring Peace to heal those Wounds Ill Counsels had made, brought War now to make them wider; and whilst she Condemned those Diseases that made the Nation sick, she made Rebellion the Cure. But success (as it was used to do) made her not only act worse than herself, but worse than those she had so Condemned. At first she only declared against the Favourites, and perhaps then only designed their ruins: but she ought not with the loss of her own Virtue, to try to Cure what the want of it in others had caused. But had not the rapidness of her Good Fortune hurried her so fast from herself, she might have discerned she was exposed upon so violent a Stream, as would carry her by its own Force, and not by her Direction; and others at last would use that Power, which, in such Cases as these are, is seldom retained long by the Raiser's of it. Mighty Causes, that bring Disorders, like Temples, raise up things first, and toss up unthought of Ruins upon them; and a Succession of mischief lasts till the Storm ceases. No Age but this afforded these Examples, and yet we see it not powerful enough to teach those, who would be safe in Virtue, not to hazard being Corrupted by Power violently obtained.  
The Queen now, with still increasing Forces, pursues her flying King and Husband, and from Oxford marches to Gloucester, and from thence to Bristol, where the King had put the Earl of Arundel, and Spencer the Father to defend the Place, which was fortified as well as the time would give them leave: But this Place quickly yielded to that success, which seemed to deny all hopes to the King's declining Condition. Spencer, was there taken, and executed with all the Rigour that Revenge and Conquest could invent, and with as much Contempt of Law, as he and his Son had formerly showed. They Condemned him without any Trial, and prevented his natural Determination, which could not have been long, being then Fourscore years old.  
Proclamation was about this time made, That if the King would come in, and conform himself to the Laws and Government, he should be restored by the General Consent of the People. But the King either durst not, or his Favourite Spencer durst not let him trust this Declaration. Such Ministers made desperate, hold their King the safer, the more sinking their Condition is; and rather chose that the Hazard of their Prince may save them, than their Ruin save their Prince: Though perhaps in his Prosperous Condition they flattered him, that their Lives and Fortunes should be always Sacrifices for him. But 'tis equally strange, that Princes in great Power and Prosperity, should with pleasure believe Flatterers, and that those Interested Flatterers should hope to be believed; it shows a fatal Weakness in the one, and loose Designs in the other.  
Those also that put forth this Proclamation to call the King to his own Government, did perhaps as little desire he should embrace it. For this was but once done, and seemed a thing rather used to cov●● what was intended, than a clear intention in itself. For the eager pursuit of the King was still continued, who (as some say) seeking to Land in Lundy, was driven by Tempest into Wales, and in the Abbey of Nethe in Glamorganshire lay some time concealed. From Hereford the Queen divided part of her Army, under the Command of Henry Earl of Lancaster, into Wales, in pursuit of the King, who by the means of one Ryce ap Powel (who was well acquainted in the Country) took the King in a Monastery: This Earl of Lancaster was Brother to him that was beheaded at Pomfret, and seemed to show a Powerful pursuit of Blood, to bring the King into the Mercy of a Family where he had showed so little.  
Others say, that the King and and the younger Spencer were in the Castle of Bristol when it was besieged, from whence (fearing the Event) he with the younger Spencer stole away by night, and endeavouring to escape by Sea, his Boat was beaten back; and trying to put out again, it was discovered by the Lord Beaumond, who chased them with a small Vessel, and took the King and Spencer in it. However they all agree, that Spencer was taken with him, as if the King must always appear inseparably from the Cause of his Misfortunes.  
The Earl of Arundel that was taken at Bristol with others were beheaded, at the Instance of Mortimer, who now Governed the Queen's Affections and Affairs. This Earl of Arundel was generally allowed a brave Character, and seemed to be Guilty of no Fault but Loyalty to an unfortunate King, unless his Relation to the younger Spencer, who married his Daughter. The same thing that creates a prosperous Interest in one Condition, brings Ruin in another; or else it seemed improbable, that so brave a Gentleman should die like a Traitor only for being Loyal.  
The younger Spencer was carried along only to Grace the Queen's marching Triumph: and as the chief Cause of her taking Arms, he was rendered as Contemptible a Spectacle as was possible, and exposed in a fitting Posture to increase the Storms and Reproaches, that use to attend such miserable Objects: And perhaps some were mingled in the Crowd, that had formerly in his prosperous Greatness saluted him with fawning Acclamations. At last he was eased of all his Sufferings, though by a Death as full of Torments, as could be imagined, which yet he endured with much seeming calmness; perhaps wearied with so much shame and misery, he might be willing any way to find an undisturbed Quietness.  
A Parliament was presently called, where it was agreed the King should be Deposed, and his Son placed in his Throne; who hearing of it, refused such an untimely Succession, without the Consent and Resignation of his Father. Commissioners were immediately Deputed, consisting of Lords and Bishops, to go to the King: But before they came, the ready Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln had pressed the King to yield to the powerful Decrees of the Nation; and added, ●no question, specious Petences how well he should be provided for, and live more happily, than the various Cares of a Crown would ever permit him: Yet mingled threatenings, That if he refused quietly to resign to his Son, the Fury of the Incensed Nation would not only Destroy Him, but perhaps his Posterity.  
The King seemed quietly to submit, and a little after the Commons come to receive his Resignation, and were seated in a Form ready for the Ceremony. The King came out in Mourning, and at the sight of a formed Power ready to take away His, sunk down; but being recovered to a miserable Life, the Bishop of Hereford delivered the Cause of their coming. After which Trussell a Lawyer, and Speaker of the House of Commons, pronounces a Form of renouncing all Allegiance to Edward of Caernarvon; to which (as most Writers say) the King made not the least Answer, but turned about, and went out. There were Articles also exhibited against him; and his Son with much Ceremony chosen King in Westminster-Hall with the full consent of the People; which gave the occasion to the Archbishop of Canterbury to choose for the Subject of his Sermon, Vox populi, Vox Dei; exhorting the People to pray for the King they had chosen: Thus the Lawyer found out a Legal Method for the People to deprive their King of Sovereignty; and the Divines Consecrated their mighty Power, in calling their Voice, a Divine Election.  
Philip de Comines in his Third Book takes notice, That the Great Earl of Warwick subdued England in Eleven days; and King Edward the Fourth recovered it in One and twenty. Though these were sudden Revolutions, yet the Fortune of them was disposed by many Battles: but this was as sudden, yet without a Blow, which shows no Force to be greater than the Power of Injuries and Oppressions. For though in Prosperity and the full gust of Power, this mighty Force lying (as it were) in an Ambush in the Vexed Minds of injured Subjects, is undiscerned and slighted: And the fatal Precedents made by the Errors of others, are seldom made use of to our selves; yet when it begins to show itself, it seems no wonder, that the united Minds of all conclude for themselves. But Men are so much their own Flatterers, that they believe every thing Permanent they wish to be so; and Favourites that cannot submit to share a Common Benefit, venture at uncertain Advantages, and make it a Principle to depend more upon Men's Fears than Love. By the Mighty and Ambitious Mischiefs and Disturbances are wrought, but the Weak and Moderate desire Peace and Quietness.  
The unhappy King was now kept in Confinement with a small allowance, that he might be deprived of all things, that resembled a Prince's Condition; and suffered now for his unsteady Errors, as much perhaps by the wounding reflection of their Memory, as by what he endured for them. But too late he was taught Truth by Misery; and saw the Difference to lose those Friends that could preserve him, and keep none but only such as could help to destroy him. Prince's sometimes believe that the right of Power should preserve them, notwithstanding the want of Conscience in the using of it. But when their Errors have contracted Enemies, and the same Errors raised Accidents enough to give power and opportunity to those Enemies, misguided Princes (like this unhappy King) will find that such with as much want of Conscience will revenge their Wrongs, as they showed by the Oppression.  
It now appeared that the Graves of Princes are ever near their Prisons. This unhappy one above all things deplored, That his Wife, whom he had ever loved, would not be got to see him. But she was now possessed by her passion for Mortimer, that all her Duty and Virtue was Sacrificed, and her Husband was now as much her apprehension as aversion. Mortimer was as jealous as he could be, and never thought himself safe in his Enjoyments, while the King lived. They could be informed of the murmuring whispers of their Course of Life, and that hard usage of the King proceeded from thence, and therefore looked upon the King's Death as their only security. His Keepers were therefore changed by the advice of that ready Counsellor of mischief, the Bishop of Hereford; for Sir Maurice Berkley, in whose Custody he was, had been tampered with, and not found ready for the intended Villainy, he was therefore taken from Henchworth Castle, and committed to Sir Thomas Gourney and Sir John Matravers, who carried him to Corf-Castle, a place (some write) that he always declared an apprehensive aversion to; from thence to Bristol, from whence upon some suspicion of a Plot for his escape, he was conveyed to Berkley Castle; where by those barbarous Villains he was wretchedly murdered with a hot Iron, thrust through a Pipe up behind into his Bowels; which way they thought would perhaps make the least discovery by what Death he died; though his Groans and Cries sufficiently proclaimed the Violence of it.  
Some write, That the Bishop of Hereford by a dark Sentence instigated the Murderers to hasten the Execution by this Line; Edwardum occidere nolite Timere bonum est: At once giving them encouragement, and concealing an excuse for himself: But Ecclesiastical Riddles are dangerous, and sometimes their Expositions of Texts have been no other.  
After this horrid Execution, the Murderers Gourney and Matravers expected Rewards; but found the Queen and Bishop readier rather to threaten and accuse them, than to own the Service; and were forced to fly beyond Sea to seek safety for their loathed Lives. But Gourney after three years was taken, and sent to England, and by the way had his Head struck off. Matravers fled into Germany, where in Repentance he had time to waste a miserable Life.  
This King Reigned something above Eighteen years, and was murdered in the 43d. year of his Life: His Body was carried to Gloucester, and there buried without any Ceremony. His Character I will reserve till I join it with Richard the Second; since the same Methods and Errors in Government worked the same Effects, and both Princes equally unfortunate.  
The Reigns of Edward the Second, and Richard the Second (to which I am now proceeding) may be justly said to be as Mezeray calls the Reign of Henry the Third of France [The Reign of Favourites] who did enervate all his Virtues, and disposed him to looseness and carelessness; deafened and confounded him with Flatteries, prompting to observe no Law but his Will, while they were the Disposers of all things. At which many great Men and others retired discontented, and left the Favourite-Ministers at large to pursue their Ambition, and with new Inventions to waste, and pillage the King's Revenue.  
This Description suits with the beginning of this unfortunate King Richard the Second, who after the death of his Grandfather, that great Prince Edward the Third, succeeded him in the Throne: His Father the Famous Black Prince, dying in his Father's time; who by contrary Methods to what they used, met as contrary Fortunes. The Comeliness and Beauty of his Person (exceeding all his Predecessors) only seemed to Entitle him to a Generous Father, and as beautiful a Mother. But that promising Person, which might have become great Actions, was turned to Looseness and Pleasures; and Flatterers broke in to encourage that dissolute Carelessness, which they found would be suitable to his Nature, and their Ambitious Designs.  
The three chief Favourites and Ministers were Robert Vere Earl of Oxford, afterwards Marquis of Dublin, and Duke of Ireland: Michael Delapool Earl of Suffolk; and Robert Tresilian Lord Chief Justice. The Duke of Ireland seemed the best, as hardly he could do otherwise, being set with two such Foils; but he wanted Virtue and Courage, without the excess of Vices of the other two. Michael Delapoole was a model of complicated Vices; in Peace the most odiously Insolent, in War the most dejectedly Contemptible; He despised all methods of Quietness, and yet was frighted with the least Disturbance. Tresilian the Chief Justice was one that never showed his Place or Title by any practice, but ready to prostrate all Law to Occasion, and Justice to Designs: His Knowledge was Lewdness, and his Virtue Violence; what others designed he was ready to execute, and being kept up in this Darkness, he grew fierce on all things that were cast to him.  
This King was called Richard of Bordeaux, because born there, the only Son of the Black Prince. By his Grandfather Edward the Third he was in his Life time declared his Successor: And after his Death was Crowned at Westminster (in the year 1377) by Simon Sudbury Archbishop of Canterbury, with great Solemnity. The King being then eleven years old. The Duke of Lancaster, and Edmund Earl of Cambridge, the King's Uncles, with other Lords and Bishops, were joined in Commission to manage the State.  
The Minority of the King gave foreign Princes an Opinion, that it was a proper time to attempt upon England; the French first laid hold on the Occasion, and landed Forces, and did some mischief, and burned some places near the Sea: As about Rye, Portsmouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth; as also, Hastings and Winchelsea: The Scots also assaulted the Castle of Berwick, and won it, but it was taken again by the Earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, and all put to the Sword, but Ramsey, who took it by a bold and desperate attempt with a few Men.  
These troubles occasioned a Parliament to be called at Westminster, where Alice Pearce the Concubine to the late King Edward the Third was banished, and all her Goods confiscated: A Tax was then given of two Tenths of the Clergy, and two Fifteenths of the Temporalty: Others write the Tax was a Poll of four Pence upon every Head; but which way soever it was, either the Levying it, or the Tax itself, caused a sudden and strange Insurrection, begun by the infusion of one Wyatt, a Factious Priest, using these Common Notions against great Men, who had power to oppress others, and ruin the meaner sort to support their Greatness and Luxuries. This spread to the City, who gave intelligence, that they were ready to join with the Rabble, that appeared gathered from many adjacent Countries. This confused Body chose one Wat Tyler for their Captain, whose Assistants, or Privy-Councellers, were John Ball, Jack Straw, and Jack Shepherd.  
Blackheath (as they marched to London) was their Rendezvous, where they appeared to be above Threescore Thousand; From thence they marched to London, declaring themselves for the King and People.  
When they came to London, they were received either for Fear or Love, with all freedom, and treated as if they strove who should express themselves best to the flattered Rebels, who (like such a Mass of Giddiness got together) committed nothing but Murder and Violence; They burned the Savoy, the Duke of Lancaster's House; they rifled the Temple, and destroyed the Law-Books, expressing a Spleen against any thing of that Nature; Nor were Churches or Religious Houses spared; the good they punished, the ill they cherished, setting all Prisoners at Liberty; their Chief Leader, Tyler, remembering some Punishment that his old Master, Richard Lion, had inflicted on him, for some Crime he had committed, without any more Trial or Judgement than what his Revenge allowed, caused his Head to be stricken off, and carried before him on a Spear. Their Numbers were now so great, that the King durst not resist their Entrance into the Tower, where they abused his Mother, and took the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Chancellor, and Lord Treasurer, and dragging them to Tower-Hill, there beheaded them.  
In the midst of all these Outrages, the King proclaimed a Pardon to all that wou●d go quietly home; which the Essex men, and some others accepted; but the Kentish and others stayed with their Captain Tyler: So that it seemed as if part of this Rabble were not in the secret intention to subvert the Government, and throw down all above themselves from Oppression: About 20000. continued with their Captain: The King looking upon this as a good beginning, presented himself in Person before the Rebels, and spoke to them with all sweetness, promising them Pardon and Favour; but had so rude a return from Tyler, that instead of Submission, he demanded the King's Sword; at which the Mayor of London drew his, and struck him to the ground, where he was presently killed. The Rabble seemed to threaten Revenge; But the City hearing this, and thinking it high time to free their King and themselves from Ruin and Destruction, came to his Relief with a body of men; at which sight the affrighted Rebels yielded, and some fled, and delivered up their Ringleader; a Sacrifice that seldom fails to be made by such Tumults. Jack Straw, at his Execution, confessed their Design of destroying all that were above them in Name or Fortune.  
The King's chief Favourites now appeared to be Michael Delapoole, made Chancellor of England, and after Earl and Duke of Suffolk; Robert de Vere, Marquis of Dublin, and after Earl of Ireland; Alexander Archbishop of York, and Tresilian the Chief Justice. The first Testimony that these showed of their Animosities against the Methods of a just Minister, was the displacing Sir Richard Scroop, Lord Chancellor, who in all things used an impartial uprightness, which was an Offence to their loose and partial Designs.  
But they did not only sharpen the King's Nature against men in point of Offices and Employments, but against their Lives. The first appearance of this was by the Duke of Lancaster, whose Offences were likewise from his Virtues, and his Ruin therefore contrived by them, and resolved by Tresilian to be done by Form of Law; the worst sort of destroying when violated; but when truly observed, the best defence against destruction.  
There are seldom any extreme Proceedings in a Government, but there are depraved persons enough in all Conditions ready to swim with the stream, and take the benefit of any Tide of Fortune: For when Mischief is to be practised, Corruption is the Consequence; and there are always those ready, whom no Consideration balances in their Natures with Honour and Benefit. Tresilian was one of those thus prepared, and could hardly want as well-conditioned Informers and Juries: Occasions preserved from men is the surest Cause of their Virtue; but offered from those that should depress it, is the Cause and Temptation of Villainy. Crimes were prepared for the Duke, he never committed; a Jury of Lords were fixed, and it was not only designed he should be arrested, but his Condemnation was as confidently resolved and concluded.  
These things were not so secretly contrived, but the Duke of Lancaster had notice of them, and privately retired, or rather fled to Pomfret-Castle, where he prepared to defend himself; and already Discontents grew so high, that he wanted not assistance for it, and grew so considerable, that the Queen-Mother thought it worthy her pains in all respects to endeavour a Composure, which she effected, assisted by the apprehension of her Son, and the Duty which the Duke of Lancaster seemed yet to retain; so that for this time every thing was composed, unless their Minds, which once shaken by indirectness and mistrust, are seldom so purely cleared, but that some Seeds of Jealousy lie ready to spring upon the heat of any Difference. Without Trust, the Traffic amongst Dealers in petty things can never be carried on, and much less the Commerce between Prince and Subjects, without Credit.  
The King now entered upon the assuming the Government into his own Hands, and from this time grew liable to his own Errors, appearing wholly regardless of all his great Relations and Nobility, and only seemed kind to a fondness of his Chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk, and the Duke of Ireland, and their two subservient Friends, the Archbishop of York and Tresilian the Chief Justice, they that had now gained the possession of the King's Power and Inclination, showed a great Testimony of their ill use of it, by disposing the King against his brave Uncle the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earls of Warwick and Arundel.  
The King was now wholly possessed by these Favourites, and in a particular manner by the Chancellor Delapoole, whose mean Birth was suitable to his Qualities: His Vices so many, that he was himself a Grievance; and it seemed a fatal unhappiness, that the King's Conscience should be entrusted unto so bad a Keeper; but the King was as violent in his Affections as others could be in their Displeasures; He seldom regarded what others thought, till necessity forced the Consideration.  
These men that both feared and hated any men of Honour and Quality, that might have Interest to cross their Designs, laid hold of an Occasion to be rid of one of the greatest, the Duke of Lancaster, by assisting him with Forces to conquer Spain, which he claimed in right of his Wife Constance, Daughter and Co-heir of Peter (who was surnamed the Cruel), King of Castille and Leon: With very considerable Forces he sailed for Spain; He landed at the Troyne, and at Compostella met with the King of Portugal, where a Marriage was concluded with his Daughter; and after some Incursions made into the Country of Castille, a Peace and Marriage was also effected between the King of Spain's Eldest Son, and Katherine of Lancaster; and so resigned the Title to Spain for a Composition, by a sum of Money and a Pension.  
This looked like the feeble Policy of violent and self-interested Counsellors, which was applied to Men and not to Things, as if the removal of Two or Three that opposed their Designs, took all the Danger away that attended them: As long as there were injured men, they must have Enemies; and their safety was no way probable but by better Principles and Practices: Besides, there were other Lords left behind, made Popular by the same Errors: But they designed to ruin, if they could, all that were in their way; and after grew very busy in designing to murder the Duke of Gloucester, every day contriving some ill, and by their heavy wickedness loading their King.  
A little after the Rebellion, the King married with Anne, the Daughter of the Emperor Charles the Fourth, whom he loved passionately; for whose sake he refused the Daughter of the Duke of Milan, who was offered him, and with her a Dowry much more considerable: She lived with him Twelve Years, but without Issue, and died at Sheen by Richmond; which great loss made the place ever hated after by the King, who in all things showed he was a Man of great Affections; which are unfortunate Virtues when wrong placed.  
About this time the King declared Roger Mortimer his Heir and Successor, who was the Son of Lionel Duke of Clarence, Third Son of King Edward the Third, who was afterwards killed in Ireland: He also created his Uncles, Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, and Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, and his Cousin Henry of Bullingbrooke (Son and Heir to his Fourth Uncle, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster), Earl of Derby: His Cousin Edward Plantagenet (Son and Heir to his Uncle Edmund of Langley), he created Earl of Rutland; Sir John Holland Earl of Huntingdon, and Thomas Mowbray Earl of Nottingham.  
In the Parliament, in which these Creations were made, was exhibited a Charge of many Particulars, and of very great Natures, against Chancellor Delapoole; in which one particular was the abusing and cozening the King. But this had only an Audience, and no Examination, which gave so much offence, that an Aid demanded was denied; and Reasons given, that it was to no purpose to give money, when the ill use of it was countenanced. This seemed a wrong Method to ask and be denied, and at the same time neither to have Power enough to enforce, nor Obligations to obtain; but 'twas not proper for his Favourites to tell him they doubted success with his Parliament, since that were to own such apprehensions sprung from their ambitious Errors. But Princes are rightly said to be used like froward Children, flattered, and condemned never to hear the Truth.  
But the Parliament still pressed the Examination of the Charge; and the Necessity of the King's Affairs, concurring with their importunity, procured what they so warmly desired: The Cause was put to selected Noblemen to examine; and a Subsidy seemed the purchase of it, which was afterwards granted.  
The Cause then being heard by his Peers, the Duke of Gloucester, and Earl of Arundel being Two of the Judges, he was convicted, deprived of his Office and Chattels, and condemned to be executed: But all this seemed rather Arguments of Merit, than Causes of Punishment; For the King presently after restored him into the former Favour, as if he had suffered for his sake. Thus as Edward the Second received Gaveston from Banishment, and his Subjects hate, to his Arms and Love; so this unfortunate and resembling King received this Earl of Suffolk from Execution, and the Prosecution of his Parliament, to increased Affection and Trust; as if Crimes found out, and prosecuted by a Parliament, had been the Testimonies of Merit, and Arguments for a Prince's Fnvour: These unsteady Councils increased mistrust in the Subjects, who now began to see they were too light to make a Poisure with his Favourites: And to confirm their worst apprehensions, the Duke of Ireland, who had been driven away by the Displeasure that was contracted against him, now returned with equal Credit and Principles with the Earl of Suffolk; to whom also joined the Archbishop of York, to strengthen their Power, and weaken their King's; for they who had influence enough to make a Prince believe their Cause to be his, might easily carry him on to revenge these Affronts, he now assumed to be his own: To this belongs the same Fate that attends indirect unsteady Counsels; they must be maintained by the Ruin or Oppression of those that suffered by them, and no method taken for the Preservation of any, but they that merited the Punishment.  
The Argument that was, and must be used to deceive Princes, was then enforced by these Favourite-Ministers, That the Arrows shot at them, were intended against the Prince; and 'twas but a method of Rebellion to confine a King, on whom to confer his Favour; and therefore to avoid the Dishonour of a Limited Monarchy, he must now use Power, and declare his Trust in that only. With this flattery, they raise their King to a fatal Confidence in that, which must in time deceive misguided Princes: For perhaps, for some time, Apprehension and Conscience may preserve a show of Peace, yet at last Error and Oppression will disturb such a weak-setled Calm.  
The King thus raised by Flattery above his Power, and sharpened by false Arguments beyond his Nature, they proceed seemingly to act his Cause, but really to revenge themselves; and (like the other Favourites in King Edward's Time) wrap their Prince's Fall and Hazard, and their own together, while they are only the King's Loyal Subjects, and the Kingdom his and their own guilty Enemies.  
The Memory of Suffolk's Trial and Condemnation, was the first Cause that incited them against those that were his Judges, the Duke of Gloucester and others, on whose Destruction they first resolved, as being the most considerable; nor feared his near Relation to the King, for they knew their Power was gotten above his Nature or Consideration. The first Design was to invite Gloucester and others to a Supper in London, and there murder them; which (some write) was discovered by the Duke to Exton, the then Mayor of London; and so the Mischief was prevented for that time.  
About this time the Earls of Arundel and Nottingham (who were engaged with the Duke of Gloucester, in the Trial and Censure of the Chancellor Suffolk) Commanded the Navy; and did so many brave Actions, that all mouths were filled with just Praises; the King's only excepted, to whom Satisfaction did most belong: For at their Return, they found such a cold Reception from the King, that it seemed they were rather forgiven for Misdemeanours, than received for Merits: The strangeness of his Words told too plainly, That public Merit lost its Nature, when the Desert was in the Enemies of his Favourites.  
How much more limited is a King, by such as inflame him against the Dishonour of it? He must neither reward Virtue, nor punish Vice; his best and bravest Subjects must not be esteemed, nor his worst questioned nor punished.  
The Duke of Ireland, with as much Arbitrary Power as he persuaded the King to assume, put away his Wife, the Duke of Glocester's Daughter; and married a Vintners, some say a Joiner's Daughter: The injured Lady often petitioned the King, but without success, her Injury was done by a Favourite, where his Nature was more tied than to his own Blood: Upon no less nourishment can growing Favourites prosper, than by their Prince's loss of Interest and Honour.  
The Duke of Gloucester, bore it not so calmy; but told the Duke of Ireland plainly, he would revenge it, who from that time grew more assiduous to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Glcester, but at the present his pretended Journey to Ireland kept all silent, which after many delays he seemingly begun; and was accompanied in great State by the King himself, the Earl of Suffolk, and the ready Chief Justice Tresilian.  
But this proved only a Journey through Wales, and so about to Nottingham, where they entered in private and black Consultations. The first was to destroy the Lords; and for that end summoned the Sheriffs of every County; and plainly asked them what they could promise against the Lords, if the King should require it: Their Answers were for the most part, That the People were very much satisfied in their Opinions, That the Lords were lovers of their King and Country, and therefore durst promise nothing in that matter.  
The Trial was then made to pack a Parliament, by contriving Elections as the King should appoint: But this received as cold a return.  
To what a lose Hazard they had now reduced their King, to attempt unsuccessfully to break by force, or in a Legal way to make the Nation destroy itself: The last was without question, the most dangerous design, force may enslave for little time, but slavery by Law is like to endure longer, but the People were not then cozened enough; and indeed it must be the Concurrence of strange Accidents, the fairness of an undiscovered Dissimulation, and the Opportunity embraced in the same Moment, that must so infatuate the People, as to make their Ruin their Choice.  
The last attempt was designed by surer means, the Judges, who kept and seemed to deserve their Places for the Compliance; of these were summoned the two Chief Justices Tresilian and Belknap with others, and to them were put Queries, which might comprehend the safety of the Ministers, and the danger of all they pleased beside.  
The Questions were to comprehend so large a Treason, that it could not miss to find Traitors; for, by them resolved, the very Constitution of the Nation was Treason.  
The first four Queries concerned the Duke of Suffolk most particularly, and with him all Favourites: For the Case was put, Whether the Law itself, and the Commission for his Trial, did not derogate from the King's Authority? and then how they were to be proceeded with, that procured such a Law? and how they were to be dealt with, that provoked the King to assent to it?  
The Fifth Question: What they merited that opposed the Kings remitting or releasing Penalties, or Debts due to him?  
The sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth, consisted of Questions, Whether Parliaments could proceed upon any business, but such as the King should propose and limit by Articles? And whether the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament might accuse any of the King's Officers without his Leave?  
The Tenth was singly for the Duke of Suffolk, Whether the Judgement given in the last Parliament against him, were Erroneous and Revocable.  
'Tis improbable, that such questions as these should be proposed to any Persons, that had the Names of Justices, unless there had been before a received assurance of the Answers they would give. Accordingly it appeared, for they returned not any answer doubtingly or modestly, but determined all to be Treason, and the Offenders worthy the death of Traitors.  
The last Article they resolved with as much clearness (viz.) That the Proceedings and Judgement against the Duke of Suffolk were Erroneous and Revocable; and accordingly delivered these bald Opinions under their Hands and Seals.  
It seemed as if they durst judge no Crime less than Treason, that offended the Ministers; though by their bold Opinions, the Parliament itself became the Traitors, and a Statute Law the Treason.  
This I suppose was highly applauded by the Ministers, and the King flattered to believe what excellent Servants he had of such Judges, by whose briskness not only the Law, but the troublesome Constitution itself of the Nation might be rendered as useless as Arbitrary Power could desire: For if such Laws that seemed to limit a King, should in themselves become void for that very Cause, there could no Law be valid, but such as pleased the Sovereign, who was the Judge of his own Infringement; and then all past Laws, and Laws to be made, would become but prostituted Writings to the Will of Princes.  
Perhaps at that time these Judges had the Character of being the most Loyal, for appearing most desperate, giving that great Testimony of their Devotion, that their Zeal for the Favourites was far warmer than for their Country, and involved themselves in their Fortunes by Principles as lewd as their Designs.  
The King looked upon the Opinion of these Judges as Authentic, and of validity enough to throw legally into his power the Estates and Fortunes of those Lords that appeared most Eminent against his Ministers; and accordingly he began to dispose of their Estates among those that he favoured, presuming them (without farther Trial) Convicted Persons; and to maintain this absurdity by a worse, raised Soldiers privately, and sent to surprise the Earl of Arundel.  
The Duke of Gloucester having Intelligence of all these proceedings, got the Bishop of London to persuade the King from such Violences; and to assure him that he had never had an undutiful thought against him; and intimated how much more safe and Honourable it would be for the King not to be led by false suggestions to such a fatal difference and severity with his best and greatest Subjects.  
The Bishop performed this, with his best Skill and Zeal; and wrought so upon the King, that he seemed inclined to a more happy Temper; but the Duke of Suffolk, that had all Peace and Justice (by which he knew he was to have little Benfit, nor could be probably safe longer than while he kept his King in danger) quickly nipped the King's budding Gentleness, and, like an untimely Frost, blasted the springing Hopes of Peace, falling upon the Bishop with harsh and insolent Reproofs: But the Bishop not daunted with his Power and Greatness, boldly told him, That it was not the Service of his Prince that guided him, but his own violent Ambition; and that rather than the Lords should not be destroyed, he would involve the Nations in Ruin: Adding, That it was easy for such abject Spirits as his, to raise Tumults, which must be ended by the Ruin of the Bravest; nor was he fit to give Advice, that was the chief Incendiary, and made a Party by his Condemnation. The King was so angry to see his Favourite so roughly and boldly attacked, that he commanded the Bishop out of his sight.  
In this particular, as in most of the King's unhappy Actions, he appeared against Himself and his own Reason, being guided by the Duke of Suffolk, who was of a contrary Interest, turned from his own Nature and Reason, by one that wanted Sense and Bowels; and by this Unsteddiness, kindled new Mistrusts, the fruitful Nourishers of Civil Mischiefs.  
At this, the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, and Derby, take Arms; the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Bishop of Ely (than Lord Chancellor) were sent to the Lords; who composed Matters so well, that the Lords agreed to appear before the King at Westminster, under the Promise of Protection: But retaining their usual Jealousies, they received the Bishop of Ely's Assurance, That if there were any Danger designed them, he would give them notice. Accordingly he kept his Word; and a little before the Lords were to come, he gave them Intelligence of an Ambush laid for them at the Mews, to seize them as they came in: Upon this, the Lords failed of their coming; which the King wondering at, asked the Bishop of Ely, What might be the Reason? who boldly told him, That the Lords durst not trust him, and had discovered the Trap laid for them: Of which the King seemed to be wholly ignorant, and commanded the Sheriffs to search the Mews, and to kill and carry to Prison all they found concealed: But the Thing was true, though the Place mistaken; for the armed Men were secretly assembled at Westminster by Sir Richard Bramber, and Sir Thomas Trivett; who perceiving or being informed of the Discovery, secretly conveyed away their Men.  
It seemed as if the King were really ignorant of this that was acted by the desperate Ministers, who showed a full Confidence in the Power they had with the King: And tho' perhaps they apprehended the Action too vile to trust the King with it, yet they did not doubt to bring him to approve it, tho' never so base, if successful enough: Nor hath this been an unusual Method of Powerful Ministers and Favourites, to contrive Mischiefs for their Prince to approve; knowing that it is easier from the necessity of a Thing done, to gain an Approbation, than a Consent to the Attempt of it: For a Prince that is wholly led by them, and wrapped up in their desperate Counsels and Interests, may scruple at a thing to be done, that he cannot when 'tis effected: One is but a difference in Opinion, the other is a desertion of his Party; he may be free in the first, but too much involved to be at liberty in the latter.  
A Prince in this Condition, has not only his own Errors, but the weight of theirs to struggle under; and 'tis impossible he should make any Calculation of his own Fortune, unless he were free to examine the mischievous Effects of those ill Planets, that he Himself had raised to such powerful Influences.  
At last, upon new Faith and Security, the Lords came to the King at Westminster; but so strongly guarded, that they did not appear like Men that came to Submit or Petition: Accordingly they challenged for Traitors the Duke of Ireland, the Duke of Suffolk, the Archbishop of York, the Chief Justice Tresilian, and others. The King at that time, when Favourites could not speak, spoke like himself (a King) and with equal Temper and Reason, showed the Lords, That if all were true they alleged, they had not taken the proper way too seek for Justice, by a show of Rebellion; and give that opportunity to the licentious Multitude, which perhaps might be difficult to take again from them: And, after having gently laid before them the more proper way for what they desired, he raised them from their knees, and retired with them.  
All this while, the adverse Party kept out of the way, apprehending, as justly they might, the danger of such powerful and enraged Enemies.  
This Action of the King is questioned by some Historians, whether done out of Apprehension, or a better Temper: But yet all this while that things bore this calm face, the Duke of Ireland gathered Forces, and was met and overthrown by the Earl of Derby near Burford: But he that was so bold in Counsel, showed little of Courage (when 'twas needful) in Action, and fled himself before the Fight scarce began.  
Among many things that were taken of the Duke's, in one of his Trunks were found Letters from the King to hasten his coming to London, with what Power he could make, where the King would be ready to share Fortunes with him.  
Upon the news of the Duke of Ireland's Defeat, the Duke of Suffolk fled in a Disguise to Calais, and never more returned.  
It is a wonder that ever such a Man should get the ascendant over a Prince; a Man that was profuse of what he could get; and got it as willingly by the Spoils of others, as by justifiable Ways. He was unfit for Peace, by his turbulent Nature, and wanted Courage to be troublesome in War. In Peace, he was furious; in War, calm; never quiet, but when afraid; at all other times intemperate: When he was not designing Mischief, his Courage or Occasion failed him. He never seemed good, but when necessity hindered him from appearing bad: He had no Fits of a Disease, but lived in a continual Leprosy.  
But we have read of other Precedents, how worthless Men have fcrued themselves into Prince's Favours by such Flatteries, that generous Tempers could not creep to: For ill Men study the Nature of Princes, good Men their Interest; and that which is most pleasant, sooner prevails than that which is most useful.  
The Chief Justice Tresilian, with others of that Faction, fled from this Storm, and the King retired to the Tower, while the Lords with a great Army marched towards London, and showed themselves in a form of Battle to the King, who lay with his Forces in the Suburbs. The King at first seemed to slight them, but at last yielded a Treaty. The Tower was the place appointed; but the Lords first made what search they pleased, and came with such Guards as they thought fit; at once showing the severe effects of Mistrust and Power; the first seldom to be cured; the last, as seldom used with Modesty: For when they came to the King, they plainly charged him by way of Accusation of the Contrivances at Nottingham against them; his Letters to the Duke of Ireland (contrary to his Word) to raise Forces; the Agreement with the French to deliver up Calais; and other Grievances which the ill Conduct of the King's Ministers had plentifully furnished them with.  
At these Truths, told by those that had Power enough to Revenge, the King instead of a Defence, sunk into a Confession of his Errors; which seemed at that time to make a great Impression on the Lords, and produced the Agreement of a meeting at Westminster the next day.  
But they were no sooner gone, but the King's Mind was turned by Arguments of the common frame, That by the Meeting, he would expose his Person to danger, and his Authority to diminution. Which presently changed the King, and showed as if a fatal Mutability was to pursue him to his end. To such dangerous Methods he must probably be led by the Counsels of those, whose desperate Ambitions could permit no directness to be used towards their Enemies the Public. Such Ministers are the Consulters of Moment's, shifting only for a present Preservation, and dare not look towards the future; but refer Things to come, to the same Chance that raised them: They live to no Rules, but with an unlimited readiness wait upon Occasion.  
This Alteration in the King, raised the Lords to such a rage, that they sent him word, That if he used such Indirectness, they would choose a New King. At this being again shaken, he not only went, but submitted to those he had so enraged before; and delivers up that Power, which he was before counselled not to diminish: So that his ill-timed Counsels made that Misfortune sure, which they seemed careful to prevent.  
A Parliament was presently called, where Tresilian the famous Chief Justice was condemned, and presently executed; as also the other Chief Justice, Belknap, and other Judges, and some banished. The Lords grew now so high by their Success, that they exacted an Oath from their King, to become a Subject to them, and submit to their Government. Thus when Errors provoke Force, 'tis hard for those Jealousies that urged the Attempt of Power, to suffer it to be used modestly, much less to be laid down when obtained: And when once a State begins to be tossed by such Commotions, Parties in that Tempest, like Waves in Storms, pursue and dash out one another.  
Within little more than a Year after this, the King grew to be One and Twenty; and upon that took an Occasion, when all things seemed a little composed, to assume full Power. I cannot but here remember the Character the Impartial and Judicious Mezeray gives Lewis the Eleventh upon his Entrance upon the Throne, That he was the greatest Enemy to his own and his Kingdoms Quiet; one that loved his own Irregular Fancies more than the wise Laws, and thought the greatest Grandeur consisted in the greatest Oppression, pulling down great ones to raise up the meanest from nothing. This, he says, another calls putting their King's Horse de pay; that is, out of their Minority; he should have said, putting them out of their Sense and Reason.  
No question the Ministers were ready to welcome him to that which they called the Exercise of his Power, when it was rather to the Execution of theirs.  
The first practice of it was taking the Great Seal from the Bishop of Ely (as if remembering his former Carriages), and gave it to Wickham, Bishop of Winchester; and displaced many others; as if by that he seemed to take Seizing of his new Power; suspending also Gloucester and Warwick from the Privy-Council.  
The Tide now turned to the King, who began to return to follow those Advices that had brought him to so much hazard before; And that Interest and Opinion which the French had worked themselves into, appeared in all things to increase. The Duke of Gloucester, and the Archbishop of Canterbury had formerly tempered the King with their calm and sure Reasons; when being enraged against the Lords, he swore he would more willingly submit and rely on the Protection of France, than thus to be made servile to those he ought to command.  
'Tis not unworthy of an Observation, how frequently the French have been prevalent in England; and always in such Prince's Times as have given so much Power to Ministers and Favourites, as made them considerable enough to be corrupted.  
Philip de Comines says, That in his Time all the Kings of England's Ministers, and great Persons, had Pensions from France, and gave their Acquittances upon every Receipt, which were to be seen in the Chamber of Paris.  
Hastings, the Lord great Chamberlain, was the only great Person that was hardly persuaded to become a Pensioner of France, and that refused to give any Acquittance for what he received. The same Historian says, That he was the only man that persuaded him to it, and had first persuaded him to be so to Charles Duke of Burgundy; and when Cleret was sent by King Lewis, with a Present of 2000 Crowns, and desired his Acquittance for his Discharge, as he had received it from the Chancellor and the Admiral: He answered, the Gift proceeded from his Master's Liberality, not his Request: If he desired he should receive it, he might put it in his Sleeve; other Testimonial he should get none of him; for he would not that any should say, That the Lord Chamberlain was Pensioner to the French King, nor that his Acquittance should be found in the Chamber of Accounts. The King of France was angry with Cleret for bringing no Acquittance; but ever after preferred the Lord Chamberlain in his Esteem before all the King of England's other Servants.  
I cannot discern much Reason for it; There seems little Difference to me between one that is carelessly, and another that is cautiously dishonest: And those Ministers equally forgot the Interest of England for their own, to let them share in our Affairs and Councils. The People judg●● right in this, and Parliaments (as Cemines observes) were never corrupted in themselves and Judgements, and always perceived the Dissimulation of the French; and in another place says, they were always willing to grant Aids against France; for they could not be deceived by Demonstration: which showed the Difference in our Methods and Constitution from theirs: Our Laws are suitable to our Interest, and our Interest secured by our Laws: Our Fashions and manner of Expenses, should be applicable to the Consumption of our own Productions. The French differ from the first; and their Fancies are the only Measures of the last: They are not capable to live after the Methods of our Interest, but we may quit ours to assist theirs: France can be but of little use to us, but we may be of too much to them: They may receive, but can bring no advantage. They have reason then to be always active, to keep an Interest here by private means, since 'twere vain to hope it by public ones; and Gardinal Richelieu well understood these Truths, when he called England their Indies.  
About this time Guido Earl of St. Paul was sent by Charles the French King, to visit and compliment King Richard and his Queen. The Earl, according to the ready Confidence of the French, became Counsellor: For one day the King discoursing with him, he complained of the Duke of Gloucester, and in particular, that he did passionately endeavour to disturb the Peace between England and France. The Earl presently gave Seutence against the Duke, and told the King plainly, he was not fit to live: For when a Subject was grown so great, a Prince was no longer safe; and if he meant to secure himself against Danger, the surest way was to destroy those from whence it might so easily come.  
This Advice blew the King's Anger into a Flame; and he began to express to some of his great men, his Displeasure against the Duke of Gloucester; but he found in them all an high Opinion of the Duke's Honour and Virtue: So that the King began to calm again, and showed as if Cruelty had not its full spring from his own Nature, but swelled as it was nourished by the Streams of other Councils.  
For after this he was again raised by the Advices of the Earls of Holland and Nottingham, to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Gloucester: And commonly as the Advice of ill men tends to the worst things, so generally they suggest the worst way of doing them.  
The Duke of Gloucester was then at his House in Plashy in Essex, whither the King was invited, or rather invited himself, and with all Testimonies of Respect and Kindness most splendidly feasted. This was judged a proper time for the Design; and as the Duke waited upon the King, to bring him going, he was seized by a Company of armed men laid secretly for him, and so hurried blindfold to the Thames, and in a Vessel ready prepared, carried to Calais, and there shortly after strangled: Either thought too Guilty and Popular, or not Guilty enough to be brought to a public Trial. And as the wicked Advisers persuaded his taking by the breach of Hospitality (the basest way of Treachery), so they continued in the peculiar Methods of Mischief, to contrive his Death by the most hated way of private Murder.  
Within a Day or two after, the King invited the Earl of Warwick to Dinner, and in the midst of all shows of Kindness, sent him to Prison, and also the Earl of Arundel and his Son. The Dukes of Lancaster and York being thus alarmed, gathered Forces together; but upon the Promise of a Parliament, and Legal Proceedings, with many Excuses for what had been done, they dismissed their Forces, and came up to attend at Parliament; where Sir John Bushy, Sir William Bagott, and Sir Henry Green, appeared busy Ministers for the King: Sir— Bushy was made Speaker, and by his and their assiduous Endeavours, corrupting some by Fears, and others by Benefits, the Charters of Pardon, formerly granted by the King, were annulled and made void. The Prelates perceiving what way was made for taking away of Lives, constituted Sir Henry Percy their Procurator, and absented themselves, that they might not be present at any Sentence of Blood; a Precedent ever to be remembered for the Honour of their Calling.  
Then followed, as was expected, the Death of the Earl of Arundel, the perpetual Imprisonment of the Earl of Warwick in the Isle of Man, the Death of the Duke of Gloucester (abovementioned), the Archbishop of Canterbury arraigned for Executing the Commission against Michael Delapoole, the Lord Cobham banished into the Isle of Wight, Sir Reginald Cobham condemned to Death for being formerly appointed by the Lords in the King's Minority, to be one of his Governors.  
These Cruel Successes furnished Arguments to those new Upstart Ministers, Bushy, Bagott, and Green, to infuse into the King how much more safe he was by Cruelty than gentle means, and how much more secure by Fear than Love. Nor are other Counsels to be expected from such Men, equally low and mean in their Minds, as in their Extractions, made greedy from their Poverty, and ambitious from their Meanness; neither endued with their Minds and Fortunes to think of Principles: Power was their Justice, Violence their Prudence, and Opportunity the Providence.  
The King was now possessed with the Opinion, That he was in a Condition to dispose, as he pleased, of those that durst dislike his Actions, and that his Will might now become the Law. But the present Prospect of Things commonly deceives those that are willing only to believe the Whisperers of their own Inclinations; and because they see nothing at the present spring up, they forget that the Roots grow undiscerned. And no Questio●●, the King in that Conjuncture of Time, thought every Cloud dispersed, and pursued all those fatal ways that mistaken Flattery could guide him in.  
But a particular Accident made way for a general and fatal Revolution. The Duke of Hereford one day discoursing with the Duke of Norfolk, complained how much the King was misguided by mean and base Counsellors, such as fought their own private Interest, and not the public Good; and feared that the King, following such Counsels, would so lose the Hearts of his People, that it might prove dangerous to him: Assuring him, that no private displeasure urged him to say this, but merely his love to his King and Country; and therefore desired the Duke, being one of the King's Cabinet-Council, to lay these things before him, which might prove of ill Consequence if continued. The Duke of Norfolk seemed not to dislike what had been said, but so represented it to the King, that he turned it rather to an Accusation, than a Counsel: The King, that could not endure to hear unpleasant Truths, and at that Instant looking upon himself as above the mean Consideration of public Notions, so resented the boldness of the Duke of Hereford, that he summoned him to answer this (that now became his Charge) before the Council, where the Duke confirmed his Information, which was denied by the Duke of Hereford, owning all that he had said; but the Duke of Norfolk maintaining the Accusation, the Combat was demanded, and assented to, and the day appointed by the King: At which time both the Dukes appeared armed, and being just ready to be engaged, they were stopped by the King, and Banishment pronounced against both the Dukes: The Duke of Norfolk died suddenly after at Venice, having enjoyed no great Benefit by those Violences he so precipitately engaged in.  
A little after died John of of Gaunt, Father to the Duke of Hereford, and fourth Son of Edward the Third; after whose death the Duchy of Lancaster fell to this Duke's being his eldest Son. But the King in his deceived opinion of Power and Security, acted the most probale means to shake both; seizing all the Duke's New-descended Estate into his own hands, and endeavoured to make his Banishment perpetual: Revoking all his Letters Patents, to prevent the suing out the Livery for those Lands during his Banishment.  
If this be well considered, 'tis impossible a King should do it purely from his own advice: First, he enraged a Person that could only be a considerable Enemy; his Popularity gave him an Interest in Power, and his Descent from a King, the Pretence to use it. This could be no Motive from right Reason to urge the King to do such an imprudent Injustice; he was above the Temptation of a private Estate, but his Ministers were tempted by it, following the usual Methods of their Counsels, by no Considerations but Revenge and Interest; as if their Safeties were grounded upon nothing so much as their Prince's Hazard, and their Advantages upon his Prejudice.  
As the Testimony of the prevalency of these Counsellors, the King left all the Business to them, and gave himself up wholly to Sloth and Pleasure; The imitation spread into Luxury and Effeminacy, and the King thought it was the Testimony of Arbitrary Power to live uncontrolled to such a loose Condition; all Power, but this shadow of it, was exercised by his Ministers, who now depressed all Persons of either Courage or Honour. A Valiant Man was counted dangerous, and a Wise Man Mutinous; and every one was made perceive, that 'twas easier to prosper by following their Prince's Humour, than to pursue his Interest and Honour.  
The Ministers being grown into Absolute power, thought of nothing but how to satisfy their greedy Ambitions: They pretended to get all for the King, the sure way to convey it to themselves. And indeed his Gifts were so large to them, that they brought him into more wants, than ever the Wars of his brave Ancestors could reduce them to; and used more unjust Inventions to supply his private use, than they needed public Assistances to support the Interest and Honour of it. But Edward the First and Edward the Third had a less Burden, and Charge to support: They had a Kingdom and no Favourites; the first was not capable to satisfy the latter. For at this time, without any public occasion, strange ways were used to levy Money; sometimes Pole-money was exacted of every Religious Person, and Secular Priest: sometimes sums were drawn from the People under the name of Benevolence; sometimes Money borrowed by Privy Seals. Then Commissioners sent to all Sheriffs and Corporations, declaring the King's High Displeasure for the kindness they testified to the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick; and for this affection showed to the King's Enemies, his Pardon was to be obtained by heavy Fines, or rather Taxes laid upon them. The Commons were bound by new-invented Oaths, to perform what they engaged to, and black Charters Sealed and Delivered to the King's use, whereby their Liberty might be as well taken away, as their Properties had been.  
By such Counsels as these the Subjects were turned to Slaves, and made waiters upon any Opportunities to shake off their Fetters: The King made believe he governed most, when he had none to Govern: For Slaves are not in the Business of Mankind; their Thoughts are fixed upon Revenge and Freedom, and like distempered Men, seldom return to their former Composures.  
The first occasion that proved this true, was a Rebellion that broke out in Ireland; the opportunity of which Diversion favoured the Earl of Northumberland to gather Forces in the North. And others of the Nobility and People, weary of their Oppressions, resolved in the King's absence to attempt some relief; and fixed upon the Duke of Hereford, as the proper Instrument to act by: His Banishment, that the King designed to make perpetual, was the Cause of that mischief, which he believed he should prevent by it. He now became the Centre, to which all other Discontents tended; to whom now resorted many of his former Friends, and others whom Oppression now made so.  
Among these the Archbishop of Canterbury was the Chief; who in Speech to the Duke of Hereford laid open their Grievances, and Desires, summing up all the Mischiefs and Misfortunes of an unsteady Government, the Contempt it spread abroad, and Oppression at home; not Slaves to their Prince, but to his Favourites; and that Peace under their Extortions was more chargeable than War: The Expense of their Riots and Ambitions needed more Projects and Taxes to maintain them, than the Defence and Support of the Government itself required: By their Cruelties most of the Nobility were destroyed, and the Commonalty wasted; concluding with imploring the Duke to pity the Oppression of his Country, and to animate those that were ready to redeem themselves from Slavery, by his Valour and Conduct.  
The Duke of Lancaster needed not the force of Eloquence to persuade him; the loss of his Uncles, his Banishment, the Imprisonment of his Children, and the loss of his Estate, were powerful Exciters enough to lay hold on any Opportunity to revenge all his Wrongs: To all which was added the persuasive Temptation of a Crown; and sure there could be no more powerful Motives, than by one way at once to satisfy both his Ambition and Revenge.  
These Considerations, and the depending on the People's Affections to a Change (being wearied with Oppression) made him venture to land with a very small Force in Yorkshire. At first he gave out, That he came only to recover his Inheritance, and quickly found his utmost Expectation answered; for his small Troop presently increased to an Army. Many of the Nobility that came in to him, took an Oath of him, That no bodily harm should be done to King Richard; as if a Conquest and a Crown would preserve that Sincerity that was inconsistent with it; or that the Modesty professed, when something was to be obtained, should continue after the Acquisition.  
The Duke finding every thing more successful than almost he could hope, pursued that Fortune which so prosperously invited him, and hasted with his still-encreasing Forces to London, where he found a Reception suitable to usual Joy, that discontented People show in Alterations. He was received in Triumph without Victory, and with all the Testimonies of Zeal and Duty which flattering Crowds could pay their lawful Prince and Sovereign; Pageants and rich Presents entertained him; and all the fulsome Praises that could be invented, and as many contumelious Reproaches on their King: All Testimonies of Allegiance seemed lost; the modest Mask was now taken off, and War proclaimed against King Richard and his Adherents.  
The Duke of York in the mean time tried to raise Forces; but found a general Resolution in all People, not to be Enemies to the Duke of Lancaster. The Favourites, that were active and bold in Prosperity, showed that neither their Skill nor their Duty, was to struggle with Difficulties; nor had they either Interest or Reputation, if they had attempted it: They were always dead Weights upon their Prince, and, like the nature of it, hung heaviest upon weak Conditions. Bushy and Greene were pursued to Bristol, and there taken; fatal place to hasty Favourites They were eagerly pursued by the flattering Fury of the People; and perhaps there were some among them, that before, in the Prosperity of these Favourites, made as passionate Professions of a contrary Devotion. Bagott escaped into Ireland, and saved himself from the present Execution. The Lord Scroop, Lord Treasurer, with Bushy and Greene that were taken, lost their Heads.  
These sudden Executions were but the usual Consequences of violent Changes: All new-gotten Power is commonly endeavoured to be preserved by Destruction; and the Execution of the Unfortunate, is called a Justice.  
King Richard was at this time in Ireland, where the news came to him of the Duke's landing in England, and his successful Proceedings. The news increased by coming, and every Circumstance grew enlarged; so that it appeared the blackest and most portentous Storm that ever gathered in the full Sunshine of a Prince, which his Favourites assured him could be subject to no Eclipse.  
The contrary appeared to this unfortunate King, who was then engaged in Troubles in Ireland: After some time, he prepared for England, having first imprisoned the Sons of the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester, in Trim-Castle, and took with him the Dukes of Surrey, Aumarl, and Exeter, and the Bishops of London, Lincoln, and Carlisle.  
The Earl of Salisbury was sent before to raise an Army, which he did in Cornwall; but the King failing to come within the time he promised, they all discouraged, went home. This delay was attributed to the Counsel of the Duke of Aumarl, who perhaps had more mind to see things determined by the Fortune of others, than by hazarding his own.  
After this, the King Lands in Wales, where he found the stream turning from him, and every Place of strength submitting to the Duke of Lancaster. He knew not what Course to steer, but wandered to Conway-Castle, where the Earl of Worcester, Steward to the King's Household, (as if finding a fitting time to remember the proclaiming his Brother, the Duke of Northumberland, Traitor) broke his Staff of Office openly in the Hall, before the King's Servants; and with Advice to them to be as base as himself, went avowedly to the Duke: The rest followed his Example and those that seemed the most eagerly Loyal, became now the most violently Rebellious. And 'tis improbable that those, who with unlimited Flattery for their Interest and Ambition, had persuaded their Prince into the dangerous Attempt of Absolute Power, should in any turn of Fortune, or shock of Danger, retain any limited Principles. The true Interest of a Prince, retains the Interest of others; but the Interest of private Men, excludes the Prince's. We have heard, 'tis true, of some that have been successful in such unjust and dangerous Attempts; but the Examples have been very few, that have not been fatal at last; and there are so many of the contrary, that the Comparison would convince any, That the just Limits within a Nation's Constitution, are much more safe, as well as glorious.  
King Richard had now cause to make such sad Reflections, and by the want of Power instructed to lament the attempting of too much: He saw himself forsaken by those whom he should have forsaken before; He now felt severely the want of that Trust and Confidence that he had destroyed; and seemed not forsaken of his People, but to have forsaken them before; He had forced them all to be in the nature of Traitors, and compelled them to purchase, as it were, the name of Subjects, while there were none that seemed so to him, but those that needed Pardon the most, such as had counselled him to the Ruin that now fell upon him.  
He had been so long accustomed to follow the Counsel of others, that he knew not now the way to use his own: He had too long followed the mean and easy ways of Indirectness. Virtuous and steady Actions in the undisturbed part of Life, give power in Extremity; and the memory of what was Great and Good, gives boldness to such a Mind to claim Success in the worst condition: But the memory of Injuries and Injustice done to others, shakes Hopes and Expectations in a dangerous Estate. This he showed, by discharging his Army, rather than bravely using them; as if he believed it impossible to recover Power now, since he had used it so ill before.  
The next thing that seemed best, was to have retired till a better occasion was offered; for nothing is more various or violent, than the stream of men's minds, with greediness affecting Change, and hurried by Expectations (that are seldom answered) to be eased from all former Grievances and Oppressions; and every one that assisted in the Alteration, looks upon himself as a particular Object of Reward; never considering, that new-gotten Power needs more to secure it, than the Ease of People will allow; and when deceived in that, they begin to stagger, and at last grow to repent the Blood and Money the expenceful Change had cost, and ready upon any occasion to revenge their mistaken Errors. And perhaps King Richard might have hoped as much in some time, as the Duke of Lancaster then found.  
But there were some who probably had before appeared most violently Loyal, who now advised their still-abused King to the last and worst way, and sacrificed Him for their own Peace; telling, perhaps, That unfortunate Princes seldom found Protection abroad, but were kept only as a Composition with their successful Enemies. And though he had so near Relation to the King of France, yet Ties by Marriage were no Obstacle to their Use of Interest, but rather a Shelter for the more unsuspected Designs. And he would accordingly find, that he would be the Sacrifice of new Alliances, and then 'twould be too late to expect such Conditions from the Duke of Lancaster, which probably he might not hope for.  
These false Reasons were perhaps used to him by such as could not at a less rate reconcile themselves to the Duke of Lancaster, than by betraying their Master into his hands; for nothing could be more improbable, than that he who had the Power, should by Conditions preserve him who had a Right to it, while neither was capable to trust the others Mercy: Yet this vain Counsel was followed; and, as if to improve it by Intelligence with the Duke of Lancaster, the Duke of Northumberland was sent to the King, to assure him, that the Duke would pay him all humble Obedience, and only desired a Parliament should be called at Westminster, to settle the shaken Affairs of the Nation.  
The King must then perceive how he was forsaken by those who before had so much flattered him with their excessive Love and Loyalty: and it seemed a just instruction to suspect the violent Professions of any that have no restraint by Principles in a fortunate Condition: They that want Virtue, and profess Love, should rather cause suspicion than belief; especially when 'tis addressed where Power and Interest may invite it: But the Love of absolute Greatness in Opinion, more than real and true Greatness in itself, has hindered Princes from seeing the Defects and Designs of mean and interrupted Flatterers; such as believe their Prince has never Power enough, unless it appears by the Oppression of others, and (like these in this unhappy King's time) fall from their Professions, as he declined in Power: But I have read of some (though but a few) who governed themselves by Principles in their Prince's Prosperity, and guided by the same Virtue, have not forsaken him in Adversity.  
The King in some measure yet made a right Reflection on his Condition; for he thought 'twas in vain to hope that the Conqueror would restore him the Power he had gotten, and therefore only to the Duke of Northumberland proposed for himself a retired and quiet Condition: But he was as much mistaken to hope that, as he guessed right to expect the other. But when the Duke met the King at Flint-Castle, he seemed to pay him all Reverence due to a King; and told him, He only acted what he had done for the recovery of his Estate and Possessions. But this was only that false Formality, that ill men use in obtaining, and seldom perform when they have obtained; for such Modesty is laid aside by Success, and Justice grown useless, when Power is fully possessed; for presently after the King was secured, and in the condition of a Prisoner carried to London; yet in His Name a Parliament was presently called.  
The King now found the unhappy Truth, That usually men's Professions are but the product of their present Conditions, not of their Intentions; and perhaps in a low estate they may wish and desire within modest limits: but the violence of overwhelming Power breaking over the former bounds, overthrew all mean and level thoughts. Perhaps the King might now make such severe Reflections on his past Actions, seldom regarding his Professions when he had Power or Opportunity to violate them; he could not but be pressed with the memory of his unhospitable Treachery to the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl of Warwick; and must with detestation remember those Counsellors of Falseness and Indirectness, which once destroyed his Happiness, and now aggravated his Misery. He now saw their violent and loyal flatteries were meant for their own Interest, not for His; and that such mean things, like other Infects, live with a little Warmth, but shrink at any Change of Weather.  
The Duke of York, that was entrusted with the Government, during King Richard's absence in Ireland, was become the Duke of Lancaster's chief Adviser of the Methods he was now to take, which was as violent as his fogotten Duty required to make his new Loyalty acceptable. In the first place, he advised, That King Richard should be pressed to a voluntary Resignation, and also to be solemnly Deposed. This Advice was pursued, and the King seemed as ready to yield to it, as the Duke ambitiously desired it: The form of the Resignation was then contrived to be performed the day before the Parliament was to meet, and yet that Parliament was to sit, though the King was to be no longer a King, in whose name it was called; and certainly, if there could be no Virtue in the Resignation, the Dissolution of the Parliament must have been the Consequence; for that which was called by a Power, could not continue when there was a Demise of that Power; but no Plot was to be seen or hit. The hasty and flattering Zeal, that was to be shown to the Duke of Lancaster, pursued it's violent Course through all the Obstacles of Law and Justice.  
Among those that were Commissioned to receive his Resignation, there were Lords, Clergymen, and Lawyers; the two Chief Justices, Thormins and Markham, were in the number: And in the Reigns of these two unfortunate Princes, there wanted not Temporal and Spiritual Gownsmen, that contributed to all their Errors in their unfortunate Conditions; and on their Adversities, transplanted their Zeals into Sunshine.  
These Commissioners being formerly Assembled in the Tower; King Richard was brought out in all the Kingly Ornaments, that he might have some Ensigns of Glory to resign formally; in this Condition he was placed in a Chair of State, and in this moment of his Royalty appeared a King; all that was now done, was certainly from himself, and showed in this Extremity, virtue enough to make it evident, He might have been an excellent Prince, had his Ministers not Reigned more than he; for he showed no Disorder to this great and unpresidented Action of his Life; he neither seemed to force a Resolution to endure, nor affect a Temper to submit. But as both had naturally sprung from the choice of a retired Condition, with this Calmness in all this Storm of Fortune, he spoke to the Commissioners, beginning with their acknowledging those Errors, that his Youth made ill Councillors capable to imprint in him; and seemed only troubled, that he had not time allowed to repair those Injuries he had done the Nation; knowing now from a clear sight, that he was both willing and capable to have performed so happyan Action. He now perceived his own Virtues, when the Vices of others could no longer hide them. And he that could have once been so easily persuaded, that he was shot at through his wounded Ministers; now saw that 'twas from them he received his Wounds; he neither accused any, nor complained of any, nor valuing a Narrative and Empty Satisfaction; but concluded with the choice of losing a Kingdom, rather than engage it in Blood and Confusion for his Sake; desiring only to enjoy that Peace which he merited for Reserving it for others; and was as willing to resign his Title to the Duke of Lancaster, as he perceived they were willing to receive it from him.  
After this, he read the Instrument that was prepared; and made two Bishops his Attorneys, to declare that his Resignation in Parliament, which was done the Monday after, and accepted of by the Lords and Commons, was Legal▪ but yet this was not thought enough, but a heavy Charge in many Articles was exhibited against him.  
The Articles were too far from my purpose, and too long to set down; but whoever reads them in the Rolls, will find them of much weight, and as shrewdly composed, as the Nature of the thing could either bear or require; there was not an Injustice or Error omitted; the chiefest things contained were those Actions by which his Favourites thought to secure themselves, by subjecting all Judges and Sheriffs to his Will, thereby to bring within his Power, Parliaments and Law, and make way to Levy Taxes as he pleased; and it was a particular Article, That he should say and declare, That all Law lay in his Head and Breast.  
These are the Extremities that proceed from the Counsels of such Men, who have made themselves incapable to Share or Trust in the Common Good; who knowing how little they could expect from the uninterrupted Methods of Law and Justice, seek to preserve themselves by the Destruction of that which threatened them. And 'twere impossible that Princes should involve their own in the desperate Interest of others, were they not first blinded from discerning the Ambition of those that hide it under the fierce Zeal for their Absolute Power.  
The Articles (which were 29.) were owned by the Lords and Commons to be so notorious, that they needed no further Examination or Proof. And joined with the Consent of the King, on whom they were charged; It was judged sufficient for Deposing King Richard, and Establishing the Duke of Lancaster, by the Name of Henry the fourth; adding also a far-fetched Title from Henry III. to patch up the seeming Justice of such an Action.  
This Title was drawn from Edmund, surnamed Crookback, eldest Son of Henry III. and that for his Deformity he was put by the Succession, and given to Edward I. and the Duke of Lancaster was next of Blood by the Mother's side to this Edmund. But this Edmund was third Son of Henry, and not deformed at all, but a brave Man in Person and Mind; but the next Heir then to the Crown was Edmund Earl of March, Son to Roger, who was a little before slain in Ireland; who seeing the Stream so violent against King Richard, wisely retired, and lived with all imaginable Care and Pruduce.  
Thus was a Title invented, to support that Power, which the Sword had obtained: And the King, who by the Law is said to do no wrong, is charged with Articles for doing all. Thus when Balances are once hoist, like children's play at Weighing, the same Weight tosses one another, that would of themselves hang equally; nor is there any Judicature to compose such violent Disorders in a State; for Success will be the Judge, and always gives worst Judgement. And the Professors of the divine and human Laws, have been commonly zealously ready to find wrested Law, and Divine Necessity to ratify the Success of the Ambitious. On the other side, when Princes by false Professions, abuse the Good, and increase in Power enough to encourage the Bad, the eager Hounds they press to run at Head, and lead the Cry that's made by slower paced, and more temperate Hunters, till at last, Fear and Necessity brings most to make up the Noise; or by Silence, not to interrupt it; so that a general Consent seems to contribute to the designed Oppression: And the naming a Right to Liberty and Property, becomes an Intention of Rebellion. The Prince's Will must then be the Law, and his Religion the Devotion of all Loyal Subjects; then those that have least Principles, declare for the greatest Loyalty; and by their Zeal and Duty pursue their Interest and Ambition. And the search for Absolute Power, is made by secret Reserves, public and false Professions, Corrupting some, and Terrifying others, Deceiving many; and upon specious Pretences displacing such as appear either suspecting the Designs, or not as passionate as the rest in promoting them. Yet, when the Power is promoted and secured, as the King was told his was, when all Subjects lost their Names, and like guilty Slaves, signed Blanks, as the Testimony of it. Then appears what Machiavelli describes in those times among the Romans; When absolute Power was exercised; Riches and Honour, especially, Virtue, grew to be Capital Offences; Informers and Calumniators rewarded, Servants instigated against their Masters, Children against their Parents, guilty Men the Accusers; and those few that were so unhappy to have no Enemies, destroyed by their Friends. And all dissembled Cruelties and Oppressions, break forth into public and bare-faced Practice. That which before was declared to be the Government, must then be called the support of it. Ill Designs grow by Degrees, but when their cherished Roots have took a deep and firm hold, they are then declared by the mischievous Fruit they put forth.  
Modesty seldom stays with full grown Power; and the former Reputation of Men, is useless to them. In such a Change they must purchase new Characters, from new Violences, to merit Trust or Safety.  
King Richard having now (as far as he could) resigned his Sovereign Power, began to find how much he was mistaken with the hopes of enjoying that retired Peace, which he seemed willing to change his Crown for; Fortune commonly makes haste in the Prosperity or Adversity of Princes; and there is a reasonable Cause why neither should be slow; for the base Minds of Men hurry them to assist the Successful, and help to destroy the Unfortunate; led always more by Fear and Interest, than Resolution and Virtue.  
This Truth appeared in the Condition of this unhappy King; whose Title that was left him, was first shared by his Enemies, and he then conveyed from the Tower of London, to Leeds Castle in Kent, and from thence to Pomfret Castle in Yorkshire; for some little time there seemed to be paid him some small Respects in the manner of his Attendance, but that was but the Counterfeit Treatinf of the Shadow of a King, which yet probably made him uneasy who enjoyed the Substantial Power: For it is reported by some, That King Henry should one day with a deep Sigh Deplore and Lament, That neither he nor the Nation, had a Friend that would pull up that Root from which Disquiets and Rebellion could only Spring.  
'Tis probable that the Bishop of Carlisle's Oration, arguing at that time against the Right of King Richard's being deposed, and the Right of Henry to succeed to the Crown, and some Plots and Risings that afterwards happened, might perhaps hasten the taking away the unfortunate Prince from all his Miseries; but whether the King gave particular Orders or Encouragement by such words, is uncertain; but there never wanted Men barbarous enough to offer cruel Sacrifices to bloody Power; and for the hopes of Favour and Reward, rather guess what Mischief would be acceptable, than stay to be instructed, that their Merits might seem to be enlarged by their readiness in Villainy.  
Some of these Causes made Sir Peirce Exton, with eight other Villains hasten to Pomfret, as if he feared he should be deprived of the Honour of the Action; when he arrived, the Preface to the intended Cruelty, was the forbearance of that Ceremony of Tasting, that was usually paid King Richard, as he sat at Dinner; who demanded the Reason of it. He that used to perform it, answered, That Sir Peirce Exton had brought such Orders from King Henry; at which the King seemed so much transported, that he Struck at him, and called him Huzzy of Lancaster; at which time Sir Peirce Exton with his bloody Followers entered, and shut the Door after him, which being perceived by the King, he verily guessed their fatal Intentions; and seeming less surprised in this great and threatening Danger, than in all the former, though lesser Hazards; he readily and boldly snatched a Halberd, and with a Resolution differing from his former Actions, Slew four of the Assassinates, and with continued Bravery fought with the rest, till the chief Villain Exton got upon a Chair behind him, and with a Pole-Ax struck him down, where the unfortunate King ended all his Calamities, and left the Murderer to endure future Torments. For when he returned again, expecting great Preferments and Rewards, he found himself deceived, not only in the hopes of an Addition of Favour, but in the Loss of what he had; not considering that, though a Man might be Ill enough to wish a Mischief, he hardly could be so confidently Bad, as publicly to Reward the Doer of it; that counterfeit Piece of Justice was probably showed by the King, to seem (at least) to hate what he wished, by Discountenancing the Actor of the Ill, who now began by Discontent to make way for a punishing Conscience, which continued him in Torments during his short and miserable Life, and left an Infamy to outlive him.  
It is observable, that in the two greatest Exigencies of this Prince's Life, he appeared differing from himself; one in Resignation of his Crown; the other in the Loss of his Life; the first he did with a steady Calmness, almost above the Temper of a Man; the last with a Courage equal to the Bravest; in smaller Concerns he seemed unsteady and amazed; in these great ones firm and unconcerned; but in these Extremities he was not cloyed with those Favourites and Ministers that influenced him with their Weakness, and shook his Mind with their Indirectness, making not only their Cause to be his, but his Nature theirs.  
This seemed justified by his Behaviour in these last and greatest Extremities; when acting wholly from himself, he entitled himself at last to his Father's and Grandfather's (the Black Prince's) Courage and Virtue; and showed himself Dying, what they never gave him leave to appear Living.   

THE COMPARISON.  
HAving now finished, with some Reflections on the chief Accidents in the Reigns of Edward and Richard II. and believing it to be too tedious to take the same Methods with Edward I. and Edward III. I thought it was not improper to Extract their Characters; that by the Comparison of them all, the reasonable Causes may further appear of the unhappy Condition of the two first, and the prosperous Fortunes of the two others, which will show the fatal and mighty Difference in a Prince's using himself, and being used by others; between the steddiness of a strong Mind, and the indirectness of a weak one▪ Edward I. and Edward III resembled one another. Edward and Richard II. were also alike: So that their Comparisons may be made as if between Two Persons, which will show the Causes of the mighty Differences that succeeded with them.  
Edward I. and Edward III came both to the Crown after it had been shaken by the Errors of both their Fathers, Henry III. and Henry II.  
Edward and Richard II. came both to the Crown after it had been settled by the Virtues and Valour of the Father and Grandfather, Edward I. and Edward III.  
Edward I. and Edward III were both Men Earlier than others, and Victorious before others used to attempt Victory: So that before they were Kings, they showed how fit they were to be so.  
Edward and Richard II. never appeared Men, till they were to be so no more; They never attempted true Glory; and before they were Kings, gave little Testimony of their fitness to be so.  
Edward I. and Edward III were able to Judge, yet never unwilling to hear the Judgement of others: They were deliberate in resolving, but firm in their Resolutions; unshaken in Dangers, steady and equal in Safety; Their Promises were Mankind's Security, and Truth their Wisdom; Their great Virtues and Courage made the Nation expect Success from all their Actions.  
Edward and Richard II. never appeared able to Judge, but wholly submitted to the interested Opinion of others; They were inconstant in all Conditions; in Prosperity bold and violent, in Danger fearful and temperate; Their Promises were no Security, and Dissimulation was their Policy: So that from such Methods of Government the Nation could expect no Success or Happiness.  
Edward I. and Edward III grew fierce by Opposition, and gentle by Submission; They seldom denied Pardon to those that implored it, nor suffered any abused Mercy unrevenged; They were Mighty enough to conquer Enemies, and Powerful enough to forgive those they conquered; They were equally Victorious both to Themselves and Others; and those that submitted proved always more fortunate than those that resisted  
Edward and Richard II. were submissive when opposed, and fierce when submitted to; They always abused the Tenderness of others, and seldom showed any of their own; never forgiving, where they had opportunity to punish; They neither had Power nor Design to conquer Enemies, but used both to overcome their Friends; Others were Masters of Them, not They of Themselves, and they that resisted were always more fortunate than they that submitted.  
Edward I. and Edward III. in their greatest Hazards required none to attempt more than they did in their own Persons; and in the greatest Prosperity and Safety they prescribed no more Virtue and Temperance than they gave Examples for.  
Edward and Richard II. in Danger depended on others to attempt for them, and in Prosperity they gave no Rules of Virtue, but suffered the Vices of others to be their Examples  
Edward I. and Edward III. known how to gain Power, and how to use it; They made the best Laws, that might have attempted the easiest to break them.  
Edward and Richard II. known little how to get Power, and less how to use it. Chance sometimes brought it, and their giddy Favourites lost it. They never seemed inclined to make good Laws, and were always contriving to violate those that were made.  
Edw I. and Edw. III. known how to gain, and how to preserve, by the Love and Confidence they raised in their Subjects hearts; the first they requited, and never abused the last.  
Edward and Richard II. showed little skill how to gain, and as little how to preserve; They were advised to the mistaken Policy of neglecting Love, and to the Folly of abusing Trust.  
Edward I. and Edward III had great Taxes and Supplies, which in themselves might appear very large, but would not seem so vast, when compared with their Victories. The Conquest of Wales, Scotland, and France, will not seem such light Victories to be obtained with small Assistance; but what the Nation gave was justly bestowed for what it was given, and faithfully laid out for their Honour and Interest.  
Edward and Richard II. had great Supplies, but made no Purchase with them of Honour or Interest: What others bestowed for the public Glory, they gave away to their private Favourites, and wanted more to supply their Avarice and Ambitions, than the others did to enlarge the Nations Glory: The private Conquests the Favourites made over these Princes, were more chargeable than the Victories the others obtained over Nations.  
Edward I. and Edward III. not only returned Security and Benefit for their Subjects Gifts, by Conquests Abroad, but by excellent Laws at Home: What Edward I. began well, Edward III gave perfection to; nor were these brave Princes more just in making good Laws, than severe in the due execution of them; and never showed so much severity, as against those that abused the Trust of Justice; as if they were more offended at the Enemies of Mankind, than at their own.  
Edward and Richard II. returned nothing to their Subjects for what they gave, neither by the Bravery of Arms to crush the Greatness of their Enemies, nor by the Virtue of good Laws, to increase the Prosperity of the People; They seemed not fitted in Themselves to attempt the first, and too much influenced by Favourites to incline to the last; They feared the Greatness of their Subjects, more than their Enemies; and showed they would rather have Conquered at Home than Abroad; as if they would choose to make their own People Slaves, rather than Others. They apprehended the Effect of good Laws, and were most pleased with those that debauched the Trust of Justice; and the Judges esteemed most Loyal, that were readily wicked; those were the greatest Favourites, that the People most hated, & the greatest Enemies to Men were reputed the best Friends to them.  
Edward I. and Edward III. mingled their Interests with their Subjects, and never refused to hear the Wrongs of those that assisted them to revenge their Injuries on others. They were equally Valiant, and equally Successful, and both died unchecked by Fortune; only Edward I. died himself and Edward III outlived himself: But the Death of his glorious Son the Black Prince, joined with the weight of Old Age, might justly make that Sun set clouded.  
Edward and Richard II. divided their Interests from their Subjects; and their complaint of Grievances rather procured Punishment than Redress. They thought their People's Good was inconsistent with their Power; and to be sensible of Oppression, was Rebellious. They were alike in their Tempers, and equally Successful; and in the midst of the greatest smiles of Fortune, both alike forsaken by Her But Richard II. in the last wretched Scene of his Life had the opportunity of showing some Testimonies that he sprung from the Black Prince, and had not lived more unhappily than he died bravely: The First he owed to his Favourites, the Last to Himself.  
FINIS.