THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNS OF EDWARD and RICHARD II. WITH Reflections, and Characters OF THEIR Chief Ministers and Favourites.  
AS ALSO, A COMPARISON between those Princes Edward and Richard the Second, with Edward the First, and Edward the Third.  
Written in the Year 1685. By the Honourable sir ROBERT HOWARD  Hor. Lib. III. Ode IV. 
Hic dies vere mihi festus atras  
Eximet curas: Ego nec tumultum,  
Nec Mori per vim metuam, tenente  
caesar terras.  
LONDON: Printed by F. Collins, for Thomas Fox, at the Angel in Westminster-Hall. 1690.   

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAjESTY.  
SIR,  
SUch as have Dedicated their Writings to Princes, have usually presented them in Characters that rather shew'd what Excellent Princes might be, than what they were; and so resembling one another, that most of them seemed flattering Copies, and very few like the Originals.  
I esteem it therefore a very great Happiness to be freed from Flattery, by being only Just to You, since of no less a Nature are Your Actions, than to make it almost impossible for any to Approach You with that Servile Prejudice to Themselves and Princes.  
This, SIR, will be justified by repeating only that You restored a Nation from falling to be no more a People; almost ready to become Slaves by the Loss of their Religion, Laws, and Liberties. Nor did You only Redeem, but made Your Redemption perfect, and by an unparalleled Goodness partend with a large Branch, of the standing Revenue, only to Ease Your People from the Weight and Oppression of it. And having relieved them from all their Wrongs, You confirmed by a Law their Declared Rights, showing such an Affection for Your People, as was contrary to the Methods of our late Princes; who designed that Power for Destruction, which You used for Preservation.  
This Dedication, SIR, is also proper for You, since the subject Matter of it was the Cause that excited You to Attempt our Relief, thrô so many threatening Dangers.  
The Stories show how those unhappy Princes, Edward and Richard II. misguided by Ambitious Ministers, believed there was an Interest separated from their Peoples, and that Interest secured only by such a natured Power, as Slaves, not Subjects, were capable to submit to. Those Fatal Methods and Arbitrary Designs were exactly Copied by our Two last unhappy Princes: And You that Redeemed Us from all those threatening Calamities are justly presented with this Memorial, and with the Prayers of all good Men, that our Deliverer may be ever preserved in Health, long Life and Prosperity in this World, and the perpetual Life and Felicity of the World to come. Amongst others be pleased, SIR, to accept the particular Devotion of,  
SIR, Your Majesty's Most Faithful, and Obedient Subject, RO. HOWARD.   

THE PREFACE.  
I Was much surprised to see an imperfect Copy of this steal into public, far from my Knowledge or Intention: for I was sensible it wanted Consideration in point of History. There were many material Things which I intended to have added, and others to leave out as unnecessary to my design: considering therefore that my best and most correct Performances could hardly challenge merit, I thought it just to myself, and others, to endeavour that they might need the least Pardon; and that my owning now the Publishing of this, may rather be looked upon as an effect of Necessity than Confidence.  
The Scheme of this was digested in the Year 85, I being very much affencted with the Consideration, how the Errors of ill Administration produced the same Fatal Effects upon those unhappy Princes, Edward and Richard the Second, the weight of whose ill Conducts was heavy enough to sink the prosperous and lofty Condition their Two Glorious Predecessors, Edward the First, and Edward the Third, had left the Kingdom in.  
Nor was their resembling ruin more observable, than the Causes of it: Their Predecessors applied all their Glories and successses, to give, as it were, Lustre and Power to the Laws; these Two Unfortunate Princes attempted only by mean Practices to subdue them, and their own People: Those great Princes Edward the First, and Edward the Third, might fix their Favours and Kindness on the People, since they partend with no Power to Ministers and Favourites; 'tis that which ever did, and ever will breed a distrust in the People, enough to shake all Confidence in their Prince. And tis but natural it should have so fatal an Operation, since the true Interest of a King differs totally from theirs; his best and securest Happiness is founded on the Peoples Good; their Interest and Ambition must be supplied by their Oppression. This is the seldom failing Cause that has made all Princes unkind to their People, that invest Ministers with their Power and Affections; and I am confident there are but few Stories that have given an Account of a Prince so resigned to others, but have likewise  told of his Misfortune involved in theirs. That Power and Interest which a King ought to have is not useful to them; and rather than suffer him to tread in public Paths, they persuade him to follow the misguiding Meteor of Arbitrary Power.  
I also considered the Proceedings of the Government in the latter part of King Charles the seconds Reign, and the short Reign of King James the Second, and perceived how exactly they followed the steps of these two unfortunate Kings, and I then expected to see a Revolution resembling theirs.  
When K. Charles had prepared things ready for Popery and Slavery, he seemed no longer useful to those that eagerly waited to assume that Power that the Papists had guided him to make ready for them; and as his Actions were like those misguided Princes, I believe, his Death as much resembled theirs, and was equally as violent.  
There was not a particular Action of any Note of these two late Kings, that did not seem copied from those two unfortunate Princes; the Interest of England prostrated to that of France; the murdering of Great and Considerable Men; the violent Seizing the Rights and Liberties of the City of London; the Quo Warranto's on Corporations, consequently on the Nation; Laws prostrated to the King's Will, Westminster-Hall fitted with proper Judges for that Design: And as in K. Richard the seconds time, by Resolving the Queries of the Earl of Suffolk, the Judges made the King the sole Judge, not only of Law, but whether there should be any Law or no, and the Offence against his Will became the only Treason; so the apt Judges of the King's-Bench in the Case of Sir Edward Hales, resolved the same though in another manner; but in a more seeming abstruse way, as if they endeavoured to show Modesty in nonsense. First they declared the Laws were the King's Laws, and in Case of Necessity the King was to judge of those Laws; and then that the King was Judge of the Necessity. And lastly,( as my Lord cook says) to bring the worst Oppression upon us, which is done by the Colour of Justice, they did not only attempt to corrupt the Law by poisoned Judges, but by packing Parliaments endeavoured to confirm the begun Slavery by Statute-Law.  
There was only one sort of Mischief, and the greatest, that those two unfortunate Princes had no occasion to be equal in with our two late Kings, especially K. James; for they being then of the same Religion with the People, could not endeavour the subverting of it, so that K. James had a peculiar Tyranny to exceed them in. This threatening Storm upon the Souls of Men, was providently fore-seen by the Parliaments of Westminster and Oxford, who therefore prest the Point by a Bill of Exclusion to secure themselves against a Popish Successor. I was a Member of both those Parliaments, wherein the Debates seemed to me very clear, and almost unanimous, and they were too well justified by the Popish Successor, when he came to the Crown; for he made good the Foundation of their Opinions and Apprehensions; that such a one could never Defend a Faith that was contrary to his, or be a Father to those he believed no Sons of God; as if it were possible that his Concern should be for their Liberties, that his Opinion had delivered up to Eternal Slavery.  
The truth of this appearing by his Actions, has( by this time, I hope,) bread a repenting Consideration in such as strenuously supported that which was so near bringing a ruin on us all; and had not this King brought us such a timely Redemption, we had practised Passive-Obedience against our Wills, and in our Souls and Bodies felt the Misery of that Doctrine, the Encouragement of Destruction.  
But yet we see a History of this Doctrine of Passive-Obedience, new put forth, which is no better then an Arraigning this present Government, and all those that contributed to this happy Change, which shows as if there were some, that would rather see the violent Destruction of their own Religion, than disturb the quiet Settlement of Popery; as if it were more Religious to suffer God not to be worshipped, than to pull down an Idol set up by a King, as if we were to believe he had a Divine Right to Consecrate Idolatry; but I leave that zealous History under the Execution it has received from the Excellent Mr. Johnson, in his short Reflections upon it, which can receive no greater a Character, than to be like himself, and his other Writings, both which were Vicotrious in the midst of all his barbarous Persecutions; and as the Nation received the benefit of his Writings and Example, I doubt not but he will share a Reward proportionably to the assistance he gave to their Redemption.  
It will not be improper therefore to consider the Cases of those two Princes, Edward and Richard the Second, who were deposed by the People in their Representatives, presuming they had a Right to reassume that Power which was derived from them, when any Prince forfeited the Trust they had placed in him, and acted contrary to his Executive Office; and they expressly declared to King Edward the Second, that if he did not freely consent to a Resignation, they would not Elect his Son Edward, but such a one as might be proper for the good of the People, though no Relation to his Blood; and the King return'd his Thanks, That since they had taken such a Displeasure against him, that they would yet be so kind to his Son; nor has this Electing of Kings been so unusual in England, since seldom any Government has had more broken Successions.  
But before I proceed to show how this Right was, and continues in the People; I will take leave briefly, to show what a Prince is according to their Doctrines that have with an unlimited Zeal asserted Passive-Obedience, and the Laws to be only the Properties of a King's Arbitrary Will.  
I remember when Julian the Apostate came out, many of the Clergy seemed very much disturbed; and as I was informed, there was a Club that assisted the Answer to it, called Jovian; I mention this, that when from thence I set down the Positions of that Doctrine of Passive-Obedience, they may be looked upon as the sharpest Arrows they could draw from all their Quivers; and then if any weakness or Contradictions appear in them, methinks the War should be at an end, when the Joint Forces under a chosen Hector are defeated, and the Rout and Disorder comes from their own Opinions, that fall foul upon one another.  
In many Places of Jovian an unlimited Passive-Obedience is prescribed, as a general Remedy in all public Diseases; that is, Destruction is the best Recipe against Destruction, and the Disease is to become the Cure. But the Author having heard of such a thing as Laws, and not knowing how to put them out of the way, to make room for this Doctrine, which makes a Destroyer lawful, he finds out a Diamond to cut a Diamond, and a Law never heard of to destroy the known Laws, in these sublime words:  
The Political Laws are made to defend the Rights of the Subject, but in case the sovereign will Tyrannically take away a subjects Life, against the Political Laws, he is bound by the Common Laws of sovereignty not to resist him, or defend his Life against him by force.  
It is to be observed, that here are two sorts of Law, God's Law, and the Devil's Law; that which supports and defends Right is GOD's Law, that which takes away Life unjustly is the Devil's Law, for he was a murderer from the beginning.  
But Contradictions are so frequent in that Discourse, that I do not wonder to see the zealous Author show one in his own particular; and incogitantly perhaps, profess a violent Resolution to break his own sacred Rule of Passive-Obedience: For, I suppose, if a Woman Scolds, and gives hard Names, she is not Passive, for then Billingsgate is Passiveness incorporated; and I shall desire the Reader to judge, whether there be much difference, in theirs, and our Author's active Tongue-Assault; for he loudly cries out, with a very sharp Excursion: That he should rather think it his Duty, than the breach of it, to tell, not only a Popish Prince, but a Popish King to his Face, did he openly profess the Popish Religion, That he was an Idolater, a Bread-Worshipper, a Goddess-Worshipper, an Image-Worshipper, a Wafer-Worshipper, with an &c. as if he had more Names in store for him.  
But I must do the Author right, to let the Reader know, that Jovian was written when K. James the Second was Duke of York, and had not declared himself a Papist; and perhaps he thought he would never have done such a rash thing: but yet, for fear of the worst, the Author retreats to his Doctrine of Passive-Obedience, from this dangerous Sally that he had made with an unadvised boldness; and then tells us, 'tis reasonable to depend on the Conscience of a Popish King, and seemingly returns to a modest Repentance, that he had expressed such a displeasure against one that worshipped more Gods than one; for after this terrible muster of hard Names, he falls back as he was, and pays such a profound Devotion to Passive-Obedience, that now he seems to extend it even to thoughts, as not to think ill of his own railed at Idolater; this, I suppose, may be called forward and backward, or to blow hot and could in the same breath, to make the Contradictions appear plain enough.  
This Opinion yet he sticks most to, if you will trust him as much as he advices you to trust the Idolater, and tries to give you a Reason for it; for he says, That Suffering, as in the Case of the Thebean Legion, can never happen in Great Britain; we of these Kingdoms having such Security against Tyranny as no People ever had: I suppose he forgets his own Position, and means a Truth that he before destroyed, the Security he means, if he can mean any, after he has taken away all, must be the Political Power, that is, the Laws: Can any Man have the Charity to believe, that he could think he proposed any Security from Laws, that had set up an Imperial Power, or sovereign Law, as he calls it,( which is the Will of a King) to take them all away, if he pleases? He might as well tell us of a Security by certain Deeds, to all which were fixed Revocations, and yet would have us depend on such Arbitrary Settlements, without Right or Power to oppose those Revocations; thus the continued Contradictions appear that mingle with such Notions. A Man that stutters much in his Speech, is hardly to be understood, but such an excessive Stammering in Writing, makes it much harder to guess what a Man means.  
But in another place he gives us an additional Reason for trusting, and to deter us from examining a Tyrant's Actions, or opposing the Imperial, that is, Arbitrary Power; which is, That a King is accountable to none but God.  
To make good this Opinion he quotes some of the Church of England Divines, and of the reformed, Bochart a Frenchman, whose Authority he often repeats: As to these of the Church of England, Mr. Johnson has fully answered that, and quoted Statutes enough, and Judgments of Convocations in Q. Elizabeth's time, that assert and support a contrary Doctrine to this unlimited Passive-Obedience; for they approved the Resistance of those in Scotland and France, who actively, and by force, attempted to defend their Religion and Liberties. I shall only add the Precedent of King Charles the First, reputed the Church of England's Martyr, He was of the same judgement with the Church and State in Q. Elizabeth's time, witness that business of Rochel, who took Arms upon the same account, and received Assistance from him, which approved an active Opposition against the Oppression brought on their Religion and Liberties.  
But I find not only our Author, but he that writ the History of Passive-Obedience, is a great admirer of Bochart, calling him the Glory of the Reformed; and having quoted many of the Church of England Divines; he then, as well as Bochart's Letters to Dr. Morley, quotes some other of the Reformed Divines; but though I do not think this Cause depends, as Mr. Johnson says, upon telling Noses; yet I will set down in the margin, that I may not interrupt my Discourse, the several Opinions of eminent reformed Divines, which the Author of the History of Passive-Obedience, being so industrious to search Opinions, must probably omit, as not being useful for his business: 

Zuinglius. Tom. 1. Art. 42.  
When Kings Reign perfidiously, and against the Rules of Christ, they may according to the Word of God be deposed.  
I know not how it comes to pass, that Kings Reign by Succession, unless it be with consent of the People.  
When by consent of the whole People, or the better part of them, a Tyrant is deposed, or put to Death, God is the chief Leader in that Action.  
When the Roman Empire, or any other shall begin to oppress Religion, and we negligently suffer it, we are as much guilty of Religion so violated, as the Oppressors themselves.  
Calvin on Daniel, ch. 6. v. 7.  
In these Days Monarchs pretend always in their Titles, to be Kings by the Grace of God, which they pretend, that they might Reign without Contract; for to what purpose is the Grace of God mentioned in the Title of Kings, but that they may aclowledge no superior: So it is therefore a mere Cheat, when they boast to Reign by the Grace of God.  
Abdicant se terreni Principes, &c. Earthly Princes depose themselves, while they rise against God.  
Bucer on Matth.  
If a sovereign Prince endeavours by Arms to defend Transgressors, to subvert those Things which are taught in the Word of God, and bears himself not as a Prince, but as an Enemy, and seeks to Violate privileges and Rights, granted to inferior Magistrates, or Commonalties, &c. they ought to defend the People of God, and maintain those Things which are good and just: For to have Supreme Power, lessons not the Evil committed by that Power, but makes it the less tolerable, by how much the more generally hurtful.  
Peter Martyr on Judges, c. 3.  
Approves the Proceedings of the Parliament against Richard the Second.  
Paraeus on the Romans.  
They whose part it is to set up Magistrates, may restrain them from outrageous Deeds, or pull them down; but all Magistrates are set up either by Parliament, or by Electors, or other Magistrates; they therefore that exalted them, may lawfully degrade and punish them.  
Fenner Theo.  
They who have Power, that is, a Parliament, may either by fair means, or force, depose a Tyrant.  
Guilby de Obe.  
Kings have their Authority of the People, who may upon occasion reassume it.  
Goodman on the same Subject.  
If Princes do right, and keep promise with you, then do you them all humble Obedience; if not, you are discharged, and your Study ought to be in this Case, how you may depose and punish according to the Law, such Rebels against God, and Oppressors of their Country.  
Tho. Goodman, and Fenner, were two that fled from the bloody Persecution in Q. Mary's days, and this Goodman had preached many times upon the Doctrine concerning Obedience to Magistrates, which he was desired to publish in a Treatise; as is testified by Whittingham in the Preface.   and indeed, there are very few Arguments that may not be supported with Opinions; for Flattery, Design, or present Interest, has caused more Opinions than the true and just Reason of the subject Matter could ever allow.  
But if we should build a Confidence on this Foundation, and the Prince be such a one, as either does not believe, or consider there is such an Account to be made up, we should be miserable deceived. And it has not been frequently known, that a Prince has lived as if he ever apprehended any Account in the other World, to be given of his Actions in this; all these Doctrines are but insinuating Flatteries to make Princes forget Men; for the Service of God can hardly be performed by the Neglect of Men.  
But if the Author would have us believe that a King is accountable to none but God, he ought to explain himself to us in the particular of K. James the Second, a professed Papist, and tell us to which of all his Gods, he is to be accountable for our Good; whether to a piece of Bread, a Wafer, an Image, a Goddess, or to all. I could not have been so ingenious, as to make his own Position so ridiculous, as he himself has contrived to do it, but in its self it appears a very strange Doctrine; to trust to the account a Popish King is to make with his God, for those he believes his God will damn. ' Twou'd seem as rational for a Man to take an Estate to hold by the Life of a Man, that he believed was to be certainly executed.  
There is another as rational a Proposition to incline us to believe and depend on this Doctrine of Passive-Obedience, That Subjects to have a right to judge when they may resist, or withstand their sovereign, is a thousand times more inconvenient and pernicious to human Society, than patiently submitting to the abuse of sovereign Power.  
And in another place confirms this with a Notion of a very high strain, telling us, that a Popish Successor, or give him what Character you please; nay, let him be a complicated Tyrant, a Pharaoh, ahab, Hieroboam, nabuchadnezzar, all in one; nay, let the Spirit of Galerius, Maximin, and Maxentius come upon him; yet, he is sure, it will cost fewer Lives and Desolation to let him alone, than to resist him.  
This Author is very apt to be fierce and lofty in his expressions; as if Noise would be more prevalent than Reason. Before, he mustered up False Gods that a King worshipped; and now musters up as many Tyrants to mould into one King: And yet such an Idolater and complicated Tyrant, is not capable to do as much mischief, as opposing him will cause. He could have invented but one strain higher for the Cause of Passive-Obedience, by adding the Devil to the Idolater and complicated Tyrant, and then our Passive-Obedience had been to submit, to what in Baptism we promised to fight against, the World, the Flesh, and the Devil: And the Position holds as true in relation to him, as such a Prince, that it were the cause of more mischief to oppose the Devil, than to submit to him.  
Dr. Sherlock expresses this more modestly: That Non-Resistance is the best way to secure the Peace and tranquillity, and the best way for every Man's private Defence; for Self-defence may involve many others in Blood, and, besides, exposes a Man's self. And in another place tells us, 'Tis the best way to prevent the change of a Limited, into an Absolute Monarchy.  
This is not to prove the Doctrine of Passive-Obedience, but the benefit of it; and in some measure it may possibly be true, that weak and particular Defences or Oppositions, may rather bring Destruction upon some, than save all; but a Nation cannot fall under that Danger, that unitedly defends its own Religion and Laws. On the other-side, the Passive Submission to such a complicated Tyranny, must more probably hazard the Subversion of Religion and Laws, and consequently Freedom and Property: And indeed 'tis a strange Assertion, that all these Qualities joined in one Man, cannot do as much mischief, as a Nation's opposing the Ruin that he would bring upon them: which resolves into this absurdity, that if they have a Right to relieve themselves, yet 'tis unwise to attempt it, for fear of causing that which would certainly be done without it.  
But these Positions have been sufficiently confuted by several Tyrants, who have destroyed as much as they could have done, had they been enraged by any unsuccessful opposition: And at this very instant the King of France may convince any one, that there was hardly more Cruelty to be committed, than has been acted by him: He had corrupted most of Christendom to this prudent passiveness, by which he was capable to bring more Ruin on his own and other Kingdoms, than he would ever attempt to have done, had he been opposed; and the Passive-Obedience that was shew'd at first to his growing Tyranny, did not prevent, but cause the change of a Limited into an Absolute Monarchy; so that on the contrary, the Doctrine of Passive-Obedience seems calculated for the Meridian of Tyranny.  
I hope this Argument will be yet more confuted by the benefit Christendom will receive by the opposing that Tyrant; whose Persecution of Christians, and Burning Countries, does not yet seem to the asserters of Passive-Obedience, to be Mischief enough, to allow that an unresisted Tyrant cannot do as much, as will probably happen by opposing him. Certainly if the Destruction the King of France has made, do not convince them, 'tis only that Mischief is not Mischief, if done by a King.  
But Dr. Hicks says, That the Laws of all Governments allow every Man to defend his Life against an assassin:( by which he shows his Imperial Law is no Law of Government). And Dr. Sherlock tells us, No Man can want Authority to defend his Life against him that has no Authority to take it away.  
By this confession of the two Learned Doctors, the Point seems to be cleared; for an illegal assassin, and one that has no lawful Authority to kill, is, I suppose, all one; and whatever is acted or done in such a nature against Law, is murder; so that all that is done against Law, may be rightfully opposed: For surely they cannot mean( though they speak in the singular number) that it is lawful to oppose one Man that acts against Law, and not many; that is to say a lawless prosecution, if by many is not a lawless Prosecution: and if Dr. Hicks's Distinction be brought in aid, That the Imperial Power may make a lawless Attempt, or Prosecution lawful, then his illegal assassin may be a lawful Executioner: so that 'tis reduced to this demonstration; that their Position is either nonsense, or a direct Confutation of their own Doctrine.  
I will onely add one Confutation more, that Dr. Sherlock gives to this Doctrine; which is in his own words: That every Man has the right of Self-preservation as entire under a Civil Government, as he had in the state of Nature.  
This is a great Truth; but if it be so, their Doctrine must be false; for in the state of Nature, no Man owes a submission to another; for being under no Covenants or Obligations, he remains free from Subjection, and is his own Judge, and cannot properly be judged by another. Now how these are to be reconciled, seems very difficult, I think, I may say impossible; that a Man under Government should pay Passive-Obedience to every thing, and a Man in the state of Nature not obliged to pay Obedience to any thing, and yet to have as equal a Right to Self-preservation in one Condition as another: For we are  told expressly, That in case the sovereign will Tyrannically take away the subjects life, he is bound by the common Laws of sovereignty not to resist, or defend his Life against him by force. Now in the state of Nature there is no Subject nor sovereign, and therefore by the contrary a Man may defend his Life against Violence; And what can be meant then, by having as much Right of Self-preservation under a Civil Government, where we are  told we must not preserve ourselves by force, as in a condition where we are free and naturally obliged to do it? But in this, as in other intoxicated Conditions, where Men have imbibed something too strong for them, in the midst of their disorderly expressions, Truth will sometimes break out, contrary to their Interest, and( perhaps) intemperate Designs.  
But though I do not believe that the Reason of any thing is to be submitted, because such or such, are of this or that Opinion; yet since I have set down the Doctrine asserted in our days, when the hazard of Religion itself, did not seem to prevail above flattery and design; I will briefly show also the Opinions of our Ancient and most authentic Authors, which have been often quoted; and therefore I will be very short in it.  
I will begin with an Original Agreement in Magna Charta, Printed by the present Bishop of Salisbury; which declares, That if the King should Violate any part of the Charter, and refuse to rectify what was done amiss, it should be lawful for the Barons, and People of England to distress him by all the ways they can think of; as Seizing his Castles, Possessions, &c.  
According to which seems grounded the Opinion,  
That a King is not a King, 
Bracton.  where his Will Governs, and not the Law.  
For if a King's Power were only Royal, 
Fortescue.  then he might change the Laws, and charge the Subject with Callage, and other Burdens, without their Consent.  
But the King has a superior God, 
Bracton.  also the Law, by which he is made King.  
For a King is constituted that he should Govern the People of God; 
K. Edw's Laws.  and defend them from Injuries, which unless he performs, he loses the very Name of a King.  
From that Power which flows from the People, 
Fortescue.  it is not lawful for him to Lord it over them by any other Power; that is, a Political, not a Regal Power.  
Let Kings therefore temper their Power by the Law, 
Bracton.  which is the Bridle of Power.  
So that the right understanding of this Law of Resisting or not Resisting in Cases of Necessity, 
Grotius de Jur. Bell. ac Pac.  seems to depend on the Intention of those that first entered into Civil Society, from whom the Right of Government is devolved on the Persons Governing.  
Certainly no Civil Society ever made a Contract with intention to be oppressed or destroyed; and he there observes, That Men did not at first unite themselves in Civil Society by any Special Command from God, but for their own Safety to withstand Force and Violence; and from this the Civil Power took its rise.  
I will now proceed to a more proper way of Argument than Quotations; and briefly consider the Reason of Government, and the necessary Consequences, in respect of the Conditions of the Governing, and the Governed; and as a Builder that designs to build strongly, I will use a Foundation laid by that excellent Architect Mr. Hooker, in his Ecclesiastical Polity.  
I will faithfully transcribe his words, and though not joined together in his Discourse, yet the Reason is so strong that guides an Argument of this nature, that it has naturally itis own Cement and Connexion; which will appear in these following words:  
Presuming Man to be in regard of his depraved Mind, little better than a wild Beast, they do accordingly provide notwithstanding, so to frame his outward Actions, that they be no hindrance to the Common Good, for which Societies are instituted; unless they do this, they are not perfect; it resteth therefore, that we consider, how Nature findeth out such Laws of Government, as serve to direct even Nature depraved, to a right end.  
To take away all such natural Grievance, Injuries, and Wrongs, there was no way but growing into a Composition and Agreement among themselves, by Ordaining some kind of Government public, and by yielding themselves subject thereunto, that unto whom they granted Authority to Rule and Govern, by them the Peace, tranquillity, and happy Estate of the rest may be preserved.  
Men always knew, that when Force and Injury was offered, they might be Defenders of themselves; they knew that however Men may seek their own Commodity, yet if this were done with injury to others, it was not to be suffered; but by all good Men, and by all good means to be withstood.  
Impossible it is that any should have complete Lawful Power, but by consent of Men, or immediate appointment of God; because not having the natural Superiority of Fathers, their Power must needs be either usurped, and then unlawful; or if lawful, then Consented unto by them, over whom they exercise the same; they saw that to live by one Man's Will, became the cause of all Mens Miseries; this constrained them to come into Laws.  
The Lawful Power of making Laws to Command whole politic Societies of Men, belongeth so properly unto the same entire Societies, that for any Prince or Potentate of what kind soever upon Earth, to exercise the same himself, and not either by express Commission immediately and personally received from God, or else by Authority derived at the first from their Consent, upon whose Persons they impose Laws, is no better than mere Tyranny.  
Laws they are not, therefore, which politic Approbation hath not made so; but Approbation, not only they give, who personally declare their Assent, by Voice, Sign, or Act, but also when others do it in their Names, by Right originally derived from them, as in Parliament, &c.  
Thus strengthened by this great Man, to whom the Church of England has justly paid a particular Veneration, I shall with the more confidence proceed to do the Nation Justice, and begin with those granted and undeniable Principles; That the Authority, Power, and Right of Self-Defence and Preservation, was naturally and originally in every individual Person, and consequently united in them all, for Ease, Preservation, and Order; but every one could not be a governor and governed, and without Agreement where to fix a useful Power, to execute such convenient Agreements or Laws, as should be consented to for their own good and benefit, they could not be safe against one another; for if Interest and Appetite were the free Guides, without the check of any Law or Punishment, Mankind must he in a state of War; and destroying one another the certain Consequence of that Condition; for Faith and Justice in all, could not be depended upon to be sufficiently binding, unless Men had no depraved Natures, but had been endued with such Original virtue and Justice, that they were as sure and careful of their mutual Preservations, as Laws, or the fear of Punishment could oblige them.  
For this Reason were Laws invented, and consented to; and 'twere a fatal Absurdity, if the Cause was for Preservation by the Power of such Laws, that those Laws should have no Power to limit or confine the Authority of Him or Them that were chosen to Govern by the Conditions contained in them; for otherways the Mischief was but changed, and they that out of a reasonable apprehension had bound themselves from oppressing one another, should give unlimited Power to others to do it, if they pleased; so that unless this ridiculous supposition could be granted, it must be acknowledged of consequence, that though the Magistrate was set above the People, yet the Law was set above the Magistrate: For where any thing is to be observed and obeyed, there a perfect Superiority is acknowledged.  
Whoever therefore is set up to Govern by these Rules and Covenants, must of consequence have only an Executive Power committed to him by the People. It has ever been acknowledged by all Common-wealths, that their Power is derived from the People; And why should it not be acknowledged, that a King has the same derivative Power. They that would argue against this, should be well furnished with plain Texts of Scripture, to prove, that the Government by Kings was more favoured of God, than any other Government; and that a King was in a special manner,( not found among Men, but) dropped down from Heaven to Govern a People intentionally created for him, and he therefore accountable to none but GOD.  
But this, I suppose, will be very hard for the most willing Flatterers to find out; but the contrary appears frequently in Scripture, David first made a Covenant with the Elders of Israel. And when Jehoash was made King, Jehoiada the Priest made a Covenant between him and the People, but some of our Passive Zealots would have such Covenants to be voided in themselves; and yet aclowledge it an Offence not to observe them; but the Offence must be answerable to God, not to Man: which is only Doctrine for Encouragement of Sin, to invite good Princes to grow bad, and make a Religious Duty the Security of Tyrants.  
Power seldom permits Religious Thoughts to prevail, or the unpleasant Remembrance of what's to come after this Life: And if a King either forgets, or does not believe a Future judgement, and persuaded by such flattering Doctrines to be so like a GOD, as to be unquestionable here, he must look upon his Subjects as his Slaves, and their Goods his Chattels, and their Inheritances his Estate; so that Laws are unnecessary for Preservation or Punishment, since his unquestioned Will may save or destroy; for if Laws and Compacts were of force, 'twere equally just and legal, that if for Offences against them, the Subject should forfeit for himself, that the King for the Violation of the same Laws should forfeit as well.  
If it should be urged, that an Oath is taken as the onely Security; that is, begging the Question, it may be as a farther Security; but the Original and never-to be-separated Rights of those from whence Power was derived, must be the surest: for there is no danger but from the bad, and they are more apprehensive of Punishment in this World, than the remote terrors of the other; And if an Oath were sufficient Security, why are not all Magistrates sufficiently obliged, and we secured by such Obligations; and ought not as well to be liable to any Account or Punishment in this World? But this they will allow to be ridiculous, for Magistrates may be wicked and corrupt; and their Oaths no Security against the Oppression or Destruction of many; but this Just Reason must not extend to Kings, though Tyrants: For they, it seems, have a Divine Right to be wicked, and oppress, or destroy a Nation by Arbitrary Power.  
As to the Point of Divine Right, certainly it must be fixed, and arise from something. Naturally every Man has alike a Divine Right to his Life, Freedom, and Estate; but these, by the Pact he has made, may be forfeited by offending against those Laws he had Covenanted to obey; and by reason of that Pact, a King has a Divine Right, which is affixed to all Contracts. Now if there were no Contract, nor Office in a King, in what can he have a Divine Right? If it be annexed to Name or Power abstractedly without those Considerations, then Force or Violence gaining Power and Name, is attended presently by Divine Right, and the Destruction of our Religion and Laws, Murder and Rapine may be consecrated by Divine Right, inseparable from Power, whether just or unjust; and if Passive-Obedience and Non-Resistance be sacredly to be paid to all this, that Divine Right we have to our Lives and Properties, may be taken away by this Divine Right.  
But God has pronounced Temporal Judgments frequently in Scripture against Tyrants and wicked Kings, for oppressing and destroying the People. Ahab by colour of Law( the worst sort of Tyranny) found out two false Witnesses to Swear Blasphemy against Naboth, that he might forfeit his desired Inheritance; for which Ahab forfeited also his Succession; and the Reason is plainly expressed by the Prophet Elijah to him: Thou hast killed and taken possession. And how does it appear that God has altered such Determinations, and now by a Right from him, made all Wrong unquestionable in this World. Samuel slay a King, and gave Tyranny for the Reason: Because he had made Women childless, and did not respite his punishment, till he had made his account with God. He seemed of the Opinion that Seneca the tragedian makes Hercules declare: 
— Victima haud ulla amplior  
Potest, magisque Opima mactari Jovi  
Quam Rex iniquus—   
In the History of Passive-Obedience there is a very Learned Man quoted, that calls the Contract between King and People, an Implicit Contract; but he might have been pleased to call this Doctrine of Passive-Obedience more properly, an Implicit Doctrine, since 'tis grounded more upon their own Imagination, than Reason or Scripture; and the Texts need be very plain, to show that Divine Right in the Person of any Man: From whence they derive the Passive Duty, Religiously to suffer the Destruction of Religion, and justly to obey Violence and Injustice, to encourage Tyranny, and zealously promote Slavery.  
In that Author I find also a Question, which they presume very weighty: How the People having once partend with their Power, came to resume it?  
In my Opinion, any one that were Govern●d by Reason not so disturbed as theirs, would wonder at such a Question; as if it were the same thing for a Man to grant Estates absolutely, as under Conditions and Revocations: And so for the People to make a Contract expressly, That such a Man-shou'd Govern them by his Unquestionable and Arbitrary Will, without any Obligation; or that he should govern them by Contract expressed in Laws. And the Question then more naturally arises on the other-side: If People have never partend with any Power but Conditionally, how came they to lose it Absolutely?  
There are few that will not allow Resistance to be lawful against a foreign Prince that invades us to make us Slaves, or against an Usurping Tyrant, that gets forcibly into Power; and yet another that is in the right possession of Power, may turn a Tyrant, and we must passively submit to the Mischiefs he is pleased to bring on Mens Lives and Properties; as if a lawful Accession to a Crown, can better justify the Violation of Right, than an Usurping Power: For by that reason there is a Title of doing wrong, derived from the Right to a Power that was to protect from wrong. If a Man should Seal Bonds in a House, where he had a rightful possession, is he therefore less liable to pay or perform Covenants, because he had a Right to the present possession of the place where he was, when he agreed and sealed the Security? And by the same reason it appears, that the King of France has as much Right to Govern us, as a King of England to Govern us; for every Prince has equal Right to Slaves; for Power is all the pretended Right to Slavery; and if the Contract between King and People be implicit, there is certainly but an implicit difference between Slaves and Subjects.  
By this Religious Duty of Passive-Obedience, equally paid to just and unjust, to legal and illegal Power, the Sacrifices offered to God are the persuasion to Tyranny, the Security of Mischief, the Encouragement of Sin, the Destruction of good Men, and the Preservation of the bad; Lastly, The justifying of wrong by Divine Right, and a pretended Account to be made up only with God, to defraud his People of their just Rights here.  
But I hope this late Happy Revolution has satisfied every undesigning Heart beyond all Arguments, and shew'd the Falseness of their Reasons, as well as prevented the Mischiefs of their Doctrine; since contrary to their Assertions, we have seen Opposition with much less expense of Blood, than Submission would have suffered to be spilled; and Arbitrary Tyranny changed into a Limited Monarchy.   

REFLECTIONS UPON THE REIGNS OF Edward and Richard II.  
SINCE living in an Age, in which the Minds of Men are so passionately divided, that they are apt of all sides, not only to condemn whatever is not suitable to the Noise they make, but wrest out forced Constructions, far perhaps from the meaning of him that either writ or said the Words: And, where 'tis possible, to turn Censure into Accusation. I thought it not improper, therefore, to prevent the Business of State-Criticks, by giving a short Account, by way of Introduction, why I choose History as the most useful Study; and something of our own most proper for ourselves; where the prospect of Things, past under the same Laws and Government that we now enjoy, must also probably be the most useful part of History to us. For if the Revolution and Event of Things are the best Instructions, the Impressions may probably be most effectual, where the Actions of former Ages are made Presidents to our present Times.  
I have also often considered, since riper Years have admitted a full Consideration, what hazard any Man undergoes, that exposes publicly the Endeavours of an improved Knowledge; thô with a Design to present to others those Advantages that he believes he has acquired to himself by the most industrious and impartial Searches. And indeed, 'tis not onely the Intention of Doing well, that will procure an Excuse for Errors committed, but joined to a fair Performance, will hardly find a just Acceptance; and every Man, by reason of Self-Inclination, is as much unfit to be a Judge of his own Productions, as generally Men, by their averseness to the Reputation of others, are unproper to bring in their Verdicts.  
The same Inclination and Reason, that guide what any Man writes, will probably make him approve what he has written; so that indeed a Man has passed his judgement at first, and can hardly have a separate Opinion left at last: For when he has endeavoured to apply his best Correction, he must be disentangled from his own Nature, to have another judgement. Fathers that beget Children may fancy that to be Wit and Diversion in them, which perhaps disinteressed Persons would judge troublesone Impertinencies.  
On the other-side, those that are not biased by any particular Concerns, and should be most capable to judge, are yet as much bent with the Apprehension of the Reputation of others, as they are by the fondness of gaining it: As if any were robbed of what was due to their own Merits, by others receiving the Reward of theirs. One Candle may illuminate a Thousand, without the loss of light; and in Esteem no Man loses by what another shares. But jealousy, that disturbs the Peace of Life, raises the Disquiet in Mens minds; and Disturbance is the product of Ill Nature: So that Men are prepared rather to Censure, than Judge. Besides, in giving judgement for the Party, there seems a tacit Submission to his; but Censure seems a pference to their own: So that, by searching out Faults in others, they give Evidence( as they think) of their own Correctness. Whereas, if those that endeavour to be Censorious were to attempt the same Thing, they might perhaps show as many Failings; and the others, who should enter upon their envious Province, might perhaps successfully exceed them in searching for Defects.  
This is the cause why the best Performances have not that Kindness or Justice bestowed upon them while the Author lives, which after his Death they receive. Many excellent Painters, who during Life did not gain any extraordinary Wealth or famed, after Death their Works increased alike into an Extreme of Price and Reputation: For they could then be no Rivals; and those, that were jealous they might darken their Reputations while living, now believed it might be a safe Testimony of their own skill, to admire the Art of those that were Dead.  
'Twere too long and needless to name the Writings of many, that were little regarded at the Time they were written; nay some censured, some absolutely condemned: which in future Times grew into Credit; and, by laborious Commentaries, great Excellencies and heights of Imagination have been endeavoured to be discovered, which perhaps were never designed, or thought of, by the Authors. But when they were not capable to receive any Benefit of a Reputation, 'twas then searched out for them, to make their Writings useful to the famed and Interest of others. For when, by distance of time, there seems a Traditional Authority descending with the Writings; many have curiously laboured how to bring this to the Use of their Arguments and Designs: And, to gain the more Reverence, fixed the Name of Antiquity to that which was performed rather in the Infancy of Learning.  
From this general, and no very pleasant, Consideration, I entered into the particular Parts of Learning. And in the first place seriously weighed those Searches that I had made in Divinity; and I perceived nothing so easy, nor so useful, as the Gospel Part of it, which should have been the whole: For I thought all Things necessary were so fully and clearly laid down there, that it did not need Disputes; nor could reasonably cause Men to differ, but onely required a General Consent of persuading for the other part of it, which is drawn out in Disputes. I found little encouragement to hope any Advantage or Improvement by labouring in such an interested Labyrinth. For when, with as much Power of impartial Reason as I was furnished with, I had steadily weighed the Particulars that were so warmly disputed among Christians, I could not convince myself( thô I had a charitable inclination to the contrary) but that all the Particulars, from whence such passionate Differences had sprung, were caused more by the Zeal for this World than the other.  
For in the first Place, there was never any Point, now in controversy, that had a Name pretended when Tradition began. If they had a Birth it was unknown; they lay asleep in their Cradles, till the Future Noise of the Church roused them; but had no Growth at all, and after many Years Infants, giving a Testimony at least of an unlawful Birth, being then disowned by many of the Fathers they were laid to: So that the Disputes seemed of what Men invented, not what they found: And, in Civil Matters, 'twould be thought a ridiculous Contention about a Title of an invented Thing, that never was heard of in Five or Six Hundred Years, and then not to be found.  
Whoever will take the Pains to sum up the Differences disputed among Christians, may easily find the Dates and Commencements of every one, long after the Time from whence they would derive the Causes of them. And since the Particulars disputed are( for the most part) affirmed to be of such Consequence, it seems strange that none of them should have such a plain Name, as not capable to be called otherways; and, after a Deluge of so many Hundred Years, when admired Tradition, nor the least Ecclesiastical Gazett, had given any Notice of such a Thing, to see strange Births and new Names contended for.  
But that it may be justly thought too prolix and improper for my intended Subject, I could set down most of the Particulars, their Times of Birth, and the confident Fathers that first owned them; who, while they were thus passionate for their own unquiet Off-springs, did, for ought they knew, endeavour to Illegitimate the Truth. For large Disputes and Divisions of Mens Minds show there is a doubt, which is the right determination; but one side finds a Protection for themselves against all Error and Mistakes: For those, who call themselves an Infallible Church, must consequently make their determination so; and not only secure what is past, but what is to be, by declaring, from the same assumed Power, a Right of making new Articles of Faith. So that none need examine, why they believe at present, nor be solicitous, for what they are to believe hereafter.  
To add to this, I confess I could not upon my best Examination find, that any of the Particulars, controverted among Christians, purely and abstractedly considered in themselves, and the validity of their own Natures, could have any effectual virtue or Use, by the Opinions of them, in point of Salvation; no more than if they had never received their injurious Beings by the Designs of Disputing Parties. For some of them are so unnecessary, that the most earnest Contender for them cannot want Modesty so much as to desire, that since we must endeavour to live as well as we ought, that the certain Knowledge of those things must need be useless to that end: For nothing, that is not in its self material, can be useful to the means. And if Faith, Charity, and Justice, must be the effectual means, I cannot see how it is necessary to consider of believing, or not believing, any thing that is not, in its self, purely necessary to be believed for its own intrinsic virtue.  
These being my thoughts of the Polemic Part of Divinity, I could not perceive any use, for myself or others, to be extracted out of those interested Quarrels; and therefore resolved not to wander farther in a Wilderness, where all disputed the way, and most pretended to be unerring Guides. But, were the Apostles now living, they would see a greater Improvement, by these Disputes, than would have been purchased by their plainer Methods and Doctrines: Of which they would be sufficiently evinced by the( then unthought of) Titles and large Possessions of their Successors. But Things of extraordinary Natures are apt to get Respect, visible Impossibilities are made the most worthy Objects of Faith; and the Church the less Visible the more Veneration to be given to it: And submitting Imagination must make that greatest, that is not to be made less by being possible to find out where it is.  
The next Thing I considered was Philosophy, wherein I found also Disputes warmly maintained; Men being apt to engage for the Pride of Victory, or Lust of Interest. And it appears plainly, that not the desire of Truth onely has engaged many in the search of Philosophy; since the uncertain Fate of it shows, That the Opinions received Credit, as the Interests and Humors of Men were guided by Design, or Opposition. For in Things that admit no demonstration, there is more room for Disputes than common Benefit.  
The beginning of Philosophy is reckoned from Thales and Pythagoras, who made first the public Profession of it. But the Account is given but faintly by Laertius; and what we red of them, and others, down to the Time of Socrates, are but dark Accounts, either to raise use, or dispute from. Under him Plato began his Studies, and Aristotle in his Time appeared in Athens. The Differences between the stoics and Epicureans were Famous, and by their Disputes made way for the Doctrine of Plato to flourish; which Cicero, in his time, followed close, finding it perhaps useful to Eloquence, which he so much laboured in.  
The Doctrine of Aristotle lay silent, while Plato's spread in Italy and Greece; which were then the onely Countries of Learning. 'Tis said that the Writings of Aristotle lay hide about 160 Years, and almost spoiled by the moisture of the Cave where they were butted: after sold for a great Price to a wealthy Citizen of Athens, who had a fancy for making a great Collection of Books hard to be gotten. Afterwards when Sylla took the City, he took these Writings with a design to bring them to Rome; but he dying they fell into the hands of one Tyrannion. After him Andronicus got them into his Possession, who seemed the first Restorer of them, and made them known in Rome about the time of Cicero's growing Reputation.  
But Plato was yet famous in all Places, and the Romans, who found Advantage and Preferments depended more upon Eloquence than Natural Philosophy, applied themselves most to the Moral Part of it, and from thence formed Religion.  
This established the Reputation of Plato's Doctrine in Rome, till the same Cause gave Reputation to Aristotle's. In Domitian's time the Disputes of the Philosophers began to be so troublesone to the Government, that they were banished Rome. Marcus Aurelius brought it again in high Reputation, and in his time the Doctrine of Plato was in such Esteem that it grew a Fashion among the Ladies, and so continued to the time of Severus.  
In this first Age the Church seemed to have a Birth. The beginning of the Christian Religion was thought to have the most obstruction from Philosophers; whose Disputes among themselves, and the Division of their Sects, gave Lucian one of the best Occasions to turn it into Ridicule.  
Some of the Sages among the Christians, finding the Pagans so averse to any that disowned Philosophy, they closed with them in becoming Platonists, whose Philosophy was then so highly preferred; and then this Philosophy was by them judged most agreeable to Christian Religion; and contributed to turn Justin, who was afterwards martyred; who avowed that the Philosophy of Plato disposed him to Christianity. Many Bishops were also Admirers of that Philosophy; Origen and St. Augustin, were great asserters of Plato's Doctrine, and the Usefulness of it for Christianity: And the two first Ages absolute Opposers of that of Aristotle.  
Tertullian was one of the first that appeared against the Doctrine of Plato; calling him the first Author of all Heresies: And both he and Arnobius, followed by St. Chrysostome, who most sharply of any handled that Doctrine. And then the stream quiter turned; and as in the first and second Age it was believed Christianity was asserted by it, so now in the third and fourth Ages 'twas found out that heresy sprung from it.  
The Latin Fathers were not so clear-sighted to find out that the Subtleties of Aristotle were useful to the Christian Religion; but the Greeks, that flourished in the Eleventh Age, found it otherwise by better Studying it: And the Commentaries of Avicen and Averrhoes, on the Philosophy of Aristotle, assisted the Reputation, and helped it to spread.  
In the Thirteenth Age, as the French writ, the Works of Aristotle were brought into France, and for some time taught in the University; but after a little time his Writings were burnt, and Excommunication threatened against any that taught out of them. His metaphysics were condemned by an Assembly of Bishops at Paris; and Six Years after the Cardinal of St. Estienne, sent by Pope Innocent, forbid the Professors of the University of Paris to teach his physics: Which afterwards was also condemned by a Bull of Gregory the Ninth's; and one Simon a Professor, and Dinant a Master of Arts, were often accused of heresy, for being Esteemers of Aristotle's Opinions and Writings. Mezeray says, That in the Year 1209, one Almeric a Priest, beginning to Preach some Novelties, had been forced to recant; for which he died of Grief. Several after his Death followed his Opinion, and were condemned to be burnt; and he being Excommunicated by the Council of Paris, his Body was taken up, and his Ashes thrown upon a dunghill. And because they believed the Books of Aristotle, lately brought from Constantinople, had filled their Heads with these Heretical Subtleties, the same Council forbids the Reading or Keeping them under the Pain of Excommunication.  
But during this Disgrace there arose in his Defence three famous Divines, to whom Damascen had opened the way, having abridged many of his Works; which had assisted him to put in Order his great Work of Divinity: And Afterwards others improved this, and took, as it were, a Plan of Divinity from Aristotle's Philosophy.  
In the Year 1366, two Cardinals, Commissioners from Urban the Fifth, came to establish the Doctrine of Aristotle in France; where it was ordered that none should proceed Master of Arts, that were not examined upon logic, physics, metaphysics, and his Books of the Soul. And afterwards were enjoined to study Aristotle carefully to restore the Reputation of the University.  
Pope Nicholas the Fifth, a great Advancer of Learning, commanded a new Translation of Aristotle into Latin, for the Use of the Divines of the Romish Church.  
Pope John, that canonised St. Thomas Aquinas, and his Doctrine, increased the Reputation of Aristotle, from whom that great Doctor had drawn his Principles; that now his Writings became the Fundamental Laws of Philosophy.  
In the Fourteenth Age grew the hot Contention between the Thomists and the Scotists, the Disciples of St. Thomas and Scotus, about subtle Nothings, or( as Mezeray calls them) brangling-cobweb-Controversies; which yet was pursued with Passion, according to Interest or Inclination, or by engagement of Parties. And so multiplied were Disputes, that a Venetian Writer pretended to reckon up Twelve Thousand Volumes, published in that Age, about the Philosophy of Aristotle.  
This pursuit of Differences and Niceties, never to be made decidable, grew to raise a new Philosophy, that the other became scarcely intelligible; Interest, and the excessive Love of Dispute, caused so many vain subtleties, that Philosophy began to lose its former Credit and Reputation. And, if it were not from my purpose, the naming onely of those useless and unintelligible Subtleties, would convince any, that by the sharp Disputes it appeared, it was not for Truth, or the Hopes evidently to discover it, that engaged the quarreling Parties.  
Yet after this the Reputation of Aristotle so far increased, and was so established in the University of Paris, that Ramus( who had found out some new subtleties in logic, and published some Observations upon Aristotle to diminish his Credit) was by the other Professors in the University condemned, in the Year 1543, for rash, ignorant, and impudent, to dare to writ any thing against Aristotle; and an Order made that none should teach any other Philosophy. Such a Religious Veneration they had for Aristotle, that dissenting from it grew a heresy, and, in the Massacre at Paris, Ramus was murdered with as much Fury as the Calvinists themselves.  
The Credit of Aristotle was also not a little increased in the Church of Rome, from the Opposition of Bucer, Calvin, Melancthon, and others; and it was then more and more found out that it was a Support to the dark Opinions of that Church. This was the Cause that it was so supported by the Doctors of Paris in the Year 1611, by making a new Rule, that all Professors should teach the Philosophy of Aristotle. And in the Year 1624, a Request was denied, for some particular Theses to be proposed against the Doctrine of Aristotle; and the same Parliament, in the Year 1629, made an Arrest against some chemists, upon the Information of the Sorbonists, That the Principles of Aristotle could not be written against or lessened without prejudicing the School-Divinity received. And this perhaps raised and confirmed his Reputation in all Universities; which were first encouraged by the Popes, as proper Soils to sow the Seeds for Disputes to grow up, to defend and support all new and dark Opinions. Thus his Name grew almost Sacred in Universities; and Queen's college in Oxford, yet shows a kind of Testimony of Veneration, by Reading Aristotle upon their Knees; and those that take Degrees are Sworn to defend his Philosophy.  
Whoever will impartially consider the dark Subtleties, contained in Aristotle's Philosophy, will find reason enough for the Use of it in as dark, but more dull Writings of School-Divinity; whose End seems onely to confounded all Things with obscure and dark Distinctions. For when an Implicit Obedience is to be persuaded, the most sublime and unintelligible Means are most proper to be used.  
And 'tis no Wonder if the Fathers and Sages of the Three First Ages were not quick enough to understand a sort of dullness, of which they had then no use; the Thing being not then found out that they were to be applied to. But when the Occasion was ready for it, the puzzling Parts of Aristotle's Philosophy were found useful; and among all his dark Subtleties none more convenient than that of separate Essences, which were Beings where no Being was; and the onely proper Notion to find out a Place for Purgatory: And seemed also very useful to support the hard Point of Transubstantiation; where there appears a Substance that must not be believed to be there, and another to be believed there, that is not at all to be perceived. Yet tho' the Church engaged in the Quarrel, the Credit of the New Philosophy has increased chiefly by the Writings of Mirandula, L. Vives, Galiloeus, Gassendus, and Des carts; and by many Excellent Philosophers of our own Nation.  
I have not given this Account with the least design or endeavour to lessen the Esteem of Knowledge in this particular of Philosophy; for certainly the Natural Reason of Things is worthy of such a Search as may inform. But to labour in the endless and useless Searches of Subtleties and nice Distinctions, can be for no other Use but Disputes, caused by the Vanity of supposed Victory, or the Application to Interest. At least I could not find a clear Advantage to myself, or could have hoped to have offered any to others, by endeavouring to obtain the Perfection of an imperfect Study; wherein nothing appeared to me promising any Thing of public Use, or private Demonstration.  
For the mathematics, setting aside that vain Part of it Astrology, I onely knew enough of it, to deplore I had not made my entire Study there; where a Demonstration made it more proper for the true Use of Men, than for their Designs. For in Things that admit the least Dispute Men must be least divided: And yet evident Truth begets the least Interest, and the fewest Admirers. But where Things, not onely above Reason but contrary to Sense, are imposed upon Men's Belief, that Implicit Faith, and consequently Obedience, must be the sure Foundation of Interest; and those, who have partend with their Wits, may probably part with their Fortunes. For certainly had not such extraordinary Designs prospered on easy Men, the ecclesiastics had not crept into such great Titles, and large Possessions, that the Apostles could hardly find any Image of themselves in their Successors, and as little in some of their Opinions; who never were taught, or did teach, to deny Sense, and to make visible Truth, or sensible Demonstration, a Sin.  
The mathematics have therefore caused less Disputes, and engaged fewer in the Study of it, where Truth can onely be the Search and the Reward; and the Disputes must be confounded by Demonstration. But the other Studies are most suitable to the bent Nature of Mankind; where Things not to be clearly decided nourish Contention and Design: For easy People, being ready for extraordinary Notions, excuse the folly of not Examining, by the Prudence of Believing it safer to submit implicitly to others, than to use their own Sense. And at last by such entire Submissions, Impossibilities become as easy to them as Truths, and Falseness as Demonstration; like those that use themselves perpetually to hot Waters. Spirit of Wine itself at last is swallowed, without being perceived to have any violent strength.  
The next Study to this that seemed nearest Truth, and of most Use, was History, in which the best Measures of Men are to be found; and the Comparison of Calms and Storms in Empires, the Quiet and Revolutions under several Princes and Governors, will best teach by what Methods Kingdoms have been preserved and shaken: Which is not onely useful for those that Govern, but those that Obey, teaching the first how to preserve, and the last how to afford the Means.  
Nor did any thing appear more agreeable to me than the Use that Machiavel makes of History, in his decades on Livy; where his Discourses grounded upon Reason, have yet Matter of Fact to support them, and brings it the nearest to a Demonstration. For Notions in politics, unsupported with Fact, seem only bare Opinions; but from those Accidents and Events that we have seen follow closely the Wisdom and virtue of Princes, or the Folly and Vices of them, or their Favourites or Ministers( sharing so much their Power) may be reasonably deduced that judgement of Things, which must be useful to Practise, or Avoid, by the Ruling and Obeying Part.  
'Tis true that the Instructions of never so many, and so great Examples are lost and useless to such as are easily dejected with Misfortunes, or hurried too giddily with Power. Some, whose Minds and Ambitions can never be confined, will hardly submit to the Limits of a temperate Reason and Condition; and who have so much Consideration for themselves, that they cannot have it for others. But as it is most difficult for temperate virtue to get a full Possession in Man's intemperate Composition, so it is more easy for Distempers and unquiet Diseases, than a calm and peaceable Health to reign in any Constitution.  
There are no Prescriptions( in my Opinion at least) so useful against this Sickness, as the Precedents in History: To see what Glory and Safety Wise and virtuous Princes have obtained, and what Ruin the Cruelty and Folly of Others have brought upon Themselves and Subjects. In every Country their own Precedents are most proper for themselves; since living under the same Constitutions, they may justly expect the same Effects, from those Happy or Unfortunate Causes.  
In all our Stories I looked upon none so Instructing as the Part I have chosen; where the power of firm virtue, and unsteady Errors so evidently appeared in their close Operations.  
I do not look upon a calm and quiet Reign so much the Proof of steady virtue, where Peace has descended with the Empire, nor the Troubles of an unquiet Time, so clear an Evidence of unsteady Errors, where the Storms and Troubles descended with the Crown: But when, in an immediate and repeated Succession, the Extremes alternately have preserved and destroyed, I look upon those as the clear Testimonies of the different powers of 'vice and virtue, Steadiness, and Indirectness, Justice and Tyranny.  
These Examples are no where to be found more close than in the Reigns of Edward the Second, and Richard the Second. The first succeeded his Father Edward, who came to the Crown after many Troubles that his Father Henry the Third had long laboured under; but his steady virtue overcame all Troubles at home, and conquered his Enemies abroad: And was the first that made England look ●ike a Powerful and established Monarchy. His unfortunate Son Edward unraveled what he had wound up; and by unsteady Errors shook that Power that descended so unshaken to him from his Mighty Father. His Son Edward the Third, by the virtues and Methods of his Grandfather, restored what his Father lost. Richard the Second, the Son of the Black Prince, succeeded his Grandfather in his Throne, but his Great-Grandfather Edward the Second in the same fatal and unsteady Measures; and lost more than the other had gained: For tho' he lost his Life like Edward the Second, yet he lost more than he; for with him the Succession ended, and fell into another Line.  
No Subject appeared to me so worthy of remarks as this; which evidently shows that there is a general Temper in Mankind, fatal to their own Peace, which even and firm Minds would preserve. Fortune and Occasion adds to, or diminishes the Temper of most, who sink either too low, or swell too high: Success makes them false to themselves and others. All modest and professed Principles are lost in such a Temptation; and both Kings and Subjects have harassed one another by such Alterations, and shook the Government they both seemed tender of.  
Sometimes when Kings have been in such a Condition, that is capable to ground sufficient Flattery upon, there never want those, either indigent in Fortune or virtue, to persuade Kings that Limited Power,( for so they call Laws observed) is but the Fetters of a Prince; and they need be worn no longer than he submits to Public Notions: And if a King does not assume all Power, the Subjects will grow into the greater share, and will necessitate him to try for all, or have as good as none.  
On the other-side a Prince attempting this, and failing, he sinks perhaps to grant as much as he designed to get; and believes to find a stop in their Desires, who knew none in his own. Subjects are at first modest, and their Desires are grounded upon Common Interest, but usually when they believe their Credit and Condition large enough for a Foundation, they increase as fast in Desires as Fortune gives them occasion; and, when they gain more than they expected, they will ask more to secure what they had obtained: And at last make themselves incapable to trust, or be trusted. It is the nature of Extremities to allow no Retreat; and the Mischiefs of either side are hurtful to the Common Peace: And wherever a ravished Power rests, the Tyranny is alike.  
Nothing more Illustrates this than the unfortunate Reigns of those two unhappy Princes, Edward the Second, and Richard the Second; both Princes of resembling Tempers; not affencted with extraordinary Cruelty in their own Natures; of competent Sense and Courage, but ill Users of both. In Prosperity they seemed to show more Courage than they had, and in Adversity less; by which it naturally appeared they were more influenced by others than themselves, who flattered them in a good Condition, and forsook them in a bad. They were both apt to be fond of Favourites, and the Nobility as apt to hate them: Yet some of them, that condemned those Kings for fixing too much their Favours on particular Persons, would perhaps have been as pleased to enjoy the same good Fortune. But the public was made complain for their private Displeasures; and the usual immoderate Use of Power in those Favourites caused such a distance in the Hearts of King and People, that the attempting the Cure of the Diseases, that sprung from the Infection of ambitious Ministers, procured Calamities in the Redress; as Physicians prescribe one Disease as a Remedy for another, and, to cure a Lethargy, the Patient must be driven into a fever.  
King Edward gave this Offence by his unlimited Favours to Gaveston, and after him to the Spencers: King Richard to the Duke of Ireland, and Earl of Suffolk. Gaveston's Person was very charming, and his Mind and Frame equally fitted for Luxuries: Which was discerned by that great Prince Edward the First, who banished him, and on his Death-bed enjoined his Son never to bring him back. He was a Man of Courage, but, when raised to Power, he grew from all Evenness of Temper, and was as Insolent as his Fortune was Great.  
The Spencers succeeded him in Favour: In whom no particular Marks of good Qualities could be traced; never satisfied with Wealth, nor ever satiated with Revenge. The Riches of the Nation seemed but enough to satisfy their Ambitions, and the Destruction of it to secure their Safeties: They first justly made many their Enemies, and then destroyed them for being so. By this it may seem strange that Princes should have that Excess of Value for such worthless Objects, which more ordinary Persons would hardly bestow upon them. But those of the losest and most debauched Principles are aptest to feed the humour of Men, who love to be nourished by soft Flatteries; and common People are not Objects for such endeavours. Princes tempt the Tempters, who creep into Power by perpetual Whispers how to enlarge theirs: And, twisting themselves into their princes Favour and Opinion, involve his Interest with theirs; and render any Displeasure against them, the Want of Duty to him.  
Richard the Second was as unhappy in his Choice of Favourites. The first was the Duke of Ireland, better than the rest, but hardly better than any others: He was not a great Studier of Mischief, but a ready Adviser to pursue any Advantage to enlarge Power. He seemed to want Courage to attempt, and few want Courage to embrace; so that it was possible he might have restend in a limited share of Fortune, and been contented with a moderate Quietness, had he not been joined with the turbulent Earl of Suffolk; who in all Conditions merited the worst Character: In War fearful, in Peace insupportable; all virtue unthought of by him, and Mischief his Study, and his diseased Mind the common Place of Corruption.  
Tresilian the Chief Justice, was an useful Minister to serve such a Favourite; who was ready to subject Law to Occasion, and make the Occasion suitable to Law. And 'tis probable he got his Place by such Measures; for his Reason was Violence, and his Justice Cruelty; there was nothing right or wrong, but what he was directed to determine so; and gave a full Testimony of himself in the deciding the Ten Queries, proposed by the Earl of Suffolk, all which were resolved into Treason, or to merit Death: By which Resolves the Nation was made the Traitor, and the Treason fitted certainly to find out Traitors.  
Thus commonly Men attain to Princes Favours, by being more Counsellors to their Humours, than their Interest: and with unconfined Flattery, betray them to the Temptation of unlimited Power. And this violent Driving all Things into extremes was the Fall of those two unhappy Princes; who when they had Power shew'd no Moderation, and when they wanted it betrayed as much Dejection.  
This shook that Trust, which is the Foundation of Peace, and that once shaken, either side, as Occasion offered, acted the same Immoderation which they before condemned. Both these Princes in the Change of Fortune, denied and granted too much; and most commonly denied what they had granted, and granted what they had denied before; by which they disobliged in denying, and their Favours seemed no Obligation when bestowed: The first was looked upon as a Design to injure their Subjects, and the last as a fear of them.  
These things will be best Illustrated, by giving an impartial Account of some resembling particulars, in the Actions of those unfortunate Princes.  
Edward the Second began his Reign with two particular Actions, which shew'd how much he had forgotten his Father's Virtues and Commands; and pursued the more pleasing Remembrance of his own Will and Looseness. Walter de Langton, Bishop of Chester, and Treasurer of England, had, like a just Servant, in his Father's Life-time, reproved him of those lewd Errors that he practised in excess; and complained of Gaveston as the Author, at least Encourager of Vices, so unbecoming a Prince: whose Confinement happening after this, he remembered, when he came to be King, in the first place, to punish a Man that was so full of troublesone Virtue; and Arrested him by Sir John Felton, Constable of the Tower.  
This was contrary to the Proceeding of that Great Prince, Henry the Fifth: Who instead of punishing the Chief Justice, William gascon, that boldly imprisoned him, for attempting to violate Justice; he continued him in his Place, and in that Esteem that was due to so upright and just a Man. These contrary Actions, upon the same Occasions, show the difference between Abject and Mighty Minds. The first seek ways to depress Virtue, the other to encourage it.  
The next ill chosen Action was, the receiving the banished Gaveston into Favour, before his Father's Funerals were performed. So hasty to disobey his Father's Commands, as if he designed to disturb the Peace of Others, before he was laid to rest. He presently made him Earl of Cornwall, and gave him the Lordship of Man. The King's Favours were his Markets, and wore the very Jewels of the Crown, which the King declared should have descended to him, were his Power equal to the Affection he had for him.  
The Queen very early complained to her Father, the King of France, that the King's Affection to Gaveston was so great, that it had both alienated his Love from Her, and Himself from Her Bed. Which made some Writers affirm, that the King was as loose in a personal Affection to him, as he was in his Public Favours.  
This so enraged the Nobility, that they press for Gaveston's Banishment, or threaten( if denied) to hinder his Coronation. The King( pursued always with a fatal unsteadiness) yields to their Demands; and promises, in the next Parliament, all they had desired: Yet, after he had promised the Banishing of Gaveston, permits him notwithstanding to carry St. Edward's Crown. This aggravates so much, that the next Parliament proceeded much higher: Thus the balances began to be tost up and down, as any weight on either-side helped to hoist up the other.  
In the Parliament they pursued their advantage, and the King not only grants them Power to draw Articles, but takes his Oath to Confirm whatever they concluded. And he that before seemed jealous of trusting his Subjects, now gave them an Opportunity of Revenging that Mistrust. The Want of Confidence before seemed to betray an ill Intention, and this unlimited Confidence confirmed the Opinion of it: Both betrayed what he designed both should conceal; and by the extremes taught the Fatal Lessons of jealousy. And those perhaps that advised the ill Designs, wanting Power to bring them forth, from their own Fears, gave councils contrary to their former Advices in a better Condition: For Men without Principles are guided by those Opinions that unequal Fears, or unsteady Ambition gives them; and receive no Counsel from even Principles, or unshaken virtue.  
These Mistakes provoked the Banishment of Gaveston, and the King became liable to Perjury when-ever they pleased. But after he had committed this Error, he pursues it with a greater; and thô he banished Gaveston to keep his Oath, he violates again his Faith by recalling him.  
Gaveston had not been long in Banishment, but the King began to appear a sharer in his Sufferings, as he used to do. All things with him, he seemed banished from himself, as much as the other was from his Kingdom, and not being able to Live without him, in a few Months restored him, and received him with such an Excess of inconsiderate Joy and Kindness, that it seemed, as if Gaveston brought always Charms more Powerful, than any Divine or human Obligation.  
The Return of Gaveston, and, if possible, to an increase of Favour, rekindled such a Fury in the Barons, that they plainly  told the King, That unless Gaveston were immediately banished, they would proceed against him as a perjured Prince. They seemed to find out that the King was most inclined to grant, when most afraid to deny: A Nature very dangerous to a Prince, and very dangerous to a Favourite, to depend on such a weak and uncertain Temper; this his frequent Banishments, and at last his ruin clearly justified. Thô 'tis hard for any Prince more firm than he, to secure the Condition of an envied Favourite, against the weight of a displeased and injured Nation.  
This sharp Proceeding of the Barons, obtained his last Banishment; but Ireland was no more to be his Refuge: France, and indeed all Places abroad, seemed unsafe, by the Power and Interest of the King of France, who probably would not neglect, by any means, to Revenge his Daughter's Injuries, received from this powerful Favourite.  
Gaveston seemed to contemplate this in his Banishment; and determined with himself, that no Place could yet be so safe, as to fly back to his King's Arms, placing also some hopes in the Marriage of his Niece.  
Upon this he adventures into England, and according to his expectation, was received again by the King, with his usual Excess of inconsiderate Joy: the Satisfaction of having Gaveston again, appearing of more weight to him, than the Dissatisfaction it would certainly give to the whole Nation, and make them as careless of their Duty and Affections, as he had been of his Oaths and Promises.  
The King kept his Christmas at York, where all rejoicings seemed to proceed from his enjoying Gaveston again. Which so inflamed the Lords, who now looked upon themselves as despised and injured to the last degree, that they resolved to take Arms, and choose for their Leader, Thomas Earl of Lancaster, Leicester, and Ferrers, and afterwards by Marriage Earl of Lincoln and Salisbury.  
The Barons assembled at Bedford, where they made the Earl of Gloucester Custos Angliae, and took care to Guard the Seas, least Strangers should come in, to Aid the King. By this it may be observed, that it was presumed, when a King violates his Oath and Contracts with his People, that they had a Right to endeavour to Relieve themselves: and to take Care of the Administration of that Power, that he had so much abused and forfeited.  
The Barons with their United Powers marched to York, where Gaveston was left, who fled from thence to Scarborow, where they closely besieged him: Who seeing now no means of safety, but the hopes of once more getting into the King's Presence, delivered himself up, upon those Terms; and was committed to the Custody of Aymer de valemce Earl of pembroke, who undertook to see the Condition performed: And brought him to a Mannor of his, between Warwick and Oxford. But the next Day in the Morning, the Earl of Warwick came with Forces, and took him away, and carried him to Warwick-Castle: Where, after some Consultations among the Lords, he was brought to a Place, then called Blacklow, and there, in their Presence Beheaded; the King using many Solicitations, thô to no purpose, to prevent the Fatal Blow.  
Thus a King seemed to Petition, which nothing but the Total Destruction of all Trust and Confidence could have rendered ineffectual.  
The Lords swelled with this Success( the usual effects of ravished Power) march with an Army towards London, where the King then was; where Necessity, and not Choice, seemed to be the Means that a Parliament was called. Where the King complained of the Barons; who justified their violent Actions, by the Errors of their Prince. And pled Merit for having purchased the banishing of Strangers to quiet the People. Thus unsteady Actions beget wild Arguments, and false Pretensions are too much supported by Power.  
However a Composure for the present was made by the Queen, the Bishops, and the Earl of Gloucester, who calmed the Barons into a Temper of Asking the King's Pardon; and several Articles were agreed on for present Satisfaction: Which seemed as if the Lords had more Inclinations to Obedience than Rebellion; and wanted but the prudent Justice of a Prince to be applied to cure those Wounds that jealous Discontents had made.  
But the Mischief of former ill Humors and Counsels remained; and began to show themselves by the delay of performing what was agreed of: Which was the Cause that the Earls of Lancaster, Arundel, Warwick, and Warren, refused to go with the King against the Scots.  
It seems strange that Unsteadiness and Injustice, two of the weakest Errors of Mankind, should become Rules for Princes to act by: Which could hardly be possible, were they not resigned to the Counsels of others, and consequently to their Interests, who cannot by National Methods pursue their ambitious Designs, and protect what they obtain. The Pursuits of Honour and Riches are seldom limited, and putting a Distance between King and People, is the only means to keep them remote from Examination and Justice; and at last involve their Interest so with his, that to question them, is to attack his Dignity.  
To foment Differences between the King and others was now acted by little Artifices; one instance of which was the taking away the Earl of Lancaster's Wife by one Richard St. Martin, claiming her as his, and that he had formerly lain with her: And he claimed by her the two Earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury. This was an Action that seemed to show the Encouragement and Assistance of great Power; nor did they that contrived it, omit their chief Aim of having the King thought a Party: At once to engage him in their Designs and Animosities, and to revenge himself and them by particular Injuries. For 'tis not to be presumed that such a Man, as the Earl of Lancaster, could have such a Violence committed in his House by an inconsiderable Fellow, without great Assistance of Force and Power. And the two Earldoms( that, it seems, restend in her) were Arguments, that the Design was to affront the Earl of Lancaster in the Diminution of his Honour, and to make an irreconcilable Difference between the King and him; who being related to the King, and a Man of great Quality and Interest, might perhaps be an Obstacle to those Designs, which were contriving by the new Favourites. And 'twas an improper Consideration for such, to consider whether the King's Interest and Honour were best served by this, but onely whether their own Designs were not best pursued.  
And now the same Fatal humour began to show itself, and Hugh Spencer the younger( who, Mezeray says, had been bread in an unbecoming Familiarity, and had an absolute Empire over him) succeeded Gaveston in an almost unlimited Favour and Power. The first Difference that this caused, appeared at the Siege of Berwick, which being near taken from the Scots, the King declared his Design to make the younger Spencer governor of it. Upon which the Earl of Lancaster withdrew his Forces, with whom the Lords presently took Arms, and declared the Cause to be, for the removing the Spencers: The Father being now got into joint Commission of Favour with his Son, who governed with as much Insolence and Absoluteness as ever Gaveston had done.  
With their Forces they advance towards the King, and boldly demand the Banishment of the Spencers. The King, being not strong enough at present to oppose them, gives a temperate Answer; onely seeming averse to punish any, but by Form of Law, and therefore would not banish them unheard: but promises they should answer to any Charge, and swore he would never pardon Offences proved. This Answer did not yet satisfy the Lords, who continued their March to London, where the King grants all things denied before.  
The King, that had yielded to what was demanded by Force, out of the Apprehension of that Power, retained yet his former Inclinations; and was so used to act by Indirectness, that he rather proceeded by a Familiar Method, than any new Necessity, and practised as much from Nature, as Occasion.  
The Spencers by an Edict, published in Westminster-Hall by the Earl of Hereford, were banished the Realm: But in a very little time( when the Lords were return'd Home) the Edict was revoked in a Council held at London, where the Archbishop of Canterbury declared the Banishment of the Spencers to have been erroneous.  
As soon as the Lords were retired to their promised Quiet, having obtained what they desired, the King began to design to revenge on them the Displeasure, for what himself had granted; as if all his Favours were his Errors, and his Severity his prudent Justice. Thus while they thought themselves restored to Peace, the King prepares for War; and suddenly raising Forces pursues the Barons, many of whom revolt to him. The rest made such Preparations as was possible in so short a time, and stayed with their Forces at Burton upon Trent. When the King's Army advanced to them they perceived they very much exceeded in Numbers: So that the Earl of Lancaster thought it wisest to retreat, especially considering that he had sent Sir Robert Holland to raise more Forces among his Tenants; which Supplies he thought it was Prudence to wait for. But the endeavour to Retreat gave the King's Forces an addition of Courage from that Testimony of their Fear; which was made use of by valemce Earl of pembroke, who then commanded the King's Army: And after some Resistance put them to flight. After which the Earl of Lancaster, and many Noblemen and Gentlemen were taken Prisoners: The News, or his own Falseness, brought Sir Robert Holland, with his new-raised Forces, to join with the King.  
As soon as these mighty Enemies were in the King's Power, the Spencers( full of Revenge) urged on for the Execution of all. 'Tis said that valemce the Earl of pembroke, who obtained the Victory, interceded for Mercy; but this rather hastens their Fate: For Spencer was so apprehensive that the King's Mercy to any would be a Cruelty to him, that he successfully urged a quick Execution. The King with other Lords( among whom was Hugh Spencer, now Earl of Winchester) sat and gave judgement upon the Earl of Lancaster, who was presently beheaded, and many other Lords in their several Countreys, to disperse Terror in every place. Above twenty Men of Quality were put to Death at this time: The first Blood of this nature that ever was  shed since the Conquest.  
Besides the Earl of Lancaster there dyed fourteen Lords and Barons; their Estates and Inheritances were seized, and were used to advance a new sort of Men who must needs applaud and flatter such Counsels and successses, that had been so favourable to them. And questionless the streams of Flattery flowed to the King for his choice of such a Favourite as Spencer; who had now enthroned him once again, and by so much Blood procured him the surest Coronation. Nor was Spencer less blind in the judgement of his own Condition; who was now Master of his King, and of all those Spoils that this bloody Success had thrown into his ambitious Arms. But his Condition was too prosperous temperately to consider the Uncertainty of a violent Prosperity, watched by the unwearied searches of Envy and Revenge.  
Counsels and Actions now appeared, as commonly after such Success; Law lay contemned under Power, and the Interest of the Nation under Conquest; all temperate and composing Actions formerly used were now reflected on as a princes shane, and any thing less than Arbitrary Power his Dishonour: An ill-chosen ground of safety in its own nature, but most improper to engage a Prince in, who by the weakness of an unsteady judgement, and the ill use of Power, had sufficiently by Mistrust prepared Mens Minds not to be cozened into Slavery. It must be the concurrence of many strange Accidents, and the close reserve of a princes Nature, that must steal him into Absolute Power: Otherwise we had heard of many more successful Tyrants in the World. For I doubt not, but generally the Nature of Men hath been more ready to embrace such Power, than their Abilities or Accidents have complied to assist them in: And we seldom red of such as become Slaves, but such as have been well-cozen'd Subjects.  
The King's Power now seemingly grown to a great height, by the Numbers that his Success increased, flattered him as well as their Tongues, that nothing was able to resist him: And( perhaps to find use for those Forces that now must be kept together) resolves to march from York into Scotland, rather with a mighty Number than a powerful Army; never considering that such Numbers, without suitable Discipline and Provisions, were a weakness to themselves. The Scots, it seems, considered this, for they kept close, and hindered them of all Provisions, leaving them to overcome themselves. For Want increasing, they were beaten without Blows; and return'd, pursued by Want and Dishonour, as well as by the Scots: Who entered far into England, and return'd with great Spoils into Scotland.  
This unhappy King, not made for Counsels, was as well not born for Triumphs; and was now perhaps at a calmer leisure to consider what he had done. It seemed something like regretting thoughts, when, being earnestly solicited to Pardon one of the Earl of Lancaster's Followers( a Man of a mean Condition) he exclaimed with passion against such Counsellors that pressed him to spare the Life of such a Fellow, and spoken not one word to save the Life of the Earl, thô his near Kinsman, whose Blood had so near a relation to his own: Making this true reflection, That his Life might have been useful to him, the other's could not.  
Misfortune seemed, at this instant, to give the King a more temperate Consideration, which in the streams of Success he would hardly have had leisure to entertain. But this was rather an unsteady than a firm Return to better and more prudent Thoughts and Counsels: His Nature was still the same, which made his Favours or Displeasure equally dangerous.  
Sir Andrew de Herkley, who was raised to the Earldom of Carlisle, for taking the Earl of Lancaster, shew'd the truth of this: For growing great enough to give Apprehension to the Spencers, or as some writ, for combining with the Scots, he lost his new-enjoy'd Honours together with his Life; being first Degraded of them, and then Executed: So that the King seemed at one time ready to Destroy, and to revenge Destruction; just as the Displeasure and Spleen of his ambitious Favourites guided him.  
It is no wonder if so easy a Conquest over a King should swell the conqueror enough to burst him; nor that so much Wealth and Glory should so much dazzle the Eyes of Spencer as to make him lose his way: But all seemed calm, nor any little spick so like a Cloud that seemed to threaten any Storm; and the Instability of this World in general is seldom the Contemplation of the Fortunate and Ambitious.  
This made him attempt that which was the highest Testimony of his believed Security, in lessening the Queen's Attendance and Maintenance. The Spencers were not satiated with all the late Spoils of the King's Enemies, nor with the Sale of his Favours to his Friends: Places and Honours were purchased as in a common Market, and every Thing enclosed, or exposed as they pleased. Yet, it seemed, all this was not enough, or certainly they would not have endeavoured to supply the Want by the Queen's Prejudice, and raise the most probable Storm to disturb their prosperous Course. For the Queen had been hitherto a Support, an Instrument of composing Differences; but being denied to be entertained at Leeds Castle, which then belonged to the Lord Baltemore, she altered from that more happy inclination; and grew rather the Studier of Revenge for the Injury received.  
It might seem strange that Favourites could find ways to wast as much as would support and supply the public; and then seek ways as extravagant to get it: And yet more strange that a King should be a Party in the dangerous ways that lead to his own Ruin, and careful to preserve them by the hazard of himself. When Gaveston, and the Spencers, seemed forsaken by God and Man, they were never by their unfortunate Prince: But by him the Whole was judged more Guilty, and less Wise, than his Favourites.  
In the fatal stream of Fortune the Prosperous and Ambitious think of nothing but Enjoyments, detest a Sober( much more a Melancholy) Consideration of those strange and sudden Alterations and Changes that this World is subject to. But think that their Greatness and Prosperity has chained up Accidents; and that Fortune( which had flattered them as much as they had done their Prince) would always be as obedient, as she had been seemingly fond of them: Affliction gives Thoughts admittance, but the swelled Minds of the successfully Ambitious seldom endure to think.  
The first Accident that shew'd this truth, was the Troubles that arose in France; which grew so high, that all the King's Territories were adjudged to be forefeited, and many Places of Importance seized. The Storm was so violent, that there was no hopes of becalming this roughness, but by the King's going in Person to pay his Homage, or at least the Queen to mediate with her Brother. But the Spencers thought it unsafe to be separated from the King; who yet was the only Fence against the Sea of Discontent, whose Tide every day appeared to swell: And they that had destroyed all Trust, had Reason enough to be Jealous.  
Such Men, so constantly guided by pleasing Weaknesses, might not perhaps discern the Queen might be a dangerous Instrument to employ, that had been so disobliged. But commonly those that do Injuries, are the least apprehensive that they will be remembered: Or commonly, having no Fear of those they Oppress, they never consider the future possibility of Revenge. But if they had apprehended Damage to themselves in the Queen's going; yet they choose the least Evil nothing appearing so terrible as parting with the King.  
Thus the Queen was sent away with an indifferent Train, and acted seemingly so well, that she brought Things to a fair Accommodation; but upon such Terms as did necessitate the Prince her Son to be sent over to her. With him she had what she desired, a Foundation to build her Revenge upon, that had long been raked up in warm Embers: which now she began to discover. And the beginning of this Fire breaking out, was made known to the King by the Bishop of Exeter, who secretly withdrew into England. The Queen and Prince were presently summoned into England; but she was stayed by the most powerful Causes, Love and Revenge. For she, that now seemed free from all ties to her King and Husband, placed her loose Affections upon Roger Mortimer; who had lately escaped out of the Tower, and from the Oppression of the Spencers. She knew England could neither be safe to her nor Mortimer, whom she loved as herself: And therefore resolved to trust to any thing rather than her Husband, or the Spencers.  
The Queen thus delaying her Obedience to the King in returning to England, she and the Prince were declared Enemies to the Kingdom; and they, and their Adherents banished. And at the same time the Queen received Intelligence, that there were great Sums offered to have the Prince murdered: Upon which she withdrew to the Earl of Haynault, where she contracted her Son to Philippa Daughter to the Earl: And there procures some Forces and Money.  
Thô her Forces were inconsiderable; yet she reasonably depended upon what she should find in England, not what she brought: For she knew that any Thing would be welcome, that brought a show of Redeeming them from the Oppressions they suffered under. With these therefore she ventured to Sea, and after some variety of Accidents, she landed with her Forces near Harwich; where immediately she found all her Conjectures true. For many Lords, and Bishops repaired to her; among them the two Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln: The first not forgetting the particular Wrong, and both zealously remembering the Injury the Clergy had received.  
The King had now the clamorous Effects of ill Counsels calling too loud upon him; yet saw no way left to recover or repair the Misfortune those Errors had brought him into. wherever he went he found no Subjects, those, with their Hearts, were lost before: But, lead by as uncertain Counsels as his Life was governed, he knew not whither to fly, but onely fled. He saw London was unsafe, who were all turned from Duty to him, in Affection to the Queen: Nor could he propose any Place for himself, where he had not reason to expect certain Enemies, or worse, uncertain Friends. After many Motions, as various as his former humour, he designed for the Isle of Lundy; and takes with him the Earl of Gloucester, the Spencers, and Robert Baldock that was Chancellor; and with some few others takes shipping: showing how Man's Nature waits upon Fortune, and changes with it. They that before could not be content with so much Plenty and Dominion, shew'd now no more Ambition than what a small naked iceland could satisfy, where Safety was their onely hope, and a chosen Prison their Liberty.  
The King had left the Government of the City of London to Walter Stapleton, Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Treasurer. But the City, to show their good Will to the Queen, among the many Testimonies she received, gave a bloody one of their Devotion to her increasing Success; and struck off the Bishop's Head, and seized the Tower of London: Killing many in their Fury, and acting those lawless Cruelties that they before condemned.  
These strange Revolutions evidently shewed the various Powers of Adversity and Prosperity, how it depresses some below themselves, and lifts up others beyond their Reasons and Consciences. The Queen, that had been before the Repairer of her Husband's Errors, now makes use of them to his Ruin; she, that used to bring Peace to heal those Wounds ill Counsel made, brought War to make them wider: And while she condemned those Diseases that made the Nation sick, she made Rebellion the Cure. But Success( as it uses to do) made her not onely act worse than herself, but worse than those she had condemned. At first she onely declared against the Favourites; and perhaps then onely designed their Ruins: But she ought not, with the loss of her own virtue, to try to Cure what the want of it in others had caused. But had not the Rapidness of her good Fortune hurried her so fast from herself, she might have discerned she was exposed upon so violent a Stream, as would hurry her by its own Force, and not by her direction; and others at last would use that Power, which( in such Cases as these are) is seldom retained long by the Raisers of it: Mighty Causes, that bring Disorders, like Tempests raise up Things first, and toss up unthought-of Ruins upon them, and a Succession of Mischief lasts till the Storm ceases. No Age but has afforded these Examples; and yet we see it not powerful enough to teach those, that would be safe in virtue, not to hazard being corrupted by Power violently obtained.  
The Queen now, with still-increasing Forces, pursues her flying King and Husband; and from Oxford marches to Gloucester: And from thence to Bristol, where the King had put the Earl of Arundel, and Spencer the Father, to defend the Place; which was fortified as well as the time would give them leave. But this place quickly yielded to that Success, which seemed to deny all Hopes to the King's declining Condition. Spencer was there taken, and executed with all the Rigour that Revenge and Conquest could invent; and with as much Contempt of Law, as he and his Son had formerly shew'd: They condemned him without any trial; and prevented his Natural Determination, which could not have been long, being then above Fourscore Years old.  
Proclamation was about this time made, that if the King would come in, and comform himself to the Laws and Government, he should be restored by the general Consent of the People. But the King either durst not, or his Favourite Spencer durst not let him trust this Declaration: Such Ministers, made desperate, hold their King the faster the more sinking their Condition is; and rather choose that the Hazard of their Prince may save them, than their Ruin save their Prince; thô perhaps in his prosperous Condition they flattered him, That their Lives and Fortunes should always be Sacrifices for Him. But tis equally strange, that Princes in great Power and Prosperity should with Pleasure believe Flatterers, and that those interested Flatterers, and hope to be believed: It shows a Fatal Weakness in the one, and loose Designs in the others.  
Those also that put forth this Proclamation, to call the King to his own Government, did perhaps as little desire he should embrace it. For this was but once done, and seemed rather a thing used to cover what was intended, than a clear intention in its self. For the eager pursuit of the King was still continued; who( as some say) seeking to Land in Lundy was driven by Tempest into Wales; and in the Abbey of Nethe, or as some writ, near the Castle of Lantrussan, in Glamorgan-shire, lay sometime concealed. From Hereford the Queen divided part of her Army, under the Command of Henry Earl of Lancaster, into Wales, in pursuit of the King: Who, by the means of one rice ap Powel( who was well acquainted in the Country) took the King in the Monastery. This Earl of Lancaster was Brother to him that was Beheaded at Pomfret: And seemed to show a powerful pursuit of Blood, to bring the King into the Mercy of a Family where he had shew'd so little.  
Others say, that the King, and the younger Spencer, were in the Castle of Bristol when it was Besieged; from whence( fearing the Event) he, with the younger Spencer, stolen away by Night; and endeavouring to escape by Sea, his Boat was beaten back: And trying to put out again, it was discovered by the Lord beaumond, who chased them with a small Vessel, and took the King and Spencer in it. However, they all agree that Spencer was taken with him, as if the King must always appear inseparable from the Cause of his Misfortunes.  
The Earl of Arundel, that was taken at Bristol, was Beheaded; at the Instance of Mortimer, who now governed the Queen's Affections and Affairs. Perhaps the Execution of this Earl of Arundel might the sooner be caused, by his Relation to the younger Spencer, who married his Daughter; but the same thing that creates a prosperous Interest in one Condition, brings Ruin in another.  
The younger Spencer was carried along, onely to Grace the Queen's marching Triumph; and, as the chief Cause of her Taking Arms, he was rendered as contemptible a Spectacle as was possible: And exposed in a fitting posture, to increase the Scorns and Reproaches, that use to attend such miserable Objects. And perhaps some were mingled in the Crowd, that had formerly in his prosperous Greatness, saluted him with fawning Acclamations. At last he was eased of all his Sufferings, thô by a Death as full of Torments as could easily be imagined; which yet he endured with much seeming Calmness: Perhaps wearied with so much shane and Misery, he might be willing by any way to find an undisturbed Quietness.  
Presently after this, the Queen came to London, with her Son Edward, and her Favourite Mortimer; where she was received, with as many Testimonies of Joy and Satisfaction, as could spring from Two such Great Causes; as the Misfortune of her unhappy Husband, and her own Success. A Parliament or Convention was then summoned, which was held the next day after the Epiphany; where it was adjudged, That Edward the Second was no longer fit to wear the Crown; and for his maladministration of the Royal Authority, was therefore Deposed, and his Son to be Elected King.  
To this the Bishops consented, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury preached upon the Occasion, choosing a proper Text: Vox Populi, Vox Dei.  
The Queen, when she heard of this heavy Sentence of Deposing her Husband, seemed to sink under the Weight that He was to bear; and to act the Part of a good Wife, in sharing the Misfortune of her Husband: But she that by Force had helped to reduce him to that Condition, could hardly with counterfeited Tears, and feigned Lamentations persuade any to believe that she really deplored it. Besides that unjustifiable Passion for Mortimer, which had so long, and so violently governed her, might be a sufficient assurance that there could not be kindness enough left for her unhappy Husband, to cause a real Grief for his Calamity.  
The Prince her Son, either moved by that specious show of Sorrow, which might easily deceive so tender an Innocence; or, which is more probable, urged by his own natural and generous Temper; vowed, He would never accept the Crown, but by his Father's Consent. Upon which, Commissioners from the Assembly, or Convention were sent to the King: which consisted of Three Bishops, Winchester, Hereford, and Lincoln; The Earls of Leicester and Warren; Two Justices, Two Barons, Four Members for the City of London, and Three Knights for every Shire to represent the Counties; the Bishops of Lincoln and Hereford went before to prepare and persuade the King to Resign the Crown. And as Promises for what is desired, usually exceed the Performances when obtained, they assured him, he should live more happy than before: And that in a manner, he should only resign his Cares, and enjoy an undisturbed Quiet and Plenty. On the other-side, they threatened, That if he were vainly obstinate, not to grant what the People would take, and which was desired of him to satisfy his Son, the Prince, he would not prevent his own Fate, but bring a Misfortune on his Posterity; for in that Case the People would choose a King that had no Relation to his Blood.  
A little after, the Commissioners being arrived, that were to receive his Resignation, the King came forth in Mourning, and, at the sight of a formed Power, ready to take away his, sunk down; but being revived, Adam d' Orleton, Bishop of Hereford, delivered the subject matter of their Commission, which was, That the Common-Wealth had found his Government to be grievous and oppressive, which had been proved by many Particulars in the General Assembly at London, for which they had resolved he should no longer be King over them; but yet they were willing to Elect his Son to wear the Crown; which if he should refuse to Resign to him; they were resolved not only to reject him, but would choose a Man, that might be proper for the Support of the Government, and Defence of the Kingdom: without any Consideration of being Related to his Blood.  
The King received this heavy Sentence with a Sorrow proportioned to it. And considering perhaps, that by denying to Resign his Crown, he might involve his Son, and his Posterity in his own hard Fate,  told them: That he submitted to all things with the more Patience, since his Offences caused the Misery that was fallen upon him; yet, it could not but aggravate his Calamity, that his People were possessed with such a hatred to him, that they would no longer endure him for their sovereign: Yet if his Condition could admit of any Consolation, it must proceed from the Kindness they had yet retained for his Son: And thanked them for the Testimony of it in Electing him their King.  
After this Resignation, and the delivery of the Royal Ensigns, the Commissioners caused a Formal Renunciation to be pronounced, which was done by William Trussel in these words:  
UNto Thee, O King, I William Trussel, in the Name of all Men of this Land of England, and Prolocutor of this Parliament, Resign to Thee Edward, the Homage that was made to Thee sometime, and from this time forth, Deprive Thee of all Kingly Power: And I shall never be Attendant on Thee as King after this time.  
Which being pronounced, Sir Thomas blunt, Steward of the King's House, by breaking his Staff, resigned his Office, and dissolved the household.  
The Ceremonies being performed, the Commissioners with the Royal Ensigns return'd to London; and reported to the Assembly the King's Resignation. Who presently Elected his Son Edward the Third, for their King.  
The Queen, now with her beloved Mortimer, with the Advice of her great counselor the Bishop of Hereford, assumed the Exercise of all Power, and quickly shew'd, what a counterfeited Sorrow for her unfortunate Husband, she tried to Disguise herself in; for she now allowed him but an Hundred Marks by the Year, while she procured a third part of the Revenue to be settled on herself; and Mortimer, the worst of Men, by her guilty Passion, seemed onely to Reign. But, in a little time, his Actions met with that just Punishment, that was due to them.  
Philip de Comines, in his third Book, takes Notice, that the Great Earl of Warwick subdued England in Eleven days; and King Edward the Fourth recovered it in One and Twenty. Thô these were sudden Revolutions, yet the Fortune of them was disposed by many Battels; but this was as sudden, yet without a Blow: which shows no Force to be greater than the Power of Injuries and Oppressions. And upon all such Occasions, the weight of this Nation has ever been heavy enough to hoist up any Power built upon Oppression. For thô in Prosperity, and the full Gust of Power, this mighty Force, lying( as it were in Ambush) in the vexed Minds of injured Subjects, is undiscerned and slighted; and the fatal Precedents, made by the Errors of others, are seldom made use of to ourselves: Yet when it begins to show itself, it seems no wonder that the united Minds of all, conclude for themselves. But Men are so much their own Flatterers, that they believe every thing permanent they wish to be so: And Favourites that cannot submit to share a Common Benefit, venture at uncertain Advantages, and make it a principle to depend more upon Mens Fears than Love. By the Mighty and Ambitious Mischiefs and Disturbances are wrought, but the Weak and Moderate desire Peace and Quietness.  
The unhappy King was now kept in Confinement, with a small Allowance, that he might be deprived of all things that resembled a princes Condition: And suffered now, for his unsteady Errors; as much perhaps by the wounding reflection of their Memory, as by what he endured for them. But too late he was taught Truth by Misery; and saw the difference to lose those Friends that could preserve him, and keep none but such as could onely help to destroy him. Princes sometimes believe, that the Right of Power should preserve them, notwithstanding the want of Conscience in the using of it: But when their Errors have contracted Enemies, and the same Errors raised Accidents enough, to give Power and Opportunity to those Enemies; misguided Princes( like this unhappy King) will find, that injured People with as much want of Tenderness will Revenge their Wrongs, as they shew'd in the Oppression.  
It will now, in this particular be made good, that the Graves of Princes are near their Prisons. This unfortunate King deplored that his Wife whom he had so much loved, could not be prevailed with now to see him. But she had been so much possessed by a fond Passion for Mortimer, that all Duty and Virtue was long before sacrificed to that Idol; and her Husband was as much her Apprehension as Aversion. Mortimer also as wickedly Jealous, thought himself never safe while the King lived, nor could they be ignorant of the Murmurs against their scandalous course of Life; and that the hard usage of the King proceeded from thence, which urged them to the cruel Opinion, that his Death was their onely Security.  
In the mean time, the unfortunate Prince remained in the Custody of his Kinsman the Earl of Leicester, who shew'd some Compassion for his deplorable Condition, and used him with great Humanity; but such was the Misfortune that attended his Condition, the least kindness shew'd to him, did but provoke his Destruction. For the cruel Queen grew not only enraged that he lived well, but that he lived at all; and urged by an Information, that there was a Design laid to take the King by Force out of the Castle of Killingworth, she took Advice of her mischievous counselor, the Bishop of Hereford, and removed him from thence into the Custody of Sir Thomas Gurny, and Sir John Matravers, with a Commission to carry him where they would, and probably to destroy him how they pleased; for they had such a large Authority, that all Governours of Castles wherever they came, were for the time to resign their Powers to them.  
In all their Travels from place to place, no despiteful Usage was omitted to him; the insulting upon Adversity being the property of base and cruel Natures; they carried him from Bristol, upon an Alarm of some designed Attempt to release him, and by the way to keep him from being known, they made the wretched King sit upon the ground, and caused a Barber to shave him with Water fetched from a Ditch; at which he said, He would supply them with warm Water: meaning his Tears which he  shed plentifully.  
At last they brought him to Berkley, where he was wickedly murdered with a Hot Iron thrust thrô a Pipe behind up into his Bowels, by which way they thought the least discovery might be made, by what manner of Death he died; thô his loud Groans and Cries sufficiently declared the Violence of it.  
Some writ, that the Bishop of Hereford, by a dark Sentence instigated the Murderers to hasten the Execution, by this Line: Edoardum Occidere Nolito timere bonum est: At once giving them Encouragement, and concealing an Excuse for himself. But Ecclesiastical Riddles are dangerous, and sometimes their Expositions of Texts are no other.  
After this horrid Execution, the Murtherers, Gourney and Matravers expected Rewards, but found the Queen and Bishop readier rather to Threaten and Accuse them, than to own the Service, and were forced to fly beyond Sea, to seek a safety for their loathed Lives. But Gourney, after three Years, was taken and sent to England, and by the way had his Head struck off. Matravers fled into Germany, where in Repentance he had time to wast a miserable Life.  
This King reigned something above Eighteen Years, and was murdered in the Forty-third Year of his Life; His Body was carried to Gloucester, and there butted without any Ceremony. His Character I will reserve, till I join it with Richard the seconds, since the same Methods and Errors in Government worked the same Effects: And both Princes equally Unfortunate.  

THE Reigns of Edward the Second, and Richard the Second,( to which I am now proceeding) may be justly said to be, as Mezeray calls the Reign of Henry the Third of France[ the Reign of Favourites] who did enervate all his virtues, and disposed him to Looseness and carelessness; deafened and confounded him with Flatteries; prompted him to observe no Law but his Will; while they were the Disposers of all things: At which many Great Men and others retired discontented, and left the Favourite-Ministers at large to pursue their Ambition; and with new Inventions to wast and pillage the King's Revenue.  
This Description suits with the beginning of this unfortunate King, Richard the Second; who after the Death of his Grandfather, that Great Prince Edward the Third, succeeded him in the Throne: His Father, the Famous Black Prince, dying in his Father's time. Who, by contrary Methods to what they used, met as contrary Fortunes: The comeliness and Beauty of his Person( exceeding all his Predecessors) onely seemed to entitle him to a Generous Father, and as Beautiful a Mother. But that promising Person, which might have become Great Actions, was turned to Looseness and Pleasures: And Flatterers broken in to encourage that dissolute carelessness, which they found would be suitable to his Nature, and their ambitious Designs.  
The three chief Favourites and Ministers were Robert Vere Earl of Oxford, afterwards marquis of Dublin, and Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pool Earl of Suffolk, and Robert Tresilian Lord Chief Justice. The Duke of Ireland seemed the best, as hardly he could do otherwise, being set with two such Foils: Michael de la Pool was a Model of completed Vices; in Peace the most odiously insolent, in War the most dejectedly contemptible: He despised all Methods of Quietness, and yet was frighted with the least disturbance. Tresilian the Chief-Justice that never shew'd his Place or Title by any practise, but was ready to prostrate all Law to Occasion, and Justice to Designs; his Knowledge was lewdness, and his virtue Violence; what others designed he was ready to execute: And being kept up in this Darkness, he grew fierce on all things that were cast to him.  
This King was called, Richard of bordeaux, because born there, the onely Son of Edward the Black Prince. By his Grandfather Edward the Third he was, in his Life-time, declared his Successor: And after his Death was crowned at Westminster, in the Year 1377, by Simon Sudbury Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with great Solemnity. The King being then but Eleven Years old, the Duke of Lancaster, and edmond Earl of Cambridge, the King's Uncles, with other Lords and Bishops, were joined in Commission to manage the State.  
The Minority of the King gave foreign Princes an Opinion, that it was a proper time to attempt upon England. The French first laid hold on the Occasion, and landed Forces, and did some Mischief; and burnt some Places near the Sea, as about Rye, Portsmouth, Dartmouth, and plymouth, as also Hastings and Winchelsea. The Scots also assaulted the Castle of Berwick, and won it; but it was taken again by the Earls of Northumberland and Nottingham: And all put to the Sword, but Ramsey, who took it by a bold and desperate Attempt with a few Men.  
These Troubles occasioned a Parliament to be called at Westminster: Where Alice pierce, the Concubine to the late King Edward the Third, was banished, and all her Goods confiscated. A Tax was then given of two Tenths of the Clergy, and two Fifteens of the Temporality: Others writ, the Tax was a Pole of 4 d. upon every Head. But which soever 'twas, either the Levying it, or the Tax itself, caused a sudden and strange Insurrection; begun by the Infusion of one called Mr. John Ball, a Factious Priest: Using those common Notions against Great Men, who had Power to oppress others, and ruin the meaner sort to support their Greatness and Luxuries. This spread to the City, who gave Intelligence, that they were ready to join with the Rabble, that appeared gathered from many adjacent Countries. This confused Body choose one Wat tiler for their Captain: Whose Assistants, or Privy Counsellors, were John Ball, Jack Straw, Thomas Baker, Jack Carter, Jack shepherd, and others. Black-Heath, as they marched to London, was there rendezvous; where they appeared to be above Sixty Thousand. From thence they march to London, declaring themselves for the King and People.  
When they came to London, they were received, either for fear or love, with all freedom, and treated as if they striven who should express themselves best to the flattered Rebels: Who like such a Mass of Giddiness, got together, committed nothing but Murder and Violence. They burnt the Savoy, the Duke of Lancaster's House; they rifled the Temple, and destroyed the Law-Books, expressing a Spleen against any thing of that Nature. Nor were Churches, or Religious Houses spared; the Good they punished, the Bad they cherished: Setting all Prisoners at Liberty. Their chief Leader, tiler, remembering some Punishment that his old Master Richard lion had inflicted on him for some Crime he committed; without any more Trial or judgement than what his Revenge allowed, caused his Head to be strike off, and carried before him on a Spear. Their Numbers were now so great, that the King durst not resist their Entrance into the Tower; where they abused his Mother: And took the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, and draging them to Tower-Hill, there Beheaded them.  
In the midst of all these Outrages, the King proclaimed a Pardon to all that would go quietly home: Which the Essex-Men, and some others, accepted; but the Kentish, and others, stayed with their Captain tiler. So that it seemed as if part of this Rabble were not in the Secret of the Intention, to subvert the Government, and throw down all above themselves from Oppression. Above Twenty Thousand continued with their Captain. The King, looking upon this as a good beginning, presented himself in Person before the Rebels; and spoken to them with all sweetness, promising them Pardon and Favour: But had so rude a Return from tiler, that instead of Submission, he demanded the King's Sword. At which the Mayor of London drew his, and struck him to the Ground; where he was presently killed. The Rabble seemed to threaten Revenge: But the City hearing this, and thinking it high time to free their King and themselves from Ruin and Destruction, came to his Relief with a Body of Men. At which sight the affrighted Rebels yielded: And some fled, and delivered up their Ring-Leaders; a Sacrifice that seldom fails to be made of such Tumults. Jack Straw, at his Execution, confessed their Design of destroying all that were above them, in Name or Fortune.  
The King's chief Favourites now appeared to be Michael de la Pool,( made Chancellor of England, and after Earl) Robert de Vere,( marquis of Dublin, and after Duke of Ireland) Alexander Arch-Bishop of York; and Tresilian the Chief-Justice. The first Testimony that these shew'd of their Animosities against the Methods of a just Minister, was the Displacing Sir Richard Scroop, Lord Chancellor, who in all things used an impartial Uprightness, which was an Offence to their loose and partial Designs.  
But they did not only sharpen the King's Nature against Men in point of Offices and Employments, but against their Lives. The first appearance of this was by the Duke of Lancaster; whose Offences were likewise from his virtues: And his Ruin therefore resolved by them, and contrived by Tresilian to be done by Form of Law( the worst sort of Destroying when violated, but, when truly observed, the best Defence against Destruction).  
There are seldom any extreme Proceedings in a Government, but there are depraved Persons enough in all Conditions, ready to swim with the Stream, and take the benefit of any tide of Fortune. For when Mischief is to be practised, Corruption is the consequence; and there are always those ready, whom no Consideration balances in their Natures, with the Weight of Honours and Benefit. Tresilian was one of those thus prepared, and could hardly want as well-condition'd Informers and Juries. The Occasion of doing ill preserved from Men, is the surest Cause of their virtue; but offered from those that ought to depress it, is the Temptation of villainy to some, that of themselves perhaps never designed it. Crimes were prepared for the Duke, he never committed; a Jury of Lords were fixed: And it was not onely designed he should be Arrested, but his Condemnation and Execution were as confidently resolved and concluded.  
These things were not so secretly contrived, but the Duke of Lancaster had Notice of them; and privately retired, or rather fled to Pomfret Castle, where he prepared to defend himself. And already Discontents grew so high, that he wanted not Assistance for it; and grew so considerable, that the Queen-Mother thought it worthy her Pains in all Respects to endeavour a composure. Which she effected, assisted by the Apprehension of her Son, and the Duty which the Duke of Lancaster seemed yet to retain. So that, for this time, every thing was composed, unless their Minds; which once shaken by Indirectness and Mistrust, are seldom so purely cleared, but that some Seeds of jealousy lye ready to spring upon the heat of any Difference. Without Trust the traffic among Dealers in petty things can never be carried on; and much less the Commerce between Prince and Subjects without Credit.  
The King now entered upon the Assuming the Government into his own hands; and from this time grew liable to his own Errors. Appearing wholly regardless of all his great Relations and Nobility: And onely seemed kind to a Fondness of his Chancellor the Earl of Suffolk, and the Duke of Ireland; and their two subservient Friends, the Arch-Bishop of York, and Tresilian the Chief-Justice. They that had now gained the possession of the King's Power and Inclination, shew'd a great Testimony of ther ill use of it, by disposing the King against his brave Uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earls of Warwick and Arundel.  
The King was now wholly possessed by these Favourites, and in a particular Manner by the Chancellor de la Pool; whose mean Birth was suitable to his Qualities, his Vices so many that he was himself a Grievance: And it seemed a fatal Unhappiness that the King's Conscience should be entrusted with so corrupt a Keeper. But the King was as violent in his Affections, as others could be in their Displeasures; he seldom regarded what others thought, till necessity enforced the Consideration.  
These Men that both feared and hated any Men of Honour and Quality, that might have Interest to across their Designs, laid hold of an Occasion to be rid of one of the greatest, the Duke of Lancaster, by assisting him with Forces to conquer Spain: Which he claimed in Right of his Wife Constance, Daughter and coheir of Peter( who was surnamed, the Cruel) King of Castile and Leon. With very considerable Forces he sailed for Spain, with the Title of King of it. He landed at the groin, and at Compostella met the King of Portugal. And after some Incursions made into the Country of Castile, a Peace and Marriage was also effected, between the King of Spain's eldest Son, and Catharine of Lancaster: And so he resigned his Title to Spain for a Composition, by a Sum of Money and a Pension.  
This looked like the feeble Policy of violent and Self-interessed Counsellors, which was applied to Men, and not to Things. As if the Removal of Two or Three, that opposed their Designs, took away the Danger that attended them: As long as there were injured Men they must have Enemies, and their Safety was no way probable but by better Principles and Practices. Besides there were other Lords left behind, made Popular by the same Errors; but they designed to ruin( if they could) all that were in their way: And after grew very busy in designing to murder the Duke of Gloucester, every day contriving some ill, and by their heavy Wickedness loading the King.  
A little after the Rebellion of Jack Straw, the King Married with and, the Daughter of the Emperor Charles the Fourth, whom he loved passionately: For whose sake he refused the Daughter of the Duke of milan, who was offered him, and with her a Dowry much more considerable. She lived with him twelve Years, but without Issue, and died at Sheen by Richmond; which great loss made the Place ever after hated by the King: Who in all things shew'd he was a Man of great Affections, which are unfortunate virtues, when wrong placed.  
About this time the King declared Roger Mortimer his Heir and Successor: Who was the Son of Lionel Duke of Clarence, Third Son of King Edward the Third, who was afterwards killed in Ireland. He also Created at several times his Uncles edmond of Langley, Duke of York; and Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester; and his cousin Henry of Bullingbrook( Son and Heir to his Second Uncle, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster) Earl of Derby; his cousin Edward Plantagenet( Son and Heir to his Uncle edmond of Langley) he created Earl of Rutland; Sir John Holland Earl of Huntingdon; and Thomas Mowbray Earl of Nottingham.  
In the Parliament, in which these Creations were made, was exhibited a Charge of many Particulars, and of very great Natures, against Chancellor de la Pool: In which one Particular was the Abusing and Cozening the King; but this had onely an Audience, but no Examination. Which gave so much Offence, that an Aid demanded was denied; and Reasons given, That it was to no purpose to give Money, when the ill use of it was countenanced. This seemed a wrong Measure, to ask, and be denied; and at the same time neither to have Power enough to enforce, nor Obligations to obtain. But 'twas not proper for his Favourites to tell him, they doubted Success with his Parliament: Since that were to own, such Apprehensions sprung from their own ambitious Errors. But Princes are rightly said to be used like froward Children, flattered, and condemned never to hear the Truth.  
But the Parliament still pressed the Examination of the Charge; and the necessity of the King's Affairs concurring with their importunity, procured what they so warmly desired. The Cause was put to selected Noble-men to Examine; and a Subsidy seemed the Purchase of it: Which was afterwards granted.  
The Cause then being heard by his Peers, the Duke of Gloucester, and Earl of Arundel being Two of his Judges, he was convicted and deprived of his Office and Chattels, and condemned to a Fine and Imprisonment.  
He had purchased while he was Chancellor, One Thousand Pounds a Year, which by judgement of Parliament was confiscated to the King, in satisfaction of Twelve Thousand Pounds, which Stow very properly expresses that he had gained by lingering the King's Affairs: It seemed to me a very natural expression, for the Corruption and Oppression of that Court has been managed by Delays; and Justice hard to be obtained, is one of the chiefest means to Revenge and Enslave.  
But all this seemed rather Arguments of Merit, than Causes of Punishment: For the King presently after restored him into all former Favour, as if he had suffered for his sake. Thus as Edward the Second received Gaveston from Banishment, and his Subjects Hate, to his Arms and Love, so this unfortunate and resembling King received this Earl of Suffolk, from the Prosecution of his Parliament, to increased Affection and Trust: As if Crimes, found out and prosecuted by a Parliament, had been the Testimonies of Merit, and Arguments for the princes Favour. These unsteady Counsels increased Mistrust in the Subjects: Who now began to see, they were too light to make a Poizure with the Favourites. And, to confirm their worst Apprehensions, the Duke of Ireland, who had been driven away by the Displeasure that was contracted against him, now return'd; with equal Credit and Principles with the Earl of Suffolk: To whom also joined the Arch-Bishop of York, to strengthen their Power, and weaken their King's. For they that had Influence enough to make a Prince believe their Cause to be his, might easily carry him on to Revenge those Affronts he now assumed to be his own. To this belongs the same Fate that attends indirect and unsteady Counsels: They must be maintained by the Oppression or Ruin of those that suffered by them, and no Method taken for the Preservation of any, but theirs that merited the Punishment. The Argument that was, and must be used to deceive Princes, was then enforced by these Favourite-Ministers, That the Arrows shot at them were intended against the Prince; and 'twas but a Method of Rebellion, to confine a King on whom to confer his Favour. And therefore to avoid the Dishonour of a Limited Monarchy, he must now use Power, and declare his Trust in that onely. With this Flattery they raise their King to a Fatal Confidence in that which must in time deceive misguided Princes. For perhaps, for some time, Apprehension and Conscience may preserve a show of Peace; yet at last Error and Oppression will disturb such a weak-setled Calm.  
The King thus raised by Flattery above his Power, and sharpened by false Arguments beyond his Nature, they proceed seemingly to act his Cause, but really to Revenge themselves; and( like the other Favourites in King Edward's time) wrap their their princes Fall and Hazard with their own: While they are onely the King's Loyal Subjects; and the Kingdom his, and their own guilty Enemies.  
The Memory of Suffolk's Trial and Condemnation was the first Cause that excited them against those that were his Judges, the Duke of Gloucester, and others: On whose Destruction they first resolved, as being the most considerable; nor feared his near Relation to the King, for they knew their Power was gotten above his Nature, or Consideration. The first Design was to invite Gloucester, and others, to a Supper in London, and there murder them: Which some writ, was discovered to the Duke by Exton, the then Mayor of London, and the Mischief for that time prevented.  
About this time the Earls of Arundel and Nottingham, who were engaged with the Duke of Gloucester in the Trial and Censure of the Chancellor Suffolk, commanded the Navy, and performed so many brave Actions, that all Mouths were filled with just Praises; the King onely excepted, to whom Satisfaction did most belong. For at their Return they found so could a Reception from the King, that it seemed they were rather Forgiven for misdemeanours, than received for Merits. The strangeness of his words  told too plainly, that public Merit lost its Nature, when the Desert was in the Enemies of his Favourites.  
How much more Limited is a King, by such as confine him to their narrow Interest! He must neither reward virtue, nor punish 'vice; his best and bravest Subjects must not be esteemed, nor his worst questioned or punished.  
The Duke of Ireland, with as much Arbitrary Power as he persuaded the King to assume, put away his Wife, the King's Cousin, and Grandchild to King Edward; and married a Vintner's, some say, a Joyner's Daughter. The injured Lady petitioned the King often, but without Success: Her Injury was done by a Favourite, where his Nature was more tied than to his own Blood. Upon no less Nourishment can growing Favourites prosper, than by their princes loss of Interest and Honour.  
The Duke of Gloucester bore it not so calmly, but  told the Duke of Ireland plainly, he would Revenge the Injury done to his Kinswoman: Who from that time grew more assiduous to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Gloucester. But at the present, his pretended Journey to Ireland kept all silent: Which after many Delays he seemingly began, and was accompanied in great State by the King himself, and Earl of Suffolk, and the ready Chief-Justice Tresilian.  
But this proved onely a Progress through Wales, and so about to Nottingham; where they entred into private and black Consultations.  
The first was to destroy the Lords: And for that end summoned the Sheriffs of every County, and plainly asked them, What Aid they could Promise against the Lords, if the King required it? Their Answers were for the most part, That the People were very much satisfied in their Opinions, That the Lords were Lovers of their King and country: And therefore durst promise nothing in that Matter.  
The Trial was then made, to pack a Parliament, by contriving Elections as the King should appoint: But this received as could a Return.  
To what a loose Hazard they had now reduced their King, to attempt unsuccessfully to destroy by force, or in a Legal way to make the Nation destroy itself! The last was without doubt the most dangerous Design: Force may enslave for a little time, but Slavery by Law is likely to be more durable; but the People were not then cozened enough. And indeed it must be the concurrence of strange Accidents, the fairness of an undiscovered Dissimulation, and the Opportunity embraced in the same Moment, that must so infatuate the People, as to make their Ruin their Choice.  
The last Attempt was designed by surer Means, the Judges; who kept, and seemed to deserve their Places for their compliance. Of these were summoned the Two Chief-Justices, Tresilian and Belknap, with others; and to them were put Queries, which might comprehend the Safety of the Ministers, and the Danger of all they pleased beside.  
The Questions were to comprehend so large a Treason, that it could not miss to find Traitors: For, by them resolved, the very Constitution of the Nation was Treason.  
The first Four Queries concerned the Duke of Suffolk most particularly, and with him all Favourites. For the Case was put, Whether the Law itself, and the Commission for his trial, did not derogate from the King's Authority? And then how they were to be proceeded with that procured such a Law? And how they were to be dealt with that provoked the King to assent to it?  
The fifth questioned, What they merited that opposed the King's remitting or releasing Penalties, or Debts due to him?  
The Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth, consisted of Questions, Whether Parliaments could proceed upon any Business, but such as the King should propose, and Limit by Articles? And whether the Lords and Commons in Parliament, might Accuse any of the King's Officers without his leave?  
The Tenth was singly for the Duke of Suffolk, Whether the judgement, given in the last Parliament against him, were Erroneous, and Revocable?  
The last Article they resolved with as much clearness, viz. That the Proceedings and judgement against the Earl of Suffolk, were erroneous and Revocable, and accordingly delivered these bold Opinions under their Hands and Seals.  
The Judges were very clear in these Points, for they determined all to be Treason, and the Offenders worthy the Death of Traitors: Thô, by this bold Opinion, the Parliament the Traitors, and the Statute-Law the Treason. It seems they believed their Obedience in unjust Directions, was a sufficient Excuse for their guilty Actions. Otherways they would hardly have made such a Plea at their trials for the desperate Judgments they had given: As that they were threatened by the Duke of Ireland, the Arch-Bishop of York, and the Earl of Suffolk: But thô they pleaded this Terror for their Excuse, yet, probably the Bribes of Power and Riches were the true Causes of their Corruption; but since that could not appear a proper Excuse, they used the other as unjust and frivolous; since fear from any Cause in the Exercise of Justice is an equal Crime.  
There was one thing also very remarkable, that the Lawyers, who, in former Parliaments, gave their Advice and Opinions for their Proceedings, being afterwards, when the Power turned to the King, asked, Whether by Law the King could not disannul the Proceedings of that Parliament? readily Recanting their former Opinions, answered, That he might, the King being above the Law: A maxim very much used in the late Times, and must be always, when Arbitrary Power is designed.  
These things perhaps were highly applauded by the Ministers, and the King flattered to believe what excellent Servants he had of such Judges; by whose Briskness, not onely the Law, but the troublesone Constitution itself of the Nation, might be rendered as useless as Arbitrary Power could desire. For if such Laws, that seemed to Limit a King, should in themselves become voided for that very Cause, there could no Law be valid, but such as pleased the sovereign; who was the Judge of his own Infringement: And then all past Laws, and Laws to be made, would become but prostituted Writings, to the Will of Princes.  
Perhaps at that time, these Judges had the Character of being most Loyal, for appearing most Desperate; giving that great Testimony of their Devotion, that their Zeal for the Favourites was far warmer than their country: And involved themselves in their Fortunes by Principles as lewd as their Designs.  
The King looked upon the Opinions of these Judges as Authentic, and of Validity enough, to throw Legally into his Power the Estates and Fortunes of those Lords that appeared most eminent against his Ministers. And accordingly he began to dispose of their Estates among those he favoured; presuming them, without farther Trial, convicted Persons: And, to maintain this Absurdity by a worse, raised Souldiers privately, and sent to surprise the Earl of Arundel.  
The Duke of Gloucester having Intelligence of all these Proceedings, got the Bishop of London to persuade the King from such Violences; and to assure him, that he never had an undutiful Thought against him. And intimated how much more Safe and Honourable it would be for the King, not to be lead by false Suggestions to such a fatal Difference and Severity with his best and greatest Subjects.  
The Bishop performed this with his best skill and zeal, and wrought so upon the King, that he seemed inclined to a more happy Temper. But the Earl of Suffolk( that hated all Peace and Justice, by which, he knew, he was to have little benefit, nor could be probably safe longer than while he kept his King in Danger) quickly nip'd the King's budding gentleness: And, like an untimely Frost, blasted the springing hopes of Peace, falling upon the Bishop with harsh and insolent Reproofs. But the Bishop, not daunted with his Power and Greatness, boldly  told him, That 'twas not the Service of his Prince that guided him, but his own violent Ambition; and that, rather than the Lords should not be destroyed, he would involve the Nation in Ruin. Adding, That it was easy for such abject Spirits as his to raise Tumults, which must be ended by the Ruin of the bravest: Nor was he fit to give Advice, that was the chief Incendiary, and made a Party by his Condemnation. The King was so angry, to see his Favourite so roughly and boldly attacked, that he commanded the Bishop out of his sight.  
In this particular, as in most of this King's unhappy Actions, he appeared against himself, and his own Reason; being guided by the Earl of Suffolk that was of a contrary Interest, turned from his own Nature and Reason, by one that wanted sense and Bowels: And by this Unsteadiness kindled new Mistrusts, the fruitful Nourishers of Civil Mischief.  
At this the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, Nottingham, and Derby, take Arms. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Bishop of Ely( then Lord Chancellor) were sent to the Lords: Who composed Matters so well, that the Lords agreed to appear before the King at Westminster, under the Promise of Protection. But retaining their usual Jealousies, they received the Bishop of Ely's Assurance, that if there were any Danger designed them, he would give them Notice. According he kept his Word; and a little before the Lords were to come, he gave them Intelligence of an Ambush, laid for them at the Mews, to seize them as they came in. Upon this the Lords failed coming: Which the King wondering at, asked the Bishop of Ely, What might be the Reason of it? Who boldly  told him, That the Lords durst not trust him, and had discovered the Trap laid for them. Of which the King seemed to be wholly ignorant, and commanded the Sheriffs to search the Mews, and to kill, or carry to Prison, all they found concealed there. But the thing was true, thô the Place mistaken; for the Armed Men were secretly assembled at Westminster, by Sir Richard Bramber, and Sir Thomas Trivet: Who perceiving, or being informed of the Discovery, secretly conveyed away their Men.  
It seemed as if the King was really ignorant of this, that was acted by the desperate Ministers: Who shew'd a full Confidence in their Power with the King. And tho' perhaps they apprehended the Action too vile to trust the King with it, yet they did not doubt to bring him to approve it, thô never so base, if successful enough. Nor has this been an unusual Method of powerful Ministers and Favourites, to contrive Mischiefs for their Prince to approve: Knowing that it is easier from the necessity of a Thing done, to gain an Approbation, than a Consent to the Attempt of it. For a Prince that is wholly lead by them, and wrapped up in their desperate Counsels and Interest, may scruple at a thing to be done, that cannot, when 'tis effected: One is but a Difference in Opinion, the other is a Desertion of his Party, he may be free in the first, but too much involved to be at liberty in the latter.  
A Prince in this Condition has not onely his own Errors, but the weight of theirs, to struggle under: And 'tis impossible he should make any Calculation of his own Fortune, unless he were free to Examine the Effects of those mischievous Planets, that he himself had raised to such powerful Influences.  
At last, upon new Faith and Security, the Lords came to the King at Westminster; but so strongly guarded, that they did not appear like Men that came to Submit, or to Petition. Accordingly they challenged for Traytors, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, the Arch-Bishop of York, the Chief-Justice Tresilian, and others. The King at that time, when Favourites could not speak, spoken like himself, a King; and with equal Temper and Reason, shew'd the Lords, That, if all were true they alleged, they had not taken the proper way, to seek for Justice by a show of Rebellion, and give that Opportunity to the Licentious Multitude, which perhaps might prove difficult to take again from them. And after having gently laid before them the more proper way for what they desired, he raised them from their Knees, and retired with them. All this while the Adverse Party kept out of the way, apprehending, as justly they might the Danger of such powerful and enraged Enemies.  
This Action of the King's is questioned by some Historians, whether done out of Apprehension, or a better Temper. But yet all this while that Things bore this calm Face, the Duke of Ireland gathered Forces; and was met, and overthrown, by the Earl of Derby, near Burford. But he that was so bold in Counsel, shew'd want of Courage( when 'twas most needful) in Action, and fled himself, before the Fight scarce began. Among many Things taken of the Duke's, in one of his Trunks were found Letters from the King, to hasten his coming to London, with what Power he could make; where the King would be ready to share Fortunes with him.  
Upon the News of the Duke of Ireland's Defeat, the Earl of Suffolk fled in a Disguise to Calice, and never more return'd.  
It is a wonder that such a Man should ever get the Ascendant over a Prince: A Man that was profuse of what he could get, and got it as willingly by the Spoils of others, as by more justifiable ways. He was unfit for Peace by his Turbulent Nature, and wanted Courage to be troublesone in war. In Peace he was furious, in War calm; never quiet but when afraid, at all other times intemperate; when he was not designing Mischief his Courage failed him; he never seemed good, but when necessity hindered him from appearing bad; he had no Fits of a Disease, but lived in a continued leprosy.  
But we have red of other Precedents, how worthless Men have screwed themselves into princes Favours, by such Flatteries that Generous Tempers could not creep to. For ill Men study the Nature of Princes, good Men their Interest: And that which is most pleasant sooner prevails, than that which is most useful.  
The Chief-Justice Tresilian, with others of that Faction, fled from this Storm, and the King retired to the Tower. While the Lords, with a great Army, march towards London, and shew'd themselves in a form of battle to the King, who lay with his Forces in the Suburbs. The King at first seemed to slight them, but at last yielded to a Treaty. The Tower was the Place appointed; but the Lords first made what search they pleased, and came with such Guards as they thought fit; at once showing the severe effects of Mistrust and Power: The first seldom to be cured, the last as seldom used with Modesty. For when they came to the King, they plainly charged him, by way of Accusation, with the Contrivances at Nottingham against them; his Letters to the Duke of Ireland( contrary to his Word) to raise Forces; the Agreement with the French to deliver up Calice; and other Grievances: which the ill Conduct of the King's Ministers had plentifully furnished them with. At these Truths,  told by those that had Power enough to Revenge, the King, instead of a Defence, sunk into a Confession of his Errors: which seemed at that time to make a great impression on the Lords, and produced the Agreement of a Meeting at Westminster the next day.  
But they were no sooner gone, but the King's Mind changed, by Arguments of the common frame, That by the Meeting he would expose his Person to danger, and his Authority to diminution Which presently changed the King, and shew'd as if a Fatal Mutability was to pursue him to his End. To such dangerous Methods he must probably be lead, by the councils of those, whose desperate Ambitions could permit no directness to be used towards their Enemy, the public. Such Ministers are the Consulters of Moments; shifting only for a present Preservation, and dare not look towards the future; but refer things to come, to the same Chance that raised them. They live to no Rules, but with an unlimited readiness, wait upon Occasion.  
This Alteration in the King, raised the Lords to such a Rage, that they sent him word, That, if he used such Indirectness, they would choose a New King. At this, being again shaken, he not onely went, but submitted to those he had so enraged before; and delivers up that Power, which he was counselled before not to diminish: So that his ill-timed Counsels made that Misfortune sure, which they seemed careful to prevent.  
A Parliament was presently called, which began at Westminster the Third of February; and continued to the Thirteenth of June; a long Session, and yet seemed to have Employment enough, for in a less space of time, so much could hardly have been done, as to give it the Character of a Parliament that wrought Wonders.  
The first day of their Meeting, many of the Judges were Arrested, as they sate in their Places, and sent to the Tower; as if no business were fit to be proceeded on, till Justice were done on the Violaters of Justice.  
In the beginning also of this Parliament were summoned Robert Vere, Duke of Ireland, Alexander Nevil Arch-Bishop of York, Michael de la Pool Earl of Suffolk, Sir Robert Tresilian Lord Chief Justice of England, and Nicholas Brember Lord Mayor of London. This Brember was often made Mayor by the King, against the Rights and privileges of the City: Being found a fit and proper Instrument, to act in all Illegal and Arbitrary ways; sacrificing the Lives and Estates of many considerable Men to the King's inclination and designs, and omitted no severity that could be practised against the Freedom and privileges of the City. One of the Rewards he aimed at for his villainies was, to be Duke of Troy, the ancient Name, as some writ, of that City. Not unjustly supposing, that the most horrid and guilty Practices, were the best Pleaders in such a Government, for the obtaining Honour and Interest.  
These were all Summoned to answer to Articles of Treason, exhibited against them by the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earls of Arundel, Derby, and Nottingham. But not appearing, the Parliament condemned them to perpetual Imprisonment, and all their Estates to be forfeited.  
But Tresilian the Chief-Justice stayed, and rather trusted to the Disguise of a poor Habit, and a long Beard, and concealed himself in an Apothecary's House in Westminster, but being betrayed by a Servant of his own, he was taken upon the Seventeenth day of February, and brought before the Parliament about Eleven of the Clock, and the same Day in the Afternoon, was drawn from the Tower of London to Tyburn, and there, as Stow says, his Throat was cut; an Execution that seems very strange, unless it was so ordered that he should die the resembling Death of a Beast.  
The next Day Brember was executed, and received a more just Reward than he designed himself, for all his villainies; and yet neither his, nor Tresilian's miserable end, could deter others, in our late Times, from being wretched Copies of such miserable Originals.  
After this Success of the Lords, every thing was, as it were, to take a new Birth; and accordingly the King renewed his Coronation-Oath, and the Lords swore Homage and Fealty to him, as if he then began to be a King, and they to be Subjects. Their former Conditions being rather Tyrant and Slave, than King and People; such Disturbances in a Nation resemble Storms at Sea, where Parties, like Waves, pursue and dash out one another, and are equally violent deaf to Mercy.  
Within little more than a Year after this, the King grew to be One and Twenty; and upon that took an occasion, when all things seemed a little composed, to assume a full Power. I cannot but here remember the Character the Impartial and Judicious Mezeray gives Lewis the Eleventh, upon his Entrance on the Throne, That he was the greatest Enemy to his own and kingdoms Quiet: One that loved his own irregular Fancies more than the wise Laws, and thought the greatest Grandeur in the greatest Oppression, pulling down Great Ones to raise up the Meanest from nothing. This, he says, another calls putting their Kings horse de page.; that is, out of their Minority: He should have said, putting them out of their Sense and Reason.  
No question the Ministers were ready to welcome him to that which they called, the Exercise of his Power, when it was rather to the Execution of theirs. The first practise of it was taking the Great Seal from the Bishop of Ely( as if remembering his former Carriage) and gave it to Wickham Bishop of Winchester. And displaced many others; as if by that he seemed to take seizing of his new Power: Suspending also Gloucester and Warwick from the Privy Council.  
The tide was now turned to the King, who began to return to follow those Advices, that had brought him so much hazard before: And that Interest and Opinion, which the French had wrought themselves into, appeared in all things to increase. The Duke of Gloucester, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, had formerly tempered the King with their calm and sure Reasons: When, being enraged against the Lords, he swore, He would more willingly submit and rely on the Protection of France, than thus to be made servile to those he ought to Command.  
'Tis not unworthy of an Observation, how frequently the French have been prevalent in England: And always in such princes Times as have given so much Power to Ministers and Favourites, as made them considerable enough to be corrupted.  
Philip de Comines says, That in his time the King's of England's Ministers, and great Persons, had Pensions from France, and gave their Acquittances upon every Receipt; which were to be seen in the Chamber of Paris. Hastings, the Lord Chamberlain, was the onely great Person, that was hardly persuaded to become a Pensioner of France, and that refused to give an Acquittance for what he received. The same Historian says, That he was the onely Man that persuaded him to it, and had first persuaded him to be so to Charles Duke of Burgundy. And when Cleret was sent by King Lewis, with a Present of 2000 Crowns, and desired his Acquittance for his Discharge, as he had received it from the Chancellor, and the Admiral. He answered, The Gift proceeded from his Master's Liberality, not his Request; if he desired he should receive it, he might put it in his Sleeve, other Testimonial he should get none of him: For he would not that any should say, That the Lord Chamberlain was Pensioner to the French; nor that his Acquittance should be found in the Chamber of Accounts. The King of France was angry with Cleret for bringing no Acquittance; but ever after preferred the Lord Chamberlain in his Esteem, before all the King of England's other Servants.  
I cannot discern much Reason for it: There seems little Difference to me between one that is carelessly, and another that is cautiously dishonest; and those Ministers equally forgot the Interest of England for their own, to let them share in our Affairs and councils. The People always judged right in this, and Parliaments( as Comines observes) were never corrupted in themselves or Judgments, and always perceived the Dissimulation of the French. And in another place he says, They were always willing to grant Aids against France: For they could not be deceived by Demonstration: Which shew'd the difference in our Methods and Constitution from theirs. Our Laws are suitable to our Interest, and our Interest secured by our Laws: Our Fashions, and Manner of expenses, should be applicable to the Consumption of our own Productions. The French differ from the first, and their Fancies are the onely Measures of the last: They are not capable to live after the Methods of our Interest, but we may quit ours to assist theirs. France can be but of little use to us, but we may be too much to them: They may receive, but can bring no Advantage. They have reason then to be always active, to keep an Interest here by private means, since 'twere vain to hope it by public ones: And Cardinal Richelieu well understood these Truths, when he called England their Indies.  
About this time Guido Earl of St. Paul was sent, by Charles the French King, to Visit and compliment King Richard, and his Queen. The Earl, according to the ready confidence of the French, presently became a counselor. For once the King discoursing with him, he complained of the Duke of Gloucester; and in particular, that he did passionately endeavour to disturb the Peace between England and France. The Earl presently gave Sentence against the Duke, and  told the King plainly, He was not fit to live: For when a Subject was grown so great, a Prince was no longer safe; and if he meant to secure himself against Danger, the surest way was to destroy those from whence it might so easily come.  
This Advice blew the King's Anger into a flamme, and he began to express to some of his Great Men his Displeasure against the Duke of Gloucester. But he found in them all a high Opinion of the Duke's Honour and virtue: So that the King began to calm again; and shew'd as if Cruelty had not its full Spring from his Nature, but swelled as it was nourished by the Streams of other Counsels.  
For after this he was again raised, by the Advices of the Earls Huntingdon and Nottingham, to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Gloucester: And commonly as the Advice of ill Men tend to the worst things, so generally they suggest the worst way of doing them.  
The Duke of Gloucester was then at his House at Plashy in Essex, whether the K. upon a sudden arrived; and as the Duke waited upon the King to bring him going, he was seized by a Company of armed Men, laid secretly for him; and so hurried blindfold to the Thames, and in a Vessel ready prepared, carried to Calice, and there shortly after strangled: Either thought too Great and Popular, or not Guilty enough to be brought to a Public Trial. And as the wicked Advisers persuaded his Taking by the breach of Hospitality, the basest way of Treachery, so they continued in the peculiar Methods of Mischief, to contrive his Death by the most hated way of private Murder.  
Within a day or two after, the King invited the Earl of Warwick to Dinner, and in the midst of all shows of kindness, sent him to Prison; and also the Earl of Arundel, and his Son: But, to prevent all Discontents and Commotions in the People, he publicly declared, That they were not Apprehended upon any former Displeasure; but for new Crimes which should be charged upon them.  
The King then called a Parliament at Westminster, which began about the middle of September; the Sessions was opened, as also the Design of it, by Edward Stafford Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Chancellor; who, in a mingled Speech and Sermon, plainly declared, That the Power of the King was Absolute and Perfect, and those that by any ways endeavoured to lessen, or deny it, were worthy to suffer by that Law, that was solely in his Power: And to make good these Opinions, by the onely Arguments that were proper to support them, the King had Assembled a Guard of Cheshire-Men, that were most eminent for the losest Lives; and also drew up about the Parliament 4000 Archers, with Bows ready bent, to Confirm the Chancellor's Declaration, that he designed his Power should appear above the Law.  
And, that every thing might be suitable to carry on the work, there appeared new Ministers to manage in the House of Commons, of Reputations as black as their Designs, Sir John Bushy, Sir John Bagot, and Sir Henry Green. Sir John Bushy was made Speaker. These Men were equally infamous, and assiduous in corrupting, some by fears, others by benefits; so that the Charters of Pardons, formerly granted, after the great Parliament, were revoked, and made voided: And, to make good the Chancellor's Declaration, they Voted, That any One that should be Convicted of opposing the King's Power and Regality, should suffer as a Traitor.  
Thus the Power of Guards and Archers so prevailed upon the terrified House of Commons, that they undid all that the Great Parliament had done, made those the best Subjects that were then condemned for Traitors: and condemned those that appeared chiefly in it. And, thô the Earl of Nottingham, to whose Custody the Duke of Gloucester was committed, gave an Account that he was dead,( that is, was murdered) yet the fawning Zeal was so great, that he must notwithstanding, have the same Sentence pronounced against him, as the Earl of Arundel received upon his trial, who was Beheaded after it. As if by their servile Flattery, they seemed to express a Trouble, that the Duke's murder, prevented their designed Satisfaction to murder him.  
The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, who, among others, was impeached for Treason by Sir John Bushy their Speaker, in the Name of the House of Commons, was banished. And it was at last ordained, That the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, should take their Oaths, That they would strictly observe all things, that had been Enacted by this Parliament: And the Prelates were to Thunder out their Sentences against any that dissented from them.  
The Earl of Warwick was then arraigned, but he shew'd not the Noble and clear Spirit of the Earl of Arundel, who in the midst of his trial, gave the Earl of Derby the lie,( when he charged him with Words spoken to him) and despised to try any way to save his Life, but his own Innocency. But, on the contrary, the Earl of Warwick used nothing but a trembling and fearful Submission; throwing himself upon the King's Mercy; and by that meaner way, obtained to save his Life, but with it also, the more cruel Sentence of perpetual Imprisonment.  
The Designs of Arbitrary Power seemed now to have a prosperous effect; And might probably raise a Confidence in the King, that he was in the full Possession of Mens Lives and Fortunes; seeing what hast they made to meet their own Slavery; and, no question the Experiment, that Terror could so far prevail on the Minds of Men, and the cruel success of Force and Violence, furnished those new upstart Ministers, with Arguments sufficient, to confirm in the King's easy mind, the Treacherous Opinion, that he was more safe by Cruelty than gentle means; and far better secured by fear, than love. Nor are other councils to be expected from such Men, equally low and mean in their Minds and Extractions; made greedy from Poverty, and ambitious from Pride. Neither by their Minds or Fortunes endued with Principles. Power was their Justice, Violence their Prudence, and Opportunity their Providence.  
The King was now fully possessed with the Opinion, That he was in a Condition to dispose, as he pleased, of those that durst dislike his Actions, and that his Will might now become the Law. But the present prospect of Things commonly deceives those that are willing only to believe the Whispers of their own inclinations: And because they see nothing at the present springing up, they forget that the Roots grow undiscerned. And, no question, the King in that conjuncture of Time, thought every Cloud dispersed: And pursued all those Fatal ways, that mistaken Flattery could guide him in.  
But a particular Accident made way for a General Revolution; some writ, that the Duke of Hereford accused the Duke of Norfolk of words spoken to the Dishonour of the King; but I am rather inclined to believe with others, considering also the circumstanstances of those great Men, in relation to the Court, that it was the Duke of Hereford, who one day discoursing with the Duke of Norfolk, complained how much the King was misguided by mean and base counsellors; such as sought their own private Interest, and not the public Good; and feared that the King following such Counsels, would so lose the Hearts of his People, that it might prove dangerous to him: Assuring him that no private Displeasure urged him to say this, but merely his Love to his King and Country; and therefore desired the Duke, being one of the King's Cabinet-Council, to lay these Things before him, which might prove of ill consequence if continued. The Duke of Norfolk seemed not to dislike what had been said; but so represented it to the King, that he turned it rather to an Accusation, than a Counsel. The King, that could not endure to hear unpleasant Truths, and at that Instant looking upon himself as above the mean Consideration of Public Notions, so resented the Boldness of the Duke of Hereford, that he summoned him to answer this( that now became his Charge) before the Council, Where the Duke of Norfolk confirmed his Information, which was denied by the Duke of Hereford, owning all that he had said. But the Duke of Norfolk maintaining the Accusation, the Combat was demanded, and consented to, and the Day appointed by the King: At which time both the Dukes appeared armed, and being just ready to engage, they were stopped by the King, and Banishment pronounced against them both. The Duke of Norfolk died suddenly after at Venice; having enjoyed no great benefit by those Violences he so precipitately engaged in.  
A little after dyed John of Gaunt, Father to the Duke of Hereford, and fourth Son of Edward the Third: After whose Death the duchy of Lancaster fell to this Duke, being his eldest Son. But the King, in his deceived Opinion of Power and Security, acted by the most probable means to shake both; seizing all the Duke's new-descended Estate into his own hands, and endeavoured to make his Banishment perpetual: Revoking all his Letters Patents, to prevent the suing out the Livery for those Lands, during his Banishment.  
If this be well considered, 'tis improbable a King should do it purely from his own Advice. First, he enraged a Person, that could onely be a considerable Enemy: His Popularity gave him an Interest in Power, and his Descent from a King the Pretence to use it. This could be no motive from right Reason, to urge the King to do such an imprudent Injustice; he was above the Temptation of a private Estate, but his Ministers were tempted by it, following the usual Methods of their Counsels by no Considerations, but Revenge and Interest: As if their Safeties were grounded upon nothing so much as their princes Hazard, and their Advantages upon his Prejudice.  
As the Testimony of the prevalency of these counsellors, the King left all Business to them; and gave himself up wholly to sloth and Pleasure. The Imitation spread into Effeminacy and Luxury; and the King thought it was the Testimony of Arbitrary Power, to live uncontrolled in such a loose Condition. All Power, but this shadow of it, was exercised by his Ministers, who now depressed all Persons of either Courage or Honour. A valiant Man was counted dangerous, and a wise Man mutinous: And every one was made perceive, that 'twas easier to prosper by following their princes humour, than to pursue his Interest and Honour.  
The Ministers being grown into Absolute Power, thought of nothing but how to satisfy their greedy Ambitions, they pretended to get all for the King, the sure way to convey it to themselves. And indeed his Gifts were so large to them, that they brought him into more Wants, than ever the Wars of his brave Ancestors could reduce them to, and used more unjust Inventions to supply his private use, than they needed Public Assistances, to support the Interest and Honour of it. But Edward the First, and Edward the Third, had a less burden and Charge to support, they had a Kingdom and no Favourites: The First was not capable to satisfy the later. For at this time, without any Public Occasion, strange ways were used to levy Money: Commissioners were sent to all the Sheriffs and Corporations, declaring the King's high Displeasure for the kindness they testified to the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick: And for this Affection shew'd to the King's Enemies, his Pardon was to be obtained by heavy Fines, or rather Taxes laid upon them. The Commons were bound by new-invented Oaths, to perform what they engaged to, and blank Charters sealed and delivered to the King's Use, whereby their Liberty might be as well taken away, as their Properties had been.  
By such Counsels as these, the Subjects were turned to Slaves, and made Waiters upon any Opportunities to shake off their Fetters; the King made believe he governed most, when he had none to Govern. For Slaves are not in the Business of Mankind; their Thoughts are only fixed upon Revenge and Freedom, and, like distempered Men, seldom return to their former Composures.  
The first occasion that proved this true, was a Rebellion that broken out in Ireland; the Opportunity of which Diversion favoured the Earl of Northumberland to gather Forces in the North. And others of the Nobility and People, weary of their Oppressions, resolved in the King's Absence to attempt some Relief: And fixed upon the Duke of Hereford, as the proper Instrument to act by. His Banishment, that the King designed to make perpetual, was the Cause of that Mischief, which he believed he should prevent by it. He now became the Center to which all other Discontents tended; to whom now resorted many of his former Friends, and others whom Oppression now made so.  
Among these the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Chief: Who, in a Speech to the Duke of Hereford, laid open their Grievances and Desires: Summing up all the Mischiefs and Misfortunes of an unsteady Government, the Contempt it spread abroad, and Oppression at home; not Slaves to their Prince, but to his Favourites; and that Peace under their Extortions was more chargeable than War; the expense of their Riots and Ambitions needed more Projects and Taxes to maintain them, than the Defence and Support of the Government itself required; by their Cruelties most of the Nobility were destroyed, and the Commonalty wasted: Concluding with imploring the Duke to pitty the Oppression of his Country, and to animate those, that were ready to redeem themselves from Slavery, by his Valour and Conduct.  
The Duke of Lancaster needed not the force of Eloquence to persuade him. The loss of his Uncle, his Banishment, the Imprisonment of his Children, and the loss of his Estate, were powerful Exciters enough, to lay hold on any opportunity to Revenge all his Wrongs. To all which was added the persuasive Temptation of a Crown: And sure there could be no more powerful Motives, than by one way at once to satisfy both his Ambition and Revenge.  
These Considerations, and the dependency on the Peoples Affections to a Change( being wearied with Oppression) made him venture to Land with a very small Force in Yorkshire. At first he gave out, That he came only to recover his Inheritance, and quickly found his utmost expectation answered: Many of the Nobility came in to him, and his small Troop presently increased to an Army; and the Multitudes that in all Places appeared in his Cause, shew'd what Foundations a Tyrant laid for his own Ruin; by depending on little Accidents, that gave him opportunity to use an unjust and short-lived Power.  
The Duke finding every thing more successful than almost he could hope, pursued that Fortune which so prosperously invited him, and hasted with his still-increasing Forces to London: Where he found a Reception suitable to the usual Joy that discontented People show in Alterations. He was received in Triumph without Victory; and with all the Testimonies of Zeal and Duty, which flattering crowds. could pay their Lawful sovereign. Pageants and rich Presents entertained him, and all the extravagant Praises that could be invented; and as many contumelious Reproaches on their late King. All Testimonies of Allegiance seemed lost, the modest Mask was taken off; and War proclaimed against King Richard, and his Adherents.  
The Duke of York, in the mean time, tried to raise Forces, but found a general Resolution in all People, not to be Enemies to the Duke of Lancaster. The Favourites that were active and bold in Prosperity, shew'd that neither their Skill nor their Duty was to struggle with Difficulties. Nor had they either Interest or Reputation, if they had attempted it; they were always a dead Weight upon their Prince, and, like the Nature of it, hung heaviest upon weak Conditions. Bushy and Green were pursued to Bristol, and there taken, a Fatal Place to hasty Favourites, they were eagerly pursued by the flattering Fury of the People: And perhaps there were some among them, that before, in the Prosperity of these Favourites, had made as passionate Professions of a contrary Devotion. Bagot escaped into Ireland, and saved himself from the present Execution, the Lord Scroop( Lord Treasurer) with Bushy and Green, that were taken, lost their Heads.  
King Richard was at this time in Ireland; where the News came to him of the Duke's Landing in England, and his successful Proceedings. The News increased by coming, and every Circumstance grew enlarged: So that it appeared the blackest, and most portentous Storm that ever gathered in the full Sun-shine of a Prince; which his Favourites assured him could be subject to no Eclipse.  
The contrary appeared to this unfortunate King; who was then engaged in Troubles in Ireland. After some time he prepared for England; having first imprisoned the Sons of the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester in Trim-Castle, and took with him the Dukes of Surrey, Aumarl, and Exeter, and the Bishops of London, Lincoln, and Carlisle.  
The Earl of Salisbury was sent before to raise an Army, which he did in Cornwall: But the King failing to come within the time he promised, they all discouraged, went home. This Delay was attributed to the Counsel of the Duke of Aumarl; who perhaps had more mind to see things determined by the Fortune of others, than by hazarding his own.  
After this the King Lands in Wales; where he found the Stream turning from him, and every Place of Strength submitting to the Duke of Lancaster. He knew not what course to steer, but wandered to Conway-Castle; where the Earl of Worcester, Steward of the Kings household( as if finding a fitting time to remember the Proclaiming his Brother, the Earl of Northumberland, Traitor) broken his Staff of Office openly in the Hall, before the King's Servants: And with Advice to them to be as base as himself, went avowedly to the Duke. The rest followed his Example; and those, that once seemed to be the most eagerly Loyal, became now the most violently Rebellious. And 'tis improbable that those who with unlimited Flattery, for their own Interest and Ambition, had persuaded their Prince into the dangerous Attempt of Absolute Power, should in any Turn of Fortune, or Shock of Danger, retain any limited Principles. The true Interest of a Prince includes the Interest of others, but the Interest of private Men excludes a princes. We have heard, 'tis true, of some that have been successful in such unjust and dangerous Attempts: But the Examples have been very few, that have not been Fatal at last. And there are so many of the contrary, that the Comparison would convince any, that the just Limits within a Nation's Constitution, are much more Safe, as well as Glorious.  
King Richard had now Cause to make such sad Reflections, and by the Want of Power instructed to lament the attempting too much. He saw himself forsaken by those, whom he should have forsook before: He now felt severely the want of that Trust and Confidence that he had destroyed, and seemed not forsaken of his People, but to have forsook them before. He had forced them all to be in the nature of Traitors, and compelled them to purchase, as it were, the Name of Subjects: While there were none that seemed so to him, but those that needed Pardon the most: Such as had counselled him to the Ruin that now fell upon him.  
He had been so long accustomed to follow the Counsel of others, that he knew not the way to use his own; and had too long pursued the mean and easy ways of Indirectness: virtuous and steady Actions in the undisturbed part of Life, give Power in Extremity; and the Memory of what was Great and Good, gives Boldness to such a Mind to claim Success in the worst Condition: But the Memory of Injuries and Injustice done to others, shake Hopes and Expectations in a dangerous Estate. This he shewed, by discharging his Army, rather than bravely using them: As if he believed it impossible to recover Power now, since he had used it so ill before.  
The next thing that seemed best, was, to have retired till a better Occasion was offered. For nothing is more various or violent than the Stream of Mens Minds; with greediness affecting Change, and hurried by Expectations ( that are seldom answered) to be eased from all former Grievances and Oppression: And every one that assisted in the Alteration, looks upon himself as a particular Object for Reward. Never considering that newgotten Power needs more to secure it, than the Ease of the People will allow: And, when deceived in that, they begin to stagger; and, at last, grow to repent the Blood and Money the expenceful Change had cost, and are ready upon any Occasion to Revenge their mistaken Errors. And perhaps K. Richard might have hoped as much in some time, as the Duke of Lancaster then found.  
But there were some, who probably had before appeared most violently Loyal, who now advised their still-abus'd King to the last and worst way, and sacrificed him for their own Peace: Telling him perhaps, That unfortunate princes seldom found Protection abroad, but were kept only as a Composition with their successful Enemies: And thô he had so near a Relation to the King of France, yet ties by Marriage were no Obstacle to their Use of Interest, but rather a Shelter for the most unsuspected Designs. And he would accordingly find that he would be the Sacrifice of new Alliances; and then 'twould be too late to expect such Conditions from the Duke of Lancaster, which probably he might now hope for.  
These false Reasons were perhaps used to him, by such, as could not at a less Rate reconcile themselves to the Duke of Lancaster, than by their betraying their Master into his hands. For nothing could be more improbable than that he, who had the Power, should by Conditions preserve him who had the Right to it, while neither was capable to trust the other's Mercy. Yet this vain Counsel was followed; and, as if to improve it by Intelligence with the Duke of Lancaster, the Earl of Northumberland was sent to the King, to assure him, That the Duke would pay him all humble Obedience: And onely desired a Parliament should be called at Westminster, to settle the shaken Affairs of the Nation.  
The King must then perceive how he was forsaken, by those who before had so much flattered him with their excessive Love and Loyalty. And it seemed a just Instruction, to suspect the violent Professions of any that have no Restraint by Principles in a fortunate Condition. They that want virtue, and profess Love, should rather cause suspicion than belief, especially when 'tis addressed where Power and Interest may invite it. But the love of Absolute Greatness in Opinion, more then real and true Greatness in itself, has hindered Princes from seeing the Defects and Designs of mean and interested Flatterers: Such as believe their Prince has never Power enough, unless it appears by the Oppression of others, and( like those in this unhappy King's time) fall from their Professions as he declined in Power. But I have red of some( thô but a few) who governed themselves by Principles in their princes Prosperity, and( guided by the same virtue) have not forsaken him in his Adversity.  
The King in some measure, yet made a right Reflection on his Condition: For he thought 'twas in vain to hope that the conqueror would restore him the Power he had gotten, and therefore onely, to the Earl of Northumberland, proposed for himself a retired and quiet Condition. But he was as much mistaken to hope that, as he guessed right not to expect the other. But when the Duke met the King at Flint-Castle, he seemed to pay him all Reverence due to a King; and  told him that he onely acted what he had done, for the Reformation of the Government, and for the Recovery of his Estate and Possessions. But this was only a modest Formality, that ambitious Men use in obtaining, and seldom perform when they have obtained: For such Modesty is laid aside by Success, and Justice grows useless when Power is fully possessed, For after that the King was secured, and, in the Condition of a Prisoner, carried to London: Yet in his Name a parliament was presently called.  
The King now found the unhappy Truth, that usually Mens Professions are but the product of their present Conditions, not of their Intentions: And perhaps in a low Estate they may wish and desire within modest Limits, but the Violence of overwhelming Power, breaking over the former Bounds, overthrow all mean and level Thoughts. Perhaps the King might now make such severe Reflection on his past Actions, seldom regarding his Professions, when he had power or opportunity to violate them. He could not but be pressed with the Memory of his unhospitable Treachery to the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl of Warwick: And must, with detestation, remember those counsellors of Falseness and Indirectness, which once destroyed his Happiness, and now aggravated his Misery. He saw their Violent and Loyal Flatteries were meant for their own Interest, not for his; and that such mean Things, like other infects, live with a little warmth, but shrink at any change of Weather.  
The Duke of York, that was entrusted with the Government during King Richard's Absence in Ireland, was become the Duke of Lancaster's chief Adviser of the Methods he was now to take, which were as violent as his forgotten Duty required, to make his new Loyalty acceptable. In the first place he advised that King Richard should be pressed to a voluntary Resignation, and also to be solemnly deposed. This Advice was pursued, and the King seemed as ready to yield to it, as the Duke ambitiously desired it. The Form of the Resignation was then contrived to be performed the Day before the Parliament was to meet: And yet that Parliament was to sit, thô the King was to be no longer a King, in whose Name it was called. And certainly if there could be virtue in the Resignation, the Dissolution of the Parliament must have been the Consequence, for that which was called by a Power could not continue when there was a Demise of that Power. But no Blot was to be seen or hit, the hasty and flattering Zeal, that was to be shown to the Duke of Lancaster, pursued its violent Course thrô all the Obstacles of Law and Justice.  
Among those that were commissioned to receive his Resignation, there were Lords, Clergy-men, and Lawyers: The two Chief-Justices Thirninge and Markham were in the Number. And in the Reigns of these two unfortunate Princes, there wanted not Spiritual and Temporal gownsmen, that contributed to all their Errors in their Fortunate Conditions, and in their Adversities transplanted their Zeal into the new Sun-shine.  
These Commissioners being formally assembled in the Tower, King Richard was brought out in all the Kingly Ornaments, that he might have some Ensigns of Glory to resign formally. In this Condition he was placed in a Chair of State: And in this last Moment of his Royalty appeared most like a King. All that was now done, was certainly from himself, and shew'd in this Extremity virtue enough to make it evident, he might have been an excellent Prince, had his Ministers not reigned more than he. For he shew'd no Disorder in this great and almost unprecedented Action of his Life: And Stow relates, that when the Rabble drew up to revenge the Death of Wat tiler, the King shew'd both Wisdom and Courage; he now neither seemed to force a Resolution to endure, nor affect a Temper to submit, but as if both had naturally sprung from the Choice of a retired Condition. With this calmness in all this Storm of Fortune he spoken to the Commissioners: Beginning with the acknowledging those errors that his Youth made ill Counsellors capable to imprint in him, and seemed only troubled that he had not Time allowed to repair those Injuries he had done the Nation; knowing now, from a clear sight that he was both willing and capable to have performed so happy an Action; he now perceived his own virtues, when the Vices of others could no longer hid them; and he that once could have been so easily persuaded that he was shot at thrô his wounded Ministers, now saw that 'twas from them he received his Wounds. He concluded with the Choice of losing a Kingdom, rather then engage it in Blood and Confusion: Desiring onely to enjoy that Peace, which he merited in preserving it for others; and was as willing to resign his Crown to the Duke of Lancaster, as he perceived they were willing to receive it from him.  
After this he red the Instrument that was prepared, and made two Bishops his attorneys, to declare that his Resignation in Parliament. Which was done the monday after, and accepted of by the Lords and Commons. But yet this was not thought enough, but a heavy Charge, in many Articles, was exhibited against him.  
The Articles are from my purpose, and too long to set down: But whoever reads them in the Rolls, will find them of much weight, and as shrewdly composed, as the nature of the thing could either bear or require; there was not an Injustice or Error omitted. The chiefest thing contained were those Actions, by which his Favourites thought to secure themselves, by subjecting all Judges and Sheriffs to his Will, thereby to bring within his Power Parliaments and Law, and make way to Levy Taxes as he pleased. And it was a particular Article that he should say and declare, That all Law lay in his Head and Breast.  
These are the Extremities that proceed from the Counsels of such Men, who have made themselves incapable to share or trust in common Good. Who, knowing how little they could expect from the uninterrupted Methods of Law and Justice, seek to preserve themselves by the Destruction of that which threatened them. And 'twere impossible that Princes should involve their own, in the desperate Interest of others, were they not first blinded from discerning the Ambition of those that hid it under the fierce Zeal for their Absolute Power.  
The Articles( which were Twenty-nine) were owned by the Lords and Commons to be so notorious, that they needed no farther Examination or Proof; and joined with the Consent of the King, on whom they were charged, it was judged sufficient for the Deposing King Richard, and the Duke of Lancaster then claiming the Crown, by a false and far-fetched Title from Henry the Third, to patch up the seeming Justice of such an Action.  
This Title was drawn from edmond surnamed Crook-Back, eldest Son of Henry the Third; and that, for his Deformity, he was put by the Succession, and the Crown given to Edward the First: And the Duke of Lancaster was next of Blood, by the Mother's-side, to this edmond. but this edmond was third Son of Henry, and not deformed at all, but a brave Man in Person and Mind. But the next Heir then to the Crown was edmond Earl of March, Son to Roger, who was formerly slain in Ireland: Who, seeing the Stream so violent against King Richard, wisely retired, and lived with all imaginable Care and Prudence.  
But the Parliament did not seem to proceed upon this pretended Title, to set the Crown upon the Duke of Lancaster's Head; but by way of Election: For after the Arch-Bishop had finished his Sermon, he moved them to proceed to the Election of a new King; and perceiving they were prepared for it, he demanded of them whom they would choose for their King. First he proposed the Duke of York; but they answered, No. Then the eldest Son of the Duke of Aumarl; to which also they answered, No. Then he proposed his youngest Son; to which they made the same Answer, and also divers others, which they refused. Then pausing a little, asked if they would have the Duke of Lancaster for their King; to which, they gave an unanimous Consent. The Question was thrice put, and every time consented to. Then the Arch-Bishop went to the Duke, and fell upon his Knees, declaring to him, That he was chosen King: The Duke also kneeled down, and declared his Consent to accept the Crown.  
This Ceremony seems to show that Right which can never be separated from the People( of which I have discoursed in the Preface). And the weight of this Nation, when ever thoroughly oppressed, will weigh down the Designers of it; which has been in many unexpected Revolutions, when they are reduced to such an Extremity, that the naming a Right to Liberty and Property, is charged as an Intention of Rebellion. The princes Will must then be the Law, and his Religion the Devotion of all Loyal Subjects. Then those that have the least Principle declare for the greatest Loyalty, and by a seeming Zeal and Duty, pursue Interest and Ambition. And thô the search for Absolute Power is made by secret Reserves, public and false Professions, corrupting some, and terrifying others; and upon specious Pretences, displacing such as appear either suspecting the Designs, or not as passionate as the restin promoting them: Yet when the Power is obtained, and secured, as the King was  told his was, when all Subjects lost their Names, and, like guilty Slaves, signed Blanks, as the Testimony of it; then appears what Machiavel describes in those Times among the Romans, when Absolute Power was exercised. Riches and Honour, especially virtue, grew to be Capital Offences; Informers and Calumniators rewarded; Servants instigated against their Masters, Children against their Parents; guilty Men the Accusers; and those few that were so unhappy to have no Enemies, destroyed by their Friends: And all dissembled Cruelties and Oppressions break forth into public and barefaced practise. That which before was declared to be the prejudice of the Government, must then be called the support of it. Ill Designs grew by degrees, but when their cherished Roots have took a deep and firm hold, they are then declared by the mischievous Fruit they put forth. Modesty seldom stays with full-grown Power, and the former Reputation of Men is useless to them: In such a Change they must purchase new Characters from new Violences, to merit Trust or Safety.  
King Richard, having now,( as far as he could) resigned his sovereign Power, began to find how much he was mistaken with the Hopes of enjoying that retired Peace, which he seemed willing to exchange his Crown for. Fortune commonly makes hast in the Prosperity or Adversity of Princes: And there is a reasonable Cause, why neither should be slow, for the Minds of Men hurry them to assist the successful, and help to destroy the unfortunate: lead more by Fear and Interest, than Resolution and virtue.  
This Truth appeared in the Condition of this unhappy King: Whose Little that was left him was first shared by his Enemies, and he then conveyed from the Tower of London, to Leeds-Castle in Kent, and from thence to Pomfret-Castle in York-shire. Where, for some little time, there seemed to be paid him some Respect in the Manner of his Attendance; but that was but the counterfeit treating of the shadow of a King. Which probably yet made him uneasy, who enjoyed the substantial Power: For it is reported by some, that King Henry should one Day, with a deep sigh, lament, That neither He, nor the Nation, had a Friend that would pull up that Root, from whence Disquiets and Rebellion could onely spring.  
'Tis probable that the Bishop of Carlisle's Oration( arguing at that time against the Right of King Richard's being deposed, and the Right of Henry to succeed to the Crown) and some Plots and Risings that afterwards happened, might perhaps hasten the taking away this unfortunate Prince from all his Miseries. But whether the King gave particular Orders and Encouragement, by such words, is uncertain. But there never wanted Men barbarous enough, to offer cruel Sacrifices to Power; and for the hopes of Favour and Reward, rather guess what Mischief would be acceptable, than stay to be instructed, that their Merit might seem enlarged by their Readiness in villainy.  
There are Accounts given of King Richard's Death; some writ, That upon News of the Defeat of those that rose against the new King, Henry the Fourth, he grew so disconsolate, that he pined away and starved himself; others, that for fifteen Days and Nights he was kept from all Sustenance, and with the assistance of could,( for it was in February) starved to death. Others writ, that he had Feasts set before him, but denied to touch any thing; as if designed to imitate the Fable of Tantalus, and aggravate the Cruelty of Starving. After his Death his Body was brought to the Tower of London, where he stood three days for all Beholders, and had Service where his Soul was prayed for, at which King Henry was present.  
It appears to me improbable, that King Henry should give such unheard of cruel Directions, as by lingering Torments to take away the Life of a Prince, when there was a Declaration of the Parliament, That the Life of King Richard should not be touched, which also King Henry agreed to; and presently to give such public and notorious Directions to have his Life taken away by such unheard-of Cruelties, as for fifteen days to wast in the Torments of Hunger and could, and afterwards to expose him bare-faced; which must have betrayed the Death he died; and then to assist in Prayers for his Soul, seems to me very improbable, and full of Contradictions.  
I am rather inclined to their Opinions who follow an Author, who seemed to have good Intelligence of this particular business, and who in other things I find much quoted by Historians; who says, That some Words which fell from King Henry, gave a hint to Sir Pierce Exton, to undertake the Death of King Richard; who, with Eight other Villains hastened to Pomfret, as if he feared he should be deprived of the Honour of the Action. When he arrived, the Preface to the intended Cruelty, was, the forbearance of that Ceremony of Tasting, that was usually paid Richard as he sat at Dinner. Who demanding the reason of it, he that used to perform it, answered, That Sir Pierce Exton had brought such Order from Henry: At which the King seemed so much transported, that he struck at him, and, cursing the King, called him onely Harry of Lancaster. At which time Sir Pierce, with his bloody Followers, entred, and shut the Door after him. Which being perceived by the King, he easily guessed their Fatal Intentions, and( seeming less surprised, in this great and threatening Danger, than in all the former, thô lesser Hazards) he readily and boldly snatched a halberd, and with a Resolution differing from his former Actions, slay Four of the Assassinates. And with continued Bravery fought with the rest; till the chief Villain Exton got upon a Chair behind him, and with a Pole-Axe struck him down: Where the unfortunate King ended all his Calamities, and left the Murderer to endure future Torments. For when he return'd again, expecting great Preferments and Rewards, he found himself deceived not onely in the hopes of an addition of Favour, but in the loss of what he had: Not considering, that thô a Man might be ill enough to wish a Mischief, he hardly could be so confidently bad, as publicly to reward the Doer of it. That counterfeit Piece of virtue was probably shew'd by the King, to seem( at least) to hate what yet he wished, by discountenancing the Actor of the ill. Who now began by discontent to make way for a punishing Conscience, which continued him in Torments during his short and miserable Life, and left an Infamy to out-live him.  
It is observable, that in the Two greatest Exigencies of this princes Life, he appeared differing from himself; one in the Resignation of his Crown, the other in the loss of his Life: The first he did with a steady Calmness, almost above the Temper of a Man, the last with a Courage equal to the bravest. In smaller Concerns he seemed unsteady and amazed, in these great ones firm and unconcerned. But in these Extremites he was not clogged with those Favourites and Ministers, that influenced him with their Weakness, and shook his Mind with their Indirectness, making not onely their Cause to be his, but his Nature theirs.  
This seemed justified by his behaviour in these last and greatest Extremities: When, acting wholly for himself, he entitled himself, at last, to his Grand-father's, and Father's( the Black princes) Courage and virtue, and shew'd himself dying, what they never gave him leave to appear when living.   

THE COMPARISON.  
HAving now finished, with some Reflections, the chief Accidents in the Reigns of Edward and Richard the Second; and believing it too tedious to take the same Methods with Edward the First, and Edward the Third, I thought it not improper to extract their Characters, that by the Comparison of them all, the reasonable Causes may farther appear, of the unhappy Condition of the two first, and the prosperous Fortunes of the two others. Which will show the mighty and fatal Difference in a princes using himself, and being wholly used by others; between the Steadiness of a strong Mind, and the Indirectness of a weak one. Edward the First, and Edward the Third, resembled one another; Edward and Richard the Second, were also alike: So that their Comparisons may be made as if between two Persons, which will show the Causes of the mighty Differences that succeeded with them.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Came both to the Crown, after it had been shaken by the Errors of both their Fathers, Henry the Third, and Edward the Second.  
Edward and Richard II. Came both to the Crown, after it had been settled by the virtues and Valour of the Father and Grandfather, Edward the First, and Edward the Third.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Were both Men earlier than others; and Victorious before others used to attempt Victory: So that before they were Kings, they shew'd how fit they were to be so.  
Edward and Richard II. Never appeared Men, till they were to be so no more: They never attempted true Glory, and before they were Kings, gave little Testimony of their fitness to be so.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Were able to judge, yet never unwilling to hear the judgement of others; they were deliberate in their Resolving, but firm in their Resolutions; unshaken in Dangers, steady and equal in Safety; their Promises were Mankind's Security; and Truth their Wisdom. Their great virtues and Courage made the Nation expect Success from all their Actions.  
Edward and Richard II. Never appeared able to judge, but wholly submitted to the interested Opinion of others; they were inconstant in all Conditions, in Prosperity bold and violent, in Danger fearful and temperate; their Promises were no Security, and Dissimulation was their Policy: So that from such Methods of Government the Nation could expect no Success or Happiness.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Grew fierce by Opposition, and gentle by Submission; they seldom denied Pardon to those that implored it, nor suffered an abused Mercy unrevenged; they were mighty enough to conquer Enemies, and powerful enough to forgive those they conquered: They were equally Victorious both of themselves and others, and those that submitted, proved always more Fortunate, than those that resisted.  
Edward and Richard II. Were submissive when opposed, and fierce when submitted to; they always abused the Tenderness of others, and seldom shew'd any of their own: Never forgiving, where they had Opportunity to punish. They neither had Power, nor Design, to conquer Enemies, but used both to overcome their Friends: Others were Masters of them, and not they of themselves; and those that resisted proved more Fortunate than those that submitted.  
Edward I. and Edward III. In the greatest Hazards required none to attempt more than they did in their own Persons, and in the greatest Prosperity and Safety; they prescribed no more virtue and Temperance than they gave Examples for.  
Edward and Richard II. In Danger depended on others to attempt for them, and in Prosperity they gave no Rules of virtue, but suffered the Vices of others to be their Examples.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Knew how to gain Power, and how to use it; they made the best Laws, that might have attempted the easiest to break them.  
Edward and Richard II. Knew little how to get Power, and less how to use it, Chance sometimes brought, and their giddy Favourites lost. They never seemed inclined to make good Laws, and were always contriving to Violate those that were made.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Knew how to gain, and how to preserve, by the Love and Confidence they raised in their Subjects Hearts: The first they requited, and never abused the last.  
Edward and Richard II. Shew'd little skill how to gain, and as little how to preserve, they were advised to the mistaken Policy of neglecting Love, and to the Folly of abusing Trust.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Had great Taxes and Supplies, which in themselves might appear very large, but would not seem so vast, when compared with their Victories. The Conquest of Wales, Scotland, and France, will not seem such light Victories to be obtained with small Assistance. But what the Nation gave was justly bestowed for what it was given, and faithfully laid out for their Honour and Interest.  
Edward and Richard II. Had great Supplies, but made no Purchases with them of Honour or Interest: What the others bestowed for the Public Good, they gave away to their private Favourites, and wanted more to supply their Avarice and Ambitions, than the others did to enlarge the Nation's Glory. The private Conquests the Favourites made over these Princes, were more chargeable than the Victories the others obtained over Nations.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Not only return'd Security and Benefit for their Subjects Gifts, by Conquest abroad, but by excellent Laws at home: What Edward the First began well, Edward the Third gave Perfection to. Nor were these brave Princes more just in making good Laws, than severe in the due Execution of them: And neither ever shew'd so much Severity as against those that abused the Trust of Justice; as if they were more offended at the Enemies of Mankind, than at their own.  
Edward and Richard II. Return'd nothing to their Subjects for what they gave; neither by the Bravery of Arms, to crush the Greatness of their Enemies, nor by virtue of good Laws, to increase the Prosperity of the People: They seemed not fitted in themselves to attempt the first, and too much influenced by Favourites to incline to the last. They feared the Greatness of their Subjects more than their Enemies, and shew'd they would rather have conquered at home than abroad, as if they would choose to make their own People Slaves rather then others. They apprehended the effect of good Laws, and were most pleased with those that debauched the Trust of Justice; and the Judges esteemed most Loyal that were most readily wicked: Those were the greatest Favourites that the People most hated; and the greatest Enemies to Men, were reputed the best Friends to them.  
Edward I. and Edward III. Mingled their Interest with their Subjects, and never refused to hear the Wrongs of those that assisted them, to Revenge their Injures on others. They were equally Valiant, and equally Successful, and both died uncheckt by Fortune: Onely Edward the First died himself, and Edward the Third outlived himself; but the Death of his Glorious Son, the BLACK PRINCE, joined with the Weight of Old Age, might justly make that Sun-set clouded.  
Edward and Richard II. Divided their Interest from their Subjects, whose Complaint of Grievances rather procured Punishment than Redress: They thought their People's Good was inconsistent with their Power, and that to be sensible of Oppression, was Rebellious. They were alike in their Tempers, and equally unsuccessful: And in the midst of the greatest Smiles of Fortune, both alike forsaken by Her. But Richard the Second, in the last wretched Scene of his Life, had the opportunity of showing some Testimonies that he sprung from the Black Prince; and had not lived more unhappily, than he died bravely: The first he owed to his Favourites, the last to Himself.   
FINIS.